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8327
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https://www.imdb.com/name/nm8591211/
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en
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Paul van Somer
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Paul van Somer. Art Department: The Queen's Palaces. Paul van Somer was born in 1577 in Antwerp, Spanish Netherlands. Paul is known for The Queen's Palaces (2011). Paul died on 5 January 1622 in London, England.
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en
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IMDb
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https://www.imdb.com/name/nm8591211/
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Paul van Somer was born in 1577 in Antwerp, Spanish Netherlands. Paul is known for The Queen's Palaces (2011). Paul died on 5 January 1622 in London, England.
Leading portraitist working at the court of King James I of England. Subjects included James I; Queen Anne of Denmark; Elizabeth, Countess of Kent; and Sir Francis Bacon.
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8327
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dbpedia
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https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47da-ecf1-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99
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James I, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith.
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One of hundreds of thousands of free digital items from The New York Public Library.
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en
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NYPL Digital Collections
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https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47da-ecf1-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99
|
MLA Format
The Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs: Print Collection, The New York Public Library. "James I, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith." The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1743. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47da-ecf1-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99
Chicago/Turabian Format
The Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs: Print Collection, The New York Public Library. "James I, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith." New York Public Library Digital Collections. Accessed August 18, 2024. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47da-ecf1-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99
APA Format
The Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs: Print Collection, The New York Public Library. (1743). James I, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith. Retrieved from https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47da-ecf1-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99
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8327
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dbpedia
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3
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en
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File:Portrait of Anne of Danemark.jpg
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en
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This work is in the public domain in its country of origin and other countries and areas where the copyright term is the author's life plus 100 years or fewer.
This work is in the public domain in the United States because it was published (or registered with the U.S. Copyright Office) before January 1, 1929.
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8327
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dbpedia
|
1
| 93 |
https://www.18thcenturycommon.org/tags/defoe/
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en
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Defoe Archives
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[
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2013-05-22T12:48:20-04:00
|
en
|
The 18th-Century Common
|
https://18thcenturycommon.org/tags/defoe/
|
By the end of the first decade of Charles IIβs reign, the King had acquired a reputation for his many mistresses; his patronage of the theater; and his interest in natural philosophy and the new sciences [1]. These pursuits and those of his most prominent court mistresses, Barbara Villiers, Duchess of Cleveland; Nell Gwyn; Louise de KΓ©roualle, Duchess of Portsmouth; and Hortense Mancini, Duchess of Mazarin shaped two movements in England, libertinism and sensibility. Writersβ frequent depictions of these women gave new prominence to a remarkable figure in literature, the female libertine, that remains with us.
Dangerous Women, Libertine Epicures, and the Rise of Sensibility, 1670-1730 (Ashgate 2011) rewrites the history of libertinism and sensibility and considers the female libertine in relation to cultural, philosophical, and literary contexts that contributed to her transformations from the late seventeenth to the early eighteenth centuries in England. I argue that there are five representative types across a diverse group of texts, including βLady Lucretiusβ in John Drydenβs Marriage A-la-Mode (1671); βLady Sensibilityβ in Aphra Behnβs The Luckey Chance, or an Aldermanβs Bargain (1686) and novella, The History of the Nun (1689); βThe Humane Libertineβ in Catharine Trotterβs epistolary narrative, Olindaβs Adventures (1693), and only comedy, Love at a Loss, or the Most Votes Carries It (1700); βThe Natural Libertineβ in Delariviere Manleyβs The History of Rivella (1714); and βThe Amazonian Libertineβ in Daniel Defoeβs novel, Roxana (1724) [2]. These authors created female libertines that made lasting contributions to later depictions of the figure, partially inspired by Epicurean ideas found in Lucretiusβs On the Nature of the Universe, which experienced a revival in late Stuart England. Behn and other libertine writers found its destabilizing proposal that all matter, including humans, is composed of free-floating, constantly moving atoms attractive. Thomas Creechβs multiple English translations of Lucretiusβs text created a relationship between atomism and the emotions that reflected seventeenth-century natural philosophersβ interest in the connections between the soul and body. Early writers of sensibility were likewise concerned with the physiological effects of heartache made evident through their charactersβ weeping, fainting, illness, or even death. Sensibility converged with libertinism in its attention to the senses in the late seventeenth century.
Charles IIβs French mistresses, Portsmouth and Mazarin, who held salons in London during the 1670s, helped to transmit French ideas and culture to England, including characteristics of sensibilitΓ© that influenced Behnβs creation of βLady Sensibility.β The court mistresses became the most influential women in England during the 1660s, 70s, and early 80s. Literary figures modeled after them persisted long after their βreignsβ at court were over.
There is a current spate of historical biographies and romances about Charles IIβs mistresses in the literary marketplace [3]. Next year will mark seventy years since the publication of the first bestselling modern historical romance set during the first decade of the Restoration, Kathleen Winsorβs Forever Amber (1944). Published during the Second World War, the novel was banned in Boston and several other cities when it first appeared, mainly for its questionable morality and highly suggestive scenes involving the heroine, Amber St. Clare, a female libertine modeled after several of the real-life and fictional women I examine in Dangerous Women. Current books about female libertines owe a debt to Forever Amber, as bestselling novelists Philippa Gregory and Barbara Taylor Bradford, among others, have admitted. Readers still consistently place Forever Amber at the top of their βHistorical Romanceβ lists, and the novel was re-released in 2000.
In 2002, Elaine Showalter reviewed the 2000 edition of Forever Amber for The Guardian, confessing to having been, as a young girl, βawed by Amberβs courage, daring and strength. Rereading the novel now is no disappointment, and I am also impressed by Winsorβs subversive feminism and the scope and ambition of her historical imagination.β Most of the characters in the novel, including Amber, reflect Hobbesian tendencies, vying with each other to achieve precedence at Charles IIβs court in the 1660s. The novel demonstrates Winsorβs command of the historical and literary figures she re-imagines from the Restoration. Her charactersβ vanity, plotting, and cruelty resonate with historical records of figures Amber encounters at the Carolean court, Newgate prison, and Alsatia in Whitefriars, the London βsanctuaryβ for criminals. Winsor drew the characters from the hundreds of accounts, poems, plots, and textbooks she claimed to have read before writing the novel.
Amberβs many marriages and romantic relationships certainly read like an early amatory plot. Born on a dark and stormy night, Amber is the long-lost child of two ill-fated aristocrats separated by the English Civil Wars. Her parents die, and she is raised by villagers of Marygreen, where she is a misfit. Like French seventeenth-century romances by Madame de ScudΓ©ry, who influenced Behn and other early English novelists, the story relies on remarkable coincidences. The novel signals that Amber is of noble, not peasant, stock, evident also in her captivating looks, a quality she shares with early romance heroines. One of Amberβs most generous lovers, Captain Rex Morgan, describes her in language we find in Restoration comedy about heroines: βI see you have wit as well as beauty, madame. That makes you perfectβ (181). Winsor blends qualities of female libertines in her depiction of Amber, who rises through every class position in the novel to achieve greater autonomy and power through varied performances.
Part of Forever Amberβs continuing appeal remains in its sweeping survey of 1660s London and the meticulous attention to historical detail. Winsor used Daniel Defoeβs A Journal of the Plague Year (1722) as a source for Amberβs experience of plague in London in 1665, and her novel blends elements of other plots by Restoration and early eighteenth-century writers. Like Defoeβs Moll Flanders, Amber makes an early career out of trickster-ism and thievery, landing in Newgate prison after her trial. As an actress in the Restoration theater and then a court mistress of Charles II, Amber resembles Nell Gwyn. Defoeβs Roxana, also modeled on Gwyn and Mazarin, is perhaps Amberβs closest literary antecedent. As Amber rises higher in her liaisons with powerful aristocrats, her one consistent relationship is with her maid, Nan, who gives her advice and rises with her, much as Amy counsels Roxana through relationships and crises about the discovery of her βrealβ identity. Both Roxana and Amber have husbands who desert them early in the narratives, leaving them penniless. Disgraced when she dances for the court in a sheer costume, Amber becomes the βAmazonian Libertineβ at court, and the scene parallels Roxanaβs dance in her exotic costume. Both women experience a vague punishment at the end, and there is no narrative closure in either text.
Amber experiences disillusionment from her lover, Lord Bruce Carlton. Their relationship echoes plots by Manley, Behn, and Trotter, whose heroines are mistreated or left by cruel and faithless lovers. Carlton sees Amber as a lower-class village girl, even when she becomes a wealthy Duchess. Midway through Winsorβs novel, Amber, now the mother of Carltonβs son, tearfully pleads with him to marry her, but he refuses, arguing that βlove has nothing to do with itβ (426), a concise description of upper class marital relations frequently examined in Restoration and eighteenth-century comedy and fiction.
Amberβs downfall results partly because of her class aspirations, mirrored by Winsorβs depiction of the Duchess of Cleveland, still Barbara Palmer when she first arrived to Charles IIβs court as his mistress. On June 24 1667, Samuel Pepys complained of Clevelandβs influence (she was then called Lady Castlemaine) in his Diary because it produced βthe horrid effeminacy of the King,β who βhath taken ten times more care and pains in making friends between my Lady Castlemayne and Mrs. Stewart, when they have fallen out, than ever he did to save his kingdom.β Though powerful, Cleveland never received a true marriage proposal from the King. She fell from power after he lost patience with her tantrums and ambition. So too with Amber and Carlton.
Single-minded in her social-climbing, Amber seems unaware that she lives in an exciting decade of scientific discovery. She never engages philosophical debates about atomism or Descartesβs mechanical theories of the body, ongoing discussions that we find the most interesting female libertine figures examining in literature. Despite a brief liaison with a student early in the novel, Amber does not question him about his studies or read his books. She lacks associations with any leading thinkers at the Carolean court and does not debate the merits of Epicurean pleasure, the existence of animal spirits, or the theological assertions of βright reasonβ with theologians or members of the Royal Society she would certainly have met at Whitehall. Perhaps, had Winsor continued writing the sequel she originally planned, she would have featured a more complex female libertine and a more mature Amber, a figure styled after the Duchess of Mazarin, who developed an intellectual life as interesting as her adventures [4]. But that is another story for another time.
Works Cited
Churchill, Winston. Marlborough, His Life and Times. 4 vols. London: George G. Harrop & Company, 1949. Print.
Winsor, Kathleen. Forever Amber. New York: Macmillan, 1944. Print.
Notes
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https://www.artuk.org/artdetective/discussions/discussions/is-this-portrait-by-cornelius-johnson-if-not-anne-of-denmark-who-is-the-sitter
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Is this portrait by Cornelius Johnson? If not Anne of Denmark, who is the sitter?
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I can tell you with absolute confidence that it is not Anne of Denmark, as the sitter doesnΓ’ΒΒt have the face of Anne of Denmark. That would probably be the minimum requirement. Saying that, some famous portraits that noted people in the industry think are of AoD are not of AoD, so there is massive confusion. So, in that climate, I forgive.
Every female portrait would be called AoD if they could be, just like any was of EI, as they are the most prestigious and valuable sitters.
It is not Elizabeth Stuart, Queen of Bohemia, either.
It does look a bit like a few portraits of ESQB, at a distance, however looks nothing like her in most ESQB portraits, and if you zoom in on the faces of the portraits that do look like her because of the light hair, itΓ’ΒΒs not the sitter, itΓ’ΒΒs ESQB.
https://www.rct.uk/collection/400094/elizabeth-queen-of-bohemia-1596-1662
https://www.rct.uk/collection/404015/elizabeth-queen-of-bohemia-1596-1662
https://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/portrait/mw02090/Princess-Elizabeth-Queen-of-Bohemia-and-Electress-Palatine
The sitter is not ESQB.
I believe the sitter is Lady Elizabeth Cecil nee Egerton, Countess of Exeter.
It does look like some works said to be Paul Van Somer, and could well be Cornelius Johnson. It is an oval, and CJ did ovals from 1619 onward, but heΓ’ΒΒd paint the oval in, on a rectangular standard canvas, and often sign and date them on the bottom right of the oval. This has been cut away from the oval, perhaps to remove the CJ signature and date which would have indicated that this canΓ’ΒΒt be AoD, as the sitter is clearly too young to be AoD in 1619, the year she died and that CJ started using ovals.
I donΓ’ΒΒt think there is a single Paul Van Somer oval painting that anyone has ever said is Γ’ΒΒby PVSΓ’ΒΒ it is always Γ’ΒΒafter PVSΓ’ΒΒ or Γ’ΒΒcircle of PVS.Γ’ΒΒ That suggests PVS didnΓ’ΒΒt do ovals, but someone in his style did. Cornelius Johnson did ovals.
The sitter is high on the canvas for a CJ, who is known for sittersΓ’ΒΒ heads being lower. The Γ’ΒΒPVSΓ’ΒΒ oval paintings sit very low in the frame for PVS Γ’ΒΒ so I think theyΓ’ΒΒre CJ.
The portrait could well be mid or late 1619.
On Lady Elizabeth Cecil nee Egerton, Countess of Exeter:
Her parents, John Egerton and Lady Frances Stanley married on 27 June 1602, her date of birth might be 1604, making her about fifteen in this 1619 portrait, which is marriage age at the time. She is their eldest child.
Her father was Lord President and Lord Lieutenant of Wales and the Marches.
Her mother was the second daughter of Ferdinando Stanley, 5th Earl of Derby, and her aunt Anne Brydges nee Stanley, Countess of Castlehaven, was legally Queen according to H8Γ’ΒΒs will, the legality of Katherine GreyΓ’ΒΒs sons not having been proven.
In 1826 no more descendents of Anne are recorded as living, so the claim passes to Frances StanleyΓ’ΒΒs line, so we are retroactively looking at a Princess, according to law, according to some, and called Elizabeth, so itΓ’ΒΒs curious that people were thinking it is Elizabeth Stuart, Queen of Bohemia.
Here is a portrait of her father, John Egerton, 1st Earl of Bridgewater, from Γ’ΒΒ1617-19Γ’ΒΒ by Γ’ΒΒPVS or CJΓ’ΒΒ. I think it is another 1619 oval by CJ. It is a clear companion to the piece in question, same artist probably.
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/5/52/John-Egerton1.jpg
http://images.ntpl.org.uk/hppa-zooms/00000000712/cms_pcf_1298206.bro
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Egerton,_1st_Earl_of_Bridgewater#/media/File:John-Egerton1.jpg
Here is a portrait said to be of Γ’ΒΒLady Frances Stanley,Γ’ΒΒ her mother, c. 1619 by PVS. The resemblance is massive, it could be the same person as our sitter, if not for the receding hair indicating age:
http://www.gogmsite.net/_Media/ca-1619-lady-frances-stanle-2.jpeg
http://www.gogmsite.net/the_late_farthingale_era_fr/ca-1619-lady-frances-stanle.html
Daughter, father, mother. If you whacked the three in one of those computer programs that can determine family relation via face analysis, itΓ’ΒΒd come out right.
Here is her son, John Cecil, 4th Earl of Exeter, of which there is quite a resemblance to our sitter, too:
https://collections.burghley.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2014/01/min0022.jpg
https://collections.burghley.co.uk/collection/john-4th-earl-of-exeter-1628-1678-by-john-hoskins-signed-with-initials-and-dated-1647/
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c9/Portrait_of_a_Man,_Said_to_Be_John_Cecil_{LPARENTHESES} 1628Γ’ΒΒ1678),_Fourth_Earl_of_Exeter_MET_57101.jpg
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Portrait_of_a_Man,_Said_to_Be_John_Cecil_{LPARENTHESES} 1628Γ’ΒΒ1678),_Fourth_Earl_of_Exeter_MET_57101.jpg
Our sitterΓ’ΒΒs brother, through which a royal claim passes:
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/0d/Portrait_of_John_Edgerton_2nd_Earl_of_Bridgewater.jpg
Here is our sitter and her daughter, Lady Frances Cecil, who married Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1st Earl of Shaftesbury, or else a close relative of her, heavy resemblance to the sitter:
http://www.artnet.com/artists/paul-van-somer/portrait-of-a-lady-and-child-anne-viscountess-rAs4iynLds8OARbig-6Qxg2
Is this a relative of our sitter also, Γ’ΒΒc.1619Γ’ΒΒ?:
http://www.artnet.com/artists/robert-peake-the-elder/portrait-of-a-lady-said-to-be-mary-queen-of-scots-hty75P64H8upzE6ON9a1BQ2
http://www.historicalportraits.com/Gallery.asp?Page=Item&ItemID=1426&Desc=-|-Robert-Peake
Her cousins are the Egerton sisters:
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/79/Vere,_Mary_and_Elizabeth_Egerton_{LPARENTHESES} l-r),_1601.jpg
http://www.historicalportraits.com/Gallery.asp?Page=Item&ItemID=1198&Desc=Portrait-of-the-Egerton-Sisters-by--English-School-c.1600
This may well be Vere Booth nee Egerton, the eldest of the sitterΓ’ΒΒs three Egerton cousins from the above portrait:
http://www.artnet.com/artists/robert-peake-the-elder/portrait-of-a-lady-lady-anne-cecil-daughter-of-_vHrntZQGhR0ZevgC4nnRQ2
https://pixels.com/featured/portrait-of-a-lady-possibly-lady-anne-cecil-robert-peake.html
This sure looks like our sitter or a relative also, rather than being Elizabeth Knollys, nΓΒ©e Howard (1586Γ’ΒΒ1658), Viscountess Wallingford, Later Countess of Banbury, as purported:
https://cdn.simplesite.com/i/a0/53/282600884351685536/i282600889670141634._szw1280h1280_.jpg
https://www.katherinethequeen.com/442801628
It is likely this is one of her relatives if not her, and not Lady Ann Morton as stated:
https://www.tate.org.uk/art/images/work/T/T03/T03033_10.jpg
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/d6/British_School_17th_century_-_Portrait_of_Anne_Wortley,_Later_Lady_Morton_-_Google_Art_Project.jpg
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:British_School_17th_century_-_Portrait_of_Anne_Wortley,_Later_Lady_Morton_-_Google_Art_Project.jpg
https://artuk.org/discover/artworks/portrait-of-anne-wortley-later-lady-morton-198019
https://www.tate.org.uk/art/artworks/unknown-artist-britain-portrait-of-anne-wortley-later-lady-morton-t03033
Such a sumptuous portrait, that dress like treacle.
In terms of provenance, there is a connection between my sitter and the Earl of Mar and Kellie.
Her only daughter, Frances Cooper nee Cecil, was Countess of Shaftesbury.
Susan Violet Ashley-Cooper (1868- 1938), daughter of Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 8th Earl of Shaftesbury (1831- 1886), married Walter John Francis Erskine, 12th Earl of Mar and Kellie (1865- 1955) in 1892.
https://www.ornaverum.org/images/erskine/portrait-18-large.jpg
https://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/person/mp124211/susan-violet-erskine-nee-ashley-cooper-countess-of-mar-and-kellie
Maybe this lady, descended from the Earls of Shaftsbury, marrying into Scottish aristocracy, the Earls of Mar and Kellie, brought this portrait, as, if thought to be AoD, it was of the Queen of Scotland, wife of James VI and I, the Queen at the pivotal point of the union of the crowns.
If thatΓ’ΒΒs not plausible, nothing is.
To conclude: the artist is very probably Cornelius Johnson, mid to late 1619 perhaps, and it probably got cut out and away from the signature and date, and the sitter is Elizabeth Cecil, Countess of Exeter, although there are a group of relatives who look alike. Her daughter married into the Earls of Shaftsbury, of which a late-Victorian descendent married into the EarlΓ’ΒΒs of Mar and Kellie, of which the current Earl is the owner of the work.
Hope this is helpful.
Hope everyone is doing ok regarding the pandemics and lockdowns. Such a hard time for so many.
@Jacob, thanks for that. In a discussion on a previous work https://www.artuk.org/artdetective/discussions/discussions/who-might-be-the-artist-of-this-portrait-and-the-sitter-portrayed I go into massive discussion like you wouldnΓ’ΒΒt believe, on how, judging by the work attributed to him, CJ didnΓ’ΒΒt start off painting like the mid-to-later CJ.
If he could imitate Van Dyck later, he can imitate other people earlier, and if he didnΓ’ΒΒt sign them, then we may not know, as we werenΓ’ΒΒt supposed to know, thatΓ’ΒΒs the point, he can imitate.
He did do ovals, however. We have signed ovals, and a progression of style from whatΓ’ΒΒs said to be early CJ, to signed ovals by him, where legacy of that style remains, into later style CJ ovals. Then he stops signing, and, it is said, imitates Van Dyck later, so that some Van Dycks may not actually be by Van Dyck.
If from 1615 however, CJ wasnΓ’ΒΒt supposed to be around then, so if thatΓ’ΒΒs provably correct, it makes early unsigned CJs unsafe, and suggests CJ started doing ovals because of imitating this other person.
If from 1615, I revise my assessment of the sitter to be Lady Frances Egerton nee Stanley, Countess of Bridgewater, who is the lady in this Γ’ΒΒc. 1619 by PVSΓ’ΒΒ work:
http://www.gogmsite.net/_Media/ca-1619-lady-frances-stanle-2.jpeg
http://www.gogmsite.net/the_late_farthingale_era_fr/ca-1619-lady-frances-stanle.html
She would be 32 in 1615.
If itΓ’ΒΒs her, the portrait of her husband is a companion to it: Γ’ΒΒJohn Egerton, 1st Earl of Bridgewater,Γ’ΒΒ from Γ’ΒΒ1617-19Γ’ΒΒ by Γ’ΒΒPVS or CJΓ’ΒΒ:
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/5/52/John-Egerton1.jpg
http://images.ntpl.org.uk/hppa-zooms/00000000712/cms_pcf_1298206.bro
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Egerton,_1st_Earl_of_Bridgewater#/media/File:John-Egerton1.jpg
However the piece in question is oval, CJ did ovals, and no earlier than 1619 that we know, and it is very similar to other CJ 1619 ovals:
Here is a portrait said to be of the Γ’ΒΒCountess of ExeterΓ’ΒΒ c. 1620, by Γ’ΒΒCornelius Janssen van CeulenΓ’ΒΒ (Cornelius Johnson) at the Milwaukee Art Museum. In reality, it is one of the previous Countess of ExeterΓ’ΒΒs daughters, and Elizabeth Cecil nee Edgerton was the next Countess of Exeter, so this sitter here could be her sister-in-law:
https://i2.wp.com/blog.mam.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/r_m1989_68_001.jpg
https://blog.mam.org/2017/10/24/from-the-collection-the-countess-of-exeter-by-cornelius-janssen-van-ceulen/
If the work in question is 1619 or 1620, it is Elizabeth Cecil nee Egerton, and this other work above is a companion piece, sister-in-laws, the daughter of the earlier Countess of Exeter.
If this work in question is 1615, it is Frances Egerton nee Stanley, Countess Bridgewater, the mother of my first suggestion, and it calls into question what we know about other works attributed to early Cornelius Johnson, and who started doing oval portraits and when.
Thanks.
@ Thanks Jacob. Resemblance seemed to be enough for many people when they got the resemblance clearly wrong. When I tell you correctly, suddenly it is not enough.
I never said resemblance was necessarily enough or the only thing, but it gets you in a very close ballpark, and sure obliterates obvious mistakes of misidentification.
I said it looked so much like the mother it could have been the mother. It is one or the other. If it looks like portraits of a personΓ’ΒΒs father, mother, cousins, brother, son, then, hey, I do my best. But then suddenly Γ’ΒΒresemblance is not enough.Γ’ΒΒ Before I showed you this, misidentification of the resemblance seemed to be enough.
And, to correct you, resemblance may well be enough, if you put the faces in one of these computer programs to identify relations. Obviously the faces are not photographs in a passport-photo type position, but you get an expert to put the computer dots on the face from what can be seen, that then analyses the spacing and relationship between. If it comes back 80% likelihood that x is the daughter of y and 80% that it is the mother of z, itΓ’ΒΒs her. That is a 96% chance of being her, by an unbiased AI face analysis that has been taught what is correct in familial relationships. Sorry to go all 21st Century, but that is where we are. I guess IΓ’ΒΒm talking about a revolution that hasnΓ’ΒΒt happened yet.
IΓ’ΒΒve always had a bit of a problem with provenance, as if for example a painting is burgled out of one house then sold to another collection, that doesnΓ’ΒΒt mean the artwork is of someone else, just because of mistaken or lying provenance, when most people canΓ’ΒΒt even see with their eyes that the sitter is not Anne of Denmark or Elizabeth Stuart, Queen Bohemia.
I thought my link from family to family was rather spiffing, so perhaps someone can wake up the great Earl, and get him to tell his people to ask their people. IΓ’ΒΒm sure heΓ’ΒΒd be interested in a portrait of his relativeΓ’ΒΒeither the mother, who the royal claim to the Earls of Jersey goes through, or her daughter, his ancestor who married into the Cecils of Exeter.
To be frank I consider talk of the artist of a work a total moot point, but canΓ’ΒΒt have failed to notice how people in the industry, highly-educated, in the standard mindset, are crazy about it, to the point of not having an eye for who the sitter actually is or sometimes seemingly not hardly even actually caring.
It is a moot point as, artists imitated others, wanted you to think it was by another, customers would have wanted that also. As Van Dyck was known to do, it is likely earlier major artists had studios where others did the basic painting, then the master came in and finished them off. They would have understudies, apprentices, that is how later masters and names learnt. If there was a rush, and the lesser man finished one off, is that by the same, or different, or both, or does it really matter?
And big names, with styles, werenΓ’ΒΒt born into the world with that later mature style. Sometimes you will know your attribution is correct, because everyone else tells you youΓ’ΒΒre wrong, and you are talking about a less mature style, or an imitation of another style. What really does it then matter? You have to be officially called wrong to be right, so why bother?
I know there is money in Γ’ΒΒwho painted it,Γ’ΒΒ but there is therefore money in false authentications. IΓ’ΒΒve heard respected people saying they know that big name big money authenticators lie for the money. So who, exactly, are we wasting braincells in trying to please? Liars?
There is money in actually knowing the sitter, I feel, but that takes eyeballs.
I am concerned about the identity of the sitter, and if people are related they look alike, I donΓ’ΒΒt want to shock anyone.
I think the sitters would want their true likeliness to be known.
There is a spiritual component in finding and revealing to the world the true likeliness of a previous human
@Jacob. I hear what you say.
I feel I have an insight that artists are not making up facial features. I am aware of the fashions. I never look at makeup and costume. Hair tends to stay in a ballpark, however, I have noticed, generally speaking, with some exceptions.
I have noticed portraits of EI and MI were painted to look more like H8 in the face, but aside from that, canΓ’ΒΒt say IΓ’ΒΒve seen anyone being painted more like anyone for any reason. No-one else is important enough to paint anyone like. Being a true-ish likeness, so resembling your parents or grandparents and your children, is quite important, wouldnΓ’ΒΒt you say? The hair does copy the Queens, however. EI, and AoD. Suddenly many people have hair like the current queen.
IΓ’ΒΒve said this often: expensive likenesses are a likeness. I didnΓ’ΒΒt get taught otherwise, and IΓ’ΒΒm not having it, I eyeball it.
Even if there is an Γ’ΒΒInstagram filterΓ’ΒΒ on the portrait, smoothing it out in a disorientating way, there is a sitter behind, as with Instagram.
I think that where you think people are unrecognizable because of different artists, I say people are always recognizable, but there are a raft of misidentified artworks.
To illustrate: people were honestly signing off publicly on this portrait in question being AoD or ESQD! But thatΓ’ΒΒs nothing compared to some.
IΓ’ΒΒm recognizing faces like I would in real life. I feel that if I can see relatives, and the computers can do it with a high % accuracy on photos of humans, then it is inevitable for portraits, eventually. I think the vibe will clearly be that the industry doesnΓ’ΒΒt want it!
From my experience facial featured are identifiable. So much so that I ask people Γ’ΒΒ so, did this artist use this other random person as a model in how to mispaint someone, or are they both portraits of the same person, perchance? OccamΓ’ΒΒs razor. ItΓ’ΒΒs like hearing perfect pitch in music. Not everyone can do it. I never said I had perfect pitch, however.
Perhaps it is truly rare for someone to come in and tell art historians who have been taught they canΓ’ΒΒt tell by looks, and probably canΓ’ΒΒt tell by looks, that I can tell by looks, and then be brave enough to say whatΓ’ΒΒs what. ItΓ’ΒΒs a real benefit of these message boards and the art detective concept, crowd-sourcing it. In real life IΓ’ΒΒd never be let near.
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I was delighted to hear Onyeka talking about Africans in Tudor England yesterday morning on the BBC Radio 4 Today programme . It's fantastic this subject is getting airtime, and we must all hope that...
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Miranda Kaufmann
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http://www.mirandakaufmann.com/3/category/history
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October was the 25th UK Black History Month. I attended 20 related events over the last 8 weeks, and thought I'd write a blog diary of them in retrospect, to show the diversity of approaches and venues I encountered. As you will see, the diary begins in September and ends in November- showing that Black History Month is well on its way towards becoming Black History Season. But, ultimately, I'd like to see it disappear, because as Andrea Stuart has argued, it will only be a success once it has become redundant, because we have what Tony Warner of Black History Walks calls a "Full- Colour History", all year round. In the interim, we need Black History Month, to educate and campaign for an inclusive approach.
I've tried to keep the entries brief, but sometimes there was a lot to say. Let me know which ones you'd like me to discuss further in later posts!
1. Sunday 29th September: Influential Black Londoners exhibition opens at National Trust Sutton House
Still on till the end of November, the exhibition opened with a Family Fun Day on the last Sunday of September, with activities and an appearance by John Blanke himself!
I was delighted to see the letters I'd written to 9 Londoners in situ, with great artwork by Jane Porter.
The featured individuals were: John Blanke, fl.1507-1512; Lascars, 17th-20th century; Ignatius Sancho, c.1729-1780; Francis Barber, c.1735-1801; Olaudah Equiano, c.1745-1797; Dido Elizabeth Belle, c.1761-1804; George Bridgetower, 1780-1860; Mary Seacole, 1805-1881; Samuel Coleridge- Taylor, 1875-1912.
Sutton House in Hackney was a great venue to tell the story of Black Londoners as it was built in the Tudor period by Ralph Sadleir, who might have encountered our earliest Black Londoner, John Blanke, at the court of Henry VIII.
You can read more about the project here. And see more photos here.
2. Monday 30th September: Othello at the National Theatre
What better play to watch on the eve of Black History Month? I've studied the "Moor of Venice" in the context of my research into Africans in Shakespeare's England but the experience of watching Adrian Lester, Rory Kinnear and Olivia Vinall play out the tragedy of jealousy was something else. My viewing was in part informed by having seen Toni Morrison's excellent Desdemona last year at the Barbican. I felt the modern setting was a distraction, but was most disturbed by the speed at which Othello is transformed from a hero to a violent, irrational murderer in the central scene. Food for thought as I write an article for Literature Compass on '"Making the beast with two backs": interracial relationships in early modern England'- due out next year.
3. Thursday 10th October: Influential Black Londoners Launch
Back to Sutton House for the official launch event for the exhibition, with some honoured guests- including some of those Influential Black Londoners of the 1980s and 1990s nominated to be included in the exhibition next year. (The eventual winner was Doreen Lawrence).
This was also my first glimpse of some of the local school children's fantastic artistic responses to the letters. See this photo album for more.
4. Friday 11th October: Dan Lyndon-Cohen, Black History in the National Curriculum talk at Balham Library
Dan is Head of History at Henry Compton School, Fulham and the creator of www.blackhistory4schools.com. He gave us a useful summary of the complicated political wranglings over the curriculum over the last year and then proceeded to demonstrate how he manages to incorporate Black History into his own teaching. Much of his approach is summarised in this article he wrote for History Workshop.
There was some strong feelings in the room- some wanted to get rid of Black History Month, others told of the troubles they'd had trying to convince their children's schools to teach Black History.
Nonetheless, Dan's pioneering approach is a model that others should emulate.
5. Wednesday 16th October: Africans in Stuart England 1603-1642 talk at Beauchamp College, Leicester.
On a rainy Wednesday, I travelled to Leicester to speak to some 6th formers who were "doing" the Stuarts, 1603-1642 for A-Level. This was remarkably close to a paper I had sat back in 2000- and of course had no reference to the black presence in Britain at that time.
Using plenty of images, I told the story of Africans in Stuart Britain, what they were doing, how they got here and how they were viewed in the eyes of the law. I enjoyed showing them pictures of both Oliver Cromwell and Prince Rupert depicted with black pages, and showing them a different side to history. Hopefully this will be reflected on their Black History Month display board next year- the teacher who invited me later tweeted: "my students want to start a hist soc to talk about things we don't normally do. Think your talk helped :-)."
6. Friday 18th October: Righting Past Wrongs? The Case for and Against Reparations, Senate House
Having read about the latest move by Caricom to seek reparations for slavery, and that they were being advised by London law firm, Leigh Day, who won the Mau Mau case earlier this year, I was very curious to hear Daniel Leader of that firm talk. Also speaking were Sir Ronald Sanders, Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies and a former Caribbean diplomat (who has blogged about reparations here) and Professor Philip Murphy, Director of the Institute.
It was agreed that there had always been a strong moral case for reparations, but the question was whether it was possible to bring a legal case.
Daniel Leader spent a long time explaining the details of the Mau Mau case, which was fascinating, but didn't give us much idea how he would go about bringing a case for slavery reparations. Professor Murphy made the point that it would be a bad idea to have politicians feeling morally cleansed, having paid reparations- can a residue of guilt serve as an inoculation against future mistakes? Sir Ronald brought up the worry that pursuing reparations might have a negative impact on the tourism industry on which Caribbean countries are dependent.
There were some strong feeling in the room that it was wrong that the case for reparations was being judged in a European court by European legal standards. From a historical perspective, I found it interesting that the case was being brought against Britain, France and the Netherlands by their former colonies, but that there is no sign of a similar move by the former Spanish and Portuguese colonies- when the Spanish and Portuguese were the originators of the transatlantic slave trade, with over 13,000 voyages marked with their flags on the
Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Voyages database.
Ultimately the issues involved are too varied to go into here but I will watch the progress of this with interest. There's already been some interesting comment in The Telegraph, The Economist and the New York Times.
7. Friday 18th October: My review of Slavery and the British Country House is published in the TLS.
A fascinating collection of essays based on the 2009 conference of the same name, making a big step towards breaking the silence on this subject that has been deafening for too long.
You can read my review here, and find out more about my own research into links between English Heritage properties and Slavery & Abolition here. The book was launched in September at the Little Britain's Memory of Slavery Conference, and has been made available to download for free on the English Heritage website.
8. Monday 21st October: Image and Reality of Africans in Renaissance England (IRBARE) talk at Sutton House with Michael Ohajuru.
Miraculously managed to arrive to give this talk on time, having attended my godfather's funeral in Vienna that morning!
I presented on John Blanke, and the reality of the lives of Africans in England, in contrast to Michael's work on the Black Magi. You can read more about our double act on the IRBARE2013 website.
9. Thursday 24th October: Michael Ohajuru's Hidden in the Collections- Africans in Medieval & Renaissance Art- guided tour of the V&A
Really enjoyed Michael's tour of the V&A which he wrote up on his blog. It's a wonderful place, and the tour showed a different side to the art presented there. Michael's approach showed up some shortcomings in the museum's interpretation of some of the works on show- see his blog on this. I've heard they've already taken steps to rectify the mis-identification of Simon of Cyrene in the Marnhull Orphery (see this page for more accurate info, which has not yet been interpolated into the main listing), but it's even more vital to provide some context to the Tilman Reimenschneider statue to show that St. Maurice was usually depicted as of African origin. Michael has written a persuasive document to this effect here, but really all you need to see is the statue (below, left) alongside other images of the saint (below) and more on Pinterest:
10. Thursday 24th October: Unveiling of Mary Seacole statue maquette at the Royal College of Nursing
Having written about Mary Seacole earlier this year in The Times, it was fantastic to see the unveiling of this 1/4 size maquette of the statue, which is to be placed outside St. Thomas's hospital, striding towards the river and the Houses of Parliament. This will be the first statue erected to commemorate a black woman in Britain. More info on the Memorial Appeal website.
As a historian, I was particularly fascinated by artist Martin Jennings's account of his trip to the Crimea to find the site of Seacole's British Hotel. Using old maps and with the help of the local authorities, he was able to pinpoint the exact place, and found remnants of bottles and pots still lying on the ground. The 15 ft high disc behind Mary in the statue will bear the imprint of stone from a quarry near the site, which has a detonation mark from a WW2 tank. I'll be watching out for the documentary, due to air on ITV in 2015.
11. Tuesday 29th October: Image and Reality of Africans in Renaissance England talk at SOAS with Michael Ohajuru.
A second performance of the IRBARE double act, this time at SOAS, the School of Oriental and African Studies. Michael explained the appearance of a Black Magus in 1520s Devon while I talked about the realities of life for Africans in Renaissance England, through the experience of John Blanke, the Tudor court trumpeter (who I've now been asked to write an entry on for the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography). Read more on the IRBARE2013 website.
12. Wednesday 30th October: Africans in London, 1500-1640 talk at Queen Mary University London.
The next night, I rushed to QMUL after a day spent proof-reading the Sunday Times Food List, to talk about Africans in early modern London. I had kindly been recommended to my hosts, the QMUL History Journal, by Professor Kate Lowe, who is doing some fascinating research into sub-Saharan Africans and African objects in Southern Europe between 1440 and 1650, and was involved in the great Revealing the African Presence in Renaissance Europe exhibition I reviewed for History Today earlier this year. The QMUL History Journal had a Black History theme this term (read it online here), with an essay entitled To what extent was βraceβ used to categorise people as βotherβ in early modern England? by Joanna Hill, one of Kate Lowe's students, which I look forward to reading.
13. Thursday 31st October: 100 Great Black Britons at the National Portrait Gallery
in 2003, as a response to the BBC's 100 Greatest Britons poll, in which the most diverse individual was Freddie Mercury (born in Zanzibar), Patrick Vernon launched 100 Great Black Britons, with Mary Seacole eventually topping the list. Ten years later, the campaign is being re-launched.
The debate at the NPG posed the questions: What are the issues, challenges and impact of black achievement in Britain today? And who should we be calling Great?
Patrice Lawrence of Every Generation Media chaired the debate on black achievement and British identity. The speakers were: Rev Rose HudsonβWilkin, The House of Commons Speaker's Chaplain; Elizabeth Pears, News Editor, The Voice newspaper; Dean Atta, writer and poet and Patrick Vernon OBE, Founder of 100 Great Black Britons.
Luckily, not everyone arrived on time, so we were treated to an impromptu performance by Dean Atta. I liked the line: "Silence is not golden/Silence is the truth stolen"- seemed to chime with the Mansfield Park Complex of not speaking about slavery I wrote about here. Dean pointed out when he spoke later that all the terms "Great", "Black" and "Briton" are problematic and require definition. We discussed whether the list should expand in size, or include categories, such as Science, Law, Business, Medicine, Young achievers, Parenting, and Regional lists.
The Rev Hudson-Wilkin pointed out how important it is that white people see images of successful black people. In the same way as some people see BHM as a segregation, this Black-only list has the same problem. But, as long as the mainstream doesn't include these stories, we need BHM and 100GBB as campaigning tools. Elizabeth Pears made the point that perhaps the BBC should re-run their poll, to see whether attitudes have changed. I pointed out in the discussion that, although there's still a long way to go, there are some signs of progress in mainstream media- such as the increasing inclusion of people of African and Asian origin or descent in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, the National Trust's Influential Black Londoners exhibition at Sutton House, Hackney and recent discussion on the BBC Radio 4 Media Show on how to reach black audiences.
14. Friday 1st November: Black History's Future, Islington
This event, organised by Everyvoice, brought together some key decision-makers from Islington Council with a great panel of speakers to debate the future of BHM.
The conference sought to address the question: how do we reach a place where peopleβs histories are not marginalised, so there will be no need for Black History Month? How do we ensure that diversity is integrated in mainstream education and celebrations all year round?
I had in mind the thought-provoking article I'd read by Andrea Stuart in the Guardian the day before on the same subject. I blogged my response to the article here.
The speakers were so engaging that no one seemed to mind that the event overrun its timetable. One of the most impressive images I saw was the map above that Patricia Lamour showed us that the African continent is larger than the United States, China and India put together. Dr. Robin Whitburn and Abdullahi Mohamud spoke about their Doing Justice to History project, which is designed to explode two false premises: 1) Black people did not play a significant role in British life before 1948; 2) Multiculturalism doesn't work. They used some fascinating case studies to prove their point, such as the story of Somali sailor Mahmood Hussein Mattan, who was unjustly hung in 1952. Tony Warner, Director of Black History Walks showed us how Black History is everywhere when you know how to look, and reminded us that the BFI has a regular African Odysseys film programme, as well as showing us a very disturbing video of the black doll/white doll experiment. Kandace Chimbiri talked about her Black History books for children, including one to accompany the recent Origins of the Afro Comb exhibition at the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. History teacher Martin Spafford summarised the latest curriculum wrangling and explained how Black History could still be taught within the new framework, sharing stories such as the North African "Ivory Bangle Lady" who lived in Roman York and the Indian Hockey team that beat Germany in the 1936 Olympics, which can easily be incorporated into study of "The Romans" or "Nazi Germany".
The ensuing discussion was passionate and varied. It was mostly agreed that BHM needs to continue for now, as a campaigning tool, a stepping stone to where we'd like to be, with a "Full-colour" history.
15. Wednesday 5th November: Graeme Evelyn's Call and Responses: Odyssey of the Moor at Kensington Palace
Was lucky enough to be invited to a private view, where Graeme spoke about the piece. You can see it at Kensington Palace until 6th January.
The work is a contemporary response to John van Nostβs Bust of the Moor β a marble sculpture commissioned by King William III in 1688/1689.
Evelyn places the bust within a gilded cage, but with its doors flung open to capture the view over Kensington Gardens, creating for the Moor a dream of self-determination and freedom. The inside of the cage is circled with a series of tiles telling an imagined story of the Moor's life, using the premise that this man had read Homer's Odyssey and seen parallels.
Evelyn's earlier work, Reconciliation Reredos, an altarpiece in Bristol confronts the fact that the church, St Stephenβs, blessed every ship that left the port, including every slaver that left the city harbour for Africa to trade for enslaved people during the Transatlantic Slave Trade.
Evelyn's work is part of a wider trend in which heritage institutions seeks to commission the work of black artists. Other temporary installations, e.g. Yinka Shonibare's Mrs Oswald and Colonel Tarleton Shooting (2007) for Scratch the Surface at the National Gallery and his current exhibition in Greenwich. This was discussed by
Lubaina Himid, Joy Gregory and Sokari Douglas Camp on the artists in conversation panel at the Little Britain's Memory of Slavery conference at UCL in September.
Call and Responses: Odyssey of the Moor poses many unanswered questions about Africans in late 17th Century England and Holland. Evelyn has thrown down the gauntlet to historians to answer some of these questions. For example, at it's base, the installation incorporates a contemporary report of William of Orange marching into Exeter in 1688 with: "200 Blacks brought from the plantations of the Netherlands in America, Imbroyder'd Caps lin'd with white Fur, and Plumes of white Feathers, to attend the Horfe." Evelyn hopes the piece will inspire historians to research the context of this, and what impact the advent of a Dutch monarch had on the history of Africans living in England and the history of English involvement in the slave trade.
The work has already inspired a response by Delia Jarrett-Macauley, who won the Orwell Prize for Political Writing for her debut novel, 'Moses, Citizen and Me' and is currently a Fellow in English at the University of Warwick.
You can listen to the music Graeme Evelyn listened to while creating the work here: ODYSSEY of the MOOR art 2013
16. Wednesday 5th November: Making Freedom exhibition at the Royal Geographical Society
On until Sat 21st December, this important exhibition marks the 175th anniversary of the emancipation of nearly 1 million Africans in the Caribbean. This is taking the date of freedom as 1838, when indentured labour ended, as opposed to 1834, when slavery was officially abolished.
In front of a large map of the Caribbean created specially, to show all the islands and their capitals, Burt Caesar quoted Claude McKay's If We Must Die (1919), which sets the tone for this exhibition's tale of constant resistance, "Pressed to the wall, dying, but fighting back!".
Sir Keithlyn Smith, author of To Shoot Hard Labour told the story of his grandfather's great grandmother, Mother Rachel's quest to be reunited with her daughter Minty in 1838. You can listen to the story here. Benjamin Zephaniah performed his powerful poem White Comedy and shared some of his own experiences of racism. He pointed out how important this exhibition is, to dispel the myth that "slaves were given freedom by the white man". In fact, their constant resistance and rebellion made the slave system increasingly hard to sustain. Toussaint L'Ouverture's uprsing in Haiti in 1791, leading to the declaration of independence in 1804 was the most successful, but not an isolated occurrence. The exhibition tells the stories of other attempts to make freedom- in Barbados in 1816, Guyana in 1823 and in Jamaica in 1832.
This exhibition put the agency back in African hands and tells the other side of the story we heard in 2007. A must -see! And there's now talk of putting it on at the House of Commons next year!
17. Thursday 6th November: Black People in Tudor England and Inclusive Curriculum event at the House of Commons
There was an impressive crowd gathered in Committee Room 11 of the House of Commons to hear Onyeka talk about his new book, Blackamoores: Africans in Tudor England, their presence, status and origins, published by Narrative Eye and discuss how to get a more inclusive history curriculum with Stella Creasy MP, Chi Onwurah MP, Cllr Lester Holloway, and Tony Warner of Black History Walks.
Onyeka gave a passionate and gripping speech about his research- he has been working on the subject since 1991. When he first set out to look into the history of Tudor Africans, people told him he was wasting his time, that he would find nothing. I heard similar opinions when I started my research on the subject in 2004. I was very pleased to get my hands on a copy of his book, for although I've known Onyeka for years, this was the first time I'd been able to read his work at greater length.
It was fantastic to see the political support for the subject from Stella Creasy, Chi Onwurah and Lester Holloway. I'm looking forward to reading the book and engaging further on the challenge it poses to politicians and educators.
18. Friday 8th November: Africans in Urban Britain, 1500-1640, talk at the University of Leicester
Went up to Leicester again, this time to talk about Africans in Urban Britain, 1500-1640 at the University's Centre for Urban History. I told some stories about the lives of Africans in 16th and 17th century England and Scotland's ports and cities, explaining how they arrived in Britain, what occupations and relationships they found in the city and how they were treated by the church, the law courts and the other inhabitants of urban Britain. This provoked a lively debate and I also learned about my host Dr Kidambi 's fascinating research into the All India Cricket Team's 1911 tour of England.
19. Friday 8th November: Vincent Carretta on Ignatius Sancho: Britain's First African Man of Letters at the British Library
I rushed back from Leicester to catch expert Vincent Carretta talking about Ignatius Sancho, one of the Influential Black Londoners I had written to at Sutton House.
The British Library has recently acquired 13 of Sanchoβs signed letters to his friend and patron William Stevenson, plus two to his father the Rev. Seth Ellis Stevenson. These are the only letters by Sancho that are known to survive.
The British Library's Untold Lives has an interesting blog post on this, but, as Carretta himself remarked, it's a great pity Sancho does not feature in the Georgians Revealed exhibition.
Carretta provided us with a handout with quotes from them and Sancho's other correspondence and proceeded to explain the significance of the new acquisition in context. One thing that makes these letters really significant is that they can now be studied alongside the printed text of 1782, revealing identities obscured and also proving beyond any doubt that Sancho wrote the letters himself. For this was questioned by none other than Thomas Jefferson who, in his Notes on the State of Virginia (1781) grudgingly admitted him "to the first place among those of his owncolourwho have presented themselves to the public judgment", but went on to say "This criticism supposes the letters published under his name to be genuine, and to have received amendment from no other hand; points which would not be of easy investigation." The acquisition of the Stephenson archive has made this investigation much easier and will allow scholars to defend Sancho from this underhand attack.
20. Tuesday 19th November: Image and Reality of Africans in Renaissance England talk at Greenwich University with Michael Ohajuru.
A third outing for IRBARE, this time in Greenwich, the location of the old royal palace, built by Henry VII on the site of todayβs Old Royal Naval College, where John Blanke would have worked. You can read more about the presentation on the IRBARE2013 website. In the light of discussion of Black History Month's future, it's interesting to note that this talk took place in the second half of November, as part of the Greenwich Student Union's Black History Week (see poster). Could we be making a transition to a Black History Season?
Black History 365...
For me, this is really an artificial end, because I seek out events like these all year round! Check my Talks page for details of my upcoming talks, and if there isn't one near you, invite me to your local school, university, library or history society!
I really enjoyed my visit to the Shakespeare exhibition at the British Museum last week: hurry and see it before it shuts on 25th November! Thought I'd do a little round-up of the exhibits related to Africans in Shakespeare's Britain for you... Staging Africa in 13 objects, if you will. I've listed the objects in the order you would encounter them in the exhibition, with some help from the excellent exhibition catalogue. Some of the links are obvious, others a little more obscure!
1. Africans in Shakespeare's London
One of the first things you see when you enter the exhibition is this amazing map of London, created by Wenceslaus Hollar in 1647 (so technically a while after Shakespeare died). It shows the Globe, and also lots of churches, such as St. Olave Tooley Street, shown here across the Thames from the Tower. St. Olave's was the parish where Reasonable Blackman, a silkweaver, and his family lived in the 1590s and βConstantyn a negareβ was buried on 5 November 1605. Many of the other churches marked on the map have similar entries in their parish registers...
2. Bayning's ewer?
This Iznik Turkish ceramic ewer, made in London in 1597-8, may have been made for Paul Bayning, a prominent Levant merchant. What is not revealed in the exhibition is that Baning was also a huge sponsor of privateering voyages and had at least five Africans in his household. In 1593 βthree maids, blackamoresβ, are recorded as lodging in his house. In March 1602 βJulyane A blackamore servant Wyth Mr Alldermanne Bannying of the age of 22 yearesβ was christened at St. Mary Bothaw. In 1609, βAbell a Blackamorβ appeared before the Governors of the Bridewell, βhis M[aste]r Paul Bannyinge presentβ, and Bayningβs 1616 will made provision for the education of βAnthony my negroβ.
3. African horn
This horn was carved in the Calabar region (modern Nigeria) in the 1500s, then found its way to England, where in 1599 it was recarved as a drinking cup, and inscribed:
"Drinke you this and thinke no scorne
Although the cup be much like a horn."
It was later further adapted to be an oil lamp. This strange object has travelled a long way, through many incarnations. It demonstrates the existence of trading links with Africa in Shakespeare's time, which were increasingly regular from the 1550s. Richard Hakluyt chronicled many of these early voyages in his Principall Navigations.
4. Portrait of the Moroccan ambassador
Abd-al-Wahid bin Masoud bin Muhammad al-Annuri, portrayed here, led an embassy to the court of the 'sultana Isabel' (Elizabeth I) in 1600, but was in fact only one of a series of such ambassadors. Moroccan envoys also visited London in 1551 and 1589. The shared enemy was Spain, but the proposed alliance never amounted to much. A clue to the problems can be found in the letter John Chamberlain wrote to Dudley Carleton on 15 October 1600:
"The Barbarians take theyre leave sometime this week, to goe homeward for our merchants nor mariners will not carry them into Turkie, because they thinck it is a matter odious and scandalous to the world to be friendlie or familiar with Infidells but yet yt is no small honour to us that nations so far removed and every way different shold meet here to admire the glory and magnificence of our Queen of Saba [Sheba]."
5. Sir Henry Unton's masque
The unusual biographical portrait of Sir Henry Unton, painted posthumously for his widow c.1596 shows this masque of Mercury and Diana being performed at his wedding in 1572. The procession behind these main characters consists of small, childlike black and white figures, which have been identified as Cupids. The black figures are of interest as they are a rare visual depiction of the trend for "counterfeit blackamoors" in pageantry and masques. For example, in 1566, on the occasion of the baptism of the future James VI and I, six shillings was laid out from the royal coffers for: βthre lamis skynnis quhairof was maid four bonnets of fals hair to the saidis moresβ- so four Scots wore lamb's wool wigs to imitate African hair as part of their costumes. Why were these "Masques of Moors" so popular in the sixteenth century?
6. Sir Francis Drake
This German broadside from the late 1580s celebrates Drake as a Protestant hero, freedom-fighter and scourge of the Catholic Spanish.
The catalogue speaks of his circumnavigation and raids on the Spanish Caribbean, but doesn't mention his many encounters with Africans on those voyages (which I blogged about here) or the fact that some of them returned to England with him.
7. Titus Andronicus
This drawing, c. 1594 by Henry Peacham illustrates Titus Andronicus. It shows that the character of Aaron, described as a 'moor' is certainly thought of as black, not merely 'tawny'. The actor is most likely an Englishman, in costume. A good book on this (which in fact uses this image on its cover) is V.M. Vaughan's Performing Blackness on English Stages.
8. Cleopatra
Cleopatra was of course an African Queen, though some people seem to forget Egypt is in Africa, a complaint I've heard from Tony Walker, who shows people Cleopatra's Needle on the Embankment on his Black History Walks. Shakespeare at least imagined Cleopatra as having dark skin. He describes her as having a βtawny frontβ (Antony and Cleopatra, I. i. 4-6) and being 'with Phoebusβ amorous pinches black' (I. v. 29). This identity is not always clear in the various images of the Egyptian queen in the British Museum's collection. The artists seem to have been more interested in portraying her death by snake venom- most including an asp biting her bared bosom. My favourite was the set of French playing cards (shown left): Le Jeu des Reynes RenommΓ©es (The Game of Famous Queens) by Stephano della Bella (1644). The gift shop really missed a trick by not stocking a replica pack!
Sardonyx cameo, Northern Italian, late 1500s, British Museum
Sardonyx cameo, Northern Italian, late 1500s, British Museum
Roman, c.50-40 BC, British Museum
9. Portrait of an African Man
This amazing portrait was painted by Jan Jansz. Mostaert c. 1525-30. He worked at the court of Margaret of Austria, regent of the Netherlands, in Mechelen, near Antwerp. Unfortunately, we know very little about the man in this painting. We don't even know his name. But he has all the trappings of a high-ranking courtier. Of special significance is the badge in his hat, which has been identified as a badge given to pilgrims who had visited the Madonna of Hal, a shrine associated with the Valois and Hapsburgs. The British Museum has one in its collection (below, right). This sends a clear message that this man, like Othello (II, iii, 307) and at least 67 Africans in Britain, 1500-1640, was a baptised Christian. Curiously, the Madonna of Hal (below, left) is a Black Madonna, an ambiguous symbol, but one that seems strangely appropriate here!
The Black Madonna of Hal
Pilgrim badge of the Madonna of Hal, Belgium or the Netherlands, early 1500s, British Museum
10. Allegorical African
This illustration of a commission granted to Tommaso Morosini dalla Sbarra (1546-1622), a Venetian patrician, is sadly not a portrait, but part of an allegory of Truth and Justice that has yet to be fully explained. It's suggested that the black figure wearing the family's heraldic colours of gold and blue may be a pun on the 'Moro' (Moor in Italian) of 'Morosini'. So in some ways, this is a more artistic development of the Moor's heads found on heraldic coats of arms across Europe, and even in the arms of the current Pope, Benedict XVI.
11. Aesthetic of blackness
Black Africans appeared in decorative works of art, from cameos, like this one showing an African woman, made c.1600 in Prague or North Italy (now set in a modern gold ring), to sculptures, such as this marble, classically-inspired bust made by Nicholas Cordier in Rome (below, left), and even the splendid gilt-silver cup made by leading Nuremberg goldsmith,Christoph Jamnitzer in about 1602 (below, right). This cup may in fact have been a sports trophy at a Saxon court tournament to celebrate Christian II's wedding to Hedvig of Denmark, which makes me think of the Tournament of the Black Lady held at the court of James IV of Scotland a hundred years before, described in William Dunbar's poem, Ane Blak Moir.
Bust of a black African, Nicholas Cordier, Rome, c.1610, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Dresden
Moor's head cup, Christoph Jamnitzer, Nuremberg, c.1602, Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, Munich
12. Sycorax and Circe
Shakespeare's βdamned witch Sycoraxβ, mother to Caliban in Shakespeareβs The Tempest (1610-11), was a native of Algiers. Her name may have been inspired by Circe, the witch who turned Odysseus's men into swine on her Greek island.
Interestingly, this Greek pot shows Circe as a black African woman. In the Tempest, Sycorax is said to have been:
'hither [to the island] brought with child,
And here was left by thβsailors.β (I. ii. 318-20)
Her fate is not entirely fictional. On his circumnavigation voyage of 1577-80, Drake abandoned a heavily pregnant African woman on Crab Island, Indonesia, an action for which he 'purchased much blame' at the time, but not in later legend.
13. A Daughter of Niger
On 6 January (Twelfth Night) 1605, Ben Jonson's Masque of Blacknesse was performed at the Old Banqueting House before the court of James I and Anne of Denmark. This sketch by architect and scenery-builder extraordinaire Inigo Jones shows the costume of one of the masquers, to be dressed as a 'Daughter of Niger'. This performance and its sequel, the Masque of Beauty (1606), in which the Queen and her ladies themselves blacked up to play the daughters of Niger, who seek beauty and become white thanks to the rays of the British sun (which represented King James) were perhaps the most sophisticated expression of an ongoing interest in 'Masques of Moors' (see no.5, above).
So, as you can see, there are plenty of fascinating things in the Shakespeare exhibition that illuminate the history of Africans in Early Modern Britain and Europe. I'd seen pictures of some of these things in books, and it was a thrill to see them for real. Others were new, and so all the more intriguing. I hope you get the chance to see them before 25th November- and even better, to see them alongside so many other relics of that long-ago time, all lovingly linked to a snippet of Shakespearean verse. And as imitation is the sincerest form of flattery, I will leave you with these words:
"I speak of Africa and golden joys" (Henry IV, Part 2: V, iii, 101)
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Royal Academy of Arts
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The Royal Academy of Arts, located in the heart of London, is a place where art is made, exhibited and debated.
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When should this exhibition be published?
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https://www.tate.org.uk/art/artworks/van-somer-lady-elizabeth-grey-countess-of-kent-t00398
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βLady Elizabeth Grey, Countess of Kentβ, Paul Van Somer, c.1619
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βLady Elizabeth Grey, Countess of Kentβ, Paul Van Somer, c.1619 on display at Tate Britain.
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https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Dictionary_of_National_Biography,_1885-1900/Van_Son,_Jan_Frans
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Dictionary of National Biography, 1885
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βVAN SON, JAN FRANS (FRANCIS), sometimes erroneously written Van Zoon (1658β1718?), painter, born at Antwerp on β16 Aug. 1658, was son of Joris Van Son (1623β1667), a well-known painter of flowers and still life in that city, whose paintings are frequently to be met with in collections. His mother's name was Cornelia Van Heulem. Van Son was a pupil of his father and a family friend, Jan Pauwel Gillemans. He practised in the same manner as his father, painting still life, flowers, fruit, and the like, but without attaining the same success. Van Son came therefore to London, and obtained a lucrative patronage through his marriage with a niece of the king's serjeant-painter, Robert Streater [q. v.] He was also patronised by Charles Robartes, earl of Radnor, who had a great number of Van Son's paintings in his house in St. James's Square. Some of Van Son's paintings were of considerable size. He lived for some time in Long Acre, but finally in St. Albans Street, St. James's, where he died about 1718. He sometimes introduced his own portrait into his paintings.
[Walpole's Anecdotes of Painting, ed. Wornum; De Piles's Lives of the Painters; Van den Branden's Antwerpsche Schilderschool.]
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Portrait of King James I of England & Ireland & VI of Scotland 1566 -1625
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James VI and I (James Charles Stuart; 19 June 1566 β 27 March 1625) was King of Scotland as James VI from 24 July 1567 and King of England and Ireland as James I from the union of the Scottish and English crowns on 24 March 1603 until his death in 1625. The kingdoms of Scotland and England were individual sovereign states, with their own parliaments, judiciaries, and laws, though both were ruled by James in personal union.
James was the son of Mary, Queen of Scots, and a great-great-grandson of Henry VII, King of England and Lord of Ireland, and thus a potential successor to all three thrones. He succeeded to the Scottish throne at the age of thirteen months, after his mother was compelled to abdicate in his favour. Four different regents governed during his minority, which ended officially in 1578, though he did not gain full control of his government until 1583. In 1603, he succeeded the last Tudor monarch of England and Ireland, Elizabeth I, who died childless. He continued to reign in all three kingdoms for 22 years, a period known as the Jacobean era, until his death. After the Union of the Crowns, he based himself in England (the largest of the three realms) from 1603, returning to Scotland only once, in 1617, and styled himself "King of Great Britain and Ireland". He was a major advocate of a single parliament for England and Scotland. In his reign, the Plantation of Ulster and English colonisation of the Americas began.
At 57 years and 246 days, James's reign in Scotland was the longest of any Scottish monarch. He achieved most of his aims in Scotland but faced great difficulties in England, including the Gunpowder Plot in 1605 and repeated conflicts with the English Parliament. Under James, the "Golden Age" of Elizabethan literature and drama continued, with writers such as William Shakespeare, John Donne, Ben Jonson, and Sir Francis Bacon contributing to a flourishing literary culture. James himself was a prolific writer, authoring works such as Daemonologie (1597), The True Law of Free Monarchies (1598), and Basilikon Doron (1599). He sponsored the translation of the Bible into English later named after him, the Authorized King James Version. Sir Anthony Weldon claimed that James had been termed "the wisest fool in Christendom", an epithet associated with his character ever since. Since the latter half of the 20th century, historians have tended to revise James's reputation and treat him as a serious and thoughtful monarch. He was strongly committed to a peace policy, and tried to avoid involvement in religious wars, especially the Thirty Years' War that devastated much of Central Europe. He tried but failed to prevent the rise of hawkish elements in the English Parliament who wanted war with Spain. He was succeeded by his second son, Charles.
James was the only son of Mary, Queen of Scots, and her second husband, Henry Stuart, Lord Darnley. Both Mary and Darnley were great-grandchildren of Henry VII of England through Margaret Tudor, the older sister of Henry VIII. Mary's rule over Scotland was insecure, and she and her husband, being Roman Catholics, faced a rebellion by Protestant noblemen. During Mary's and Darnley's difficult marriage, Darnley secretly allied himself with the rebels and conspired in the murder of the Queen's private secretary, David Rizzio, just three months before James's birth.
James was born on 19 June 1566 at Edinburgh Castle, and as the eldest son and heir apparent of the monarch automatically became Duke of Rothesay and Prince and Great Steward of Scotland. Five days later, an English diplomat Henry Killigrew saw the queen, who had not fully recovered and could only speak faintly. The baby was "sucking at his nurse" and was "well proportioned and like to prove a goodly prince". He was baptised "Charles James" or "James Charles" on 17 December 1566 in a Catholic ceremony held at Stirling Castle. His godparents were Charles IX of France (represented by John, Count of Brienne), Elizabeth I of England (represented by the Earl of Bedford), and Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy (represented by ambassador Philibert du Croc).[a] Mary refused to let the Archbishop of St Andrews, whom she referred to as "a pocky priest", spit in the child's mouth, as was then the custom. The subsequent entertainment, devised by Frenchman Bastian Pagez, featured men dressed as satyrs and sporting tails, to which the English guests took offence, thinking the satyrs "done against them".
James's father, Darnley, was murdered on 10 February 1567 at Kirk o' Field, Edinburgh, perhaps in revenge for the killing of Rizzio. James inherited his father's titles of Duke of Albany and Earl of Ross. Mary was already unpopular, and her marriage on 15 May 1567 to James Hepburn, 4th Earl of Bothwell, who was widely suspected of murdering Darnley, heightened widespread bad feeling towards her. In June 1567, Protestant rebels arrested Mary and imprisoned her in Loch Leven Castle; she never saw her son again. She was forced to abdicate on 24 July 1567 in favour of the infant James and to appoint her illegitimate half-brother, James Stewart, Earl of Moray, as regent.
Regencies
The care of James was entrusted to the Earl and Countess of Mar, "to be conserved, nursed, and upbrought" in the security of Stirling Castle. James was anointed King of Scotland at the age of thirteen months at the Church of the Holy Rude in Stirling, by Adam Bothwell, Bishop of Orkney, on 29 July 1567. The sermon at the coronation was preached by John Knox. In accordance with the religious beliefs of most of the Scottish ruling class, James was brought up as a member of the Protestant Church of Scotland, the Kirk. The Privy Council selected George Buchanan, Peter Young, Adam Erskine (lay abbot of Cambuskenneth), and David Erskine (lay abbot of Dryburgh) as James's preceptors or tutors. As the young king's senior tutor, Buchanan subjected James to regular beatings but also instilled in him a lifelong passion for literature and learning. Buchanan sought to turn James into a God-fearing, Protestant king who accepted the limitations of monarchy, as outlined in his treatise De Jure Regni apud Scotos.
In 1568, Mary escaped from her imprisonment at Loch Leven Castle, leading to several years of sporadic violence. The Earl of Moray defeated Mary's troops at the Battle of Langside, forcing her to flee to England, where she was subsequently kept in confinement by Elizabeth. On 23 January 1570, Moray was assassinated by James Hamilton of Bothwellhaugh.The next regent was James's paternal grandfather Matthew Stewart, 4th Earl of Lennox, who was carried fatally wounded into Stirling Castle a year later after a raid by Mary's supporters. His successor, the Earl of Mar, "took a vehement sickness" and died on 28 October 1572 at Stirling. Mar's illness, wrote James Melville, followed a banquet at Dalkeith Palace given by James Douglas, 4th Earl of Morton.
Morton was elected to Mar's office and proved in many ways the most effective of James's regents, but he made enemies by his rapacity. He fell from favour when Frenchman EsmΓ© Stewart, Sieur d'Aubigny, first cousin of James's father Lord Darnley and future Earl of Lennox, arrived in Scotland and quickly established himself as the first of James's powerful favourites. James was proclaimed an adult ruler in a ceremony of Entry to Edinburgh on 19 October 1579. Morton was executed on 2 June 1581, belatedly charged with complicity in Darnley's murder. On 8 August, James made Lennox the only duke in Scotland. The king, then fifteen years old, remained under the influence of Lennox for about one more year.
Rule in Scotland
Lennox was a Protestant convert, but he was distrusted by Scottish Calvinists who noticed the physical displays of affection between him and the king and alleged that Lennox "went about to draw the King to carnal lust". In August 1582, in what became known as the Ruthven Raid, the Protestant earls of Gowrie and Angus lured James into Ruthven Castle, imprisoned him, and forced Lennox to leave Scotland. During James's imprisonment (19 September 1582), John Craig, whom the king had personally appointed royal chaplain in 1579, rebuked him so sharply from the pulpit for having issued a proclamation so offensive to the clergy "that the king wept".
After James was liberated in June 1583, he assumed increasing control of his kingdom. He pushed through the Black Acts to assert royal authority over the Kirk, and denounced the writings of his former tutor Buchanan. Between 1584 and 1603, he established effective royal government and relative peace among the lords, ably assisted by John Maitland of Thirlestane who led the government until 1592. An eight-man commission known as the Octavians brought some control over the ruinous state of James's finances in 1596, but it drew opposition from vested interests. It was disbanded within a year after a riot in Edinburgh, which was stoked by anti-Catholicism and led the court to withdraw to Linlithgow temporarily.
One last Scottish attempt against the king's person occurred in August 1600, when James was apparently assaulted by Alexander Ruthven, the Earl of Gowrie's younger brother, at Gowrie House, the seat of the Ruthvens. Ruthven was run through by James's page John Ramsay, and the Earl of Gowrie was killed in the ensuing fracas; there were few surviving witnesses. Given James's history with the Ruthvens and the fact that he owed them a great deal of money, his account of the circumstances was not universally believed.
In 1586, James signed the Treaty of Berwick with England. That and his mother's execution in 1587, which he denounced as a "preposterous and strange procedure", helped clear the way for his succession south of the border. Queen Elizabeth was unmarried and childless, and James was her most likely successor. Securing the English succession became a cornerstone of his policy. During the Spanish Armada crisis of 1588, he assured Elizabeth of his support as "your natural son and compatriot of your country". Elizabeth sent James an annual subsidy from 1586 which gave her some leverage over affairs in Scotland.
Marriage
Throughout his youth, James was praised for his chastity, since he showed little interest in women. After the loss of Lennox, he continued to prefer male company. A suitable marriage, however, was necessary to reinforce his monarchy, and the choice fell on fourteen-year-old Anne of Denmark, younger daughter of Protestant Frederick II. Shortly after a proxy marriage in Copenhagen in August 1589, Anne sailed for Scotland but was forced by storms to the coast of Norway. On hearing that the crossing had been abandoned, James sailed from Leith with a 300-strong retinue to fetch Anne personally in what historian David Harris Willson called "the one romantic episode of his life". The couple were married formally at the Bishop's Palace in Oslo on 23 November. James received a dowry of 75,000 Danish dalers and a gift of 10,000 dalers from his mother-in-law Sophie of Mecklenburg-GΓΌstrow. After stays at Elsinore and Copenhagen and a meeting with Tycho Brahe, they returned to Scotland on 1 May 1590. By all accounts, James was at first infatuated with Anne and, in the early years of their marriage, seems always to have shown her patience and affection. The royal couple produced three children who survived to adulthood: Henry Frederick, Prince of Wales, who died of typhoid fever in 1612, aged 18; Elizabeth, later queen of Bohemia; and Charles, his successor. Anne died before her husband, in March 1619.
Witch hunts
James's visit to Denmark, a country familiar with witch-hunts, sparked an interest in the study of witchcraft, which he considered a branch of theology. He attended the North Berwick witch trials, the first major persecution of witches in Scotland under the Witchcraft Act 1563. Several people were convicted of using witchcraft to send storms against James's ship, most notably Agnes Sampson.
James became concerned with the threat posed by witches and wrote Daemonologie in 1597, a tract inspired by his personal involvement that opposed the practice of witchcraft and that provided background material for Shakespeare's Tragedy of Macbeth. James personally supervised the torture of women accused of being witches. After 1599, his views became more sceptical. In a later letter written in England to his son Henry, James congratulates the prince on "the discovery of yon little counterfeit wench. I pray God ye may be my heir in such discoveries ... most miracles now-a-days prove but illusions, and ye may see by this how wary judges should be in trusting accusations".
Highlands and Islands
The forcible dissolution of the Lordship of the Isles by James IV in 1493 had led to troubled times for the western seaboard. He had subdued the organised military might of the Hebrides, but he and his immediate successors lacked the will or ability to provide an alternative form of governance. As a result, the 16th century became known as linn nan creach, the time of raids. Furthermore, the effects of the Reformation were slow to affect the GΓ idhealtachd, driving a religious wedge between this area and centres of political control in the Central Belt.
In 1540, James V had toured the Hebrides, forcing the clan chiefs to accompany him. There followed a period of peace, but the clans were soon at loggerheads with one another again. During James VI's reign, the citizens of the Hebrides were portrayed as lawless barbarians rather than being the cradle of Scottish Christianity and nationhood. Official documents describe the peoples of the Highlands as "void of the knawledge and feir of God" who were prone to "all kynd of barbarous and bestile cruelteis". The Gaelic language, spoken fluently by James IV and probably by James V, became known in the time of James VI as "Erse" or Irish, implying that it was foreign in nature. The Scottish Parliament decided that Gaelic had become a principal cause of the Highlanders' shortcomings and sought to abolish it.
It was against this background that James VI authorised the "Gentleman Adventurers of Fife" to civilise the "most barbarous Isle of Lewis" in 1598. James wrote that the colonists were to act "not by agreement" with the local inhabitants, but "by extirpation of thame". Their landing at Stornoway began well, but the colonists were driven out by local forces commanded by Murdoch and Neil MacLeod. The colonists tried again in 1605 with the same result, although a third attempt in 1607 was more successful. The Statutes of Iona were enacted in 1609, which required clan chiefs to provide support for Protestant ministers to Highland parishes; to outlaw bards; to report regularly to Edinburgh to answer for their actions; and to send their heirs to Lowland Scotland, to be educated in English-speaking Protestant schools. So began a process "specifically aimed at the extirpation of the Gaelic language, the destruction of its traditional culture and the suppression of its bearers."
In the Northern Isles, James's cousin Patrick Stewart, Earl of Orkney, resisted the Statutes of Iona and was consequently imprisoned. His natural son Robert led an unsuccessful rebellion against James, and the Earl and his son were hanged. Their estates were forfeited, and the Orkney and Shetland islands were annexed to the Crown.
Theory of monarchy
In 1597β98, James wrote The True Law of Free Monarchies and Basilikon Doron (Royal Gift), in which he argues a theological basis for monarchy. In the True Law, he sets out the divine right of kings, explaining that kings are higher beings than other men for Biblical reasons, though "the highest bench is the sliddriest to sit upon". The document proposes an absolutist theory of monarchy, by which a king may impose new laws by royal prerogative but must also pay heed to tradition and to God, who would "stirre up such scourges as pleaseth him, for punishment of wicked kings".
Basilikon Doron was written as a book of instruction for four-year-old Prince Henry and provides a more practical guide to kingship. The work is considered to be well written and perhaps the best example of James's prose. James's advice concerning parliaments, which he understood as merely the king's "head court", foreshadows his difficulties with the English Commons: "Hold no Parliaments," he tells Henry, "but for the necesitie of new Lawes, which would be but seldome". In the True Law, James maintains that the king owns his realm as a feudal lord owns his fief, because kings arose "before any estates or ranks of men, before any parliaments were holden, or laws made, and by them was the land distributed, which at first was wholly theirs. And so it follows of necessity that kings were the authors and makers of the laws, and not the laws of the kings."
Literary patronage
In the 1580s and 1590s, James promoted the literature of his native country. He published his treatise Some Rules and Cautions to be Observed and Eschewed in Scottish Prosody in 1584 at the age of 18. It was both a poetic manual and a description of the poetic tradition in his mother tongue of Scots, applying Renaissance principles. He also made statutory provision to reform and promote the teaching of music, seeing the two in connection. One act of his reign urges the Scottish burghs to reform and support the teaching of music in Sang Sculis.
In furtherance of these aims, he was both patron and head of a loose circle of Scottish Jacobean court poets and musicians known as the Castalian Band, which included William Fowler and Alexander Montgomerie among others, Montgomerie being a favourite of the king. James was himself a poet, and was happy to be seen as a practising member of the group.
By the late 1590s, his championing of native Scottish tradition was reduced to some extent by the increasing likelihood of his succession to the English throne. William Alexander and other courtier poets started to anglicise their written language, and followed the king to London after 1603. James's role as active literary participant and patron made him a defining figure in many respects for English Renaissance poetry and drama, which reached a pinnacle of achievement in his reign,but his patronage of the high style in the Scottish tradition, which included his ancestor James I of Scotland, became largely sidelined.
Accession in England
Main article: Union of the Crowns
From 1601, in the last years of Elizabeth's life, certain English politiciansβnotably her chief minister Sir Robert Cecil maintained a secret correspondence with James to prepare in advance for a smooth succession. With the Queen clearly dying, Cecil sent James a draft proclamation of his accession to the English throne in March 1603. Elizabeth died in the early hours of 24 March, and James was proclaimed king in London later the same day.
On 5 April, James left Edinburgh for London, promising to return every three years (a promise that he did not keep), and progressed slowly southwards. Local lords received him with lavish hospitality along the route and James was amazed by the wealth of his new land and subjects, claiming that he was "swapping a stony couch for a deep feather bed". James arrived in the capital on 7 May, nine days after Elizabeth's funeral. His new subjects flocked to see him, relieved that the succession had triggered neither unrest nor invasion. On arrival at London, he was mobbed by a crowd of spectators.
His English coronation took place on 25 July at Westminster Abbey, with elaborate allegories provided by dramatic poets such as Thomas Dekker and Ben Jonson. An outbreak of plague restricted festivities, but "the streets seemed paved with men," wrote Dekker. "Stalls instead of rich wares were set out with children, open casements filled up with women."
The kingdom to which James succeeded, however, had its problems. Monopolies and taxation had engendered a widespread sense of grievance, and the costs of war in Ireland had become a heavy burden on the government, which had debts of Β£400,000.
Early reign in England
Main article: Jacobean era
James survived two conspiracies in the first year of his reign, despite the smoothness of the succession and the warmth of his welcome: the Bye Plot and Main Plot, which led to the arrest of Lord Cobham and Sir Walter Raleigh, among others.Those hoping for a change in government from James were disappointed at first when he kept Elizabeth's Privy Councillors in office, as secretly planned with Cecil, but James soon added long-time supporter Henry Howard and his nephew Thomas Howard to the Privy Council, as well as five Scottish nobles.
In the early years of James's reign, the day-to-day running of the government was tightly managed by the shrewd Cecil, later Earl of Salisbury, ably assisted by the experienced Thomas Egerton, whom James made Baron Ellesmere and Lord Chancellor, and by Thomas Sackville, soon Earl of Dorset, who continued as Lord Treasurer. As a consequence, James was free to concentrate on bigger issues, such as a scheme for a closer union between England and Scotland and matters of foreign policy, as well as to enjoy his leisure pursuits, particularly hunting.
James was ambitious to build on the personal union of the Crowns of Scotland and England to establish a single country under one monarch, one parliament, and one law, a plan that met opposition in both realms. "Hath He not made us all in one island," James told the English Parliament, "compassed with one sea and of itself by nature indivisible?" In April 1604, however, the Commons refused his request to be titled "King of Great Britain" on legal grounds. In October 1604, he assumed the title "King of Great Britain" instead of "King of England" and "King of Scotland", though Sir Francis Bacon told him that he could not use the style in "any legal proceeding, instrument or assurance" and the title was not used on English statutes. James forced the Parliament of Scotland to use it, and it was used on proclamations, coinage, letters, and treaties in both realms.
James achieved more success in foreign policy. Never having been at war with Spain, he devoted his efforts to bringing the long AngloβSpanish War to an end, and a peace treaty was signed between the two countries in August 1604, thanks to the skilled diplomacy of the delegation, in particular Robert Cecil and Henry Howard, now Earl of Northampton. James celebrated the treaty by hosting a great banquet. Freedom of worship for Catholics in England, however, continued to be a major objective of Spanish policy, causing constant dilemmas for James, distrusted abroad for repression of Catholics while at home being encouraged by the Privy Council to show even less tolerance towards them.
Gunpowder Plot
Main article: Gunpowder Plot
A dissident Catholic, Guy Fawkes, was discovered in the cellars of the parliament buildings on the night of 4β5 November 1605, the eve of the state opening of the second session of James's first English Parliament. He was guarding a pile of wood not far from 36 barrels of gunpowder. Some politicians, scared of Catholics, assumed Fawkes intended to use the barrels to blow up Parliament House the following day and cause the destruction, as James put it, "not only ... of my person, nor of my wife and posterity also, but of the whole body of the State in general". The sensational discovery of the "Gunpowder Plot," as it quickly became known, aroused a mood of national relief at the delivery of the king and his sons. Salisbury exploited this to extract higher subsidies from the ensuing Parliament than any but one granted to Elizabeth. Fawkes and other implicated minorities were tortured and executed.
King and Parliament
The co-operation between monarch and Parliament following the Gunpowder Plot was atypical. Instead, it was the previous session of 1604 that shaped the attitudes of both sides for the rest of the reign, though the initial difficulties owed more to mutual incomprehension than conscious enmity. On 7 July 1604, James had angrily prorogued Parliament after failing to win its support either for full union or financial subsidies. "I will not thank where I feel no thanks due", he had remarked in his closing speech. "... I am not of such a stock as to praise fools ... You see how many things you did not well ... I wish you would make use of your liberty with more modesty in time to come".
As James's reign progressed, his government faced growing financial pressures, partly due to creeping inflation but also to the profligacy and financial incompetence of James's court. In February 1610, Salisbury proposed a scheme, known as the Great Contract, whereby Parliament, in return for ten royal concessions, would grant a lump sum of Β£600,000 to pay off the king's debts plus an annual grant of Β£200,000. The ensuing prickly negotiations became so protracted that James eventually lost patience and dismissed Parliament on 31 December 1610. "Your greatest error", he told Salisbury, "hath been that ye ever expected to draw honey out of gall". The same pattern was repeated with the so-called "Addled Parliament" of 1614, which James dissolved after a mere nine weeks when the Commons hesitated to grant him the money he required. James then ruled without parliament until 1621, employing officials such as the merchant Lionel Cranfield, who were astute at raising and saving money for the crown, and sold baronetcies and other dignities, many created for the purpose, as an alternative source of income.
Spanish match
Main article: Spanish match
Another potential source of income was the prospect of a Spanish dowry from a marriage between Charles, Prince of Wales, and Infanta Maria Anna of Spain.The policy of the Spanish match, as it was called, was also attractive to James as a way to maintain peace with Spain and avoid the additional costs of a war. Peace could be maintained as effectively by keeping the negotiations alive as by consummating the matchβwhich may explain why James protracted the negotiations for almost a decade.
The policy was supported by the Howards and other Catholic-leaning ministers and diplomatsβtogether known as the Spanish Partyβbut deeply distrusted in Protestant England. When Sir Walter Raleigh was released from imprisonment in 1616, he embarked on a hunt for gold in South America with strict instructions from James not to engage the Spanish. Raleigh's expedition was a disastrous failure, and his son Walter was killed fighting the Spanish. On Raleigh's return to England, James had him executed to the indignation of the public, who opposed the appeasement of Spain. James's policy was further jeopardised by the outbreak of the Thirty Years' War, especially after his Protestant son-in-law, Frederick V, Elector Palatine, was ousted from Bohemia by the Catholic Emperor Ferdinand II in 1620, and Spanish troops simultaneously invaded Frederick's Rhineland home territory. Matters came to a head when James finally called a Parliament in 1621 to fund a military expedition in support of his son-in-law. The Commons on the one hand granted subsidies inadequate to finance serious military operations in aid of Frederick, and on the otherβremembering the profits gained under Elizabeth by naval attacks on Spanish gold shipmentsβcalled for a war directly against Spain. In November 1621, roused by Sir Edward Coke, they framed a petition asking not only for war with Spain but also for Prince Charles to marry a Protestant, and for enforcement of the anti-Catholic laws. James flatly told them not to interfere in matters of royal prerogative or they would risk punishment, which provoked them into issuing a statement protesting their rights, including freedom of speech. Urged on by the Duke of Buckingham and the Spanish ambassador Gondomar, James ripped the protest out of the record book and dissolved Parliament.
In early 1623, Prince Charles, now 22, and Buckingham decided to seize the initiative and travel to Spain incognito, to win the infanta directly, but the mission proved an ineffectual mistake. The infanta detested Charles, and the Spanish confronted them with terms that included the repeal of anti-Catholic legislation by Parliament. Though a treaty was signed, the prince and duke returned to England in October without the infanta and immediately renounced the treaty, much to the delight of the British people. Disillusioned by the visit to Spain, Charles and Buckingham now turned James's Spanish policy upon its head and called for a French match and a war against the Habsburg empire. To raise the necessary finance, they prevailed upon James to call another Parliament, which met in February 1624. For once, the outpouring of anti-Catholic sentiment in the Commons was echoed in court, where control of policy was shifting from James to Charles and Buckingham, who pressured the king to declare war and engineered the impeachment of Lord Treasurer Lionel Cranfield, by now made Earl of Middlesex, when he opposed the plan on grounds of cost. The outcome of the Parliament of 1624 was ambiguous: James still refused to declare or fund a war, but Charles believed the Commons had committed themselves to finance a war against Spain, a stance that was to contribute to his problems with Parliament in his own reign.
King and Church
After the Gunpowder Plot, James sanctioned harsh measures to control English Catholics. In May 1606, Parliament passed the Popish Recusants Act, which could require any citizen to take an Oath of Allegiance denying the Pope's authority over the king. James was conciliatory towards Catholics who took the Oath of Allegiance, and tolerated crypto-Catholicism even at court. Henry Howard, for example, was a crypto-Catholic, received back into the Catholic Church in his final months. On ascending the English throne, James suspected that he might need the support of Catholics in England, so he assured the Earl of Northumberland, a prominent sympathiser of the old religion, that he would not persecute "any that will be quiet and give but an outward obedience to the law".
In the Millenary Petition of 1603, the Puritan clergy demanded the abolition of confirmation, wedding rings, and the term "priest", among other things, and that the wearing of cap and surplice become optional. James was strict in enforcing conformity at first, inducing a sense of persecution amongst many Puritans; but ejections and suspensions from livings became rarer as the reign continued. As a result of the Hampton Court Conference of 1604, a new translation and compilation of approved books of the Bible was commissioned to resolve discrepancies among different translations then being used. The Authorized King James Version, as it came to be known, was completed in 1611 and is considered a masterpiece of Jacobean prose. It is still in widespread use.
In Scotland, James attempted to bring the Scottish Kirk "so neir as can be" to the English church and to reestablish episcopacy, a policy that met with strong opposition from presbyterians.James returned to Scotland in 1617 for the only time after his accession in England, in the hope of implementing Anglican ritual. James's bishops forced his Five Articles of Perth through a General Assembly the following year, but the rulings were widely resisted. James left the church in Scotland divided at his death, a source of future problems for his son.
Personal relationships
Throughout his life James had close relationships with male courtiers, which has caused debate among historians about their exact nature. In Scotland Anne Murray was known as the king's mistress. After his accession in England, his peaceful and scholarly attitude contrasted strikingly with the bellicose and flirtatious behaviour of Elizabeth, as indicated by the contemporary epigram Rex fuit Elizabeth, nunc est regina Iacobus (Elizabeth was King, now James is Queen).
Some of James's biographers conclude that EsmΓ© Stewart (later Duke of Lennox), Robert Carr (later Earl of Somerset), and George Villiers (later Duke of Buckingham) were his lovers. Sir John Oglander observed that he "never yet saw any fond husband make so much or so great dalliance over his beautiful spouse as I have seen King James over his favourites, especially the Duke of Buckingham" whom the king would, recalled Sir Edward Peyton, "tumble and kiss as a mistress." Restoration of Apethorpe Palace in Northamptonshire, undertaken in 2004β08, revealed a previously unknown passage linking the bedchambers of James and Villiers.
Some biographers of James argue that the relationships were not sexual. James's Basilikon Doron lists sodomy among crimes "ye are bound in conscience never to forgive", and James's wife Anne gave birth to seven live children, as well as suffering two stillbirths and at least three other miscarriages. Contemporary Huguenot poet ThΓ©ophile de Viau observed that "it is well known that the king of England / fucks the Duke of Buckingham". Buckingham himself provides evidence that he slept in the same bed as the king, writing to James many years later that he had pondered "whether you loved me now ... better than at the time which I shall never forget at Farnham, where the bed's head could not be found between the master and his dog". Buckingham's words may be interpreted as non-sexual, in the context of seventeenth-century court life, and remain ambiguous despite their fondness. It is also possible that James was bisexual.
When the Earl of Salisbury died in 1612, he was little mourned by those who jostled to fill the power vacuum. Until Salisbury's death, the Elizabethan administrative system over which he had presided continued to function with relative efficiency; from this time forward, however, James's government entered a period of decline and disrepute. Salisbury's passing gave James the notion of governing in person as his own chief Minister of State, with his young Scottish favourite Robert Carr carrying out many of Salisbury's former duties, but James's inability to attend closely to official business exposed the government to factionalism.
The Howard party, consisting of Northampton, Suffolk, Suffolk's son-in-law Lord Knollys, and Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham, along with Sir Thomas Lake, soon took control of much of the government and its patronage. Even the powerful Carr fell into the Howard camp, hardly experienced for the responsibilities thrust upon him and often dependent on his intimate friend Sir Thomas Overbury for assistance with government papers.Carr had an adulterous affair with Frances Howard, Countess of Essex, daughter of the Earl of Suffolk, whom James assisted by securing an annulment of her marriage to free her to marry Carr.
In summer 1615, however, it emerged that Overbury had been poisoned. He had died on 15 September 1613 in the Tower of London, where he had been placed at the king's request. Among those convicted of the murder were Frances and Robert Carr, the latter having been replaced as the king's favourite in the meantime by Villiers. James pardoned Frances and commuted Carr's sentence of death, eventually pardoning him in 1624.The implication of the king in such a scandal provoked much public and literary conjecture and irreparably tarnished James's court with an image of corruption and depravity. The subsequent downfall of the Howards left Villiers unchallenged as the supreme figure in the government by 1619.
Health and death
In his later years, James suffered increasingly from arthritis, gout and kidney stones. He also lost his teeth and drank heavily. The king was often seriously ill during the last year of his life, leaving him an increasingly peripheral figure, rarely able to visit London, while Buckingham consolidated his control of Charles to ensure his own future. One theory is that James suffered from porphyria, a disease of which his descendant George III of the United Kingdom exhibited some symptoms. James described his urine to physician ThΓ©odore de Mayerne as being the "dark red colour of Alicante wine". The theory is dismissed by some experts, particularly in James's case, because he had kidney stones which can lead to blood in the urine, colouring it red.
In early 1625, James was plagued by severe attacks of arthritis, gout, and fainting fits, and fell seriously ill in March with tertian ague and then suffered a stroke. He died at Theobalds House in Hertfordshire on 27 March during a violent attack of dysentery, with Buckingham at his bedside. James's funeral on 7 May was a magnificent but disorderly affair. Bishop John Williams of Lincoln preached the sermon, observing, "King Solomon died in Peace, when he had lived about sixty years ... and so you know did King James". The sermon was later printed as Great Britain's Salomon .
James was buried in Westminster Abbey. The position of the tomb was lost for many years until his lead coffin was found in the Henry VII vault, during an excavation in the 19th century.
Legacy
James was widely mourned. For all his flaws, he had largely retained the affection of his people, who had enjoyed uninterrupted peace and comparatively low taxation during the Jacobean era. "As he lived in peace," remarked the Earl of Kellie, "so did he die in peace, and I pray God our king [Charles I] may follow him". The earl prayed in vain: once in power, Charles and Buckingham sanctioned a series of reckless military expeditions that ended in humiliating failure. James had often neglected the business of government for leisure pastimes, such as the hunt; his later dependence on favourites at a scandal-ridden court undermined the respected image of monarchy so carefully constructed by Elizabeth.
Under James, the Plantation of Ulster by English and Scots Protestants began, and the English colonisation of North America started its course with the foundation of Jamestown, Virginia, in 1607, and Cuper's Cove, Newfoundland, in 1610. During the next 150 years, England would fight with Spain, the Netherlands, and France for control of the continent, while religious division in Ireland between Protestant and Catholic has lasted for 400 years. By actively pursuing more than just a personal union of his realms, he helped lay the foundations for a unitary British state.
According to a tradition originating with anti-Stuart historians of the mid-17th-century, James's taste for political absolutism, his financial irresponsibility, and his cultivation of unpopular favourites established the foundations of the English Civil War. James bequeathed Charles a fatal belief in the divine right of kings, combined with a disdain for Parliament, which culminated in the execution of Charles I and the abolition of the monarchy. Over the last three hundred years, the king's reputation has suffered from the acid description of him by Sir Anthony Weldon, whom James had sacked and who wrote treatises on James in the 1650s.
Other influential anti-James histories written during the 1650s include: Sir Edward Peyton's Divine Catastrophe of the Kingly Family of the House of Stuarts (1652); Arthur Wilson's History of Great Britain, Being the Life and Reign of King James I (1658); and Francis Osborne's Historical Memoirs of the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James (1658). David Harris Willson's 1956 biography continued much of this hostility. In the words of historian Jenny Wormald, Willson's book was an "astonishing spectacle of a work whose every page proclaimed its author's increasing hatred for his subject". Since Willson, however, the stability of James's government in Scotland and in the early part of his English reign, as well as his relatively enlightened views on religion and war, have earned him a re-evaluation from many historians, who have rescued his reputation from this tradition of criticism.
Representative of the new historical perspective is the 2003 biography by Pauline Croft. Reviewer John Cramsie summarises her findings:
Croft's overall assessment of James is appropriately mixed. She recognises his good intentions in matters like Anglo-Scottish union, his openness to different points of view, and his agenda of a peaceful foreign policy within his kingdoms' financial means. His actions moderated frictions between his diverse peoples. Yet he also created new ones, particularly by supporting colonisation that polarised the crown's interest groups in Ireland, obtaining insufficient political benefit with his open-handed patronage, an unfortunate lack of attention to the image of monarchy (particularly after the image-obsessed regime of Elizabeth), pursuing a pro-Spanish foreign policy that fired religious prejudice and opened the door for Arminians within the English church, and enforcing unpalatable religious changes on the Scottish Kirk. Many of these criticisms are framed within a longer view of James' reigns, including the legacyβnow understood to be more troubledβwhich he left Charles I.
Titles, styles, honours, and arms
Titles and styles
In Scotland, James was "James the sixth, King of Scotland", until 1604. He was proclaimed "James the first, King of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith" in London on 24 March 1603.On 20 October 1604, James issued a proclamation at Westminster changing his style to "King of Great Brittaine, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c." The style was not used on English statutes, but was used on proclamations, coinage, letters, treaties, and in Scotland. James styled himself "King of France", in line with other monarchs of England between 1340 and 1801, although he did not actually rule France.
Arms
As King of Scotland, James bore the ancient royal arms of Scotland: Or, a lion rampant Gules armed and langued Azure within a double tressure flory counter-flory Gules. The arms were supported by two unicorns Argent armed, crined and unguled Proper, gorged with a coronet Or composed of crosses patΓ©e and fleurs de lys a chain affixed thereto passing between the forelegs and reflexed over the back also Or. The crest was a lion sejant affrontΓ©e Gules, imperially crowned Or, holding in the dexter paw a sword and in the sinister paw a sceptre both erect and Proper.
The Union of the Crowns of England and Scotland under James was symbolised heraldically by combining their arms, supporters and badges. Contention as to how the arms should be marshalled, and to which kingdom should take precedence, was solved by having different arms for each country.
The arms used in England were: Quarterly, I and IV, quarterly 1st and 4th Azure three fleurs de lys Or (for France), 2nd and 3rd Gules three lions passant guardant in pale Or (for England); II Or a lion rampant within a tressure flory-counter-flory Gules (for Scotland); III Azure a harp Or stringed Argent (for Ireland, this was the first time that Ireland was included in the royal arms). The supporters became: dexter a lion rampant guardant Or imperially crowned and sinister the Scottish unicorn. The unicorn replaced the red dragon of Cadwaladr, which was introduced by the Tudors. The unicorn has remained in the royal arms of the two united realms. The English crest and motto was retained. The compartment often contained a branch of the Tudor rose, with shamrock and thistle engrafted on the same stem. The arms were frequently shown with James's personal motto, Beati pacifici.
The arms used in Scotland were: Quarterly, I and IV Scotland, II England and France, III Ireland, with Scotland taking precedence over England. The supporters were: dexter a unicorn of Scotland imperially crowned, supporting a tilting lance flying a banner Azure a saltire Argent (Cross of Saint Andrew) and sinister the crowned lion of England supporting a similar lance flying a banner Argent a cross Gules (Cross of Saint George). The Scottish crest and motto was retained, following the Scottish practice the motto In defens (which is short for In My Defens God Me Defend) was placed above the crest.
As royal badges James used: the Tudor rose, the thistle (for Scotland; first used by James III of Scotland), the Tudor rose dimidiated with the thistle ensigned with the royal crown, a harp (for Ireland) and a fleur de lys (for France).
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https://www.pinterest.com/pin/circa-1605-james-vi-king-of-scots-and-first-stuart-king-of--34480753387517760/
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2021-01-03T08:52:33+00:00
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Circa 1605, James VI , king of Scots, and first Stuart king of England as James I. Original Artwork: Engraving by R Cooper after a scarce print. Get premium, high resolution news photos at Getty Images
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Pinterest
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https://www.pinterest.com/pin/circa-1605-james-vi-king-of-scots-and-first-stuart-king-of--34480753387517760/
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https://www.18thcenturycommon.org/tags/defoe/
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Defoe Archives
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2013-05-22T12:48:20-04:00
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en
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The 18th-Century Common
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https://18thcenturycommon.org/tags/defoe/
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By the end of the first decade of Charles IIβs reign, the King had acquired a reputation for his many mistresses; his patronage of the theater; and his interest in natural philosophy and the new sciences [1]. These pursuits and those of his most prominent court mistresses, Barbara Villiers, Duchess of Cleveland; Nell Gwyn; Louise de KΓ©roualle, Duchess of Portsmouth; and Hortense Mancini, Duchess of Mazarin shaped two movements in England, libertinism and sensibility. Writersβ frequent depictions of these women gave new prominence to a remarkable figure in literature, the female libertine, that remains with us.
Dangerous Women, Libertine Epicures, and the Rise of Sensibility, 1670-1730 (Ashgate 2011) rewrites the history of libertinism and sensibility and considers the female libertine in relation to cultural, philosophical, and literary contexts that contributed to her transformations from the late seventeenth to the early eighteenth centuries in England. I argue that there are five representative types across a diverse group of texts, including βLady Lucretiusβ in John Drydenβs Marriage A-la-Mode (1671); βLady Sensibilityβ in Aphra Behnβs The Luckey Chance, or an Aldermanβs Bargain (1686) and novella, The History of the Nun (1689); βThe Humane Libertineβ in Catharine Trotterβs epistolary narrative, Olindaβs Adventures (1693), and only comedy, Love at a Loss, or the Most Votes Carries It (1700); βThe Natural Libertineβ in Delariviere Manleyβs The History of Rivella (1714); and βThe Amazonian Libertineβ in Daniel Defoeβs novel, Roxana (1724) [2]. These authors created female libertines that made lasting contributions to later depictions of the figure, partially inspired by Epicurean ideas found in Lucretiusβs On the Nature of the Universe, which experienced a revival in late Stuart England. Behn and other libertine writers found its destabilizing proposal that all matter, including humans, is composed of free-floating, constantly moving atoms attractive. Thomas Creechβs multiple English translations of Lucretiusβs text created a relationship between atomism and the emotions that reflected seventeenth-century natural philosophersβ interest in the connections between the soul and body. Early writers of sensibility were likewise concerned with the physiological effects of heartache made evident through their charactersβ weeping, fainting, illness, or even death. Sensibility converged with libertinism in its attention to the senses in the late seventeenth century.
Charles IIβs French mistresses, Portsmouth and Mazarin, who held salons in London during the 1670s, helped to transmit French ideas and culture to England, including characteristics of sensibilitΓ© that influenced Behnβs creation of βLady Sensibility.β The court mistresses became the most influential women in England during the 1660s, 70s, and early 80s. Literary figures modeled after them persisted long after their βreignsβ at court were over.
There is a current spate of historical biographies and romances about Charles IIβs mistresses in the literary marketplace [3]. Next year will mark seventy years since the publication of the first bestselling modern historical romance set during the first decade of the Restoration, Kathleen Winsorβs Forever Amber (1944). Published during the Second World War, the novel was banned in Boston and several other cities when it first appeared, mainly for its questionable morality and highly suggestive scenes involving the heroine, Amber St. Clare, a female libertine modeled after several of the real-life and fictional women I examine in Dangerous Women. Current books about female libertines owe a debt to Forever Amber, as bestselling novelists Philippa Gregory and Barbara Taylor Bradford, among others, have admitted. Readers still consistently place Forever Amber at the top of their βHistorical Romanceβ lists, and the novel was re-released in 2000.
In 2002, Elaine Showalter reviewed the 2000 edition of Forever Amber for The Guardian, confessing to having been, as a young girl, βawed by Amberβs courage, daring and strength. Rereading the novel now is no disappointment, and I am also impressed by Winsorβs subversive feminism and the scope and ambition of her historical imagination.β Most of the characters in the novel, including Amber, reflect Hobbesian tendencies, vying with each other to achieve precedence at Charles IIβs court in the 1660s. The novel demonstrates Winsorβs command of the historical and literary figures she re-imagines from the Restoration. Her charactersβ vanity, plotting, and cruelty resonate with historical records of figures Amber encounters at the Carolean court, Newgate prison, and Alsatia in Whitefriars, the London βsanctuaryβ for criminals. Winsor drew the characters from the hundreds of accounts, poems, plots, and textbooks she claimed to have read before writing the novel.
Amberβs many marriages and romantic relationships certainly read like an early amatory plot. Born on a dark and stormy night, Amber is the long-lost child of two ill-fated aristocrats separated by the English Civil Wars. Her parents die, and she is raised by villagers of Marygreen, where she is a misfit. Like French seventeenth-century romances by Madame de ScudΓ©ry, who influenced Behn and other early English novelists, the story relies on remarkable coincidences. The novel signals that Amber is of noble, not peasant, stock, evident also in her captivating looks, a quality she shares with early romance heroines. One of Amberβs most generous lovers, Captain Rex Morgan, describes her in language we find in Restoration comedy about heroines: βI see you have wit as well as beauty, madame. That makes you perfectβ (181). Winsor blends qualities of female libertines in her depiction of Amber, who rises through every class position in the novel to achieve greater autonomy and power through varied performances.
Part of Forever Amberβs continuing appeal remains in its sweeping survey of 1660s London and the meticulous attention to historical detail. Winsor used Daniel Defoeβs A Journal of the Plague Year (1722) as a source for Amberβs experience of plague in London in 1665, and her novel blends elements of other plots by Restoration and early eighteenth-century writers. Like Defoeβs Moll Flanders, Amber makes an early career out of trickster-ism and thievery, landing in Newgate prison after her trial. As an actress in the Restoration theater and then a court mistress of Charles II, Amber resembles Nell Gwyn. Defoeβs Roxana, also modeled on Gwyn and Mazarin, is perhaps Amberβs closest literary antecedent. As Amber rises higher in her liaisons with powerful aristocrats, her one consistent relationship is with her maid, Nan, who gives her advice and rises with her, much as Amy counsels Roxana through relationships and crises about the discovery of her βrealβ identity. Both Roxana and Amber have husbands who desert them early in the narratives, leaving them penniless. Disgraced when she dances for the court in a sheer costume, Amber becomes the βAmazonian Libertineβ at court, and the scene parallels Roxanaβs dance in her exotic costume. Both women experience a vague punishment at the end, and there is no narrative closure in either text.
Amber experiences disillusionment from her lover, Lord Bruce Carlton. Their relationship echoes plots by Manley, Behn, and Trotter, whose heroines are mistreated or left by cruel and faithless lovers. Carlton sees Amber as a lower-class village girl, even when she becomes a wealthy Duchess. Midway through Winsorβs novel, Amber, now the mother of Carltonβs son, tearfully pleads with him to marry her, but he refuses, arguing that βlove has nothing to do with itβ (426), a concise description of upper class marital relations frequently examined in Restoration and eighteenth-century comedy and fiction.
Amberβs downfall results partly because of her class aspirations, mirrored by Winsorβs depiction of the Duchess of Cleveland, still Barbara Palmer when she first arrived to Charles IIβs court as his mistress. On June 24 1667, Samuel Pepys complained of Clevelandβs influence (she was then called Lady Castlemaine) in his Diary because it produced βthe horrid effeminacy of the King,β who βhath taken ten times more care and pains in making friends between my Lady Castlemayne and Mrs. Stewart, when they have fallen out, than ever he did to save his kingdom.β Though powerful, Cleveland never received a true marriage proposal from the King. She fell from power after he lost patience with her tantrums and ambition. So too with Amber and Carlton.
Single-minded in her social-climbing, Amber seems unaware that she lives in an exciting decade of scientific discovery. She never engages philosophical debates about atomism or Descartesβs mechanical theories of the body, ongoing discussions that we find the most interesting female libertine figures examining in literature. Despite a brief liaison with a student early in the novel, Amber does not question him about his studies or read his books. She lacks associations with any leading thinkers at the Carolean court and does not debate the merits of Epicurean pleasure, the existence of animal spirits, or the theological assertions of βright reasonβ with theologians or members of the Royal Society she would certainly have met at Whitehall. Perhaps, had Winsor continued writing the sequel she originally planned, she would have featured a more complex female libertine and a more mature Amber, a figure styled after the Duchess of Mazarin, who developed an intellectual life as interesting as her adventures [4]. But that is another story for another time.
Works Cited
Churchill, Winston. Marlborough, His Life and Times. 4 vols. London: George G. Harrop & Company, 1949. Print.
Winsor, Kathleen. Forever Amber. New York: Macmillan, 1944. Print.
Notes
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https://research.rkd.nl/en/detail/https%253A%252F%252Fdata.rkd.nl%252Fartists%252F73860
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RKD Research
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https://research.rkd.nl/logo/favicon.ico
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https://research.rkd.nl/logo/favicon.ico
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Het RKD beheert, behoudt, onderzoekt en ontsluit kunsthistorische kennis en informatie voor musea, wetenschap en publiek.
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/logo/favicon.ico
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https://theonlineportraitgallery.com/portrait/arbella-stuart/
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Portrait of Arbella Stuart
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2022-08-31T14:18:51+00:00
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Reasonable condition. Paper a bit browned along edges. With some spotting/small staining. Verso: blank.
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en
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The Online Portrait Gallery
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https://theonlineportraitgallery.com/portrait/arbella-stuart/
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Personal details
Place of birth
Nottinghamshire or Hackney, England
Place of death
London, England
Product description
Dimensions 98 Γ 74 mm Artist
Thomas Phillibrown (fl. 1834-1860)
After
Paul van Somer (1577-1621)
Technique
Steel engraving, Stipple engraving
Period
c. 1845
Condition
Reasonable
Condition report
Reasonable condition. Paper a bit browned along edges. With some spotting/small staining. Verso: blank.
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8327
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https://www.christies.com/en/lot/lot-5471425
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English School, circa 1595-1605 , Portrait of a lady, traditionally identified as Queen Elizabeth I, but more probably Catherine Carey, Countess of Nottingham, full-length, in a white silk farthingale
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Portrait of a lady, traditionally identified as Queen Elizabeth I, but more probably Catherine Carey, Countess of Nottingham, full-length, in a white silk farthingale petticoat and bodice embroidered with floral and pyramidal motifs, and wearing, among other pieces of jewellery, a jewelled crossbow set with diamonds and rubies, a pomander chain with agate 'eggs' capped in gold, a flight of jewelled arrows or darts on her ruff, a ruby and diamond anchor in her hair, and a seven pronged ruby an diamond headdress surmounted by pearls
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https://www.christies.com/en/lot/lot-5471425
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This remarkable portrait was identified as of Queen Elizabeth I when sold by Lord Willoughby de Broke in 1921. However, this traditional identification is no longer accepted. Roy Strong, in his 1966 article 'Forgotten Age of Paintings' on the Elizabethan an Jacobean portraits at Cowdray Park and Parham (op.cit.), observed that '...the features of the Queen are difficult to reconcile with those of the sitter in the single portrait [the present lot]', a view which he reiterated on re-examination of the portrait earlier this year. In his article he speculated whether 'we may be contemplating the features of her [Elizabeth I's] close and devoted friend Catherine Carey, Countess of Nottingham'; while the other three portraits in the group (lots 310-312) might be of her three daughters: Frances, Lady Kildare, later Lady Cobham; Elizabeth, Lady Southwell, later Countess of Carrick; and Margaret, Lady Leveson. The identification of these portraits as the members of the family of the Earl and Countess of Nottingham certainly seems a very plausible conclusion to draw on the basis of the later provenance of the portraits.
Catherine, Countess of Nottingham (circa 1545/50-1603), was the daughter of Henry Carey, 1st Baron Hunsdon (1526-96), and his wife Anne Morgan (d. 1607), daughter of Sir Thomas Morgan of Arkstone, Herefordshire. Her parents were closely connected to the court of Queen Elizabeth I and their marriage seems to have been a consequence of this connection. Her father, a cousin of Queen Elizabeth I's, had served in Elizabeth's household from as early as 1551, while her mother, Anne Morgan, was the granddaughter of Blanche, Lady Herbert de Troy, Elizabeth's Lady's Mistress from 1537-1546. After Elizabeth succeeded to the throne the Careys were treated as members of the extended royal family. Her father served as a Gentleman of Queen Elizabeth I's household and she was appointed a Gentlewoman of the Privy Chamber in 1560, when only fifteen. The extent of her intimacy with the Queen is indicated by a contemporary record of the Queen disguising herself as Catherine Carey in order to watch Lord Robert Dudley shoot at Windsor in November 1561.
Catherine Carey's marriage in 1563 to Charles Howard, later second Baron Howard of Effingham and 1st Earl of Nottingham (1536-1624), who also enjoyed the friendship and confidence of Elizabeth I and became one of the Queen's closest male companions, reinforced their mutual ties to the monarch. Her husband, the son of Lord William Howard, and the grandson of the 2nd Duke of Norfolk, was one of the most important figures in Elizabeth I's reign and the only member of the Howard family, after the fall of the 4th Duke of Norfolk, to retain influence until the very end of her reign. Appointed Lord High Admiral of England in 1570, Howard was in command of the English fleet at the time of the Spanish Armada and its defeat, after which he was created Earl of Nottingham, was the crowning glory of his political and military career. England's success against the Armada owed much to his active role in victualling the fleet, often in the face of the Queen and Lord Burghley's parsimony. Aware of his own lack of experience as a wartime leader he was also judicious in surrounding himself with expert seamen and councillors such as Drake, Hawkins and Frobisher. In 1596 he also commanded the celebrated Cadiz Expedition which represented an enormous humiliation both militarily and psychologically for Philip II of Spain. The esteem in which he was held by Elizabeth I at the end of her reign was reflected in the fact that as she lay dying in March 1603. It was to him that she finally confirmed her successor, James VI of Scotland. Nottingham's support for the accession of King James I gave him great influence in the new reign and James I expressed his gratitude to him with the gift of Arundel House which had been forfeited by Nottingham's cousin Philip Howard.
The Earl and Countess of Nottingham had at least two sons: William, the eldest, who predeceased his father, and Charles, who succeeded his father as 2nd Earl of Nottingham. They also had three daughters; Elizabeth, their eldest, who was Elizabeth I's goddaughter and also one of the Queen's Maids of Honour by 1579, married firstly Robert Southwell, of Woodrising, in Norfolk, and secondly John Stewart, Earl of Carrick. Frances, their second daughter, married firstly Henry Fitzgerald, 12th Earl of Kildare, and secondly Henry Broke, Baron Cobham; while Margaret, their third daughter, married Sir Richard Leveson, of Trentham, Staffordshire. The Countess of Nottingham's death at Arundel House in February 1603 was bitterly mourned by the Queen and may have contributed to her own death a few months later.
The subject of this portrait is shown wearing an elaborately embroidered dress and with remarkable jewellery that emphasize her wealth and social status. The remarkable bodice, petticoat and sleeves of her dress which is such a prominent feature of the portrait are embroidered with elaborate naturalistic floral motifs, emblems and love-knots. Among the floral motifs are pansies, vine leaves (with grapes), hop leaves, honeysuckle, lilies, dog rose, strawberries, campion, sweetpeas and cobnut among others, accompanied by a butterfly (on the sleeve of the left arm of her dress). Her petticoat is embroidered with elaborate knots with small pearls and emblematic devices. The most prominent emblems are of those of 'pyramids' but alongside this is a prominent closed 'S' or fermesse (to the lower right side of the petticoat).
In her book Queen Elizabeth I's Wardrobe Unlock'd Janet Arnold explored the so-called 'Stowe' Inventory (or 'Booke of all suche Robes Apparel Silkes Jewells and other stuffe in the chardge of Sir Thomas Gorg knight gentleman of her majesties wardrobe of Robes') of circa 1600 and commented that the fashion for wearing gowns with emblems incorporated in the design of the embroidery seems to have developed in the 1580s. She also observed that 'there are a few portraits of ladies wearing clothes embroidered with motifs which seem more appropriate for Elizabeth, dating from the 1580s onwards' and suggested that in these 'we may be looking at items of the Queen's clothing in portraits other than her own without realizing it' (op.cit., p. 85). She noted that 'A surviving day book records numerous gowns given to ladies-in-waiting and others between 1561 and 1585' and that 'The Warrants for the Wardrobe of Robes list many others from 1585 until the end of the reign' and that 'several items in the Stowe inventory were given away after 1600, and the names noted in the margins'. She went on to comment that 'unfortunately the records are incomplete and the gifts cannot be linked conclusively with the portraits. However, it may be conjectured that any lady who received a piece of beautifully embroidered clothing once worn by the Queen might well decide to have a portrait painted to display the gift' (op.cit., p. 85.)
In this context Arnold made particular mention of the petticoat in this portrait commenting that it 'may have been a New Year's gift embroidered by the donor', that 'the design seems to be domestic rather than professional work' and that 'It is similar to one listed in the Stowe inventory: Item one Petticoate of white Satten embroidered allover like peramydes and flowers of venice golde and silke' ( op.cit., pp. 86-7).
Arnold pointed out that Geoffrey Whitney's A choice of Emblemes of 1586 seems to have provided the source of inspiration for the design and its emblematic significance is made clear from the poem which accompanied the emblem Whitney's book:
'A mighty spyre, whose toppe doth pierce the skie,
An ivie greene imbraceth rounde about,
And while it stands, the same doth bloome on high But when it shrinkes, the ivie standes in dowt:
The Piller great, our gracious Prince is:
The braunche, the Churche: whoe speakes unto hir this
I that of late with stormes was almost spent,
And brused sore witt Tirants bluddie bloes,
whom fire and sworde, with persecution rent
Am nowe sett free, and overlooke my foes,
And whiles though raignst, oh most renowned Queen
By thie support my blossome shall bee greene.'
The emblematic significance of the closed 'S' (fermesse) which is also a features on the petticoat is made clear in Loys Papon's Emblemes d'amour in which the emblem was accompanied by the poem:
'Fermesse dont l'Amour peint un chiffre d'honneur, Commune en l'Γ©criture et rare dans le coeur,
Tes liens en vertu les fidele assurent.
Mais ainsi que ta forme est d'un arc mis en deux,
Le dΓ©sir inconstant froisse et brise les Noeuds,
Cependant que les mains ta fermesse figurent.'
Alongside the elaborately embroidered dress another remarkable feature of this portrait is the extraordinary jewellery that the subject is shown wearing underlines her social status and is also of emblematic significance. These pieces of jewellery with their emphasis on stones, rather than figurative work, reflect the change in fashion that took place in the later years of the reign of Queen Elizabeth I and which reached its full expression in the reign of King James I. Among the most prominent of these pieces are a jewelled diamond and ruby crossbow, worn on her bodice, a flight of jewelled darts or arrows worn on her ruff, a jewelled anchor in her hair, and a seven pronged jewelled headdress attached to her hair. Roy Strong has pointed out that this jewelled headdress may represent an early form of coronet which might support the identificaton of the subject as the Countess of Nottingham.
Geoffrey Whitney's A choice of Emblemes also gives an insight into the emblematic significance of the crossbow in a poem that accompanied the emblem of crossbow that he illustrated:
'Man's wisdome great, doth farre surpasse his strengthe,
For Proofe, behoulde, no man could bend the bowe:
But yet his witte devised at the lengthe,
To winde the stringe so farre as it should gie:
Then wisdome chiefe, and strengthe, must come behinde,
But both be goode, and gifts from God assignde.'
While George Wither's Collection of Emblems Ancient and Moderne, published in 1635, but itself based on earlier compendiums of emblems, elucidates the underlying Christian significance of the anchor as an emblem of hope.
An intriguing aspect of the various pieces of jewellery shown in this portrait, which we are grateful to Diana Scarisbrick for drawing to our attention, is that the more significant pieces are very similar to pieces that are known to have been in the royal collection from the inventory of Queen Anne of Denmark's jewellery compiled in 1606 (National Library of Scotland; for which see D. Scarisbrick 'Anne of Denmark's Jewellery Inventory', Archaeologia, CIX, 1991).
The 1606 inventory includes for example 'A Jewell in the form of a Crossbow, bent with gold with a harte enameled redde at the string, garnished with a small Table Diamonde & one small pointed Diamond' (Scarisbrick, loc.cit., p. 201), which Janet Arnold suggested may be identifiable with that listed among Queen Elizabeth I's jewels in 1600: 'a jewel of gold like a crossbow garnished with diamonds'; which among the jewels taken by King James I after his accession and Anne of Denmark is shown wearing a similar jewelled crossbow in her hair in van Somer's portrait of circa 1617 (National Portrait Gallery).
While the distinctive jewelled headdress shown seems very similar to the description of another piece listed in the 1606 inventory as item 329:
'An armelet of Attire for the head, of VII peeces of goldsmithes worke of seuerall workes in forme of Pyramides, garnished with small diamonds & Rubies, on ye top a round pearle fixed, & at one of them a round Pearle pendant; & one greateer, with two better diamonds then the rest, hauing a knotter of blacke & white ribband ...'
(Scarisbrick, loc.cit., p.227).
The 1606 inventory also includes a number of pomander chaines of a similar nature to that worn by the subject of this portrait such as item 217, 'A Chaine threefold of Pomander, netted with gold/beades of Aggettes, plaine small gold beades ...' (Scarisbrick, loc.cit.).
The jewelled anchor on the other hand is reminiscent of that which Queen Elizabeth I is shown wearing in her hair in the iconographic type of her known as the Raveningham type (Strong, Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I, 1963, p. 64, no. 38).
The pieces of jewellery shown in this portrait and the similarity to pieces in Anne of Denmark's inventory have led Diana Scarisbrick to suggest the possibility that the portrait might represent Queen Anne of Denmark at the outset of King James I's reign when the Stuart dynasty was keen to emphasize continuity with the previous reign not only in terms of policy but also in terms of the image of royalty, borrowing the formal language of portraiture that had characterised the later years of Elizabeth I's reign.
One other interesting element of this portrait is that the subject is shown on a so called 'chequerboard' carpet, most probably made in Damascus. A carpet of this type with a green field, as in this portrait, was featured in the celebrated Whitehall mural portrait of King Henry VIII and his family by Holbein. This type of carpet is now extremely rare; one known example is in the Bayriches Landesmuseum, Munich, while another, the so-called 'wind carpet', was sold at Christie's London, 20 October 1994 (lot 519).
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https://www.tate.org.uk/art/artworks/van-somer-lady-elizabeth-grey-countess-of-kent-t00398
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βLady Elizabeth Grey, Countess of Kentβ, Paul Van Somer, c.1619
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[
"art",
"artwork",
"Tate collection",
"Paul Van Somer",
"Oil paint on wood",
"βLady Elizabeth Grey",
"Countess of Kentβ",
"Tate Britain"
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[] | null |
βLady Elizabeth Grey, Countess of Kentβ, Paul Van Somer, c.1619 on display at Tate Britain.
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Tate
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https://www.tate.org.uk/art/artworks/van-somer-lady-elizabeth-grey-countess-of-kent-t00398
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Email address
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https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2009/feb/14/anthony-van-dyck-portrait-painting
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Dressed to impress
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[
"https://sb.scorecardresearch.com/p?c1=2&c2=6035250&cv=2.0&cj=1&cs_ucfr=0&comscorekw=Van+Dyck%2CArt%2CArt+and+design%2CCulture%2CPainting",
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[
"Guardian staff",
"Keith Thomas"
] |
2009-02-14T00:00:00
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<p>Van Dyck, unmatched for bravura, brought emotion and movement to British portrait painting, writes <strong>Keith Thomas</strong></p>
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en
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the Guardian
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https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2009/feb/14/anthony-van-dyck-portrait-painting
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No painter has done more to define an era than Anthony van Dyck. His portraits of King Charles I, Queen Henrietta Maria and the courtiers who surrounded them are images of regal majesty, gilded youth and feminine beauty. They evoke an age of sumptuous costume and cultivated ease. The feelings they arouse are similar to those produced by yellowing snapshots of young men and women enjoying the long, hot summer of 1914. All this colour and languid elegance was shortly to be swept away in a bloody war, which would slaughter many of the men, widow the women, bring down the whole edifice of divine-right monarchy and culminate in the public execution of that same ruler whom Van Dyck had represented as a Christlike figure, a loving father and husband, and the epitome of dignity and melancholy sensitivity.
Nowadays, when we expect no more of royal painters than we do of poets laureate, it seems strange to think of the monarchy as the driving force behind the cultural avant garde. But the new exhibition at Tate Britain convincingly shows that Charles I's patronage of the Flemish painter created a revolution in British portrait painting whose reverberations continued to be felt well into the 20th century.
Van Dyck spent only seven and a half years of his short life (1599-1641) in England. He grew up in Antwerp, where his precocious talent was recognised by Peter Paul Rubens, the greatest painter of the age. He worked in Rubens's studio and imitated his style as a religious artist, painting biblical scenes redolent of the lush piety of the counter-reformation. But soon he was on the move. In 1620, he visited London for a few months, long enough to paint a history picture, The Continence of Scipio, for the royal favourite, George Villiers, Marquess of Buckingham, and a portrait of his other English patron, the great art collector Thomas Howard, 2nd Earl of Arundel.
He spent most of the next five years in Italy, chiefly in Genoa, making imposing portraits of the wealthy aristocracy of that city in their sombre palazzi. In Venice he indulged his passion for Titian, whose works he sketched, copied and, when possible, added to his own personal art collection. He returned to the Spanish Netherlands in 1627, becoming court artist to Archduchess Isabella, painting great religious and mythological canvases and producing some of his finest portraits. Restless as ever, he departed in 1631 to The Hague to paint the Dutch ruler Frederick Henry, Prince of Orange, before accepting Charles I's invitation in 1632 to come to England. By this time he was recognised as the leading court painter in Europe, with VelΓ‘zquez at the court of Philip IV of Spain his only rival. He also excelled as a superbly observant painter of children and (even more appealing to the English nobility) dogs.
In London Van Dyck was knighted, paid an annual pension of Β£200 and installed in a house at Blackfriars, with a special jetty at which the royal barge might tie up when Charles I was visiting his studio. Yet he had no intention of settling there for good. His second English period was interrupted by a year-long visit to Antwerp and Brussels, where he did some of his best work; and he spent the last year of his life feverishly travelling to Flanders and Paris, which he had hoped would be his next destination.
Van Dyck was a small man, expensively dressed and with courtly manners. He lived in great style, keeping horses, carriages and a retinue of servants. Well accustomed to painting grandees, he was socially at ease with his royal and aristocratic patrons. He worked all day and his output was prodigious. He had a crowded appointment book and gave his sitters only an hour at a time, during which he made a preliminary sketch in crayon and painted the face. His assistants then filled in the outline on the canvas, and painted the clothes (provided by the sitter), while Van Dyck saw to the head and the hands, the latter taken from one of the models, male and female, whom he kept for that purpose. When his assistants had done their bit, the master would add the finishing touches. In this way he was able to work on several portraits at the same time and to complete them at the rate of roughly one a week.
There had been some good Netherlandish painters at the English court before him. But even the best royal portraits by Paul van Somer and Daniel Mytens appeared stiff and awkward by the side of Van Dyck's dashingly fluid and energetic work, with its delicate flesh tones, graceful postures and shimmering drapery. Van Dyck brought emotion, movement and psychological insight. For sheer bravura he was unmatched. Mytens, his predecessor as royal painter, was totally eclipsed and went back to Holland.
Van Dyck introduced new genres into English painting: groups of children without their parents; "friendship portraits" of pairs of men or women; Titianesque poses of the ruler on horseback, the hunter with his loyal dog or the statesman with his attentive secretary; allegorical pictures of aristocrats posing as figures in pagan or Christian mythology or clad in the costume of pastoral romance; portraits of men and women against a background of curtains, classical columns, bare rocks or wild landscape, each carrying a different symbolic meaning.
A haberdasher's son, Van Dyck was intensely interested in clothes. His English portraits of women often show a preference for informal dress: loose shifts, flowing drapery, open necks, bare bosoms and uncovered lower arms (so much quicker to paint than intricate lace collars and cuffs, and also more titillating - the bare arm, it has been said, was to the 1630s what the ankle was to the Victorians). This was what the poet Herrick meant by "a sweet disorder in the dress"; no one represented that liquefaction of the clothes better than Van Dyck. He loved exotic costumes, such as the "Persian" dress in which he painted Sir Robert and Lady Shirley, or the Indian pyjamas worn by the oriental traveller William Feilding, Earl of Denbigh. Many of his subjects wear fantasy costume, derived from the court masques of the 1630s. Van Dyck was the first "that e're put ladies' dress into a careless romance".
It is unlikely that Van Dyck did all this portrait painting by choice. In the accepted artistic hierarchy, portraits ranked far lower than scenes from history, mythology and the Bible. But there was no demand in Protestant England for altarpieces, though he did some religious pictures for the queen, and for his Catholic friend Sir Kenelm Digby. It was said that he produced some other historical paintings, but they have left no record. A grisaille, depicting the king and the garter knights in procession, recalls his never-completed plan for four large tapestries for the Banqueting House in Whitehall. His topographical drawings and landscape watercolours, of which a few survive, are remarkably impressive; and anticipate the great English tradition of Sandby, Girtin and Cotman. But the king's failure to commission from him any large figure paintings, other than the ravishing Cupid and Psyche, strikes modern connoisseurs as a major failure to appreciate where Van Dyck's greatest talents lay.
Charles I had amassed the best royal art collection in Europe, and his feeling for the visual arts was genuine. But, as the historian Kevin Sharpe makes clear in his chapter in the exhibition catalogue, his artistic patronage was more political in intention than aesthetic. Van Dyck depicted the little, stammering king as a superior being, whether confidently mounted on the great horse like a Roman emperor, sitting benignly among his young family or standing relaxed in the hunting field. His images of the royal family project the values of peace, harmony, marital love, paternal concern and dynastic fruitfulness. They imply that Charles's right to rule stemmed as much from his innate superiority as from his coronation and legitimate descent.
Similarly Van Dyck's portraits of the aristocracy are meant to prove that true nobility stemmed from virtue rather than birth. The younger men exude an aura of elegance and refinement, the older ones self-control and moral strength. As for the women, Charles liked their faces to be "as beautiful as may be"; and their figures "gracious and svelta". The theory of platonic love, much in vogue at the queen's court, gave beauty a moral value. It was the symbol of virtue, a ladder for the heavenly ascent of the soul. The queen's niece, who knew her aunt only from Van Dyck's portraits, was astonished to discover that Henrietta Maria was a very small woman, with crooked shoulders, long skinny arms and protruding teeth. The Countess of Sussex was one of very few of Van Dyck's sitters to complain that her own portrait had not done her justice: "the face is so big and so fat that it pleases me not at all".
The men who wielded real power in the 1630s were treated more realistically. Van Dyck painted Titianesque portraits of the intense, brooding figure of Sir Thomas Wentworth, the king's strongman in Ireland, and an unadorned image of Archbishop William Laud, that "little low red-faced man", with his piercing gaze and air of impatient authority. This was the picture that in October 1640 fell from Laud's study wall, the string having broken. "God grant this be no omen," he entered in his diary. Two months later he was impeached for treason.
Many of Van Dyck's subjects became leaders of the parliamentary side in the civil war, and in appearance are indistinguishable from their royalist opponents. They included the earls of Bedford, Warwick, Northumberland, for whom Van Dyck rather surprisingly painted an elaborate crucifixion, and Pembroke, whose family is the subject of the magnificent group painting at Wilton House. One of Van Dyck's most subtle portraits is widely believed to be of Sir Thomas Chaloner, who was a signatory to Charles I's death warrant. The English aristocracy were divided in the civil war, but these portraits suggest that previously they had shared a remarkably homogeneous culture.
The king spent more on clothes in a single year than he paid Van Dyck throughout his time in England. As a way of sustaining the royal image, paintings were remarkably cheap by comparison with the other accoutrements of regal magnificence, such as jewellery, gold plate and tapestries. The great royal portraits were hung to dramatic effect at the end of long vistas in the royal palaces at St James's, Whitehall and Hampton Court. Only courtiers, foreign ambassadors and distinguished visitors could see them there, but Van Dyck's studio was kept busy manufacturing replicas to be distributed as gifts to the king's friends and to foreign rulers. Copies of Van Dyck's work proliferated: there are more than 50 versions of his Archbishop Laud alone, and his images were multiplied many times over in miniature paintings, enamels, etchings and engravings.
The exhibition at Tate Britain has a double purpose: to explore Van Dyck's impact on the England of his own day; and to trace his influence on British painting in subsequent centuries. It would be unreasonable to expect definitive treatment of either of these large themes. Five of the 133 items listed in the exhibition will not be exhibited. Among them, alas, are the enchanting portraits of Nicholas Lanier, master of the king's music, and Philip, Lord Wharton, in an Arcadian setting. Of the remainder, only 57 are by the artist himself, significantly fewer than were displayed in the National Portrait Gallery's exhibition Van Dyck in England in 1982. Many of the artist's most spectacular English achievements are absent - notably, Charles I in the Hunting Field, the most imaginative of all the royal portraits. By way of compensation, there are some relatively unfamiliar exhibits. The portrait of Anne Kirke from the Huntington in California is particularly fine; and from the Prado come the double portrait of Van Dyck with his friend, the courtier and connoisseur Endymion Porter, and the picture of the artist's wife, Mary Ruthven, with her "inticing Italianed eyes, able to confound a saint".
In its publicity, the Tate claims, on the basis of very slender evidence, that Van Dyck was personally involved with Katherine, Lady Stanhope, whose portrait will also be shown. "Van Dyck's lover to go on display," proclaimed BBC News. It would have been better to focus the tabloids' attention on the artist's mistress, Margaret Lemon (was that really her name, one wonders: "lemon" was the old English term for "lover"). She was probably the model for the stunningly erotic nude in Cupid and Psyche, bearing out the remark of a contemporary writer on art that her face was the least beautiful part of a beautiful woman: "though she hath a fair face beyond nature, yet putting off her clothes [she] seemeth to have no face at all, in regard of the other excellencies that were concealed".
Van Dyck died just when the Long Parliament was beginning to dismantle Charles I's regime. His art failed to save the king and may even have been counterproductive. In Protestant eyes, this devout Catholic was an idolater who painted female Catholic converts wearing crosses in their bosoms. At a time when the queen's Catholic faction at court was coming into the open, it was easy to see him as part of a popish plot to return England to Rome. In the 1640s, his image of Archbishop Laud was put to satirical use by Puritan cartoonists, and the elegant costumes of his courtly sitters taken as proof of royalist decadence. After the king's defeat, his wonderful art collection was put up for sale and his Van Dycks dispersed all over Europe.
Yet though Van Dyck could not prevent Charles's fall, he contributed powerfully to the cult of Charles the Martyr. The Commonwealth regime dismally failed to establish an alternative artistic style. Cromwell's chief portrait painter, Robert Walker, shamelessly painted parliamentarian heads on top of Van Dyckian bodies and based his portrait of the protector on Van Dyck's Wentworth. The engraver Pierre Lombart even reworked the magnificent Charles I on Horseback with M de St Antoine by substituting Cromwell's head for that of the king.
For the next 300 years, Van Dyck was the major influence on English portraiture. In his portraits of the sultry beauties of the Restoration court, Charles II's court painter Peter Lely followed Van Dyck's practice of painting women in loose undress, though without Van Dyck's allegorical dimension. The Restoration etcher Richard Gaywood reworked a print of Van Dyck's Margaret Lemon into a supposed portrait of Nell Gwyn. William III's court painter Godfrey Kneller based his portrait of the monarch on Van Dyck's Charles I in Robes of State
The mid-18th century witnessed the vogue of so-called "Vandyke" dress: loose shifts worn over chemises for women, with ribbons and rosettes; plain satin suits for men, with lace collars and cuffs. When Horace Walpole went to a masquerade in 1742, he saw "quantities of Vandykes, and all kinds of old pictures walked out of their frame". The drapery painter Joseph van Aken specialised in adding Van Dyck costumes to heads drawn by provincial artists. When the Dean of York got married in 1749, he and his bride were painted by Joseph Highmore wearing Van Dyck dress.
Nearly all the great 18th-century portraitists, from Pompeo Batoni and Allan Ramsay to Thomas Gainsborough and Joshua Reynolds, copied Van Dyck's costumes, poses and compositions. Johan Zoffany's group portrait of George III and his family was such a melange of Vandyckian motifs that Walpole thought it "ridiculous". The most famous of these imitations, Gainsborough's Blue Boy, taken from Van Dyck's George Villiers, 2nd Duke of Buckingham and Lord Francis Villiers, will not be on display at the Tate, but there are to be many other examples of Van Dyck's continuing influence, particularly on "swagger" portraits, flaunting their subjects' wealth, glamour and social superiority. The line runs though George IV's court painter, Thomas Lawrence, to those two notorious recorders of the Edwardian establishment at its most plutocratic, the American John Singer Sargent and the Hungarian Philip de LaszlΓ³. The latter's Mrs George Sandys (1915) is blatantly indebted to Van Dyck's Countess of Carlisle (1637). Sargent's Earl of Dalhousie, painted in 1900, the year of the great Van Dyck exhibition at the Royal Academy, wears a tropical suit and necktie, but his intolerable hauteur instantly recalls that of Lord John and Lord Bernard Stuart, those two disdainful youths depicted by Van Dyck around 1638.
The Tate exhibition will not contain many surprises for the expert, but it should afford most of us enormous visual pleasure; and it is likely to confirm the feeling, so hard to eradicate, that even if the Cavaliers were wrong, they were undoubtedly romantic.
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Princeton University Art Museum
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[] | null |
en
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https://artmuseum.princeton.edu/sites/all/themes/puam_modern/favicon.ico
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8327
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dbpedia
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0
| 1 |
https://learn.ncartmuseum.org/artists/paul-van-somer/
|
en
|
Paul van Somer β NCMALearn
|
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[
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[] | null |
en
|
https://learn.ncartmuseum.org/artists/paul-van-somer/
|
About
Soon after his arrival in London in 1618, Paul van Somer, a native of Antwerp, became the favorite court painter under King James I and his wife, Anne of Denmark.
|
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8327
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0
| 51 |
https://www.sellingantiques.co.uk/1078784/portrait-of-elizabeth-queen-of-bohemia-electress-palatine-oil-on-canvas-painting-fine-gilded-frame-manner-of-paul-van-somer-c15761621english-school/
|
en
|
Portrait Of Elizabeth, Queen Of Bohemia & Electress Palatine, Oil On Canvas Painting, Fine Gilded Frame; Manner Of Paul Van Somer (c.1576-1621) english School
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Antique art such as this are historical limited editions (date of manufacture is 18th Century). Cherished back then - rare find today. Priced at Β£8,950. For sale by Titan Fine Art.
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en
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/favicon/favicon-32x32.png
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https://www.sellingantiques.co.uk/1078784/portrait-of-elizabeth-queen-of-bohemia-electress-palatine-oil-on-canvas-painting-fine-gilded-frame-manner-of-paul-van-somer-c15761621english-school
|
Cookies
The Sellingantiques.co.uk site uses cookies. Cookies enable the Sellingantiques.co.uk web visitors to store their favourite antiques without the need to create an account, help track how many people visit the site and also provide information about what pages are the most / least popular which help improve the overall website experience.
Approvals
Every antique shown on Sellingantiques.co.uk has been approved by a human. The approval process verifies that the date of manufacture, as declared by the antique dealer, is within the appropriate dateline, that the photos are of optimum quality, and that there are no obvious irregularities. Sellingantiques works with reputable antique dealers, and those who bring the site into disrepute are removed (this happens a few times each year). However, Sellingantiques is not responsible for the accuracy of the descriptions or declared datelines. This responsibility lies with the individual antique dealer.
Using Sellingantiques.co.uk
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8327
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dbpedia
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0
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http://spenceralley.blogspot.com/2017/11/earlier-17th-century-portraits-tate.html
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en
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Spencer Alley: Earlier 17th
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Anonymous painter working in England Portrait of a lady, called Elizabeth, Lady Tanfield 1615 oil on canvas Tate, London Robert P...
|
en
|
http://spenceralley.blogspot.com/favicon.ico
|
http://spenceralley.blogspot.com/2017/11/earlier-17th-century-portraits-tate.html
|
Anonymous painter working in England
Portrait of a lady, called Elizabeth, Lady Tanfield
1615
oil on canvas
Tate, London Paul van Somer
Portrait of Lady Elizabeth Grey, Countess of Kent
ca. 1619
oil on panel
Tate, London Marcus Gheeraerts II
Portrait of a woman in red
1620
oil on panel
Tate, London Anonymous painter working in England
Portrait of Anne Wortley, later Lady Morton
ca. 1620
oil on canvas
Tate, London Cornelius Johnson
Portrait of an unknown lady
1629
oil on panel
Tate, London Cornelius Johnson
Portrait of an unknown gentleman
1629
oil on panel
Tate, London Anthony van Dyck
Portrait of a lady of the Spencer family
ca. 1633-38
oil on canvas
Tate, London Anonymous painter working in England
Portrait of William Style of Langley
1636
oil on canvas
Tate, London William Dobson
Portrait of the artist's wife
ca. 1635-40
oil on canvas
Tate, London William Dobson
Portrait of an officer
ca. 1645
oil on canvas
Tate, London
|
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8327
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dbpedia
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2
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en
|
File:Paul van Somer (c. 1576
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The author died in 1621, so this work is in the public domain in its country of origin and other countries and areas where the copyright term is the author's life plus 100 years or fewer.
This work is in the public domain in the United States because it was published (or registered with the U.S. Copyright Office) before January 1, 1929.
|
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https://www.royalacademy.org.uk/art-artists/name/paul-van-somer
|
en
|
Royal Academy of Arts
|
http://www.royalacademy.org.uk/assets/burlington_house-559ef2c373c4586519e7adeea4e3e1ef.jpg
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The Royal Academy of Arts, located in the heart of London, is a place where art is made, exhibited and debated.
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https://www.royalacademy.org.uk/art-artists/name/paul-van-somer
|
When should this exhibition be published?
|
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3
| 13 |
https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo/paulus-van-somer-i.html
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res stock photography and images
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Find the perfect paulus van somer i stock photo, image, vector, illustration or 360 image. Available for both RF and RM licensing.
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Alamy
|
https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo/paulus-van-somer-i.html
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Alamy and its logo are trademarks of Alamy Ltd. and are registered in certain countries. Copyright Β© 18/08/2024 Alamy Ltd. All rights reserved.
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http://www.colonialsense.com/Society-Lifestyle/Census/Person/Paul_van_Somer_II/10943.php
|
en
|
Colonial Sense: Census: Paul van Somer II
|
http://www.colonialsense.com/favicon.ico
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Paul van Somer II: Biography, Facts, Information, Timeline, Links, Images, Notes, Quotes, Dictionary Citations, Contemporaries
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https://www.britannica.com/art/Jacobean-age
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Jacobean age | Visual Arts, Literature & Culture
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Jacobean age, (from Latin Jacobus, βJamesβ), period of visual and literary arts during the reign of James I of England (1603β25). The distinctions between the early Jacobean and the preceding Elizabethan styles are subtle ones, often merely a question of degree, for although the dynasty changed,
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/favicon.png
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/art/Jacobean-age
|
Jacobean age, (from Latin Jacobus, βJamesβ), period of visual and literary arts during the reign of James I of England (1603β25). The distinctions between the early Jacobean and the preceding Elizabethan styles are subtle ones, often merely a question of degree, for although the dynasty changed, there was no distinct stylistic transition.
In architecture the Jacobean age is characterized by a combination of motifs from the late Perpendicular Gothic period with clumsy and imperfectly understood classical details, in which the influence of Flanders was strong. The Tudor pointed arch is common, and in interior work there is considerable simple Tudor paneling and an occasional use of Perpendicular vaulting forms. Doorways, fireplaces, and the like are usually framed with classical forms, and both outside and inside there is a wide use of terms, pilasters, S-scrolls, and the type of pierced, flat ornament known as strapwork. Jacobean furniture pieces are usually of oak and are notable for their heavy forms and bulbous legs. It was during the Jacobean period, however, that the designer Inigo Jones introduced the first fully realized Renaissance classical style of architecture into England with his design of the Banqueting House, Whitehall (1619β22). Jonesβs style was based on the theories and works of Andrea Palladio, and Palladianism subsequently became a widely adopted architectural style in England.
During this period, painting and sculpture lagged behind architecture in accomplishments because there was no outstanding practitioner of either. The chief of the early Jacobean painters was the talented miniaturist Isaac Oliver. Most of the Jacobean portraitists, like the sculptors, were foreign-born or foreign-influencedβfor example, Marcus Gheerhaerts the Younger, Paul van Somer, Cornelius Johnson, and Daniel Mytens. Their efforts were later surpassed by those of the Flemish painters Peter Paul Rubens and Anthony Van Dyck, who worked in England during the reign of Charles I.
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https://www.meisterdrucke.ie/fine-art-prints/Paul-van-Somer/901908/Portrait-of-a-Child-with-a-Rattle.html
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Portrait of a Child with a Rattle by Paul van Somer
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Buy Portrait of a Child with a Rattle by Paul van Somer as fine art print. β High-quality museum grade. β Perfect reproduction
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/favicon.svg
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MeisterDrucke
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https://www.meisterdrucke.ie/fine-art-prints/Paul-van-Somer/901908/Portrait-of-a-Child-with-a-Rattle.html
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Portrait of a Child with a Rattle
Paul van Somer
Undated Β· oil on panel Β· Picture ID: 901908 Flemish painting
Portrait of a Child with a Rattle by Paul van Somer. Available as an art print on canvas, photo paper, watercolor board, uncoated paper or Japanese paper.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_van_Somer_I
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Paul van Somer I
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2007-05-15T17:40:12+00:00
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_van_Somer_I
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English painter
Paul van Somer (c. 1577 β 1621), also known as Paulus van Somer, was a Flemish artist who arrived in England from Antwerp during the reign of King James I of England and became one of the leading painters of the royal court. He painted a number of portraits both of James and his consort, Queen Anne of Denmark, and of nobles such as Ludovic Stuart, Duke of Lennox, Elizabeth Stanley, Countess of Huntingdon, and Lady Anne Clifford. He is sometimes designated as "Paul van Somer I" to distinguish him from the engraver of the same name who was active in England between 1670 and 1694.
Life and career
[edit]
Paul van Somer is in some ways an elusive figure: not much is known about him, and his art is rarely written about;.[1] According to Karel van Mander, he was the brother of Barend van Someren, who married and brought back the daughter of Aert Mijtens after he returned from Italy.[2] Van Mander does not mention whether Paul had accompanied his brother to Italy or not, and only remarked that he was still a bachelor. According to the Netherlands Institute for Art History, van Somer lived between 1612β1614 in the house of Steven de Gheyn in Leiden, during 1616 in Brussels, and after that moved to London, where he became court painter.[3] He occupied an important position as one of James and Anne's favourite painters and can be seen as a forerunner of the more famous Flemish and Dutch artists, in particular Daniel Mytens and Anthony van Dyck, who followed in his footsteps as leading court painters.[4] (In fact, one of van Dyck's first tasks was to copy van Somer's royal portraits, a duty he did not enjoy.)[5] Van Somer arrived in England as a mature artist, having travelled widely in northern Europe:[6] Booth Tarkington names the year of his arrival as 1606,[7] but H.L.Meakin notes that he did not settle permanently in the country until after 1616.[8]
Van Somer received additional commissions from non-royal sources. The Earl of Rutland paid him Β£26 for portraits in 1618, and Β£37 for pictures of King James and Prince Charles in 1619.[9] Lady Anne Clifford refers in her diary to being painted by him on 30 August 1619.[10] A curiosity of van Somer's oeuvre is his portrait of Elizabeth Drury (1596β1610), a girl made famous by John Donne's poems on her death, such as "An Anatomy of the World".[11] Van Somer may have painted the portrait several years after Elizabeth's death, or possibly during her visit to the continent with her parents shortly before she died.[8] The portrait is noteworthy in that the subject is depicted in a semi-recumbent positionβunusual for a non-nude of the periodβ which may, as H.L.Meakin points out, be intended as a sign of a philosophical or melancholy character, as in Nicholas Hilliard's portrait of Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland.[8] Other portraits include those of Lady Elizabeth Grey, Countess of Kent, painted in about 1619,[12] and a portrait of Ludovic Stewart, 2nd Duke of Lennox.
Collections and analysis
[edit]
Van Somer's achievement is described in the gallery notes at the Royal Collection as follows: "Like Daniel Mytens, who had settled in London from the Netherlands by 1618 and was Van Somerβs neighbour in St Martinβs Lane, Van Somer brought a new grandeur, fluency and naturalism to British court portraiture."[13] Opinion of van Somer's work has, however, been divided: Horace Walpole thought one of his portraits as fine as a Van Dyck, and Booth Tarkington, in his psychological study King James in Faded Paint suggested that "Paulus van Somer had gifts and one of them was for the perception of character";[7] on the other hand, art critic Sir John Rothenstein condemned van Somer's work as dull and heavy.[14]
Copies of van Somer's royal portraits were often commissioned, particularly as James disliked sitting for painters, to be sent as gifts overseas.[13] Many variants also exist in printed form. Van Somer is said to have introduced regalia into royal portraiture, for example that of the Order of the Garter.[13] The ambassador in Brussels, William Trumbull, sent measurements for portraits to Van Somer. He replied in December 1618, via Edward Norgate, that the suggested sizes were too narrow. A standard full length portrait of usual proportions would cost Β£30 or Β£25.[15]
Some of van Somer's work can still be seen today. He completed a much-reproduced portrait of James I in 1616 and one of Queen Anne in hunting attire with her African servant, horse, and hunting dogs, in the grounds of Oatlands, a year later.[16] Van Somer had by then become Anne's favourite painter, supplanting John de Critz and Marcus Gheeraerts the Younger.[13] Another portrait of Anne of Denmark, at Drumlanrig Castle, includes several jewels, a diamond crossbow in her hair, with diamond badges of "S" and "C4" referring to her family, and a centrally placed cross or aigrette which may be the jewel known as the "Mirror of France". When she died in 1619 she owed him Β£170, and he joined her funeral procession as her "picture maker" with the artists Marcus Gheeraerts and Peter Oliver.[17]
Notes and references
[edit]
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A Brush With The Past
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In around 1630-1632, the Dutch artist Daniel Mytens, at the time in the employ of King Charles, was commissioned to paint a double portrait of the monarch and his queen, Henrietta Maria. On this canvas, now part of the Royal Collection, the King is being passed a laurel wreath by his wife, as βa symbol of their union and a public statement of tenderness and intimacy.β The result is belowβ¦
History tells us that the King was less than impressed, however, and another painter, a certain Antony Van Dyck, was asked to produce his own versionβ¦
Β© Archiepiscopal Castle and Gardens, KromerΓΕΎ, Czech Republic
Van Dyckβs offering was better received, and replaced Mytensβ attempt on the royal wall. Within two years, Mytens had left England and returned to the Netherlands. Whether this was a direct result of the Kingβs snub or merely a matter of timing, we canβt be completely sure, but it marked the end of Mytensβ career as a royal painter, and he never worked in England again.
Uunfortunately for Mytens, I can see why Charles wanted an alternative. For starters, the background is drab and empty, offering none of the majesty, intensity or intimacy Charles was looking for. The royal coupleβs expressions come across as slightly reluctant, with Charles gingerly reaching to take the wreath as if not entirely sure what to do with it, while Henrietta Maria looks rather bored with the whole affair.
Van Dyckβs, by comparison, ticks all the boxes. There is colour, glamour, a blue sky. Charles watches the queen with an intimacy Mytens completely omitted, and Henrietta Maria looks directly at the viewer, with an expression of satisfaction and the certainty of her role. Charles may be the king, but here the main player is definitely his wife! During the English Civil War she was mistrusted by many, being French and Catholic, and accused of holding a dangerous influence over Charles. Looking at Van Dyckβs double portrait, I wonder if the clever and gifted painter was also making subtle, foreshadowing allusions to this? He fulfilled the brief to Charlesβ satisfaction, but may also have offered us a glimpse of the real dynamic in their relationship, and the second power behind the throne.
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This latest blog has been my most difficult to date. I wanted to do a study of children in England during the 17th century, and while there are numerous examples I could use, they are, for the most part, restricted to a single demographic, which is children of the nobility or royalty. For obvious reasons, this section of society was the most able to afford to commission portraits of their children, so it has been very hard to find representatives of those in the lower classes or poorer families from this period. If readers can point me in the direction of any, please feel free to leave a comment at the end of the post.
So with apologies for the somewhat one-sided view, Iβll start with with one of the most famous children of all at the start of the 1600sβ¦
Charles I when still Duke of York, by Robert Peake the Elder, 1605
Bristol Museum and Art Gallery
Lady Mary Feilding, as Countess of Aran, later Marchioness and Duchess of Hamilton (1613-1638), by Daniel Mytens, 1620
I like this one very much. Iβve never seen it before, and itβs quite unusual with the striking orange dress and feathered hair around the side of her face. Can any costume experts suggest what the white hair decoration would be made of? It looks to me like a lace headband, perhaps a comb, but as I know nothing about clothing in this period, I am happy to be corrected. Incidentally, for anyone interested in family connections, Lady Mary was a niece of George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, the favourite courtier of both King James and Charles I.
A Family Group, called Sir Thomas Browne and his Family, perhaps in part by William Dobson, c.1640s(?), The Chatsworth House Trust
Princess Mary, Daughter of Charles I, c.1637, by Van Dyck
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
This is my favourite. I have seen this portrait by Cornelius Johnson described as Lucius Cary, 2nd Viscount Falkland (the subject of an earlier blog post), but this has to be wrong as Johnson was mainly working from the 1640s onwards, much too late to have painted King Charlesβs wartime Secretary of State as a child. Another source says that this is Falklandβs son, Lucius Cary, the 3rd Viscount (1632-1649), which must be correct. Whoever the boy is, itβs a very endearing picture, complete with Johnsonβs signature wide lace collar. I like that there is nothing behind or around him, and other than his hat, there are no distracting props to take your attention from the face or the pink colouring of his outfit.
Esme Stewart, 5th Duke of Lennox, 2nd Duke of Richmond, by John Weesop, 1653
Β©historicalportraits.com
Esme Stewart, 2nd Duke of Richmond, and his sister Mary, by John Michael Wright, c.1660
(section of larger portrait including their mother, Mary Villiers, Duchess of Lennox
and Richmond)
Sir Basil Dixwell, bt.(1665-1750), by Mary Beale, 1681
Iβve been focussing a lot on portraits from the 1640s, so I thought Iβd take a look at some earlier painters, active during the reign of King James I, to illustrate how portraiture (and fashion) changed as the century went on.
First, we have Flemish-born John de Critz (1551/2-1642), who was employed by King James in 1603 as serjeant painter* (jointly at first with another painter named Leonard Fryer, who had held the post under Queen Elizabeth), and produced pictures of the royal family, their Court and the nobility.
In this picture of Jamesβs queen, Anne of Denmark (date not given), both the art and fashion still strongly resemble the Elizabethan style, and the sometimes flat, static poses and brushwork. I do like the drapery and shine on her skirts, however, and the intricate patterning of the lace collar.
Anne of Denmark, by John de Critz the Elder, Β©National Portrait Gallery, London
James VI & I (1566-1625), by John de Critz the Elder, date? Β© National Trust
Robert Peake the Elder (c.1551-1619) was an English artist employed by Queen Elizabeth, and after her death, by King James. He shared the role of serjeant painter with John de Critz from 1607, and had also been appointed official picture-maker to the young heir, Prince Henry of Wales, of whom he created this unusually colourful portrait in 1603.
Henry Frederick (1594β1612), Prince of Wales, with Sir John Harington (1592β1614), in the Hunting Field, 1603. Β©The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Finally, we have Paul van Somer (c1577-1621) another Flemish painter, who came to England around 1616 and began working at King Jamesβs court.
James I of England and VI of Scotland, date? by Paul van Somer I, Β©Museo del Prado, Madrid
Portraiture was developing, although not drastically so as yet. But with the 1620s came the period of Peter Paul Rubens, Daniel Mytens, and Antony Van Dyck, all of whom would bring a new βlookβ to English portraitureβ¦
*The Serjeant Painters were employed, not only to paint original portraits and copies, but also in the gilding and decorating of royal residences, coaches, barges, etc.
What I love about 17th century portraiture is that you can watch its artistic development changing as the decades pass, from the end of the Tudors to the beginning of the Stuarts, through the Civil War and on into the Restoration. Beginning with the likes of William Peake and John de Critz in the opening years of the century, to Daniel Mytens, Peter Paul Rubens, Antony Van Dyck, William Dobson, Godfrey Kneller and Peter Lely, each decade seems to have its own illustrator to tell its story.
You can also chart the events of the period through its art, from the death of Elizabeth and the end of the Tudor dynasty in 1603, through King Jamesβs court to the unsettled and nervous reign of Charles I, into the austere war years, and on to the glamour of Charles IIβs restored monarchy. For me, no other period in British history can be so well-defined by those that painted it.
There were many memorable artists working in England during the 17th century, but my favourite of them all is William Dobson.
βPortrait of the Artistβ, possibly c.1645/6, Β©National Portrait Gallery, London
Dobson was an Englishman, born in St Albans in 1611 and trained in London with what seems to have been an ordinary painterβs apprenticeship. What is remarkable about him is that he wasnβt famous or well-travelled like Sir Antony Van Dyck or Rubens, both of whom worked for the most prestigious and influential people across Europe, nor did he have a distinguished education or career to recommend him, yet somehow, by the end of 1642, he had left London and was living in Oxford as the court painter to King Charles I. We have no idea how he got the job, but the works he produced of the Royalist supporters during four years of civil war became the eye-witness images of the conflict that we recognise today. The Parliamentarian side had their own painter, Robert Walker, whose work we know by his many portraits of Oliver Cromwell, and other artists were also present during the period, but no name is as closely associated with the tragedy of the English Civil War as William Dobson. His ability to portray βrealβ people, with their flaws and vulnerabilities, is what makes his work so poignant and moving. Take this painting of the troubled King Charles, for example. Iβve not seen any other royal picture, of any king or queen, painted more honestly than this.
βCharles Iβ c. 1642-1646, Β©HistoricalPortraits.com/Philip Mould Ltd
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Pocahontas, c. 1608
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Pocahontas
autobiographical fragments
(1608-1616)
Pocahontas has left us little in the way of autobiography. She could not write her own memoirs, for instance, nor did anyone record an oral history interview with her. John Smith recorded some of her words, and while they are not strictly autobiographical, they do give us some sense of what she was like.
The best evidence we have of how Pocahontas wanted to present herself is the portrait created by Simon Van de Passe in 1616. Van de Passe sketched her from life while she was visiting London that year, and then used his sketch to create an engraving to be sold as a souvenir of her visit. It seems likely that she had a say in how he chose to present her. The way her name appears in the engraving is significant, for instance, as is her clothing and posture.
The girl we know as Pocahontas had several names over the course of her life. When she was born, she was publicly named Amonute, and her parents may have given her a private or secret name then too. By the time the English colonists arrived, she had the childhood name of Pocahontas (meaning playful or mischievous). Captain John Smith and other English people used that name even when she was an adult. However, when the English colonists kidnapped her in 1613, she was no longer using that name herself. She was probably widowed or divorced by then, and she was using an adult name, Matoaka (meaning kindled or kindles). In 1614, she converted to Christianity and took a Christian name, Rebecca. When she married John Rolfe that year, she added his name to hers.
Comparing her portrait with other related images helps clarify the choices she made in self representation. See the more formal portrait of Queen Anne that was painted the following year and the portrait of Lady Elizabeth Grey that was painted about the same time. See also an engraving of other Virginia Indians made in 1590, a nineteenth-century engraving of Pocahontas, and a 1995 poster of the movie about her. Among the symbols in her portrait that would have been more meaningful to Pocahontas's contemporaries than to us are the ostrich feathers (representing royalty) and her pearl earrings (representing Virginia).
For more on Pocahontas's names and portrait, see Camilla Townsend, Pocahontas and the Powhatan Dilemma (New York: Hill and Wang, 2004).
Simon Van de Passe, Matoaka als Rebeca Fillia Potentiss Princ: Powhatani Imp: Virginia., 1617.
Paul Van Somer, Anne of Denmark (Queen Anne of England), 1617.
Paul Van Somer, Lady Elizabeth Grey, Countess of Kent, c.1619
Theodore de Bry, "One of the Chief Ladies of Secota," in A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia, 1580.
illustration of Pocahontas for Mary Cowdon Clarke's World Noted Women, 1883.
advertising poster for the movie Pocahontas, 1995.
In the autobiographical sections of John Smith's Generall Historie of Virginia, he included some of Pocahontas's words. They are excerpted below from the Original Electronic Text found at Documenting the American South. Spelling has been modernized, as has punctuation to some degree.
Smith knew that many of his readers would want to know something about the Powhatan Indians' language, and so he included a vocabulary list and some translated phrases. Pocahontas was largely responsible for teaching him the language, and so the phrases he included give us a sense of the developing relationship between Smith and Powhatan and Pocahontas.
Vocabulary
Ka katorawinos yowo - - What call you this?
Maskapow - - the worst of the enemies.
Mawchick chammay - - The best of friends.
Casacunnakack, peya quagh acquintan uttasantasough - - In how many days will there come hither any more English Ships?
Mowchick woyawgh tawgh noeragh kaqueremecher - - I am very hungry? what shall I eate?
Tawnor nehiegh Powhatan - - Where dwells Powhatan?
Mache, nehiegh yourowgh, Orapaks - - Now he dwells a great way hence at Orapaks.
Vittapitchewayne anpechitchs nehawper Werowacomoco - - You lie, he stayed ever at Werowocomoco.
Kator nehiegh mattagh neer uttapitchewayne - - Truly he is there I do not lie.
Spaughtynere keragh werowance mawmarinough kekaten wawgh peyaquaugh - - Run you then to the King Mawmarynough and bid him come hither.
Utteke, e peya weyack wighwhip - - Get you gone, and come again quickly.
Kekaten Pokahontas patiaquagh niugh tanks manotyens neer mowchick rawrenock audowgh - - Bid Pocahontas bring hither two little Baskets, and I will give her white Beads to make her a Chain.
The longest fragment of Pocahontas's thoughts and words comes from the day when Pocahontas met Smith in England in 1616. When he left Virginia in 1609, she had been told that he was dead. Their reunion in England did not go as well as Smith must have hoped.
Being about this time preparing to set sail for New-England, I could not stay to do [Pocahontas] that service I desired, and she well deserved; but hearing she was at Branford with diverse of my friends, I went to see her.
After a modest salutation, without any word, she turned about, obscured her face, as not seeming well contented. And in that humour her husband, with diverse others, we all left her two or three hours, repenting my self to have writ she could speak English.
But not long after, she began to talk, and remembered me well what courtesies she had done, saying, "You did promise Powhatan what was yours should be his, and he the like to you. You called him father being in his land a stranger, and by the same reason so must I do you." Which though I would have excused, I durst not allow of that title, because she was a King's daughter. With a well set countenance she said, "Were you not afraid to come into my father's Country, and caused fear in him and all his people (but me) and fear you here I should call you father? I tell you then I will, and you shall call me child, and so I will be for ever and ever your Countryman. They did tell us always you were dead, and I knew no other till I came to Plimoth. You Powhatan did command Uttamatomakkin to seek you, and know the truth, because your Countrymen will lie much."
History Department
Hanover College Visitor's Page
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I was delighted to hear Onyeka talking about Africans in Tudor England yesterday morning on the BBC Radio 4 Today programme . It's fantastic this subject is getting airtime, and we must all hope that...
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Miranda Kaufmann
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http://www.mirandakaufmann.com/3/category/history
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October was the 25th UK Black History Month. I attended 20 related events over the last 8 weeks, and thought I'd write a blog diary of them in retrospect, to show the diversity of approaches and venues I encountered. As you will see, the diary begins in September and ends in November- showing that Black History Month is well on its way towards becoming Black History Season. But, ultimately, I'd like to see it disappear, because as Andrea Stuart has argued, it will only be a success once it has become redundant, because we have what Tony Warner of Black History Walks calls a "Full- Colour History", all year round. In the interim, we need Black History Month, to educate and campaign for an inclusive approach.
I've tried to keep the entries brief, but sometimes there was a lot to say. Let me know which ones you'd like me to discuss further in later posts!
1. Sunday 29th September: Influential Black Londoners exhibition opens at National Trust Sutton House
Still on till the end of November, the exhibition opened with a Family Fun Day on the last Sunday of September, with activities and an appearance by John Blanke himself!
I was delighted to see the letters I'd written to 9 Londoners in situ, with great artwork by Jane Porter.
The featured individuals were: John Blanke, fl.1507-1512; Lascars, 17th-20th century; Ignatius Sancho, c.1729-1780; Francis Barber, c.1735-1801; Olaudah Equiano, c.1745-1797; Dido Elizabeth Belle, c.1761-1804; George Bridgetower, 1780-1860; Mary Seacole, 1805-1881; Samuel Coleridge- Taylor, 1875-1912.
Sutton House in Hackney was a great venue to tell the story of Black Londoners as it was built in the Tudor period by Ralph Sadleir, who might have encountered our earliest Black Londoner, John Blanke, at the court of Henry VIII.
You can read more about the project here. And see more photos here.
2. Monday 30th September: Othello at the National Theatre
What better play to watch on the eve of Black History Month? I've studied the "Moor of Venice" in the context of my research into Africans in Shakespeare's England but the experience of watching Adrian Lester, Rory Kinnear and Olivia Vinall play out the tragedy of jealousy was something else. My viewing was in part informed by having seen Toni Morrison's excellent Desdemona last year at the Barbican. I felt the modern setting was a distraction, but was most disturbed by the speed at which Othello is transformed from a hero to a violent, irrational murderer in the central scene. Food for thought as I write an article for Literature Compass on '"Making the beast with two backs": interracial relationships in early modern England'- due out next year.
3. Thursday 10th October: Influential Black Londoners Launch
Back to Sutton House for the official launch event for the exhibition, with some honoured guests- including some of those Influential Black Londoners of the 1980s and 1990s nominated to be included in the exhibition next year. (The eventual winner was Doreen Lawrence).
This was also my first glimpse of some of the local school children's fantastic artistic responses to the letters. See this photo album for more.
4. Friday 11th October: Dan Lyndon-Cohen, Black History in the National Curriculum talk at Balham Library
Dan is Head of History at Henry Compton School, Fulham and the creator of www.blackhistory4schools.com. He gave us a useful summary of the complicated political wranglings over the curriculum over the last year and then proceeded to demonstrate how he manages to incorporate Black History into his own teaching. Much of his approach is summarised in this article he wrote for History Workshop.
There was some strong feelings in the room- some wanted to get rid of Black History Month, others told of the troubles they'd had trying to convince their children's schools to teach Black History.
Nonetheless, Dan's pioneering approach is a model that others should emulate.
5. Wednesday 16th October: Africans in Stuart England 1603-1642 talk at Beauchamp College, Leicester.
On a rainy Wednesday, I travelled to Leicester to speak to some 6th formers who were "doing" the Stuarts, 1603-1642 for A-Level. This was remarkably close to a paper I had sat back in 2000- and of course had no reference to the black presence in Britain at that time.
Using plenty of images, I told the story of Africans in Stuart Britain, what they were doing, how they got here and how they were viewed in the eyes of the law. I enjoyed showing them pictures of both Oliver Cromwell and Prince Rupert depicted with black pages, and showing them a different side to history. Hopefully this will be reflected on their Black History Month display board next year- the teacher who invited me later tweeted: "my students want to start a hist soc to talk about things we don't normally do. Think your talk helped :-)."
6. Friday 18th October: Righting Past Wrongs? The Case for and Against Reparations, Senate House
Having read about the latest move by Caricom to seek reparations for slavery, and that they were being advised by London law firm, Leigh Day, who won the Mau Mau case earlier this year, I was very curious to hear Daniel Leader of that firm talk. Also speaking were Sir Ronald Sanders, Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies and a former Caribbean diplomat (who has blogged about reparations here) and Professor Philip Murphy, Director of the Institute.
It was agreed that there had always been a strong moral case for reparations, but the question was whether it was possible to bring a legal case.
Daniel Leader spent a long time explaining the details of the Mau Mau case, which was fascinating, but didn't give us much idea how he would go about bringing a case for slavery reparations. Professor Murphy made the point that it would be a bad idea to have politicians feeling morally cleansed, having paid reparations- can a residue of guilt serve as an inoculation against future mistakes? Sir Ronald brought up the worry that pursuing reparations might have a negative impact on the tourism industry on which Caribbean countries are dependent.
There were some strong feeling in the room that it was wrong that the case for reparations was being judged in a European court by European legal standards. From a historical perspective, I found it interesting that the case was being brought against Britain, France and the Netherlands by their former colonies, but that there is no sign of a similar move by the former Spanish and Portuguese colonies- when the Spanish and Portuguese were the originators of the transatlantic slave trade, with over 13,000 voyages marked with their flags on the
Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Voyages database.
Ultimately the issues involved are too varied to go into here but I will watch the progress of this with interest. There's already been some interesting comment in The Telegraph, The Economist and the New York Times.
7. Friday 18th October: My review of Slavery and the British Country House is published in the TLS.
A fascinating collection of essays based on the 2009 conference of the same name, making a big step towards breaking the silence on this subject that has been deafening for too long.
You can read my review here, and find out more about my own research into links between English Heritage properties and Slavery & Abolition here. The book was launched in September at the Little Britain's Memory of Slavery Conference, and has been made available to download for free on the English Heritage website.
8. Monday 21st October: Image and Reality of Africans in Renaissance England (IRBARE) talk at Sutton House with Michael Ohajuru.
Miraculously managed to arrive to give this talk on time, having attended my godfather's funeral in Vienna that morning!
I presented on John Blanke, and the reality of the lives of Africans in England, in contrast to Michael's work on the Black Magi. You can read more about our double act on the IRBARE2013 website.
9. Thursday 24th October: Michael Ohajuru's Hidden in the Collections- Africans in Medieval & Renaissance Art- guided tour of the V&A
Really enjoyed Michael's tour of the V&A which he wrote up on his blog. It's a wonderful place, and the tour showed a different side to the art presented there. Michael's approach showed up some shortcomings in the museum's interpretation of some of the works on show- see his blog on this. I've heard they've already taken steps to rectify the mis-identification of Simon of Cyrene in the Marnhull Orphery (see this page for more accurate info, which has not yet been interpolated into the main listing), but it's even more vital to provide some context to the Tilman Reimenschneider statue to show that St. Maurice was usually depicted as of African origin. Michael has written a persuasive document to this effect here, but really all you need to see is the statue (below, left) alongside other images of the saint (below) and more on Pinterest:
10. Thursday 24th October: Unveiling of Mary Seacole statue maquette at the Royal College of Nursing
Having written about Mary Seacole earlier this year in The Times, it was fantastic to see the unveiling of this 1/4 size maquette of the statue, which is to be placed outside St. Thomas's hospital, striding towards the river and the Houses of Parliament. This will be the first statue erected to commemorate a black woman in Britain. More info on the Memorial Appeal website.
As a historian, I was particularly fascinated by artist Martin Jennings's account of his trip to the Crimea to find the site of Seacole's British Hotel. Using old maps and with the help of the local authorities, he was able to pinpoint the exact place, and found remnants of bottles and pots still lying on the ground. The 15 ft high disc behind Mary in the statue will bear the imprint of stone from a quarry near the site, which has a detonation mark from a WW2 tank. I'll be watching out for the documentary, due to air on ITV in 2015.
11. Tuesday 29th October: Image and Reality of Africans in Renaissance England talk at SOAS with Michael Ohajuru.
A second performance of the IRBARE double act, this time at SOAS, the School of Oriental and African Studies. Michael explained the appearance of a Black Magus in 1520s Devon while I talked about the realities of life for Africans in Renaissance England, through the experience of John Blanke, the Tudor court trumpeter (who I've now been asked to write an entry on for the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography). Read more on the IRBARE2013 website.
12. Wednesday 30th October: Africans in London, 1500-1640 talk at Queen Mary University London.
The next night, I rushed to QMUL after a day spent proof-reading the Sunday Times Food List, to talk about Africans in early modern London. I had kindly been recommended to my hosts, the QMUL History Journal, by Professor Kate Lowe, who is doing some fascinating research into sub-Saharan Africans and African objects in Southern Europe between 1440 and 1650, and was involved in the great Revealing the African Presence in Renaissance Europe exhibition I reviewed for History Today earlier this year. The QMUL History Journal had a Black History theme this term (read it online here), with an essay entitled To what extent was βraceβ used to categorise people as βotherβ in early modern England? by Joanna Hill, one of Kate Lowe's students, which I look forward to reading.
13. Thursday 31st October: 100 Great Black Britons at the National Portrait Gallery
in 2003, as a response to the BBC's 100 Greatest Britons poll, in which the most diverse individual was Freddie Mercury (born in Zanzibar), Patrick Vernon launched 100 Great Black Britons, with Mary Seacole eventually topping the list. Ten years later, the campaign is being re-launched.
The debate at the NPG posed the questions: What are the issues, challenges and impact of black achievement in Britain today? And who should we be calling Great?
Patrice Lawrence of Every Generation Media chaired the debate on black achievement and British identity. The speakers were: Rev Rose HudsonβWilkin, The House of Commons Speaker's Chaplain; Elizabeth Pears, News Editor, The Voice newspaper; Dean Atta, writer and poet and Patrick Vernon OBE, Founder of 100 Great Black Britons.
Luckily, not everyone arrived on time, so we were treated to an impromptu performance by Dean Atta. I liked the line: "Silence is not golden/Silence is the truth stolen"- seemed to chime with the Mansfield Park Complex of not speaking about slavery I wrote about here. Dean pointed out when he spoke later that all the terms "Great", "Black" and "Briton" are problematic and require definition. We discussed whether the list should expand in size, or include categories, such as Science, Law, Business, Medicine, Young achievers, Parenting, and Regional lists.
The Rev Hudson-Wilkin pointed out how important it is that white people see images of successful black people. In the same way as some people see BHM as a segregation, this Black-only list has the same problem. But, as long as the mainstream doesn't include these stories, we need BHM and 100GBB as campaigning tools. Elizabeth Pears made the point that perhaps the BBC should re-run their poll, to see whether attitudes have changed. I pointed out in the discussion that, although there's still a long way to go, there are some signs of progress in mainstream media- such as the increasing inclusion of people of African and Asian origin or descent in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, the National Trust's Influential Black Londoners exhibition at Sutton House, Hackney and recent discussion on the BBC Radio 4 Media Show on how to reach black audiences.
14. Friday 1st November: Black History's Future, Islington
This event, organised by Everyvoice, brought together some key decision-makers from Islington Council with a great panel of speakers to debate the future of BHM.
The conference sought to address the question: how do we reach a place where peopleβs histories are not marginalised, so there will be no need for Black History Month? How do we ensure that diversity is integrated in mainstream education and celebrations all year round?
I had in mind the thought-provoking article I'd read by Andrea Stuart in the Guardian the day before on the same subject. I blogged my response to the article here.
The speakers were so engaging that no one seemed to mind that the event overrun its timetable. One of the most impressive images I saw was the map above that Patricia Lamour showed us that the African continent is larger than the United States, China and India put together. Dr. Robin Whitburn and Abdullahi Mohamud spoke about their Doing Justice to History project, which is designed to explode two false premises: 1) Black people did not play a significant role in British life before 1948; 2) Multiculturalism doesn't work. They used some fascinating case studies to prove their point, such as the story of Somali sailor Mahmood Hussein Mattan, who was unjustly hung in 1952. Tony Warner, Director of Black History Walks showed us how Black History is everywhere when you know how to look, and reminded us that the BFI has a regular African Odysseys film programme, as well as showing us a very disturbing video of the black doll/white doll experiment. Kandace Chimbiri talked about her Black History books for children, including one to accompany the recent Origins of the Afro Comb exhibition at the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. History teacher Martin Spafford summarised the latest curriculum wrangling and explained how Black History could still be taught within the new framework, sharing stories such as the North African "Ivory Bangle Lady" who lived in Roman York and the Indian Hockey team that beat Germany in the 1936 Olympics, which can easily be incorporated into study of "The Romans" or "Nazi Germany".
The ensuing discussion was passionate and varied. It was mostly agreed that BHM needs to continue for now, as a campaigning tool, a stepping stone to where we'd like to be, with a "Full-colour" history.
15. Wednesday 5th November: Graeme Evelyn's Call and Responses: Odyssey of the Moor at Kensington Palace
Was lucky enough to be invited to a private view, where Graeme spoke about the piece. You can see it at Kensington Palace until 6th January.
The work is a contemporary response to John van Nostβs Bust of the Moor β a marble sculpture commissioned by King William III in 1688/1689.
Evelyn places the bust within a gilded cage, but with its doors flung open to capture the view over Kensington Gardens, creating for the Moor a dream of self-determination and freedom. The inside of the cage is circled with a series of tiles telling an imagined story of the Moor's life, using the premise that this man had read Homer's Odyssey and seen parallels.
Evelyn's earlier work, Reconciliation Reredos, an altarpiece in Bristol confronts the fact that the church, St Stephenβs, blessed every ship that left the port, including every slaver that left the city harbour for Africa to trade for enslaved people during the Transatlantic Slave Trade.
Evelyn's work is part of a wider trend in which heritage institutions seeks to commission the work of black artists. Other temporary installations, e.g. Yinka Shonibare's Mrs Oswald and Colonel Tarleton Shooting (2007) for Scratch the Surface at the National Gallery and his current exhibition in Greenwich. This was discussed by
Lubaina Himid, Joy Gregory and Sokari Douglas Camp on the artists in conversation panel at the Little Britain's Memory of Slavery conference at UCL in September.
Call and Responses: Odyssey of the Moor poses many unanswered questions about Africans in late 17th Century England and Holland. Evelyn has thrown down the gauntlet to historians to answer some of these questions. For example, at it's base, the installation incorporates a contemporary report of William of Orange marching into Exeter in 1688 with: "200 Blacks brought from the plantations of the Netherlands in America, Imbroyder'd Caps lin'd with white Fur, and Plumes of white Feathers, to attend the Horfe." Evelyn hopes the piece will inspire historians to research the context of this, and what impact the advent of a Dutch monarch had on the history of Africans living in England and the history of English involvement in the slave trade.
The work has already inspired a response by Delia Jarrett-Macauley, who won the Orwell Prize for Political Writing for her debut novel, 'Moses, Citizen and Me' and is currently a Fellow in English at the University of Warwick.
You can listen to the music Graeme Evelyn listened to while creating the work here: ODYSSEY of the MOOR art 2013
16. Wednesday 5th November: Making Freedom exhibition at the Royal Geographical Society
On until Sat 21st December, this important exhibition marks the 175th anniversary of the emancipation of nearly 1 million Africans in the Caribbean. This is taking the date of freedom as 1838, when indentured labour ended, as opposed to 1834, when slavery was officially abolished.
In front of a large map of the Caribbean created specially, to show all the islands and their capitals, Burt Caesar quoted Claude McKay's If We Must Die (1919), which sets the tone for this exhibition's tale of constant resistance, "Pressed to the wall, dying, but fighting back!".
Sir Keithlyn Smith, author of To Shoot Hard Labour told the story of his grandfather's great grandmother, Mother Rachel's quest to be reunited with her daughter Minty in 1838. You can listen to the story here. Benjamin Zephaniah performed his powerful poem White Comedy and shared some of his own experiences of racism. He pointed out how important this exhibition is, to dispel the myth that "slaves were given freedom by the white man". In fact, their constant resistance and rebellion made the slave system increasingly hard to sustain. Toussaint L'Ouverture's uprsing in Haiti in 1791, leading to the declaration of independence in 1804 was the most successful, but not an isolated occurrence. The exhibition tells the stories of other attempts to make freedom- in Barbados in 1816, Guyana in 1823 and in Jamaica in 1832.
This exhibition put the agency back in African hands and tells the other side of the story we heard in 2007. A must -see! And there's now talk of putting it on at the House of Commons next year!
17. Thursday 6th November: Black People in Tudor England and Inclusive Curriculum event at the House of Commons
There was an impressive crowd gathered in Committee Room 11 of the House of Commons to hear Onyeka talk about his new book, Blackamoores: Africans in Tudor England, their presence, status and origins, published by Narrative Eye and discuss how to get a more inclusive history curriculum with Stella Creasy MP, Chi Onwurah MP, Cllr Lester Holloway, and Tony Warner of Black History Walks.
Onyeka gave a passionate and gripping speech about his research- he has been working on the subject since 1991. When he first set out to look into the history of Tudor Africans, people told him he was wasting his time, that he would find nothing. I heard similar opinions when I started my research on the subject in 2004. I was very pleased to get my hands on a copy of his book, for although I've known Onyeka for years, this was the first time I'd been able to read his work at greater length.
It was fantastic to see the political support for the subject from Stella Creasy, Chi Onwurah and Lester Holloway. I'm looking forward to reading the book and engaging further on the challenge it poses to politicians and educators.
18. Friday 8th November: Africans in Urban Britain, 1500-1640, talk at the University of Leicester
Went up to Leicester again, this time to talk about Africans in Urban Britain, 1500-1640 at the University's Centre for Urban History. I told some stories about the lives of Africans in 16th and 17th century England and Scotland's ports and cities, explaining how they arrived in Britain, what occupations and relationships they found in the city and how they were treated by the church, the law courts and the other inhabitants of urban Britain. This provoked a lively debate and I also learned about my host Dr Kidambi 's fascinating research into the All India Cricket Team's 1911 tour of England.
19. Friday 8th November: Vincent Carretta on Ignatius Sancho: Britain's First African Man of Letters at the British Library
I rushed back from Leicester to catch expert Vincent Carretta talking about Ignatius Sancho, one of the Influential Black Londoners I had written to at Sutton House.
The British Library has recently acquired 13 of Sanchoβs signed letters to his friend and patron William Stevenson, plus two to his father the Rev. Seth Ellis Stevenson. These are the only letters by Sancho that are known to survive.
The British Library's Untold Lives has an interesting blog post on this, but, as Carretta himself remarked, it's a great pity Sancho does not feature in the Georgians Revealed exhibition.
Carretta provided us with a handout with quotes from them and Sancho's other correspondence and proceeded to explain the significance of the new acquisition in context. One thing that makes these letters really significant is that they can now be studied alongside the printed text of 1782, revealing identities obscured and also proving beyond any doubt that Sancho wrote the letters himself. For this was questioned by none other than Thomas Jefferson who, in his Notes on the State of Virginia (1781) grudgingly admitted him "to the first place among those of his owncolourwho have presented themselves to the public judgment", but went on to say "This criticism supposes the letters published under his name to be genuine, and to have received amendment from no other hand; points which would not be of easy investigation." The acquisition of the Stephenson archive has made this investigation much easier and will allow scholars to defend Sancho from this underhand attack.
20. Tuesday 19th November: Image and Reality of Africans in Renaissance England talk at Greenwich University with Michael Ohajuru.
A third outing for IRBARE, this time in Greenwich, the location of the old royal palace, built by Henry VII on the site of todayβs Old Royal Naval College, where John Blanke would have worked. You can read more about the presentation on the IRBARE2013 website. In the light of discussion of Black History Month's future, it's interesting to note that this talk took place in the second half of November, as part of the Greenwich Student Union's Black History Week (see poster). Could we be making a transition to a Black History Season?
Black History 365...
For me, this is really an artificial end, because I seek out events like these all year round! Check my Talks page for details of my upcoming talks, and if there isn't one near you, invite me to your local school, university, library or history society!
I really enjoyed my visit to the Shakespeare exhibition at the British Museum last week: hurry and see it before it shuts on 25th November! Thought I'd do a little round-up of the exhibits related to Africans in Shakespeare's Britain for you... Staging Africa in 13 objects, if you will. I've listed the objects in the order you would encounter them in the exhibition, with some help from the excellent exhibition catalogue. Some of the links are obvious, others a little more obscure!
1. Africans in Shakespeare's London
One of the first things you see when you enter the exhibition is this amazing map of London, created by Wenceslaus Hollar in 1647 (so technically a while after Shakespeare died). It shows the Globe, and also lots of churches, such as St. Olave Tooley Street, shown here across the Thames from the Tower. St. Olave's was the parish where Reasonable Blackman, a silkweaver, and his family lived in the 1590s and βConstantyn a negareβ was buried on 5 November 1605. Many of the other churches marked on the map have similar entries in their parish registers...
2. Bayning's ewer?
This Iznik Turkish ceramic ewer, made in London in 1597-8, may have been made for Paul Bayning, a prominent Levant merchant. What is not revealed in the exhibition is that Baning was also a huge sponsor of privateering voyages and had at least five Africans in his household. In 1593 βthree maids, blackamoresβ, are recorded as lodging in his house. In March 1602 βJulyane A blackamore servant Wyth Mr Alldermanne Bannying of the age of 22 yearesβ was christened at St. Mary Bothaw. In 1609, βAbell a Blackamorβ appeared before the Governors of the Bridewell, βhis M[aste]r Paul Bannyinge presentβ, and Bayningβs 1616 will made provision for the education of βAnthony my negroβ.
3. African horn
This horn was carved in the Calabar region (modern Nigeria) in the 1500s, then found its way to England, where in 1599 it was recarved as a drinking cup, and inscribed:
"Drinke you this and thinke no scorne
Although the cup be much like a horn."
It was later further adapted to be an oil lamp. This strange object has travelled a long way, through many incarnations. It demonstrates the existence of trading links with Africa in Shakespeare's time, which were increasingly regular from the 1550s. Richard Hakluyt chronicled many of these early voyages in his Principall Navigations.
4. Portrait of the Moroccan ambassador
Abd-al-Wahid bin Masoud bin Muhammad al-Annuri, portrayed here, led an embassy to the court of the 'sultana Isabel' (Elizabeth I) in 1600, but was in fact only one of a series of such ambassadors. Moroccan envoys also visited London in 1551 and 1589. The shared enemy was Spain, but the proposed alliance never amounted to much. A clue to the problems can be found in the letter John Chamberlain wrote to Dudley Carleton on 15 October 1600:
"The Barbarians take theyre leave sometime this week, to goe homeward for our merchants nor mariners will not carry them into Turkie, because they thinck it is a matter odious and scandalous to the world to be friendlie or familiar with Infidells but yet yt is no small honour to us that nations so far removed and every way different shold meet here to admire the glory and magnificence of our Queen of Saba [Sheba]."
5. Sir Henry Unton's masque
The unusual biographical portrait of Sir Henry Unton, painted posthumously for his widow c.1596 shows this masque of Mercury and Diana being performed at his wedding in 1572. The procession behind these main characters consists of small, childlike black and white figures, which have been identified as Cupids. The black figures are of interest as they are a rare visual depiction of the trend for "counterfeit blackamoors" in pageantry and masques. For example, in 1566, on the occasion of the baptism of the future James VI and I, six shillings was laid out from the royal coffers for: βthre lamis skynnis quhairof was maid four bonnets of fals hair to the saidis moresβ- so four Scots wore lamb's wool wigs to imitate African hair as part of their costumes. Why were these "Masques of Moors" so popular in the sixteenth century?
6. Sir Francis Drake
This German broadside from the late 1580s celebrates Drake as a Protestant hero, freedom-fighter and scourge of the Catholic Spanish.
The catalogue speaks of his circumnavigation and raids on the Spanish Caribbean, but doesn't mention his many encounters with Africans on those voyages (which I blogged about here) or the fact that some of them returned to England with him.
7. Titus Andronicus
This drawing, c. 1594 by Henry Peacham illustrates Titus Andronicus. It shows that the character of Aaron, described as a 'moor' is certainly thought of as black, not merely 'tawny'. The actor is most likely an Englishman, in costume. A good book on this (which in fact uses this image on its cover) is V.M. Vaughan's Performing Blackness on English Stages.
8. Cleopatra
Cleopatra was of course an African Queen, though some people seem to forget Egypt is in Africa, a complaint I've heard from Tony Walker, who shows people Cleopatra's Needle on the Embankment on his Black History Walks. Shakespeare at least imagined Cleopatra as having dark skin. He describes her as having a βtawny frontβ (Antony and Cleopatra, I. i. 4-6) and being 'with Phoebusβ amorous pinches black' (I. v. 29). This identity is not always clear in the various images of the Egyptian queen in the British Museum's collection. The artists seem to have been more interested in portraying her death by snake venom- most including an asp biting her bared bosom. My favourite was the set of French playing cards (shown left): Le Jeu des Reynes RenommΓ©es (The Game of Famous Queens) by Stephano della Bella (1644). The gift shop really missed a trick by not stocking a replica pack!
Sardonyx cameo, Northern Italian, late 1500s, British Museum
Sardonyx cameo, Northern Italian, late 1500s, British Museum
Roman, c.50-40 BC, British Museum
9. Portrait of an African Man
This amazing portrait was painted by Jan Jansz. Mostaert c. 1525-30. He worked at the court of Margaret of Austria, regent of the Netherlands, in Mechelen, near Antwerp. Unfortunately, we know very little about the man in this painting. We don't even know his name. But he has all the trappings of a high-ranking courtier. Of special significance is the badge in his hat, which has been identified as a badge given to pilgrims who had visited the Madonna of Hal, a shrine associated with the Valois and Hapsburgs. The British Museum has one in its collection (below, right). This sends a clear message that this man, like Othello (II, iii, 307) and at least 67 Africans in Britain, 1500-1640, was a baptised Christian. Curiously, the Madonna of Hal (below, left) is a Black Madonna, an ambiguous symbol, but one that seems strangely appropriate here!
The Black Madonna of Hal
Pilgrim badge of the Madonna of Hal, Belgium or the Netherlands, early 1500s, British Museum
10. Allegorical African
This illustration of a commission granted to Tommaso Morosini dalla Sbarra (1546-1622), a Venetian patrician, is sadly not a portrait, but part of an allegory of Truth and Justice that has yet to be fully explained. It's suggested that the black figure wearing the family's heraldic colours of gold and blue may be a pun on the 'Moro' (Moor in Italian) of 'Morosini'. So in some ways, this is a more artistic development of the Moor's heads found on heraldic coats of arms across Europe, and even in the arms of the current Pope, Benedict XVI.
11. Aesthetic of blackness
Black Africans appeared in decorative works of art, from cameos, like this one showing an African woman, made c.1600 in Prague or North Italy (now set in a modern gold ring), to sculptures, such as this marble, classically-inspired bust made by Nicholas Cordier in Rome (below, left), and even the splendid gilt-silver cup made by leading Nuremberg goldsmith,Christoph Jamnitzer in about 1602 (below, right). This cup may in fact have been a sports trophy at a Saxon court tournament to celebrate Christian II's wedding to Hedvig of Denmark, which makes me think of the Tournament of the Black Lady held at the court of James IV of Scotland a hundred years before, described in William Dunbar's poem, Ane Blak Moir.
Bust of a black African, Nicholas Cordier, Rome, c.1610, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Dresden
Moor's head cup, Christoph Jamnitzer, Nuremberg, c.1602, Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, Munich
12. Sycorax and Circe
Shakespeare's βdamned witch Sycoraxβ, mother to Caliban in Shakespeareβs The Tempest (1610-11), was a native of Algiers. Her name may have been inspired by Circe, the witch who turned Odysseus's men into swine on her Greek island.
Interestingly, this Greek pot shows Circe as a black African woman. In the Tempest, Sycorax is said to have been:
'hither [to the island] brought with child,
And here was left by thβsailors.β (I. ii. 318-20)
Her fate is not entirely fictional. On his circumnavigation voyage of 1577-80, Drake abandoned a heavily pregnant African woman on Crab Island, Indonesia, an action for which he 'purchased much blame' at the time, but not in later legend.
13. A Daughter of Niger
On 6 January (Twelfth Night) 1605, Ben Jonson's Masque of Blacknesse was performed at the Old Banqueting House before the court of James I and Anne of Denmark. This sketch by architect and scenery-builder extraordinaire Inigo Jones shows the costume of one of the masquers, to be dressed as a 'Daughter of Niger'. This performance and its sequel, the Masque of Beauty (1606), in which the Queen and her ladies themselves blacked up to play the daughters of Niger, who seek beauty and become white thanks to the rays of the British sun (which represented King James) were perhaps the most sophisticated expression of an ongoing interest in 'Masques of Moors' (see no.5, above).
So, as you can see, there are plenty of fascinating things in the Shakespeare exhibition that illuminate the history of Africans in Early Modern Britain and Europe. I'd seen pictures of some of these things in books, and it was a thrill to see them for real. Others were new, and so all the more intriguing. I hope you get the chance to see them before 25th November- and even better, to see them alongside so many other relics of that long-ago time, all lovingly linked to a snippet of Shakespearean verse. And as imitation is the sincerest form of flattery, I will leave you with these words:
"I speak of Africa and golden joys" (Henry IV, Part 2: V, iii, 101)
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This work is in the public domain in its country of origin and other countries and areas where the copyright term is the author's life plus 100 years or fewer.
This work is in the public domain in the United States because it was published (or registered with the U.S. Copyright Office) before January 1, 1929.
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https://www.academia.edu/43255105/A_Mirror_for_the_Prince_Anne_of_Denmark_in_Hunting_Costume_with_Her_Dogs_1617_by_Paul_van_Somer
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en
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A Mirror for the Prince? Anne of Denmark in Hunting Costume with Her Dogs (1617) by Paul van Somer
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2020-06-04T00:00:00
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A Mirror for the Prince? Anne of Denmark in Hunting Costume with Her Dogs (1617) by Paul van Somer
|
https://www.academia.edu/43255105/A_Mirror_for_the_Prince_Anne_of_Denmark_in_Hunting_Costume_with_Her_Dogs_1617_by_Paul_van_Somer
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This essay offers a new reading of the pose of Anna of Denmark in the hunting portrait, Anne of Denmark (1617) by Paul van Somer. Specifically, it attends to the significance of the queenβs pointed elbow as a marker revealing the precedence of her rank over her gender in the composition of her identity (Fig. 1).1 To evidence this precedence, I will retrace the figural patterns encoded in the imaging of womenβs bodies, their elbows akimbo β types, allegories, and portraits β across media such as printed emblems, within paintings, and performances such as the courtly masque.2 These patterns established the norms and paradigms of this portraitβs visual cultural context, a body of images informed by discourses of state, theology, medicine, and natural philosophy, which in turn imprinted the practices of royal portraiture. As Maria H. Loh has observed, Renaissance βfacial identity was a very nebulous concept in a historical moment before the technological assurances of photographic mimesis and before modern criminologists β¦ systematised the face as the legal guarantor of identityβ.3 This essay will read Annaβs elbow akimbo as a marker articulating a notion of likeness and authentic identity legible in the pattern of her elite body, exceeding the particularity of her face.
This article builds on my recent archival research on Annaβs patronage and political engagement to highlight her importance as a cultural and political figure at the Jacobean court. In 1617, Anna commissioned one of her last ever portraits from the Flemish artist Paul van Somer (c1577-1621) (Royal Collection, London). A close iconographical reading of this portrait is provided, along with a consideration of its original location, and the socio-political context of its commission, in order to reach a unique insight into Annaβs significance, underscoring her cultural interests, factional alignment, and key elements of her wider self-fashioning.
This article analyses and transcribes an inventory of the wardrobe goods of Anna of Denmark, queen consort of Scotland and England, which was compiled in 1608, and annotated up to and including 1611. The inventory reveals the types of goods that Anna owned, the movement of garments between residences, her involvement in the politicized custom of gift exchange and the concept of her appearance as a point of diplomacy. Arguing that Anna's visual appearance was considered and strategic, it further discredits her narrow and largely negative historiography, which has routinely cast her as a recklessly indulgent and fanciful queen. Anna's tactical visual emulation of Queen Elizabeth I (1533β1603), pointed use of recognizable pieces of inherited jewellery and politically significant colours of dress are discussed.
Imagery and Objectification: A Study of Early Modern Queenship by Heather Geiter Queen Anne Boleyn (~1507-1536) failed to meet social norms during her time as Queen Consort to Henry VIII (1491-1548). By tracing concepts of queenship through the works of ChrΓ©tien de Troyes, Andreas Capellanus, Thomas Malory, and Juan Luis Vives this thesis demonstrates how Anne united the office of queen and mistress to bring her downfall and introduce a new construct of queenship. 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
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Dictionary of National Biography, 1885
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https://en.wikisource.org/static/favicon/wikisource.ico
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https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Dictionary_of_National_Biography,_1885-1900/Van_Somer,_Paul
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βVAN SOMER, PAUL (1576β1621), portrait-painter, was born at Antwerp in 1576. An elder brother, Bernard Van Somer, was entered in the guild of St. Luke at Antwerp in 1588 as the pupil of Philippe Lisart, but there is no trace of Paul Van Somer having become a member of the guild. The two brothers, according to the historian of art, Karel Van Mander, were in 1604 residing at Amsterdam, both in good esteem for portrait-painting and other branches of the art. Paul was then a bachelor, but Bernard had married in Italy the daughter of Arnold Mytens, who was probably related to Daniel Mytens [q. v.], for so many years Van Somer's rival as a portrait-painter in England. It is uncertain when he came over to England. A portrait of Christian IV, king of Denmark, at Hampton Court, is dated 1606, and it is possible that he came over in that king's train, as he seems always to have been the favourite painter of James I's consort, Anne of Denmark, and her household. Van Somer is chiefly known by a number of full-length portraits, both male and female, which are of great interest historically from the carefully rendered details of the costume, resembling very much the portraits by the great Spanish painter, Sanchez Coello. They are sometimes, when not signed, with difficulty distinguished from those by Mytens of a similar character. Speaking generally, those by Van Somer are more freely handled, and are richer in colour, showing a strong predilection for deep reds and browns. Van Somer also frequently introduced a piece of landscape or a view of a building into the background. A portrait of Anne of Denmark in hunting dress, with her dogs, painted in 1617, and now at Hampton Court, has a view of Oatlands in the background, another of the same queen has a view of Inigo Jones's facade at St. Paul's Cathedral. A portrait of James I, painted in 1619β20, also at Hampton Court, has a view of the newly erected banqueting-house at Whitehall in the background. Two interesting portraits of the Earl and Countess of Arundel, in the possession of the Duke of Norfolk, painted in 1618, show views of the earl's picture gallery and collections of marbles. A fine portrait of Henry, prince of Wales, formerly at Blenheim Palace, is in the National Portrait Gallery. Among other important portraits by Van Somer are those of Sir Simon Weston (1608); William Herbert, third earl of Pembroke (1617, engraved by Simon Van de Passe); Henry Wriothesley, earl of Southampton (engraved by Simon Van de Passe); Francis Bacon, viscount St. Albans (at Gorhambury); Sir Thomas Lyttelton (1621, at Hagley); Robert Carr, earl of Ancrum (1619); and others. There is a fine series of paintings by Van Somer at Ditchley, the seat of Viscount Dillon, representing ladies of Anne of Denmark's court. Van Somer died in London, and was buried on 5 Jan. 1621 in St. Martin's-in-the-Fields. It has been stated that his descendants remained in London and established a carpet manufactory. A portrait by Van Somer of himself was formerly at Ham House.
It is uncertain whether the mezzotint engravers Jan and Paul Van Somer belonged to this family. Jan Van Somer lived in Amsterdam, but his brother, Paul Van Somer, came to London in 1674, and lived in Newport Street, Soho, where he published many mezzotint engravings, and died in 1694.
[Walpole's Anecdotes of Painting, ed. Wornum; Van Mander's Vies des Peintres, ed. Hymans; De Piles's Lives of the Painters.]
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For Sale on 1stDibs - Portrait of a lady in a lace collar., Oil Paint, Panel by Circle of Paul van Somer. Offered by Rain Art OUΜ.
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1stDibs.com
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https://www.1stdibs.com/art/paintings/portrait-paintings/circle-paul-van-somer-portrait-lady-lace-collar/id-a_13539172/
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dbpedia
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https://timelessmoon.getarchive.net/amp/media/anthony-leigh-kneller-6095ea
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Public Domain Media Search Engine Public Domain Image
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2021-02-05T12:55:33.525000+00:00
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Download Image of Anthony Leigh Kneller - Public domain portrait painting. Free for commercial use, no attribution required. Portrait of Anthony Leigh (died 1692), English actor.
Public domain photograph of 17th-century portrait painting, free to use, no copyright restrictions image - Picryl description. Dated: 1689. Topics: united kingdom, portrait, national portrait gallery, 1692 oil on canvas paintings in the united kingdom, 1692 portrait paintings of men, 17th century oil portraits of standing men at full length, 17th century portrait paintings in the national portrait gallery london, male actors from england, male portrait paintings by godfrey kneller, portrait paintings of actors in theatrical costumes, national portrait gallery london, godfrey kneller
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https://timelessmoon.getarchive.net/media/anthony-leigh-kneller-6095ea
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More: Godfrey Kneller (1646β1723)
Godfrey Kneller, born Gottfried Kniller, was indeed a prominent German-born English portrait painter of the late 17th and early 18th centuries. He was born on 8 August 1646 in LΓΌbeck, Germany, and later anglicised his name to Godfrey Kneller after settling in England. Kneller's work consisted mainly of portraits of British royalty, aristocrats and prominent figures of his time. He gained considerable recognition and became the leading portrait painter in England during the reigns of William III and Queen Anne. His notable works include portraits of King William III, Queen Anne and many members of the British aristocracy and intellectual elite. Kneller's style was influenced by the Dutch and Flemish schools of painting and he was known for his skilful depiction of his subjects with a sense of grandeur and elegance. Throughout his career, Kneller received many commissions and honours, including being appointed Principal Painter to the Crown by King William III in 1688. He was also a founder member of the Kit-Cat Club, a prominent 18th century London club for Whig politicians and intellectuals. Godfrey Kneller died in London on 19 October 1723, leaving a legacy of influential portrait painting in late Baroque England. His works are still celebrated for their depiction of the political and cultural elite of his time.
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https://www.artuk.org/artdetective/discussions/discussions/who-might-be-the-artist-of-this-portrait-and-the-sitter-portrayed
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Who might be the artist of this portrait and the sitter portrayed?
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2021-01-22T13:36:17+00:00
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RE. Cornelius Johnson, @ Jacinto Regalado, who says: Γ’ΒΒThis is an early Cornelius Johnson (1620): https://bit.ly/2ZARMn4 The quality is clearly superior to that of the picture under discussion, unless it has been damaged by restoration. However, style of Cornelius Johnson would be plausible.Γ’ΒΒ
Yes, but would you wait until you could paint that well before you started doing it professionally? Nor did he. Especially as all accounts state that he was in London working for a year or two before then. There are no 1618 or 19 portraits by Cornelius Johnson that are as accomplished as that. Earlier ones are less accomplished. As is the work in question.
I think it is unsafe to say the portrait is in the style of CJ. It is either almost certainly by him in an earlier style he had, or it is by someone else. It cannot be said it is Γ’ΒΒstyle ofΓ’ΒΒ as how can it be in the style of someone whose style it doesnΓ’ΒΒt match and/or who hasnΓ’ΒΒt become a significant painter in London yet, unless he had, and this was like his earlier style, then if so, it may well actually be by him.
The 1618-19 style is more like late-Tudor portraiture, and he would have initially had a style more like that of the Netherlands he came out of. 1619-20 on, more heading towards Van Dyck eventually. It is said that Johnson could learn and vary his style as needed, even later imitating Van Dyck so much that some people think that some Van Dyck-attributed works are unsafe.
If the portrait under discussion is not by Cornelius Johnson, then every other early and unsigned work attributed to Cornelius Johnson is unsafe. That begs the question why wasnΓ’ΒΒt he working when he was in London in 1618 and 1619? If he was, what was he working on? Maybe on portraits in an earlier style that some people now donΓ’ΒΒt think were by him because it doesnΓ’ΒΒt match the style of a year later and he didnΓ’ΒΒt sign them.
It is entirely possible that he had an earlier style, and works he didnΓ’ΒΒt sign, then sometime in later 1619 his style advanced and he began signing his works also.
Anne of DenmarkΓ’ΒΒs funeral, which I associate the work in question with, was on 13th May 1619. I suggest signing the front bottom-right corner on the oval began sometime in later 1619.
Either the early unsigned ones are not by him, and a lot of museums, galleries and collections need to be informed, or they are.
A possible timeline of works, with style advancing:
Early unsigned:
John Milton, after Cornelius Johnson, 1618
https://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/portrait/mw199459/John-Milton?LinkID=mp02441&sort=dateAsc&role=art&rNo=3
The Countess of Exeter, c. 1620, Cornelius Janssen van Ceulen. Style similar to the work in question.
https://i2.wp.com/blog.mam.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/r_m1989_68_001.jpg?resize=580,749&ssl=1
https://blog.mam.org/2017/10/24/from-the-collection-the-countess-of-exeter-by-cornelius-janssen-van-ceulen/
The work in question, that I say is 1619.
Lady Margaret Mennes, c. 1620, attributed to Cornelius Johnson. Composition almost identical to the work in question.
https://www.sellingantiques.co.uk/photosnew/dealer_precious/dealer_precious_full_1260778937299-5989091293.jpg
Then the signed works begin:
Portrait of a Woman by Cornelius Janssen van Ceulen, 1619 https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/2a/Portrait_of_a_Woman_by_Cornelius_Janssen_van_Ceulen,_1619_-_Cleveland_Museum_of_Art_-_DSC08862.JPG
Portrait of a Woman, Traditionally Identified as the Countess of Arundel, Cornelius Johnson, 1619
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/e/e9/Cornelius_Johnson_-_Portrait_of_a_Woman,_Traditionally_Identified_as_the_Countess_of_Arundel_-_Google_Art_Project.jpg/440px-Cornelius_Johnson_-_Portrait_of_a_Woman,_Traditionally_Identified_as_the_Countess_of_Arundel_-_Google_Art_Project.jpg
Sir Alexander Temple, Cornelius Johnson, 1920 https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f5/Cornelius_Johnson_-_Sir_Alexander_Temple_-_Google_Art_Project.jpg
Portrait of Susanna Temple, Later Lady Lister Cornelius Johnson, 1620
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/94/Cornelius_Johnson_-_Portrait_of_Susanna_Temple,_Later_Lady_Lister_-_Google_Art_Project.jpg
This is the sitter, or a very close relative of the sitter, in another portrait:
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/44/Alathea_Talbot_{LPARENTHESES} Ingestre_Hall_Residential_Arts_Centre).jpg
https://artuk.org/discover/artworks/alathea-talbot-c-15901654-countess-of-arundel-and-surrey-20804
They look very close, and are wearing a same or very similar earring in both.
I think the work in question and the one at Ingestre are both of Γ’ΒΒBrighid Nic Gearailt, Brighid Chill Dara, Lady Bridget Barnewall, Viscountess Kingsland, earlier Bridget O'Donnell, Countess of Tyrconnell.Γ’ΒΒ Daughter of Henry FitzGerald, 12th Earl of Kildare and Lady Frances Howard, daughter of the Earl of Nottingham. A notable Irish Gaelic poetess of which no previous likenesses are known.
The portrait at Ingestre Hall Residential Arts Centre is named as Γ’ΒΒAlathea Talbot (c.1590Γ’ΒΒ1654), Countess of Arundel and SurreyΓ’ΒΒ by British (English) School, 1619Γ’ΒΒ but that is wrong.
James Innes-Mulraine tackles this portrait, calling her Γ’ΒΒa lady formerly called Lady Alathea Talbot Countess of Arundel at Ingestre. By comparison with the contemporary portraits by Daniel Mytens (Arundel Castle and NPG) we can agree that it is probably not Lady ArundelΓ’Β¦ÒΒΒ
https://jamesmulraine.com/2014/03/26/pendants-in-the-name/
Indeed, these are the real Alathea, Countess of Arundel:
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e8/Alathea,_Countess_of_Arundel_and_Surrey_by_Daniel_Mytens.jpg
https://www.museunacional.cat/sites/default/files/065001-000.JPG
https://www.meisterdrucke.uk/kunstwerke/500px/Daniel_Mytens_-_Double_Portrait_of_Thomas_Howard_14th_Collector_Earl_of_Arundel_and_his_wife_Ale_-_{LPARENTHESES} MeisterDrucke-227891).jpg
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/f/ff/Peter_Paul_Rubens_005.jpg/800px-Peter_Paul_Rubens_005.jpg
Mulraine suggests the sitter is a possibly Catholic or Catholic sympathiser, by analyzing the jewellery. Γ’ΒΒFrances Fitzgerald nee Howard, Countess of Kildare, later Frances Brooke, Baroness CobhamΓ’ΒΒ was herself no stranger to Catholic-related controversyΓ’ΒΒher husband was implicated in the Γ’ΒΒBye PlotΓ’ΒΒ and Γ’ΒΒMain PlotΓ’ΒΒ against James I, the object of which was supposedly religious toleration of Catholics and Puritans. It is not far-fetched to suggest her or a daughter of her were Catholics or heavily Catholic-sympathising, especially as they lived in Ireland.
Going on the dates on the Ingestre portrait: Aetat 32, 1619, the sitter was born in 1586 or 87.
The Howard daughters, Γ’ΒΒElizabeth Stewart nee Howard, Countess of Carrick, earlier Elizabeth SouthwellΓ’ΒΒ and Γ’ΒΒFrances Fitzgerald nee Howard, Countess of Kildare, later Frances Brooke, Baroness CobhamΓ’ΒΒ are too old.
It is one of their daughters.
Of the daughters of Elizabeth:
Elizabeth Southwell is born in Γ’ΒΒabout 1586Γ’ΒΒ and was the mistress of Sir Robert Dudley, illegitimate son of Robert Dudley Earl of Leicester, and they eloped in 1605 and became Roman Catholics in France. By 1613 were in Florence. It COULD be Elizabeth Southwell, but did she come to England? She had thirteen children, and died in Italy in 1631. Probably not.
Catherine, next oldest daughter, was reportedly born around 1600, so itΓ’ΒΒs not her.
Daughters of Frances Howard:
Bridget O'Donnell nee Fitzgerald, Countess of Tyrconnell and wife of Prince Rory O'Donnell, last King of Tyrconnell and 1st Earl of Tyrconnell, later Viscountess Barnewall of Kingsland, from 1616 wife of Nicholas Barnewall, 1st Viscount Barnewall, was born Γ’ΒΒc. 1589.Γ’ΒΒ
Second daughter Elizabeth Plunkett nee Fitgerald, Countess of Fingal, died in 1611. So not her.
So I think it is Brighid Nic Gearailt, Brighid Chill Dara, Lady Bridget Barnewall, Viscountess Kingsland, nee Fitzgerald, earlier Bridget O'Donnell, Countess of Tyrconnell. Daughter of Henry FitzGerald, 12th Earl of Kildare and Lady Frances Howard, daughter of the Earl of Nottingham.
She is said to be Γ’ΒΒbeautifulΓ’ΒΒ in the 1911 EncyclopΓΒ¦dia Britannica entry for Rory O'Donnell, her first husband who left Ireland in the Flight of the EarlsΓ’ΒΒa significant moment in Irish history at the time.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/1911_EncyclopΓΒ¦dia_Britannica/O'Donnell
She is a known poetess. Only one poem survives. ItΓ’ΒΒs in Gaelic, Γ’ΒΒResponse to Eochaidh O hEodhasaΓ’ΒΒs poem,Γ’ΒΒ in the last lines she says: Γ’ΒΒMy surname will not be heard, until yesterday comes again; my forename, all my know, is shared by a saint in Heaven.Γ’ΒΒ
Maybe her likeness, too, may now be known again.
She lived on the FitzGerald estates in Kildare until 1619, after which, in England. Both portraits of her are from 1619.
She would have been 32-ish in the portrait in question, using the Ingestre portrait as a guide. So I think the age on the Ingestre portrait shows that Brighid Nic Gearailt was born in 1586 or 87, not c. 1589 or 90 as commonly stated.
@ Louis Musgrove, regarding the hand: this portrait attributed to Robert Peake certainly piques my interest:
http://www.historicalportraits.com/ArtWorkImages/Peake Mary Darrel high res MN572 l.jpg
http://www.historicalportraits.com/Gallery.asp?Page=Item&ItemID=1426&Desc=-|-Robert-Peake
Exact same composition as the work in question. Awkward left hand with elongated fingers also. Size almost exactly the same also 31 x 24.5 inches this, vs 30 x 24.5 for the unknown portrait.
It is entirely possible CJ was trying to copy the style of certain aspects of William Larkin also before he advanced out of it then started signing his works.
Therefore I suggest a style transition for Cornelius Johnson:
From the artwork in questionΓ’ΒΒ¦
To here:
http://www.historicalportraits.com/ArtWorkImages/Peake Mary Darrel high res MN572 l.jpg
To here:
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/2a/Portrait_of_a_Woman_by_Cornelius_Janssen_van_Ceulen,_1619_-_Cleveland_Museum_of_Art_-_DSC08862.JPG
If we accept the last one, signed by Cornelius Johnson, is by Cornelius Johnson, then the second one can also clearly be by Cornelius JohnsonΓ’ΒΒsee the hair, the head, the faceΓ’ΒΒand it has a dodgy hand. And the painting in question, whose composition (sitter position, angle, lighting, framing, size, etc) is virtually identical to the second work, also has a dodgy hand.
I think we can see progression in the works of Cornelius Johnson, from a style more of emulating others, into one more recognisably his, when he starts signing them.
Therefore, I think the work under discussion is of Brighid Nic Gearailt, Brighid Chill Dara, Lady Bridget Barnewall, Viscountess Kingsland, nee Fitzgerald, earlier Bridget O'Donnell, Countess of Tyrconnell. Daughter of Henry FitzGerald, 12th Earl of Kildare and Lady Frances Howard, daughter of the Earl of Nottingham. Poetess. Born 1686 or 87 according to the Ingestre portrait, previously stated to be born c. 1689 or 90. Great-great-granddaughter of Mary Boleyn and possibility Henry VIII. Probably painted by Cornelius Johnson in his early-1619 style, possibly after the death or funeral of Anne of Denmark, queen consort of England, Scotland and Ireland, 2nd March (death)--13th May 1619 (funeral).
If so, it is amazing to have identified two portraits of this poetess and notable figure in Irish history when none were previously known.
@Tim Williams. Thanks for suggesting Γ’ΒΒwe canΓ’ΒΒt identify a sitter by facial features, or by the art at all, have you tried looking on the back for a name?Γ’ΒΒ or to that effect. If youΓ’ΒΒd have come in and said that earlier, it would have saved a lot of typing. In fact, using that argument, why is this website even in existence?
It would be helpful if you could show me any portrait of the time or any time where the sitterΓ’ΒΒs facial features and earring look as much alike to this and the Ingestre portrait as they do to each other. Please, show me one. Just one.
You said all portraits of the period look alike, ok, show me it.
Look at the philtrum. (ThatΓ’ΒΒs the bit in the middle of the upper lip, under the nose).
Look at the lines where the light hits the sides of the bridge of the nose.
Did they overpaint it using this other portrait as a reference? Or might they perchance be of the same person?
If itΓ’ΒΒs too small for you to see, find the biggest version you can online, save the image on to your computer, and the same with the image in question, then open them and zoom in closer and directly compare. ThatΓ’ΒΒs what I did. Sorry if I did wrong by actually looking at the artworks.
Those two portrait sitters are the same person, and they both also have family resemblance to the Howard ladies also, as previously shown Γ’ΒΒ her mother and aunt.
Many portraits of Anne of Denmark look much, much, much more dissimilar from each other in the facial features than these two do to each other, and they are all of Anne of Denmark, and she was the most recognisable woman of the time in England.
So much for all portraits of the period looking alike.
I am not too worried about the artistΓ’ΒΒbut then, I havenΓ’ΒΒt been able to take your advice and look for his name on the back. So how can I know? Visual reasoning obviously wonΓ’ΒΒt cut it.
It does look like other pre-signature works attributed to CJ, so if we canΓ’ΒΒt know about this, if it is Γ’ΒΒalmost certainly not a painting by Cornelius JohnsonΓ’ΒΒ then please email all the museums and collections and give them the bad news. TheyΓ’ΒΒd probably all say Γ’ΒΒ Γ’ΒΒWhy didnΓ’ΒΒt you tell us this sooner? Where have you been all our lives?Γ’ΒΒ
IΓ’ΒΒm just working with what IΓ’ΒΒve got. I donΓ’ΒΒt believe almost exactly similar composition (sitter position, angle, lighting, framing, size) can be dismissed easily. Odds against far too great.
Please show me another work of the time definitely by another artist, where the composition is alike to this work in question and the others I have shown where the composition is so alike to it. You canΓ’ΒΒt.
I think these all came out of the same place, and the style in that place changed over time. It could have been one artist, new to London, developing over time.
I donΓ’ΒΒt think art historians or others in the industry generally have high visual aesthetics perception, cognition, appreciation. It is so book-learning and rote-learning heavy, and essays and dissertations to get qualifications, and rote agreeing with earlier people and with gatekeepers brings rewards, or else are technicians, Γ’ΒΒlook on the back of itΓ’ΒΒ or Γ’ΒΒscan it with a machineΓ’ΒΒ that any high-visual creative perception people are weeded out or would just never enter the field anyway. ThereΓ’ΒΒs an inverse correlation between both those types of people, which are high trait contentiousness IΓ’ΒΒd say, with the barriers to entry and acceptance and success, the gatekeeping, vs high trait openess/creativity/aesthetics people. IΓ’ΒΒm not the first to realize it.
High trait conscientiousness is directly correlated with success in life, butΓ’ΒΒ¦ in art perceptionΓ’ΒΒ¦not necessarily. It is a literal fact to say that not everyone sees the same thing, when looking at the thing, so no point in arguing about that. Like they say about when you read a poem, the poem also reads you.
Her age was around 32, I believe. SheΓ’ΒΒs the lady in the Ingestre portrait, same face, same earring.
https://artuk.org/discover/artworks/alathea-talbot-c-15901654-countess-of-arundel-and-surrey-20804
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/44/Alathea_Talbot_{LPARENTHESES} Ingestre_Hall_Residential_Arts_Centre).jpg
A famous poet, Brighid Nic Gearailt, great-great-granddaughter of Mary Boleyn and Henry VIII.
Early-to-mid-1619-ish, I believe. I could be wrong, IΓ’ΒΒm just trying my best. Forgive any impudence.
@Tim Williams. Yes, apologies from me. Regarding the works, the ladies are the same person. The works with the same composition were out of the same place, almost certainly. Both points cannot be dismissed out of hand. IΓ’ΒΒve said what I wanted to say, above in earlier posts, already anyway.
@Louise Musgrove. Yes, so if Peake was the court painter, our guy could be painting in the style of him initially.
I think the composition --the framing, size in frame, angle, lighting, etc--are crucial. An artistΓ’ΒΒs style can advance, get better, stop imitating, or stop imitating one and start imitating another, but no-one would mimic the exact same composition of someone else when thereΓ’ΒΒs no point, and so much variation in composition elsewhere. I think the composition is a house style at that time, in that place. I think itΓ’ΒΒs early Cornelius Johnson.
I have discovered a previous unidentified portrait of Lady Mary Wroth by the same painter also Γ’ΒΒ same composition, and a dodgy hand:
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/8f/Circle_of_Robert_Peake_the_Elder_Portrait_of_a_Lady_Wearing_a_Patch.png
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Circle_of_Robert_Peake_the_Elder_Portrait_of_a_Lady_Wearing_a_Patch.png
Previously called Γ’ΒΒCircle of Robert Peake the Elder Portrait of a Lady Wearing a Patch.Γ’ΒΒ It is said to be c. 1619-21. ItΓ’ΒΒs is said to be Γ’ΒΒwith Strachan Fine Art, London, from 2016.Γ’ΒΒ
It is her, see portraits of her:
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/36/Lady_Mary_Wroth.jpg
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/8f/Circle_of_Robert_Peake_the_Elder_Portrait_of_a_Lady_Wearing_a_Patch.png
Lady Mary Wroth was a famous poet, as was Brighid Nic Gearailt. I think they were friends. James Multraine was discussing Mary Wroth when he was asking who the sitter in the Ingestre portrait was, due to the location, and discussed another one that I think is Mary Wroth:
https://jamesmulraine.com/2014/03/26/pendants-in-the-name/
So this discovery of the new Mary Wroth painting by me would be a second connection between the two famous poetesses in terms of paintings. Two that James Mulraine was looking at, one of each lady, and two from the same artist, one of which is the artist in question here.
Two additional descendants of Mary Boleyn were the Essex girls, the sisters of the doomed 2nd Earl. The younger sister Dorothy Devereux married Henry Percy the Wizard Earl of Northumberland, while the elder sister Lady Penelope born a year before Shakespeare, dazzled society with her beauty and elegance. A musical patron, the muse for almost every Elizabethen poet, a superb dancer and singer, and a serious political schemer this Lady was multi talented but her most striking attribute was her astonishing beauty. Some might have known Penelope as the Γ’ΒΒsecretΓ’ΒΒ heroine of Sir Philip SidneyΓ’ΒΒs poem Stella and Astrophel. Her beauty was of such renown that her portraits were circulated to foreign monarchs including Henri III King of France and King James VI in Scotland.
There is a double portrait painting of both Devereux sisters in the art collection at Lord BathΓ’ΒΒs Longleat House. But there is another portrait of Penelope Devereux, lost for centuries, circulating on Pinterest web sites where it has been incorrectly tagged as the French beauty Marie de Cleves the love interest and close companion of Henri III of France.
This lost painting was acquired in about 1960 for the collection of the Bowes family in the USA and later moved into storage in an American Museum. Unfortunately no European provenance has survived. Comparing the lady in the BowesΓ’ΒΒ picture with the elder sister in the Longleat portrait we clearly get a match. She could be wearing the same dress and the jeweled circlets in her hair are almost identical. The BowesΓ’ΒΒ portrait also matches the detailed description of Stella provided by Sir Philip Sidney in his epic poem.
This painting would have been an ideal subject for an Art Detective investigation if only it had been kept in an English Museum, but it should still be of special interest for the study of SidneyΓ’ΒΒs works. This Elizabethan beauty may also have proved to be an inspiration for the playwrights Christopher Marlow and Ben Jonson. We know that in 1604, as an actress, Lady Rich appeared as the Γ’ΒΒblacked upΓ’ΒΒ goddess Ocyte for JonsonΓ’ΒΒs play the Γ’ΒΒMasque of BlacknessΓ’ΒΒ.
The name and nationality of the paintingΓ’ΒΒs artist remain unknown. PenelopeΓ’ΒΒs widowed mother Lettice Knollys had remarried the Earl of Leicester Queen ElizabethΓ’ΒΒs long standing favourite. Leicester was a great patron of Γ’ΒΒselfiesΓ’ΒΒ and renaissance style paintings and this portrait of his step daughter appears to have been made by an artist familiar with Italian techniques. Maybe a modern 16th century Art Detective expert can recognise the painterΓ’ΒΒs work. Whatever his name he had created the most beautiful likeness since the portrayal of Nefertiti Queen of ancient Egypt.
https://www.pinterest.dk/pin/490892428111785645/
https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/85137781/penelope-devereux
https://www.pinterest.co.uk/pin/450922981421165113/
Returning to the Colchester and Ipswich painting it appears that although both the Devereux sisters qualify as great grand daughters of Mary Boleyn they can both be discounted in the search for the sitter for this Art UK investigation.
To summarize regarding this portrait, for ease, everything I have to say:
1. If Cornelius Johnson can imitate van Dyck later he can imitate someone else earlier. No-one can say Γ’ΒΒthis is clearly not by him.Γ’ΒΒ
2. If the artist did his work right, we might never know who it is by. If CJ can imitate people, when he didnΓ’ΒΒt sign things we probably wonΓ’ΒΒt know who itΓ’ΒΒs by, as thatΓ’ΒΒs the point.
3. This Ipswich portrait is very similar to other works attributed to early Cornelius Johnson.
4. If this portrait is proven to not be by CJ then many other portraits attributed to early CJ are not by him either, as they are by the person who painted this and not CJ.
5. The composition of this Ipswich portrait is almost identical to other works attributed to CJ, including signed works (see the size, positioning, angle, lighting, a hand more poorly painted).
6. You can see a progression of the painting style, he may well only have started using the ovals and signing them at a certain point (mid or late 1619?).
7. The sitter is the same person as in the Ingestre portrait, 1619, which is associated with the Arundels, Talbots and Mary Wroth.
8. Mary Wroth was a poetess and so was Bridget Fitzgerald who came to live in England in 1619. Mary Wroth and the Countess of Arundel and people they knew were a large circle of aristocracy, fashionable people, poets and patrons of poets.
9. From early-mid Tudor times onward expensive portraits were recognizable likenesses, even if they have an Γ’ΒΒInstagram filterΓ’ΒΒ on. Expensive likenesses are likenesses.
10. The Ipswich and Ingestre sitter has overwhelming likeness to the Γ’ΒΒHoward ladiesΓ’ΒΒΓ’ΒΒElizabeth and Frances, who were the daughters of Katherine Howard nee Carey, Countess of Nottingham, Elizabeth 1stΓ’ΒΒs closest friend in her latter years and her half-niece and half-cousin-once-removed.
11. Using the dates of these ladies and their daughters, the sitter is Bridget Fitzgerald, daughter of Frances Howard.
12. Other portraits associated with the Ingestre portrait sitter have ermine motifs and red and white colour schemes. These are referencing the arms of Barnwell/Barnewell. From her second marriage Bridget was Lady Bridget Barnewall, Viscountess Kingsland.
13. I think the pregnancy portrait that James Mulraine has on his site is the sitter, Bridget, with pregnancy weight gain on her face. She has a red and white dress with ermine motifs.
14. Therefore the work under discussion is of Γ’ΒΒBridget Fitzgerald,Γ’ΒΒ Brighid Nic Gearailt, Brighid Chill Dara, Lady Bridget Barnewall, Viscountess Kingsland, nee Fitzgerald, earlier Bridget O'Donnell, Countess of Tyrconnell. Daughter of Henry FitzGerald, 12th Earl of Kildare and Lady Frances Howard, daughter of the Earl of Nottingham. Poetess. Born 1586 or 87 according to the Ingestre portrait, previously stated to be born c. 1689 or 90. Great-great-granddaughter of Mary Boleyn and Henry VIII. Probably painted by Cornelius Johnson in his early-1619 style, possibly after the death or funeral of Anne of Denmark, queen consort of England, Scotland and Ireland, 2nd March (death)--13th May 1619 (funeral).
15. Bridget Fitzgerald was the last Irish Queen in Gaelic Irish culture, her first husband Rory OΓ’ΒΒDonnell, the last King of Tyconnell. Irish Gaels who didnΓ’ΒΒt accept James I wouldnΓ’ΒΒt have accepted that Rory OΓ’ΒΒDonnell was Γ’ΒΒEarl of TyrconnellΓ’ΒΒ under James. It is possible that Rory didnΓ’ΒΒt accept, gave lipservice. He later left Ireland in the Flight of the EarlsΓ’ΒΒthe end of the old Gaelic ruling order.
16. Three newly discovered and identified portraits of the last Queen in Ireland, last Irish Queen, last Gaelic Queen, last Gaelic royal, Queen of Tyrconnell, who was also a famous Gaelic poetess of the time, are very significant to Ireland and the government or a major museum or foundation there or in the US will probably want to buy one or all of them then display with fanfare. This will undoubtedly make the news, and thrill people. YouΓ’ΒΒre welcome.
It is indeed difficult, my very thoughts, as I detailed https://www.artuk.org/artdetective/discussions/discussions/is-this-portrait-by-cornelius-johnson-if-not-anne-of-denmark-who-is-the-sitter if an artist didnΓ’ΒΒt want you to know who painted it, as he was imitating more prestigious painters, do you really think you can do better than the artist? Really?
However, analysis of the materials used, wood, paint, canvas, anything, might show a consistency to one artist or studio vs another, over time.
Jacob, it is not clear that it is not CJ. You are supposed to give evidence and arguments here, not just state things, wrongly.
You have no idea what CJ painted like in earliest days before he signed them. It is almost exactly like others attributed to CJ and in a progression straight into those he signed.
If you cant live with the finish being him, then it is a CJ that was studio-of CJ finished by someone else, or was overpainted, or a later copy. Therefore certainly Γ’ΒΒAfter-an-earlier-style-of-CJ.Γ’ΒΒ
It is more likely that the same place, same studio or artist kept the compositional style the same (angle, size, placement, lighting, etc) and evolved their painting style, than CJ and another unknown painter had the exact same compositional style for no good reason, when no-one else did.
A CJ with an overpainted face and hand is a CJ with an overpainted face and hand.
If the work is Γ’ΒΒclearly not by CJ,Γ’ΒΒ or after his style, youΓ’ΒΒd better tell the NPG:
https://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/portrait/mw01515/Sir-Robert-Bruce-Cotton-1st
You know the people who said that work was CJ or after-CJ at the NPG and who signed off on it from above, but you didnΓ’ΒΒt pipe up then, whatΓ’ΒΒs changed now?
Consistency would be a start. If you believe what you say, why donΓ’ΒΒt you go through the NPG and redo attribution? Start a little closer to home please.
This portrait of Sir Robert Bruce Cotton at the NPG, attributed to Γ’ΒΒCJΓ’ΒΒ or Γ’ΒΒafter CJΓ’ΒΒ is interesting. Why canΓ’ΒΒt they date this? It would be helpful. Is it an original, from what date? Or an original overpainted? What dates? Or a later copy?
It says Γ’ΒΒ17th-19th century, based on a work of 1629.Γ’ΒΒ How do we know this?
Could our work be similar? So essentially we are both right? The similarities to CJ are not by accident, but it wasnΓ’ΒΒt his hand who finished it?
The composition of this Sir Robert Bruce Cotton portrait is exactly the same as the work in question, and the ruff the closest IΓ’ΒΒve seen. It is almost exactly the same size as the work in question also, 762 mm x 635 mm vs 760mm x 620 mm.
And this work is called Cornelius Johnson or after- Cornelius Johnson by the National Portrait Gallery, no less. YouΓ’ΒΒve probably heard of them.
If the person who identified that were to read all this talk, theyΓ’ΒΒd agree with me. So I am not exactly without friends.
As IΓ’ΒΒve said before, the composition is exactly like early CJs, including signed ones.
A generous interpretation would be that CJ was copying this artistΓ’ΒΒs composition, whoever it wasΓ’ΒΒbut why? There is no reason. Prestigious PeakeΓ’ΒΒs or van Somers are not in this composition.
It is more likely that it is CJΓ’ΒΒs composition choice, as shows consistency into his signed works. In the years before his more mature CJ style, and before he started signing, he was painting something, trust me. So, what?
IsnΓ’ΒΒt it likely CJ was in the studio or circle of RP, or painted after his style, then evolved his style then started signing then, then later changed again toward Anthony Van Dyck?
Or alternatively a whole raft of early work attributed to CJ before he started signing are not him, but why then is there stylistic consistency into his signed works?
ItΓ’ΒΒs like Ground Hog Day, IΓ’ΒΒve said this before, and showed evidence, earlier above in this comment train.
As IΓ’ΒΒve already said, if this is Bridget Fitzgerald by CJ, her cousin Margaret Stuart Mennes has a portrait attributed to CJ, in an oval, almost exactly the same size and composition, and then compare that to a signed CJ oval:
Our sitter:
https://d3d00swyhr67nd.cloudfront.net/w486h800/collection/SFK/CCM/SFK_CCM_R_1972_61-001.jpg
Margaret Stuart Mennes:
https://www.sellingantiques.co.uk/62236/soldportrait-of-lady-margaret-mennes-born-stewart-c1620-attributed-to-cornelius-johnson/
Signed CJ oval (this is not the Countess of Arundel, it is a Barnwell/Barnewell, one of BridgetΓ’ΒΒs in-laws from her second marriage, the ermine and red and white is from the arms of Barnewell):
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cornelius_Johnson_{LPARENTHESES} artist)#/media/File:Cornelius_Johnson_-_Portrait_of_a_Woman,_Traditionally_Identified_as_the_Countess_of_Arundel_-_Google_Art_Project.jpg
Are you going to say the MSM portrait is not a CJ? Who ever it is, they are rather good, and if you donΓ’ΒΒt think a whole slate of Γ’ΒΒCJΓ’ΒΒ-attributed portraits are actually by CJ, you sure took a long time to pipe up about it. ShouldnΓ’ΒΒt you be telling this to all the people who hold them?
Lastly, Jacob, with greatest respect, I wouldnΓ’ΒΒt be telling me that I have made a jump too far on something. Most Art Historians are visually-impaired administrators. The whole field is catastrophically misguided. On this very site we had people saying that a portrait that is clearly not Elizabeth Stuart, Queen of Bohemia was Elizabeth Stuart, Queen of Bohemia, and no one challenged it.
There is plenty to Γ’ΒΒhelp us.Γ’ΒΒ Likenesses of mother, portraits of cousin and sister-in-law, other portraits of sitter, importance of sitter established, famous Irish noblewoman and Gaelic poet/daughter of lady important to EI, AoD and Princess Elizabeth, sitter returning to England from Ireland in 1619 therefore portraits would then happen.
I donΓ’ΒΒt want to upset, only to help. Why else would I bother?
Please be open to the possibility that what I say is correct. Mull it over, ask others, show it to others.
If two portraits are of the same woman or are clearly someoneΓ’ΒΒs daughter, there are not enough PhDs, Professorships or Gallery positions in the world to give you the authority or ability to change it.
There almost certainly isnΓ’ΒΒt documentation to prove it, as else it wouldnΓ’ΒΒt be previously undiscovered before I get there, would it?
The brat (Γ’ΒΒbrotΓ’ΒΒ) or Irish mantle/cloak/shawl is most culturally-identifiable item of Irish clothing ever, worn since prehistory, the Bronze Age. Originally a heavy cloak made of rough wool, it later had lighter fabric and lighter coloured variants for wealthier female wearers. Even wealthy and highest-status Irish people would have worn it, or a variant.
The brat may not mean a lot to you, but it sure meant a lot to the IrishΓ’ΒΒand the English, who banned its wearing, as the biggest symbol of Irish cultural identity.
In Elizabethan times the brat was associated with Irish rebellion fighters Γ’ΒΒ they could be made waterproof, and it is exactly what Irish rebel fighters would have been wearing, out living, moving, hiding and fighting under the elements.
We donΓ’ΒΒt even have many, or any, good images of it from history, despite it being the most famous Irish cultural clothing item, due to cultural persecution.
It is going to be hard to see a brat in the painting if youΓ’ΒΒve no idea what youΓ’ΒΒre looking for.
https://www.tota.world/image/53
https://clanmcgrathdotorg.files.wordpress.com/2020/08/galloglass-circa-1521.jpg?w=278
http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-CqsFHBr_QjE/U6KPKuZfHjI/AAAAAAAAAlk/SoC1jB6NrDg/s1600/Irish+Soldiers+and+Farmers%2C+Durer%2C+1521.bmp
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kinsale_cloak#/media/File:The_Kinsale_Cloak_on_an_Irish_Colleen.jpg
https://costumesociety.org.uk/images/uploads/_large/image_2_hynes.jpg
https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/43857913.pdf
https://saffroncloth.wordpress.com/womens-clothing/brat/
https://saffroncloth.files.wordpress.com/2019/01/cheese-mould-hat-2.jpg
Brats later had an edge to themΓ’ΒΒfurry, or frayed, or different coloured.
If Bridget Fitzgerald is here wearing a brat, she is wearing a piece of Irish cultural clothing that was banned by her g-g-grandfather, H8.
Γ’ΒΒno person or persons of what estate, condition or degree they be, shall use, or wear any mantles, cote or hood, made after the Irish fashionΓ’ΒΒ
If not a brat mantle she is wearing a wimple-like veil, which was contemporary Irish wear for more highly-placed woman.
Thank you Louis for raising the issue of clothing. Very pertinent.
What she is wearing over the top and back of her head is in the correct position on the head, in the middle-to-back of the top, that a brat is worn as seen in the few images.
It looks more to me that she is wearing a veil, which Irish woman of status would have worn, but it is unclear if this Irish veil was essentially just a descendent of the brat that is lighter and worn by wealthy high-class woman.
Whichever it is, this sitter, aside from the ruff and lace cuffs, is not wearing English cultural clothing. She is wearing Irish cultural clothing. Yet she is clearly very wealthy and/or significant Γ’ΒΒ as viewed by the lace.
She is wearing Γ’ΒΒgunaΓ’ΒΒ Γ’ΒΒ Irish womanΓ’ΒΒs gown, on top of a Γ’ΒΒleineΓ’ΒΒ Γ’ΒΒ traditional linen underdress.
https://www.shamrockgift.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/Gaelic_clothing_Ireland-1.jpg
https://saffroncloth.files.wordpress.com/2019/01/beaver-hat.jpg
https://www.reconstructinghistory.com/images/irelandoise.gif
Her gown is similar to the late-16thC-to-early 17thC Γ’ΒΒShirone Gown,Γ’ΒΒ see the high waist:
https://www.rareirishstuff.com/blog/the-shinrone-gown-.6036.html
In her clothing Bridget is representing Irish culture.
Oh really, my last Gaelic Irish Queen is wearing very expensive lace like a very important person and is wearing the classic elements of Irish dress? I worked out who it was by facial resemblance and dates alone.
How many other top level nobles with heavy Irish connections, are important enough to paint, or are even in England to be painted, who look ridiculously similar to Frances Howard, Lady Kildare, mother of Bridget Fitzgerald, and whoΓ’ΒΒs dates/age matches up to the portrait, are there? Bridget Fitzgerald.
Ipswich will not need money to restore it, hands should be bitten off in getting to one of the few portraits of the last Gaelic Irish royal and famous Gaelic poetess.
LikeΓ’ΒΒ¦ a Princess Diana of Irish culture or nationalism. Iconic figure, known for being beautiful, but somewhat of a tragic or sad history, but so many captivating links to history (H8, Mary Boleyn, the Flight of the Earls).
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ΰΈΰΉΰΈΰΈΰΈ (ΰΉΰΈ₯ΰΈ°ΰΈΰΈ±ΰΈΰΈΰΈΆΰΈ!) ΰΈΰΈ΄ΰΈΰΈΰΈΰΈΰΈΰΈΈΰΈΰΉΰΈΰΈΰΉΰΈ Pinterest
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Portrait Of Tristram(?) Stafford, 1613; Circle Of Paul Van Somer.
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Declaration: Portrait Of Tristram(?) Stafford, 1613; Circle Of Paul Van Somer. has been declared an antique and was approved for sale on sellingantiques.co.uk.
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favicon.ico
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https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2009/feb/14/anthony-van-dyck-portrait-painting
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Dressed to impress
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[
"Guardian staff",
"Keith Thomas"
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2009-02-14T00:00:00
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<p>Van Dyck, unmatched for bravura, brought emotion and movement to British portrait painting, writes <strong>Keith Thomas</strong></p>
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the Guardian
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https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2009/feb/14/anthony-van-dyck-portrait-painting
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No painter has done more to define an era than Anthony van Dyck. His portraits of King Charles I, Queen Henrietta Maria and the courtiers who surrounded them are images of regal majesty, gilded youth and feminine beauty. They evoke an age of sumptuous costume and cultivated ease. The feelings they arouse are similar to those produced by yellowing snapshots of young men and women enjoying the long, hot summer of 1914. All this colour and languid elegance was shortly to be swept away in a bloody war, which would slaughter many of the men, widow the women, bring down the whole edifice of divine-right monarchy and culminate in the public execution of that same ruler whom Van Dyck had represented as a Christlike figure, a loving father and husband, and the epitome of dignity and melancholy sensitivity.
Nowadays, when we expect no more of royal painters than we do of poets laureate, it seems strange to think of the monarchy as the driving force behind the cultural avant garde. But the new exhibition at Tate Britain convincingly shows that Charles I's patronage of the Flemish painter created a revolution in British portrait painting whose reverberations continued to be felt well into the 20th century.
Van Dyck spent only seven and a half years of his short life (1599-1641) in England. He grew up in Antwerp, where his precocious talent was recognised by Peter Paul Rubens, the greatest painter of the age. He worked in Rubens's studio and imitated his style as a religious artist, painting biblical scenes redolent of the lush piety of the counter-reformation. But soon he was on the move. In 1620, he visited London for a few months, long enough to paint a history picture, The Continence of Scipio, for the royal favourite, George Villiers, Marquess of Buckingham, and a portrait of his other English patron, the great art collector Thomas Howard, 2nd Earl of Arundel.
He spent most of the next five years in Italy, chiefly in Genoa, making imposing portraits of the wealthy aristocracy of that city in their sombre palazzi. In Venice he indulged his passion for Titian, whose works he sketched, copied and, when possible, added to his own personal art collection. He returned to the Spanish Netherlands in 1627, becoming court artist to Archduchess Isabella, painting great religious and mythological canvases and producing some of his finest portraits. Restless as ever, he departed in 1631 to The Hague to paint the Dutch ruler Frederick Henry, Prince of Orange, before accepting Charles I's invitation in 1632 to come to England. By this time he was recognised as the leading court painter in Europe, with VelΓ‘zquez at the court of Philip IV of Spain his only rival. He also excelled as a superbly observant painter of children and (even more appealing to the English nobility) dogs.
In London Van Dyck was knighted, paid an annual pension of Β£200 and installed in a house at Blackfriars, with a special jetty at which the royal barge might tie up when Charles I was visiting his studio. Yet he had no intention of settling there for good. His second English period was interrupted by a year-long visit to Antwerp and Brussels, where he did some of his best work; and he spent the last year of his life feverishly travelling to Flanders and Paris, which he had hoped would be his next destination.
Van Dyck was a small man, expensively dressed and with courtly manners. He lived in great style, keeping horses, carriages and a retinue of servants. Well accustomed to painting grandees, he was socially at ease with his royal and aristocratic patrons. He worked all day and his output was prodigious. He had a crowded appointment book and gave his sitters only an hour at a time, during which he made a preliminary sketch in crayon and painted the face. His assistants then filled in the outline on the canvas, and painted the clothes (provided by the sitter), while Van Dyck saw to the head and the hands, the latter taken from one of the models, male and female, whom he kept for that purpose. When his assistants had done their bit, the master would add the finishing touches. In this way he was able to work on several portraits at the same time and to complete them at the rate of roughly one a week.
There had been some good Netherlandish painters at the English court before him. But even the best royal portraits by Paul van Somer and Daniel Mytens appeared stiff and awkward by the side of Van Dyck's dashingly fluid and energetic work, with its delicate flesh tones, graceful postures and shimmering drapery. Van Dyck brought emotion, movement and psychological insight. For sheer bravura he was unmatched. Mytens, his predecessor as royal painter, was totally eclipsed and went back to Holland.
Van Dyck introduced new genres into English painting: groups of children without their parents; "friendship portraits" of pairs of men or women; Titianesque poses of the ruler on horseback, the hunter with his loyal dog or the statesman with his attentive secretary; allegorical pictures of aristocrats posing as figures in pagan or Christian mythology or clad in the costume of pastoral romance; portraits of men and women against a background of curtains, classical columns, bare rocks or wild landscape, each carrying a different symbolic meaning.
A haberdasher's son, Van Dyck was intensely interested in clothes. His English portraits of women often show a preference for informal dress: loose shifts, flowing drapery, open necks, bare bosoms and uncovered lower arms (so much quicker to paint than intricate lace collars and cuffs, and also more titillating - the bare arm, it has been said, was to the 1630s what the ankle was to the Victorians). This was what the poet Herrick meant by "a sweet disorder in the dress"; no one represented that liquefaction of the clothes better than Van Dyck. He loved exotic costumes, such as the "Persian" dress in which he painted Sir Robert and Lady Shirley, or the Indian pyjamas worn by the oriental traveller William Feilding, Earl of Denbigh. Many of his subjects wear fantasy costume, derived from the court masques of the 1630s. Van Dyck was the first "that e're put ladies' dress into a careless romance".
It is unlikely that Van Dyck did all this portrait painting by choice. In the accepted artistic hierarchy, portraits ranked far lower than scenes from history, mythology and the Bible. But there was no demand in Protestant England for altarpieces, though he did some religious pictures for the queen, and for his Catholic friend Sir Kenelm Digby. It was said that he produced some other historical paintings, but they have left no record. A grisaille, depicting the king and the garter knights in procession, recalls his never-completed plan for four large tapestries for the Banqueting House in Whitehall. His topographical drawings and landscape watercolours, of which a few survive, are remarkably impressive; and anticipate the great English tradition of Sandby, Girtin and Cotman. But the king's failure to commission from him any large figure paintings, other than the ravishing Cupid and Psyche, strikes modern connoisseurs as a major failure to appreciate where Van Dyck's greatest talents lay.
Charles I had amassed the best royal art collection in Europe, and his feeling for the visual arts was genuine. But, as the historian Kevin Sharpe makes clear in his chapter in the exhibition catalogue, his artistic patronage was more political in intention than aesthetic. Van Dyck depicted the little, stammering king as a superior being, whether confidently mounted on the great horse like a Roman emperor, sitting benignly among his young family or standing relaxed in the hunting field. His images of the royal family project the values of peace, harmony, marital love, paternal concern and dynastic fruitfulness. They imply that Charles's right to rule stemmed as much from his innate superiority as from his coronation and legitimate descent.
Similarly Van Dyck's portraits of the aristocracy are meant to prove that true nobility stemmed from virtue rather than birth. The younger men exude an aura of elegance and refinement, the older ones self-control and moral strength. As for the women, Charles liked their faces to be "as beautiful as may be"; and their figures "gracious and svelta". The theory of platonic love, much in vogue at the queen's court, gave beauty a moral value. It was the symbol of virtue, a ladder for the heavenly ascent of the soul. The queen's niece, who knew her aunt only from Van Dyck's portraits, was astonished to discover that Henrietta Maria was a very small woman, with crooked shoulders, long skinny arms and protruding teeth. The Countess of Sussex was one of very few of Van Dyck's sitters to complain that her own portrait had not done her justice: "the face is so big and so fat that it pleases me not at all".
The men who wielded real power in the 1630s were treated more realistically. Van Dyck painted Titianesque portraits of the intense, brooding figure of Sir Thomas Wentworth, the king's strongman in Ireland, and an unadorned image of Archbishop William Laud, that "little low red-faced man", with his piercing gaze and air of impatient authority. This was the picture that in October 1640 fell from Laud's study wall, the string having broken. "God grant this be no omen," he entered in his diary. Two months later he was impeached for treason.
Many of Van Dyck's subjects became leaders of the parliamentary side in the civil war, and in appearance are indistinguishable from their royalist opponents. They included the earls of Bedford, Warwick, Northumberland, for whom Van Dyck rather surprisingly painted an elaborate crucifixion, and Pembroke, whose family is the subject of the magnificent group painting at Wilton House. One of Van Dyck's most subtle portraits is widely believed to be of Sir Thomas Chaloner, who was a signatory to Charles I's death warrant. The English aristocracy were divided in the civil war, but these portraits suggest that previously they had shared a remarkably homogeneous culture.
The king spent more on clothes in a single year than he paid Van Dyck throughout his time in England. As a way of sustaining the royal image, paintings were remarkably cheap by comparison with the other accoutrements of regal magnificence, such as jewellery, gold plate and tapestries. The great royal portraits were hung to dramatic effect at the end of long vistas in the royal palaces at St James's, Whitehall and Hampton Court. Only courtiers, foreign ambassadors and distinguished visitors could see them there, but Van Dyck's studio was kept busy manufacturing replicas to be distributed as gifts to the king's friends and to foreign rulers. Copies of Van Dyck's work proliferated: there are more than 50 versions of his Archbishop Laud alone, and his images were multiplied many times over in miniature paintings, enamels, etchings and engravings.
The exhibition at Tate Britain has a double purpose: to explore Van Dyck's impact on the England of his own day; and to trace his influence on British painting in subsequent centuries. It would be unreasonable to expect definitive treatment of either of these large themes. Five of the 133 items listed in the exhibition will not be exhibited. Among them, alas, are the enchanting portraits of Nicholas Lanier, master of the king's music, and Philip, Lord Wharton, in an Arcadian setting. Of the remainder, only 57 are by the artist himself, significantly fewer than were displayed in the National Portrait Gallery's exhibition Van Dyck in England in 1982. Many of the artist's most spectacular English achievements are absent - notably, Charles I in the Hunting Field, the most imaginative of all the royal portraits. By way of compensation, there are some relatively unfamiliar exhibits. The portrait of Anne Kirke from the Huntington in California is particularly fine; and from the Prado come the double portrait of Van Dyck with his friend, the courtier and connoisseur Endymion Porter, and the picture of the artist's wife, Mary Ruthven, with her "inticing Italianed eyes, able to confound a saint".
In its publicity, the Tate claims, on the basis of very slender evidence, that Van Dyck was personally involved with Katherine, Lady Stanhope, whose portrait will also be shown. "Van Dyck's lover to go on display," proclaimed BBC News. It would have been better to focus the tabloids' attention on the artist's mistress, Margaret Lemon (was that really her name, one wonders: "lemon" was the old English term for "lover"). She was probably the model for the stunningly erotic nude in Cupid and Psyche, bearing out the remark of a contemporary writer on art that her face was the least beautiful part of a beautiful woman: "though she hath a fair face beyond nature, yet putting off her clothes [she] seemeth to have no face at all, in regard of the other excellencies that were concealed".
Van Dyck died just when the Long Parliament was beginning to dismantle Charles I's regime. His art failed to save the king and may even have been counterproductive. In Protestant eyes, this devout Catholic was an idolater who painted female Catholic converts wearing crosses in their bosoms. At a time when the queen's Catholic faction at court was coming into the open, it was easy to see him as part of a popish plot to return England to Rome. In the 1640s, his image of Archbishop Laud was put to satirical use by Puritan cartoonists, and the elegant costumes of his courtly sitters taken as proof of royalist decadence. After the king's defeat, his wonderful art collection was put up for sale and his Van Dycks dispersed all over Europe.
Yet though Van Dyck could not prevent Charles's fall, he contributed powerfully to the cult of Charles the Martyr. The Commonwealth regime dismally failed to establish an alternative artistic style. Cromwell's chief portrait painter, Robert Walker, shamelessly painted parliamentarian heads on top of Van Dyckian bodies and based his portrait of the protector on Van Dyck's Wentworth. The engraver Pierre Lombart even reworked the magnificent Charles I on Horseback with M de St Antoine by substituting Cromwell's head for that of the king.
For the next 300 years, Van Dyck was the major influence on English portraiture. In his portraits of the sultry beauties of the Restoration court, Charles II's court painter Peter Lely followed Van Dyck's practice of painting women in loose undress, though without Van Dyck's allegorical dimension. The Restoration etcher Richard Gaywood reworked a print of Van Dyck's Margaret Lemon into a supposed portrait of Nell Gwyn. William III's court painter Godfrey Kneller based his portrait of the monarch on Van Dyck's Charles I in Robes of State
The mid-18th century witnessed the vogue of so-called "Vandyke" dress: loose shifts worn over chemises for women, with ribbons and rosettes; plain satin suits for men, with lace collars and cuffs. When Horace Walpole went to a masquerade in 1742, he saw "quantities of Vandykes, and all kinds of old pictures walked out of their frame". The drapery painter Joseph van Aken specialised in adding Van Dyck costumes to heads drawn by provincial artists. When the Dean of York got married in 1749, he and his bride were painted by Joseph Highmore wearing Van Dyck dress.
Nearly all the great 18th-century portraitists, from Pompeo Batoni and Allan Ramsay to Thomas Gainsborough and Joshua Reynolds, copied Van Dyck's costumes, poses and compositions. Johan Zoffany's group portrait of George III and his family was such a melange of Vandyckian motifs that Walpole thought it "ridiculous". The most famous of these imitations, Gainsborough's Blue Boy, taken from Van Dyck's George Villiers, 2nd Duke of Buckingham and Lord Francis Villiers, will not be on display at the Tate, but there are to be many other examples of Van Dyck's continuing influence, particularly on "swagger" portraits, flaunting their subjects' wealth, glamour and social superiority. The line runs though George IV's court painter, Thomas Lawrence, to those two notorious recorders of the Edwardian establishment at its most plutocratic, the American John Singer Sargent and the Hungarian Philip de LaszlΓ³. The latter's Mrs George Sandys (1915) is blatantly indebted to Van Dyck's Countess of Carlisle (1637). Sargent's Earl of Dalhousie, painted in 1900, the year of the great Van Dyck exhibition at the Royal Academy, wears a tropical suit and necktie, but his intolerable hauteur instantly recalls that of Lord John and Lord Bernard Stuart, those two disdainful youths depicted by Van Dyck around 1638.
The Tate exhibition will not contain many surprises for the expert, but it should afford most of us enormous visual pleasure; and it is likely to confirm the feeling, so hard to eradicate, that even if the Cavaliers were wrong, they were undoubtedly romantic.
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https://www.artwarefineart.com/gallery/portrait-king-james-i-england-ireland-vi-scotland-1566-1625
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Portrait of King James I of England & Ireland & VI of Scotland 1566 -1625
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James VI and I (James Charles Stuart; 19 June 1566 β 27 March 1625) was King of Scotland as James VI from 24 July 1567 and King of England and Ireland as James I from the union of the Scottish and English crowns on 24 March 1603 until his death in 1625. The kingdoms of Scotland and England were individual sovereign states, with their own parliaments, judiciaries, and laws, though both were ruled by James in personal union.
James was the son of Mary, Queen of Scots, and a great-great-grandson of Henry VII, King of England and Lord of Ireland, and thus a potential successor to all three thrones. He succeeded to the Scottish throne at the age of thirteen months, after his mother was compelled to abdicate in his favour. Four different regents governed during his minority, which ended officially in 1578, though he did not gain full control of his government until 1583. In 1603, he succeeded the last Tudor monarch of England and Ireland, Elizabeth I, who died childless. He continued to reign in all three kingdoms for 22 years, a period known as the Jacobean era, until his death. After the Union of the Crowns, he based himself in England (the largest of the three realms) from 1603, returning to Scotland only once, in 1617, and styled himself "King of Great Britain and Ireland". He was a major advocate of a single parliament for England and Scotland. In his reign, the Plantation of Ulster and English colonisation of the Americas began.
At 57 years and 246 days, James's reign in Scotland was the longest of any Scottish monarch. He achieved most of his aims in Scotland but faced great difficulties in England, including the Gunpowder Plot in 1605 and repeated conflicts with the English Parliament. Under James, the "Golden Age" of Elizabethan literature and drama continued, with writers such as William Shakespeare, John Donne, Ben Jonson, and Sir Francis Bacon contributing to a flourishing literary culture. James himself was a prolific writer, authoring works such as Daemonologie (1597), The True Law of Free Monarchies (1598), and Basilikon Doron (1599). He sponsored the translation of the Bible into English later named after him, the Authorized King James Version. Sir Anthony Weldon claimed that James had been termed "the wisest fool in Christendom", an epithet associated with his character ever since. Since the latter half of the 20th century, historians have tended to revise James's reputation and treat him as a serious and thoughtful monarch. He was strongly committed to a peace policy, and tried to avoid involvement in religious wars, especially the Thirty Years' War that devastated much of Central Europe. He tried but failed to prevent the rise of hawkish elements in the English Parliament who wanted war with Spain. He was succeeded by his second son, Charles.
James was the only son of Mary, Queen of Scots, and her second husband, Henry Stuart, Lord Darnley. Both Mary and Darnley were great-grandchildren of Henry VII of England through Margaret Tudor, the older sister of Henry VIII. Mary's rule over Scotland was insecure, and she and her husband, being Roman Catholics, faced a rebellion by Protestant noblemen. During Mary's and Darnley's difficult marriage, Darnley secretly allied himself with the rebels and conspired in the murder of the Queen's private secretary, David Rizzio, just three months before James's birth.
James was born on 19 June 1566 at Edinburgh Castle, and as the eldest son and heir apparent of the monarch automatically became Duke of Rothesay and Prince and Great Steward of Scotland. Five days later, an English diplomat Henry Killigrew saw the queen, who had not fully recovered and could only speak faintly. The baby was "sucking at his nurse" and was "well proportioned and like to prove a goodly prince". He was baptised "Charles James" or "James Charles" on 17 December 1566 in a Catholic ceremony held at Stirling Castle. His godparents were Charles IX of France (represented by John, Count of Brienne), Elizabeth I of England (represented by the Earl of Bedford), and Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy (represented by ambassador Philibert du Croc).[a] Mary refused to let the Archbishop of St Andrews, whom she referred to as "a pocky priest", spit in the child's mouth, as was then the custom. The subsequent entertainment, devised by Frenchman Bastian Pagez, featured men dressed as satyrs and sporting tails, to which the English guests took offence, thinking the satyrs "done against them".
James's father, Darnley, was murdered on 10 February 1567 at Kirk o' Field, Edinburgh, perhaps in revenge for the killing of Rizzio. James inherited his father's titles of Duke of Albany and Earl of Ross. Mary was already unpopular, and her marriage on 15 May 1567 to James Hepburn, 4th Earl of Bothwell, who was widely suspected of murdering Darnley, heightened widespread bad feeling towards her. In June 1567, Protestant rebels arrested Mary and imprisoned her in Loch Leven Castle; she never saw her son again. She was forced to abdicate on 24 July 1567 in favour of the infant James and to appoint her illegitimate half-brother, James Stewart, Earl of Moray, as regent.
Regencies
The care of James was entrusted to the Earl and Countess of Mar, "to be conserved, nursed, and upbrought" in the security of Stirling Castle. James was anointed King of Scotland at the age of thirteen months at the Church of the Holy Rude in Stirling, by Adam Bothwell, Bishop of Orkney, on 29 July 1567. The sermon at the coronation was preached by John Knox. In accordance with the religious beliefs of most of the Scottish ruling class, James was brought up as a member of the Protestant Church of Scotland, the Kirk. The Privy Council selected George Buchanan, Peter Young, Adam Erskine (lay abbot of Cambuskenneth), and David Erskine (lay abbot of Dryburgh) as James's preceptors or tutors. As the young king's senior tutor, Buchanan subjected James to regular beatings but also instilled in him a lifelong passion for literature and learning. Buchanan sought to turn James into a God-fearing, Protestant king who accepted the limitations of monarchy, as outlined in his treatise De Jure Regni apud Scotos.
In 1568, Mary escaped from her imprisonment at Loch Leven Castle, leading to several years of sporadic violence. The Earl of Moray defeated Mary's troops at the Battle of Langside, forcing her to flee to England, where she was subsequently kept in confinement by Elizabeth. On 23 January 1570, Moray was assassinated by James Hamilton of Bothwellhaugh.The next regent was James's paternal grandfather Matthew Stewart, 4th Earl of Lennox, who was carried fatally wounded into Stirling Castle a year later after a raid by Mary's supporters. His successor, the Earl of Mar, "took a vehement sickness" and died on 28 October 1572 at Stirling. Mar's illness, wrote James Melville, followed a banquet at Dalkeith Palace given by James Douglas, 4th Earl of Morton.
Morton was elected to Mar's office and proved in many ways the most effective of James's regents, but he made enemies by his rapacity. He fell from favour when Frenchman EsmΓ© Stewart, Sieur d'Aubigny, first cousin of James's father Lord Darnley and future Earl of Lennox, arrived in Scotland and quickly established himself as the first of James's powerful favourites. James was proclaimed an adult ruler in a ceremony of Entry to Edinburgh on 19 October 1579. Morton was executed on 2 June 1581, belatedly charged with complicity in Darnley's murder. On 8 August, James made Lennox the only duke in Scotland. The king, then fifteen years old, remained under the influence of Lennox for about one more year.
Rule in Scotland
Lennox was a Protestant convert, but he was distrusted by Scottish Calvinists who noticed the physical displays of affection between him and the king and alleged that Lennox "went about to draw the King to carnal lust". In August 1582, in what became known as the Ruthven Raid, the Protestant earls of Gowrie and Angus lured James into Ruthven Castle, imprisoned him, and forced Lennox to leave Scotland. During James's imprisonment (19 September 1582), John Craig, whom the king had personally appointed royal chaplain in 1579, rebuked him so sharply from the pulpit for having issued a proclamation so offensive to the clergy "that the king wept".
After James was liberated in June 1583, he assumed increasing control of his kingdom. He pushed through the Black Acts to assert royal authority over the Kirk, and denounced the writings of his former tutor Buchanan. Between 1584 and 1603, he established effective royal government and relative peace among the lords, ably assisted by John Maitland of Thirlestane who led the government until 1592. An eight-man commission known as the Octavians brought some control over the ruinous state of James's finances in 1596, but it drew opposition from vested interests. It was disbanded within a year after a riot in Edinburgh, which was stoked by anti-Catholicism and led the court to withdraw to Linlithgow temporarily.
One last Scottish attempt against the king's person occurred in August 1600, when James was apparently assaulted by Alexander Ruthven, the Earl of Gowrie's younger brother, at Gowrie House, the seat of the Ruthvens. Ruthven was run through by James's page John Ramsay, and the Earl of Gowrie was killed in the ensuing fracas; there were few surviving witnesses. Given James's history with the Ruthvens and the fact that he owed them a great deal of money, his account of the circumstances was not universally believed.
In 1586, James signed the Treaty of Berwick with England. That and his mother's execution in 1587, which he denounced as a "preposterous and strange procedure", helped clear the way for his succession south of the border. Queen Elizabeth was unmarried and childless, and James was her most likely successor. Securing the English succession became a cornerstone of his policy. During the Spanish Armada crisis of 1588, he assured Elizabeth of his support as "your natural son and compatriot of your country". Elizabeth sent James an annual subsidy from 1586 which gave her some leverage over affairs in Scotland.
Marriage
Throughout his youth, James was praised for his chastity, since he showed little interest in women. After the loss of Lennox, he continued to prefer male company. A suitable marriage, however, was necessary to reinforce his monarchy, and the choice fell on fourteen-year-old Anne of Denmark, younger daughter of Protestant Frederick II. Shortly after a proxy marriage in Copenhagen in August 1589, Anne sailed for Scotland but was forced by storms to the coast of Norway. On hearing that the crossing had been abandoned, James sailed from Leith with a 300-strong retinue to fetch Anne personally in what historian David Harris Willson called "the one romantic episode of his life". The couple were married formally at the Bishop's Palace in Oslo on 23 November. James received a dowry of 75,000 Danish dalers and a gift of 10,000 dalers from his mother-in-law Sophie of Mecklenburg-GΓΌstrow. After stays at Elsinore and Copenhagen and a meeting with Tycho Brahe, they returned to Scotland on 1 May 1590. By all accounts, James was at first infatuated with Anne and, in the early years of their marriage, seems always to have shown her patience and affection. The royal couple produced three children who survived to adulthood: Henry Frederick, Prince of Wales, who died of typhoid fever in 1612, aged 18; Elizabeth, later queen of Bohemia; and Charles, his successor. Anne died before her husband, in March 1619.
Witch hunts
James's visit to Denmark, a country familiar with witch-hunts, sparked an interest in the study of witchcraft, which he considered a branch of theology. He attended the North Berwick witch trials, the first major persecution of witches in Scotland under the Witchcraft Act 1563. Several people were convicted of using witchcraft to send storms against James's ship, most notably Agnes Sampson.
James became concerned with the threat posed by witches and wrote Daemonologie in 1597, a tract inspired by his personal involvement that opposed the practice of witchcraft and that provided background material for Shakespeare's Tragedy of Macbeth. James personally supervised the torture of women accused of being witches. After 1599, his views became more sceptical. In a later letter written in England to his son Henry, James congratulates the prince on "the discovery of yon little counterfeit wench. I pray God ye may be my heir in such discoveries ... most miracles now-a-days prove but illusions, and ye may see by this how wary judges should be in trusting accusations".
Highlands and Islands
The forcible dissolution of the Lordship of the Isles by James IV in 1493 had led to troubled times for the western seaboard. He had subdued the organised military might of the Hebrides, but he and his immediate successors lacked the will or ability to provide an alternative form of governance. As a result, the 16th century became known as linn nan creach, the time of raids. Furthermore, the effects of the Reformation were slow to affect the GΓ idhealtachd, driving a religious wedge between this area and centres of political control in the Central Belt.
In 1540, James V had toured the Hebrides, forcing the clan chiefs to accompany him. There followed a period of peace, but the clans were soon at loggerheads with one another again. During James VI's reign, the citizens of the Hebrides were portrayed as lawless barbarians rather than being the cradle of Scottish Christianity and nationhood. Official documents describe the peoples of the Highlands as "void of the knawledge and feir of God" who were prone to "all kynd of barbarous and bestile cruelteis". The Gaelic language, spoken fluently by James IV and probably by James V, became known in the time of James VI as "Erse" or Irish, implying that it was foreign in nature. The Scottish Parliament decided that Gaelic had become a principal cause of the Highlanders' shortcomings and sought to abolish it.
It was against this background that James VI authorised the "Gentleman Adventurers of Fife" to civilise the "most barbarous Isle of Lewis" in 1598. James wrote that the colonists were to act "not by agreement" with the local inhabitants, but "by extirpation of thame". Their landing at Stornoway began well, but the colonists were driven out by local forces commanded by Murdoch and Neil MacLeod. The colonists tried again in 1605 with the same result, although a third attempt in 1607 was more successful. The Statutes of Iona were enacted in 1609, which required clan chiefs to provide support for Protestant ministers to Highland parishes; to outlaw bards; to report regularly to Edinburgh to answer for their actions; and to send their heirs to Lowland Scotland, to be educated in English-speaking Protestant schools. So began a process "specifically aimed at the extirpation of the Gaelic language, the destruction of its traditional culture and the suppression of its bearers."
In the Northern Isles, James's cousin Patrick Stewart, Earl of Orkney, resisted the Statutes of Iona and was consequently imprisoned. His natural son Robert led an unsuccessful rebellion against James, and the Earl and his son were hanged. Their estates were forfeited, and the Orkney and Shetland islands were annexed to the Crown.
Theory of monarchy
In 1597β98, James wrote The True Law of Free Monarchies and Basilikon Doron (Royal Gift), in which he argues a theological basis for monarchy. In the True Law, he sets out the divine right of kings, explaining that kings are higher beings than other men for Biblical reasons, though "the highest bench is the sliddriest to sit upon". The document proposes an absolutist theory of monarchy, by which a king may impose new laws by royal prerogative but must also pay heed to tradition and to God, who would "stirre up such scourges as pleaseth him, for punishment of wicked kings".
Basilikon Doron was written as a book of instruction for four-year-old Prince Henry and provides a more practical guide to kingship. The work is considered to be well written and perhaps the best example of James's prose. James's advice concerning parliaments, which he understood as merely the king's "head court", foreshadows his difficulties with the English Commons: "Hold no Parliaments," he tells Henry, "but for the necesitie of new Lawes, which would be but seldome". In the True Law, James maintains that the king owns his realm as a feudal lord owns his fief, because kings arose "before any estates or ranks of men, before any parliaments were holden, or laws made, and by them was the land distributed, which at first was wholly theirs. And so it follows of necessity that kings were the authors and makers of the laws, and not the laws of the kings."
Literary patronage
In the 1580s and 1590s, James promoted the literature of his native country. He published his treatise Some Rules and Cautions to be Observed and Eschewed in Scottish Prosody in 1584 at the age of 18. It was both a poetic manual and a description of the poetic tradition in his mother tongue of Scots, applying Renaissance principles. He also made statutory provision to reform and promote the teaching of music, seeing the two in connection. One act of his reign urges the Scottish burghs to reform and support the teaching of music in Sang Sculis.
In furtherance of these aims, he was both patron and head of a loose circle of Scottish Jacobean court poets and musicians known as the Castalian Band, which included William Fowler and Alexander Montgomerie among others, Montgomerie being a favourite of the king. James was himself a poet, and was happy to be seen as a practising member of the group.
By the late 1590s, his championing of native Scottish tradition was reduced to some extent by the increasing likelihood of his succession to the English throne. William Alexander and other courtier poets started to anglicise their written language, and followed the king to London after 1603. James's role as active literary participant and patron made him a defining figure in many respects for English Renaissance poetry and drama, which reached a pinnacle of achievement in his reign,but his patronage of the high style in the Scottish tradition, which included his ancestor James I of Scotland, became largely sidelined.
Accession in England
Main article: Union of the Crowns
From 1601, in the last years of Elizabeth's life, certain English politiciansβnotably her chief minister Sir Robert Cecil maintained a secret correspondence with James to prepare in advance for a smooth succession. With the Queen clearly dying, Cecil sent James a draft proclamation of his accession to the English throne in March 1603. Elizabeth died in the early hours of 24 March, and James was proclaimed king in London later the same day.
On 5 April, James left Edinburgh for London, promising to return every three years (a promise that he did not keep), and progressed slowly southwards. Local lords received him with lavish hospitality along the route and James was amazed by the wealth of his new land and subjects, claiming that he was "swapping a stony couch for a deep feather bed". James arrived in the capital on 7 May, nine days after Elizabeth's funeral. His new subjects flocked to see him, relieved that the succession had triggered neither unrest nor invasion. On arrival at London, he was mobbed by a crowd of spectators.
His English coronation took place on 25 July at Westminster Abbey, with elaborate allegories provided by dramatic poets such as Thomas Dekker and Ben Jonson. An outbreak of plague restricted festivities, but "the streets seemed paved with men," wrote Dekker. "Stalls instead of rich wares were set out with children, open casements filled up with women."
The kingdom to which James succeeded, however, had its problems. Monopolies and taxation had engendered a widespread sense of grievance, and the costs of war in Ireland had become a heavy burden on the government, which had debts of Β£400,000.
Early reign in England
Main article: Jacobean era
James survived two conspiracies in the first year of his reign, despite the smoothness of the succession and the warmth of his welcome: the Bye Plot and Main Plot, which led to the arrest of Lord Cobham and Sir Walter Raleigh, among others.Those hoping for a change in government from James were disappointed at first when he kept Elizabeth's Privy Councillors in office, as secretly planned with Cecil, but James soon added long-time supporter Henry Howard and his nephew Thomas Howard to the Privy Council, as well as five Scottish nobles.
In the early years of James's reign, the day-to-day running of the government was tightly managed by the shrewd Cecil, later Earl of Salisbury, ably assisted by the experienced Thomas Egerton, whom James made Baron Ellesmere and Lord Chancellor, and by Thomas Sackville, soon Earl of Dorset, who continued as Lord Treasurer. As a consequence, James was free to concentrate on bigger issues, such as a scheme for a closer union between England and Scotland and matters of foreign policy, as well as to enjoy his leisure pursuits, particularly hunting.
James was ambitious to build on the personal union of the Crowns of Scotland and England to establish a single country under one monarch, one parliament, and one law, a plan that met opposition in both realms. "Hath He not made us all in one island," James told the English Parliament, "compassed with one sea and of itself by nature indivisible?" In April 1604, however, the Commons refused his request to be titled "King of Great Britain" on legal grounds. In October 1604, he assumed the title "King of Great Britain" instead of "King of England" and "King of Scotland", though Sir Francis Bacon told him that he could not use the style in "any legal proceeding, instrument or assurance" and the title was not used on English statutes. James forced the Parliament of Scotland to use it, and it was used on proclamations, coinage, letters, and treaties in both realms.
James achieved more success in foreign policy. Never having been at war with Spain, he devoted his efforts to bringing the long AngloβSpanish War to an end, and a peace treaty was signed between the two countries in August 1604, thanks to the skilled diplomacy of the delegation, in particular Robert Cecil and Henry Howard, now Earl of Northampton. James celebrated the treaty by hosting a great banquet. Freedom of worship for Catholics in England, however, continued to be a major objective of Spanish policy, causing constant dilemmas for James, distrusted abroad for repression of Catholics while at home being encouraged by the Privy Council to show even less tolerance towards them.
Gunpowder Plot
Main article: Gunpowder Plot
A dissident Catholic, Guy Fawkes, was discovered in the cellars of the parliament buildings on the night of 4β5 November 1605, the eve of the state opening of the second session of James's first English Parliament. He was guarding a pile of wood not far from 36 barrels of gunpowder. Some politicians, scared of Catholics, assumed Fawkes intended to use the barrels to blow up Parliament House the following day and cause the destruction, as James put it, "not only ... of my person, nor of my wife and posterity also, but of the whole body of the State in general". The sensational discovery of the "Gunpowder Plot," as it quickly became known, aroused a mood of national relief at the delivery of the king and his sons. Salisbury exploited this to extract higher subsidies from the ensuing Parliament than any but one granted to Elizabeth. Fawkes and other implicated minorities were tortured and executed.
King and Parliament
The co-operation between monarch and Parliament following the Gunpowder Plot was atypical. Instead, it was the previous session of 1604 that shaped the attitudes of both sides for the rest of the reign, though the initial difficulties owed more to mutual incomprehension than conscious enmity. On 7 July 1604, James had angrily prorogued Parliament after failing to win its support either for full union or financial subsidies. "I will not thank where I feel no thanks due", he had remarked in his closing speech. "... I am not of such a stock as to praise fools ... You see how many things you did not well ... I wish you would make use of your liberty with more modesty in time to come".
As James's reign progressed, his government faced growing financial pressures, partly due to creeping inflation but also to the profligacy and financial incompetence of James's court. In February 1610, Salisbury proposed a scheme, known as the Great Contract, whereby Parliament, in return for ten royal concessions, would grant a lump sum of Β£600,000 to pay off the king's debts plus an annual grant of Β£200,000. The ensuing prickly negotiations became so protracted that James eventually lost patience and dismissed Parliament on 31 December 1610. "Your greatest error", he told Salisbury, "hath been that ye ever expected to draw honey out of gall". The same pattern was repeated with the so-called "Addled Parliament" of 1614, which James dissolved after a mere nine weeks when the Commons hesitated to grant him the money he required. James then ruled without parliament until 1621, employing officials such as the merchant Lionel Cranfield, who were astute at raising and saving money for the crown, and sold baronetcies and other dignities, many created for the purpose, as an alternative source of income.
Spanish match
Main article: Spanish match
Another potential source of income was the prospect of a Spanish dowry from a marriage between Charles, Prince of Wales, and Infanta Maria Anna of Spain.The policy of the Spanish match, as it was called, was also attractive to James as a way to maintain peace with Spain and avoid the additional costs of a war. Peace could be maintained as effectively by keeping the negotiations alive as by consummating the matchβwhich may explain why James protracted the negotiations for almost a decade.
The policy was supported by the Howards and other Catholic-leaning ministers and diplomatsβtogether known as the Spanish Partyβbut deeply distrusted in Protestant England. When Sir Walter Raleigh was released from imprisonment in 1616, he embarked on a hunt for gold in South America with strict instructions from James not to engage the Spanish. Raleigh's expedition was a disastrous failure, and his son Walter was killed fighting the Spanish. On Raleigh's return to England, James had him executed to the indignation of the public, who opposed the appeasement of Spain. James's policy was further jeopardised by the outbreak of the Thirty Years' War, especially after his Protestant son-in-law, Frederick V, Elector Palatine, was ousted from Bohemia by the Catholic Emperor Ferdinand II in 1620, and Spanish troops simultaneously invaded Frederick's Rhineland home territory. Matters came to a head when James finally called a Parliament in 1621 to fund a military expedition in support of his son-in-law. The Commons on the one hand granted subsidies inadequate to finance serious military operations in aid of Frederick, and on the otherβremembering the profits gained under Elizabeth by naval attacks on Spanish gold shipmentsβcalled for a war directly against Spain. In November 1621, roused by Sir Edward Coke, they framed a petition asking not only for war with Spain but also for Prince Charles to marry a Protestant, and for enforcement of the anti-Catholic laws. James flatly told them not to interfere in matters of royal prerogative or they would risk punishment, which provoked them into issuing a statement protesting their rights, including freedom of speech. Urged on by the Duke of Buckingham and the Spanish ambassador Gondomar, James ripped the protest out of the record book and dissolved Parliament.
In early 1623, Prince Charles, now 22, and Buckingham decided to seize the initiative and travel to Spain incognito, to win the infanta directly, but the mission proved an ineffectual mistake. The infanta detested Charles, and the Spanish confronted them with terms that included the repeal of anti-Catholic legislation by Parliament. Though a treaty was signed, the prince and duke returned to England in October without the infanta and immediately renounced the treaty, much to the delight of the British people. Disillusioned by the visit to Spain, Charles and Buckingham now turned James's Spanish policy upon its head and called for a French match and a war against the Habsburg empire. To raise the necessary finance, they prevailed upon James to call another Parliament, which met in February 1624. For once, the outpouring of anti-Catholic sentiment in the Commons was echoed in court, where control of policy was shifting from James to Charles and Buckingham, who pressured the king to declare war and engineered the impeachment of Lord Treasurer Lionel Cranfield, by now made Earl of Middlesex, when he opposed the plan on grounds of cost. The outcome of the Parliament of 1624 was ambiguous: James still refused to declare or fund a war, but Charles believed the Commons had committed themselves to finance a war against Spain, a stance that was to contribute to his problems with Parliament in his own reign.
King and Church
After the Gunpowder Plot, James sanctioned harsh measures to control English Catholics. In May 1606, Parliament passed the Popish Recusants Act, which could require any citizen to take an Oath of Allegiance denying the Pope's authority over the king. James was conciliatory towards Catholics who took the Oath of Allegiance, and tolerated crypto-Catholicism even at court. Henry Howard, for example, was a crypto-Catholic, received back into the Catholic Church in his final months. On ascending the English throne, James suspected that he might need the support of Catholics in England, so he assured the Earl of Northumberland, a prominent sympathiser of the old religion, that he would not persecute "any that will be quiet and give but an outward obedience to the law".
In the Millenary Petition of 1603, the Puritan clergy demanded the abolition of confirmation, wedding rings, and the term "priest", among other things, and that the wearing of cap and surplice become optional. James was strict in enforcing conformity at first, inducing a sense of persecution amongst many Puritans; but ejections and suspensions from livings became rarer as the reign continued. As a result of the Hampton Court Conference of 1604, a new translation and compilation of approved books of the Bible was commissioned to resolve discrepancies among different translations then being used. The Authorized King James Version, as it came to be known, was completed in 1611 and is considered a masterpiece of Jacobean prose. It is still in widespread use.
In Scotland, James attempted to bring the Scottish Kirk "so neir as can be" to the English church and to reestablish episcopacy, a policy that met with strong opposition from presbyterians.James returned to Scotland in 1617 for the only time after his accession in England, in the hope of implementing Anglican ritual. James's bishops forced his Five Articles of Perth through a General Assembly the following year, but the rulings were widely resisted. James left the church in Scotland divided at his death, a source of future problems for his son.
Personal relationships
Throughout his life James had close relationships with male courtiers, which has caused debate among historians about their exact nature. In Scotland Anne Murray was known as the king's mistress. After his accession in England, his peaceful and scholarly attitude contrasted strikingly with the bellicose and flirtatious behaviour of Elizabeth, as indicated by the contemporary epigram Rex fuit Elizabeth, nunc est regina Iacobus (Elizabeth was King, now James is Queen).
Some of James's biographers conclude that EsmΓ© Stewart (later Duke of Lennox), Robert Carr (later Earl of Somerset), and George Villiers (later Duke of Buckingham) were his lovers. Sir John Oglander observed that he "never yet saw any fond husband make so much or so great dalliance over his beautiful spouse as I have seen King James over his favourites, especially the Duke of Buckingham" whom the king would, recalled Sir Edward Peyton, "tumble and kiss as a mistress." Restoration of Apethorpe Palace in Northamptonshire, undertaken in 2004β08, revealed a previously unknown passage linking the bedchambers of James and Villiers.
Some biographers of James argue that the relationships were not sexual. James's Basilikon Doron lists sodomy among crimes "ye are bound in conscience never to forgive", and James's wife Anne gave birth to seven live children, as well as suffering two stillbirths and at least three other miscarriages. Contemporary Huguenot poet ThΓ©ophile de Viau observed that "it is well known that the king of England / fucks the Duke of Buckingham". Buckingham himself provides evidence that he slept in the same bed as the king, writing to James many years later that he had pondered "whether you loved me now ... better than at the time which I shall never forget at Farnham, where the bed's head could not be found between the master and his dog". Buckingham's words may be interpreted as non-sexual, in the context of seventeenth-century court life, and remain ambiguous despite their fondness. It is also possible that James was bisexual.
When the Earl of Salisbury died in 1612, he was little mourned by those who jostled to fill the power vacuum. Until Salisbury's death, the Elizabethan administrative system over which he had presided continued to function with relative efficiency; from this time forward, however, James's government entered a period of decline and disrepute. Salisbury's passing gave James the notion of governing in person as his own chief Minister of State, with his young Scottish favourite Robert Carr carrying out many of Salisbury's former duties, but James's inability to attend closely to official business exposed the government to factionalism.
The Howard party, consisting of Northampton, Suffolk, Suffolk's son-in-law Lord Knollys, and Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham, along with Sir Thomas Lake, soon took control of much of the government and its patronage. Even the powerful Carr fell into the Howard camp, hardly experienced for the responsibilities thrust upon him and often dependent on his intimate friend Sir Thomas Overbury for assistance with government papers.Carr had an adulterous affair with Frances Howard, Countess of Essex, daughter of the Earl of Suffolk, whom James assisted by securing an annulment of her marriage to free her to marry Carr.
In summer 1615, however, it emerged that Overbury had been poisoned. He had died on 15 September 1613 in the Tower of London, where he had been placed at the king's request. Among those convicted of the murder were Frances and Robert Carr, the latter having been replaced as the king's favourite in the meantime by Villiers. James pardoned Frances and commuted Carr's sentence of death, eventually pardoning him in 1624.The implication of the king in such a scandal provoked much public and literary conjecture and irreparably tarnished James's court with an image of corruption and depravity. The subsequent downfall of the Howards left Villiers unchallenged as the supreme figure in the government by 1619.
Health and death
In his later years, James suffered increasingly from arthritis, gout and kidney stones. He also lost his teeth and drank heavily. The king was often seriously ill during the last year of his life, leaving him an increasingly peripheral figure, rarely able to visit London, while Buckingham consolidated his control of Charles to ensure his own future. One theory is that James suffered from porphyria, a disease of which his descendant George III of the United Kingdom exhibited some symptoms. James described his urine to physician ThΓ©odore de Mayerne as being the "dark red colour of Alicante wine". The theory is dismissed by some experts, particularly in James's case, because he had kidney stones which can lead to blood in the urine, colouring it red.
In early 1625, James was plagued by severe attacks of arthritis, gout, and fainting fits, and fell seriously ill in March with tertian ague and then suffered a stroke. He died at Theobalds House in Hertfordshire on 27 March during a violent attack of dysentery, with Buckingham at his bedside. James's funeral on 7 May was a magnificent but disorderly affair. Bishop John Williams of Lincoln preached the sermon, observing, "King Solomon died in Peace, when he had lived about sixty years ... and so you know did King James". The sermon was later printed as Great Britain's Salomon .
James was buried in Westminster Abbey. The position of the tomb was lost for many years until his lead coffin was found in the Henry VII vault, during an excavation in the 19th century.
Legacy
James was widely mourned. For all his flaws, he had largely retained the affection of his people, who had enjoyed uninterrupted peace and comparatively low taxation during the Jacobean era. "As he lived in peace," remarked the Earl of Kellie, "so did he die in peace, and I pray God our king [Charles I] may follow him". The earl prayed in vain: once in power, Charles and Buckingham sanctioned a series of reckless military expeditions that ended in humiliating failure. James had often neglected the business of government for leisure pastimes, such as the hunt; his later dependence on favourites at a scandal-ridden court undermined the respected image of monarchy so carefully constructed by Elizabeth.
Under James, the Plantation of Ulster by English and Scots Protestants began, and the English colonisation of North America started its course with the foundation of Jamestown, Virginia, in 1607, and Cuper's Cove, Newfoundland, in 1610. During the next 150 years, England would fight with Spain, the Netherlands, and France for control of the continent, while religious division in Ireland between Protestant and Catholic has lasted for 400 years. By actively pursuing more than just a personal union of his realms, he helped lay the foundations for a unitary British state.
According to a tradition originating with anti-Stuart historians of the mid-17th-century, James's taste for political absolutism, his financial irresponsibility, and his cultivation of unpopular favourites established the foundations of the English Civil War. James bequeathed Charles a fatal belief in the divine right of kings, combined with a disdain for Parliament, which culminated in the execution of Charles I and the abolition of the monarchy. Over the last three hundred years, the king's reputation has suffered from the acid description of him by Sir Anthony Weldon, whom James had sacked and who wrote treatises on James in the 1650s.
Other influential anti-James histories written during the 1650s include: Sir Edward Peyton's Divine Catastrophe of the Kingly Family of the House of Stuarts (1652); Arthur Wilson's History of Great Britain, Being the Life and Reign of King James I (1658); and Francis Osborne's Historical Memoirs of the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James (1658). David Harris Willson's 1956 biography continued much of this hostility. In the words of historian Jenny Wormald, Willson's book was an "astonishing spectacle of a work whose every page proclaimed its author's increasing hatred for his subject". Since Willson, however, the stability of James's government in Scotland and in the early part of his English reign, as well as his relatively enlightened views on religion and war, have earned him a re-evaluation from many historians, who have rescued his reputation from this tradition of criticism.
Representative of the new historical perspective is the 2003 biography by Pauline Croft. Reviewer John Cramsie summarises her findings:
Croft's overall assessment of James is appropriately mixed. She recognises his good intentions in matters like Anglo-Scottish union, his openness to different points of view, and his agenda of a peaceful foreign policy within his kingdoms' financial means. His actions moderated frictions between his diverse peoples. Yet he also created new ones, particularly by supporting colonisation that polarised the crown's interest groups in Ireland, obtaining insufficient political benefit with his open-handed patronage, an unfortunate lack of attention to the image of monarchy (particularly after the image-obsessed regime of Elizabeth), pursuing a pro-Spanish foreign policy that fired religious prejudice and opened the door for Arminians within the English church, and enforcing unpalatable religious changes on the Scottish Kirk. Many of these criticisms are framed within a longer view of James' reigns, including the legacyβnow understood to be more troubledβwhich he left Charles I.
Titles, styles, honours, and arms
Titles and styles
In Scotland, James was "James the sixth, King of Scotland", until 1604. He was proclaimed "James the first, King of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith" in London on 24 March 1603.On 20 October 1604, James issued a proclamation at Westminster changing his style to "King of Great Brittaine, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c." The style was not used on English statutes, but was used on proclamations, coinage, letters, treaties, and in Scotland. James styled himself "King of France", in line with other monarchs of England between 1340 and 1801, although he did not actually rule France.
Arms
As King of Scotland, James bore the ancient royal arms of Scotland: Or, a lion rampant Gules armed and langued Azure within a double tressure flory counter-flory Gules. The arms were supported by two unicorns Argent armed, crined and unguled Proper, gorged with a coronet Or composed of crosses patΓ©e and fleurs de lys a chain affixed thereto passing between the forelegs and reflexed over the back also Or. The crest was a lion sejant affrontΓ©e Gules, imperially crowned Or, holding in the dexter paw a sword and in the sinister paw a sceptre both erect and Proper.
The Union of the Crowns of England and Scotland under James was symbolised heraldically by combining their arms, supporters and badges. Contention as to how the arms should be marshalled, and to which kingdom should take precedence, was solved by having different arms for each country.
The arms used in England were: Quarterly, I and IV, quarterly 1st and 4th Azure three fleurs de lys Or (for France), 2nd and 3rd Gules three lions passant guardant in pale Or (for England); II Or a lion rampant within a tressure flory-counter-flory Gules (for Scotland); III Azure a harp Or stringed Argent (for Ireland, this was the first time that Ireland was included in the royal arms). The supporters became: dexter a lion rampant guardant Or imperially crowned and sinister the Scottish unicorn. The unicorn replaced the red dragon of Cadwaladr, which was introduced by the Tudors. The unicorn has remained in the royal arms of the two united realms. The English crest and motto was retained. The compartment often contained a branch of the Tudor rose, with shamrock and thistle engrafted on the same stem. The arms were frequently shown with James's personal motto, Beati pacifici.
The arms used in Scotland were: Quarterly, I and IV Scotland, II England and France, III Ireland, with Scotland taking precedence over England. The supporters were: dexter a unicorn of Scotland imperially crowned, supporting a tilting lance flying a banner Azure a saltire Argent (Cross of Saint Andrew) and sinister the crowned lion of England supporting a similar lance flying a banner Argent a cross Gules (Cross of Saint George). The Scottish crest and motto was retained, following the Scottish practice the motto In defens (which is short for In My Defens God Me Defend) was placed above the crest.
As royal badges James used: the Tudor rose, the thistle (for Scotland; first used by James III of Scotland), the Tudor rose dimidiated with the thistle ensigned with the royal crown, a harp (for Ireland) and a fleur de lys (for France).
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dbpedia
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https://www.flickr.com/photos/60861613%40N00/3483779833
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en
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Full Length Portrait of King James VI and I (1566 - 1625) 1618-1620c.
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2024-08-18T20:27:14.498000+00:00
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Philip Mould:
With its significant Saxe-Coburg provenance (2), our portrait may have been commissioned at a time when Protestant principalities, such as the Duchy of Saxe-Coburg under its then sovereign Duke Johann-Casimir (1564 β 1633), only recently independent from Saxony, would have had many reasons to seek friendship with the English Crown. For James I, who had inherited Queen Elizabethβs mantel as guardian of Protestantism in Europe, had by the marriage of his daughter Elizabeth to Frederick Elector Palatine in 1619 acquired direct interest and influence in the German states. (3) Though it remains uncertain whether our portrait was painted as a token of Saxe-Coburg loyalty to James, or received as a gift from the English King to the Court of Johann-Casimir, it remains an important symbol of the complex diplomacy that underpinned the Protestant resistance to the Catholic League.
James was the son of Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots and succeeded to the throne upon the death of Elizabeth I in 1603. Witty, well-read and a staunch believer in the Divine Right of Kingship, the Scottish-born James I was not readily accepted by England on his accession to the throne in 1603. The old conflicts between Scotland and England, religious tensions and Jamesβs inability to respect Parliament, served only to exacerbate the situation during his somewhat unsuccessful reign. However he was the first Scottish King to act in his own right as a decisive player on the European political stage, and the last English monarch to enjoy at his accession the supreme, unquestioned authority of the Tudors and their medieval predecessors.
His entourage of Scottish court favourites and his bribes and lavish rewards, most infamous being the creation of his closest advisor George Villiers as Duke of Buckingham, were factors that kept the King and Parliament permanently at odds and allowed his rule to appear capricious and corrupt, whilst its exalted character grew more and more offensive to an age that had begun, almost instinctively, the progression towards parliamentary government. Religious dissension reached a climax with the Gunpowder plot, the Papist attempt to blow up the Houses of Parliament provoking a renewed anti-Catholic fervour in England. James however, also disliked the excessive demands of the Puritans, which finally resulted in the first exodus of English emigrants to North America. Nonetheless, at his death in 1625 he bequeathed a prosperous country and is perhaps best remembered for his Authorised Version of the English Bible, published in 1611.
Unlike Anne of Denmark, his statuesque Queen, James had little desire to have his portrait painted. Indeed it is recorded that the King ββ¦ could never be brought to sit for the taking of that [picture], which is the reason of so few good peeces of himβ. (4) Indeed the first, and best known, portrait type was produced at the beginning of his reign in England and emanated from the studio of the Kingβs Serjeant Painter, John de Critz. The pattern, as seen in the full-length versions such as those at The Prado, Dulwich College and Loseley Park, remained in use for fifteen years until it was superseded by a new sitting to Paul van Somer in around 1618. (5) Though our portrait likely utilises the earlier de Critz face pattern, as well as mirroring the full-length pose (6), the King is now depicted in costume appropriate to a date of circa 1618. However its design owes nothing to the Van Somer portrait. Indeed, not known in any other versions, it would appear to be unique and perhaps was a special commission produced specifically for a European noble court. (7)
Notes
(1) Schloss Greinburg, a picturesque castle in Austria, was acquired in 1822 by Prince Albertβs father Prince Ernest III of Saxe-Coburg.
(2) This ancient ducal family was to become by later prudent marriages not only the ancestor of the Royal House of Great Britain but of six other European monarchies, earning it by the date that Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg married his cousin Princess Victoria in 1840, the nickname of βthe stud-farm of Europe.β
(3) Although the Electorβs imprudent claim to the throne of Bohemia and his subsequent defeat and expulsion by the Austrian Emperor determined James against any direct involvement in the Germany, he still was established as a wealthy and influential player on the world stage and one who was wisely courted by the smaller states.
(4) Weldon, The Court and Character of King James, 1650, reprinted by G. Smeeton, 1817, p.55.
(5) See Roy Strong, Tudor and Jacobean Portraits, 1969, pp. 178-80 for a discussion of the iconography of James I.
(6) With one arm covered by his cloak and that hand on hip, the other resting by his side and wearing an angled plumed hat decorated with a large jewel.
(7) Intriguingly the curious heads which are visible on his stockings would appear to be the remnants of an earlier painting.
|
en
|
https://combo.staticflickr.com/pw/favicon.ico
|
Flickr
|
https://www.flickr.com/photos/60861613@N00/3483779833
|
Philip Mould:
With its significant Saxe-Coburg provenance (2), our portrait may have been commissioned at a time when Protestant principalities, such as the Duchy of Saxe-Coburg under its then sovereign Duke Johann-Casimir (1564 β 1633), only recently independent from Saxony, would have had many reasons to seek friendship with the English Crown. For James I, who had inherited Queen Elizabethβs mantel as guardian of Protestantism in Europe, had by the marriage of his daughter Elizabeth to Frederick Elector Palatine in 1619 acquired direct interest and influence in the German states. (3) Though it remains uncertain whether our portrait was painted as a token of Saxe-Coburg loyalty to James, or received as a gift from the English King to the Court of Johann-Casimir, it remains an important symbol of the complex diplomacy that underpinned the Protestant resistance to the Catholic League.
James was the son of Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots and succeeded to the throne upon the death of Elizabeth I in 1603. Witty, well-read and a staunch believer in the Divine Right of Kingship, the Scottish-born James I was not readily accepted by England on his accession to the throne in 1603. The old conflicts between Scotland and England, religious tensions and Jamesβs inability to respect Parliament, served only to exacerbate the situation during his somewhat unsuccessful reign. However he was the first Scottish King to act in his own right as a decisive player on the European political stage, and the last English monarch to enjoy at his accession the supreme, unquestioned authority of the Tudors and their medieval predecessors.
His entourage of Scottish court favourites and his bribes and lavish rewards, most infamous being the creation of his closest advisor George Villiers as Duke of Buckingham, were factors that kept the King and Parliament permanently at odds and allowed his rule to appear capricious and corrupt, whilst its exalted character grew more and more offensive to an age that had begun, almost instinctively, the progression towards parliamentary government. Religious dissension reached a climax with the Gunpowder plot, the Papist attempt to blow up the Houses of Parliament provoking a renewed anti-Catholic fervour in England. James however, also disliked the excessive demands of the Puritans, which finally resulted in the first exodus of English emigrants to North America. Nonetheless, at his death in 1625 he bequeathed a prosperous country and is perhaps best remembered for his Authorised Version of the English Bible, published in 1611.
Unlike Anne of Denmark, his statuesque Queen, James had little desire to have his portrait painted. Indeed it is recorded that the King ββ¦ could never be brought to sit for the taking of that [picture], which is the reason of so few good peeces of himβ. (4) Indeed the first, and best known, portrait type was produced at the beginning of his reign in England and emanated from the studio of the Kingβs Serjeant Painter, John de Critz. The pattern, as seen in the full-length versions such as those at The Prado, Dulwich College and Loseley Park, remained in use for fifteen years until it was superseded by a new sitting to Paul van Somer in around 1618. (5) Though our portrait likely utilises the earlier de Critz face pattern, as well as mirroring the full-length pose (6), the King is now depicted in costume appropriate to a date of circa 1618. However its design owes nothing to the Van Somer portrait. Indeed, not known in any other versions, it would appear to be unique and perhaps was a special commission produced specifically for a European noble court. (7)
Notes
(1) Schloss Greinburg, a picturesque castle in Austria, was acquired in 1822 by Prince Albertβs father Prince Ernest III of Saxe-Coburg.
(2) This ancient ducal family was to become by later prudent marriages not only the ancestor of the Royal House of Great Britain but of six other European monarchies, earning it by the date that Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg married his cousin Princess Victoria in 1840, the nickname of βthe stud-farm of Europe.β
(3) Although the Electorβs imprudent claim to the throne of Bohemia and his subsequent defeat and expulsion by the Austrian Emperor determined James against any direct involvement in the Germany, he still was established as a wealthy and influential player on the world stage and one who was wisely courted by the smaller states.
(4) Weldon, The Court and Character of King James, 1650, reprinted by G. Smeeton, 1817, p.55.
(5) See Roy Strong, Tudor and Jacobean Portraits, 1969, pp. 178-80 for a discussion of the iconography of James I.
(6) With one arm covered by his cloak and that hand on hip, the other resting by his side and wearing an angled plumed hat decorated with a large jewel.
(7) Intriguingly the curious heads which are visible on his stockings would appear to be the remnants of an earlier painting.
|
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dbpedia
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2
| 74 |
https://www.emmanuellesomer.org/en/biogra.html
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en
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Biography
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[
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8327
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dbpedia
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1
| 21 |
https://www.royalacademy.org.uk/art-artists/name/paul-van-somer-ii
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en
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Royal Academy of Arts
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http://www.royalacademy.org.uk/assets/burlington_house-559ef2c373c4586519e7adeea4e3e1ef.jpg
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http://www.royalacademy.org.uk/assets/burlington_house-559ef2c373c4586519e7adeea4e3e1ef.jpg
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The Royal Academy of Arts, located in the heart of London, is a place where art is made, exhibited and debated.
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/assets/favicon-e93a1c04c22b9ad78053ef5c2c957ed9.ico
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https://www.royalacademy.org.uk/art-artists/name/paul-van-somer-ii
|
When should this exhibition be published?
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8327
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dbpedia
|
2
| 35 |
https://learn.ncartmuseum.org/resources/corrugated-hsac/
|
en
|
High School: Corrugated by Simone Leigh β NCMALearn
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https://learn.ncartmuseum.org/resources/corrugated-hsac/
|
About the Artist
Simone Leigh was born in Chicago, Illinois, and currently lives in Brooklyn, New York. Leighβs art explores race, gender, and history with a focus on the female form and Black female identity.
About the Art
The female figure in Corrugated sits on top of a base that might be interpreted as a skirt or an abstracted body. The curved and ridged base references industrial architecture, a recurring theme in Leighβs work.
Look Closely
What materials does it look like the artist uses in this sculpture? What do you think the materials would feel like?
What parts of the sculpture remind you of things you can see in real life? What parts seem less realistic?
Discuss
In discussing her work Simone Leigh says, βI just like the idea of thinking about femininity in a different way, as something solid and enduring rather than always something fragile and weak.β
How does our society define or characterize femininity? How does Corrugated reflect this desire to redefine femininity outside of dominant societal norms?
Reflect
The materials in this sculpture have a strong association with place (raffia with Africa and African art; corrugated tubing with urban construction sites). How do you think the artist is connecting identity and place? How does place shape our identities? Is the place where youβre from part of your personality? Or do you feel at odds with where you live? Why or why not?
Learn More
Visit the βLearn Moreβ sidebar to find more information about the work of art and artist and find other works of art that relate to the subject matter, media, and techniques used by the artist.
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8327
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dbpedia
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3
| 96 |
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Anne-of-Denmark
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en
|
Anne of Denmark | Scottish Queen, Electress Palatine & Protestant Reformer
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Anne of Denmark was the queen consort of King James I of Great Britain and Ireland (James VI of Scotland); although she had little direct political influence, her extravagant expenditures contributed to the financial difficulties that plagued Jamesβs regime. The daughter of King Frederick II of
|
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|
/favicon.png
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Encyclopedia Britannica
|
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Anne-of-Denmark
|
Anne of Denmark (born Dec. 12, 1574βdied March 2, 1619) was the queen consort of King James I of Great Britain and Ireland (James VI of Scotland); although she had little direct political influence, her extravagant expenditures contributed to the financial difficulties that plagued Jamesβs regime.
The daughter of King Frederick II of Denmark and Norway, Anne was married to James in 1589. Her Lutheran upbringing and frivolous nature cost her the affection of Jamesβs Scottish Presbyterian subjects, and James alienated Anne by entrusting the upbringing of their first son, Prince Henry (1594β1612), to John Erskine, 2nd earl of Mar. Nevertheless, after James ascended the British throne in 1603, he and Anne lived in harmony, although they had separate quarters during the last few years of her life. Most of the Queenβs time and energy were devoted to lavish court entertainments, and her patronage contributed to the development of the arts, particularly of the masque. She embarrassed James, however, with her conversion to Roman Catholicism. Their second son succeeded James as King Charles I (ruled 1625β49).
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8327
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dbpedia
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3
| 79 |
https://fineart-restoration.co.uk/news/childhood-on-canvas-the-history-themes-and-restoration-of-child-portraiture/
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en
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Childhood on canvas: history and restoration of child portraiture
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[
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2023-08-08T00:00:00
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Learn more about the history of children in art history, including the themes found in portraits, caring for oil paintings and restoration.
|
en
|
Fine Art Restoration Company
|
https://fineart-restoration.co.uk/news/childhood-on-canvas-the-history-themes-and-restoration-of-child-portraiture/
|
When faces are immortalised in oil paint, watercolour, pencil and pastels, the artist captures a vital aspect of the sitterβs life β usually commemorating their military prowess, regal status or marital role. Childhood portraiture, by contrast, captures a sense of what is yet to come β making these charming artworks an insightful glimpse into ambitions and family life over many centuries.
Above: a variety of child portraits from different eras
From the pallid expressions of Puritan families to the romanticised domesticity of Victorian life, this article will explore the history and themes of child portraiture. We will also provide an insight into the conservation of historic and modern paintings in our specialist studio.
Above: a variety of child portraits from different eras
History and themes
Due to high rates of infant mortality, many historic portraits were composed in a time when every second child would die before their 15th birthday. With 50% of babies and children passing away, it was a precarious time filled with great levels of parental hope. Not only was childhood filled with uncertainty, but the very act of giving birth was a difficult and dangerous experience for mothers. All of this resulted in a healthy child being an accomplishment for a family, especially for aristocrats who had a focus on their line of succession. The achievement of producing one child or more was worth recording for reasons beyond our modern sentimentality.
Above: two portraits with allegorical elements reflecting on the fragility of life β the falling house of cards and the inclusion of skulls
When people think of children in art history they are often reminded of the sometimes bizarre pre-renaissance depictions of the Christ Child. The βugly babiesβ of the past were composed to reflect an idea of Jesus being a homunculus (little man) rather than the angelic infant we expect to see today. The homunculus idea stems from the thought of Christβs form remaining unchanged, being born perfectly in proportion to an adult man. Prior to the naturalism of renaissance, painters of mediaeval and byzantine genres worked primarily for churches and produced their work within strict standards of Christian art.
Above: detail from Madonna and Child Enthroned by Lorenzo Veneziano, 1360-65
Not only did the 16th century see artistic developments, but a social change that allowed artists to have patronage beyond religious settings. Upper and middle classes commissioned a wide range of art, including family portraiture. Whilst the homunculus Christ Child may have made sense to mediaeval scholars, it was not an attractive or realistic way to compose the faces of precious renaissance children. However, the idea of childhood as we know it today was still a long way off. Children in this period were primarily seen as small adults, rather than being socially separate due to their age.
Above: Francesco Sassetti and His Son Teodoro by Domenico Ghirlandaio (1488), Margaret of Austria by the Master of Moulins (1490) and Federico Gonzaga by Francesco Francia (1510)
By the 17th century, child portraiture was a vital social tool for families hoping to attract marriage prospects for their children. Girls were especially a subject, as they were often betrothed young and needed to provide their future husband with a record of their appearance. Margaret Theresa of Spain, best known for her depiction in Las Meninas, was painted by VelΓ‘zquez multiple times throughout her childhood. These portraits were sent to the court of Holy Roman Emperor Leopold I, her future husband, who was keen to keep track of his future wife. However, the eventual marriage did not last long and she died aged 21. Today, her childhood portraits can be found in galleries around the world.
Above: three portraits of Margaret Theresa of Spain in 1653, 1659 and 1666
The enlightenment period saw a philosophical progress that began to change societyβs view on childhood. Beyond the constraints of aristocratic life, pastoral subjects became not only fashionable but a sign of good disposition. It was also indicative of wealth to have the free time to play outside carefree, when lower class children of the same age would have already been employed in manual labour.
Above: Young Women with a Lamb by Thomas Hudson (1745), Thomas and Martha Neate with His Tutor by Joshua Reynolds (1748) and Miss Wood by William Hogarth (1730)
Animals were also used to provide narrative, sheep could symbolise purity, the lamb of God or the story of Saint Agnes. Similarly, hunting dogs and lap dogs could be a sign of wealth, obedience and loyalty. Allegorical inclusions made for an attractive composition and provided a well-educated way to commentate on the sitterβs prospects without provoking vanity.
Above: a detail from The Sackville Children by John Hoppner, 1796
Portraitists working in England had ambitions for their work competing with the History Painters of Europe. Although their commercial success was dependent on portraits, they were able to merge in allegorical and mythological themes to achieve this deeper artistic approach. Children in the mid to late 18th century are often portrayed outdoors in romanticised βpeasantβ attire or given the attributes of classical figures through subtle references that highlight their moral character with elegant and dramatic effect.
Above: prints of Master Henry George Herbert as the βInfant Bacchusβ and Duchess of Manchester with Her Son George, Viscount Mandeville, as βDiana and Cupidβ β both after paintings by Joshua Reynolds
At the dawn of the Victorian era, child portraiture reflected a growing domesticity and idealised family life. This concept was promoted by Queen Victoria and Prince Albert, who themselves had family portraits with a naturalistic theme, as well as paintings of their many children. By this period in history, the idea of toys and games for children was mainstream in upper and middle class households and the idea of allowing children to enjoy their innocent youth was celebrated in art.
Above: Children Acting the Play Scene from Hamlet by Charles Hunt (1863) and An English Family in Macao by George Chinnery (1835)
At the end of the 19th century, labour laws were changing along with access to education, allowing children to avoid work in factories and instead be nurtured at home for much longer. The advent of photography made family portraits readily available to those who may not have been previously wealthy enough to commission a painting. The change in demand for art patronage allowed artists to switch from commercial portraiture to composing their own pieces without input from their clients. Today, child portraiture completed in oil paint is much rarer, often family heirlooms are painted by past family members or friends, rather than traditional studios.
Above: The Knapp Children by Samuel Lovett Waldo and William Jewett (1833-34), The Raymond Children by Robert Peckham (1838) and Marguerite-Thérèse Berard by Auguste Renoir (1879)
Caring for oil portraits
Oil paintings can survive for hundreds of years in the correct conditions, especially once they have been professionally stabilised and cleaned by a trained conservator. Once any discolouration or damage has been treated, it is worth considering the correct environment for display.
Above: detail from a portrait of Miss Susanna Gardiner by Thomas Gainsborough, stable cracks like these are called craquelure and are a normal feature of antique paintings
It is a museum standard to keep oil paintings at 21 degrees celsius with a relative humidity of 50%. It is important not to have constant fluctuations in environments, as the materials and structure may be disturbed by this. Do not display a painting near to a heat source (such as a radiator, vent or air conditioning) to avoid a constantly changing atmosphere.
Above: three portraits from different eras β A Young Girl by Paul van Somer (1615), Louisa Lane by John Hoppner (1782) and The Irish Girl by Ford Maddox Brown (1860)
A well-fitted frame is also important, this will be one that is not too tight (this leads to warping and stress on the canvas) or too loose (this may cause the canvas to move and rub against the edges). Frames can be completely restored by our team or new era-appropriate options can be created.
Portrait restoration
Historic and modern oil paintings are restored in our studio for a wide variety of reasons. The most common is discolouration of the surface, either due to a build-up of contaminants or a yellowing varnish layer. Following a gentle surface clean, the varnish can be removed with a solvent that is tested to the sensitivity of the paint β ensuring it is not disturbed in the process.
All paintings are assessed under UV light and raking light to establish their current condition. This lighting allows our conservators to see old areas of damage as well as the extent of deformations in the canvas.
Some paintings may have areas of historic repairs or unoriginal paint; in cases where these are disturbing the original composition, they can be removed and replaced with contemporary conservation methods.
Structural damage such as tears, holes and other disturbances to the canvas, can be repaired at a microscopic level. Broken fibres are restored under microscope using a thread-by-thread technique. Flaking and heavily cracked paint can also be consolidated and sympathetically re-touched in a way that preserves the historic and artistic integrity of the artwork.
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When Elizabeth Cary was a child, in the late sixteenth century, her mother banned her from reading at night, fearing for her daughterβs eyesight.
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A Mirror for the Prince? Anne of Denmark in Hunting Costume with Her Dogs (1617) by Paul van Somer
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2020-05-22T17:11:07+00:00
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This essay re-examines the emblematic portrait Anne of Denmark in Hunting Costume with her Dogs by Paul van Somer (fig. 1). The portrait of the queen
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This essay re-examines the emblematic portrait Anne of Denmark in Hunting Costume with her Dogs by Paul van Somer (fig. 1). The portrait of the queen consort of James VI and I, King of Great Britain and Ireland, was painted in the sitterβs early forties, when she was the mother of seven children, two of whom had survived into adulthood. Only one of those children remained in England: her son, Charles, then Prince of Wales, the future Charles I of England.
The portrait was paid for, and presumably commissioned, by Anna herself. During her lifetime, the portrait was displayed at Oatlands Palace, one of her residences. The portraitβs display within the context of Oatlands Palace has been the subject of recent articles by Jemma Field and Wendy Hitchmough. Both discuss not only the portraitβs iconography in relation to wider court politics but also its choreography at Oatlands in relation to other works of art in the palaceβs evolving collections. A few days after Annaβs death, the work was sent to Prince Charlesβs court at St. James Palace. Whether this move honored the wishes of the dying Queen or those of her son remains unknown. This essay considers the significance of the portraitβs posthumous presence at St. James Palace; the nature of its specific, intra-dynastic address to the new Prince of Wales; and his response to its stimulus within a semiprivate familial context of cultural transfer and dynastic succession.
In what follows, I will demonstrate that the portrait exemplifies early modern elite self-fashioning as an act of creative originality, drawing on the same methods and principles as a highly trained artist creating a new work of art. Within the portrait, the stuff of Annaβs venerable genealogy is shaped and molded by the agency of her individuality. Annaβs portrait wittily presents her as an artwork of her own creation whose sitter has used her innate, God-given qualitiesβinfused from on high, as her motto reminds usβto fashion the material inherited from her dynastic forebears. Practices of self-fashioning, based on erudition and creativity, allied to a virtuous genealogy, shadow the construction of this exemplary royal portrait, which, I will argue, quite literally impressed a future King. Annaβs aware complicity in this directed βimpressionβ is signaled by her appropriation of the masculine pose of hand on hip and the commanding position she assumes on the hunting field.
Gender and Genealogy
The body of the consort as staged in her portraitsβfrom betrothal portraits proclaiming her as a potential ornament to her marital court, to the effigies enacting royal funeral ritesβalways answered political imperatives. The image of the consort, shining with brilliants and garlanded with offspring, personified a pledge of prosperous continuity to the greater political body whose head was the wise ruler. While the primary duty of a royal consort was the reproduction in flesh and blood of the dual royal dynasties to which she belonged, the reiterative force of picturing these children in other media multiplied the visible might and majesty of her marital court. Portraits of consorts and the heirs, spares, and princesses they brought forth served important domestic and diplomatic purposes. As Catriona Murray has shown, royal children, when they arrived and even when they died, were replicated in portraits painted, printed, and cast. Annaβs portrait innovates from within this practice, functioning both as a screen for the external projection of the aura of dynastic majesty emitted by the reign of James VI and I and, more narrowly, as a mirror for her son, the future Charles I.
As such, Anne of Denmark both conforms to and departs from the conventions of the female consort portrait. It departs from these, first, in terms of its subjectβs depiction while engaged in the courtly hunt. Anna wears green hunting garb, her physical stature raised by her high hat, embellished with a red feather trim. She is accompanied by a horse and a black groomsman wearing the Oldenburg family colors of red and gold. Her left hand grips the leash of a brace of two black-and-white greyhounds, while three wait unleashed at her feet. Her right hand is turned back and rests upon her hip, her elbow forming a jutting point. Anna is presented in the hunting landscape of Oatlands Palace. Its park wall features a gateway designed by the architect Inigo Jones, completed early in 1617. The specific, recognizable setting, unique among Annaβs portraits, shimmers under a sky dramatically split between darkness and daylight, as if to highlight the analogical relationship between the microcosm and the macrocosm, the earthly and the divine, so central to the periodβs habits of thought.
An owl, the bird of Minerva, who, as goddess of wisdom and war, governed princely pedagogy, lurks flatly in the tree at the left. The groom, wearing the colors of the House of Oldenburg, creates a self-contained, satellite presence within the portrait; he looks at the Queen, modeling the serious regard expected of us as viewers. The bridled horse, richly caparisoned in red and gold, delicately raises one hoof and engages the spectatorβs gaze. A deer runs alongside the palace wall. The dogs seem ready to set off into the bracken, and they wear collars emblazoned with Annaβs cipher. Annaβs motto, βLa Mia Grandezza Dal Eccelsoβ (my greatness comes from on high) unfurls over the scene.
Anne of Denmark is often described as a splendid costume portrait. Yet this fails to recognize the paintingβs singularity. The Queen does more than merely model her hunting garb. Her firm grasp of the dogsβ leash asserts her right to deploy the weapons of the field herself. Her jutting elbow signifies a status that is masculine and martial, and this forms the second departure from the normative conventions of consort imagery. If the female elbow akimbo is a signifier of a woman exceeding the limits of her gender, if she is figuratively elbowing those limits aside, then this is amplified in Annaβs portrait by her participation in the hunt, an activity performative of aristocratic masculinity via its use as training for war.
It should be stated that there is ample evidence that women of the period, including members of the dynastic and political networks surrounding Anna, participated in the hunt. Annaβs brother, Christian IV, King of Denmark, wrote in his diary for September 13, 1607, that the cloak of his wife, Anna of Brandenburg, had been shot through while she was out hunting. In a 1605 missive to the Earl of Salisbury, the Earl of Shrewsbury gleefully reported: βMy wife has sent you four pies of red deer . . . being of a stag that had the mishap to be killed by her own hand.β While hunting deer in July 1613, Anna of Denmark mistakenly shot Jamesβs favourite hound, Jewel. As John Chamberlain related: βAfter he knew who did it, he was soon pacified, and with much kindness wished her not to be troubled with it, for he should love her never the worse; and the next day sent her a diamond worth Β£2000 as a legacy from his dead dog.β It is certainly the case that Anna kept greyhounds during 1617. In two letters dated March and April of that year, Thomas Watson wrote that two greyhounds he had seized for catching a hare had proven to be the Queenβs. His fears that he might be punished for this were unfounded, for the Queen sent to say if he found any more he should simply return them to her.
It may be that arguments suggesting that women spectated, but did not (usually) participate actively in the hunt are overdetermined by surviving images of the hunt, most of which show male hunters. Yet intriguing portraits of royal female hunters also survive, as a recent exhibition at Schloss Ambras has demonstrated in relation to Maria of Portugal and Maria of Hungary. We might also include the possible portrayal of Elisabeth of Lorraine hunting in the monumental Months of the Year tapestry series (especially April, July, and November), woven by Hans van der Biest to designs by Peter Candid just a few years before Annaβs portrait was painted by van Somer (figs. 2, 3, 4). Further, Elizabeth I is represented as a huntress in woodcuts illustrating The Noble Arte of Venerie of 1575. This shows George Gascoigne, the translator of the work, presenting Queen Elizabeth with a knife to commence the undoing of the quarry, her privilege as the most senior figure attending a par force (βby strength of dogsβ) hunt. Following the succession, Elizabethβs image was replaced with one of James VI and I. No official portrait depicts Elizabeth in the act of hunting, although her iconography draws on that of Diana, the virgin Roman goddess of the hunt, and she is reported to have enjoyed the sport. The Devonshire Hunt tapestries, originating two centuries before Annaβs portrait, would have been known within the architectonic context of their contemporary display at Hardwicke Hall and consequently in relation to the identity of the Countess of Shrewsbury, βBess of Hardwicke.β Her granddaughter, Arbella Stuart, was cousin to James VI and I and a close friend of Annaβs, performing in her masques. Peter Paul Rubensβs Wolf and Fox Hunt (ca. 1616)βa picture that the English ambassador to the Hague, Sir Dudley Carleton, attempted yet failed to buy in 1616β17βincludes a composed female huntress, albeit at the periphery of the battle (fig. 5). Equipped female bodies actively participating in hunting appear frequently in representations of myths, such as in the Histories of Diana tapestry series, designed by Karel van Mander and woven by Francois Spiering in Delft, elements of which survive in English collections (figs. 6 and 7).
Notwithstanding such a rich array of precedents, the hunting theme of van Somerβs portrait has been explained as a means of visually binding the image to existing portraits by Robert Peake the Elder of Annaβs deceased son and only surviving daughter: Henry Frederick (1594β1612), Prince of Wales, with Sir John Harington (1592β1614), in the Hunting Field of 1603 and Princess Elizabeth (1596β1662), aged Seven, also 1603 (figs. 8 and 9). The assumption that Annaβs portrait would have been received primarily in association with her childrenβs portraits conforms to the traditional historiographical expectations of consort imagery. Such expectations render the hunting landscape setting specific to these precedents and foreground Annaβs successful motherhood. The narrative continuity embedded in their hunting landscape settings (which, in the case of Peakeβs pendants, is also an aesthetic-topographical continuity, connecting the portraits of brother and sister) may indeed speak to an intent to link Annaβs portrait with those of her issue, situating her identity within a chain of family resemblances. The continuity of English green complements the genealogical colors ordinarily constituted by the coat of arms, bodied forth in Annaβs portrait by the groom and her horse.
The childrenβs portraits appear to be set in the hunting park of the Harington family seat of Coombe Abbey, in Warwickshire. Sir John and Prince Henry were friends, and Elizabeth lived under the guardianship of Lord John Harington until her marriage to Frederick V, Elector Palatine, in 1613, shortly after Henryβs death (probably from typhoid), after which she departed to Heidelberg. Henry and Elizabeth perform idealized aspects of gendered participation in the courtly hunt. He is the martial nobleman, a leader among his peers, while her destiny is marital, as indicated by the couple seated in the bower in the background. Henry is shown sword in hand, at a critical moment in the process of the courtly huntβthe commencement of the ritual undoing, or flaying of the quarry; again, the privilege of the huntβs most senior member. His commanding pose situates him as a worthy heir to the throne, ready to assume the leadership of his armies and the governance of his kingdom.
But Annaβs martial pose in Anne of Denmark cannot be straightforwardly situated within this binary gender patterning; her masculine excess points to the complexity of the portraitβs address. Annaβs pose is anticipated by those of her father and brother within their portraits woven into the series of genealogical tapestries known as the βking tapestries,β elements of which survive in the Danish National Museum, Kronborg Palace, and Stockholmβs Nationalmuseum. These were commissioned by Annaβs father, Frederik II, in late 1581 from the Flemish emigrΓ© Hans Knieper, whose workshop had recently been established in Copenhagen. When hung in the Great Hall of the Danish castle of Kronborg, they covered the entire wall surface, measuring 560 square meters. The completed series illustrated a one-thousand-year-old genealogical line, portraying one hundred Danish rulersβone of whom, Margaret I, was femaleβon forty tapestries, supplemented by three hunting scenes. Completed in 1585, the series concluded with the one hundredth ruler, the reigning King Frederik II, who was portrayed on the last tapestry with his son, the Crown Prince Christian, later Christian IV, brother to Anna of Denmark (fig. 10). Frederikβs great architectural projectsβthe castles of Kronborg, Frederiksborg, and Rosenborgβare arranged along the horizon, in defiance of their real topography, and court astronomer Tycho Brahe stands conversing in the background. The King wears armor, and his favorite hunting dog, Wilpret, waits by his feet. His reign represents martial success, scientific achievement, and cultural prowess.
Each tapestry includes a small panel containing a moralizing verse that describes the ruler and his or her reign, along with its successes and failures, comprising an encyclopedia of wise, foolish, and at times even tyrannical rulership. The rhyming verses are mnemonic devices, enabling viewers to remember their lessons, suggesting that the tapestries were intended to deliver a sustained impact upon viewers.
A little later, Frederik added a throne baldachin canopy and backcloth to the commission for himself and his queen. Taken as war booty, it now forms part of the collection of the Nationalmuseum of Sweden in Stockholm. Elizabeth Cleland has noted, βThis was an inspirational moment of proto-Baroque theatre on the part of Frederick and his advisers: in a room encircled by . . . rulers represented in tapestry, the centrepiece would be the actual ruler himself, living, breathing, and framed against a tapestry surround.β This perceptive analysis highlights the way that this tapestry room functioned on multiple levels as historia, portraiture, and architecture, producing a heterotopic space presenting the reigning monarch as the culmination of the dynasty: genealogy perfected by ingenium (a personβs extraordinary, innate talent, often thought to be gifted to them by heaven). Frederik embodies the triumph of the individual will and intelligence over destinyβor perhaps, in this case, dynasty. His royal portrait is one of the first to present a king as a fully developed individual of his own creation, rather than a mere link in a dynastic sequence. Yet the king remains aware of his historicity within the chain of succession, as indicated by his inclusion of his young son and heir within his individual tapestry.
The king tapestries were famous throughout Europe, and no less so in England during Annaβs tenure as consort. Their expository, instructive tone, coupled with the themes of dynasty and the chain of succession, also inflects her portrait by van Somer. Emulating her father, Anna (as indicated by her motto) deploys her own self-fashioningβdefined as the art of (re)creating oneself in the image of oneβs best exemplars, using oneβs God-given reasonβto augment her venerable genealogy. Aesthetically too, her portrait and the tapestry series exhibit commonalities. Like her children, and like the standing figures in the Danish genealogy tapestries, Anna is shown inhabiting an identifiable, exterior topographical space: the hunting park of Oatlands Palace. Anna is standing upright, with the palace visible in the distance, a composition recalling those of the individual tapestries. Annaβs portrait refers to her Danish genealogy while anchoring it in a British context, while the Stuart succession is extended back through the Danish line.
Annaβs portrait also anticipates Anthony van Dyckβs portrait of Charles I of about 1635, now in the Louvre (fig. 11). This astonishing portrait shows the king, like Anna, standing beside his horse, accompanied by his groomsman. Charles rests his fist upon his hip, his elbow jutting toward the viewer, his turned stance mirroring that of his mother. Despite his assertive pose, the overall mood is rather contemplative. Charles presents himself, perhaps contrary to our expectations, somewhat more as a thinker than a martial leader. Walter Liedtke notes that it is surprising that van Somerβs Anne of Denmark and van Dyckβs Charles I have never been considered to be pendants, as their dimensions are almost exactly the same. In what follows, I will argue that these similarities are not accidental. These two works are kin in terms of both blood and art, and they actively articulate their subjects as mother and son, teacher and pupil, the model and its perfection.
Christopher Foley has observed that the development of the βdismounted equestrian portrait,β as materialized successively in the hunting portraits of Henry, Anne, and Charles, narrates the transference of increasingly sophisticated Netherlandish skills to a Stuart visual context, established by the English painter Peake at the commencement of the dynastyβs English reign. This is a seductive but ultimately flawed teleological narrative of aesthetic development, which passes over the purposeful agency of the political image in its early modern context. Annaβs portraitβs address to her son, and Charlesβs portraitβs response to it, position them within a dialogic, intergenerational cultural transfer, transacting ideas of inheritance, individuality, historicity, artistic originality, and elite self-fashioning. Her pose highlights her indispensable role in preserving the body politic for the Stuart succession; her elbow anticipates the authority of her son as King. As indicated by the presence of Minervaβs bird, a symbol of wisdom, Anna may seek here to provide her son with a teachable model of masculine majesty to emulate. Charlesβs active reception and digestion of this lesson, his use of it as an inspiration for his own self-fashioning as king, is made manifest in his own portrait by van Dyck. The courtly hunt provides the arena, both real and represented, in which these transactions were made. As in art, so in life: the courtly hunt was a practice long developed across Asia and Europe for the preparation of princes for their future roles as kings.
The Courtly Hunt as Princely Pedagogy
Hunting, especially par force hunting, was a privilege restricted to the nobility. The exclusion of other ranks was legitimated by framing hunting as military training. The courtly huntβs ceremonial battles with the animal world were inherently representational: staged rehearsals for the military campaigns that noblemen were expected to lead as the warrior elite. To this extent, hunts were performances whose actors showed their readiness to defend their subjects. Hunts were also performative in that they constituted and perfected noble masculinity.
The courtly hunt played an important role in the education of princes, a role articulated within the interlocking framework of cynegetic and conduct literatures. The circulation of cynegetic manuals in manuscript, and later in print, which describe in detail the processes by which various animals should be hunted, was essential to the trans-aulic development of the ritualistic hunt across Western Europe. Late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century translations of key works into English, and modernized editions of older English works, often feature passages comparing the nuances of British practice with that of its medieval forebears, European neighbors, or antique exemplars.
Cynegetic and conduct literatures describe the ideal behavior and attitude of the young nobleman toward his hunting practice and the nature of the courtly huntβs performative effects on noble masculinity. This tradition begins with Xenophonβs ancient Cyropaedia. This Greek work originated the literary genre of princely pedagogy that became known as the βMirror of Princes,β of which perhaps NiccolΓ² Machiavelliβs The Prince (1532) and Baldassare Castiglioneβs The Book of the Courtier (1528) are the best-known examples. Within the Nordic region, the thirteenth-century Norwegian manuscript of the Konungs SkuggsjΓ‘, or Kingβs Mirror, forms the earliest example of this genre. Within this tradition, Annaβs dynastic portrait acts decisively as an exemplary mirror for her son.
This tradition continued in England with those writing under the reign of James VI and I; his extended address to his son Henry, Basilikon Doron (1599), constituted an exemplary pedagogical text that few seeking patronage could afford to ignore. However, I will focus here on Henry Peachamβs The Compleat Gentleman (1622) and James Clelandβs HΔrΕ-paideia, or Institution of a Noble Young Man (1607), both of which draw on, cite, and respond to Jamesβs text. Peachamβs career as a poet, emblem designer, and author is well documented; the lesser-known Cleland appears to have been a Scot, working as tutor to Sir John Harington, Prince Henryβs companion.
James deals briefly with the courtly hunt in the third book of the Basilikon Doron, within a longer section on physical exercise. He advises his son that hunting with running hounds is the βmoste honorable and noblest sorteβ of hunting. Cleland and Peacham deal with the sport and its effects more fully. Both writers concur that hunting trains the mind as well as the body. As Cleland here describes it:
there is noe exercise so proper unto you as Hunting, with running hounds, wherby your bodie is disposed to endure patiently, heat, raine, wind, cold, hunger, and thirst; your minde made voide of al idle and naughtie cogitations, as it appeareth by the chast Diana. Hunting formeth the Judgment, and furnisheth a thousand inventions unto the Imagination: it maketh a man couragious and valiant, in his enterprises. . . . How am I able to reckon, the surprises, the strategems used for the obtaining of victorie, according to the beastes you doe hunt, which are all requisite & imploied without difference at the warrs, the hunting of men.
The hunt prepares a man for far-reaching military leadership. Its physical rigors increase his tolerance of discomfort and strengthen his self-control; they demand concentration, judgment; and imagination. Hunting is not solely a trial of physical strength but of a manβs personal qualities. Henry Peacham writes:
Hunting, especially, which Xenophon commendeth to his Cyrus, calling it a gift of the Gods, bestowed first upon Chiron for his vprightnesse in doing Iustice, and by him taught vnto the old Heroes and Princes; by whose vertue and prowesse (as enabled by this exercise) their Countries were defended, their subjects and innocents preserved, Iustice maintained.
Hunting prepares leaders for the public responsibilities of the defense of the realm from external enemies and maintaining the rule of law within it; such training includes a moral dimension. The pleasure afforded by the hunt is such that it requires great fortitude to pursue it with moderation. Cleland writes, βMorouer hunting is so pleasant, that if reason were not obaied, manie could not returne frΓ΅ such an exercise more then Mithridates who remained seauen yeares in the forrest.β Cleland warns against the noblemanβs surrender to the pleasures of hunting in the severest terms: βFor if you neglect your necessarie affaies, you deserve to be punished with Lycaon, and Acteon, who were both hunted and killed by their owne dogges.β
The specter of excess, of reason abandoned to passion, haunts huntingβs status as the act most performative of exemplary, elite masculinity. Submission to passion undermines the ethical edifice that noble masculine privilege constructed for itself within the huntβs circumscribed processes. The strength to resist the huntβs private pleasures form a pillar of its purpose as a training ground to public duty. Temperance and moderation are the ethical imperatives that legitimize the political asymmetry inherent in early modern monarchy; self-control is the hallmark of the just governance of others. Peacham writes: βAnd albeit it is true as Galen saith, we are commonly beholden for the disposition of our minds, to the Temperature of our bodies, yet much lyeth in our power to keep that fount from empoisoning, by taking heed to ourselves; . . . to correct the malignitie of our Starres with a second birth.β These views were common across the Protestant northwestern periphery of Europe, dovetailing even with the responsibilities of Tycho Brahe as astronomer to Annaβs father, Frederik II of Denmark, which included the casting of natal horoscopes. As John Robert Christianson has shown, Braheβs understanding of celestial influence did not rule out an orthodox Lutheran view on free will: βMen have something higher in themselves, which overcomes the heavenly and elemental influences,β Brahe writes in the Astrologia of 1591. βAnd the human being conveyed by his reason and manifold thoughts, and alignments, is not so easily transformed and moved, as the unreasonable beasts. But a few men more or less so than the others.β
Such discourses privilege the cool head, the seat of reason, over the labile body natural, subject to the ebbs and flows of its passions. βMind over matterβ is a distinction of rank within the body analogous to the control of the sovereign over the state. As Jonathan Gil Harris has written: βThe members of bodies natural and politic share a pathological predispensation to imbalance, discord and unruliness, the corrective to which is the beneficent, yet decidedly authoritarian, intervention of the soul and/or ruler.β The hunt, therefore, offered a means of profoundly fleshly self-fashioning, constituting, to coin Peachamβs phrase, a βsecond birth.β
The pedagogical theme extends to Annaβs spirited little hunting dogs (see detail, fig. 12). Claude Anthenais, drawing on the French name for the greyhoundβlΓ©vrier, or hare-courserβsuggests in his analysis of the portrait that the Queen is hunting hares (as appears to have been her custom, as we have already seen). Following this, I suggest that Annaβs dogs are young greyhounds that she is training in the field. Greyhounds began their training by hunting hares, as the haresβ ingenuity (their doublings and crossings) taught young dogs perseverance. Although not specifically identified as Italian greyhounds in these sources, black-and-white hunting dogs appear in both French and English cynegetic literatures. George Gascoigne writes: βNow in our latter experience in this kingdome [England], we find the white Dog, and the white dog spotted with blacke, to bee ever the best hunters, especially at the Hare.β Jacques EspeΜe de Selincourt, in Le Parfait Chasseur, writes: βOf the three main kinds of dogs the English have, the largest and most beautiful are said to be of the royal race, and are white marked with black.β For those viewers familiar with these literatures, the portrayed scene could function as a witty allegory. Just as Anna teaches the young dogs of the English royal race to navigate the hunting field, so too she performs exemplary majesty for the young Charles, then in training to be the future king of the larger field of Great Britain.
Within this scenario, the privileging of reason over strength as the foundation of rulership persists. As the wiliest of all prey animals, the hare was especially a test of a hunterβs and her dogsβ intelligence and strategy. In the sole textual reference to womenβs (and indeed scholarsβ) hunting practice that I am aware of, in the Boke of the Governor (1537), Thomas Elyot writes: βHuntyng of the hare with grehoundes is a right good solace for men that be studiouse, or them to whom nature hath not given personage or courage apt for the warres. And also for gentilwomen which fear neither sonne nor wynde for appairing their beauty.β Hares also possessed other cultural valencies. In his edition of Juliana Bergerβs The Book of St. Albans, Gervase Markham writes: βThe Hare is the King of al the beasts of Venerie, and in hunting maketh best sport, breedeth the most delight of any other, and is a beast most strange by nature, for he often changeth his kinde, and is both male and female.β
This theory of the hareβs hermaphroditism was thoroughly debunked by Edward Topsell in his 1607 translation of Conrad Gesnerβs magisterial zoological tract HistoriΓ¦ Animalium; nevertheless, the myths of the bestiaries retained their cultural currency well into the seventeenth century. Animalsβ special qualities were preserved in vernacular oral culture, and their stories were used to inspire young scholars to read their books, as Cleland recommends. John Robert Christianson has shown that Anna hunted hares with her sister Elizabeth; her father, Frederik II; and her mother, Sophia, as a young woman in Denmark. Hares may have had some special significance at the Danish court; Hans Knieperβs Kronborg workshop produced a series of tapestries portraying them, which are now lost. Within the Danish context, the hare may have been identified with Loki, who as the clever, shape-shifting, gender-fluid trickster of Norse mythology was perhaps the ultimate master of self-fashioning.
Genealogy and Ingenium
Hans Belting has argued that a shift in the concept of the portrait by the humanist artists of the Northern Renaissance during the sixteenth century revisioned the βSelfβ so that it was no longer understood as something fully contiguous with the body, but separate from it. Within the portrait, the physiognomic view of the body was gradually superseded by a new visual-textual rhetoric of the Self. While this new rhetoric served intellectual humanists and other members of the non-noble classes by articulating their claims to social statusβand to representationβit was also co-opted by those with venerable dynastic genealogies, such as Frederick the Wise, as Belting shows. Within the courtly class, genealogy became paired with ingenium. A bodyβs fleshly, inherited nobility was crowned with the personal distinction conferred by the innate qualities of the individual: their God-given reasoning and creative powers. So James Cleland writes of James VI and I: βI maie affirme there is one like a Quintessence, above the foure elements, which containeth such wits, as appeare not to bee taught or informed by men, but infused by God; they are able in the twinkling of an eie, at the first motion to conceive, invent and retaine al things most accurately. Of such wits I have never seene, read or heard of one comparable to the Kingβs Majesty.β
Of course, venerable genealogy retained its importance for the self-imaging of elites, since the association between noble blood and superior virtue only served to further legitimize their privilege. As James writes in Basilicon Doron, referencing the theology of traductionism (the theory that original sin is transmitted from parents to children): βFor though, anima non venit extraduce [the soul does not come by traduction], but is immediately created by God, and infused from above: yet it is most certaine that virtue or vice will oftentimes with the heritage bee transferred from the parentes to the posteritie and run on a blood (as the Proverbe is). &c.β While a virtuous genealogy retained its importance to royal identity within hereditary monarchy, this inheritance was balanced and enhanced by the rulerβs individual, even divine attributes.
Similarly, for artists of all disciplines, ingenium was conceived as a God-given talent for originality, equipping an individual to create something brand new from the models available to him or her, rather than merely repeating them. The proper assimilation and phenomenological digestion of a rich array of precedents stored in the memory nourished the inborn genius, enabling it to surpass and perfect its models. The intertwining theories of imitation and innutrition taught that the assimilating and digesting of many precedent perfections, like the honeybee visiting many flowers, would assist student practitioners of painting, poetry, rhetoric, or indeed, rulership, to construct their own new and original styles. Peacham couches his advice to young nobles on developing their style by speaking in just these terms, while drawing on a series of examples of artisanal expertise:
For as the young Virgin to make her fairest Garlands, gathereth not altogether one kinde of Flower; and the cunning Painter, to make a delicate beautie, is forced to mixe his Complexion, and compound it of many colours; the Arras-worker, to please the eyes of Princes, to be acquainted with many Hiftories: so are you to gather this Honey of eloquence, A gift of heaven, out of many fields; making it your owne by diligence in collection, care in expreffion, and skill in digeftion.
In the wake of Annaβs death, her portrait offered her son an image to instruct and nurture him. Selecting a diet within the humoral regimes that structured the early modern body was an act of self-fashioning in its most literal sense, affecting the quality and comfort of body and mind. So, too, selecting a diet of images was informed by the potential effects on the physical and mental interiority of the viewer. Consumption of food, drink, and art were all part of a βhighly complex network of influences on character and health,β and all required the discipline of temperance. As Denis Ribouillault has noted, a taste for painting was not necessarily an untrammeled virtue. Indiscriminate βbingingβ on images without carefully selecting and properly digesting them could lead to dubious encounters with the early modern medical profession. This is demonstrated in a print in which patients of Dr. Panurgus are purged of a surfeit of images by variously scatological means (fig. 13). A well-to-do courtierβs head is steamed in an oven to evaporate the frivolous images that have congested in his brain. A rather less well-to-do client is purged of his poorly digested images on a close stool, or commode. The accompanying text states that βmillionsβ have resorted to this grave doctor, suggesting that the fashionable consumption of high art could lead as often to widespread dangerous delusions as to virtuous erudition. This may seem rather prescient in light of Charlesβs later career as perhaps the most discerning collector and commissioner of art the British succession has ever produced, and also as leader of the defeated Royalist armies.
Such graphic pastiches are dependent on the reception theory of the period, which argues for the transformative agency of the exemplary portrait. Richard Haydockeβs translation of Gian Paolo Lomazzoβs Trattato dellβarte della Pittura, Scoltura et Architettura (1584) maintained that painting had the power to move the beholder literally, and he conceptualized the body as a medium for the imprinting and storing of images, as Hans Belting has more recently argued. Haydocke writes: βSo a picture artificially expressing the true naturall motions, will (surely) procure laughter when it laugheth, pensiuenesse when it is grieued &c.β He goes on to explain that a beholder will feel his appetite moved when he sees delicacies being eaten or will experience fury at a heated battle scene. A beholder before a portrait of exemplary majesty would, theoretically, experience his reception of an image physically and feel the literal impression being made upon him by the scene before his eyes. As Thijs Weststeijn has written, βTaken to the extreme, this means the beholder is supposed to βbecomeβ the work, as ultimately he takes on the workβs qualities.β The image fashions the viewer.
Ingenium was thus linked dialogically with genealogy in all kinds of creative practice. As Aileen A. Feng notes in relation to poetry, βthe relationship between the source texts and the new one should be modeled on that between a father and his son: a subtle resemblance, but not an exact replica.β A well-stocked visual memory is of central importance to both making and experiencing art, since much of its pleasure is in the recognition of the visual allusions that a work makes to its precedents. As Elizabeth Cropper has shown in relation to the Caracci family of painters:
Artists in the humanist tradition of painting . . . were just as concerned with inventing, disposing and ornamenting themes through allusive cross-references as they were with the representation of natural effects or the invention of new subject matter altogether. . . . Works of art relied as much, if not more, upon familial relationships with other works of art as they did on comparisons with living nature.
Within this allusive culture, Annaβs portrait exceeds its place as a link in an aesthetic genealogical chain. According to this reading, Anna is no longer the passive subject of a portrait whose story narrates a prologue in an artistic succession, from Peake to van Somer to van Dyck, to which she is only somewhat incidental. Anna, by means of her portrait, intervenes and demonstrates her contributive agency within the historical process of the princely succession. As sitter, mother and queen, Annaβs portrait anticipates, even interpellates, the portrait of her son.
Concluding Thoughts
By reading into Annaβs pictorial genealogy, the rich and complex early modern cultures of the hunt, and contemporary theories of art making and reception, we are able to recognize a reciprocal dialogic engagement between van Somerβs Anne of Denmark and van Dyckβs Charles I. Van Dyckβs Charles may now be regarded as a material reception of van Somerβs Anne and as evidence of how Charlesβs kingly self-fashioning was constructed in light of her example. This is not to minimize the contribution of either van Somer or van Dyck in taking forward the theme of the dismounted equestrian ruler portrait in new and innovative directions. Both artistsβ authorship is clearly legible in the portraits they painted for their royal sitters. It would be unwise to assume that these artists, having trained in the richly creative and innovative tradition of the Low Countries, had no input into the composition of the works of art they painted. The intent of this article, rather, has been to reintegrate the queen and her son, the king, as thinking agents acting within this process and upon its artistic outcomes. Genealogy and ingenium have often been mapped against the royal sitter and the commissioned artist, respectively. This essay argues that both the possession of heritage and the powerful ability to fashion and create are qualities brought to bear by artist and patron in the production of these original portraits.
The queen, whose body has physically regenerated the dynasty and whose portrait provides the next generation with its perfect exemplar, is doubly figured as the ultimate reproductive medium. Her portrait is much more than a mere screen for the projection of monarchical and dynastic aura. The portraitβs witty composition should remind us that both the sitters and viewers of Renaissance court portraits were often more adept and erudite than historians have recognized, and that their splendid portraits contain greater political agency and self-awareness than is sometimes assumed.
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https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Dictionary_of_National_Biography,_1885-1900/Van_Lemens,_Balthasar
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Dictionary of National Biography, 1885
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https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Dictionary_of_National_Biography,_1885-1900/Van_Lemens,_Balthasar
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βVAN LEMENS, BALTHASAR (1637β1704), painter, born at Antwerp in 1637, came over to England, and had some slight success in painting small pieces of history. Meeting, however, with misfortunes, he was reduced to working for other people, drawing and making sketches to assist the work of both painters and engravers. Among the latter he was chiefly employed by Paul Van Somer [q. v.], the mezzotint-engraver. He also copied portraits by Van Dyck and others. He had a brother who practised in Brussels, and painted Balthasar's portrait. Van Lemens died in Westminster in 1704.
[Walpole's Anecdotes of Painting, ed. Wornum; De Piles's Lives of the Painters (Suppl.); Chaloner Smith's British Mezzotinto Portraits.]
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Francis Bacon
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Francis Bacon (1561-1626) was an English philosopher, statesman, and author. Bacon is often considered one of the founders of modern scientific research and scientific...
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en
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World History Encyclopedia
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https://www.worldhistory.org/Francis_Bacon/
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Francis Bacon (1561-1626) was an English philosopher, statesman, and author. Bacon is often considered one of the founders of modern scientific research and scientific method, even as "the father of modern science" since he proposed a new combined method of empirical experimentation and shared data collection so that humanity might finally discover all of nature's secrets and improve itself.
Political Career
Francis Bacon was born on 22 January 1561 in London. His family had powerful connections, his uncle, for example, was William Cecil, Lord Burghley (l. 1520-1598), special advisor and personal secretary to Elizabeth I of England (r. 1558-1603) from 1558 to 1572. Lord Burghley also served as Lord Treasurer from 1572 to 1598. Bacon joined the University of Cambridge in 1573. Completing his studies in law at London's Inns of Court, Bacon joined the English embassy in France, a post he held until 1584.
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Returning to England, Bacon began a career in politics, which would see him reach the very top of what could be a highly dangerous tree, one particularly susceptible to brutal pruning by unpredictable absolute monarchs. Alexander Pope, known for his sharp humour, once described Bacon as "the wisest, brightest, and meanest of mankind" (Rundle, 31). Bacon was first elected a member of Parliament in 1581. His uncle's patronage failed to secure Bacon the position of Attorney-General in 1594 and 1596. Perhaps Burghley pushed too hard for his nephew since, in the end, the queen stated she would appoint anyone except Bacon to the post.
With his political career in tatters, Bacon concentrated on more academic pursuits.
In 1596, Queen Elizabeth did appoint Bacon to the Queen's Counsel. Bacon ultimately deserted his famous uncle and sided with Burghley's great enemy, Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex (1566-1601). This was an unfortunate choice of ally since Essex soon found himself in disgrace. Fortunately, Bacon redeemed himself somewhat by helping to secure Essex's execution in 1601 and then justifying his political machinations in his Apology of 1604, where he explained that his ultimate loyalties lay neither with Burghley nor Essex but belonged, rather, to his monarch.
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In 1603, Bacon was knighted by the new monarch, James I of England (r. 1603-1625). More extravagant titles followed, that of 1st Baron Verulam in 1618 and Viscount St. Albans in 1621. In 1618, the same king appointed Bacon Lord Chancellor, but he did not hold the position for long since allegations of corruption soon surfaced. Bacon admitted his guilt, was held in the Tower of London for four nights, and suffered a whopping fine of Β£40,000 (Β£8 million today). Fortunately, King James cancelled the fine, but with his political career in tatters, Bacon concentrated on his more academic pursuits. In these, he would be remarkably successful and influential, all the more surprising since he did not himself seriously practice any branch of science.
Bacon believed in the idea of progress β his personal motto was plus ultra or 'further beyond'.
Bacon's New Scientific Method
Bacon set out his thoughts on what he considered a proper scientific method in his The Advancement of Learning, first published in 1605. In Novum Organum (New Organon), published in 1620, Bacon further outlined what he thought was the correct approach to understanding the natural sciences. In these two works, Bacon championed the need for detailed empirical study, as this was the only way to increase humanity's understanding and, for him, more importantly, gain control of nature. This approach sounds quite obvious today, but at the time, the shadow of Aristotle (l. 384-322 BCE), the great ancient Greek philosopher, still loomed large over early modern minds. The Aristotelian approach to scientific inquiry, what Bacon called the traditional organum, had become highly theoretical, so much so that subjective verbal arguments held sway over practical experimentation. Such verbal arguments were additionally made useless because they used imprecise terminology which few could agree on. Further, natural philosophers had become preoccupied with why things happen instead of first ascertaining what was happening in nature, so said Bacon. Francis Bacon is sometimes held as a supporter of alchemy, but apart from admiring the passion of alchemists for endless experimentation, he had no time for these pseudo-chemists either. He composed this picturesque damnation of both philosophers and alchemists:
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All the philosophy of nature which is now received, is either the philosophy of the Grecians, or that other of the alchemistsβ¦The one is gathered out of a few vulgar observations, and the other out of a few experiments of a furnace. The one never faileth to multiply words, and the other ever faileth to multiply gold.
(Gleick, 52)
Bacon believed in the idea of progress β his personal motto was plus ultra or 'further beyond' β and he thought that his contemporaries were not so concerned with bettering the human condition because they were bewitched by the achievements of the past. Bacon observed that the traditional limits of the ancient Mediterranean, the Pillars of Hercules, had long been left behind as mariners like Christopher Columbus (1451-1506), Ferdinand Magellan (c. 1480-1521), and Vasco da Gama (c. 1469-1524) had explored the globe. The marine compass and gunpowder, amongst several other key inventions, had revolutionised travel and warfare. Bacon considered these developments to have happened by chance, and so he yearned for a more systematic approach to acquiring knowledge. He imagined how much more might be achieved if thinkers devoted themselves to a new approach. Consequently, Bacon, who specifically compared himself to the pioneering Columbus, proposed a new system of inquiry, what he termed a novum organum, hence the title of his book. This approach would, Bacon argued, help build an entirely new institution of science (what in those days might better be termed natural philosophy). Bacon called this new objective his Instauratio Scientiarum or great scientific founding. All of this was not exactly new as other thinkers had thought along the same lines, but Bacon's unique contribution was to set about creating an almost coherent package of these ideas (he ran out of time and died before his great project was complete). Bacon's approach had three essential steps.
1. Assessing Existing Knowledge
Not content with setting out how others should approach science, Bacon was intent on building this new edifice of knowledge himself or, at least, making excellent progress on its foundations. To start with, though, Bacon was less interested in new knowledge and more focused on surveying all existing knowledge. The fruit of this initial endeavour was his The Advancement of Learning. Bacon did not believe all past research, ideas, and received wisdoms were still valid, and a lot of dead wood had to be chopped from humanity's tree of knowledge.
2. Experiments, Tests, & Data Collection
In a second step, Bacon set out his new scientific method so that others would follow suit and the existing, suitably pruned knowledge tree might grow new and impressive branches. This approach is explained in his Novum Organum. Bacon summarised the approach as going out into the field and thoroughly testing nature without any preconceived ideas. Nature had to be put "under constraint and vexed; that is to say, when by art and the hand of man she is forced out of her natural state, and squeezed and moulded" (Moran, 133). In this method of experimentation, facts and data should be observed and gathered so that there was "a lawful marriage between the empirical and rational faculty" (ibid).
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Bacon acknowledges that testing nature is not easy and a wise scientist should hone their skills on easier problems before moving on to more complex truths. Nevertheless, Bacon also believed that great thinkers were not necessarily essential to making leaps in knowledge since any person with hands and eyes could conduct experiments and collect data. Further, this data should be openly shared with others conducting similar experiments and the collated results then be systematically presented, for example, in the form of tables. Above all, and unlike the Aristotelians, for Bacon β and we should perhaps remember he first studied law where facts reign supreme β observation and measurements should come first, theories second. Some have criticised this position since the Baconian method or Baconianism (as this approach to knowledge is sometimes termed) minimises the use of hypotheses, which can in themselves be very useful, particularly when mathematics is involved, an area of study Bacon woefully neglected.
3. A New World
As a third step, Bacon believed that science should offer practical improvements to daily life and give humanity power over nature. More traditional approaches, he said, had neglected this crucial aspect of knowledge: making the results of research relevant to ordinary lives. Bacon set out what his new approach might achieve, that is, what our expanded tree of knowledge would actually look like. He did this in his New Atlantis, published posthumously in 1626. Bacon describes a utopian commonwealth based on an island called Bensalem. Here, there is a great and state-sponsored institution of learning, Salomon's House (named after wise King Solomon of the Bible). Scientific investigators gather data, and philosophers analyse these results so that "human life be endowed with new discoveries and powers" (quoted in Burns, 27). Thus, on mythical Bensalem, science is able to provide many new technologies, including, for example, a form of telephone. Bacon was still working on his Instauratio Scientiarum at his death, writing a treatment of natural history, titled Sylva Sylvarum, which he never completed.
Bacon's Major Works
The most famous works by Sir Francis Bacon include:
Essays (1597, revised in 1612 and again in 1625)
The Advancement of Learning (1605)
Of the Wisdom of the Ancients (1609)
Novum Organum (1620)
De Dignitate et Augmentis Scientiarum (an expansion of The Advancement of Learning, 1623)
New Atlantis (1626)
Sylva Sylvarum (1627)
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Death & Legacy
Bacon seems to not have enjoyed robust health, and he was famously the patient of William Harvey (1578-1657), who discovered the circulation of the blood in humans. Bacon most likely sought Harvey's advice for curing his chronic gout. The pair did not get on; Harvey once described Bacon's eyes as being like a viper's and dismissed his philosophy as nonsense. Bacon was quite willing to take non-expert advice when it came to his health, indeed, he had singled out professional medical practitioners in his The Advancement of Learning as being particularly susceptible to blindly accepting received wisdom regarding remedies instead of seeing if they actually worked on their patients. Bacon frequently took opium-related drugs, and every week, he indulged in a rhubarb purge. Perhaps he grew his own rhubarb since Bacon was a keen gardener, delighting in strong-scented herbs and flowers and growing his own exotic fruits like pineapples.
Ever the practical scientist, Bacon died in a somewhat bizarre manner on 9 April 1626. The great man was out in the winter fields stuffing a goose with snow, presumably to determine the efficacy of a novel method of refrigeration, and he caught what turned out to be a heavy and fatal cold. Bacon's philosophy took a while to grab anyone's attention, but by the mid-17th century, his work suddenly became influential.
Bacon had possessed such a luminous mind and was so revered as one of the great thinkers of the 17th century that all sorts of weird and wonderful theories sprang up concerning him in subsequent centuries. The most infamous of these, the Baconian theory, which began to circulate in 1785, is that Bacon was really William Shakespeare, a claim dismissed by serious historians.
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https://www.ucl.ac.uk/early-modern/about-us/people/karen-hearn
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Karen Hearn
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2019-10-01T12:20:24+01:00
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https://www.ucl.ac.uk/early-modern/sites/all/themes/indigo/favicon.ico
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Early Modern Exchanges
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https://www.ucl.ac.uk/early-modern/about-us/people/karen-hearn
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Historian of British art and culture c.1500-c.1710 and exhibition curator. Previously the Curator of 16th & 17th Century British Art at the Tate Galleries (1992-2012). Honorary Professor, Department of English Language and Literature, UCL.
k.hearn@ucl.ac.uk
Present areas of research
Representations of pregnancy
Artistic migration between the Netherlands and Britain, c.1500-c.1710
The works, biography and context of the painter Cornelius Johnson [Cornelis Jonson van Ceulen] (1593-1661)
Anthony Van Dyck's London Studio
Portraiture in Britain and the Northern and Southern Netherlands during the 16th & 17th Centuries
Women's patronage of the arts in the 16th & 17th Centuries
Co-editor of RKD Studies: Gerson Digital: Britain (https://gersonbritain.rkdstudies.nl/gerson-digital-britain/preface-karen-hearn-and-rieke-van-leeuwen/) - part of the newly translated and re-annotated online edition of Horst Gerson's 1942/1983 Ausbreitung und Nachwirkung der hollΓ€ndischen Malerei des 17. Jahrhunderts [The Dispersal and Legacy of Dutch 17th-Century Painting], on the transnational mobility of artists from the Low Countries during the early modern period (2022-23).
Exhibitions curated
1995-6: Curator of major Tate exhibition, Dynasties: Painting in Tudor and Jacobean England 1530-1630. Editor and principal author of catalogue. Received European Woman of Achievement Award.
1997-8: Co-curator of In Celebration: The Art of the Country House, Tate Gallery exhibition. Catalogue essay on βSixteenth and Seventeenth Century Portraits in Country Housesβ.
1999-2000: Co-curator of A Tudor Mystery: The Allegorical Portrait of Sir John Luttrell, Courtauld Galleries, London. Booklet essay on βHans Eworth: Traces of a Biographyβ.
2002-3: Curator of Tate Britain exhibition Marcus Gheeraerts II: Elizabethan Artist. Author of accompanying Tate book.
2004: Curator of small exhibition Talking Peace 1604: The Somerset House Conference Paintings, at The Gilbert Collection, London. Author of accompanying catalogue booklet.
2005-6: Curator of exhibition Nathaniel Bacon: Artist, Gentleman and Gardener, Tate Britain. Author of accompanying Tate book.
Oct-Dec 2006: Co-curator of exhibition at the Rubenshuis, Antwerp, Royalist Refugees: The Rubenshuis years of William and Margaret Cavendish (1648-1660). Author of catalogue essay and entries.
Feb-May 2009: Curator of major Tate Britain exhibition, Van Dyck and Britain. Editor and principal author of catalogue.
Jan-Aug 2012: Co-curator of Migrations: Journeys into British Art, Tate Britain, and author of catalogue essays βPortraitureβ and βNew Genresβ, pp.16-31.
Dec 2011-May 2012: Curator of Rubens and Britain exhibition, Tate Britain, and author of accompanying Tate publication, Rubens and Britain.
Oct 2013 - March 2014: Co-curator of West Country to World's End: The South West in the Tudor Age, Royal Albert Memorial Museum, Exeter.
April to September 2015: Curator of Cornelius Johnson: Charles I's Forgotten Painter, at the National Portrait Gallery, London.
September 2016 to April 2017: Curator of Portrait Miniatures in the Portland Collection, display at The Harley Gallery, Welbeck
24 January to 16 March; and from early July to 23 August 2020: Curator of Portraying Pregnancy: from Holbein to Social Media, exhibition at The Foundling Museum, London.
2026, forthcoming: Curator of Cornelis Jonson van Ceulen: exhibition at the Stadhuismuseum, Zierikzee, The Netherlands.
Other publications
'Henry Gibbs: Painter and Gentleman', Burlington Magazine, February 1998, pp.99-101
'Insiders or Outsiders? Overseas-born Artists at the Jacobean Courtβ, in Randolph Vigne and Charles Littleton, eds., From Strangers to Citizens, Sussex Academic Press, Brighton and Portland, 2001, pp.117-126
ββOnly Matrimony Maketh Children to be Certain β¦β: Two Elizabethan Pregnancy Portraitsβ, (co-authored with Pauline Croft), British Art Journal, vol. 3, no. 3, Autumn 2002, pp.19-24
βA Question of Judgement: Lucy Harington, Countess of Bedford, as Art Patron and Collectorβ, in The Evolution of English Collecting, Edward Chaney, ed., Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 2003.
βThe English Career of Cornelius Johnsonβ, in Dutch and Flemish Artists in Britain 1550-1700, E Domela, M van de Meij-Tolsma, J Roding, E J Sluijter, B Westerweel, eds, Leiden, 2003, pp. 113 - 29.
'Merchant Patrons for the Painter Siberechtsβ, in City Merchants and the Arts 1670-1720, Mireille Galinou, ed., Wetherby, 2004
Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, 2004 and online, entries on Sir Nathaniel Bacon, John Bettes, Marcus Gheeraerts I, Marcus Gheeraerts II, George Gower, John Hayls, Cornelius Johnson, Cornelis Ketel, Robert and William Peake, and Paul van Somer.
Nathaniel Bacon: Artist, Gentleman, Gardener, Tate Publishing, 2005.
Nicholas Hilliard, Unicorn Press, London 2005.
βElizabeth I and the Spanish Armada: A Painting and its Afterlifeβ, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 2004, vol.14, 2005, pp.123-40.
ββSaved through childbearingβ: a Godly Context for Elizabethan Pregnancy Portraitsβ, in Tara Hamling and Richard L Williams, eds, Art Re-formed, Newcastle, 2007, pp.65-70.
βWilliam Cavendishβs Horse Portraitsβ, in Horses & Landscapes, The Harley Gallery, Worksop, 2008.
'Lady Anne Clifford's "Great Triptych"', in Lady Anne Clifford: Culture, Patronage and Gender in Seventeenth-Century Britain, Karen Hearn and Lynn Hulse, eds, Leeds, 2009, pp. 1 - 24.
βThe Paintersβ, in Mark Evans, ed, The Lumley Inventory and Pedigree, London, 2010, pp. 55-58.
βThe full-length portrait in early 17th-century Britainβ, in The Suffolk Collection, Laura Houliston, ed, Swindon, 2012, pp.28-39.
βLely and Hollandβ, in Peter Lely: A Lyrical Vision, Courtauld Gallery exhibition catalogue, 2012, pp.26-39.
ββThose Spots for Vanityβ: A beauty patch revealed in a portrait by Cornelis Jonsonβ, in Face Book: Studies on Dutch & Flemish Portraiture of the 16th-18th Centuries, Leiden, 2012, pp.345-50
βMerchant Class Portraiture in Tudor London: βCustomerβ Smithβs Commission, 1579/80β in Treasures of the Royal Courts: Tudors, Stuarts and Russian Tsars, V&A exhibition catalogue, 2013, pp. 36-43.
Co-authored with Natasha Walker & Joyce H. Townsend, 'Tate's Painting of a Man in Tudor Costume: A Sixteenth-Century Portrait or a Nineteenth Century Pastiche', in Tate Papers, online, autumn 2013.
'Art in Britain between 1530 and 1620' and 'Nicholas Hilliard', in West Country to World's End: The South West in the Tudor Age, exhibition catalogue, Royal Albert Memorial Museum, Exeter, 2013, pp. 64-72 and 73-83.
'Netherlandish Painters Active in Britain in the 16th & 17th Centuries' in CODART, The World of Dutch and Flemish Art, 15th Anniversary Online Publication, The Hague, 2013.
βPortraits of Ben Jonsonβ, essay in the online edition of The Cambridge Works of Ben Jonson, Cambridge University Press, 2014.
'Heraldry in Tudor and Jacobean Portraits', in Heralds and Heraldry in Shakespeare's England, ed. Nigel Ramsay, Shaun Tyas, 2014, pp. 220 - 35.
'"Picture-drawer, born at Antwerp": Migrant Artists in Jacobean London', in Painting in Britain 1500-1630: Production, Influences & Patronage, British Academy, 2015, pp. 278-287.
'"To Russia and Muscovia β¦": Thomas Smithβs Family and its International Network', in Emerging Empires: England and Muscovy in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, Moscow Institute of Foreign Languages, Moscow and London, 2015.
Cornelius Johnson, London (2015).
'"Neat finishing, smooth Painting, and labour in drapery": the distinctive portrait style of Cornelis Jonson (1593-1661)', in CODART ezine 7, winter 2015.
'Revising the Visage: Patches and Beauty Spots in 17th-century English and Dutch Painted Portraits', in Huntington Library Quarterly, vol. 78, no.4, winter 2015/2016, pp.809-823.
'Painting on Wooden Panel', in The Cambridge Guide to the Worlds of Shakespeare, Bruce R. Smith ed, vol. 1, New York & Cambridge, 2016, pp.440-48.
'The National and Professional Identities of Cornelius Johnson', and 'Cornelius Johnson β Timeline', in Cornelius Johnson: Painter to King & Country, exhibition catalogue, The Weiss Gallery, London (2016), pp. 8β15 and 98β105.
'The "small oil colour pictures" of Cornelius Johnson (1593-1661)', in Portrait Miniatures, Artists, Functions & Collections, The Tansey Miniatures Foundation (2018), pp.179-88.
'L'atelier londinese di Antoon van Dyck [Van Dyck's London Studio]', essay in Van Dyck: Pittore di Corte, exhibition catalogue, Galleria Sabauda, Royal Museums, Turin (2018), pp.90-99.
'Painted Portraits and the Paston Family's Collection of Paintings' essay (plus catalogue entries) in The Paston Treasure: Microcosm of the Known World, exhibition catalogue, Yale Center for British Art, New Haven, and Norwich Castle Museum (2018), pp.200-203, 456-7, 495.
Co-authored with Helen Hackett, 'What did Elizabeth I really look like at Sixty?' for BBC History Extra https://www.historyextra.com/period/elizabethan/what-did-elizabeth-i-really-look-like-at-60/ (2018).
β"Wrought with flowers and leaves": Embroidery Depicted in Late Sixteenth- and Early Seventeenth-Century British Portraits β the Era of Rubens', in Undressing Rubens: Fashion and Painting in Seventeenth-Century Antwerp, ed. Lieneke Nijkamp & Abigail D. Newman, London & Turnhout (2019), pp.31-46.
Catalogue entries for the exhibition Rubens and His Age: the Century of Flemish Baroque Painting, Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest (2019).
Portraying Pregnancy: from Holbein to Social Media, London (2020)
'βCuriously painted, drawn, & understoodβ: Adriaen Hannemanβs portrait of Cornelius Johnson and his wife and son', in Connoisseurship: Essays in Honour of Fred G. Meijer, ed. Charles Dumas et al, Leiden (2020), pp.163-170.
'Anthonis Mor: Portraits of Sir Thomas Gresham & his wife Anne Ferneley', in 100 Masterpieces Dutch and Flemish Art (1350-1750): CODART Canon, The Hague (2021), pp.90-91 (and, in reduced form, online: https://canon.codart.nl/artwork/portrait-of-sir-thomas-gresham-and-his-wife-anne-ferneley/).
'A newly identified portrait by Sir Nathaniel Bacon', Burlington Magazine, vol.164, July 2022, pp.641-9.
'Portrait of a poisoner? An early 17th-century British female portrait reconsidered', in Campaspe Talks Back: Women who Made a Difference in the Arts in the Early Modern Low Countries, (forthcoming, 2024).
'Artisan knowledge: The Case of Cornelis Ketel', in The Oxford Handbook of Travel, Identity and Race in Early Modern England, 1500-1700, ed. Nandini Das, Oxford University Press (forthcoming, 2025).
'Painters and Patronage at the London Court of James VI & I', in The World of King James VI & I, exhibition catalogue, Portrait Gallery, Edinburgh (forthcoming, 2025).
'Texts and Painted Portraitsβ in Europe in the World: A Literary History, 1545-1659/61, ed. Warren Boutcher, Oxford University Press (forthcoming). Part of the five-year (2022-26) European Research Council funded project βTextuality and Diversity: A Literary History of Europe and its Global Connections, 1545-1661.
β"Choice pieces": The Portraits of Lucy Harington Russell', in The Cultural Influence of Lucy Harington Russell, Countess of Bedford, ed. N N W Akkerman & and D S Smith (forthcoming).
'Elizabeth I at Sixty', co-authored with Helen Hackett, in Women and Cultures of Portraiture in the British Literary Renaissance, ed. Yasmin Arshad & Chris Laoutaris (forthcoming).
'βDearest above allβ: Images of Mildred Cooke Cecil (1526-1589)', in Burghley at 500: Quincentennial Essays on William Cecil, ed. Janet Dickinson & Neil Younger, (forthcoming).
Media
The Cholmondeley Ladies
Tales from the Royal Wardrobe, BBC4, 2014
'"The late K. & Q. in little": the small-scale full-length royal portraits in the collection of Charles I and Henrietta Maria' - online paper at the conference on Charles I: King & Collector, at Paul Mellon Centre/Royal Academy, London, 12 April 2018 (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xzKb-Vige9Q)
Online lecture, February 2021, Magnifying Miniatures: Nicholas Hilliard & Isaac Oliver in The Portland Collection (Gallery Talk // Magnifying Miniatures // Karen Hearn - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ICXkXjgsziY).
Online, The University of Hertfordshire Chancellor's Lecture 2021 - Mildred Cooke Cecil: Pregnancy Portrayed in Elizabethan England (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EmL_2I_3Jl0).
The Isabel & Alfred Bader Lecture in European Art, Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario, April 2022: 'βBig-Bellied Women": Portraying Pregnancy in 16th- and 17th-Century England': Isabel and Alfred Bader Lecture in European Art - Agnes Etherington Art Centre.
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https://www.bonhams.com/auction/29295/lot/17/manner-of-paul-van-somer-18th-century-portrait-of-a-lady-said-to-be-elizabeth-queen-of-bohemia-bust-length-in-a-black-dress-with-gold-embroidery/
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Bonhams : Manner of Paul van Somer, 18th Century Portrait of a lady said to be Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, bust
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Portrait of a lady said to be Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, bust-length, in a black dress with gold embroidery oil on canvas 61.3 x 50.1cm (24 1/8 x 19 3/4in).
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https://www.bonhams.com/auction/29295/lot/17/manner-of-paul-van-somer-18th-century-portrait-of-a-lady-said-to-be-elizabeth-queen-of-bohemia-bust-length-in-a-black-dress-with-gold-embroidery/
|
ALL BIDDERS MUST AGREE THAT THEY HAVE READ AND UNDERSTOOD BONHAMS' CONDITIONS OF SALE AND AGREE TO BE BOUND BY THEM, AND AGREE TO PAY THE BUYER'S PREMIUM AND ANY OTHER CHARGES MENTIONED IN THE NOTICE TO BIDDERS. THIS AFFECTS THE BIDDERS LEGAL RIGHTS.
If you have any complaints or questions about the Conditions of Sale, please contact your nearest client services team.
For all Sales categories, buyer's premium excluding Cars, Motorbikes, Wine, Whisky and Coin & Medal sales, will be as follows:
Buyer's Premium Rates
28% on the first Β£40,000 of the hammer price;
27% of the hammer price of amounts in excess of Β£40,000 up to and including Β£800,000;
21% of the hammer price of amounts in excess of Β£800,000 up to and including Β£4,500,000;
and 14.5% of the hammer price of any amounts in excess of Β£4,500,000.
A 3rd party bidding platform fee of 4% of the Hammer Price for Buyers using the following bidding platforms will be added to the invoices of successful Buyers for auctions starting on or after 6th July 2024 β Invaluable; Live Auctioneers; The Saleroom; Lot-tissimo.
VAT at the current rate of 20% will be added to the Buyer's Premium and charges excluding Artists Resale Right.
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8327
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dbpedia
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0
| 16 |
https://www.1stdibs.com/art/paintings/portrait-paintings/circle-paul-van-somer-portrait-lady-lace-collar/id-a_13539172/
|
en
|
Portrait of a lady in a lace collar.
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For Sale on 1stDibs - Portrait of a lady in a lace collar., Oil Paint, Panel by Circle of Paul van Somer. Offered by Rain Art OUΜ.
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en
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1stDibs.com
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https://www.1stdibs.com/art/paintings/portrait-paintings/circle-paul-van-somer-portrait-lady-lace-collar/id-a_13539172/
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8327
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dbpedia
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1
| 95 |
https://www.rct.uk/collection/people/james-i-king-of-great-britain-1566-1625-james-vi-of-scotland-and-i-of-england
|
en
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1625) [James VI of Scotland and I of England]
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James I was the only child of Mary, Queen of Scots and Lord Darnley, both of whom were great-grandchildren of https://www.rct.uk/collection/people/henry-vii-king-of-england-1457-1509 target=_blank>Henry VII. On the death of https://www.rct.uk/collection/people/elizabeth-i-queen-of-england-1533-1... target=_blank>Elizabeth I in 1603, he moved south and became the first monarch of the Stuart dynasty in England.By the time James VI of Scotland came to take up the English throne, he was married to https://www....
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en
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8327
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https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/385517
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en
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The Works of Horatio Walpole, Earl of Orford, vol. III
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en
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https://www.metmuseum.org/content/img/presentation/icons/favicons/favicon.ico?v=3
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The Metropolitan Museum of Art
|
https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/385517
|
As part of the Met's Open Access policy, you can freely copy, modify and distribute this image, even for commercial purposes.
API
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_van_Somer_I
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en
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Paul van Somer I
|
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2007-05-15T17:40:12+00:00
|
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_van_Somer_I
|
English painter
Paul van Somer (c. 1577 β 1621), also known as Paulus van Somer, was a Flemish artist who arrived in England from Antwerp during the reign of King James I of England and became one of the leading painters of the royal court. He painted a number of portraits both of James and his consort, Queen Anne of Denmark, and of nobles such as Ludovic Stuart, Duke of Lennox, Elizabeth Stanley, Countess of Huntingdon, and Lady Anne Clifford. He is sometimes designated as "Paul van Somer I" to distinguish him from the engraver of the same name who was active in England between 1670 and 1694.
Life and career
[edit]
Paul van Somer is in some ways an elusive figure: not much is known about him, and his art is rarely written about;.[1] According to Karel van Mander, he was the brother of Barend van Someren, who married and brought back the daughter of Aert Mijtens after he returned from Italy.[2] Van Mander does not mention whether Paul had accompanied his brother to Italy or not, and only remarked that he was still a bachelor. According to the Netherlands Institute for Art History, van Somer lived between 1612β1614 in the house of Steven de Gheyn in Leiden, during 1616 in Brussels, and after that moved to London, where he became court painter.[3] He occupied an important position as one of James and Anne's favourite painters and can be seen as a forerunner of the more famous Flemish and Dutch artists, in particular Daniel Mytens and Anthony van Dyck, who followed in his footsteps as leading court painters.[4] (In fact, one of van Dyck's first tasks was to copy van Somer's royal portraits, a duty he did not enjoy.)[5] Van Somer arrived in England as a mature artist, having travelled widely in northern Europe:[6] Booth Tarkington names the year of his arrival as 1606,[7] but H.L.Meakin notes that he did not settle permanently in the country until after 1616.[8]
Van Somer received additional commissions from non-royal sources. The Earl of Rutland paid him Β£26 for portraits in 1618, and Β£37 for pictures of King James and Prince Charles in 1619.[9] Lady Anne Clifford refers in her diary to being painted by him on 30 August 1619.[10] A curiosity of van Somer's oeuvre is his portrait of Elizabeth Drury (1596β1610), a girl made famous by John Donne's poems on her death, such as "An Anatomy of the World".[11] Van Somer may have painted the portrait several years after Elizabeth's death, or possibly during her visit to the continent with her parents shortly before she died.[8] The portrait is noteworthy in that the subject is depicted in a semi-recumbent positionβunusual for a non-nude of the periodβ which may, as H.L.Meakin points out, be intended as a sign of a philosophical or melancholy character, as in Nicholas Hilliard's portrait of Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland.[8] Other portraits include those of Lady Elizabeth Grey, Countess of Kent, painted in about 1619,[12] and a portrait of Ludovic Stewart, 2nd Duke of Lennox.
Collections and analysis
[edit]
Van Somer's achievement is described in the gallery notes at the Royal Collection as follows: "Like Daniel Mytens, who had settled in London from the Netherlands by 1618 and was Van Somerβs neighbour in St Martinβs Lane, Van Somer brought a new grandeur, fluency and naturalism to British court portraiture."[13] Opinion of van Somer's work has, however, been divided: Horace Walpole thought one of his portraits as fine as a Van Dyck, and Booth Tarkington, in his psychological study King James in Faded Paint suggested that "Paulus van Somer had gifts and one of them was for the perception of character";[7] on the other hand, art critic Sir John Rothenstein condemned van Somer's work as dull and heavy.[14]
Copies of van Somer's royal portraits were often commissioned, particularly as James disliked sitting for painters, to be sent as gifts overseas.[13] Many variants also exist in printed form. Van Somer is said to have introduced regalia into royal portraiture, for example that of the Order of the Garter.[13] The ambassador in Brussels, William Trumbull, sent measurements for portraits to Van Somer. He replied in December 1618, via Edward Norgate, that the suggested sizes were too narrow. A standard full length portrait of usual proportions would cost Β£30 or Β£25.[15]
Some of van Somer's work can still be seen today. He completed a much-reproduced portrait of James I in 1616 and one of Queen Anne in hunting attire with her African servant, horse, and hunting dogs, in the grounds of Oatlands, a year later.[16] Van Somer had by then become Anne's favourite painter, supplanting John de Critz and Marcus Gheeraerts the Younger.[13] Another portrait of Anne of Denmark, at Drumlanrig Castle, includes several jewels, a diamond crossbow in her hair, with diamond badges of "S" and "C4" referring to her family, and a centrally placed cross or aigrette which may be the jewel known as the "Mirror of France". When she died in 1619 she owed him Β£170, and he joined her funeral procession as her "picture maker" with the artists Marcus Gheeraerts and Peter Oliver.[17]
Notes and references
[edit]
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File:Somer Francis Bacon.jpg
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This work is in the public domain in its country of origin and other countries and areas where the copyright term is the author's life plus 100 years or fewer.
This work is in the public domain in the United States because it was published (or registered with the U.S. Copyright Office) before January 1, 1929.
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A Brush With The Past
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A Brush With The Past
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https://rfjblog.wordpress.com/tag/peter-lely/
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No, not Da Vinciβs lady and her pet! This is another eBay find, offered up by the same people who presented Lady Middleton for sale back in June. (See blog entry βLady Who?β).
This new canvas is entitled βPortrait of a lady with an ermine capeβ, and is attributed, thanks to an inscribed plaque and an old label, to Lady Middetonβs claimed painter, Sir Peter Lely. For a supposed work of the great Sir Peter, our lady in ringlets is going surprisingly cheap, with a βbuy it nowβ price of Β£4,500. There are no hints as to the sitterβs identity, sadly.
Iβm not convinced by the attribution, although itβs a very sweet painting, but Iβd like to know its provenance, and why persons unknown were so certain of the artist. What do readers think of this one?
Click to view on Ebay
Update 5th October: Iβve had a dig around the internet to try to find out more, and Artnet.com has listed it from a past auction as βfollower of Sir Peter Lelyβ, which I think is more accurate (and honest) than the sale listing on eBay.
If you have $35,000 down the back of your sofa (and $400 for postage), you could be the proud owner of this rather nice portrait of Lady Middleton by Peter Lely.
So far, so simple, right? Well, yes and no. The above painting is listed on Ebay, which always makes me sceptical of both the seller and the item. Itβs not that I automatically mistrust someone trying to sell an old master (if it is one) on Ebay, but for me it raises a number of questions about both.
First, I am not in anyway suggesting the seller here is anything but an honest and professional member of the art trade. From the given description of their business and practice they seem genuine, and without investigating them further I have no immediate reason to be suspicious of them. However, if you believed you had a genuine work of art by Peter Lely, one of the greatest painters in European art history, why would you choose to flog it on Ebay, a generalist online auction site from which you can also buy socks for 25p, or a multipack of Ribena cartons for Β£1? I donβt know the going rate for a Lely at auction these days, but Iβm pretty sure $35,000 would be a bargain price. Why would you not go to one of the big auction houses and try and get a few hundred grand for it?
The seller posts a disclaimer that they are wholesale art dealers, and are not in the practice of authentication. Fair enough, they admit they just sell the items, and donβt make any claims as to the correct identification of the works they sell, arguing caveat emptor to avoid any accusations of misselling. Yet they have listed the item as βby Peter Lelyβ, rather than βattributed toβ or βweβve been told itβs by Lely but youβll have to google it yourselfβ, which seems like a pretty straightforward claim of authenticity to me. Cannily covering all bases, perhap? They also give no details of the sitter, beyond that she was a 17th century woman name Lady Middleton. Even if they do not authenticate works, if they are hoping for a 6-figure sale, one would surely expect some basic information to be sought and included before listing?
They close with βOriginal origin is unknown. Selling as is without certificate of authenticity.β Not being in the art world, Iβm not sure what a certificate of authenticity entails (perhaps someone in the know can explain?) but it makes me wonder even more why a work that has the possibility of being proven a genuine work by a popular and sought-after artist is on a buy nowβ or βmake offerβ online auction, where a serious buyer cannot inspect the work in person, as they can at an auction house, before offering large sums of money. I found what appears to be the same picture listed on Artnet as a past auction, and the only new information is that it was βcollab. w/studioβ, suggesting, I presume, that here it was not thought to be 100% by Lely himself.
Whatever the origin, provenance and authenticity of this portrait, Iβm not sure Ebay would be my first thought when looking for a quality old master to purchase, yet clearly other people are happy to do so. What do readers think?
Click to view on Ebay
Save
Save
There are many surviving examples of unfinished 17th century portraits. Some were small-scale studies for larger compositions, others were begun but left in limbo waiting for either the sitter or painter to find the time (or the money) to complete them, while others remained on the easel when the painter died. These works are sometimes even more interesting than the completed article, as they give insight into the painterβs composition process and how he or she approached their task.
Van Dyckβs 1634/1635 work entitled βMagistrates of Brusselsβ, which depicted several magistrates in council, was destroyed during French bombardment of Brussels in 1695, but several head sketches survive, including the above which is in a private collection. (I know, itβs not strictly English portraiture, but I think Sir Anthony can have a free pass on this one!)
Anthony van Dyck, Princess Elizabeth and Princess Anne, 1637,
Β©Scottish National Portrait Gallery
In this beautiful double portrait,Van Dyck depicts two daughters of King Charles I and Henrietta Maria. This was a study for part of his 1637 work βThe Five Eldest Children of King Charles Iβ (below), now in the Royal Collection.
Prince Rupert by William Dobson (private collection), begun in Oxford during the Royalist occupation of the 1640s, but remaining unfinished when the Prince left the city in early 1646.
Miniature of Oliver Cromwell, C.1650, by Samuel Cooper, private collection
20th Earl of Oxford (calledβAubrey de Vere, 1626-1703)
c.1656/1657, Β©Dulwich Picture Gallery
Portrait of a Lady, probably Anne Hyde, Duchess of York (1637-1671)
Studio of Sir Peter Lely
Royal portraiture was a tricky thing. In a world where an official painting (or an engraving of it) was, for many people, the only opportunity they had to lay eyes on their monarch, the portrayal of royalty had to show strength, power and confidence, not just to the people they ruled, but to relatives, friends and, most importantly, adversaries and enemies. Think of Henry VIIIβs supremely arrogant, hands-on-hips βdonβt mess with meβ poses. Even today that image gives us a sense of the character and reputation of the man, and adds colour and shape to what we know of him on paper.
The Stuarts, too, commissioned numerous portraits, although some were more reluctant than others. James I was said to be uncomfortable with the process, and this comes across in awkward and stiff poses. While he was merely unenthused by the whole idea, there is little suggestion that he was uncertain of his role as king, only that he wouldnβt have been the kind of ruler who liked pasting selfies all over Instagram. Compare this with the images we have of Charles I, trying his best to appear strong and capable, when he frequently appears uncertain and troubled, particularly during the conflict in the 1640s when chaos reigned rather than him. In such times we would expect his portraits to show a man absolutely confident and in control, a king who needed his people to get behind him, yet Dobsonβs portraits give us a man who is far from confident or assured of victory, despite the haughty expression and rich clothes of state.
So hereβs a look at how the Stuart kings and consorts showed us their game-faces, some with more success than others!
King James I of England, before 1621, by Paul van Somer
Β©Museo del Prado, Madrid
Queen Anne of Denmark, 1614, attrib. Marcus Gheerearts the Younger
Β©The Royal Collection
King Charles I, c.1640-1646, by William Dobson
Β©The Royal Collection
Queen Henrietta Maria, c. late 1630s, by Anthony Van Dyck
Β©Philip Mould Ltd
King Charles II, c. 1660-1665, by John Michael Wright
Β©National Portrait Gallery, London
Queen Catherine of Braganza, wife of King Charles II, 1665, by Sir Peter Lely
Β©Philip Mould Ltd
King James II, 1683, by Sir Godfrey Kneller
Β©Government Art Collection
Anne Hyde, Duchess of York (first wife of the future King James II), c.1662, by Sir Peter Lely
Mary of Modena, second wife and Queen Consort of King James II, 1680, by Simon Petersz Verelst
Itβs interesting to watch the change in fashions and attitudes to women, through the paintings that represented them during the 1600s. Itβs easy to forget that from the formal, stiff poses, and the ruffs and hoop skirts that carried over from the Tudor years into post-Elizabethan England, through the plain, austere attire of the Commonwealth and its more zealous puritannical adherents, to the flirty, half-naked, often scandalous women in Lelyβs portraits after the Restoration, was only 60 or 70 years. Was it the nature of the times that brought about this alteration in fashion in such a dramatic manner, or would it have happened anyway? The 1600s in England were a turbulent rollercoaster between freedom and oppression (both literally and in a religious sense), the almost total breakdown of society into civil war, then a swing from royalty to republic and back to royalty again. Itβs not surprising attitudes to dress and, on a wider scale, the position of women in English life, was likewise unsettled.
Perhaps it is not so uncommon, though. Think of the events of the 20th century, that took Britain from the pre-war years with formal, conservative clothes (hats, gloves, respectability, etc), to austerity and βmake do and mendβ in the 1940s, to a post-WWII new world when freedom of expression came into its own, the 1960s being the obvious example.
With that in mind, hereβs a look at how our view of women changed during the 1600s.
Princess Elizabeth Stuart, c.1606, by Robert Peake the Elder, Β©Metropolitan Museum of Art
Anne of Denmark, 1614, by Marcus Gheerhaerts the Younger, Β©The Royal Collection
Mary Hill, Lady Killigrew, 1638, Sir Anthony Van Dyck
Β©Tate Britain
Lady Catherine Lucas, Lady Pye, βDame Catherine Pyeβ, 1639, Henry Giles
Β©National Trust, Bradenham Manor
Portrait of a lady, said to be the Countess of Loudon, attrib. John Hayls, date not given
Β©Collection of The Great Steward of Scotlandβs Dumfries House Trust
An unknown woman, possibly Lady Salkeld, date unknown, William Dobson
Β©C.Cotterell-Dormer. Esq (private collection)
Elizabeth Cromwell (Oliverβs mother), c.1640-1655, Robert Walker
Β©Museum of London
Nell Gwynn, c.1675, by Sir Peter Lely
A reader has asked for an explanation of the many different forms of attribution used in art, such as βcircle ofβ, βmanner ofβ, βafterβ, etc. Itβs no easy task to definitively link a painting with a particular painter (unless itβs one of the great Masters who have institutes and world experts on hand to do it), so such terms give galleries and auction houses space to offer a qualified guess, or cover up the fact that they actually donβt have a clue, and donβt want to stick their necks out and get it wrong.
Iβve taken the following terminology from one auction houseβs website,* and although they caution that every house or gallery has their own individual cataloguing terms and house style, those below are quite standard terms Iβve seen used across the board.
βAttributed toβ β In our opinion, probably a work by the artist
For example⦠(although this one is definitely NOT by Dobson!):
Rachel Wriothesley (1636-1723) by William Dobson (attributed to)
Β©Carmarthenshire Museums Service Collection , no date given
βCircle ofβ β In our opinion, a work by an unidentified artist working in the artistβs style and during the period of the artistβs life.
Lady Anne Cecil, c. 1635, sold at auction as circle of Van Dyck
βAfterβ β In our opinion, a copy by an unidentified artist of a named work by the artist.
Portrait of Oliver Cromwell, After Robert Walker
βFollower ofβ β In our opinion a work by an unidentified artist, working in the artistβs style, contemporary or near contemporary.
Portrait of a gentleman, bust-length, in a black robe and a white lawn collar, feigned oval, Follower of Peter Lely
βSchool ofβ β In our opinion, a work executed at that time and in the style associated with that artist.
βManner ofβ β In our opinion, a work by an unidentified artist working in the artistβs style but at a later date, although not of recent execution.
βStudio ofβ β In our opinion, a work likely to come from the studio of the artist or closely associated with the artist.
So as you can see, itβs not always a straight-forward matter when trying to identify a painter! Some pictures are of far better quality than others, requiring a second-glance and a closer inspection to be sure it is NOT by the original artist. In other cases, however, it is patently obvious that the picture concerned is not by the artist claimed, and that the attribution has probably been made by someone who has little knowledge of the period or its painters. This brings us back to the argument on connoisseurship and the need for people who study and become intimately familar with an artistβs signature brushstrokes and mannerisms. Surely we canβt truly know our great painters without them?
*https://www.roseberys.co.uk/
What I love about 17th century portraiture is that you can watch its artistic development changing as the decades pass, from the end of the Tudors to the beginning of the Stuarts, through the Civil War and on into the Restoration. Beginning with the likes of William Peake and John de Critz in the opening years of the century, to Daniel Mytens, Peter Paul Rubens, Antony Van Dyck, William Dobson, Godfrey Kneller and Peter Lely, each decade seems to have its own illustrator to tell its story.
You can also chart the events of the period through its art, from the death of Elizabeth and the end of the Tudor dynasty in 1603, through King Jamesβs court to the unsettled and nervous reign of Charles I, into the austere war years, and on to the glamour of Charles IIβs restored monarchy. For me, no other period in British history can be so well-defined by those that painted it.
There were many memorable artists working in England during the 17th century, but my favourite of them all is William Dobson.
βPortrait of the Artistβ, possibly c.1645/6, Β©National Portrait Gallery, London
Dobson was an Englishman, born in St Albans in 1611 and trained in London with what seems to have been an ordinary painterβs apprenticeship. What is remarkable about him is that he wasnβt famous or well-travelled like Sir Antony Van Dyck or Rubens, both of whom worked for the most prestigious and influential people across Europe, nor did he have a distinguished education or career to recommend him, yet somehow, by the end of 1642, he had left London and was living in Oxford as the court painter to King Charles I. We have no idea how he got the job, but the works he produced of the Royalist supporters during four years of civil war became the eye-witness images of the conflict that we recognise today. The Parliamentarian side had their own painter, Robert Walker, whose work we know by his many portraits of Oliver Cromwell, and other artists were also present during the period, but no name is as closely associated with the tragedy of the English Civil War as William Dobson. His ability to portray βrealβ people, with their flaws and vulnerabilities, is what makes his work so poignant and moving. Take this painting of the troubled King Charles, for example. Iβve not seen any other royal picture, of any king or queen, painted more honestly than this.
βCharles Iβ c. 1642-1646, Β©HistoricalPortraits.com/Philip Mould Ltd
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Het RKD beheert, behoudt, onderzoekt en ontsluit kunsthistorische kennis en informatie voor musea, wetenschap en publiek.
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Find the perfect paul van somer i stock photo, image, vector, illustration or 360 image. Available for both RF and RM licensing.
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Alamy
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Alamy and its logo are trademarks of Alamy Ltd. and are registered in certain countries. Copyright Β© 18/08/2024 Alamy Ltd. All rights reserved.
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The author died in 1621, so this work is in the public domain in its country of origin and other countries and areas where the copyright term is the author's life plus 100 years or fewer.
This work is in the public domain in the United States because it was published (or registered with the U.S. Copyright Office) before January 1, 1929.
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https://heritageblog.rcpsg.ac.uk/2023/03/15/a-closer-look-james-vi-and-i/
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A Closer Look: James VI and I
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2023-03-15T00:00:00
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By Rachael Gabriel | 9 March 2023 Life and Rule of James Born on the 19 of June in 1566, James was the only offspring of the ill-fated union between Mary, Queen of Scots, and her second husband Henry, Lord Darnley. James was King of Scotland from 1567, ascending to the throne following the forced [β¦]
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/apple-touch-icon-iphone.png
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Heritage Blog
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https://heritageblog.rcpsg.ac.uk/2023/03/15/a-closer-look-james-vi-and-i/
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By Rachael Gabriel | 9 March 2023
Life and Rule of James
Born on the 19 of June in 1566, James was the only offspring of the ill-fated union between Mary, Queen of Scots, and her second husband Henry, Lord Darnley. James was King of Scotland from 1567, ascending to the throne following the forced abdication of his mother. He became King of England and Ireland following the death of Queen Elizabeth I in 1603, uniting the independent countries and ruling them with varying degrees of success until his death in 1625. His marriage to Anne of Denmark was fruitful, lasting from 1589 to her death in 1619 and producing seven children, though only three survived infancy. [1]
Throughout history, James has been largely overshadowed by his more famous relatives, though recently more scholarly attention has been paid to his reign, role in uniting the kingdoms of Scotland and England, and his queer relationships with male courtiers. [2] Why is he important to the College? In 1599 he issued a Royal Charter, granting Peter Lowe, Robert Hamilton, William Spang, and their successors the power to establish the body which is known today as the Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons of Glasgow. Jamesβ portrait, along with the portraits of Lowe, Hamilton and Spang, hangs in College Hall.
When | Who | How
Although the exact date of this portrait is unknown, it was most likely painted after James ascended to the English throne in 1603, as he can be seen wearing the Lesser George of the Garter around his neck. The Lesser George of the Garter was developed from the Most Noble Order of the Garter, a chivalric order established by Edward III in c. 1348 dedicated to the image and arms of St George. The Lesser George is βan image of St George encircled with the Garter worn as a separate badge. Lesser Georges were originally hung from a blue ribbon around the neck so as to be worn upon the breast.β [3] James would most likely not have been granted entry to this Order before his ascension to the English throne.
A portrait of King James by Adam de Colone dated to around 1622 and a portrait by van Somer dated to around 1618 potentially pushes the date of this portrait back further β the similarities in poses, facial hair, costuming, and composition are evident. It is equally possible, as James disliked sitting for portraits, that one of these paintings was used as a reference for the commission of the others. [4]
If the date is thusly pushed back, it becomes even more difficult to confidently attribute the painting to an artist. Although the later date may signal the portrait belongs to the Circle of Daniel Mytens β as he became the favourite court painter after 1620 β other works attributed to the Circle of Paul van Somer more closely stylistically and visually align with this portrait. Even then, it is a tenuous venture to base attribution and date on chronological court favourites. It is decidedly safer and easier to conclude it is currently impossible to know.
Regardless, both Mytens and van Somer hailed from the Netherlands, bringing the aesthetics and ideas of the Northern Baroque, including rich brushwork and compositional grandeur, to their portraiture in England.
Analysis of the Painting β βMake sure to get my good sideβ
His crown just behind him on the table, his bejewelled sword peeking out by his hip, a large white ruff, and a black cavalier hat all contribute to emphasizing Jamesβ import, status, and wealth. Pinned to his hat is an ornate pin heavy with jewels β a popular accessory James wore in many of his portraits. His globe, sphere and crown are prominently displayed, an obvious reference to Jamesβ belief in the absolute divine right of kings and a motif that can be seen in many of his portraits.
By the early 1620s, James was in his mid-fifties, his hair was turning white, and his heavy drinking had left him with a ruddy tint to his cheeks β a physicality certainly seen in this portrait and others from around the same time. [5] Yet, we do not know to what extent this portrait literally painted over the more unfortunate aspects of his appearance. James is made to look beautiful and proud β in his features as well as his clothing β his piercing blue gaze is directed out towards his audience and subjects, his hat is carefully balanced, his complexion relatively clear, his luxurious suit intricately decorated. Many rulers commissioned work to show them in the peak physical form, even if they were suffering from illness or were not considered particularly attractive. Jamesβ relative King Henry VIII was noted for his stylized and complimentary portraits. How does James want to be perceived as a monarch and a man in this portrait?
His doublet and truck hose are made of expensive silk fabric possibly embroidered with gold thread. We also can see what Jamesβ full regal costume may have looked based on the portrait by Paul van Somer (dated 1618), as seen above. Clothing was βone of several ways by which a man could assert his position within this hierarchyβ¦it was a powerful tool, when used correctly, as it was an integral part of a wider social and political vocabulary.β [6] James not only wanted his portraiture to reflect his kingly nature and divine right to rule but also to emphasize the strength of the newly united England, Scotland, and Ireland under his hand. He used art to flex his status and wealth. [7]
Notice how in portraits of Jamesβ contemporaries, notably Lowe, Hamilton, and Spang, they wear a more reserved (but still expensive) black suit β no need for austerity when one is king.
It is important to note that the painting of Lowe is a reproduction from 1822, the reproduction was restored in the early 1950s, and the original does not exist anymore (as far as we know). Consequently, no art historian worth their salt would make any definite claims in regards to an analysis of this painting. The new artist and restorer may have made changes when commissioned to repaint this portrait β and even if they made no visible changes, a new hand changes the painting regardless.
Rachael Gabriel is a postgrad student in the History of Art at the University of Glasgow. She completed this blog post as part of her work placement with the College.
References and Images
[1] The Royal Household. βJames VI and I (r. 1567-1625)β. Accessed 7 March 2023. https://www.royal.uk/james-vi-and-i-r-1567-1625.
[2] National Portrait Gallery. βKing James I of England and VI of Scotlandβ. Accessed 2 March 2023. www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/person/mp02390/king-james-i-of-england-and-vi-of-scotland.
[3] Field, Gemma. βA Royal Tradition: The History of the Order of Garter.β Sothebyβs. 20 June 2018. https://www.sothebys.com/en/articles/a-royal-tradition-the-history-of-the-order-of-the-garter.
[4] Royal Collection Trust. βJames VI and I (1566-1625)β. Accessed 2 March 2023. https://www.rct.uk/collection/401224/james-vi-i-1566-1625.
[5] Bellany, Alastair and Thokas Cogswell. The Murder of King James. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2015.
[6] Dean, Lucinda. ββRichesse in Fassone and in Fairnessβ: Marriage, Manhood and Sartorial Splendour for Sixteenth-century Scottish Kings.β The Scottish Historical Review 100, no. 3 (December 2021): 378-96.
National Galleries Scotland. βAdam de Coloneβ. Accessed 28 February 2023. https://www.nationalgalleries.org/art-and-artists/artists/adam-de-colone.
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Portrait of Paul van Somer, Flemish artist Our beautiful Wall Art and Photo Gifts include Framed Prints, Photo Prints, Poster Prints, Canvas Prints, Jigsaw Puzzles, Metal Prints and so much more
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Prints of 6338898 Portrait of Paul van Somer, Flemish artist and court painter to King James I of England
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Media Storehouse Photo Prints
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https://www.mediastorehouse.com/fine-art-finder/artists/anthony-van-after-dyck/portrait-paul-van-somer-flemish-artist-court-23733788.html
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Fine Art Finder Photo Prints and Wall Art
Portrait of Paul van Somer, Flemish artist and court painter to King James I of England, circa 1577-1621
6338898 Portrait of Paul van Somer, Flemish artist and court painter to King James I of England, circa 1577-1621 by Thomson, J. (19th century); (add.info.: Portrait of Paul van Somer, Flemish artist and court painter to King James I of England, circa 1577-1621. Paul Vansomer. Steel engraving by J. Thomson from Edward Walmsleys Physiognomical Portraits, One Hundred Distinguished Characters, John Major, London, 1826.); Β© Florilegius; out of copyright. Β© Florilegius / Bridgeman Images
Media ID 23733788
Antwerp Collar Court Painter Edward Walmsley Goatee John Major King James I Of England One Hundred Distinguished Characters Physiognomical Portraits Royal Court Ruff Steel Engraving Thomson Flemish Artist Paul Van Somer Paulus Van Somer Regency
Framed Prints
Bring the timeless elegance of the past into your home with our Framed Prints from Media Storehouse. This exquisite piece showcases the Portrait of Paul van Somer, a renowned Flemish artist and court painter to King James I of England, circa 1577-1621. Captured by Bridgeman Images from Fine Art Finder, this portrait by Thomson is a stunning representation of van Somer's masterful use of light and shadow. Each print is meticulously framed to enhance the artwork's beauty and preserve its quality, making it a perfect addition to any room in your home or office. Experience the rich history and artistic brilliance of the past with our Framed Prints.
Photo Prints
Bring the rich history and artistic mastery of the past into your home with our Media Storehouse range of Photographic Prints. This exquisite portrait of Paul van Somer, Flemish artist and court painter to King James I of England, circa 1577-1621, captures the intricate details and vibrant colors of the original painting by Thomson. The portrait showcases Van Somer's exceptional skill as a painter, making it a stunning addition to any art collection. Our high-quality photographic prints are produced using archival inks and premium paper to ensure long-lasting beauty and brilliance. Experience the timeless allure of fine art with Media Storehouse.
Poster Prints
Bring the elegance and sophistication of the Renaissance era into your home or office with our Media Storehouse range of Poster Prints featuring the Portrait of Paul van Somer. This stunning artwork, captured by Bridgeman Images from Fine Art Finder, showcases the Flemish artist and court painter to King James I of England, circa 1577-1621. With intricate details and vivid colors, this Portrait of Paul van Somer is a true masterpiece that adds an air of sophistication and culture to any space. Order now and let the beauty of this artwork enhance your surroundings.
Jigsaw Puzzles
Discover the captivating world of Portrait of Paul van Somer with our exquisite jigsaw puzzles from Media Storehouse. This intricately detailed puzzle features an elegant portrait of Paul van Somer, a Flemish artist and court painter to King James I of England, circa 1577-1621. Bring the timeless beauty of this masterpiece by Thomson into your home and enjoy the therapeutic process of piecing together the intricate design. Our high-quality puzzles are made with premium materials, ensuring a satisfying puzzle experience for all ages. Immerse yourself in the rich history and artistry of this Flemish masterpiece and create a lasting memory with Media Storehouse.
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https://medieval.fandom.com/wiki/Sir_Baptist_Hicks,_1st_Viscount_Campden_(1548-1629)
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Sir Baptist Hicks, 1st Viscount Campden (1548-1629)
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Sir Baptist Hicks (1548-1629) the 3rd known son of Sir Robert & Juliana ARTHUR Hicks and was not heir to his father's title. The title went to his brother Michael and they both per their mothers will paid an yearly allotment to their brother Clement Hicks. 1580 he received the freedom of the...
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Medieval Wiki
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https://medieval.fandom.com/wiki/Sir_Baptist_Hicks,_1st_Viscount_Campden_(1548-1629)
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Birth
1548
Death
1629
Parents
Robert Hicks (1518-57)
Juliana (Arthur) Hicks (1520-92)
Known Siblings
Sir Michael Hicks (1543-1612)
Clement Hicks (1546-1628)
Spouse
Elizabeth (May) Hicks (1562-1643)
History[]
Sir Baptist Hicks (1548-1629) the 3rd known son of Sir Robert & Juliana ARTHUR Hicks and was not heir to his father's title. The title went to his brother Michael and they both per their mothers will paid an yearly allotment to their brother Clement Hicks.
1580 he received the freedom of the Mercers' Company, of which he was subsequently Master at least three times, viz. in 1604, 1611, and 1622. He is described on the Roll of the Company as "the son of Robert Hycke, late of London, Yermonger" (Ironmonger). The same year he was elected on Midsummer day one of the "Auditors of the Accounts of the Chamber and Bridge," a post which he held for two years. In 1597 he was already supplying the Court of Elizabeth with his wares, as appears from an entry in the State Papers (Domestic Series). "Aug. 15. Bill for Silks, Satins, Velvets, and Taffetas, sold by Baptist Hicks, Merchant, to Sir Thomas Wilkes, on his going to Florence. Total Β£68 3s. 2d." In 1602, June 17, is a reference in the same papers to "Dethick, factor for Hicks in Cheapside at Florence."
After the accession of James I. his fortunes rose rapidly. On July 5th, 1603, "Baptist Hicks, Mercer," was appointed by the Court of Aldermen as one of the citizens "to attend on the Lord Maior of the Cittye in Westminster Hall, on the day of the most honourable Coronation of the King's and Queene's most Excellent Majestic" James, who had knighted two hundred and thirty-seven gentlemen in the course of his month's progress from Edinburgh to London, knighted Sir Baptist Hicks at Whitehall on Sunday, July 24th, the day before the Coronation. The handsome presence and good looks which seem to have characterised his family, as preserved in effigy and portrait, may have stood him in good stead with the King, with whom he speedily became a favourite. He was appointed mercer to the King, a promotion to which his brother's interest with Sir Robert Cecil no doubt helped. "This Baptist," says Strype, as often quoted, "upon King James coming in was sworn his servant and soon knighted. He supplied the Court with silks and rich mercery ware, when King James with his bare Scotch nobility and gentry came in, by which means he got a great estate."
The citizens indeed had demurred to his carrying on his business after his knighthood, contrary to the usual custom, and a good deal of ill-feeling was the result. He defended himself, not very candidly, by saying that his servants carried it on for him. The Court connection was too valuable to be given up. In December, 1603, he was excused from being appointed alderman by the express wish of the King, conveyed in a letter to the Lord Mayor (December 23rd), "specially for that we are pleased to use his contynuall care and travell in our service, according to the trust wee both have and had." In the following year (1604) he was on the same ground excused from serving as sheriff. In 1606 he was foreman of the Jury at the Guildhall which tried and convicted the Jesuit Father Garnet, executed some days later in St. Paul's Churchyard. (fn. 7)
In 1611 he was actually elected alderman of Bread Street Ward, and upon summons made his personal appearance in Court (November 21st), "and did first take the oath of allegiance, and then the oath of an alderman." He then again put in the King's letter, to which the Court at first demurred, "conceiving that he had wayued the benefit of his Majesties' letter; but after consideration and the intimation that his Majestie meanes not to write for any other hereafter, and also in regard of the discreet and respectful behaviour of the said Sir Baptist Hicks in making his appearance and taking the oath" (and also, we may add, paying the fine of Β£500), "the Court do freelie and lovinglie leave the said Sir Baptist Hicks to his own free choice and election." In 1613 (November 8th) he was similarly and finally discharged by the Common Council from the office of sheriff.
In 1614, from a different cause, the King again intervened on behalf of his servant, "to stay the prosecution of Sir Baptist Hicks on complaint of Sir Thomas Hayes, Alderman" (associated with Hicks in several loans to the King), "of violence offered in a trial between them." Sir Baptist Hicks being knight and servant of the King, the cause was to be tried elsewhere, but we hear nothing more of it.
In 1585, Baptist Hicks had married Elizabeth, daughter of Richard May, of a Sussex family, citizen, and a prominent member and sometime Master of the Merchant Taylors' Company. By her he had three sonsβArthur, a second Arthur, and Baptist, who all died young and without issueβ and two daughters. Another of Richard May's daughters married Willian Herrick, a goldsmith of Cheapside, also knighted at the Coronation "for having made a hole in the great diamond the King doth wear. The party little expected such honour, but he did his work so well as won the King to an extraordinary liking of it." The two brothers-in-law are frequently mentioned as jointly concerned in loans to the King. They also carried on for several years a dispute as to precedency with the aldermen, who may well have been jealous of the prosperous shopkeeping knight commoner. The respective dames took an active part in the fray; "Sir B. Hicks and his wife often bursteling about this Ceremony," says Strype, who tells the story at some length. "This tedious, troublesome, and chargeable contest," says another writer, "was owing to the haughty deportments of Hickes and Herrick, and their imperious wives." The aldermen had carried the matter to the King, by whom it was referred to the Lords Commissioners of the office of Earl Marshal, and by them practically to the celebrated antiquary, Sir Robert Cotton. Upon which Sir Baptist's son-in-law, Lord Noel, wrote to Cotton appealing to him as a judicious and honourable kinsman "to defende the dignitie of knighthood," and to be the Hercules to redeem his fatherin-law from "this Hydra of many heads" (the Court of Aldermen), who was "soe dangerous a serpent." (fn. 10) Hicks himself sent Cotton "a smaule token" in the shapeof a piece of some "commodity . . . . very extraordinary for the goodness," "specially made for me and my friends," begging his "continued love and favour in a cause which I have in hand." At last they made what was a graceful surrender or a scandalous retreat, according to point of view of the writer, and the question was dropped.
If Sir Baptist Hicks knew how to amass money as a merchant, he spent it like a prince. In 1612 he had either bought or won at cards a few acres at Kensington from Sir Walter Cope, who owned the greater part of the parish, and who like himself had found the King's favour profitable. There he built the mansion known as Campden House, of which a description may be found in Faulkner's Kensington. "The Earl of Somerset" (writes Chamberlain to Carleton, March 17th, 1614) "has borrowed Sir Baptist Hicks House at Kensington, and there settled his lady." The Earl was one of James's least reputable favourites who had married the divorced Countess of Essex. On June 12, 1626, a great burglary took place there. (fn. 11) After some vicissitudes, told at length by Faulkner, the house, which remained in the family till about 1720, when it was sold, was burnt out in 1862, but was subsequently restored, and though now shorn of its surroundings, retains enough of the old building to preserve its identity.
In 1614 Hicks had purchased the manors of Exton, Horn, and Whitwell, in Rutlandshire, with the mansion of Exton Hall, from the heirs of Sir James Harrington, first Lord Exton. To Lord Exton and his wife James I. had entrusted the tuition of his only daughter, the unfortunate Princess Elizabeth, till her marriage with the Count Palatine. This estate is still in possession of his descendant, the Earl of Gainsborough.
Some time after 1608 he acquired the manor of Chipping Campden, in Gloucestershire, from which he afterwards took his title. There he built another magnificent house, which is said to have occupied with its offices eight acres of ground, and to have cost Β£29,000. "A very capacious dome issued from the roof, which was regularly illuminated for the direction of travellers during the night." This costly pile his grandson the third Lord Campden, (buried with his lady at Exton, under a splendid monument by Grinling Gibbons), deliberately sacrificed to his loyalty in the Civil Wars, and ordered it to be burnt down lest it should be garrisoned by the Parliamentary forces.
In 1620 he bought the manor of Hampstead of John Wrothe, grandson of Sir Thomas Wrothe, to whom it was granted 4 Edward VI.
From knighthood Sir Baptist Hicks was advanced to a baronetcy in 1620 (June 24th). In the same year he was appointed by the King one of the Commissioners to inquire into the condition of St. Paul's Cathedral. In 1620, too, he was returned to Parliament for Tavistock, (he is called in the Returns "Sir Baptist Hexte,") and for Tewkesbury in 1624, '25, '26, and '28, when his nephew Sir William took his place on Sir Baptist's elevation to the House of Lords. He was made a peer on May 5th, 1628, by Charles I. by the titles of Baron Hicks of Ilmington, (fn. 13) in the County of Warwick, and Viscount Campden of Campden, in the county of Gloucester, with remainder in default of male issue (he was seventy-seven years of age) to his son-in-law, Edward Lord Noel, Baron of Ridlington, in the county of Rutland. Lord Noel, whose ancestor came in with the Conqueror, was the son of Sir Andrew Noel, the accomplished and extravagant favourite of Queen Elizabeth, who is said to have made upon him the couplet:
"The word of denial, and letter of fifty, Is that gentleman's name who will never be thrifty."
He had been made a knight banneret in his youth in the Irish wars, and a baronet with James the First's first batch in 1611, and was raised to the peerage in March 1616/17, He died in the Royal Garrison at Oxford in 1643.
Lord Campden himself did not long survive his elevation, but died October 16th, 1629, at the age of seventy-eight. He left no son, but two daughters only, Juliana Lady Noel, and Mary, who married Sir Charles Morrison of Cashiobury, Herts, whom she survived, and to whom, "cum luctu et lachrymis," she erected a fine monument, bearing his effigy and hers by Nicholas Stone, in Watford Church. She was twice married afterwards however, first to Sir John Couper of Wimborne, Dorset, and after his death to Sir Richard Alford. To each of his daughters Lord Campden is said to have left Β£100,000, and through them be became an ancestor of a large number of noble families. Lord Byron was among his descendants, as are also the Dukes of Devonshire, Beaufort, Portland, and Rutland, the Marquis of Northampton, the Earls of Gainsborough and Essex, and many others of the nobility.
If Baptist Hicks was princely in his own expenditure, he was not unmindful of those less fortunate than himself, and he left enduring memorials of his liberality in most of the places associated with his name. In 1628 he purchased the great tithes of the parish of Woodhorne in Northumberland, one moiety of which he presented to the Mercers' Company for annual scholarships from St. Paul's School at Trinity College, Cambridge. He also enriched the company by other large gifts.
The other moiety of the Woodhorne tithes he gave to the parish of Hampstead "toward the maintenance of an able preacher." He also repaired and adorned the chapel of Hampstead, which cost Β£76. In each of these cases, and in others also, his widow largely supplemented his benefits, making various large donations to the Mercers' Company, and bequeathing to the poor of Hampstead the sum of Β£200, which with a gift by her great-grandson, the first Earl of Gainsborough, of six acres of land and a chalybeate well, now form the estate of the "Wells and Campden Charity," with a present income of Β£2,500 managed by trustees under the Charity Commissioners, and applied to pensions, apprenticeships and outfits, scholarships, hospital subscriptions, and artisans' dwellings, for the benefit of the poor of the parish. To Kensington Lord Campden also gave Β£200, and his widow willed a like sum, the investments of which now yield an annual income of nearly Β£3,000, which with the addition of about Β£1,000 a year from another source form the Campden Charities of Kensington, applied very similarly to those of Hampstead. He also "caused a window to be set up in the chancel of Kensington, and beautified it, which cost Β£30." At Campden, according to a MS. list of his favours preserved there, he built a market house, which cost Β£90, and an almshouse for six poor men and six poor women at a cost of Β£1,000, maintaining the inmates during his lifetime, and then settling Β£140 a year on the almshouse for ever. He also bequeathed Β£500 to the poor of Campden. He roofed the chancel, which cost Β£200, built a gallery, which cost Β£80, made a window, which cost Β£13, walled the churchyard, which cost Β£150, and gave a bell, which cost Β£66. He gave also a pulpit cloth and cushion worth Β£22, a "brass faulcon," which cost Β£26, two communion cups which cost Β£21, and made many other benefactions.
He also purchased at various times tithes in three or four other counties, and applied them for the benefit of special places in which he was interested. On the whole he shewed himself to be a shrewd, persevering, ambitious man, knowing how to combine the suaviter in modo with the fortiter in re, ready to make the most of every opportunity of advancement that offered, but a man of warm attachments, with a soul capable of higher things than money-getting, and not unmindful of the responsibilities of wealth and position.
Lord Campden was buried in Campden Church, beneath a stately monument erected by his widow, who survived him some fourteen years, and now lies beside him. The epitaph which she inscribed on it is truer than many when it speaks of him as her "dearest and deceased Husband, Lord Hickes, Viscount Campden, born of a worthy Family in the City of London. Who by the Blessing of GOD on his ingenuous Endeavours arose to an ample Estate and to the foresaid degrees of Honour. And out of those Blessings disposed to Charitable Uses, in his Lifetime, a large Portion, to the value of 10,000Β£. Who lived religiously, virtuously, and generously, to the Age of Seventy eight Years, and died October the 18th, 1629."
There follows an epitaph upon Lady Campden, and these lines, which, though often quoted, are worth quoting once more.
Reader, know, Whoe'er thou be, Here lie Faith, Hope, and Charitie; Faith true, Hope firm, Charity free; Baptist Lord Campden Was these Three. Faith in GOD, Charity to Brother, Hope for Himself; What ought He other? Faith is no more; Charity is crowned; 'Tis only Hope Is under ground.
The chief point of contact between Sir Baptist Hicks and the county of Middlesex arises of course out of the "Hall" which he built for the use of the Justices, the story of which has often been told, and will be found at p. xxiii. of the editor's preface to our second volume. The date at which his name first appears in the Records has not been noted, but he was a Justice some time before 1612. (He was made a Deputy Lieutenant March 23rd, 1625). Up to that date the Justices had held their sessions at the Castle or Windmill Tavern (for it seems to have been known by both names,) on the east side of St. John Street, just outside Smithfield Bars, and therefore at the nearest point in the county of Middlesex to the City of London. In the 19th year of Elizabeth a piece of waste land in St. John Street had been granted to Christopher Saxton for the purposes of a Sessions House, but nothing more appears to have been done with it. But in 1610 James I. granted by Letters Patent to Sir Thos. Lake and fourteen other Justices and Esquires of the County of Middlesex "a plot of land a hundred and twenty-eight feet of Assize from North to South in length, thirty-two feet from East to West in breadth, reserving twenty feet on each side thereof for a carriage way, such ground to be for ever used and employed as a Sessions House, and for keeping a prison or House of Correction in the same County," and on this "Sir Baptist Hicks," says the continuation of Stow's Chronicle, "builded a very faire Sessions House of bricke and stone, with all offices thereunto belonging, at his own proper charges," variously stated at from Β£600 to Β£900. "Upon Wednesday the 13th of January this year 1612, by which time the house was fully finished, there assembled twenty-six Justices of the County, being the first day of their meeting in the place, where they were all feasted by Sir Baptist Hicks, and then they all with one consent gave it a proper name, and called it Hicks's Hall, after the name of the Founder, who then freely gave the same house to them and their successors for ever." This account is confirmed by the Records (vol. ii. 84).
The "very faire Sessions House" was a plain building after all, and its only embellishment was said to have been a stone portico, which, however, does not appear in the only extant representation of the place, which we reproduce. "As far as we can recollect," says a writer in the Gentleman's Magazine for November, 1827, "it was a shapeless brick lump, containing a great warehouse in the centre for the court, and houses for the officers all round and joined on to it. The prison was not, for want of room, connected with the court, but removed to another site." The hall also contained a room where the bodies of criminals were publicly dissected, as shown in the last plate of Hogarth's series of the Progress of Cruelty. A plan in the Guildhall Library shows the court of an oval shape, which was also that of the dissecting room, probably beneath it.
As the Sessions House of the county of Middlesex for a hundred and seventy years, Hicks' Hall is of course the subject of numerous references not only in the County Records, but in the Domestic State Papers, and in current literature of the time. Standing close to the City boundary it was a starting point for distances on the North Road, and until comparatively recently, milestones were to be seen marked with the number of miles "from Hicks' Hall," or "from where Hicks' Hall formerly stood." A few years ago one such existed between Highgate and Finchley, but like many other things it has been "improved" away.
In 1777 Hicks' Hall had fallen into very bad condition, and application was made to Parliament for power to rebuild it. The site, however, was becoming more and more inconvenient as traffic increased, and instead of rebuilding it the justices erected the present Sessions House on Clerkenwell Green. The first stone of the new building was laid on the 29th August, 1779, by the Duke of Northumberland, Lord Lieutenant of the county, of whom two portraits, by Reynolds and Gainsborough respectively, removed from the new Sessions House, now hang in the Guildhall Westminster. The Sessions were removed in 1782, and the old Hall pulled down. It was proposed to erect a column on the spot, but it was never done, and the site is now marked by a modern erection which, if more useful, is less dignified. There is also an old tablet on a public house, the Queen's Head, on the west side of the street, which states that
"Opposite this place Hicks' Hall formerly stood." Hicks' Hall has not passed altogether without leaving its memorials. The fine old chimney-piece, now in the magistrates' room at the Sessions House, a photograph of which is annexed, was removed from the dining-room of the old structure. The portrait reproduced in our frontispiece was one of its ornaments. Mr. Charles Wright, the veteran keeper of the Sessions House, now in his eightyninth year, remembers seeing in his youth John Martin, the old porter from Hicks' Hall, who lived to a very advanced age, and almost to the end of his life (about the year 1818) used to occupy the porter's chair at the new Sessions House.
Pictures[]
Sir Baptist Hicks, 1st Viscount Campden
Sources[]
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I was delighted to hear Onyeka talking about Africans in Tudor England yesterday morning on the BBC Radio 4 Today programme . It's fantastic this subject is getting airtime, and we must all hope that...
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Miranda Kaufmann
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http://www.mirandakaufmann.com/3/category/history
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October was the 25th UK Black History Month. I attended 20 related events over the last 8 weeks, and thought I'd write a blog diary of them in retrospect, to show the diversity of approaches and venues I encountered. As you will see, the diary begins in September and ends in November- showing that Black History Month is well on its way towards becoming Black History Season. But, ultimately, I'd like to see it disappear, because as Andrea Stuart has argued, it will only be a success once it has become redundant, because we have what Tony Warner of Black History Walks calls a "Full- Colour History", all year round. In the interim, we need Black History Month, to educate and campaign for an inclusive approach.
I've tried to keep the entries brief, but sometimes there was a lot to say. Let me know which ones you'd like me to discuss further in later posts!
1. Sunday 29th September: Influential Black Londoners exhibition opens at National Trust Sutton House
Still on till the end of November, the exhibition opened with a Family Fun Day on the last Sunday of September, with activities and an appearance by John Blanke himself!
I was delighted to see the letters I'd written to 9 Londoners in situ, with great artwork by Jane Porter.
The featured individuals were: John Blanke, fl.1507-1512; Lascars, 17th-20th century; Ignatius Sancho, c.1729-1780; Francis Barber, c.1735-1801; Olaudah Equiano, c.1745-1797; Dido Elizabeth Belle, c.1761-1804; George Bridgetower, 1780-1860; Mary Seacole, 1805-1881; Samuel Coleridge- Taylor, 1875-1912.
Sutton House in Hackney was a great venue to tell the story of Black Londoners as it was built in the Tudor period by Ralph Sadleir, who might have encountered our earliest Black Londoner, John Blanke, at the court of Henry VIII.
You can read more about the project here. And see more photos here.
2. Monday 30th September: Othello at the National Theatre
What better play to watch on the eve of Black History Month? I've studied the "Moor of Venice" in the context of my research into Africans in Shakespeare's England but the experience of watching Adrian Lester, Rory Kinnear and Olivia Vinall play out the tragedy of jealousy was something else. My viewing was in part informed by having seen Toni Morrison's excellent Desdemona last year at the Barbican. I felt the modern setting was a distraction, but was most disturbed by the speed at which Othello is transformed from a hero to a violent, irrational murderer in the central scene. Food for thought as I write an article for Literature Compass on '"Making the beast with two backs": interracial relationships in early modern England'- due out next year.
3. Thursday 10th October: Influential Black Londoners Launch
Back to Sutton House for the official launch event for the exhibition, with some honoured guests- including some of those Influential Black Londoners of the 1980s and 1990s nominated to be included in the exhibition next year. (The eventual winner was Doreen Lawrence).
This was also my first glimpse of some of the local school children's fantastic artistic responses to the letters. See this photo album for more.
4. Friday 11th October: Dan Lyndon-Cohen, Black History in the National Curriculum talk at Balham Library
Dan is Head of History at Henry Compton School, Fulham and the creator of www.blackhistory4schools.com. He gave us a useful summary of the complicated political wranglings over the curriculum over the last year and then proceeded to demonstrate how he manages to incorporate Black History into his own teaching. Much of his approach is summarised in this article he wrote for History Workshop.
There was some strong feelings in the room- some wanted to get rid of Black History Month, others told of the troubles they'd had trying to convince their children's schools to teach Black History.
Nonetheless, Dan's pioneering approach is a model that others should emulate.
5. Wednesday 16th October: Africans in Stuart England 1603-1642 talk at Beauchamp College, Leicester.
On a rainy Wednesday, I travelled to Leicester to speak to some 6th formers who were "doing" the Stuarts, 1603-1642 for A-Level. This was remarkably close to a paper I had sat back in 2000- and of course had no reference to the black presence in Britain at that time.
Using plenty of images, I told the story of Africans in Stuart Britain, what they were doing, how they got here and how they were viewed in the eyes of the law. I enjoyed showing them pictures of both Oliver Cromwell and Prince Rupert depicted with black pages, and showing them a different side to history. Hopefully this will be reflected on their Black History Month display board next year- the teacher who invited me later tweeted: "my students want to start a hist soc to talk about things we don't normally do. Think your talk helped :-)."
6. Friday 18th October: Righting Past Wrongs? The Case for and Against Reparations, Senate House
Having read about the latest move by Caricom to seek reparations for slavery, and that they were being advised by London law firm, Leigh Day, who won the Mau Mau case earlier this year, I was very curious to hear Daniel Leader of that firm talk. Also speaking were Sir Ronald Sanders, Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies and a former Caribbean diplomat (who has blogged about reparations here) and Professor Philip Murphy, Director of the Institute.
It was agreed that there had always been a strong moral case for reparations, but the question was whether it was possible to bring a legal case.
Daniel Leader spent a long time explaining the details of the Mau Mau case, which was fascinating, but didn't give us much idea how he would go about bringing a case for slavery reparations. Professor Murphy made the point that it would be a bad idea to have politicians feeling morally cleansed, having paid reparations- can a residue of guilt serve as an inoculation against future mistakes? Sir Ronald brought up the worry that pursuing reparations might have a negative impact on the tourism industry on which Caribbean countries are dependent.
There were some strong feeling in the room that it was wrong that the case for reparations was being judged in a European court by European legal standards. From a historical perspective, I found it interesting that the case was being brought against Britain, France and the Netherlands by their former colonies, but that there is no sign of a similar move by the former Spanish and Portuguese colonies- when the Spanish and Portuguese were the originators of the transatlantic slave trade, with over 13,000 voyages marked with their flags on the
Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Voyages database.
Ultimately the issues involved are too varied to go into here but I will watch the progress of this with interest. There's already been some interesting comment in The Telegraph, The Economist and the New York Times.
7. Friday 18th October: My review of Slavery and the British Country House is published in the TLS.
A fascinating collection of essays based on the 2009 conference of the same name, making a big step towards breaking the silence on this subject that has been deafening for too long.
You can read my review here, and find out more about my own research into links between English Heritage properties and Slavery & Abolition here. The book was launched in September at the Little Britain's Memory of Slavery Conference, and has been made available to download for free on the English Heritage website.
8. Monday 21st October: Image and Reality of Africans in Renaissance England (IRBARE) talk at Sutton House with Michael Ohajuru.
Miraculously managed to arrive to give this talk on time, having attended my godfather's funeral in Vienna that morning!
I presented on John Blanke, and the reality of the lives of Africans in England, in contrast to Michael's work on the Black Magi. You can read more about our double act on the IRBARE2013 website.
9. Thursday 24th October: Michael Ohajuru's Hidden in the Collections- Africans in Medieval & Renaissance Art- guided tour of the V&A
Really enjoyed Michael's tour of the V&A which he wrote up on his blog. It's a wonderful place, and the tour showed a different side to the art presented there. Michael's approach showed up some shortcomings in the museum's interpretation of some of the works on show- see his blog on this. I've heard they've already taken steps to rectify the mis-identification of Simon of Cyrene in the Marnhull Orphery (see this page for more accurate info, which has not yet been interpolated into the main listing), but it's even more vital to provide some context to the Tilman Reimenschneider statue to show that St. Maurice was usually depicted as of African origin. Michael has written a persuasive document to this effect here, but really all you need to see is the statue (below, left) alongside other images of the saint (below) and more on Pinterest:
10. Thursday 24th October: Unveiling of Mary Seacole statue maquette at the Royal College of Nursing
Having written about Mary Seacole earlier this year in The Times, it was fantastic to see the unveiling of this 1/4 size maquette of the statue, which is to be placed outside St. Thomas's hospital, striding towards the river and the Houses of Parliament. This will be the first statue erected to commemorate a black woman in Britain. More info on the Memorial Appeal website.
As a historian, I was particularly fascinated by artist Martin Jennings's account of his trip to the Crimea to find the site of Seacole's British Hotel. Using old maps and with the help of the local authorities, he was able to pinpoint the exact place, and found remnants of bottles and pots still lying on the ground. The 15 ft high disc behind Mary in the statue will bear the imprint of stone from a quarry near the site, which has a detonation mark from a WW2 tank. I'll be watching out for the documentary, due to air on ITV in 2015.
11. Tuesday 29th October: Image and Reality of Africans in Renaissance England talk at SOAS with Michael Ohajuru.
A second performance of the IRBARE double act, this time at SOAS, the School of Oriental and African Studies. Michael explained the appearance of a Black Magus in 1520s Devon while I talked about the realities of life for Africans in Renaissance England, through the experience of John Blanke, the Tudor court trumpeter (who I've now been asked to write an entry on for the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography). Read more on the IRBARE2013 website.
12. Wednesday 30th October: Africans in London, 1500-1640 talk at Queen Mary University London.
The next night, I rushed to QMUL after a day spent proof-reading the Sunday Times Food List, to talk about Africans in early modern London. I had kindly been recommended to my hosts, the QMUL History Journal, by Professor Kate Lowe, who is doing some fascinating research into sub-Saharan Africans and African objects in Southern Europe between 1440 and 1650, and was involved in the great Revealing the African Presence in Renaissance Europe exhibition I reviewed for History Today earlier this year. The QMUL History Journal had a Black History theme this term (read it online here), with an essay entitled To what extent was βraceβ used to categorise people as βotherβ in early modern England? by Joanna Hill, one of Kate Lowe's students, which I look forward to reading.
13. Thursday 31st October: 100 Great Black Britons at the National Portrait Gallery
in 2003, as a response to the BBC's 100 Greatest Britons poll, in which the most diverse individual was Freddie Mercury (born in Zanzibar), Patrick Vernon launched 100 Great Black Britons, with Mary Seacole eventually topping the list. Ten years later, the campaign is being re-launched.
The debate at the NPG posed the questions: What are the issues, challenges and impact of black achievement in Britain today? And who should we be calling Great?
Patrice Lawrence of Every Generation Media chaired the debate on black achievement and British identity. The speakers were: Rev Rose HudsonβWilkin, The House of Commons Speaker's Chaplain; Elizabeth Pears, News Editor, The Voice newspaper; Dean Atta, writer and poet and Patrick Vernon OBE, Founder of 100 Great Black Britons.
Luckily, not everyone arrived on time, so we were treated to an impromptu performance by Dean Atta. I liked the line: "Silence is not golden/Silence is the truth stolen"- seemed to chime with the Mansfield Park Complex of not speaking about slavery I wrote about here. Dean pointed out when he spoke later that all the terms "Great", "Black" and "Briton" are problematic and require definition. We discussed whether the list should expand in size, or include categories, such as Science, Law, Business, Medicine, Young achievers, Parenting, and Regional lists.
The Rev Hudson-Wilkin pointed out how important it is that white people see images of successful black people. In the same way as some people see BHM as a segregation, this Black-only list has the same problem. But, as long as the mainstream doesn't include these stories, we need BHM and 100GBB as campaigning tools. Elizabeth Pears made the point that perhaps the BBC should re-run their poll, to see whether attitudes have changed. I pointed out in the discussion that, although there's still a long way to go, there are some signs of progress in mainstream media- such as the increasing inclusion of people of African and Asian origin or descent in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, the National Trust's Influential Black Londoners exhibition at Sutton House, Hackney and recent discussion on the BBC Radio 4 Media Show on how to reach black audiences.
14. Friday 1st November: Black History's Future, Islington
This event, organised by Everyvoice, brought together some key decision-makers from Islington Council with a great panel of speakers to debate the future of BHM.
The conference sought to address the question: how do we reach a place where peopleβs histories are not marginalised, so there will be no need for Black History Month? How do we ensure that diversity is integrated in mainstream education and celebrations all year round?
I had in mind the thought-provoking article I'd read by Andrea Stuart in the Guardian the day before on the same subject. I blogged my response to the article here.
The speakers were so engaging that no one seemed to mind that the event overrun its timetable. One of the most impressive images I saw was the map above that Patricia Lamour showed us that the African continent is larger than the United States, China and India put together. Dr. Robin Whitburn and Abdullahi Mohamud spoke about their Doing Justice to History project, which is designed to explode two false premises: 1) Black people did not play a significant role in British life before 1948; 2) Multiculturalism doesn't work. They used some fascinating case studies to prove their point, such as the story of Somali sailor Mahmood Hussein Mattan, who was unjustly hung in 1952. Tony Warner, Director of Black History Walks showed us how Black History is everywhere when you know how to look, and reminded us that the BFI has a regular African Odysseys film programme, as well as showing us a very disturbing video of the black doll/white doll experiment. Kandace Chimbiri talked about her Black History books for children, including one to accompany the recent Origins of the Afro Comb exhibition at the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. History teacher Martin Spafford summarised the latest curriculum wrangling and explained how Black History could still be taught within the new framework, sharing stories such as the North African "Ivory Bangle Lady" who lived in Roman York and the Indian Hockey team that beat Germany in the 1936 Olympics, which can easily be incorporated into study of "The Romans" or "Nazi Germany".
The ensuing discussion was passionate and varied. It was mostly agreed that BHM needs to continue for now, as a campaigning tool, a stepping stone to where we'd like to be, with a "Full-colour" history.
15. Wednesday 5th November: Graeme Evelyn's Call and Responses: Odyssey of the Moor at Kensington Palace
Was lucky enough to be invited to a private view, where Graeme spoke about the piece. You can see it at Kensington Palace until 6th January.
The work is a contemporary response to John van Nostβs Bust of the Moor β a marble sculpture commissioned by King William III in 1688/1689.
Evelyn places the bust within a gilded cage, but with its doors flung open to capture the view over Kensington Gardens, creating for the Moor a dream of self-determination and freedom. The inside of the cage is circled with a series of tiles telling an imagined story of the Moor's life, using the premise that this man had read Homer's Odyssey and seen parallels.
Evelyn's earlier work, Reconciliation Reredos, an altarpiece in Bristol confronts the fact that the church, St Stephenβs, blessed every ship that left the port, including every slaver that left the city harbour for Africa to trade for enslaved people during the Transatlantic Slave Trade.
Evelyn's work is part of a wider trend in which heritage institutions seeks to commission the work of black artists. Other temporary installations, e.g. Yinka Shonibare's Mrs Oswald and Colonel Tarleton Shooting (2007) for Scratch the Surface at the National Gallery and his current exhibition in Greenwich. This was discussed by
Lubaina Himid, Joy Gregory and Sokari Douglas Camp on the artists in conversation panel at the Little Britain's Memory of Slavery conference at UCL in September.
Call and Responses: Odyssey of the Moor poses many unanswered questions about Africans in late 17th Century England and Holland. Evelyn has thrown down the gauntlet to historians to answer some of these questions. For example, at it's base, the installation incorporates a contemporary report of William of Orange marching into Exeter in 1688 with: "200 Blacks brought from the plantations of the Netherlands in America, Imbroyder'd Caps lin'd with white Fur, and Plumes of white Feathers, to attend the Horfe." Evelyn hopes the piece will inspire historians to research the context of this, and what impact the advent of a Dutch monarch had on the history of Africans living in England and the history of English involvement in the slave trade.
The work has already inspired a response by Delia Jarrett-Macauley, who won the Orwell Prize for Political Writing for her debut novel, 'Moses, Citizen and Me' and is currently a Fellow in English at the University of Warwick.
You can listen to the music Graeme Evelyn listened to while creating the work here: ODYSSEY of the MOOR art 2013
16. Wednesday 5th November: Making Freedom exhibition at the Royal Geographical Society
On until Sat 21st December, this important exhibition marks the 175th anniversary of the emancipation of nearly 1 million Africans in the Caribbean. This is taking the date of freedom as 1838, when indentured labour ended, as opposed to 1834, when slavery was officially abolished.
In front of a large map of the Caribbean created specially, to show all the islands and their capitals, Burt Caesar quoted Claude McKay's If We Must Die (1919), which sets the tone for this exhibition's tale of constant resistance, "Pressed to the wall, dying, but fighting back!".
Sir Keithlyn Smith, author of To Shoot Hard Labour told the story of his grandfather's great grandmother, Mother Rachel's quest to be reunited with her daughter Minty in 1838. You can listen to the story here. Benjamin Zephaniah performed his powerful poem White Comedy and shared some of his own experiences of racism. He pointed out how important this exhibition is, to dispel the myth that "slaves were given freedom by the white man". In fact, their constant resistance and rebellion made the slave system increasingly hard to sustain. Toussaint L'Ouverture's uprsing in Haiti in 1791, leading to the declaration of independence in 1804 was the most successful, but not an isolated occurrence. The exhibition tells the stories of other attempts to make freedom- in Barbados in 1816, Guyana in 1823 and in Jamaica in 1832.
This exhibition put the agency back in African hands and tells the other side of the story we heard in 2007. A must -see! And there's now talk of putting it on at the House of Commons next year!
17. Thursday 6th November: Black People in Tudor England and Inclusive Curriculum event at the House of Commons
There was an impressive crowd gathered in Committee Room 11 of the House of Commons to hear Onyeka talk about his new book, Blackamoores: Africans in Tudor England, their presence, status and origins, published by Narrative Eye and discuss how to get a more inclusive history curriculum with Stella Creasy MP, Chi Onwurah MP, Cllr Lester Holloway, and Tony Warner of Black History Walks.
Onyeka gave a passionate and gripping speech about his research- he has been working on the subject since 1991. When he first set out to look into the history of Tudor Africans, people told him he was wasting his time, that he would find nothing. I heard similar opinions when I started my research on the subject in 2004. I was very pleased to get my hands on a copy of his book, for although I've known Onyeka for years, this was the first time I'd been able to read his work at greater length.
It was fantastic to see the political support for the subject from Stella Creasy, Chi Onwurah and Lester Holloway. I'm looking forward to reading the book and engaging further on the challenge it poses to politicians and educators.
18. Friday 8th November: Africans in Urban Britain, 1500-1640, talk at the University of Leicester
Went up to Leicester again, this time to talk about Africans in Urban Britain, 1500-1640 at the University's Centre for Urban History. I told some stories about the lives of Africans in 16th and 17th century England and Scotland's ports and cities, explaining how they arrived in Britain, what occupations and relationships they found in the city and how they were treated by the church, the law courts and the other inhabitants of urban Britain. This provoked a lively debate and I also learned about my host Dr Kidambi 's fascinating research into the All India Cricket Team's 1911 tour of England.
19. Friday 8th November: Vincent Carretta on Ignatius Sancho: Britain's First African Man of Letters at the British Library
I rushed back from Leicester to catch expert Vincent Carretta talking about Ignatius Sancho, one of the Influential Black Londoners I had written to at Sutton House.
The British Library has recently acquired 13 of Sanchoβs signed letters to his friend and patron William Stevenson, plus two to his father the Rev. Seth Ellis Stevenson. These are the only letters by Sancho that are known to survive.
The British Library's Untold Lives has an interesting blog post on this, but, as Carretta himself remarked, it's a great pity Sancho does not feature in the Georgians Revealed exhibition.
Carretta provided us with a handout with quotes from them and Sancho's other correspondence and proceeded to explain the significance of the new acquisition in context. One thing that makes these letters really significant is that they can now be studied alongside the printed text of 1782, revealing identities obscured and also proving beyond any doubt that Sancho wrote the letters himself. For this was questioned by none other than Thomas Jefferson who, in his Notes on the State of Virginia (1781) grudgingly admitted him "to the first place among those of his owncolourwho have presented themselves to the public judgment", but went on to say "This criticism supposes the letters published under his name to be genuine, and to have received amendment from no other hand; points which would not be of easy investigation." The acquisition of the Stephenson archive has made this investigation much easier and will allow scholars to defend Sancho from this underhand attack.
20. Tuesday 19th November: Image and Reality of Africans in Renaissance England talk at Greenwich University with Michael Ohajuru.
A third outing for IRBARE, this time in Greenwich, the location of the old royal palace, built by Henry VII on the site of todayβs Old Royal Naval College, where John Blanke would have worked. You can read more about the presentation on the IRBARE2013 website. In the light of discussion of Black History Month's future, it's interesting to note that this talk took place in the second half of November, as part of the Greenwich Student Union's Black History Week (see poster). Could we be making a transition to a Black History Season?
Black History 365...
For me, this is really an artificial end, because I seek out events like these all year round! Check my Talks page for details of my upcoming talks, and if there isn't one near you, invite me to your local school, university, library or history society!
I really enjoyed my visit to the Shakespeare exhibition at the British Museum last week: hurry and see it before it shuts on 25th November! Thought I'd do a little round-up of the exhibits related to Africans in Shakespeare's Britain for you... Staging Africa in 13 objects, if you will. I've listed the objects in the order you would encounter them in the exhibition, with some help from the excellent exhibition catalogue. Some of the links are obvious, others a little more obscure!
1. Africans in Shakespeare's London
One of the first things you see when you enter the exhibition is this amazing map of London, created by Wenceslaus Hollar in 1647 (so technically a while after Shakespeare died). It shows the Globe, and also lots of churches, such as St. Olave Tooley Street, shown here across the Thames from the Tower. St. Olave's was the parish where Reasonable Blackman, a silkweaver, and his family lived in the 1590s and βConstantyn a negareβ was buried on 5 November 1605. Many of the other churches marked on the map have similar entries in their parish registers...
2. Bayning's ewer?
This Iznik Turkish ceramic ewer, made in London in 1597-8, may have been made for Paul Bayning, a prominent Levant merchant. What is not revealed in the exhibition is that Baning was also a huge sponsor of privateering voyages and had at least five Africans in his household. In 1593 βthree maids, blackamoresβ, are recorded as lodging in his house. In March 1602 βJulyane A blackamore servant Wyth Mr Alldermanne Bannying of the age of 22 yearesβ was christened at St. Mary Bothaw. In 1609, βAbell a Blackamorβ appeared before the Governors of the Bridewell, βhis M[aste]r Paul Bannyinge presentβ, and Bayningβs 1616 will made provision for the education of βAnthony my negroβ.
3. African horn
This horn was carved in the Calabar region (modern Nigeria) in the 1500s, then found its way to England, where in 1599 it was recarved as a drinking cup, and inscribed:
"Drinke you this and thinke no scorne
Although the cup be much like a horn."
It was later further adapted to be an oil lamp. This strange object has travelled a long way, through many incarnations. It demonstrates the existence of trading links with Africa in Shakespeare's time, which were increasingly regular from the 1550s. Richard Hakluyt chronicled many of these early voyages in his Principall Navigations.
4. Portrait of the Moroccan ambassador
Abd-al-Wahid bin Masoud bin Muhammad al-Annuri, portrayed here, led an embassy to the court of the 'sultana Isabel' (Elizabeth I) in 1600, but was in fact only one of a series of such ambassadors. Moroccan envoys also visited London in 1551 and 1589. The shared enemy was Spain, but the proposed alliance never amounted to much. A clue to the problems can be found in the letter John Chamberlain wrote to Dudley Carleton on 15 October 1600:
"The Barbarians take theyre leave sometime this week, to goe homeward for our merchants nor mariners will not carry them into Turkie, because they thinck it is a matter odious and scandalous to the world to be friendlie or familiar with Infidells but yet yt is no small honour to us that nations so far removed and every way different shold meet here to admire the glory and magnificence of our Queen of Saba [Sheba]."
5. Sir Henry Unton's masque
The unusual biographical portrait of Sir Henry Unton, painted posthumously for his widow c.1596 shows this masque of Mercury and Diana being performed at his wedding in 1572. The procession behind these main characters consists of small, childlike black and white figures, which have been identified as Cupids. The black figures are of interest as they are a rare visual depiction of the trend for "counterfeit blackamoors" in pageantry and masques. For example, in 1566, on the occasion of the baptism of the future James VI and I, six shillings was laid out from the royal coffers for: βthre lamis skynnis quhairof was maid four bonnets of fals hair to the saidis moresβ- so four Scots wore lamb's wool wigs to imitate African hair as part of their costumes. Why were these "Masques of Moors" so popular in the sixteenth century?
6. Sir Francis Drake
This German broadside from the late 1580s celebrates Drake as a Protestant hero, freedom-fighter and scourge of the Catholic Spanish.
The catalogue speaks of his circumnavigation and raids on the Spanish Caribbean, but doesn't mention his many encounters with Africans on those voyages (which I blogged about here) or the fact that some of them returned to England with him.
7. Titus Andronicus
This drawing, c. 1594 by Henry Peacham illustrates Titus Andronicus. It shows that the character of Aaron, described as a 'moor' is certainly thought of as black, not merely 'tawny'. The actor is most likely an Englishman, in costume. A good book on this (which in fact uses this image on its cover) is V.M. Vaughan's Performing Blackness on English Stages.
8. Cleopatra
Cleopatra was of course an African Queen, though some people seem to forget Egypt is in Africa, a complaint I've heard from Tony Walker, who shows people Cleopatra's Needle on the Embankment on his Black History Walks. Shakespeare at least imagined Cleopatra as having dark skin. He describes her as having a βtawny frontβ (Antony and Cleopatra, I. i. 4-6) and being 'with Phoebusβ amorous pinches black' (I. v. 29). This identity is not always clear in the various images of the Egyptian queen in the British Museum's collection. The artists seem to have been more interested in portraying her death by snake venom- most including an asp biting her bared bosom. My favourite was the set of French playing cards (shown left): Le Jeu des Reynes RenommΓ©es (The Game of Famous Queens) by Stephano della Bella (1644). The gift shop really missed a trick by not stocking a replica pack!
Sardonyx cameo, Northern Italian, late 1500s, British Museum
Sardonyx cameo, Northern Italian, late 1500s, British Museum
Roman, c.50-40 BC, British Museum
9. Portrait of an African Man
This amazing portrait was painted by Jan Jansz. Mostaert c. 1525-30. He worked at the court of Margaret of Austria, regent of the Netherlands, in Mechelen, near Antwerp. Unfortunately, we know very little about the man in this painting. We don't even know his name. But he has all the trappings of a high-ranking courtier. Of special significance is the badge in his hat, which has been identified as a badge given to pilgrims who had visited the Madonna of Hal, a shrine associated with the Valois and Hapsburgs. The British Museum has one in its collection (below, right). This sends a clear message that this man, like Othello (II, iii, 307) and at least 67 Africans in Britain, 1500-1640, was a baptised Christian. Curiously, the Madonna of Hal (below, left) is a Black Madonna, an ambiguous symbol, but one that seems strangely appropriate here!
The Black Madonna of Hal
Pilgrim badge of the Madonna of Hal, Belgium or the Netherlands, early 1500s, British Museum
10. Allegorical African
This illustration of a commission granted to Tommaso Morosini dalla Sbarra (1546-1622), a Venetian patrician, is sadly not a portrait, but part of an allegory of Truth and Justice that has yet to be fully explained. It's suggested that the black figure wearing the family's heraldic colours of gold and blue may be a pun on the 'Moro' (Moor in Italian) of 'Morosini'. So in some ways, this is a more artistic development of the Moor's heads found on heraldic coats of arms across Europe, and even in the arms of the current Pope, Benedict XVI.
11. Aesthetic of blackness
Black Africans appeared in decorative works of art, from cameos, like this one showing an African woman, made c.1600 in Prague or North Italy (now set in a modern gold ring), to sculptures, such as this marble, classically-inspired bust made by Nicholas Cordier in Rome (below, left), and even the splendid gilt-silver cup made by leading Nuremberg goldsmith,Christoph Jamnitzer in about 1602 (below, right). This cup may in fact have been a sports trophy at a Saxon court tournament to celebrate Christian II's wedding to Hedvig of Denmark, which makes me think of the Tournament of the Black Lady held at the court of James IV of Scotland a hundred years before, described in William Dunbar's poem, Ane Blak Moir.
Bust of a black African, Nicholas Cordier, Rome, c.1610, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Dresden
Moor's head cup, Christoph Jamnitzer, Nuremberg, c.1602, Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, Munich
12. Sycorax and Circe
Shakespeare's βdamned witch Sycoraxβ, mother to Caliban in Shakespeareβs The Tempest (1610-11), was a native of Algiers. Her name may have been inspired by Circe, the witch who turned Odysseus's men into swine on her Greek island.
Interestingly, this Greek pot shows Circe as a black African woman. In the Tempest, Sycorax is said to have been:
'hither [to the island] brought with child,
And here was left by thβsailors.β (I. ii. 318-20)
Her fate is not entirely fictional. On his circumnavigation voyage of 1577-80, Drake abandoned a heavily pregnant African woman on Crab Island, Indonesia, an action for which he 'purchased much blame' at the time, but not in later legend.
13. A Daughter of Niger
On 6 January (Twelfth Night) 1605, Ben Jonson's Masque of Blacknesse was performed at the Old Banqueting House before the court of James I and Anne of Denmark. This sketch by architect and scenery-builder extraordinaire Inigo Jones shows the costume of one of the masquers, to be dressed as a 'Daughter of Niger'. This performance and its sequel, the Masque of Beauty (1606), in which the Queen and her ladies themselves blacked up to play the daughters of Niger, who seek beauty and become white thanks to the rays of the British sun (which represented King James) were perhaps the most sophisticated expression of an ongoing interest in 'Masques of Moors' (see no.5, above).
So, as you can see, there are plenty of fascinating things in the Shakespeare exhibition that illuminate the history of Africans in Early Modern Britain and Europe. I'd seen pictures of some of these things in books, and it was a thrill to see them for real. Others were new, and so all the more intriguing. I hope you get the chance to see them before 25th November- and even better, to see them alongside so many other relics of that long-ago time, all lovingly linked to a snippet of Shakespearean verse. And as imitation is the sincerest form of flattery, I will leave you with these words:
"I speak of Africa and golden joys" (Henry IV, Part 2: V, iii, 101)
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https://www.usatoday.com/picture-gallery/entertainment/celebrities/2019/09/20/famous-people-same-names-harrison-ford-anne-hathaway/2382399001/
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Famous people with the same names, from 2 Harrison Fords to Anne Hathaway's predecessor
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"https://www.gannett-cdn.com/appservices/universal-web/universal/icons/icon-instagram_24.png"
] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"USA TODAY Staff"
] |
2019-09-20T00:00:00
|
According to the U.S. Census Bureau, there are more than 150,000 last names and at least 5,100 first names in common use in America. It stands to reason there would be a number of identical names.\u00a024/7 Tempo has gathered 14 examples, both British and American.
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en
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https://www.usatoday.com/picture-gallery/entertainment/celebrities/2019/09/20/famous-people-same-names-harrison-ford-anne-hathaway/2382399001/
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https://www.mauritius-images.com/en/asset/ME-PI-6394220_mauritius_images_image_number_12269587_james-vi-and-i-19-june-1566-27-march-1625-was-king-of-scots-as-james-vi-and-king-of-england-and-king-of-ireland-as-james-i-after-the-portrait-by-paul-van-somer
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length, in a red, white and gold embroidered dress, with a lace cap and red feather
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[] | null |
Portrait of a lady, bust-length, in a red, white and gold embroidered dress, with a lace cap and red feather oil on canvas 62.9 x 50.5cm (24 3/4 x 19 7/8in).
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/favicon.ico
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https://www.bonhams.com/auction/22644/lot/77/circle-of-paul-van-somer-antwerp-1576-1621-london-portrait-of-a-lady-bust-length-in-a-red-white-and-gold-embroidered-dress-with-a-lace-cap-and-red-feather/
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ALL BIDDERS MUST AGREE THAT THEY HAVE READ AND UNDERSTOOD BONHAMS' CONDITIONS OF SALE AND AGREE TO BE BOUND BY THEM, AND AGREE TO PAY THE BUYER'S PREMIUM AND ANY OTHER CHARGES MENTIONED IN THE NOTICE TO BIDDERS. THIS AFFECTS THE BIDDERS LEGAL RIGHTS.
If you have any complaints or questions about the Conditions of Sale, please contact your nearest client services team.
For all Sales categories, buyer's premium excluding Cars, Motorbikes, Wine, Whisky and Coin & Medal sales, will be as follows:
Buyer's Premium Rates
28% on the first Β£40,000 of the hammer price;
27% of the hammer price of amounts in excess of Β£40,000 up to and including Β£800,000;
21% of the hammer price of amounts in excess of Β£800,000 up to and including Β£4,500,000;
and 14.5% of the hammer price of any amounts in excess of Β£4,500,000.
A 3rd party bidding platform fee of 4% of the Hammer Price for Buyers using the following bidding platforms will be added to the invoices of successful Buyers for auctions starting on or after 6th July 2024 β Invaluable; Live Auctioneers; The Saleroom; Lot-tissimo.
VAT at the current rate of 20% will be added to the Buyer's Premium and charges excluding Artists Resale Right.
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https://www.thepaine.org/art-collection/
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en
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Paine Art Center and Gardens
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2023-03-30T18:45:32+00:00
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The historic Paine estate features a collection of more than a thousand paintings, sculptures, furnishings, and decorative objects.
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Paine Art Center and Gardens
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https://www.thepaine.org/art-collection/
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https://heritageblog.rcpsg.ac.uk/2023/03/15/a-closer-look-james-vi-and-i/
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A Closer Look: James VI and I
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2023-03-15T00:00:00
|
By Rachael Gabriel | 9 March 2023 Life and Rule of James Born on the 19 of June in 1566, James was the only offspring of the ill-fated union between Mary, Queen of Scots, and her second husband Henry, Lord Darnley. James was King of Scotland from 1567, ascending to the throne following the forced [β¦]
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/apple-touch-icon-iphone.png
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Heritage Blog
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https://heritageblog.rcpsg.ac.uk/2023/03/15/a-closer-look-james-vi-and-i/
|
By Rachael Gabriel | 9 March 2023
Life and Rule of James
Born on the 19 of June in 1566, James was the only offspring of the ill-fated union between Mary, Queen of Scots, and her second husband Henry, Lord Darnley. James was King of Scotland from 1567, ascending to the throne following the forced abdication of his mother. He became King of England and Ireland following the death of Queen Elizabeth I in 1603, uniting the independent countries and ruling them with varying degrees of success until his death in 1625. His marriage to Anne of Denmark was fruitful, lasting from 1589 to her death in 1619 and producing seven children, though only three survived infancy. [1]
Throughout history, James has been largely overshadowed by his more famous relatives, though recently more scholarly attention has been paid to his reign, role in uniting the kingdoms of Scotland and England, and his queer relationships with male courtiers. [2] Why is he important to the College? In 1599 he issued a Royal Charter, granting Peter Lowe, Robert Hamilton, William Spang, and their successors the power to establish the body which is known today as the Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons of Glasgow. Jamesβ portrait, along with the portraits of Lowe, Hamilton and Spang, hangs in College Hall.
When | Who | How
Although the exact date of this portrait is unknown, it was most likely painted after James ascended to the English throne in 1603, as he can be seen wearing the Lesser George of the Garter around his neck. The Lesser George of the Garter was developed from the Most Noble Order of the Garter, a chivalric order established by Edward III in c. 1348 dedicated to the image and arms of St George. The Lesser George is βan image of St George encircled with the Garter worn as a separate badge. Lesser Georges were originally hung from a blue ribbon around the neck so as to be worn upon the breast.β [3] James would most likely not have been granted entry to this Order before his ascension to the English throne.
A portrait of King James by Adam de Colone dated to around 1622 and a portrait by van Somer dated to around 1618 potentially pushes the date of this portrait back further β the similarities in poses, facial hair, costuming, and composition are evident. It is equally possible, as James disliked sitting for portraits, that one of these paintings was used as a reference for the commission of the others. [4]
If the date is thusly pushed back, it becomes even more difficult to confidently attribute the painting to an artist. Although the later date may signal the portrait belongs to the Circle of Daniel Mytens β as he became the favourite court painter after 1620 β other works attributed to the Circle of Paul van Somer more closely stylistically and visually align with this portrait. Even then, it is a tenuous venture to base attribution and date on chronological court favourites. It is decidedly safer and easier to conclude it is currently impossible to know.
Regardless, both Mytens and van Somer hailed from the Netherlands, bringing the aesthetics and ideas of the Northern Baroque, including rich brushwork and compositional grandeur, to their portraiture in England.
Analysis of the Painting β βMake sure to get my good sideβ
His crown just behind him on the table, his bejewelled sword peeking out by his hip, a large white ruff, and a black cavalier hat all contribute to emphasizing Jamesβ import, status, and wealth. Pinned to his hat is an ornate pin heavy with jewels β a popular accessory James wore in many of his portraits. His globe, sphere and crown are prominently displayed, an obvious reference to Jamesβ belief in the absolute divine right of kings and a motif that can be seen in many of his portraits.
By the early 1620s, James was in his mid-fifties, his hair was turning white, and his heavy drinking had left him with a ruddy tint to his cheeks β a physicality certainly seen in this portrait and others from around the same time. [5] Yet, we do not know to what extent this portrait literally painted over the more unfortunate aspects of his appearance. James is made to look beautiful and proud β in his features as well as his clothing β his piercing blue gaze is directed out towards his audience and subjects, his hat is carefully balanced, his complexion relatively clear, his luxurious suit intricately decorated. Many rulers commissioned work to show them in the peak physical form, even if they were suffering from illness or were not considered particularly attractive. Jamesβ relative King Henry VIII was noted for his stylized and complimentary portraits. How does James want to be perceived as a monarch and a man in this portrait?
His doublet and truck hose are made of expensive silk fabric possibly embroidered with gold thread. We also can see what Jamesβ full regal costume may have looked based on the portrait by Paul van Somer (dated 1618), as seen above. Clothing was βone of several ways by which a man could assert his position within this hierarchyβ¦it was a powerful tool, when used correctly, as it was an integral part of a wider social and political vocabulary.β [6] James not only wanted his portraiture to reflect his kingly nature and divine right to rule but also to emphasize the strength of the newly united England, Scotland, and Ireland under his hand. He used art to flex his status and wealth. [7]
Notice how in portraits of Jamesβ contemporaries, notably Lowe, Hamilton, and Spang, they wear a more reserved (but still expensive) black suit β no need for austerity when one is king.
It is important to note that the painting of Lowe is a reproduction from 1822, the reproduction was restored in the early 1950s, and the original does not exist anymore (as far as we know). Consequently, no art historian worth their salt would make any definite claims in regards to an analysis of this painting. The new artist and restorer may have made changes when commissioned to repaint this portrait β and even if they made no visible changes, a new hand changes the painting regardless.
Rachael Gabriel is a postgrad student in the History of Art at the University of Glasgow. She completed this blog post as part of her work placement with the College.
References and Images
[1] The Royal Household. βJames VI and I (r. 1567-1625)β. Accessed 7 March 2023. https://www.royal.uk/james-vi-and-i-r-1567-1625.
[2] National Portrait Gallery. βKing James I of England and VI of Scotlandβ. Accessed 2 March 2023. www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/person/mp02390/king-james-i-of-england-and-vi-of-scotland.
[3] Field, Gemma. βA Royal Tradition: The History of the Order of Garter.β Sothebyβs. 20 June 2018. https://www.sothebys.com/en/articles/a-royal-tradition-the-history-of-the-order-of-the-garter.
[4] Royal Collection Trust. βJames VI and I (1566-1625)β. Accessed 2 March 2023. https://www.rct.uk/collection/401224/james-vi-i-1566-1625.
[5] Bellany, Alastair and Thokas Cogswell. The Murder of King James. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2015.
[6] Dean, Lucinda. ββRichesse in Fassone and in Fairnessβ: Marriage, Manhood and Sartorial Splendour for Sixteenth-century Scottish Kings.β The Scottish Historical Review 100, no. 3 (December 2021): 378-96.
National Galleries Scotland. βAdam de Coloneβ. Accessed 28 February 2023. https://www.nationalgalleries.org/art-and-artists/artists/adam-de-colone.
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https://artcollection.culture.gov.uk/person/somer-paul-van/
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Government Art Collection
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Paul [Pauwels] van Somer, portrait painter, was probably born in Antwerp. He is first recorded working in Amsterdam in 1604 and was in Leiden by 1612 and in Brussels in 1616. By December of that year, he had settled in London, where he remained for the rest of his life, living in St Martinβs Lane, near Trafalgar Square. Although attributing works to Somer is problematic, he is known to have painted portraits of Queen Anne of Denmark, King James I and Prince Charles during his time in England, as well as making a posthumous copy of a portrait of Prince Henry. Somer died just five years after his arrival and was buried at the Church of St Martin-in-the-Fields. He left a widow named Cornelia.
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en
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Government Art Collection
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https://artcollection.culture.gov.uk/person/somer-paul-van/
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(c1576 - 1621)
Paul [Pauwels] van Somer, portrait painter, was probably born in Antwerp. He is first recorded working in Amsterdam in 1604 and was in Leiden by 1612 and in Brussels in 1616. By December of that year, he had settled in London, where he remained for the rest of his life, living in St Martinβs Lane, near Trafalgar Square. Although attributing works to Somer is problematic, he is known to have painted portraits of Queen Anne of Denmark, King James I and Prince Charles during his time in England, as well as making a posthumous copy of a portrait of Prince Henry. Somer died just five years after his arrival and was buried at the Church of St Martin-in-the-Fields. He left a widow named Cornelia.
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https://issuu.com/theweissgallery/docs/_22courting_favour_-_from_elizabeth
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en
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Courting Favour: From Elizabeth I to James I, Tudor & Jacobean Portraits, 1560 - 1625
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2017-06-26T13:24:50+00:00
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This is The Weiss Gallery's first digital-only catalogue that was published for their Summer 2017 exhibition, "Courting Favour: From Elizabeth I to...
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en
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/favicon.ico
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Issuu
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https://issuu.com/theweissgallery/docs/_22courting_favour_-_from_elizabeth
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This is The Weiss Gallery's first digital-only catalogue that was published for their Summer 2017 exhibition, "Courting Favour: From Elizabeth I to James I". The catalogue includes a broad range of formal and privately commissioned court portraits, depicting figures such as Elizabeth I and Robert Dudley, 1st Earl of Leicester, and works by artists such as William Larkin, Robert Peake and George Geldorp. For more information on any of the works, please visit our website, www.weissgallery.com
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http://archives.yalealumnimagazine.com/issues/94_12/bac.html
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en
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Yale Alumni Magazine: The BAC Reaches Out (Dec 1994)
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Comment on this article
The BAC Reaches Out
To many, the Yale Center for British Art is a rarified preserve accessible only to scholars. In factβas legions of New Haven school children will attestβthe institution is one of the leaders in Yaleβs efforts to make its resources available to the wider community.
There is a temptation to remove oneβs hat upon entering the skylit Library Court of the Yale Center for British Art. Massive, gilt-framed, full-length portraits spanning generations of British gentry circumscribe the otherwise serenely simple, oak-paneled space. Here, the 17th-century subject of Paul Van Somerβs James I stares regally out into posterity, while just across the hall Elizabeth Gunning, Duchess of Hamilton and Argyll (the studio of Joshua Reynolds, 18th century), her soft, white shoulders draped in scarlet and ermine, placidly gazes at a rose bush while banks of gray, roiling clouds gather above her head. Sporting portraits of βunknownβ English gentlemen, with their spaniels, muskets, and breeches hang side-by-side with the studious Benjamin Moreland, High Master of St. Paulβs School, 1724 (by John Smibert) and George Romneyβs supremely civilized John Flaxman Modelling the Bust of William Hayley. In arresting equipoise, a pair of Stubbsβ most famous animal paintingsβA Lion Attacking a Horse and A Lion Attacking a Stagβdominate the back wall. The atmosphere is scholarly, the physical setting sublime.
But on a day or two each week, the aristocratic calm is shattered by the chatter of third-graders as they crawl about on all fours across the Oriental rugs, imitating the ravenous Stubbsian lions. On another occasion, members of a local high-school class fan out through the gallery in search of paintings of famous characters and settings from Shakespeare, Hardy, Woolf, and Dickens to amplify their reading assignments. On still another day, a dozen curious middle-schoolers are scrutinizing an exhibit on James Smethamβa fairly obscure Victorian-era British artist, poet, and critic. Without very much prompting, one of the youthful visitorsβNilema Sevier, 11, of Madisonβraises her hand to ask, βIf he wasnβt well-known, then why are we supposed to care about him?β
Such questions lie at the heart of what mature scholars do for a living, but addressing them in ways accessible to young people can do much to create an appetite for later learning. That, and sharing the answers with as wide an audience as possible, are objectives that figure prominently on the agenda of the Yale Center for British Art, or BAC, as it is better known. While the galleryβs primary mission remains, of course, to serve the needs of higher education, the BAC is increasingly concerned about its ability to make art literally come alive for the 3,600 younger patrons who visit the museum each year. βWhen those children are crawling about on the floor, imitating the lion, theyβre doing more than just looking at the painting,β says Duncan Robinson, the British-born director of the museum and an adjunct professor of art history at Yale. βTheyβre translating the artistβs intent and relating to the animalβs emotions. I find that most exciting.β
Robinsonβs enthusiasm is shared by the curatorial staff as well as by the museumβs 25 docents, or volunteer tour guides, part of whose job it is to introduce groups of school-age visitors to the galleryβs vast holdings. They include the most extensive collection of British art in the United States, and the largest such collection in the world under a single roof (the collection at Londonβs British Museum is larger, but is divided among several separate buildings). Among the 70,000 items in the collectionβwhich embraces paintings, prints, drawings, watercolors, and rare booksβare masterpieces by all the leading artists who worked in Britain from the 16th century onwards, including Hogarth, Gainsborough, Reynolds, Stubbs, Turner, Constable, and Blake.
Among researchers, the BAC is revered for its reference library, rivaled (outside Britain) only by the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery in San Marino, California. Hundreds of scholars from all over the world visit the BACβs library each year to peruse its stacks of 20,000 books and its expansive photo archive, which contains more than 200,000 images, 55,000 of which are accessible via a new computer database. Others come to study such treasures as original Turner and Constable watercolors in the print room, or perhaps dip into the diaries and sketchbooks of Sir Joshua Reynolds in the rare book collection. The BAC also hosts visiting fellows and holds regular symposia, lectures, and interdisciplinary programs on various periods and aspects of British art.
Founded in 1977, the BAC and the bulk of its holdings (the collection has since been added to) were the gift of Paul Mellon β29, one of Yaleβs major benefactors. Mellonβs taste for all things British dates to childhood summers spent abroad in the English countryside, where, as he recalled, his impressions were summed up in a vision of βherds of friendly deer, flotillas of white swansβ and βdappled tan cowsβ arrayed peacefully βagainst a background of huge golden summer cloudsβ with βthe grey mass of Windsor Castle towering in the distance.β
After Yale, Mellon went on to study at Cambridge Uni-versity, where, during the 1930s, he began collecting English paintings of sporting scenes. Returning to the United States after World War II, he continued to buy British art until his collection was so vast that it forced him and his family out of their brick Virginia mansion and into a nearby farmhouse.
By the mid-1960s, Mellon was searching for a permanent home for the collection, and eventually settled on Yale. The new museum, which was the last and, many feel, one of the finest buildings designed by Louis I. Kahn, opened on April 15, 1977. (It creates a unique architectural companion piece to the Yale University Art Gallery, just across Chapel Street, which was Kahnβs first major commission.) βMy objective in giving these collections to Yale was largely to give young men and women an opportunity to enjoy them at a period in their lives before age and familiarity dulled the immediacy of their visual impact,β Mellon recalled in his memoir, Reflections in a Silver Spoon. βI would have been saddened if the only purpose the pictures were going to serve was to replace lecture slides.β
Translating these words into action has, from its opening day, been a primary focus for the BAC, which offers a variety of outreach programs (gallery talks, art workshops, films, concerts, etc.) for both children and adults. And these programs, as well as the reference library and gallery itself, have always been free and open to the public. βWeβve never thought our collections should be exclusive to the Yale community,β says Robinson in response to those who might question why such a specialized institution takes such pains to keep its doors open to all. βLike the University, we recognize that we have a wider civic responsibility and opportunity to share what we have with others.β Adds Constance Clement, assistant director of the BACβs Department of Education and Information: βMaking the community aware of our presence is an integral part of what we are about.β
Sometimes blurred by the publicβs perception of art museums as stuffy and elitist institutions, that message has been getting through with increasing force in recent years, especially in public and private high schools across the state. According to Clement, the number of high school tours last year increased 30 percent over the previous academic year as a result of a βconcerted effort to reach out to this particular audience.β
Why the focus on teenagers? As Robinson sees the issue, βEducation is becoming increasingly visual, what with computers and graphics in the classroom, and so we sat down and asked ourselves what age group could benefit from access to the collection and integrate that visual element into curricula of history and literature.β To this end, the museum in 1990 invited a dozen teachers of English, history, and art from high schools across the stateβall of whom regularly brought classes to the BACβto form an advisory committee.
This group, with the support of the museum staff and a grant from the Connecticut Humanities Council, staged two highly successful colloquia in 1992ββFace to Face: Art, History, and Literature in British Figure Paintingβ and βCity vs. Country in Victorian Britainββwhich brought teachers from public and private high schools together with museum staff and Yale faculty members to explore ways of including the BACβs collections in their teaching. The sessions immersed the teachers in the works of various artists, as well as related literary selections: Shakespeareβs Richard II in connection with a discussion on portraiture in the Tudor and Stuart courts, for example, or Hardyβs Return of the Native in preparation for a look at paintings of 19th-century industrialized, urban settings. βThe colloquia have helped us to build a number of bridges between the museum and the classroom,β says Clement. A third colloquium is scheduled for the spring, and will examine the art, literature, music, and ideas of the Romantic movement from the 1790s to the mid-19th century.
Aside from planning such major events, the museum staff, the docents, and the committee itself periodically meet with teachers to explore new ways to link various curricula to the collections. βWe discuss with the teacher what the students are studying prior to the visit so that we can tailor our tours to whatever it is they are dealing with,β says Susan Skolnik, the BACβs head docent. Readers of the great 18th-century satirists Pope and Swift, for instance, might embellish their understanding of the British class structure of the times as well as the writersβ various targets by examining William Hogarthβs riotous depiction of The Beggarβs Opera or his chaotic The Midnight Modern Conversation. Students of the Romantic period can study watercolors of Wordsworthβs Tinturn Abbey or become lost in Constable and Turner landscapes, which seem right out of BrontΓΒ«βs Wuthering Heights. Lovers of Woolf might linger over portraits of members of the Bloomsbury Group, while those studying Blake can have the rare pleasure of coming face-to-face with his original illustrations for Songs of Innocence in the BACβs print room.
βThereβs something magical about viewing a scene which someone from the period once saw,β says Gary Fountain, an English teacher at Miss Porterβs School in Farmington, and a member of the advisory committee. βItβs a way of looking at an artifact from the age itself, like holding a first edition.β The exercise, he adds, also helps students visualize the book βas one element in a larger, cultural dialogue,β while writing about the paintings improves their composition skills by pushing them to be more descriptive.
The success of the effort can sometimes be tracked with great precision. βVisiting the museum enhanced my writing a lot; it made me focus more on detail and make more comparisons,β says Joan Thompson β97, a former student of Fountainβs at Miss Porterβs. She recalls being surprised when Fountain informed her class that a trip to the BAC would be part of their study of English literature. βYou donβt think of incorporating a trip to the museum in an English class,β Thompson says. βI used to think that an art museum was a place where older people went on weekends.β
Not so during annual sessions of one of the galleryβs most popular and earliest educational outreach programs, βPicture This!,β a series of Saturday-morning workshops designed for children in grades four through six. The sessions include a discussion of a particular artist or genre and a walk through the gallery, followed by a hands-on art project. This past fall, a dozen or so children from New Haven and its suburbs spent three consecutive Saturdays interpreting Stubbsβ animal paintings, studying, drawing, and building miniature models of landscapes from twigs, grass, and broccoli (as Gainsborough himself did), and exploring the eccentric and eclectic works of James Smetham.
βHow did he do that? Is that a watercolor? What does it say?β pipe several of the children as they lean over a display case of Smethamβs unique journal entries, which he called βsquarings.β The objects of the childrensβ curiosity are painfully small, boxed sketches of daily life surrounded by Smethamβs commentary written in a tiny script. In a neighboring room, docent Alyson Kluth helps the children connect with Smethamβs landscapes by describing them as βpictures he made while on vacation, just as you might take photographs when youβre away with your family.β
Back in the docent room, Kluth hands out paper, colored pencils, and square pieces of cardboard, and then asks the children to try to create their own βsquaringsβ by summoning up details of their lives. Eleven-year-old Daniel Stambovsky of New Haven sketches a mini-seascape, while 8-year-old Nancy Mu of Hamden draws a detailed portrait of her guinea pig.
Many of the teachers and museum staff members find that for some elementary school studentsβespecially those from low-income neighborhoodsβa trip to the BAC is an eye-opening experience. βSome of these kids have never ridden in an elevator or eaten in a restaurant, let alone been inside an art museum,β observes Toni Morrotti, a third-grade teacher at New Havenβs Quinnipiac School. Thanks to the BACβs participation in the New Haven public school systemβs 15-year-old βThird Grade Museum Program,β every third-grader in the city now has that opportunity. As part of the program, all third-grade classes take field trips to both the BAC and the Yale University Art Gallery.
After making it clear to the children that in a museum you βfeel with your eyes, not with your hands,β the docents (many of them retired teachers themselves) engage them in question-and-answer sessions on the paintings, sometimes asking them to imitate faces or search for familiar objects such as a ball or characters from stories. βWe always start by telling them where England is and explain that this is an art devoted to and reflective of a culture that is different,β says head docent Skolnik. βWe try to make it interesting, and show them pictures of horses or other little children at play, which they might relate to.β
Another helpful tool has been a childrenβs gallery guide, The Great British Art Search, which contains visual clues, factual information, and a map to help young patrons locate nine specific works of art in the museum.
The museum staff has found that such proactive approaches to art appreciationβsoliciting responses from the students, involving them in hands-on projects, asking them to step into the artistsβ shoesβare much more effective than the standard slide lecture. And the experts support the findings. Becoming actively involved in viewing art enhances creativity and leads to a richer understanding of the subject, according to Yaleβs Robert Sternberg, the IBM Professor of Psychology and Education and a specialist in the study of creativity and learning styles. βFrom an educational standpoint this kind of thing is great in that it gets children to do creative work in a setting that really encourages creativity. Itβs a better way to learn than simply by viewing, and a much better use of museums.β
The BACβs young visitors seem to confirm that analysis. βKnowing more about the paintings, how they portrayed life in the times in which the authors were writing, helped me to come to a clearer understanding of the authorsβ message, and made the writing more valuable,β says 16-year-old Matt Landa, a junior at Daniel Hand High School, whose class visited the museum last year.
Robinson finds it ironic that, despite such endorsements, the BAC still has some trouble getting the word out about what it has to offer beyond the realm of high scholarship. In fact, he notes, most peopleβespecially young onesβconnect more easily with the naturalistic images of landscapes, people, and animals that constitute the bulk of the BACβs holdings than with abstract art or art from unfamiliar cultures. But he is optimistic about eroding the lingering perception that with a name like the βYale Center for British Art,β his institution simply must be snooty and unapproachable.
The optimism is shared by New Haven Arts Council executive director Frances Clark, who considers the BAC βone of most accessible and forthcomingβ arts organizations in the community. She says the museum shares the same challenge as every other arts entity in New Haven, from the New Haven Symphony, to the Long Wharf Theater and the cityβs other galleries: βHow do you stimulate and develop audiences among the people in the community? How do you get them in your doors on a Sunday afternoon and keep them coming back?β
Paraphrasing a current television commercial for an investment banking firm, the BAC might well reply: βOne child at a time.β
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https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Creator:Paul_van_Somer
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Creator:Paul van Somer
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/static/apple-touch/commons.png
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https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Creator:Paul_van_Somer
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<templatedata>JSON</templatedata> ./. {{TemplateBox}}
TemplateData
TemplateData is a way to store information about template parameters (the description of those and of the whole template) for both humans and machines. It is used by VisualEditor and possibly other tools like Upload Wizard.
Existing template documentation
At Wikimedia Commons, it is recommended to use {{TemplateBox}} with either βuseTemplateData=1 or βuseTemplateData=only on the β/doc subpage and transcluding it with {{Documentation}} into the template. β<nowiki>-tags can be wrapped around the arguments, if required, to avoid templates being expanded.
Newly created template documentation and imports
Another option, especially for imported templates, or for users with JSON experience, is placing raw β<templatedata>-tags into the Wikitext of the template, as described in various Wikipediae.
Discussion
There is an ongoing discussion about that matter. Feel invited to comment if you are experienced in either way, your time permits and if you like to share your opinion or to make a suggestion.
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https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo/paulus-van-somer-i.html
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en
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res stock photography and images
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Find the perfect paulus van somer i stock photo, image, vector, illustration or 360 image. Available for both RF and RM licensing.
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en
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Alamy
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https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo/paulus-van-somer-i.html
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Alamy and its logo are trademarks of Alamy Ltd. and are registered in certain countries. Copyright Β© 18/08/2024 Alamy Ltd. All rights reserved.
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https://artnc.org/works-of-art_layout_list/
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Works of Art
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[
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../misc/favicon.ico
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Chinese
metal
function, power, ritual
Rodin, Auguste
French
Sculpture
meaning, power, reflection
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8327
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dbpedia
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0
| 56 |
http://www.freemanart.ca/Anthony_van_Dyck.htm
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en
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Fake and Forgery Identification and Due Diligence Services - Specialist Provenance Verification
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[
"Sir Anthony van Dyck",
"Anthonis van Dyck - Antoon Van Dyck",
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[] | null |
Sir Anthony van Dyck, Fine art attribution & portrait authentication investigations. Investigating the authenticity and attributions of old master works of art. Specialist investigators, researchers and fine art consultants -Due diligence, fake and forgery detection and identification and Art Fraud investigators.Scrutinising and qualifying artist attributions - Expert provenance investigation and verification services -
| null |
Conducting Specialist Investigations into Confirming the Authenticity or Attributions of Works of Art believed to be by:
INDAGARE AUTENTICITΓΒ E ATTRIBUZIONI DELL'ART - ENQUΓΒTE SUR L'AUTHENTICITΓΒ ET LES ATTRIBUTIONS DE L'ART
Sir Anthony van Dyck
Anthonis van Dyck - Antoon Van Dyck - Flemish
(Born Antwerp, 22 March 1599; died London, 9 December 1641)
There is certainly no need at all to repeat any biography of this artist's life here. His stature in the worlds history of art as one of its greatest portreait painters ever, is cast in stone.
But as can be seen from the examples set out below, his paintings can fetch enormously high prices at auction, some well exceeding their auction estimates. So there is always a need to be cautious and scrutinise with a view to confirming both the legitimacy of any painting claiming to be by the artist and equally, understanding fully, any descriptors that are given if offered for sale.
Identifying any historically incorrect attributions that may have been previously given is vitally important as they may need to be fully investigated and clarified.
Unfortunately there are some artist attributions and descriptions that are deliberately falsified to deceive potential buyers. So any formal attribution should also be examined very carefully indeed. If only to verify that the quality, level of academicism and the accuracy of that assignment to that particular artist is well established and rightfully ascribed.
Confirming that it is specifically accurate, correctly researched and a credible academic attribution is essential and it should always be kept in mind, that any attribution, no matter at what level of credibility or status it comes from, is still only an opinion that the work 'might' be by that artist.
It's a matter of your personal interpretation, discretion and judgement as to how you view and indeed, respect it.
To help understand the generally observed and well accepted semantics that are used in auction descriptions, they are set out further down this page. They define exactly what the 'expert' view of the work being offered is and they can also have a distinct bearing on the financial outcome. So be cautious that you don't miss the often well 'disguised' attribution. One that is carefully placed or even hidden somewhere in that descriptor which starts off by stating that it actually is BY the artist.
***
Γ
Γ
As an independent specialist fine art consultancy conducting art authenticity and attribution investigations internationally, we have been confidentially serving both private individuals and corporate clients and people from all over the world, for well over 45 years. Directing investigations from our bases in Europe, the UK and north America.Γ
In so doing, we have investigated the authenticity of single works of art and complete collections for clients. Conducted in-depth authentication and legitimacy investigations and directed full academic and forensic applications. Researching the origins of works of art, from different geographical regions, genres and from all eras.
We also scrutinize and conduct research necessary to verify the provenance and ownership lineage as a matter of due diligence.
Γ
Γ We are able to assist and advise you in all fine art related matters, particularly issues relating to the investigation of the legitimacy and attributions of Italian Old master art, including the works of Sir Anthony van Dyck and any other works of art that you need assistance or advice with.
Some examples associated with this name appear below simply as comparative illustrations.
*No inference is made, nor is it intended as to the question of their legitimacy here on this page. Moreover they are an across the board, representational view of the differing types of works of art that have, are, or may in the future be offered and advertised for sale at auction internationally in the public domain that you may need specialist advise on.
Γ
Step one in the Art Authentication and Attribution process.
The Pre-Authentication Assessment
Γ Γ
Γ
Γ We strongly advise all clients before they embark on a full investigation into the legitimacy of art, or an artist or studio attribution inquiry, that it is very wise to engage us to undertake an impartial preliminary assessment of viability conducted first. One that is made to balance any issues that may be present that could make the longer term exercise unviable.
Γ This is a professional advisory service we provide and based upon the images you supply, the full details of work of arts acquisition, its history and provenance as is known to you, along with sight of any documentation, previous research or analysis that you may formerly have had conducted on it. You should then have a far better understanding of both the prospects that lie ahead, or any pitfalls we might face, before making a decision.
This is a logical and cost effective professional review and advisory for which there is a modest set fee.
Our FAQ section covers this in more detail.
<FAQS>
CONTACT US
CONTACTEZ NOUS
Γ
We will respond to you promptly.
Γ
Γ
Γ
Γ
* ABOUT A WORK OF ARTS DESCRIPTOR AND ITS TERMINOLOGY *
As if in this case as if they were defining the works of the artist;Γ Γ
Anthony van Dyck
Γ
Γ
Γ *It is very important to clearly understand the general auction terms that are widely used in a published descriptor and to be cautious of works that may just be created in the 'manner of' the artist, or those which could be variants of the artists works of art that 'bear an applied signature' or monogram.
Γ Where the name, Anthony van Dyck is given with the first name/s and surname of the artist, usually cited as, Antony van Dyck, called Anthony van Dyck - including the dates to be specific, then in their qualified and professional opinion, they are in no doubt, it is a genuine and authentic item. One painted by that specific artist. This is usually fully qualified by its inclusion in any catalogue raissone, or by the guarantee of the opinion given by appropriate and internationally recognized expert authority on that artist.
Γ When Antony van Dyck, is the term used, or it is similarly defined as Attrib. to ' [abbreviated,] or Attribue, imputer Γ , imputΓΒ©e, or atribudo, or ascribed to, then in their opinion it is 'probably' a work by the artist, at least in part. But... there is no guarantee. It is only an opinion that it only 'possibly' may be by the artist.
Γ But if the term Antony van Dyck, or Anthony van Dyck- circle of, entourage, or "Circle of "Anthony van Dyck is specifically used, then in their opinion, it is a work only of the period of the artist, but showing their influence. Or by someone closely associated with the artist, BUT not necessarily by their pupil, assistant or student.
Γ When the name is given thus; Painted in the "Style of or "Follower of Antony van Dyck is used, this means that in their opinion it is a work of art executed only in the artist's way, in their 'style', but not necessarily by a pupil. Yet it may be a contemporary, or nearly a contemporary of the artist.
Γ If the phrase in the "Manner of Anthony van Dyck is used or is defined.." then in their opinion it is also only a work painted in the style of the artist, but of a later date and definitely not by the artist as named.
Γ When the term "After Anthony van Dyck" is the term used, then in their opinion it is a copy (made at any date) of an authentic and original work by the artist. This also applies to prints made 'after' an original work of art either by the artist or another artist/ printmaker.
Γ Signed - Anthony van Dyck; "Dated.." or "Inscribed Anthony van Dyck" then in their opinion the work has been signed/dated/or inscribed by that specific artist. The addition of a question mark ? however, indicates a strong element of doubt.
Γ When the term 'Bears signature', is used, or the name, Anthony van Dyckis specified followed by the words; "With signature ..", or "With date .." or "With ......inscription.." or "Bears signature of Anthony van Dyck/ date / or inscription" Then in 'their opinion,' either the signature / date / or inscription is spurious, apocryphal, of doubtful authenticity, forged and has been added by someone else other than the artist.
Γ
Γ
We can assist and advise you in all fine art related matters.
|
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8327
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dbpedia
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0
| 6 |
https://research.rkd.nl/en/detail/https%253A%252F%252Fdata.rkd.nl%252Fartists%252F73860
|
en
|
RKD Research
|
https://research.rkd.nl/logo/favicon.ico
|
https://research.rkd.nl/logo/favicon.ico
|
[] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
Het RKD beheert, behoudt, onderzoekt en ontsluit kunsthistorische kennis en informatie voor musea, wetenschap en publiek.
|
en
|
/logo/favicon.ico
| null | ||||
8327
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dbpedia
|
2
| 63 |
https://streetsofsalem.com/2014/12/12/anne-of-denmark-queen-of-style/
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en
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Anne of Denmark, Queen of Style
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[
""
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2014-12-12T00:00:00
|
We are used to queens, princesses, duchesses and first ladies being scrutinized for their sartorial splendor (or lack thereof), but this is really nothing new: public women, deemed so by their proximity to power or in some cases their own power, have always been subject to the fashion police. Queen Elizabethβs projected image seldom escaped β¦
|
en
|
streetsofsalem
|
https://streetsofsalem.com/2014/12/12/anne-of-denmark-queen-of-style/
|
We are used to queens, princesses, duchesses and first ladies being scrutinized for their sartorial splendor (or lack thereof), but this is really nothing new: public women, deemed so by their proximity to power or in some cases their own power, have always been subject to the fashion police. Queen Elizabethβs projected image seldom escaped the notice of her contemporaries, and so too did that of her successorβs wife, Anne of Denmark, who was born on this day in 1574. When I first started studying English history I formed a perception of the Queen Consort of James I as sort of an English version of Marie Antoinette, concerned more with her dresses, jewels, and court life than her subjects. This was the historical view, formed by generations of historians who no doubt (at first) disliked Anneβs conversion to Catholicism, and easily perceived her clear delight in the staging of elaborate masques at court during a time of intensifying scornful Puritanism. And then there are her portraits, projecting an image of a lady that was not particularly beautiful, but certainly very well-dressed, all the way up until her death in 1619.
Anne of Denmark as Queen of Scotland, Cornelis Janssens van Ceulen, Royal College of Physicians, Edinburgh; Anne of Denmark, 1614, attributed to Marcus Gheeraerts the Younger (c. 1561-1636); Anne of Denmark, 1617, Paul van Somer, both Royal Collection Trust/Β© Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2014.
|
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8327
|
dbpedia
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3
| 97 |
https://www.sellingantiques.com/557891/portrait-of-lady-anne-clifford-countess-of-dorset-and-countess-of-pembroke-and-montgomery-15901676-c1618-circle-of-paul-van-somer-c1577-c1621/
|
en
|
Portrait Of Lady Anne Clifford, Countess Of Dorset And Countess Of Pembroke And Montgomery (1590-1676) C.1618; Circle Of Paul Van Somer (c.1577 - C.1621)
|
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Antique art such as this are historical limited editions (date of manufacture is 17th Century). Cherished back then - rare find today. Priced at Β£14,250. For sale by Titan Fine Art.
|
en
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/favicon/favicon-32x32.png
|
https://www.sellingantiques.co.uk/557891/portrait-of-lady-anne-clifford-countess-of-dorset-and-countess-of-pembroke-and-montgomery-15901676-c1618-circle-of-paul-van-somer-c1577-c1621
|
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Using Sellingantiques.co.uk
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8327
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 78 |
https://www.artuk.org/artdetective/discussions/discussions/is-this-portrait-by-cornelius-johnson-if-not-anne-of-denmark-who-is-the-sitter
|
en
|
Is this portrait by Cornelius Johnson? If not Anne of Denmark, who is the sitter?
|
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[
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2018-09-27T13:01:09
|
en
|
https://www.artuk.org/artdetective/static/img/favicon.ico
| null |
I can tell you with absolute confidence that it is not Anne of Denmark, as the sitter doesnΓ’ΒΒt have the face of Anne of Denmark. That would probably be the minimum requirement. Saying that, some famous portraits that noted people in the industry think are of AoD are not of AoD, so there is massive confusion. So, in that climate, I forgive.
Every female portrait would be called AoD if they could be, just like any was of EI, as they are the most prestigious and valuable sitters.
It is not Elizabeth Stuart, Queen of Bohemia, either.
It does look a bit like a few portraits of ESQB, at a distance, however looks nothing like her in most ESQB portraits, and if you zoom in on the faces of the portraits that do look like her because of the light hair, itΓ’ΒΒs not the sitter, itΓ’ΒΒs ESQB.
https://www.rct.uk/collection/400094/elizabeth-queen-of-bohemia-1596-1662
https://www.rct.uk/collection/404015/elizabeth-queen-of-bohemia-1596-1662
https://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/portrait/mw02090/Princess-Elizabeth-Queen-of-Bohemia-and-Electress-Palatine
The sitter is not ESQB.
I believe the sitter is Lady Elizabeth Cecil nee Egerton, Countess of Exeter.
It does look like some works said to be Paul Van Somer, and could well be Cornelius Johnson. It is an oval, and CJ did ovals from 1619 onward, but heΓ’ΒΒd paint the oval in, on a rectangular standard canvas, and often sign and date them on the bottom right of the oval. This has been cut away from the oval, perhaps to remove the CJ signature and date which would have indicated that this canΓ’ΒΒt be AoD, as the sitter is clearly too young to be AoD in 1619, the year she died and that CJ started using ovals.
I donΓ’ΒΒt think there is a single Paul Van Somer oval painting that anyone has ever said is Γ’ΒΒby PVSΓ’ΒΒ it is always Γ’ΒΒafter PVSΓ’ΒΒ or Γ’ΒΒcircle of PVS.Γ’ΒΒ That suggests PVS didnΓ’ΒΒt do ovals, but someone in his style did. Cornelius Johnson did ovals.
The sitter is high on the canvas for a CJ, who is known for sittersΓ’ΒΒ heads being lower. The Γ’ΒΒPVSΓ’ΒΒ oval paintings sit very low in the frame for PVS Γ’ΒΒ so I think theyΓ’ΒΒre CJ.
The portrait could well be mid or late 1619.
On Lady Elizabeth Cecil nee Egerton, Countess of Exeter:
Her parents, John Egerton and Lady Frances Stanley married on 27 June 1602, her date of birth might be 1604, making her about fifteen in this 1619 portrait, which is marriage age at the time. She is their eldest child.
Her father was Lord President and Lord Lieutenant of Wales and the Marches.
Her mother was the second daughter of Ferdinando Stanley, 5th Earl of Derby, and her aunt Anne Brydges nee Stanley, Countess of Castlehaven, was legally Queen according to H8Γ’ΒΒs will, the legality of Katherine GreyΓ’ΒΒs sons not having been proven.
In 1826 no more descendents of Anne are recorded as living, so the claim passes to Frances StanleyΓ’ΒΒs line, so we are retroactively looking at a Princess, according to law, according to some, and called Elizabeth, so itΓ’ΒΒs curious that people were thinking it is Elizabeth Stuart, Queen of Bohemia.
Here is a portrait of her father, John Egerton, 1st Earl of Bridgewater, from Γ’ΒΒ1617-19Γ’ΒΒ by Γ’ΒΒPVS or CJΓ’ΒΒ. I think it is another 1619 oval by CJ. It is a clear companion to the piece in question, same artist probably.
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/5/52/John-Egerton1.jpg
http://images.ntpl.org.uk/hppa-zooms/00000000712/cms_pcf_1298206.bro
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Egerton,_1st_Earl_of_Bridgewater#/media/File:John-Egerton1.jpg
Here is a portrait said to be of Γ’ΒΒLady Frances Stanley,Γ’ΒΒ her mother, c. 1619 by PVS. The resemblance is massive, it could be the same person as our sitter, if not for the receding hair indicating age:
http://www.gogmsite.net/_Media/ca-1619-lady-frances-stanle-2.jpeg
http://www.gogmsite.net/the_late_farthingale_era_fr/ca-1619-lady-frances-stanle.html
Daughter, father, mother. If you whacked the three in one of those computer programs that can determine family relation via face analysis, itΓ’ΒΒd come out right.
Here is her son, John Cecil, 4th Earl of Exeter, of which there is quite a resemblance to our sitter, too:
https://collections.burghley.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2014/01/min0022.jpg
https://collections.burghley.co.uk/collection/john-4th-earl-of-exeter-1628-1678-by-john-hoskins-signed-with-initials-and-dated-1647/
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c9/Portrait_of_a_Man,_Said_to_Be_John_Cecil_{LPARENTHESES} 1628Γ’ΒΒ1678),_Fourth_Earl_of_Exeter_MET_57101.jpg
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Portrait_of_a_Man,_Said_to_Be_John_Cecil_{LPARENTHESES} 1628Γ’ΒΒ1678),_Fourth_Earl_of_Exeter_MET_57101.jpg
Our sitterΓ’ΒΒs brother, through which a royal claim passes:
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/0d/Portrait_of_John_Edgerton_2nd_Earl_of_Bridgewater.jpg
Here is our sitter and her daughter, Lady Frances Cecil, who married Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1st Earl of Shaftesbury, or else a close relative of her, heavy resemblance to the sitter:
http://www.artnet.com/artists/paul-van-somer/portrait-of-a-lady-and-child-anne-viscountess-rAs4iynLds8OARbig-6Qxg2
Is this a relative of our sitter also, Γ’ΒΒc.1619Γ’ΒΒ?:
http://www.artnet.com/artists/robert-peake-the-elder/portrait-of-a-lady-said-to-be-mary-queen-of-scots-hty75P64H8upzE6ON9a1BQ2
http://www.historicalportraits.com/Gallery.asp?Page=Item&ItemID=1426&Desc=-|-Robert-Peake
Her cousins are the Egerton sisters:
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/79/Vere,_Mary_and_Elizabeth_Egerton_{LPARENTHESES} l-r),_1601.jpg
http://www.historicalportraits.com/Gallery.asp?Page=Item&ItemID=1198&Desc=Portrait-of-the-Egerton-Sisters-by--English-School-c.1600
This may well be Vere Booth nee Egerton, the eldest of the sitterΓ’ΒΒs three Egerton cousins from the above portrait:
http://www.artnet.com/artists/robert-peake-the-elder/portrait-of-a-lady-lady-anne-cecil-daughter-of-_vHrntZQGhR0ZevgC4nnRQ2
https://pixels.com/featured/portrait-of-a-lady-possibly-lady-anne-cecil-robert-peake.html
This sure looks like our sitter or a relative also, rather than being Elizabeth Knollys, nΓΒ©e Howard (1586Γ’ΒΒ1658), Viscountess Wallingford, Later Countess of Banbury, as purported:
https://cdn.simplesite.com/i/a0/53/282600884351685536/i282600889670141634._szw1280h1280_.jpg
https://www.katherinethequeen.com/442801628
It is likely this is one of her relatives if not her, and not Lady Ann Morton as stated:
https://www.tate.org.uk/art/images/work/T/T03/T03033_10.jpg
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/d6/British_School_17th_century_-_Portrait_of_Anne_Wortley,_Later_Lady_Morton_-_Google_Art_Project.jpg
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:British_School_17th_century_-_Portrait_of_Anne_Wortley,_Later_Lady_Morton_-_Google_Art_Project.jpg
https://artuk.org/discover/artworks/portrait-of-anne-wortley-later-lady-morton-198019
https://www.tate.org.uk/art/artworks/unknown-artist-britain-portrait-of-anne-wortley-later-lady-morton-t03033
Such a sumptuous portrait, that dress like treacle.
In terms of provenance, there is a connection between my sitter and the Earl of Mar and Kellie.
Her only daughter, Frances Cooper nee Cecil, was Countess of Shaftesbury.
Susan Violet Ashley-Cooper (1868- 1938), daughter of Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 8th Earl of Shaftesbury (1831- 1886), married Walter John Francis Erskine, 12th Earl of Mar and Kellie (1865- 1955) in 1892.
https://www.ornaverum.org/images/erskine/portrait-18-large.jpg
https://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/person/mp124211/susan-violet-erskine-nee-ashley-cooper-countess-of-mar-and-kellie
Maybe this lady, descended from the Earls of Shaftsbury, marrying into Scottish aristocracy, the Earls of Mar and Kellie, brought this portrait, as, if thought to be AoD, it was of the Queen of Scotland, wife of James VI and I, the Queen at the pivotal point of the union of the crowns.
If thatΓ’ΒΒs not plausible, nothing is.
To conclude: the artist is very probably Cornelius Johnson, mid to late 1619 perhaps, and it probably got cut out and away from the signature and date, and the sitter is Elizabeth Cecil, Countess of Exeter, although there are a group of relatives who look alike. Her daughter married into the Earls of Shaftsbury, of which a late-Victorian descendent married into the EarlΓ’ΒΒs of Mar and Kellie, of which the current Earl is the owner of the work.
Hope this is helpful.
Hope everyone is doing ok regarding the pandemics and lockdowns. Such a hard time for so many.
@Jacob, thanks for that. In a discussion on a previous work https://www.artuk.org/artdetective/discussions/discussions/who-might-be-the-artist-of-this-portrait-and-the-sitter-portrayed I go into massive discussion like you wouldnΓ’ΒΒt believe, on how, judging by the work attributed to him, CJ didnΓ’ΒΒt start off painting like the mid-to-later CJ.
If he could imitate Van Dyck later, he can imitate other people earlier, and if he didnΓ’ΒΒt sign them, then we may not know, as we werenΓ’ΒΒt supposed to know, thatΓ’ΒΒs the point, he can imitate.
He did do ovals, however. We have signed ovals, and a progression of style from whatΓ’ΒΒs said to be early CJ, to signed ovals by him, where legacy of that style remains, into later style CJ ovals. Then he stops signing, and, it is said, imitates Van Dyck later, so that some Van Dycks may not actually be by Van Dyck.
If from 1615 however, CJ wasnΓ’ΒΒt supposed to be around then, so if thatΓ’ΒΒs provably correct, it makes early unsigned CJs unsafe, and suggests CJ started doing ovals because of imitating this other person.
If from 1615, I revise my assessment of the sitter to be Lady Frances Egerton nee Stanley, Countess of Bridgewater, who is the lady in this Γ’ΒΒc. 1619 by PVSΓ’ΒΒ work:
http://www.gogmsite.net/_Media/ca-1619-lady-frances-stanle-2.jpeg
http://www.gogmsite.net/the_late_farthingale_era_fr/ca-1619-lady-frances-stanle.html
She would be 32 in 1615.
If itΓ’ΒΒs her, the portrait of her husband is a companion to it: Γ’ΒΒJohn Egerton, 1st Earl of Bridgewater,Γ’ΒΒ from Γ’ΒΒ1617-19Γ’ΒΒ by Γ’ΒΒPVS or CJΓ’ΒΒ:
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/5/52/John-Egerton1.jpg
http://images.ntpl.org.uk/hppa-zooms/00000000712/cms_pcf_1298206.bro
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Egerton,_1st_Earl_of_Bridgewater#/media/File:John-Egerton1.jpg
However the piece in question is oval, CJ did ovals, and no earlier than 1619 that we know, and it is very similar to other CJ 1619 ovals:
Here is a portrait said to be of the Γ’ΒΒCountess of ExeterΓ’ΒΒ c. 1620, by Γ’ΒΒCornelius Janssen van CeulenΓ’ΒΒ (Cornelius Johnson) at the Milwaukee Art Museum. In reality, it is one of the previous Countess of ExeterΓ’ΒΒs daughters, and Elizabeth Cecil nee Edgerton was the next Countess of Exeter, so this sitter here could be her sister-in-law:
https://i2.wp.com/blog.mam.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/r_m1989_68_001.jpg
https://blog.mam.org/2017/10/24/from-the-collection-the-countess-of-exeter-by-cornelius-janssen-van-ceulen/
If the work in question is 1619 or 1620, it is Elizabeth Cecil nee Egerton, and this other work above is a companion piece, sister-in-laws, the daughter of the earlier Countess of Exeter.
If this work in question is 1615, it is Frances Egerton nee Stanley, Countess Bridgewater, the mother of my first suggestion, and it calls into question what we know about other works attributed to early Cornelius Johnson, and who started doing oval portraits and when.
Thanks.
@ Thanks Jacob. Resemblance seemed to be enough for many people when they got the resemblance clearly wrong. When I tell you correctly, suddenly it is not enough.
I never said resemblance was necessarily enough or the only thing, but it gets you in a very close ballpark, and sure obliterates obvious mistakes of misidentification.
I said it looked so much like the mother it could have been the mother. It is one or the other. If it looks like portraits of a personΓ’ΒΒs father, mother, cousins, brother, son, then, hey, I do my best. But then suddenly Γ’ΒΒresemblance is not enough.Γ’ΒΒ Before I showed you this, misidentification of the resemblance seemed to be enough.
And, to correct you, resemblance may well be enough, if you put the faces in one of these computer programs to identify relations. Obviously the faces are not photographs in a passport-photo type position, but you get an expert to put the computer dots on the face from what can be seen, that then analyses the spacing and relationship between. If it comes back 80% likelihood that x is the daughter of y and 80% that it is the mother of z, itΓ’ΒΒs her. That is a 96% chance of being her, by an unbiased AI face analysis that has been taught what is correct in familial relationships. Sorry to go all 21st Century, but that is where we are. I guess IΓ’ΒΒm talking about a revolution that hasnΓ’ΒΒt happened yet.
IΓ’ΒΒve always had a bit of a problem with provenance, as if for example a painting is burgled out of one house then sold to another collection, that doesnΓ’ΒΒt mean the artwork is of someone else, just because of mistaken or lying provenance, when most people canΓ’ΒΒt even see with their eyes that the sitter is not Anne of Denmark or Elizabeth Stuart, Queen Bohemia.
I thought my link from family to family was rather spiffing, so perhaps someone can wake up the great Earl, and get him to tell his people to ask their people. IΓ’ΒΒm sure heΓ’ΒΒd be interested in a portrait of his relativeΓ’ΒΒeither the mother, who the royal claim to the Earls of Jersey goes through, or her daughter, his ancestor who married into the Cecils of Exeter.
To be frank I consider talk of the artist of a work a total moot point, but canΓ’ΒΒt have failed to notice how people in the industry, highly-educated, in the standard mindset, are crazy about it, to the point of not having an eye for who the sitter actually is or sometimes seemingly not hardly even actually caring.
It is a moot point as, artists imitated others, wanted you to think it was by another, customers would have wanted that also. As Van Dyck was known to do, it is likely earlier major artists had studios where others did the basic painting, then the master came in and finished them off. They would have understudies, apprentices, that is how later masters and names learnt. If there was a rush, and the lesser man finished one off, is that by the same, or different, or both, or does it really matter?
And big names, with styles, werenΓ’ΒΒt born into the world with that later mature style. Sometimes you will know your attribution is correct, because everyone else tells you youΓ’ΒΒre wrong, and you are talking about a less mature style, or an imitation of another style. What really does it then matter? You have to be officially called wrong to be right, so why bother?
I know there is money in Γ’ΒΒwho painted it,Γ’ΒΒ but there is therefore money in false authentications. IΓ’ΒΒve heard respected people saying they know that big name big money authenticators lie for the money. So who, exactly, are we wasting braincells in trying to please? Liars?
There is money in actually knowing the sitter, I feel, but that takes eyeballs.
I am concerned about the identity of the sitter, and if people are related they look alike, I donΓ’ΒΒt want to shock anyone.
I think the sitters would want their true likeliness to be known.
There is a spiritual component in finding and revealing to the world the true likeliness of a previous human
@Jacob. I hear what you say.
I feel I have an insight that artists are not making up facial features. I am aware of the fashions. I never look at makeup and costume. Hair tends to stay in a ballpark, however, I have noticed, generally speaking, with some exceptions.
I have noticed portraits of EI and MI were painted to look more like H8 in the face, but aside from that, canΓ’ΒΒt say IΓ’ΒΒve seen anyone being painted more like anyone for any reason. No-one else is important enough to paint anyone like. Being a true-ish likeness, so resembling your parents or grandparents and your children, is quite important, wouldnΓ’ΒΒt you say? The hair does copy the Queens, however. EI, and AoD. Suddenly many people have hair like the current queen.
IΓ’ΒΒve said this often: expensive likenesses are a likeness. I didnΓ’ΒΒt get taught otherwise, and IΓ’ΒΒm not having it, I eyeball it.
Even if there is an Γ’ΒΒInstagram filterΓ’ΒΒ on the portrait, smoothing it out in a disorientating way, there is a sitter behind, as with Instagram.
I think that where you think people are unrecognizable because of different artists, I say people are always recognizable, but there are a raft of misidentified artworks.
To illustrate: people were honestly signing off publicly on this portrait in question being AoD or ESQD! But thatΓ’ΒΒs nothing compared to some.
IΓ’ΒΒm recognizing faces like I would in real life. I feel that if I can see relatives, and the computers can do it with a high % accuracy on photos of humans, then it is inevitable for portraits, eventually. I think the vibe will clearly be that the industry doesnΓ’ΒΒt want it!
From my experience facial featured are identifiable. So much so that I ask people Γ’ΒΒ so, did this artist use this other random person as a model in how to mispaint someone, or are they both portraits of the same person, perchance? OccamΓ’ΒΒs razor. ItΓ’ΒΒs like hearing perfect pitch in music. Not everyone can do it. I never said I had perfect pitch, however.
Perhaps it is truly rare for someone to come in and tell art historians who have been taught they canΓ’ΒΒt tell by looks, and probably canΓ’ΒΒt tell by looks, that I can tell by looks, and then be brave enough to say whatΓ’ΒΒs what. ItΓ’ΒΒs a real benefit of these message boards and the art detective concept, crowd-sourcing it. In real life IΓ’ΒΒd never be let near.
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Prints of 6338898 Portrait of Paul van Somer, Flemish artist and court painter to King James I of England
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Portrait of Paul van Somer, Flemish artist and court painter to King James I of England, circa 1577-1621
6338898 Portrait of Paul van Somer, Flemish artist and court painter to King James I of England, circa 1577-1621 by Thomson, J. (19th century); (add.info.: Portrait of Paul van Somer, Flemish artist and court painter to King James I of England, circa 1577-1621. Paul Vansomer. Steel engraving by J. Thomson from Edward Walmsleys Physiognomical Portraits, One Hundred Distinguished Characters, John Major, London, 1826.); Β© Florilegius; out of copyright
Media ID 23733788
Β© Florilegius / Bridgeman Images
Antwerp Collar Court Painter Edward Walmsley Goatee John Major King James I Of England One Hundred Distinguished Characters Physiognomical Portraits Royal Court Ruff Steel Engraving Thomson Flemish Artist Paul Van Somer Paulus Van Somer Regency
FEATURES IN THESE COLLECTIONS
> Animals > Birds > Charadriiformes > Sandpipers > Ruff
> Animals > Mammals > Muridae > Paulus
> Arts > Artists > Related Images
> Arts > Artists > S > Paul van Somer
> Arts > Artists > T > James Thomson
> Arts > Artists > T > John Thomson
> Arts > Portraits
> Arts > Street art graffiti > Portraits > Fine art
> Europe > United Kingdom > England > London > Art > Paintings
> Europe > United Kingdom > England > London > Politics > John Major
> Fine Art Finder > Artists > Anthony van (after) Dyck
> Fine Art Finder > Artists > J. Thomson
EDITORS COMMENTS
This portrait print showcases Paul van Somer, a renowned Flemish artist and court painter to King James I of England during the late 16th and early 17th centuries. The image, captured by J. Thomson in the 19th century, provides a glimpse into the life and work of this influential figure. Van Somer's artistic talent flourished under the patronage of King James I, who greatly valued his skills. This steel engraving from Edward Walmsley's "Physiognomical Portraits" highlights Van Somer's distinct features - his intense gaze, refined ruff collar adorned with delicate lace, and a goatee that adds an air of sophistication to his countenance. Born in Antwerp but finding fame in England, Van Somer played a pivotal role in shaping the art scene at the royal court. His paintings reflected both his Flemish roots and English influences, creating a unique blend that captivated audiences. This historical artwork not only captures Van Somer's likeness but also serves as a testament to his significant contributions to art history during this period. It stands as an enduring reminder of his talent and influence within both regency circles and beyond. Bridgeman Images proudly presents this remarkable piece from their collection on Fine Art Finder for all art enthusiasts to appreciate and delve into the rich tapestry of Paul van Somer's life and legacy.
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Framed Prints
Bring the timeless elegance of the past into your home with our Framed Prints from Media Storehouse. This exquisite piece showcases the Portrait of Paul van Somer, a renowned Flemish artist and court painter to King James I of England, circa 1577-1621. Captured by Bridgeman Images from Fine Art Finder, this portrait by Thomson is a stunning representation of van Somer's masterful use of light and shadow. Each print is meticulously framed to enhance the artwork's beauty and preserve its quality, making it a perfect addition to any room in your home or office. Experience the rich history and artistic brilliance of the past with our Framed Prints.
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Bring the rich history and artistic mastery of the past into your home with our Media Storehouse range of Photographic Prints. This exquisite portrait of Paul van Somer, Flemish artist and court painter to King James I of England, circa 1577-1621, captures the intricate details and vibrant colors of the original painting by Thomson. The portrait showcases Van Somer's exceptional skill as a painter, making it a stunning addition to any art collection. Our high-quality photographic prints are produced using archival inks and premium paper to ensure long-lasting beauty and brilliance. Experience the timeless allure of fine art with Media Storehouse.
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Bring the elegance and sophistication of the Renaissance era into your home or office with our Media Storehouse range of Poster Prints featuring the Portrait of Paul van Somer. This stunning artwork, captured by Bridgeman Images from Fine Art Finder, showcases the Flemish artist and court painter to King James I of England, circa 1577-1621. With intricate details and vivid colors, this Portrait of Paul van Somer is a true masterpiece that adds an air of sophistication and culture to any space. Order now and let the beauty of this artwork enhance your surroundings.
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About Stephen Hawking
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Stephen William Hawking was a theoretical physicist who made revolutionary contributions to our understanding of the nature of the universe.
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Family life
Born in Oxford, Stephen Hawking was the eldest of four children born to Frank and Isobel Hawking, both graduates of Oxford University in medicine and Philosophy, Politics and Economics respectively. The family later moved to St. Albans in Hertfordshire. From an early age, Hawking showed a passion for science and cosmology and was considered a bright, though a not an exceptional student, preferring to spend time on leisure activities.
Frank wanted Stephen to study medicine at University College, Oxford, where he had got his own degree, seeing no career for Stephen in mathematics, his preferred choice. In 1959, at the age of 17, Hawking won a scholarship to study physics and chemistry at University College, since University College did not offer mathematics as an option at the time. He was considered a popular, witty, daredevil character who was keen on classical music, science fiction and was cox of the college rowing crew.
Hawking first met Jane Wilde in St Albans; she was a friend to his sister. Soon after Hawking was diagnosed with motor neurone disease (MND) and though both Hawking and his father advised her to leave, the couple were married in 1965 and went on to have three children, the youngest adopted. It was only after the wedding that it became clear that HawkingΓ’ΒΒs disease would not kill him within two years as initially suspected.
Caring for her children and husband put huge pressure on Jane, particularly with Hawking travelling so much for work, including a year at the California Institute of Technology (Caltech) in 1974. In 1977, Jane met Jonathan Hellyer JonesΓ at a choir she had joined. They developed romantic feelings for each other but were determined that the Hawking family would not be broken up. Jane is reported to have said that Hawking accepted the situation.
In 1985, Hawking had to have a tracheotomy to save his life after contracting pneumonia, but it cost him his voice. One of his first achievements after losing his voice was to draft A Brief History of Time for the general public. Published in 1988, the book sold around 10 million copies globally, introducing the concept of a universe made of strings, black holes, extra-dimensions and time travel. He became a household name, with his work made into a biographical movie, a television series and a number of other books for non-academics.
In February 1990 Hawking told his wife that he was leaving her to live with Mason, one of his nurses who had been caring for him since his tracheotomy, whom he married after his divorce from Jane in 1995. He and Mason divorced in 2006.
Hawking died in 2018, on the same date that Albert Einstein was born, 14 March.
Academic life
Hawking was awarded a first-class honours degree in 1962, despite being an unfocused student. This led to him being offered a place at Trinity Hall at Cambridge University for a PhD in cosmology in the autumn of that year where his supervisor was the little-known Dennis Sciama, who was to become one of the founders of modern cosmology. SciamaΓ’ΒΒs knowledge and enthusiasm enabled Hawking to meet and work closely with others in the field.
Hawking became a member of the Institute of Astronomy in Cambridge in 1968 and The Large-Scale Structure of Space-Time, written with G.F.R. Ellis, was published in 1973. In 1974, the announcement of HawkingΓ’ΒΒs radiation theory led to him becoming a fellow of the Royal Society at the age of 32. He later received the Albert Einstein Award, among other honours. In 1977 he was appointed a professor in gravitational physics and two years later became Lucasian Professor of Mathematics at Cambridge University.
When Cambridge University posted Hawking's 1965 doctoral thesis, "Properties of Expanding Universes," to its website in October 2017, demand for access was so high that it crashed the university server.
Research on the Universe and Black Holes
When Hawking was in his second year at Cambridge. Roger Penrose, another cosmologist, was also researching the creation of black holes (an object from which nothing can escape, not even light). Initially, Hawking and George Ellis, another PhD student at Cambridge, had worked together on a Γ’ΒΒsingularity theoremΓ’ΒΒ, but linking with Penrose, whose mathematical theorem of relevance, incorporating Γ’ΒΒcentral singularityΓ’ΒΒ suggested that the collapse of an over-massive star would result in a Γ’ΒΒblack holeΓ’ΒΒ.
Hawking also applied this thinking to the entire universe and ran time backwards, predicting that the Universe itself had originated from a singularity. The theory was the basis of his thesis, accepted in 1996. In 1970, Penrose and Hawking published an even more powerful theorem which incorporated almost all previous work in this area.
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News & Views
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2000-03-16T00:00:00
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Browse the archive of articles on Nature
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| null |
Cells send messages to their neighbours through βjunctional complexesβ, which link molecules on the cell surface to the cytoskeleton beneath. One of the proteins that forms these complexes, CASK, is now shown to travel from the cell surface to the nucleus, where it regulates gene expression by binding to DNA.
This week Daedalus extends his idea of teleomere-depleted ova, which produce pets with predictable life spans, to animal husbandry. He sees the humane possibilities of meat production which uses such animals β instead of having to be slaughtered, they will drop dead at a predetermined time.
Male long-tailed dance flies (Rhamphomyia longicauda) prefer to mate with females with swollen abdomens, possibly because they relate large abdomen size to egg maturity. But the females cheat the males into picking them for mating: they puff up their abdomens with air, presumably making the males think that their eggs are more mature than they really are.
There is a fundamental difference between quantum and classical ignorance. We take it for granted that we can erase classical information, but deletion of unknown quantum states is not possible. This result complements the βno-cloningβ rule that says it is impossible to copy an unknown quantum state perfectly.
What happens in the brain when we pay attention to one stimulus β say tactile or visual β and ignore the others that are bombarding our senses? Individual neurons can fire at different rates, and thereby convey information to other neurons. But the degree of synchrony in the firing of groups of neurons may also matter, and this principle is implicated in the process of attention.
There are two parts to Antarctica, East and West. A central question in reconstructing global plate-tectonic history has been what amount of movement there has been between them in the past 80 million years or so. New data from geophysical surveys allows firm bounds to be put upon the extent of motion, and thereby more rigorous estimates to be incorporated into the βplate-motion circuitβ used to calculate the Earth's tectonic history.
The peak in recovery of biodiversity seems to lag the peak of anextinction by about ten million years. This pattern is independent of theseverity of extinction, implying that recoveries create new ecological opportunities.
Melting is a familiar process not expected to show surprises: the melting of ice in a cocktail is expected to produce cooling not heating. Yet just such an effect β inverse melting β has been seen during a study of phase transitions in a polymeric system. As a result the crystalline phase appears to be more disordered than the glassy phase.
Certain white blood cells home in on pathogens attacking the body by following gradients of chemoattractant to their targets. Cell movement in this chemotactic process requires extension of the cell's leading edge. That, it now emerges, stems from generation of lipid signals by an enzyme called phosphoinositide-3-OH kinase. The result is a highly polarized signalling cascade which leads to directed movement.
The use of molecules in electronic devices is expected to play a role in the future miniaturization of electronics. A device that uses molecular layers (rather than individual molecules) to control electrical behaviour represents a new approach to βmolecular electronicsβ, because control is achieved indirectly without any electrons passing through the molecules.
Female mallards find some males more attractive than others. If they mate with 'preferred' males, female ducks seem to produce more surviving offspring. It appears that this may occur not because the attractive males have better genes, but because the females invest more in their offspring, producing bigger eggs than if they had mated with less attractive males.
The DREADCO team is attempting to create pets with a short shelf life. The idea is to shorten the teleomeres at the ends of the pets' chromosomes, thereby encouraging a shorter life span. This would be the answer to all those pets bought as Christmas presents, but who are unwanted by Easter.
The surface of Mars is abnormally rich in sulphur, but where it came from has been something of a mystery. Work on the isotopic composition of sulphur in martian meteorites now implicates atmospheric processes in the surface sulphur enrichment. The evidence for this conclusion has a further edge to it. It implies that the large shifts in isotopic ratios produced by living organisms are not necessarily characteristic of life.
What caused the great ice ages? Accurate dating of the end of one of these ice ages makes us reconsider which part of the climate system drives severe glaciation.
We live in a world with four observable dimensions (three of space and one of time). Physicists have long proposed extra dimensions as a way of unifying particle physics with gravity. It may now be possible to have an extra dimension of infinite extent (rather than a compact one as previously thought), provided that spaceβtime is curved in a certain way.
Mutations in the p53 protein or components of the pathway that regulates it are one of the main causes of cancer β normally, p53 prevents cells that have been damaged from contributing to tumour formation. Now another function of p53 emerges. It seems that the protein also participates in the process of DNA repair itself.
Most animals and plants show circadian rhythms β behavioural or physiological cycles tied to a 24-hour clock. These cycles are controlled by internal clocks that are 'entrained' to external time by daylight. It has now been shown that the circadian clocks in the heart or kidney cells of zebrafish can respond directly to light, without any input from the visual system.
Images of the brain taken using scanning techniques are usually static β they represent activity at a single moment in time. But neurons in the brain show temporal patterns of activity, as well as spatial patterns. Now the dynamics of neural activity have been studied in people listening to sequences of musical notes. The technique shows that different brain areas fire more synchronously in response to melodic sequences than they do in response to random notes.
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https://stephenhawking204315983.wordpress.com/about-stephen-hawking/
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About Stephen Hawking
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2018-03-25T14:33:51+00:00
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Professor Stephen William Hawking was born on 8th January 1942 (exactly 300 years after the deathΒ of Galileo) in Oxford, England. His parents' house was in north London butΒ during the second world war Oxford was considered a safer place to have babies.Β The Stephen Hawking's parents are Frank Hawking and Isobel Hawking. When he was eight hisβ¦
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Stephen Hawking
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https://stephenhawking204315983.wordpress.com/about-stephen-hawking/
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Hawking began his university education at University College, Oxford,in October 1959 at the age of 17. For the first 18 months, he was bored and lonely β he found the academic work βridiculously easyβ. He developed into a popular, lively and witty college member, interested in classical music and science fiction. Part of the transformation resulted from his decision to join the college boat club, the University College Boat Club, where he coxed a rowing crew. The rowing coach at the time noted that Hawking cultivated a daredevil image, steering his crew on risky courses that led to damaged boats.
Hawking estimated that he studied about 1,000 hours during his three years at Oxford. These unimpressive study habits made sitting his finals a challenge, and he decided to answer only theoretical physics questions rather than those requiring factual knowledge. A first-class honours degree was a condition of acceptance for his planned graduate study in cosmology at the University of Cambridge. Anxious, he slept poorly the night before the examinations, and the final result was on the borderline between first- and second-class honours, making a viva (oral examination) necessary. Hawking was concerned that he was viewed as a lazy and difficult student. So, when asked at the oral[clarification needed] to describe his plans, he said, βIf you award me a First, I will go to Cambridge. If I receive a Second, I shall stay in Oxford, so I expect you will give me a First.β After receiving a first-class BA (Hons.) degree in natural science and completing a trip to Iran with a friend, he began his graduate work at Trinity Hall, Cambridge, in October 1962.
Hawkingβs first year as a doctoral student was difficult. He was initially disappointed to find that he had been assigned Dennis William Sciama, one of the founders of modern cosmology, as a supervisor rather than noted Yorkshire astronomer Fred Hoyle, and he found his training in mathematics inadequate for work in general relativity and cosmology. After being diagnosed with motor neurone disease, Hawking fell into a depression β though his doctors advised that he continue with his studies, he felt there was little point. The name of the disease of Hawking is Amyotrophic lateral sclerosis. His disease progressed more slowly than doctors had predicted. Although Hawking had difficulty walking unsupported, and his speech was almost unintelligible, an initial diagnosis that he had only two years to live proved unfounded. Hawking started developing a reputation for brilliance and brashness when he publicly challenged the work of Fred Hoyle and his student Jayant Narlikar at a lecture in June 1964.
When Hawking began his graduate studies, there was much debate in the physics community about the prevailing theories of the creation of the universe: the Big Bang and Steady State theories. Inspired by Roger Penroseβs theorem of a spacetime singularity in the centre of black holes, Hawking applied the same thinking to the entire universe; and, during 1965, he wrote his thesis on this topic. Hawkingβs thesis was approved in 1966. There were other positive developments: Hawking received a research fellowship at Gonville and Caius College at Cambridge; he obtained his PhD degree in applied mathematics and theoretical physics, specialising in general relativity and cosmology, in March 1966; and his essay βSingularities and the Geometry of Space-Timeβ shared top honours with one by Penrose to win that yearβs prestigious Adams Prize.
In October 1962, Stephen arrived at the Department of Applied Mathematics and Theoretical Physics (DAMTP) at the University of Cambridge to do research in cosmology, there being no-one working in that area in Oxford at the time. His supervisor was Dennis Sciama, although he had hoped to get Fred Hoyle who was working in Cambridge. After gaining his PhD (1965) with his thesis titled βProperties of Expanding Universesβ, he became, first, a research fellow (1965) then Fellow for Distinction in Science (1969) at Gonville & Caius college. In 1966 he won the Adams Prize for his essay βSingularities and the Geometry of Space-timeβ. Stephen moved to the Institute of Astronomy (1968), later moving back to DAMTP (1973), employed as a research assistant, and published his first academic book, The Large Scale Structure of Space-Time, with George Ellis. During the next few years, Stephen was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society (1974) and Sherman Fairchild Distinguished Scholar at the California Institute of Technology (1974). He became a Reader in Gravitational Physics at DAMTP (1975), progressing to Professor of Gravitational Physics (1977). He then held the position of Lucasian Professor of Mathematics (1979-2009). The chair was founded in 1663 with money left in the will of the Reverend Henry Lucas who had been the Member of Parliament for the University. It was first held by Isaac Barrow and then in 1669 by Isaac Newton. From 2009, Stephen was employed as the Dennis Stanton Avery and Sally Tsui Wong-Avery Director of Research at DAMTP.
Professor Stephen Hawking worked on the basic laws which govern the universe. With Roger Penrose he showed that Einsteinβs general theory of relativity implied space and time would have a beginning in the Big Bang and an end in black holes (1970). These results indicated that it was necessary to unify general relativity with quantum theory, the other great scientific development of the first half of the 20th century. One consequence of such a unification that he discovered was that black holes should not be completely black, but rather should emit βHawkingβ radiation and eventually evaporate and disappear (1974). Another conjecture is that the universe has no edge or boundary in imaginary time. This would imply that the way the universe began was completely determined by the laws of science. Towards the end of his life, Stephen was working with colleagues on a possible resolution to the black hole information paradox, where debate centres around the conservation of information.
In 1963 Stephen was diagnosed with ALS, a form of Motor Neurone Disease, shortly after his 21st birthday. In spite of being wheelchair-bound and dependent on a computerised voice system for communication Stephen continued to combine family life (he has three children and three grandchildren) with his research into theoretical physics, in addition to an extensive programme of travel and public lectures. Thanks to the Zero-G Corporation, he experienced weightlessness in 2007 and always hoped to make it into space one day.
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https://www.thenakedscientists.com/articles/interviews/martin-rees-early-life
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Martin Rees: Early life
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2024-01-16T15:26:00
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Martin - Well, I was very lucky because I grew up in this village in the South Shropshire Hills - beautiful natural world. My parents were teachers and I was sent away to boarding school (which wasn't quite so happy) when I was 13. But I was very well taught and I did get into Cambridge and I read mathematics. I wish actually I'd done a broader curriculum at university
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https://www.thenakedscientists.com/favicon.ico
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https://www.thenakedscientists.com/articles/interviews/martin-rees-early-life
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Chris Smith met up with Martin Rees at his Cambridge home to hear about his life's work...
Martin - Well, I was very lucky because I grew up in this village in the South Shropshire Hills - beautiful natural world. My parents were teachers and I was sent away to boarding school (which wasn't quite so happy) when I was 13. But I was very well taught and I did get into Cambridge and I read mathematics. I wish actually I'd done a broader curriculum at university because, when I got to university, I realised I wasn't quite the same as other geeky people doing mathematics in that I like to think in a more synthetic or synoptic way. I became a research student in 1964, and that's when quasars had just been discovered, the evidence for the Big Bang from the radiation, the so-called afterglow of creation and lots of other exciting things and theoretical work by Hawking and Penrose on Black Holes was being done. Advice I would still give to any young person starting is, if you pick a subject, pick something where new things are happening and then the experience of the old guys is at a heavy discount and you can immediately make an impact. Don't go into some sterile subject because then you'll be trying to do the problems the old guys got stuck on.
Chris - Do you think then you got lucky with the subject? Did you have some foresight? Because you've said to me, go and pick something that's an exciting, emerging, evolving area. That is current. Don't get stuck on the old stuff. Did it find you or did you already have that view and therefore you were seeking out that kind of thing and you were able to say - well, I'm good at maths. I've got the kind of mind that would suit this, that's where I'm headed.
Martin - It was really just luck rather than careful planning. I had decided I didn't really want to pursue mathematics as a career. I liked the idea of something academic. I thought quite seriously about economics because I had some good friends who had defected from maths to economics and did very well as economists. I might have tried to follow that route and I might have been happy if I'd done that too, but I was very lucky to get a place as a graduate student in Dennis Sciama's group. And it was luck because some other person who'd got the job in preference to me dropped out, and so I just managed to get my position as a graduate student.
Chris - What was going on in Dennis Sciama's domain that really drew you in and what did you think were the areas that were going to be the exciting ones to pursue?
Martin - Well, I realised that I liked a style of thinking where you try to make sense of something from limited information rather than doing complicated deductive reasoning like in mathematics - a bit like engineering where you try to make something that works from given specifications. We had these objects that are very bright, flashing away, which we now think are massive black holes in the centre of galaxies, which are called quasars, and I wrote some papers trying to understand that sort of thing and also to understand the expanding universe where the idea of an evolving universe was a fairly new one. I think it was a style of thinking that I quite enjoyed. I mentioned Dennis Sciama. He was very plugged into what was going on in all these fields, and he'd come in excitedly every day with some new preprint for the new paper he'd been sent and circulated. He had students like Stephen Hawking, who was two years ahead of me, and he told those students to go and listen to Roger Penrose in London who had exciting new ideas. They duly did and followed them up spectacularly. He was someone who exemplified that you can be a great coach without being a great player. He didn't do any amazing science himself, but he was an enthusiast and he inspired us all, a whole group in Cambridge, and then he moved to Oxford in the 1970s where, again, he had an equally strong stable of students there.
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Dennis Sciama Movies and Shows
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Learn about Dennis Sciama on Apple TV. Browse shows and movies that feature Dennis Sciama including Einstein's Universe.
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AppleΓΒ TV
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https://thecuriousastronomer.wordpress.com/2012/11/09/the-greatest-astronomer-of-the-20th-century/
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The greatest astronomer of the 20th Century?
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2012-11-09T00:00:00
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In November of last year (2011), I have a talk to Swansea Astronomical Society on the early history of Yerkes Observatory. I blogged about that talk here. Last night (Thursday 8th of November) I gave a talk to the same society with the title " George Ellery Hale : The greatest Astronomer of the 20thβ¦
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thecuriousastronomer
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https://thecuriousastronomer.wordpress.com/2012/11/09/the-greatest-astronomer-of-the-20th-century/
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In November of last year (2011), I have a talk to Swansea Astronomical Society on the early history of Yerkes Observatory. I blogged about that talk here.
Last night (Thursday 8th of November) I gave a talk to the same society with the title β George Ellery Hale : The greatest Astronomer of the 20th Century?β. The title is deliberately provocative. In the talk I attempted to show Haleβs main achievements in his productive life. There were many, but this slide summarises the main ones :
Here is a gallery of all the 32 slides in the talk.
My conclusion, in the last slide, is that maybe Hale wasnβt the greatest astronomer of the 20th Century, but probably the most important. Without Hale, Yerkes Observatory would never have existed, nor Mount Wilson Observatory.
Who do you think was the greatest astronomer of the 20th Century?
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1990MNRAS.245..733A Page 733
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https://alchetron.com/Dennis-W-Sciama
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Dennis W Sciama
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2017-08-18T08:30:48+00:00
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Dennis William Siahou Sciama, FRS ( 18 November 1926 1819 December 1999) was a British physicist who, through his own work and that of his students, played a major role in developing British physics after the Second World War. He is considered one of the fathers of modern cosmology. Sciama was b
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Alchetron.com
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https://alchetron.com/Dennis-W-Sciama
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Life and career
Sciama was born in Manchester, England, the son of Nelly Ades and Abraham Sciama. He was of Syrian Jewish ancestryβhis father born in Manchester and his mother born in Egypt both traced their roots back to Aleppo, Syria.
Sciama earned his PhD in 1953 at Cambridge University under the supervision of Paul Dirac, with a dissertation on Mach's principle and inertia. His work later influenced the formulation of scalar-tensor theories of gravity.
He taught at Cornell, King's College London, Harvard and the University of Texas at Austin, but spent most of his career at Cambridge (1950s and 1960s) and the University of Oxford as a Senior Research Fellow of All Souls College (1970s and early 1980s). In 1983, he moved from Oxford to Trieste, becoming Professor of Astrophysics at the International School of Advanced Studies (SISSA), and a consultant with the International Centre for Theoretical Physics.
During the 1990s, he divided his time between Trieste (and a residence in nearby Venice) and Oxford, where he was a visiting professor until the end of his life. His main home remained in his house in Park Town, Oxford.
Sciama made connections among some topics in astronomy and astrophysics. He wrote on radio astronomy, X-ray astronomy, quasars, the anisotropies of the cosmic microwave radiation, the interstellar and intergalactic medium, astroparticle physics and the nature of dark matter. Most significant was his work in general relativity, with and without quantum theory, and black holes. He helped revitalize the classical relativistic alternative to general relativity known as Einstein-Cartan gravity.
Early in his career, he supported Fred Hoyle's steady state cosmology, and interacted with Hoyle, Hermann Bondi, and Thomas Gold. When evidence against the steady state theory, e.g., the cosmic microwave radiation, mounted in the 1960s, Sciama abandoned it.
During his last years, Sciama became interested in the issue of Dark Matter in galaxies. Among other aspects he pursued a theory of dark matter that consists of a heavy neutrino, certainly disfavored in his realization, but still possible in a more complicated scenario.
A number of the leading astrophysicists and cosmologists of the modern era completed their doctorates under Sciama's supervision, notably:
George Ellis (1964)
Stephen Hawking (1966)
Brandon Carter (1967)
Martin Rees (1967)
Gary Gibbons (1973)
James Binney (1975)
John D. Barrow (1977)
David Deutsch
Adrian Melott (1981)
Paolo Molaro (1987)
Paolo Salucci (1989)
Antony Valentini (1992)
Sciama also strongly influenced Roger Penrose, who dedicated his The Road to Reality to Sciama's memory. The 1960s group he led in Cambridge (which included Ellis, Hawking, Rees, and Carter), has proved of lasting influence.
Sciama was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1982. He was also an honorary member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the American Philosophical Society and the Academia Lincei of Rome. He served as president of the International Society of General Relativity and Gravitation, 1980β84.
In 1959, Sciama married Lidia Dina, a social anthropologist, who survived him, along with their two daughters.
His work at SISSA and the University of Oxford led to the creation of a lecture series in his honour, the Dennis Sciama Memorial Lectures. In 2009, the Institute of Cosmology and Gravitation at the University of Portsmouth elected to name their new building, and their supercomputer in 2011, in his honour.
He was an atheist.
In popular culture
Sciama has been portrayed in a number of biographical projects about his most famous student, Stephen Hawking:
In the 2004 BBC TV movie Hawking, Sciama was played by John Sessions.
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https://www.aip.org/history-programs/niels-bohr-library/oral-histories/4871
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American Institute of Physics
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2021-09-24T10:08:33-04:00
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Weart: I'm interested in background things. I have here from WHO'S WHO that you were born in Manchester in 1926, but I don't know anything else about your family, Who were your parents, what did they do? Sciama: My father was a business man who was also born in Manchester, and his father was born in Manchester, and his father came from Aleppo in the Middle East, in Syria.
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Weart:
I'm interested in background things. I have here from WHO'S WHO that you were born in Manchester in 1926, but I don't know anything else about your family, Who were your parents, what did they do?
Sciama:
My father was a business man who was also born in Manchester, and his father was born in Manchester, and his father came from Aleppo in the Middle East, in Syria.
Weart:
I was wondering what sort of a name Sciama was.
Sciama:
In fact it was spelled "Shama"; when my people came to Manchester they Europeanized the spelling, and happened to choose that form, My mother was born in Cairo.
Weart:
What sort of education did your parents have, then?
Sciama:
My mother was educated in Egypt, and my father was educated in Manchester, He went to Manchester Grammar School, which is a famous school in England, but he left at the age of fourteen because his father died and he had to earn a living.
Weart:
By the way, did you have any brothers or sisters?
Sciama:
I had a brother who died a few years ago.
Weart:
Older?
Sciama:
Yes, three years older.
Weart:
I see, I just like to ask these questionaire things. Tell me, did you read a lot in your childhood? Were there any particular science books that may have influenced you?
Sciama:
I did read a lot, I was the sort who would read on all possible occasions, including when getting dressed. Not specially science books when I was small, just books, But with the English system of education being what it is, I already knew at the age of twelve that I was on the mathematical side of things, because I sat for a scholarship to a public school (in the English sense; a private school you'd call it here). You either did a difficult math paper or you did the Greek paper, and I already knew then that I was going to do the math paper and not the Greek paper.
Weart:
I see, What school was that?
Sciama:
It was called Malvern College. Reasonably well known but not one of the greatest, not an Eton or a Harrow or a Winchester, but very good at a lower level.
Weart:
I see. Before that was your schooling done mainly at school, or partly at home also?
Sciama:
No, I went to a prep school in Manchester. And then I went to Malvern.
Weart:
And what sort of an education did you receive there, particularly in science?
Sciama:
Well, it was very good.
Weart:
This was a boarding school, you weren't at home?
Sciama:
A boarding school, yes, I was away from home, The teachers were very high calibre, the point being that these private schools had the means to employ fine teachers. For instance, the man who mainly taught me maths bad obtained a First Class in all three parts of the Mathematical Tripos at Cambridge, which of course in England dominates mathematics very much, The kind of man who wouldn't in fact become a school teacher, these days, with those credentials - the highest you can get.
And there was a good physicist, from Cambridge; he had been at Trinity College and it was partly through him, through the fame of Trinity as a physics college, that I later entered Cambridge at Trinity. So I was prepared, and won a minor scholarship in mathematics at Trinity, really through the very good teaching I obtained.
Sciama:
Yes, In fact, I thought of myself as becoming a mathematician rather than a physicist. This was during the (second world) war, and I was deferred from joining up on the understanding that I would do physics at Cambridge; they allowed me to do some maths and I did some physics. My first year was in maths, and then I switched over and did what's called the Natural Sciences Tripos, meaning physics in finals.
Weart:
Somehow they didn't regard mathematics as being useful, or what?
Sciama:
Right. Physics was more direct use, they thought, to the war effort; a training purely in mathematics was considered less effective.
Weart:
Do you think that diverted you from what otherwise would have been a career in mathematics?
Sciama:
I think it was very good, because it's quite clear from my subsequent career that what talents I have are more along the physics line than the mathematics line, I'm not a powerful formal mathematician, and I have a bit of feeling for physics. I'm sure it was good for me to go in that direction.
Weart:
I see, So there may have already been some feeling on your part at that time?
Sciama:
I didn't realize at the time; I did it because the government requested it.
Weart:
I see, I didn't realize they did this systematically - you were not a special case but this was a general thing?
Sciama:
I imagine, I dust don't Imow how many people would at that stage have said they wantedto read maths rather than rhysics. But I agree, it's the presumption that I was not the only one they said that to.
Weart:
your early home life, what sort of feeling did people have about science? I mean your general impression of science?
Sciama:
None really, because there was no academic atmosphere in my home life. My father in many ways had a very fine brain indeed, For instance, he was a very good bridge player, and he was very able with business, and very able in understanding and assessing the world political situation. But perhaps through leaving school at fourteen he had no feeling for akademismus or universities or anything of that kind. He was very upset that I rejected the business which be wanted me to go in.
Weart:
Which was, by the way?
Sciama:
He was in the cloth trade, the cotton trade, Over one period it was a source of great friction between us, He had a very powerful personality. It was extremely unpleasant.
Weart:
Was this before you went up to Cambridge, or subsequently?
Sciama:
Also subsequently, because my determination to remain in science and do research kept developing as I was at Cambridge.
Weart:
This didn't enter when you were thinking of going to Cambridge, this came along afterward?
Sciama:
As far as I can recall, up to about the age of fourteen I would say I was going into the business, I can remember how pleased my father was because I wrote an imaginary letter as if I were in business and I invented a new color to dye a cloth, called "bleen", you see, it was a mixture of blue and green, The suggestion that this showed a little bit of initiative pleased him tremendously, So of course it was very upsetting for him when he realized I rejected his whole life's work to do something that he had no empathy for, Science meant nothing to him, Despite his fine brain it was entirely canalized in other directions.
Weart:
So it was the influence, perhaps, of these teachers?
Sciama:
I don't suppose so, because I had a particular passion, especially for understanding fundamental physics and astronomy. It's something very deep in me, Of course it's deep in many other people too, but it's not something, I think, that I simply learned. The teachers were gifted at actually teaching the maths needed at that period of one's life it wasn't research level material, I think it's just some very deep thing in me.
Weart:
Do you have any idea of where it may have come from? This is quite clear in your work, that you have followed this line more than most other people.
Sciama:
I sometimes used to laugh at myself, saying it's an emotional insecurity. You see, I probably like to control reality, and one can't control it very much in practice, the way things are stacked up against one, So I substitute controlling it intellectually. The best way to control it is to understand it, and the deepest understanding comes at the most fundamental level.
Weart:
That's very interesting. By the way, did you have any formal religious training when you were a child?
Sciama:
No, We're Jewish, but we were never Jewish in the religious, orthodox sense, if I ever believed in God I stopped believing in it very young. I can remember my father telling me he didn't believe in God, how we didn't observe the Jewish orthodox practices. So in any practical sense there was no religious term to what I did or was interested in.
Weart:
I see, Can you tell me a little bit about being at Trinity. Of course it was during the war, so I suppose it wasn't a very typical time to be there.
Sciama:
The college was smaller than normal, which was probably why I managed to get on the football team, My main concerns were my work and my friends. The war ended while I was still there, I was an under graduate from 1944 until 1947.
Weart:
Were there any of your fellow students that you kept up contact with later on, for example as scientific colleagues?
Sciama:
Oh yes. I'm still close friends with some of the people i met as an undergraduate.
Weart:
Whom, for example?
Sciama:
There was a friend called Kenneth Alberman who lives in London. Of course I don't see him very often now, for geographical reasons. Another one Cyril Rashbass.
Weart:
These were people who went on with the sciences?
Sciama:
They were both at Trinity. Kenneth did chemistry for a bit and then he joined his father's firm, a cosmetics firm, Cyril went into physiology, and he remains a research worker doing that, But I see him very rarely now.
Weart:
You say you read for the Natural Sciences Tripos.
Sciama:
I read mathematics for one year, and then I switched over to physics. And because of the point at which I took physics, because it wasn't a first year any more, I only did physics whereas if you did the Natural Sciences Tripos from the beginning you did other branches of science as well.
Weart:
Did you study anything else at this time? For example, did you have much of an interest in formal philosophy?
Sciama:
I did, a little, In fact, I did something which turned out very useful in Oxford: in my first year I attended a whole course of lectures that Wittgenstein gave. He was at Trinity at the time, and lectured in his own rooms in college rather than a lecture room.
Weart:
That must have restricted the number of people.
Sciama:
There were about half a dozen of us, I think, I sat through the whole term of lectures, Now I dine off that in Oxford, because Oxford is full of philosophers; Wittgenstein is their great hero, so the fact that I attended the course, and indeed he often invited comments and reacted to those comments β I said things which he had to react to this goes down very well.
Weart:
He was very quick in his personal communications?
Sciama:
Not quick in a sense, He'd sometimes sit for several minutes in silence, thinking out what to say next, He had mannerisms of that kind, which other people started imitating, but I think they were pretty genuine with him. He was a very remarkable man.
Weart:
Were the other people undergraduates also?
Sciama:
They weren't entirely undergraduates. There was one lady there who I realized later was Miss Anscombe who is now in fact a professor of philosophy at Cambridge, after having been at Oxford for some while, But as far as I recall most of the people there were students; she was a bit older.
Weart:
Were there other courses that you attended, or teachers, that had a particular impression on you, scientific or nonscientific?
Sciama:
The courses one went to were more or less dictated, except for an extra like the Wittgenstein one, I'm not quite sure how to answer that,
Weart:
Were there any that made a particularly strong impression on you?
Sciama:
Dirac gave a superb course which I went to in my third year, which was basically his book, But he is a very good lecturer indeed and he was wonderful, Of course be was a legend then, as well as later, So that made a big impression on me.
Weart:
That's quite difficult actually for someone at that stage.
Sciama:
I'm not saying I understood it all, but he is a very lucid lecturer and the fact that his standing was so high almost a mythical figure as it were .., I got to know him later, because as I'll elain if we do discuss that, in the second half of my being a research student I became a student of Dirac's, But I didn't realize at the time that was going to happen, so for me it was a great prophet speaking.
Weart:
We will get to that, So by the time you graduated you had already been exposed both to quantum mechanics and relativity, and they were quite deep.
Sciama:
Hot much relativity. In fact I was really selftaught, I did go as a research student to a course on cosmology that Bondi gave, But you see, in those days very few people did relativity; it's not like in later years. I think Bondi occasionally gave a course in it at that time; I didn't attend one, I simply learned the subject by reading the basic books, I remember reading Eddington's mathematical book and so forth, So in that sense, I was to some extent self-taught in relativity.
Weart:
Had you had much up until the time when, say, you were a research student, after you got your B.A.?
Sciama:
In fact my exam results were very poor in finals, and I had to leave Cambridge, and there was still consciption although it was after the war, I spent two years in the army immediately after graduating. But after six months I got transferred to a government research place which had done a lot of radar work during the war, called the Telecommunications Research Establishment, T.R.E. Through having met Professor Hartree in my last year as an undergraduate - while he couldn't keep me on to do research because of my poor degree, he helped to get me transferred to T.R.E, So while I was still officially in the army earning my five bob a day, I was working on the quantum mechanics of photoconductive materials which were of interest for the purpose of detecting enemy airplanes, And through internal reports I wrote on the quantum mechanics and group theory of these things, I was accepted as a research student back at Cambridge, So I returned to Cambridge two years later, in 1949.
Weart:
First I wanted to ask, before you left Cambridge the first time, had you much contact with astronomy? Bondi's course that you took was after that?
Sciama:
That's right. No, no special contact, In fact I started research β this is jumping ahead β my first topic in research was in statistical mechanics.
Weart:
Then the story starts for you when you came back to Cambridge, You came back as whose student?
Sciama:
Temperley was his name. This was my own choice of subject, While reading up on solid state physics and so forth at T.R.E I came across a paper by Wannier in REVEWS OF MODERN PHYSICS on cooperative phenomena, the I sing problem and things of that sort, and I found the discussion rather attractive. So I said I'd like to do research on cooperative phenomena.
Weart:
At what point did you decide to make your career in physics?
Sciama:
I suppose by then I'd been diverted from my original thought of doing mathematics, I think it may have emerged in my studies in Cambridge, that my formal mathematical powers were not as strong as they might've been, and that probably I was better doing theoretical physics. Although, of course, theoretical physics can be done in a whole spectrum of ways from very formal to less formal, Pure mathematics you have to do formally.
Weart:
Of course Cambridge was the natural place for you to go, to study physics.
Sciama:
Oh yes, because it's strong in math and physics, and as it later turned out, astronomy, But my mind had no astronomy needs at that time, I told Hartree that I would like to do work on statistical mechanics, and I was allocated Temperley as my research supervisor; I was given a desk, not in the Mond Laboratory, but in an office in the main old part of the Cavendish belong to the Mond. For a year or eighteen months or so I was working on cooperative phenomena, and then I switched over to relativity at that point.
Weart:
how were you supported during this period?
Sciama:
I didn't get a grant, because of my poor exam results, so I was supported by father, I recall making an appeal to the Cavendish Lab for support, and they found money in a fund called the Scott Fund, which gave me twenty pounds for the year; that didn't carry very far. I confess that I relied on my father, I say that because I don't really approve of my students relying on family means, I wouldn't refuse them on that account, but I feel that if they're good enough to do research, the institution ought to look after them financially.
Weart:
I see, So this was the period when there was the difficulty as to how your future career would go?
Sciama:
Of course it was awkward, being supported by my father while I was betraying him, But my dedication to science was already very great, although I hadn't yet developed the interests that I later showed in cosmology and astronomy and so forth.
Weart:
What part did your mother play in this, by the way? Did she take any stand on all of this?
Sciama:
Not very strong, My father was much the stronger personality. She supported me a little bit in a weak way, but not specially effectively, It was simply my own will, My father was extremely dominating, and would no doubt always win against me on anything that I hadn't absolutely set my heart on, but in this case my will was so strong that I won, although it was a very bitter fight.
Weart:
I see, So then when you left statistical mechanics for relativity, was when you started to work under Dirac?
Sciama:
No, that was a conseauence, I started thinking about gravitational theories and Mach's Principle and so on, I knew already then, very slightly, Hermann Bondi and Tommy Gold, and I talked to them a bit about these things, I remember I asked Bondi to tea one day and told him the thoughts I'd had and I said, "Are they rubbish? What should I do?" He said, "Why not go on thinking about them?" I think that was very good of him, because I'm quite sure in retrospect it was rubbish what I said, as I was very immature at that time, Maybe it was merely my initiative and enterprise that Bondi recognized, But with that encouragement I went on thinking about it, At a certain point it became evident to the authorities that I wasn't working on statistical mechanics any more, and so after some thought they changed my supervisor and they gave me Dirac.
Weart:
I see, I'm very interested in this transition, Was this after or before you took Bondi's course in cosmology?
Sciama:
I can't remember the relative placing of taking the course and the formal step of Dirac being appointed my supervisor.
Weart:
In terms of your interest, for example, in Mach's Principle and that sort of thing.
Sciama:
Actually, it's curious to recall my first attempt to do something in gravitational theory which incidentally I sent to Einstein, and got a letter back from him about.
Weart:
We could find it in the Einstein papers.
Sciama:
Yes, indeed, I got a letter from John Stachel* telling me some details about that; I was amazed to find that he found in the files a complete longhand version of that letter, that was then typed. As I'll tell you later, I had a long conversation with Einstein a week before he died, which is something that may be of interest historically.
Weart:
You'll have to remind me when we get to that part.
Sciama:
At any rate, I can't recall precisely the relative timings. I think Dirac was made my supervisor when I'd already been working at least a year on this. I was saying that my first essay in gravitation came out with a result that was not in agreement with Mach's Principle. Just as an aside, in an article I wrote but never tried to publish, the one I sent to Einstein, I mentioned that "this doesn't seem to agree with Mach," and I didn't mind at the time. Then, a little later, I was bit by the thought that the Mach Principle point of view was right and one ought to develop a theory agreeing with it, And that was the theory I wrote up for the thesis when I got my Ph.D. But I'd already developed it quite a lot by the time Dirac was made my supervisor; it was no fault of his, but he didn't particularly help me, owing to this history.
Weart:
Wow, Steady State was in the air at this time?
Sciama:
It was, and indeed it does play a part in my thesis.
Weart:
Yes, I wondered when you first heard of Steady State?
Sciama:
Well, Steady State was proposed in 1948.
Weart:
Yes, You were there
Sciama:
I got my Ph.D. in 1953 and my Fellowship at Trinity in 1952, So Steady State was fairly new.
Weart:
I just wondered if you remember when you first heard of this notion?
Sciama:
No, that I can't remember.
Weart:
I see. It would have been already there when you came.
Sciama:
But since I got to know Bondi and Gold personally they were both at Trinity then - it must have been a bit in the air, but I don't remember when I first heard of it.
Weart:
I see, Then you must have become familiar with all of these things, the various cosmologies and so forth during that period.
* Editor of the Einstein papers in 1977 - SW.
Sciama:
Yes. I knew Hoyle slightly. Be was older than Bondi and Gold, and I was perhaps on a slightly friendlier basis with Bondi and Gold. But certainly there is a chapter in my thesis where Steady State ideas do come in. Weart: Tell me about working under Dirac, then.
Sciama:
Well under, of course, is misleading, as I've explained, because I'd already prepared my draft quite a bit. I have one or two Dirac stories that date from then, but I don't know whether they're of interest,
Weart:
Tell me at least one Dirac story.
Sciama:
There's one quick one and there's one that takes rather long. The quick one is that I went to him one day with some enthusiasm and said, "Professor Dirac, I've just thought of a way of relating the formation of stars to cosmological questions, shall I tell you about it?" And Dirac said, "No," So I went away, So that's one Dirac story. (Laughter)
Weart:
That's interesting, because it shows already some interests of yours.
Sciama:
By then, yes, surely. There's another one that's amusing, but it takes too long to tell.
Weart:
Please do, Go ahead.
Sciama:
Well, once I saw him and I told him what I was doing, and then he said, "Shall I tell you what I am doing?" So, very flattered but rather nervous, I said, "Yes." At that time, it must have been around 1951 or '52, he was working on one of the various versions of a classical theory of electrons which he was playing with at that time, And in particular it was a sort of fluid theory, on the grounds that the particle was a quantum phenomenon and that if you discussed electrons classically at all they ought to be fluids. And he told me that he developed such a theory (I think I'd seen his paper) and he said that the form the theory took was such that the flow in the classical electron fluid was irrotational, but that Gabor had told him that in actual electron tubes one could get electron- streams with vorticity.
So, he said, "I've generalized the theory to include this vorticity effect, and this is how I've done it," And he proceeded to tell me, I understood very little, but obviously I had to say something at the end: I racked my brain for something safe to say. So when he finished I said, "Is that the most general way of doing it?" He said, "I don't know," And I went away. A few weeks later notices went up that Professor Dirac would give a seminar, It was less true perhaps right at the end of his career, but at that time people still flocked to hear the great man talk. The room was absolutely packed.
He gives this talk about classical electron fluid, irrotational and Gabor said and all the story, and "Therefore I generalize my theory in the following way," and then he suddenly said, "At this point Mr. Sciama made a most important remark to me: that that was not the most general way of doing it, And therefore I have done the following." I went absolutely puce; the floor could have opened up and I could have sunk in it. What a false position to be ml But it was funny.
Weart:
That gives me a picture, How much did you work with him then you would discuss your work with him?
Sciama:
A little bit but not very much, Not through his inattention or carelessness, but I was, I suppose, fairly independent.
Weart:
I see. Pretty much doing it on your own.
Sciama:
Yes.
Weart:
With whom would you discuss your work then?
Sciama:
Q uite a bit with Tommy Gold, whom I'm close friends with ever since. Perhaps even more than with Bondi, because Gold was very interested in Mach's Principle and had a clearer picture than I, at first, about it. Of course once I worked on it nonstop I eventually developed my own views. But I found his criticisms and quickness of mind very helpful.
Weart:
I'm not quite sure about the relation between the Steady State theory and your work on the origin of inertia, There's a certain philosophical common ground. I wonder, would you say by that time you pretty much believed in Steady State?
Sciama:
I think that came a bit later, There isn't a clear connection, and certainly my theory didn't lead automatically to Steady State, though certain features of it were suggestive of that, I was predisposed, I suppose, as I developed my work postdoctoraily, to get sucked into the Steady State view, But then I found that very attractive for a number of reasons unrelated to Mach, On the other hand, in the Steady State paper of Bondi and Gold there is a long discussion of the Mach Principle. So the ideas have a certain congeniality, but they have no extremely close logical connection, just a natural similarity in texture, in a certain sense.
Weart:
The three of you were discussing these things, so it would be natural for you to share their philosophical concerns.
Sciama:
Right.
Weart:
Tell me a little more on the origin of the inertia. This was your thesis?
Sciama:
Yes.
Weart:
You used 4-vectors and so forth, and you said, "A more complete, but necessarily more complicated theory will be described in another paper,??* The fact it didn't happen until 1969,** I was wondering what happened.
Sciama:
Oh, I found it too difficult to make adequate progress. What I discovered, which had been discovered independently by a number of people, is that the theory had to be very closely similar to general relativity. If you took a tensor theory instead of a vector theory, and you recognized that the gravitational energy itself had to be a source of gravitation (which Einstein had recognized originally in proposing his theory there were various was of it in the theory
* MONTHlY NOTICES OF THE ROYAL ASTRONOMICAL SOCIETY 113 (1953) : 34.
** (with Waylen and Gilman) PHYSICAL REVIEW 187 (1969) : 1762.
which showed that even if you started, as an approximation, with a wave equation for a tensor potential, by the time you coupled in, as a source, the gravitational energy itself - which you had to, because everything had to be courled to gravitation then the only set of field equations you would arrive at, from that point of view, were Einstein's own field equations of general relativity. Therefore after some while I realized that I couldn't solve the problem by proposing any other field equation that would do better, And I came to realize that since Einstein's equations are differential equations, it was in the boundary conditions that one would have to find the selection principle for those cases that were to be compatible with Mach's Principle. And that's technically very difficult to handle, as the equations are nonlinear, It was only later through discussions, in particular with Donald Lynden-Bell, that (along with a student of mine that I then joined forces with, and an American who was working on similar lines, a student of John Wheeler) we saw technically how to proceed.
Weart:
That was Gilman?
Sciama:
That's right. Gilman was a student of Wheeler who became interested in Mach's Principle, I think through my own writings.
Weart:
So this was a problem that you just kept sort of in the back of your mind all this time?
Sciama:
That's right. But we didn't solve it in 1969, We took a step forward by a technical device that I won't go into, but there were still remaining technical problems. It was a later research student of mine, Derek Raine, who went a fair distance in solving them - in fact, by getting the result I mentioned in my talk today,* that if the universe is homogeneous and it's Machian according to our boundary conditions, then it has neither vorticity nor shear. The boundary conditions that seem to do the trick were really discovered by him, and the mathematics by then had got very complicated.
Weart:
It seems to get more and more complicated.
Sciama:
I'm afraid so, but I feel forced by the physics to be that complicated. The Maine paper only came out in 1975,
Weart:
I see, You still have hopes for this β
Sciama:
I still have hopes, but there are still problems.
Weart:
So you're not committed to that sort of an approach?
Sciama:
I don't know that it's the final answer, but I've been very struck by the development I was speaking about today. The precision with which (we know) the universe does not rotate relative to absolute space, you see: only over the last few years can we say that's a very high precision. And that's most impressive.
Weart:
And similarly for the shear. Similarly for the shear. * At meeting of Northeast section of American Physical Society, Wesleyan University - SW.
Weart:
So you're forced into this mathematics, so to speak.
Sciama:
In fact we did the mathematics before some of the analysis I was talking about today, but not before some of the other ones.
Weart:
Right, I mean philosophically.
Sciama:
Oh yes. Sure.
Weart:
I see, You did a paper in 1960 on the Einstein-Schroedinger unified field theory,* I wonder whether you ever had much interest in unified field theory?
Sciama:
I did for a little while, but I then stumbled on something which has recently become very popular, which seemed to me to be the real content of what Einstein and Schrdinger were doing, In their work they'd taken the affine connection of relativity and given it a skew-symmetric part which they thought had to do with the electromagnetic field, since that's described by a skew tensor; whereas I believe I showed (and independently Tom Kibble) that it had to do with spin. If a material system had spin, it seemed to give rise to this skew part of the affine connection, which Carton had discovered in differential geometry called the torsion, In recent years this study of torsion has become quite popular. But it's not related to unified field theory any more.
Weart:
I see. So this was just something that you took up temporarily.
Sciama:
Yes, As a matter of fact, originally to find the equations that would naturally give rise to the Steady State universe, That was the original motivation.
Weart:
I see.
Sciama:
So the things were linked in the beginning. But then I found it had nothing much to say about Steady State, but it threw out this interesting feature relating to spin.
Weart:
I want to get back to Steady State, but first I want to ask about what happened after you did your thesis. In the first place, did you get any scientific echoes from this?
Sciama:
I'm not quite sure what you mean by echoes.
Weart:
Did you get much interest in it?
Sciama:
Oh, people were interested in some of the physical parts, The mathematical theory I produced, this vector theory that you mentioned, was very crude by modern standards relativity is now a very highly professional activity extremely crude.
Weart:
But this was a sort of thing there hadn't been much of.
Sciama:
There hadn't been much at that time, And the physical ideas, one or two of them were quite cute, and very interesting. So when I told, say visitors to Cambridge, my line of thought, I often got a good response
* JOURNAL OF MATESMATICAL PHYSICS 2 (1961) : 472.
because some of the physical ideas were very nice, But the main thing, which was important for my career, is that I did succeed in getting a junior research fellowship at Trinity College, Cambridge, on the strength of that thesis.
Weart:
Yes, I wanted to ask about that, You didn't sit for exams or anything like that.
Sciama:
No, By then they had ceased to have exams for these Trinity fellowships. It was purely on the thesis.
Weart:
Who decides then?
Sciama:
The College sets up a committee, and the way the system works is, you have to be a member of the college to be a candidate, and each candidate has one member of the committee who looks after his interests, and he selects two external referees who will report on the thesis, And then they fight it out in the committee.
Weart:
I see. Who was it on the committee on your behalf?
Sciama:
Nicholas hemmer, who succeeded Max Born as professor at Edinburgh later, I can remember, incidentally β explaining about my father's attitude β my father had so driven me into a corner, saying, "There is no point in your doing this research if you're not very good at it, then you should certainly come into the business," So we had decided (it shows that I had given in a bit) that if I got a fellowship to Trinity it would demonstrate that I had a capacity that would justify going on with research (because I explained to my father the significance of a fellowship at Trinity, which has a lot of prestige in England), and if I didn't get one, then I would give up research and go into the business. That was a very foolish thing to do, because of course you're competing not only with other mathematicians and physicists but with historians and all the rest of them, It's a very chancy business, who succeeds, But I had in fact made that commitment, and then the miracle happened and I succeeded.
Weart:
By the way, what were your relations with Boyle at this time?
Sciama:
I knew him much more slightly. I remember goin to him once and telling him that I had a theory that overlapred with his interests, Things he'd written over the previous few years had influenced certain sections of my thesis, but I didn't know him personally as well as I knew Bondi and Gold.
Weart:
Okay, now I have a few questions about those years when you were at Trinity. It interests me because Cambridge was really the only place that had what one might call a school of cosmology, or more than one cosmologist in one place. Where would people get together to discuss this sort of thing, or with whom did you get together to discuss these things?
Sciama:
Well, not with that many people, because at that time there was no Department of Applied Mathematics and Theoretical Physics that was later founded, and no Institute of Theoretical Astronomy that was later founded. There was the quartet, of which we haven't mentioned Ray Lyttleton, the fourth one, There was Bondi, Gold, Boyle, and Lyttleton, who were famous as a group who worked closely together and were very irreverent, overthrowing the establishment and all that kind of thing.
They were the clamor ingroup in this sense, They met a lot and talked together, But I was younger than them; although I talked a little bit marticularly to Tommy Gold, just him and me as it were, I wasn't one of that group because I was too junior. Simply the fact that they were pushing this kind of idea had its influence on me, I got friendly with a chap called Felix Pirani who was a student of Alfred Schild of Toronto, He came to Cambridge to do a second Ph.D., and we talked relativity together. But there were not many people then to talk to about these things, it wasn't like later times.
Weart:
I see. There wasn't some pub or whatever where everyone would get together?
Sciama:
There was no everyone. There were one or two of us, I had fellow research students whom I was personally very friendly with, whom I beat over the head and told about Mach's Principle, but they would be mainly working in things like statistical mechanics and so on, because these were the colleagues who had shared my office when I had started in statistical mechanics.
Weart:
I see, Were there any important seminars or journal clubs or anything like that, in which these sorts of things would be discussed?
Sciama:
Occasionally. There's a club called the Del Squared V Club, which you may have heard of.
Weart:
Yes, I've heard of it from various people.
Sciama:
It's fairly important within Cambridge. It was as a matter of fact, I believe, historically the first group where Eddington reported the successful measurement of the bending of light at the eclipse of 1919, That met once every fortnight to discuss problems of various kinds and there were talks, I gave a talk once on Mach's Principle and so forth, Yes, there were opportunities to discuss, but there weren't the large numbers of people in the game that developed later.
Weart:
I see. At this time you were one can't say you were in the physics group did you relate much with the physicists? That is, there were people there that were formally physicists and people there that were formally astronomers, and inbetween people, and I wondered about relations with the physicists and with the astronomers and between them?
Sciama:
Of course I had moved from being within the physics camp to being more concerned with these relativity matters. Through the meetings of the Del Squared V Club and there was another club called the Kapitza Club, which you may have heard of, which met alternatively when the Del Squared V didn't meet, It was named in honor of Kapitza and was supposed to be more on the experimental side, where Del Squared V was meant to be more, as its name implies, on the theoretical side. They met alternative weeks and many of the same people came to both. There were vigorous discussions, I'm not sure this is quite answering your question.
Weart:
I think so. Would both the astronomers and physicists be there, and perhaps mathematicians?
Sciama:
When you say astronomers - I don't think the observational astronomers came much to those things, it was more the Hoyle and Bondi kind of astronomers who came.
Weart:
What about the radio people, did they attend these things?
Sciama:
Not, I think, in large numbers, but I became conscious of them a little bit later, That's not completely true, It's another matter, the whole business of the relation between the radio astronomers and the theoretical astronomers in Cambridge is a very complicated subject which may or may not be interesting. A whole book has been written about it, which I'm sure you know well,*
Weart:
Yes, I know it, You mentioned that you'd been interviewed by Woody Sullivan also about that, so I think we really won't need to get into the Ryle-Hoyle-etc. row.
Sciama:
But I did know about their existence, because I do remember in 1951 I attended a conference in London. Let me just mention this point about it, then perhaps we need not discuss it any more, but just to show that I was beginning to realize they existed already by 1951. If you remember, in 1951 the radio sources that had by then been discovered, the discrete ones, had not been identified optically. And Martin Ryle took the view very strongly that they were all objects in our own galaxy, and that it was their integrated effect that produced the galactic diffuse background, because the synchrotron theory had not come in yet.
And I remember - it's certainly on the record of the conference β both Hoyle and Gold suggesting that it was at least equally likely that many of these sources were extragalactic, the point being they were more or less iso- tropically distributed around us, so either they were very close and didn't delineate the shape of the galaxy, or very far, And there was no reason why they shouldn't be very far, I do remember Hoyle getting up and saying, "The theorists as usual have misunderstood the nature of the observational evidence; there is no doubt that they're in the galaxy."
And of course in 1954 Cygnus A was identified as an extragalactic object, it was all different, But that means I was aware both that there were radio astronomers getting interesting results, and a bit of incompatability and confrontation between them and the theoretical group already by 1951.
Weart:
I wanted to talk a bit, then, about Steady State, I'm not sure what we should talk about first, There are two things which I guess would represent your first real jump into the Steady State with both feet; one is your model for the formation of galaxies, and the other is your paper with Bondi and Gold on the Stebbins-Whitford effect,**
I don't know which comes first chronologically.
Sciama:
The one that was published first, if I remember right, was the one on the Stebbins-Whitford effect.
Weart:
Okay, let's talk about the Stebbins-Whitford effect, the problem of excess reddening. Was this a serious concern to you and Bondi and Gold, were you really concerned about it?
Sciama:
It was a matter of serious concern at the time, but it later turned out that the observers withdrew the effect. We were slightly
* D. Edge and M. Mulkay, ASTRONOMY TRANSFORMED (New York: Wiley, 1976)
** ASTROPHYSICAL JOURNAL 120 (1954) : 597.
annoyed that it was withdrawn in a very obscure placeβ namely, the progress report of the appropriate observatory; Whitford and Code withdrew it, tucked away there rather than blazing it forth - since it had been used so strongly as a weapon against the Steady State theory. We had a certain little discussion of the thing and tried to remove the sting of it when we thought it was a real effect, but obviously when it was withdrawn our little note became obsolete and of no interest. The main thing is, the effect went away.
Weart:
But I'm curious about what happened, what sort of conversations did you have with people about it - was it very much a subject of concern, did you talk to people and say, you know, you can't really explain things that way, and so forth?
Sciama:
I think so, It is partly my nature to be a bit passionate, so once I decided I liked the Steady State theory, then even though we didn't know it was true β that was what we were discussing β I as it were wanted it to he true perhaps more than an ideal scientist would, I would get very worked up, particularly if the hostile evidence was rather weak, as at the time I believed it was, Later it mounted up, and we all recanted at different times at our own chosen moments as it were, But at that time the (counter) case was weak; it seemed to me too beautiful and desirable a theory to be defeated by weak arguments. So I would get a bit intense and argue eagerly and so forth.
Weart:
Aside from the source count controversy, at this time, that is in the early 50's, was the Stebbins-Whitford effect the main argument that people came up with against Steady State?
Sciama:
It was really, yes, as far as I recall, Also there were statements by people like Baade that they, being great observational astronomers, knew the ages of galaxies, and all galaxies had the same age, whereas in the Steady State theory you'd expect a spread of ages. That was used as an argument against, which was of course pretty implausible just said like that, But the main argument, I think, at that period, was the Stebbins-Whitford effect, so we had to take it very seriously.
Weart:
Were there particular sorts of people who would defend you or attack you on this, were there lines of division that you could see?
Sciama:
I often tried to correlate the psychology of people with whether they supported or decried the Stead State theory or were just neutral, I'm not sure I ever got very far doing that, I couldn't help thinking that on the whole the more imaginative people seemed to like the theory, not necessarily think it was true, but at least were sympathetic. Of course David Edge discusses in his book the attitudes of the Cambridge and Jodrell (Bank) radio astronomers, and as groups how they reacted to the theory.
Weart:
That's still rather specific, Were there other particular places that seemed to be very much for or against the Steady State?
Sciama:
I can't recall, There were places; there were individuals who were snpathetic, like Roger Penrose, whom become very friendly with by then, and other people who never believed it for a moment, and of course in the end were quite right although not necessarily...
Weart:
Not for the right reasons.
Sciama:
Well, they may or may not, I don't think that's an answerable question, quite honestly, I think many people quite rightly felt reluctant to change a basic law of physics just to have a nice beautiful largescale structure, And that instinct may have been correct, It's a difficult thing, No, I don't think there were specific places; there were probably groups, like Ryle's group, that weren't sympathetic. But why they weren't whether that was a personality thing because of the antipathy with Fred Hoyle rather than direct scientific feelings is a very complicated question. I don't think I know the answer to that.
Weart:
Let's get on then to the modal for the formation of galaxies, I first note it in IAU Symposium#2 (1953) at Cambridge, and then it was published a couple of years later in 1955. How did you come to that? This is a very unique way of looking at something, that the structure of something should he determined simply by the fact that it's in a Steady State.
Sciama:
Yes, Incidentally, you're reminding me now that there was some thing published on it in 1953, That makes it earlier than our discussion of the Stebbins-Whitford effect, which was 1957.
Weart:
Right these things were going on at the same time?
Sciama:
Yes, they were already going on, It was a question of when one felt that it was worth rublishing. Yes, the idea of the galaxy formation paper* was one of these nice ideas that turned out wrong simply because the whole theory is wrong.
Weart:
It's a beautiful idea, I'm interested in where ideas came from; after all, the selection of which ones are correct may happen a hundred years later, The interesting thing is where it comes from.
Sciama:
Yes, I suppose it struck me that it was difficult to make galaxies in a universe that didn' t originally have them, And that remains true today; we still don't know how the galaxies formed, and it's a big problem, Bhereas clearly, any single galaxy in the Steady State theory would form in a universe full of them, so why not use the preexisting ones to perturb the intergalactic gas and do the job for you? Then when I played with that, I noticed there were signs that you could make a scheme whereby the Steady State condition alone was enough to determine all the properties of the system. I was quite pleased with that.
Weart:
I see, so it flowed out of the work itself.
Sciama:
Yes. It wasn't the original idea; it emerged as the work went on.
Weart:
How did this relate to your conviction that the Steady State theory was a good theory? Did it reinforce it, had you already believed it by that time?
*MONTHLY NOTICES R.A.S 115 (1955) : 3.
Weart:
I see. What about Lyttleton, how did he fit into that?
Sciama:
Lyttleton really virtually didn't β with one exception later, when he wrote the paper with Bondi that was quite interesting in its way about the charge on the electron and protron not being quite equal β with that one excertion he didn't write on cosmology. But he joined with the others in writing on astrophysical topics. He was the original member of the whole group in astronomy; he got Hoyle into astronomy from theoretical physics through their friendship that occurred through their joint interest in cricket, So he was a key member of the quartet, but more in astrophysical matters than cosmological ones.
Weart:
I see. Why was it that there were all these people at that one place interested in cosmology? As you describe it, in your own case you just happened to be interested in cosmology and happened to be there, and then all of these other people also.
Sciama:
Neil, Hoyle, Gold and Bondi met during the war working on radar. That doesn't quite answer your question, I think behind your question is something that I've always found mysterious, which is the way groups of people with certain kinds of talent join forces, or have a school in a place, Often it works in the arts, doesn't it, I mean the Renaissance in Italy, or Vienna at a certain period, had a terrific flowering of some kind of thing or a group of things, as would be true in Vienna, To me it's a mystery how that operates.
Weart:
Nothing in the air at Cambridge, nothing particularly in the institutions there?
Sciama:
Well, there's a tradition in England for interest in cosmology. You see Eddington, who died in 1944 or at the latest in eaaly 1945, had worked in cosmology and relativity as well as astrophysics.
Weart:
Was Eddington's shadow felt, so to speak?
Sciama:
I don't think so, not at least in the negative sense. Because from the early 50's on there began this fantastic development in astronomy which introduced so many new processes and concepts that were not known to Eddington, His successful work in earlier generations in this kind of imaginative field where relativity, astronomy and cosmology get all mixed up, that encouraged people to work on those things; but the actual texture of the ideas was different because of the fantastic developments that took place first through radio astronomy.
Weart:
By the way, were you learning astronomy, formal astronomy, at all during this period?
Sciama:
I suppose once I got interested in the Steady State theory I started learning both astronomy and some of the pnysics that one needs to know, like atomic physics, studying the way eases behave in inter galactic space or something of that kind. But again it was mostly self taught, High-energy astrophysics was just being developed then, so there were no courses really.
Weart:
So you learned from the Journals?
Sciama:
The Journals, and the books, and talking to people.
Weart:
I suppose there were always people coming through and giving talks.
Sciama:
To some extent, although not as much as later when the Department and the Institute were set up.
Weart:
Okay. Well, then in 1956 your fellowship was finished, and I have here a number of locations that you were at over the next few years. I'm not quite sure of all the things, In 1954-55 you were at the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton, 1955-56 you were an Agassiz Fellow at Harvard (this is still while you had your fellowship).
Sciama:
Well yes, it's not very interesting, but since you asked me: the fellowship is for four years but they allowed you to take off two years in the middle, if they were consecutive years where they wouldn't pay you, and then you could take two more years at the end, So when I was in the States for two years at Princeton and Harvard I was not paid by Trinity. And when I came back they took me on again, so that in fact I stretched my time out to 1958.
Weart:
I see, And is that when you went to King's College (London)?
Sciama:
Then I went to King's College, where by that time Bondi had been made professor of applied mathematics. He had a grant from the United States Air Force to do work on gravity, and I was one of the people he invited to spend a couple of years there, on his contract.
Weart:
Why did he have a grant from the United States Air Force to study gravity? gas this ARPA?*
Sciama:
No, it was the U.S. Air Force. That period, if you cast your mind back β it was later all changed β but in the early days the Navy, the Army and the Air Force all supported fundamental research, some of which quite clearly had no bearing on defense, Their purpose being, I suppose, at the very least to keep scientists trained so that they could always be used for other purposes if necessary. Later on that practice rather tended to peter out, And they would even support work not in America.
Weart:
That's very interesting. By the way, did you ever do any defense work?
Sciama:
No. Except I did of course at T.R.E.
Weart:
Let's see, and then I have, in '60-61 professor at Cornell.
Sciama:
That was on Tommy Gold's invitation, sor at Cornell, * advanced research Projects Agency (Dept. of Defense).
Weart:
I see. This was while you were still at king's College?
Sciama:
I had two years at King's, and then that was the end of that aprointment, I had at that stage deliberately not even sought a teaching post, because I wanted to spend all my time doing research. So when I was invited to Cornell I gladly accepted.
Weart:
To do research, in fact?
Sciama:
To go on with research, yes.
Weart:
By the way, in the meantime you married.
Sciama:
That's right.
Weart:
To Lidia Dina, in 1959. I noticed this latest paper that you sent me a copy of, you dedicated to your father-in-law.
Sciama:
Yes, He died last year.
Weart:
I see. Tell me, a question I always ask people: what was your wife's backround education when you met? Did she have a separate career?
Sciama:
I met her in Jerusalem where she was studying English, She started studying at the University in Venice; she comes from Venice, and she started studying there, But she's also Jewish, and she moved to Israel and she continued her studies at the Hebrew University; she'd been there for two years when we met. Not long after we met we got married, and she came to join me in London where I still am at King's.
Weart:
Has she had any separate career?
Sciama:
Yes, when we went to Cornell she did her Master's degree in English, and then later in Cambridge she started doing social anthropology, after the children. There was a gap with the children being born. When we moved to Oxford she did first a diploma and then a B.Litt., and now this year she is teaching at Mount Molyoke, where we've been for the year.
Weart:
Tell me, how do you think that the fact that you're a scientist has affected your marriage, your children?
Sciama:
Well, my children are no good at science, but I don't think that's because I've put them off it exactly, it's just that they're no good at it. I think I'm one of those who rather works hard, rather dedicated to science, so that puts a strain on the family.
Weart:
But no different from if you'd been a hard worker in business, or something like that?
Sciama:
I suprose not, Businessmen go away a lot just as scientists do, who visit to give lectures and so on.
Weart:
Let's see, I suppose next you were a fellow at Peterhouse.
Sciama:
Oh, that was later. What happened at Cornell, I applied for a lectureship in mathematics in Cambridge. By then the Department of Applied Mathematics and Theoretical Physics had been set up. That's perhaps just a detail, but it meant that there was a departmental structure, so when this lectureship was advertised I applied for it, and I got it.
So in 1961 we moved back to Cambridge (my wife hadn't been there before), And it was about two years later that I got the fellowship at Peterhouse. That was not a teaching fellowship. I didn't want to do more teaching than my lecturing, and so I refused to be a teaching fellow, but after a couple of years Peterhouse offered me a non-teaching, a non-stipendiary, fellowship, That was of not special importance, the important thing was that I had a lectureship.
Weart:
I see, And you taught what, physics, astronomy?
Sciama:
My main lectures were mathematics, Being in the math department, I had to teach dynamics and mathematical methods and so forth, for the Math Tripos in other words.
Weart:
Okay, To get back to your scientific work then β In 1960, it's quite interesting, you said, 'Despite several recent attempts, it is still not possible to decide whether the Universe is in a steady state or whether it has evolved from a much denser configuration... Despite the great difficulties, the next decade promises to be an exciting one for observational cosmology β one in which the correct model of the universe may at last be determined,"* I'm interested, if you can cast your mind back to that time, did you expect, in fact, that it would be determined to be steady state? You were rather noncommittal (in print), where you very optimistic about cosmology at that period?
Sciama:
I was optimistic, but I think my position always was that the model was so attractive that I wished it were true, and I would fight to make it true as long as I didn't distort the evidence, but I had no feeling that it had to be true or that I knew that it was true, So i think being noncommittal in that statement was fair enourh,
Weart:
Did you have a preference for Steady State? If you could design a universe, would you make it one way or another?
Sciama:
Oh, very much.
Weart:
Would you make it steady state?
Sciama:
Yes.
Weart:
why?
Sciama:
In fact I have some quotation in an article in the SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN, something about this beautiful model, the great architecture of the universe β I can't remember now β but anyway some crack as though God had bungled things. Partly, I think, because it's the only model in which it seems evident that life will continue somewhere, On the conventional view, if the universe recollapses we'll all get crushed, and if it expands forever, then everything dies out when all the fuel is spent, So life is a very transitory thing, whereas on the Steady State theory, even if our galaxy ages and dies out, there will always be new, young galaxies where life will presumably develop.
* "Observational Aspects of Cosmology," VISTAS IN ASTRONOMY 3 (1960 : 311)
And therefore the torch keeps being carried forward, I think that was probably the most important item for me.
Weart:
Do you think this played a role in the thinking of other people also?
Sciama:
I think it must have done.
Weart:
You would have discussed these things with Bondi, Gold, whatever?
Sciama:
Oh yes. And also my colleagues working in other subjects; we would obviously discuss each others' work and views. It wasn't only that; also, the general beauty of having a Steady State was rather attractive. But if you ask me for the one single thing that dominated, it was probably that life would always exist some way.
Weart:
That's very interesting. I used to be a fan of Steady State myself.
Sciama:
I suspected it from the way you were asking me questions.
Weart:
Tell me now about this other thing, about how rapidly the correct model of the universe may be determined. How has your thinking changed? In 1960 you wrote that there was a chance that in the next decade it would be determined, and I wondered how your thinking has evolved, about how possible it is to come up with a correct model, What would you say now about the next decade?
Sciama:
Well, as between Steady State and Big Bang, I was right, although I'm not claiming anything for that, If you now mean between the different Big Bang models in particular we still don't know whether the universe will recollapse or will expand forever
Weart:
Yes, I particularly mean that.
Sciama:
I think that there is a good chance we'll resolve that proolem in the next ten years, partly through the Space Telescope.
Weart:
Do you have any preference for that?
Sciama:
Sometimes I've had a preference for the universe that just expands forever with the velocity tending to zero, the Einstein-de Sitter model, I once hoped, but that hope has not been realized in our work up to date, that Mach's Principle would lead to the unique model of the Universe, and then the hone was that it would be the one I've just described, But the work we've done so far has shown that all these highly symmetrical models, the Robertson-Walker models, seem to be Machian. Which may be a weakness of our Mach Princinle still.
Weart:
I see. There's a hope that can be determined by these general considerations?
Sciama:
Oh no, let it be determined observationally by all means, And I would perhaps hope it would be, You see, if you take these Newtonian analogues of Milne and McCrea, the Einstein-de Sitter model is the one where the total energy of the universe is zero, the kinetic energy and the negative gravitational potential energy just balancing. Well, if you think that kinetic energy manifesting inertia is due to gravitation, then you might intuit that the most Machian way of having one made by the other would be if there's equal amount of energy, which would give you uniquely the Einstein-de Sitter model, I still have a secret hope that that might turn out so, but it may well not.
Weart:
Aside from these general things, in terms of whether you would prefer, for example, a universe that oscillates, that bounces and starts over again?
Sciama:
There's no bounce; this is a misrepresentation in some of the earlier books and so on, Because of the singularity theorems, which had not been proved at the earlier times we were talking about, but that we now know to be so, if you take the existing theory, there is no bounce. If the Universe recollapses into a singularity, the theory breaks down at that point. Modern work would say that by quantizing gravity one might eliminate the singularity, but one doesn't know whether that is so or not, Perhaps we'll talk later about modern work on black hole dynamics, but at any rate quantum gravity may well play a role in removing the singularity. But in the best theory we have to date, there is no bounce.
Weart:
But there might be.
Sciama:
There might be; there might be a bounce in nature, and there might be a bounce in our next theory.
Weart:
But in terms of whether you would prefer to live in a Universe that reconstitutes itself, or not?
Sciama:
You mean because there might be life in each cycle or something?
Weart:
Or something like that.
Sciama:
I think I would need to know the theory a bit better. Because even with a bounce you'd think that the entropy made each time survives till the next bounce, say the entropy in starlight. So each bounce is a little bit different from the previous one. You see, in the old days some people said, it's a kind of Steady State theory to have an oscillating universe; if each bounce is identical to the previous one, then in a certain global sense you've got a steady state, But if the Second Law of Thermodynamics works the conventional way we think it does, then after each bounce there's a bit more radiation present because of all the extra starlight made in that oscillation.
So the character of the universe does change from bounce to bounce, and no doubt eventually gets so hot that life is not possible or something. I think perhaps on the grounds of a possible link with Mach's Principle I would prefer a Universe that only just expands forever, but the present evidence is rather against that, the denterium and so forth.
Weart:
Let me pause, by the way, to ask about the time. (Short pause) Let's try and go through some of these earlier things fairly quickly. I did want to ask you about advanced and retarded potentials and Maxwell theory, you did some work on that and I found it quite interesting. Did you approach this also as means of checking on Steady State, was it very much tied in with Steady State ideas?
Sciama:
At that time already it bad been suggested by other people that the Steady State theory seemed to be the one that fitted a full discussion of advanced and retarded potentials. This was the work of (J.E.) Hogarth. And to some extent of Boyle and Narlikar, although I can't quite remember whether their work came after mine, But Bogarth certainly was before me, So I looked into it from a particular technical point of view, using the Kirchoff integral representation. I think I came to the conclusion that it didn't particularly support the Steady State theory.
Weart:
That's right. You came up with the conclusion that it would work within the Steady State theory but that it could also work within a Big Bang.
Sciama:
Yes, I felt that other people working on the problem had not paid sufficient attention to the role of the surface integral in the discussion.
Weart:
I see, But you were not so committed to Steady State that you felt that this was a pity or whatever?
Sciama:
I can't remember whether I thought it was a pity or not, but I suppose I wasn't prerared to fudge the discussion.
Weart:
I think the next important story is getting on to your business with flees about the quasars. This is what you were referring to earlier?
Sciama:
No, I really meant that some of the work that some of my students did, I think, is the most important work I've had any relation to; they essentially did it, but perhaps they wouldn't have done it if they hadn't actually been my students. The particular work with Rees on the quasar distribution was the piece of work that in point of fact made me drop the Steady State theory, so it has a personal interest for me, but perhaps not for anyone else.
Weart:
I'm not sure who your students were, That's not easy for me to find out by looking through your papers, so maybe you should tell me which particular pieces of work you mean.
Sciama:
I was thinking of Stephen Hawking and Brandon Carter and Martin Rees, primarily, and George Ellis, who did some of his work with Stephen Hawking, I had quite a number of other research students who have done significant work, and their total accumulated effort is very considerable in the general area of relativistic astrophysics. But the most brilliant work was done by the ones I've mentioned.
Weart:
Let's get to them, But first I do want to ask about this business with Rees, Of course, in 1963 you had challenged Ryle's conclusion from the source counts; we won't get into that in detail, but you had suggested that there were local effects, Then in early 1966 you tried to extend this to quasars and also you used it against the microwave background, A lot of things were coming along at this time, and you already wrote that "the demonstration that the microwave background consists of black body radiation ... would almost certainly enable the steady-state model to be ruled out."
And if your rather risky model for the distribution of local quasars, I'm quoting, "falls," you said, "it looks as though the steadystate theory of the universe falls with it ." So it appears from the published papers that even before you and Rees did the redshift intensity plot for quasars, you must have been feeling that the Steady State theory was getting hard to defend because of the microwave background?
Sciama:
That's certainly true, yes. It was getting a bit shaky, but I wasn't prepared to abandon it at that stage, because the blackbody character hadn't been sufficiently well established at that time and one could find these slightly artificial models of the discrete population of radio sources, Although slightly artificial, I felt the price wasn't too high for the virtues of the Steady State theory, as judged at that time.
Weart:
But it was getting perhaps more and more ad hoc.
Sciama:
Oh yes. I was preparing my mind for the trauma that came along. When I'd looked at the distribution of quasars a bit and the local population and all that business, then I started plotting out this redshift distribution, At first, as a matter of fact, I thought it was coming out to favor the Steady State prediction. But Martin Rees, to whom I showed these data, gave them a critical look and said be thought it was coming out the other way, hostile, So we did some more on it together, and it seemed quite clear that he was right and it was hostile, We were the first, in fact, to publish analysis of the kind that Maerten Schmidt in particular did later, with much more detail, much better data, But we were the first to point out that this distribution was hostile to the Steady States theory.
Weart:
I see, So what Rees did was not so much to suggest a different way of looking at the data as saying, come back and look at it again,
Sciama:
In effect, I was plotting it out in a certain way and it looked good to me in terms of the theoretical prediction of Steady State, That's no doubt an example of the mind wanting a certain result, And while he had worked with me on other aspects of Steady State a little bit at that time, he had no particularly great investment of emotion in the matter, Looking at the plot I was making, he felt that I hadn't made a good story of it and that in fact if you looked at the plot the right way, the argument went the opposite. Then we looked at it more closely together and found that he was right.
Weart:
You said "trauma"; did this in fact cause you much dismay?
Sciama:
Yes, I had a bad month.
Weart:
Worrying over it?
Sciama:
Oh yes, feeling very upset not I think because I had been shown to be wrong, because I never said I thought the theory was right, there was no grounds for thinking it was right, as it were, if you see what I mean; it was rather that one would like it to be right for these other reasons, I was upset that it wasn't right.
Weart:
You were upset that we were not looking at a Steady State Universe?
*NATURE 211 (1966) : 277; 210: 351.
Sciama:
Yes.
Weart:
I see, So then of course you came out publicly very definitely against Steady State, I'm curious as to what effect this may have had on your relations with Hoyle, Bondi, Gold, Surbidge and so forth?
Sciama:
Oh, none particularly.
Weart:
Because they were more or less still...
Sciama:
Well, Hoyle was complicated because he first recanted before I did and then unrecanted his recantation, so the details were a bit complicated. But it certainly didn't affect my relationship. We may have had arguments, of course, of various kinds according to the way our views were going, but it didn't make any problems.
Weart:
There's one other thing that may have played a role here, I'm not certain about the chronology at the time, but you published the redshift flux density thing in the September NATURE and in the August one you and Rees published a paper on the inverse Compton effect in quasars, showing that quasars could be at cosmological distances, which was contrary to the results of Hoyle, Burbidge and Sargent, who had thought the inverse Compton effect losses might rule out quasars at great distances.* I wondered if this particular wrinkle might have layed some role in your thinking at that point?
Sciama:
I think the point was that one had to take a view as to where the quasars were, because if you thought the quasars were local, you could also get out of the radio source count, You could say the radio source count (slope) being steep might be due to quasars, and if the quasars were local then the steepness was not cosmological.
Sciama:
But I was rather reluctant; that is, one of my earlier models had said that there might be a class of quasars that is local but one whose redshifts hadn't been measured; I never wanted to say that if a quasar had a large redshift it was still local.
Weart:
I see, That's a little difficult to take.
Sciama:
Yes, We know that Hoyle and Burbidge tried that for many years, but to me that was pushing too hard to keep the Steady State theory. So I never took that view. The inverse Compton discussion related to questions of how distant the quasars were, and I think our analysis showed that you could have the quasars at a cosmological distance, I somehow wanted that to be so; otherwise it was just too much of a good thing.
Weart:
Okay, now, you mentioned Martin Rees as a student, and I wondered what other things you might want to say about him as a student and also the other students that you had at Cambridge.
Sciama:
I suppose my most brilliant student in astrophysics was Martin Bees, and in relativity were Stephen Hawking and Brandon Carter and George Ellis.
*NATURE 211 (1966) : 805, 1283.
Weart:
Were they also at β
Sciama:
They were all at Cambridge.
Weart:
I see. What was the order? Rees was first?
Sciama:
No, George Ellis was in fact the first research student I ever had.
Weart:
I see, How did that come about?
Sciama:
When I took up my lectureship he'd already been accepted as a research student by the system; I wasn't there to play a part in this issue. He wanted to work on relativity, so he worked with me. He got to know Hawking when Hawking became a student of mine, and then they published this wonderful book together, THE LARGE SCALE STRUCTURE OF THE UNIVERSE.
Weart:
Tell me a little more about that, How did they come to these problems? I'm particularly interested in Hawking and this whole business. I don't know myself, because I'm not close to these things, but everyone seems to feel that Hawking's results have been extremely important. Tell me about Hawking.
Sciama:
Well, Hawking was a special case also because of his physical disability, which was only beginning to show itself at the time that he came to me.
Weart:
So it was quite a normal relationship at that point.
Sciama:
He knew that he had a degenerative disease, but we didn't know what the prognoses would be, and I'm afraid it just did get worse and worse pretty steadily. It became evident by his third year that he was exceptionally able, What he did then was to take a piece of work of Roger Penrose, who's another very able relativist, who proved the first singularity theorem for collapsing stars in 1965, and Stephen Hawking for the last chapter of his thesis adapted those methods to the case of the whole universe, But it wasn't a straightforward adaptation; he also contributed a lot of his own.
Weart:
Yes, it's quite a difficult problem.
Sciama:
That's right.
Weart:
I wonder, what role did you play in this?
Sciama:
I encouraged him, I was a close personal friend of Roger Penrose and therefore I knew about his work, I can't remember whether Stephen first saw it from a lecture or a paper or my telling him, But at any rate, all my contribution really was, was to create the ambience at Cambridge that these problems were discussed, But hawking decided to adapt the discussion to cosmology and I encouraged him, but it was all his own work.
Weart:
I was impressed, and still am impressed, by this way of thinking about the universe, this dealing with metrics on a large scale and so forth. How natural do you think it was at that time, was this a new this entire way of looking at things?
Sciama:
Well, it was natural to Roger Penrose, because he was a pure mathematician by training. He did a thesis on algebraic geometry under Bill Hodge at Cambridge, and when we got friendly personally, my interests in relativity infected him a bit and he came over to do relativity.
Weart:
But then this extension to cosmology also?
Sciama:
I was going to add, in Hawking's case he only discovered that he was gifted at topology in the process of working on these ideas. Then he found that he could do them with relative facility. So a lot of his work after that became global generalizing.
Weart:
I see, simply because that was a talent of his?
Sciama:
And the problems were important.
Weart:
Right. And then of course the other development which is connected is the bringing in of quantum theory and thermodynamics.
Sciama:
That came much later.
Weart:
Yes, but perhaps you can tell me how that all came in. I can't ask Hawking.
Sciama:
Well, first of all there was work on black boles. His first major work was a variety of singularity theorems which he continued doing after his thesis, And then he started getting interested in black holes and producing very good black hole theorems. We're now talking about the very early '70's. And there was floating around the idea that thermodynamics had to do with black holes, although Hawking himself was a bit skeptical.
Weart:
I see. This was a problem people were talking about?
Sciama:
Well, in 1973 Bekenstein suggested that you could call the surface gravity of a black hole its temperature, and the area of its horizon its entropy. Hawking at that time thought this was going much too far, because there were certain analogies to thermodynamic behavior, but they were very limited, One thing a black hole couldn't do was to radiate, so it couldn't get into equilibrium with black body radiation that had the same temperature as the alleged temperature of the black hole, So I remember him being rather skeptical of Bekenstein's suggestion, for good reason of course; although in the end it turned out differently, at the time he was right, you see, Then I remember him saying one day that he was going to look at the connection between quantum theory and gravity.
Weart:
It just came to him that this would be an interesting problem?
Sciama:
People had tried to do this before, and he'd never gone into that before.
Weart:
You say between quantum theory and gravity, not specificaily black holes at that time?
Sciama:
I can't remember at what point he said, let's apply it to a black hole, But since a black hole shows such extreme general relativity behavior, as it were, it would not be an unnatural place to start looking. Given that so much work on black holes had been done, particularly at Cambridge and particularly by him and other colleagues like Brandon Carter, who had obtained a very important result on the uniqueness theorem for rotating black holes.
We were full of black holes, whereas early people who had combined quantum theory and gravity that was all done before the great explosion of interest in black holes. I can remember when I first heard of his results, I visited Cambridge once and I met Martin Rees and he was so agitated; he said, "Have you heard, have you heard what Stephen's discovered, it changes everything."
And that was the radiating black hole, This showed, you see, against what he criticized Bekenstein for before, that in fact the surface gravity really was the temperature, because a black hole does radiate and can get into equilibrium with black body radiation, That's a work of genius, in my opinion, that discovery.
Weart:
It's one of those things that one can even understand; even someone who doesn't go through all the mathematics can physically see it, Does Hawking have a sort of physical intuition? Does he physically see his way to it or does it come out of the mathematics?
Sciama:
I think both, I think he has a very deep understanding of physics and he has a powerful mathematical technique as well.
Weart:
And in this case the results surprised him, so to speak?
Sciama:
Yes, It's a result that no one else could believe at first, it looked so outrageous. And on the whole those of us who couldn't of course instantly master the technique because it involves quantum field theory and so on, a very specialized business - on the whole we were prepared to believe it I think just because the answer was so thermodynamic, Because at least some of us, including Einstein incidentally, had great faith in the universal power of thermodynamics.
Weart:
Oh, you were going to tell me about your last conversation with Einstein.
Sciama:
Well, the only one I had with him took place at the end of my year at the Princeton Institute, April 1955, I wanted to see him of course, and I plucked up courage only at the end of the year to go and see him, It was literally a week before he died, and I was with him for over an hour and a half, That was a great experience for me.
Weart:
What did you talk about?
Sciama:
I started out a bit nervous of course. I'd read that he had a hearty laugh and a simple sense of humor, so I thought I' d start out in the following way. Originally, of course, the very phrase Mach's Principle was Einstein's own phrase for that idea, And he'd used the principle as the guiding light for constructing general relativity, But he later came to feel that the principle wasn't so important, and in the autobiographical notes which he wrote for that Schilpp volume* he had said that he came to disown Mach's Principle.
So knowing that, I went to see him and I said, "Professor Einstein, I've come to talk about Mach's PrincipIce and I've come to defend your former self * ALBERT EINSTEIN, PHILOSOPHER-SCIENTIST, Paul Schilpp, ed. (Evanston, Ill. : Library of Living Philosophers, 1949).
against your later self." And it worked: he said, "Ho, ho, ho, that is gut, Ja!" Like that, really laughed. So that put me a bit at my ease, So then I talked about my way of doing Mach's Principle and he talked about his work and his doubts about quantum theory and so on, It was a wonderful experience.
Weart:
Tell me now about going to Oxford. How did you come to go to Oxford, and what did you find there? I don't know much about astronomy at Oxford in this period and I'm quite curious.
Sciama:
Well, there wasn't very much theoretical astronomy there, The reason I did (go) was that I had a heavy lecturing load in Cambridge and a lot of research students by then. I had about nine or ten, I found that load was very heavy. So when All Souls College advertised a senior research fellowship including mathematics in the subjects that you could do - not believing I would succeed, because they had no tradition in science at All Souls, they had one scientist at that time as part of a fellowship of 65 β still they included mathematics in the list of subjects, so on the off chance I applied. Because there were no duties at All Souls at all, you just do what you like, I mean you have to be in Oxford, but you don't have any teaching duties, So I did apply and I was successful, So I moved to Oxford in 1970.
Weart:
And what was the scene there for theoretical astronomy?
Sciama:
There was a reader in the theoretical physics department, Dickter Haar, who had one or two students at the time. That was the only activity. But I made a deal with the professor of astrophysics, who wanted a theoretical group in his department but the university had never given him the funds for a post. So when I said I would build him up a theoretical group of the kind I used to have in Cambridge, he was quite pleased that that should be. That was nothing to do with All Souls as it were, I joined the astrophysics department.
Weart:
Who was that by the way?
Sciama:
Donald Blackwell; he is still the professor now, We got money from the Radcliffe Trust to put a small building up, a wooden hut (it is quite comfortable actually) on the lawn in front of the main building, and that's where my theoretical group worked.
Sciama:
Students, and I have post-doc and senior visitors. And also Roger Penrose, a little after I moved to Oxford, got the chair that E.A. Milne had originally, and he has a relativity group at the Mathematical institute, which we have close contact with.
Weart:
So you have considerable relationships with the mathematicians?
Sciama:
And also ter Haar has built up his group in theoretical physics, and we have rood relations with them too.
Weart:
I see, What are the feelings amongst all these people, specifically about cosmologists? I think one could fairly say that you're a cosmologist; I wonder how people feel about that as a specialism?
Sciama:
which people do you mean?
Weart:
The physicists, the mathematicians, and particularly other astronomers that you meet.
Sciama:
I think that with the recent observational developments of quasars and the three-degree black body background, cosmology is taken much more seriously now than it used to be, Also, my work is as much relativity as cosmology, and I've done some work on black holes myself and their thermodynamics. And that development is exciting to physicists as well as to astronomers, and so the fact that I do that kind of thing you see, you're right to ask, in the sense that when I was originally doing cosmology, it was considered not a respectable part of physics, and therefore one was a bit liable to be disregarded or written off on that account. That's much less true today, for the reasons I just mentioned about the observational developments, but also the black hole work has physicists' respect. So if one is associated with working in that field, one isn't any longer considered as very much on the sidelines.
Weart:
I see, Do you feel that the fact that during your early career you were particularly in cosmology had an effect on your career?
Sciama:
Not I think on my career, because I got positions of the kinds I wanted, I got a lectureship in math at Cambridge, and then I got a senior research fellowship at All Souls - I don't know how much you know about All Souls, but in England it has a very particular prestige. And the fact that I was one of the few scientists there (there are only one or two of us) in a sense is a prestigious thing. So although on one hand my being a cosmologist must have made many people feel I was very much on the sidelines if not an actual crank, on the other hand I can't say it had any bad effect on my career at all.
Weart:
This was simply a feeling that you had from talking to people perhaps?
Sciama:
Oh, I certainly did in the early years, yes, (A) being a cosmologist, and (B) supporting Steady State. Because as I explained, there were a variety of reactions to Steady State, but for many people, it wasn't respectable to suppose matter could be continuously created. On top of cosmology anyway not being respectable. So things have changed since those early days.
Weart:
I just had one other question. you've written a number of popular articles, SCENTITIC AMERICAN and COMMENTARY, and you did a book, THE UNITY OF THE UNIVERSE*, popularizing, and I wondered why you did this sort of thing?
Sciama:
Well, I think it's very important to do it, The community as it were pays a few of its members to study these problems, the results of which are of consequence for all people. If I don't sound too grandiose, I think my way of looking at it is the following.
None of us can understand why there's a Universe at all, why anything should exist; that's the ultimate question. But while we cannot answer that question, we can at least make progress with the next simpler one, of what the Universe as a whole is like. Everybody must care about that one way or another, more or less, A few of us devote our time to find out, supported financially and spiritually by the whole community. *
Garden City, N.Y. : Doubleday, 1959. results of our findings or our musings. And therefore one ought to give popular lectures, ite articles and books of a popular kind, as one's return to the community.
Weart:
How do your colleagues feel about this? Do you feel that many astronomers support you?
Sciama:
On the whole, yes. There was a time when writing popular books was looked at with disdain; I don't think that's so true today.
Weart:
How do your colleagues feel about this? Do you feel that many astronomers support you?
Sciama:
I wouldn't like to say when the climate changed. Of course, it depends a bit on how much one does of that compared to how much technical work one does. One has to get the balance right. If you do nothing but write popular articles, you will be suspected of trying to make money. But if you do technical work and discharge your responsibilities that way, that's now quite acceptable. The particle physicists have discovered that they ought to do it.
Weart:
Do you feel there's a connection between this sort of thing and fundraising?
Sciama:
Indeed, If you want to be cynical, you can say you should do it for fundraising purposes. Obviously that's an element in it, that I wouldn't deny for a moment, but I really take seriously this feeling i have that we owe it to the community to tell them our results. And they're interested in the results, as you can see by the fact that good popular books sell well, good popular talks are usually packed out, I've had these Luce lectures in Mount Holyoke and we've had three or four hundred people coming essentially every week for eight weeks.
Weart:
Do you feel that there's been a change in the attitude towards these things?
Sciama:
No, I wouldn't say that, I think there's always been, I remember a remark that G.M. Hardy made in his "Mathematician's Apology," when he went to a British Association meeting in Leeds in the '20's, and there was a talk on textile science to which ten people came; there was a talk by Eddington on the origin of the Universe that 500 people went to. No, I think the public have always been interested. There's always been people, as Eddington and Jeans in their time, who believed it was important to popularize, It's just that I would feel that in very recent years it's become more widely recognized that it's a very respectable and worthy thing to do.
Weart:
I want to switch to one other topic, you're in a very good position to comment, if you would, on the differences between the British and the American astronomical communities, because you've spent a lot of time back and forth in both of them, I wondered what differences you notice?
Sciama:
I think the main difference is that for some curious reason (a point we did touch on earlier) the British have a tradition of taking very seriously this rather speculative work that I have admittedly spent most of my own life in. There aren't that many cosmologists in America, I'm not saying there aren't any, but somehow England is more strongly associated with that despite its small size, Certainly in the way of really innovative ideas, both in relativity and in cosmology, I would say we have a particularly strong tradition, In straight astrophysics, this country (USA) is very fine, and in the lead, We're also quite good in England but I wouldn't make the same remark. It's specifically in the more speculative parts that we have (a lead), which is curious in a way, because we have a great tradition for being empirical and pragmatic as well.
Weart:
Surposedly, yes. Is there anything in the structure or the way the departments are set up?
Sciama:
I think myself that one element in it is the system of junior research fellowships at colleges, particularly at Oxford and Cambridge. You see, these colleges are financially independent. It 's not like the colleges of Harvard or Yale, which are not financially independent. There are alternative sources of funding for bright young people; you don't only go to the Science Research Council, our equivalent to the NSF, where if they don't like your project because it's a bit way-out you've had it.
There might be ten or fifteen colleges you can apply to, all looking for brilliant, exceptional young people even if they're a bit wild sometimes, and who will back a hunch. Over the years there's been a tradition that this exists, That must be important, because that encourages young people to work in these fields, because they know that they have more chance of getting a fellowship perhaps if they do something brilliant, even if it's a bit off-beat, than something very much in the center but a bit dull.
Weart:
That's very interesting. That applies to a certain extent to yourself, in a way.
Sciama:
I suppose it does, yes. And I think Britain's remarkable standing in the world of science, given its size, is due partly to this, in general; that' s apart from specific concentration on things like cosmology. The cosmology strength is one aspect of that more general thing. I don't think it can be only that, but I suspect that may have a lot to do with it.
Weart:
That's very interesting. That's an argument that I haven't encountered before which certainly makes sense, Well, I've run through my questions. I want to thank you very much.
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