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What was the Confederate plan to pay for the war and keep the Southern economy afloat? Was the plan successful? Why? 1 Answer pohnpei397's profile pic pohnpei397 \| College Teacher \| (Level 3) Distinguished Educator Posted on The Confederate plan to pay for the war centered around cotton. The South felt that cotton would allow them to keep their finances strong and would also gain them the support they needed to win the war. The South’s main plan was to place an embargo on cotton. This may sound counterintuitive, but it was what the South tried. The Confederacy felt that an embargo on cotton would force European countries (England in particular) to support them. They felt that England was so dependent on Southern cotton that it would side with them as a way to get the South to start shipping cotton again. The idea was that the embargo would persuade England to support them both financially and politically. This would help their economy and help them win the war. This plan did not work. The main problem was that the English and French had bought so much cotton in previous years that they had a large stock pile. In addition, they developed other sources. For example, European countries started to get cotton from India and from Egypt. What happened, then, is that the strategy of using "King Cotton" as a bludgeon to hammer Europe into helping the Confederacy did not work. Instead, it was completely counterproductive. The embargo caused the French and the British to become less supportive of the Confederacy, not more. The Confederacy lost tremendous amounts of money and, partly because of this, there were women rioting in places like Richmond (the capital of the CSA) by early 1863 because the CSA lacked the money to feed its people. We will never know what would have happened if the CSA had tried a different strategy, but it is very clear that the strategy that they did try was a dismal failure. Thus, the South’s plan to use cotton as a lever to force the Europeans to support them did not work.	<urn:uuid:26b6a53c-1708-44f8-8f97-62537e441e35>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.640625, "fasttext_score": 0.4100015163421631, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9803433418273926, "url": "https://www.enotes.com/homework-help/what-was-conferderate-plan-pay-war-keep-southern-459373" }
Saturday, 10 June 2017 Child Slaves of biblical Egypt An ongoing excavation of the ancient Egyptian capital city Amarna, may shed light on the treatment of ancient slaves and their children. The city, in an isolated desert bay some 10 kilometers from the Nile, was the seat of power of Pharaoh Akhenaten. Called a “heretic”, Akhenaten ruled 17 years until his death in 1332 BC. The discovery of workmen’s burial plots provide a window into his brief reign. The simple desert graves of the ordinary Egyptians who lived and worked in Akhenaten’s city paint a picture of poverty, hard work, poor diet, ill-health, frequent injury and early death. Site of Egypt’s Amarna, taken from the desert cliffs to the north of the city. As the work progressed, a trend started to become clear to the excavators. Almost all the skeletons were immature; children, teenagers and young adults. Initial analysis concluded that the remains were of youths aged 7-25, most of whom are thought to have been under 15 when they died. Most had suffered some kind of traumatic injury. An Akkadian cuneiform letter found at Amarna	<urn:uuid:284403c8-724a-430e-b8bc-fecc57df2982>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.609375, "fasttext_score": 0.020266056060791016, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9693658351898193, "url": "http://psjfactoids.blogspot.com/2017/06/child-slaves-of-biblical-egypt.html" }
Among the many criticisms of the present administration is that tours of the White House have been suspended well into the presidential term. (Previous presidents reopened the White House with a week or so of assuming residency.) While tours have been suspended during wartime and were also famously suspended by the Secret Service during the Obama administration in response to the 2013 sequester challenges, the current closure is particularly noticeable given the restrictions against the press and the current climate concerning trust and information in general. Following Congressional pressure—as they manage and approve constituent requests—the White House has since announced that the tours would resume on March 7th. Where did this practice of opening the White House come from and why is it so important to the democratic process? There is a scene in Steven Spielberg's Lincoln where Mr. and Mrs. Jolly obtain an audience with President Lincoln to petition a claim. There is nothing remarkable about Mr. and Mrs. Jolly. They're not politicians or celebrities; they are simply citizens from Missouri who waited their turn in line to speak with Lincoln and ask his help in mediating a dispute. At one point in the scene, the door to Lincoln's office opens to a full corridor of clamoring constituents. Such was the norm until visitation procedures was formalized following WWII: anyone could visit the White House, stroll the lawns, and potentially speak with the President himself. John and Abigail Adams became the first residents of the unfinished White House in 1800. It had six livable rooms and they brought four servants with them. The Adamses found the house to be drafty, and Abigail had to use the East Room to hang her laundry. Today the White House has 132 rooms and requires a staff of about 90 to keep things running—it also has indoor plumbing and electricity, which its residents did not have access to until 1833 and 1891 respectively. Another major difference from the early White House compared to today is access: It wasn't uncommon for citizens to wander the grounds and early events were designed to encourage public participation. It was a hallmark of the young democracy that its citizens would have direct access to its leaders. The White House was conceived to be representative of the power of the people, after all. It was meant to be an international symbol of democracy. The importance of public access is made apparent in that as sparsely furnished and incomplete as the house was, the Adamses still managed to hold a reception on New Year’s Day in 1801 in the the Ladies Drawing Room. This act set the precedent for entertaining the public in the executive space. The Jefferson administration established the tradition of an "open house." The White House would be open to the public following the inauguration of a new president, on New Year’s Day and the Fourth of July, as well as for various dinners and the official dignitary events. It was sometimes a surprise to visiting European state leaders to find themselves in the company of well-dressed but otherwise ordinary Americans. It was Jefferson who hosted the first Fourth of July celebration at the executive mansion. He welcomed everyone from citizens to diplomats to Cherokee chiefs and held a festival that included horse races, cockfights and parades of the militia. One of the wilder stories concerning the public's behavior at the White House is tied to Andrew Jackson's inauguration in 1829. He was a popular candidate and his election drew an estimated 20,000 people to the inaugural festivities. The president delivered his inaugural address from the steps of the Capitol where a crowd control cable broke and the crowd surged forward. Jackson's team pulled him back to the Capitol, but he soon sought out his own horse and rode for the White House. There he found another crowd, which had gathered for the Inaugural Open House. The citizens would wait to congratulate the president, shake his hand, and enjoy some refreshments. The White House had not planned for Jackson's popularity, however, and the crowd was larger than anticipated. Accounts disagree (see here and here) on the extent of the damage done by the crowd, but there seems to be have been some degree of breakage and spillage. Jackson found himself pressed against a wall at one point during the event due to the sheer volume of bodies in the space. He slipped out and spent the night in a hotel while his staff moved the festivities onto the lawn and eventually ushered everyone out. Incidentally, later in his presidency, Jackson received a 1,400 pound wheel of cheese from a dairy farmer from Sandy Creek, NY. Jackson gave copious amounts of cheese to his friends, but still found himself with a sizeable portion of the gift as his term wound down. His solution was to hold one last open house and make the cheese available to his guests. He hosted an estimated 10,000 people who made short work of the remaining cheese. Unfortunately, part of the collateral damage was that his guests ground bits of cheese into the carpet. The smell lingered for some time. Despite the challenges of having the public within reach, many presidents felt it was their duty to entertain their citizens. Lincoln said of his time with petitioners, "I feel—though the tax on my time is heavy—that no hours of my day are better employed than those which bring again within the direct contact and atmosphere of the average of our whole people." The open house tradition was curtailed following several assassination attempts and the New Years tradition was ended by Herbert Hoover who had to shake 6,000 hands following his reception. Today access to the White House is heavily managed, but remains a right of the American people. Visitors need to be approved by their Congressional representative, undergo background check, and then must wait in line for additional security clearance the day of their visit. Still, events like the Inaugural Open House (which was reinstated by by George H.W. Bush), the Easter Egg Roll, dinners, and other events remain important ways of reinforcing the concept of our democracy as something that is of and by the people. The longer the White House remains closed, the longer it is indicative of a government that is not working at its peak. Have you visited the White House? Comments have been disabled on Anthropology in Practice, but you can always join the community on FacebookCome tell us all about it. From The White House Historical Association: Additional Sources: You might also like: Image Credit: General Research Division, The New York Public Library. "The White House, Washington, D.C." The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1877-03-17.	<urn:uuid:6f19c4d2-0d8f-4d96-98f4-45c52479eb30>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 4.125, "fasttext_score": 0.04307115077972412, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9807022213935852, "url": "https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/anthropology-in-practice/why-is-it-significant-that-the-white-house-tours-resume/" }
Literary Terms in “the Bean Eaters” Only available on StudyMode • Download(s) : 913 • Published : February 25, 2013 Open Document Text Preview Kimberly Armogan Professor Hamm Eng. 200 F2 Literary Terms in “The Bean Eaters” Did you know Gwendolyn Brooks was the first African-American, male or female, to win the Pulitzer Prize ( Brooks was born on June 7, 1917 and began to have an interest in poem early in her life. Her first poem was published at the age of thirteen in the American Childhood Magazine in 1930. Today she is known for having more than twenty books of poems published like “The Children Coming Home” (“Gwendolyn Brooks,” In many of Brooks’s poems she uses many literary terms to elaborate more on the theme of her poems. One poem of hers called “The Bean Eaters” recounts how an old couple upholds their lives together. In the poem there is no mention of any friends or relatives of the couple that accompany them, but only their memories and their little possessions. Although they "eat beans mostly" and "dinner is a casual affair," they dine while recalling all their amusing and wonderful memories of the past ( In the poem “The Bean Eaters,” Brooks uses symbols and imagery to help her explore the theme of an elderly couple maintaining their existence. Brooks uses symbols to support her theme of an elderly couple maintaining their life. Symbols are something that represents or stands for something else. In the first line, Brooks starts out talking about the couple’s dining ways. “They eat beans mostly, this old yellow pair” (“The Bean Eaters,” Brooks). Basically, Brooks is saying that the couple are not having the best meals in the world. The beans symbolize everything that the pair is missing in their lives, money-wise and socially like good food to eat. Instead, the couple makes do with what they have and they make it work for them. So in doing this, Brooks’s theme is supported by the symbol of beans because the couple carries on with their lives and they maintain it by being contented with the little they possess. Another symbol that... tracking img	<urn:uuid:28a38799-3c14-4670-8b68-272840befc2a>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.734375, "fasttext_score": 0.11279124021530151, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9718211889266968, "url": "http://www.studymode.com/essays/Literary-Terms-In-The-Bean-Eaters-1453544.html" }
Definition of phenylthiocarbamide in English: mass nounChemistry • A crystalline solid which has a bitter taste to people possessing a certain dominant gene and is tasteless to others. • ‘Science separates people into two groups, ‘tasters ‘and ‘nontasters, ‘based on their ability to sense a chemical called phenylthiocarbamide.’’ • ‘Part of taste in humans is genetically controlled and it is a well-known phenomena to find individuals who are unable to taste phenylthiocarbamide.’ • ‘The ability to taste, tested using a compound phenylthiocarbamide, is one of the best studied inherited traits in humans.’ • ‘Breakthroughs in taste research began in 1931 when Science published the finding that many individuals are unable to taste the compound, phenylthiocarbamide, a relatively bitter compound.’ • ‘For decades, taste researchers have used a chemical called phenylthiocarbamide to assay a person's capability to sense a bitter taste.’	<urn:uuid:4b11d4e0-ef19-4d03-ad1b-23ef4ea11c49>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.609375, "fasttext_score": 0.023880481719970703, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.8908646702766418, "url": "https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/phenylthiocarbamide" }
DCXR gene dicarbonyl and L-xylulose reductase The DCXR gene provides instructions for making a protein called dicarbonyl and L-xylulose reductase (DCXR), which plays multiple roles in the body. One of its functions is to perform a chemical reaction that converts a sugar called L-xylulose to a molecule called xylitol. This reaction is one step in a process by which the body can use sugars for energy. There are two versions of L-xylulose reductase in the body, known as the major isoform and the minor isoform. The DCXR gene provides instructions for making the major isoform, which converts L-xylulose more efficiently than the minor isoform. It is unclear if the minor isoform is produced from the DCXR gene or another gene. Another function of the DCXR protein is to break down toxic compounds called alpha-dicarbonyl compounds. These compounds, which are byproducts of certain cellular processes or are found in foods in the diet, must be broken down so they do not damage cells. The DCXR protein is also one of several proteins that get attached to the surface of sperm cells as they mature. DCXR is involved in the interaction of a sperm cell with an egg cell during fertilization. At least two mutations in the DCXR gene cause a condition called essential pentosuria, which is found almost exclusively in individuals with Ashkenazi Jewish ancestry. Affected individuals have high levels of L-xylulose in their urine, but they have no associated health problems. The gene mutations involved in this condition lead to the production of altered DCXR proteins that are quickly broken down. Without this protein, L-xylulose is not efficiently converted to xylitol, and the excess sugar is released in the urine. Only the major isoform of L-xylulose reductase is affected by these mutations, but the minor isoform cannot compensate for the loss of DCXR's function in breaking down L-xylulose. It is thought that other processes are able to break down toxic alpha-dicarbonyl compounds, likely accounting for the lack of symptoms in people with essential pentosuria. Males with essential pentosuria appear to have normal reproductive function, despite studies that show that a shortage of DCXR protein attached to sperm cells can be associated with the inability to have biological children (infertility). Molecular Location: base pairs 82,035,881 to 82,037,697 on chromosome 17 (Homo sapiens Annotation Release 108, GRCh38.p7) (NCBI) • carbonyl reductase 2 • carbonyl reductase II • DCR • dicarbonyl/L-xylulose reductase • HCR2 • kidney dicarbonyl reductase • L-xylulose reductase • L-xylulose reductase isoform 1 • L-xylulose reductase isoform 2 • P34H • SDR20C1 • short chain dehydrogenase/reductase family 20C, member 1 • sperm surface protein P34H • XR	<urn:uuid:241048a9-c4c4-4fc6-8994-c52f07ed3f78>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.578125, "fasttext_score": 0.01950925588607788, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9306141138076782, "url": "https://ghr.nlm.nih.gov/gene/DCXR" }
Chapters Eleven and Twelve Winn-Dixie gets frightened and Opal learns about Otis. The questions below relate to events in these chapters. Answer each question using complete sentences. 1. Of what does Winn-Dixie have a “pathological fear”? 2. How does Winn-Dixie show that he is very afraid? 3. Why was it hard for Opal to talk, after her father said they would have to keep WinnDixie safe? 4. What did Opal discover when she first got to the pet store? 5. What was the only way to get the animals back in their cages? 6. Why did Otis feel sorry for the animals?	<urn:uuid:5692e87f-117d-4618-a3b3-fe6d98d8eb83>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.609375, "fasttext_score": 1.0000088214874268, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.975635290145874, "url": "https://vickeyswiki.wikispaces.com/Chapter+11-12?responseToken=241c1c812924b99a4e8d4685cf1606bc" }
Ads 468x60px vineri, 12 octombrie 2012 History of the Kingdom of Dahomey The History of the Kingdom of Dahomey spans 300 years from 1600 until 1900 with the rise of the Kingdom of Dahomey as a major power on the Atlantic coast of current day Benin. The Kingdom became a major regional power in the 1720s when it conquered the coastal kingdoms of Allada and Ouidah. With control over these key coastal cities, Dahomey became a major center in the Atlantic Slave Trade until 1852 when the British imposed a naval blockade to stop the trade. War with the French began in 1892 and the French took over the Kingdom of Dahomey in 1894. The throne was vacated by the French in 1900, but the royal families and key administrative positions of the administration continued to have a large impact in the politics of the French administration and the post-independence Republic of Dahomey, renamed Benin in 1975. Historiography of the kingdom has had a significant impact on work far beyond African history and the history of the kingdom forms the backdrop for a number of novels and plays. Before the Kingdom of Dahomey The Abomey plateau was settled by a series of small tribes but because of a lack of resources and access to key trade routes, the plateau was one of the poorest areas of Africa. The most significant empire in the region was the Oyo Empire which exercised some form of hegemony over the area. The Atlantic coast was controlled by the Kingdom of Allada and the Kingdom of Whydah. The coastal area had come in contact with the Portuguese in the 1400s, but significant trade did not start until 1533 when the Portuguese and Grand-Popo signed a trade agreement. Founding of Dahomey There are a number of different folklore stories about the founding of the Kingdom of Dahomey. Most scholars believe many of these myths were created or exaggerated in the 18th century to promote the legitimacy of the Dahomey royal regimes at the time. The most common founding myth traces the founding of the Kingdom to the royal lineage of Allada. According to this story, there was a Fon prince named Agassu in the city of Tado who tried to become king but lost the struggle and took over the city of Allada instead. Around 1600, two princes in Agassu's lineage fought over who would be the ruler of Allada. It was decided that both princes would leave the town and found new kingdoms with Teagbanlin going south and founding the city that would become Porto-Novo and Do-Aklin moving to the Abomey plateau to the north (Porto-Novo and the Kingdom of Dahomey remained rivals for much of history). Do-Aklin's son Dakodonu was granted permission to settle in the area by the chiefs in Abomey. Dakodonu requested additional land from a prominent chief named Dan to which the chief responded "Should I open up my belly and build you a house in it." Dakodonu killed Dan on the spot and ordered that his new palace be built on the site and derived the kingdom's name from the incident: Dan=chief, xo=Belly, me=Inside of. Rise and Expansion of Dahomey (1600-1740) It is not possible to clearly differentiate the folklore of the founding from later attempts by the regime to legitimate its activities in the early history. However, the empire was established in about 1600 by the Fon people who had recently settled in the area. The Palace in Abomey was established in the early 1600s. In the mid-1600s, under the King Houegbadja the kingdom began raiding and taking over towns outside of the Abomey plateau. At the same time, the slave trade began increasing in size in the coastal region through Whydah (modern Ouidah) and Allada and trade with the Portuguese, Dutch, and British. The Dahomey Kingdom became known to European traders at this time as a major source of slaves in the slave trade at Allada and Whydah. King Agaja, grandson of Hoegbadja, came to the throne in 1708 and began significant expansion of the Kingdom of Dahomey. By 1715, King Agaja repudiated the kingdom's allegiance to Allada and began increasing military activity throughout the region. In 1724, Agaja offered his military to help with a succession struggle. The same year, he turned his forces on the army of Allada and took over the city, relocating his capital from Abomey to Allada. In 1727, Agaja took over the city of Whydah and thus became the primary force on a major part of the coast. In 1729, Agaja began war against the Oyo Empire with a number of cross-border raids. During the war, the royal family of Whydah returned to the throne forcing Agaja to fight to reclaim the city. He moved much of his army with a significant portion in the back composed of women dressed like male warriors (this is possibly the beginning of the Dahomey Amazons). The Whydah royal family had assumed that the Dahomey army had been weakened in the war with Oyo and, upon seeing such a large force, fled from the city. In 1730 the war with Oyo ended and Dahomey retained domestic control but became a tributary of the Oyo empire. By the end of Agaja's reign, the Kingdom of Dahomey occupied significant area, particularly the crucial coastal slave trade cities. At the same time, Agaja created much of the administrative apparatus of the kingdom and instituted the key ceremony of the Annual Customs, or Xwetanu in Fon. Dahomey as Regional Power (1740-1852) Following the death of Agaja in 1740, the empire was defined by significant political struggle (although limited to within the palace walls) and deepening engagement with the slave trade. There was a significant succession fight after Agaja's death when Agaja's preferred heir was passed over for Tegbessou (who ruled from 1740-1774). Tegbessou moved the capital city back to Abomey but had to deal with a number of different factions in the powerful members of the kingdom and in keeping conquered territories loyal. At the same time, the empire continued slave raids throughout the region and became a major supplier to the Atlantic slave trade. In the late 1700s, Oyo put pressure onto Dahomey to reduce its participation in the slave trade and Dahomey complied by limiting some of the slave trade. However, even with this, the empire was a significant player in the slave trade supplying up to 20% of the total slave trade. In 1818, King Ghezo (ruled 1818-1858) came to the throne by forcibly replacing his older brother Adandozan. Crucial in Ghezo's rise to power was the financial and military assistance of Francisco Félix de Sousa, a prominent Brazilian slave trader located in Ouidah. As a result, Ghezo named de Sousa the chacha or viceroy of trade in Ouidah providing him with significantly more power and money (the title chacha remains an important honorary position in Ouidah to this day). In 1823, Ghezo led armies against Oyo and was this time able to end the tributary status of Dahomey and permanently weaken Oyo. Suppression of the Slave Trade (1852-1880) Two major changes occurred in the 1840s and 1850s which significantly changed politics in Dahomey. First, the British who had been a major purchaser of slaves began taking an active stance in abolishing the slave trade in the 1830s. They sent multiple diplomatic parties to Ghezo to try and convince him to end Dahomey's participation in the trade, all of these were rebuffed with Ghezo worried of the political consequences of ending such trade. Second, the city of Abeokuta was founded in 1825 and rose to prominence as a safe haven for people to be safe from the slave raids by Dahomey. In 1844, Dahomey and Abeokuta went to war and Abeokuta was victorious. Other violence in the early 1850s further cemented Abeokuta's challenge to Dahomey's economic control in the region. Internally, the pressure resulted in a number of changes. Ghezo rejected British requests for ending the slave trade, but at the same time began expanded significantly the palm oil trade as an economic alternative. Politically, the debate became centered around two political factions: the Elephant and the Fly. The Elephant, connected with Ghezo, high-profile political leaders, and the creole slave traders like the family of De Sousa, pushed for continued activity in the slave trade and resistance to British pressure. The Fly faction, in contrast, was a loose collection of palm oil producers and some chieftains, which supported accommodation with Abeokuta and the British in order to expand palm oil trade. At the policy and war debates held at the Annual Customs these two factions held a number of tense discussions about the future of the Kingdom of Dahomey. In 1851-1852, the British imposed a naval blockade on the ports of Dahomey in order to force them to end the slave trade. In January 1852, Ghezo accepted a treaty with the British ending the export of slaves from Dahomey. In the same year and the following one, Ghezo suspended large-scale military campaigns and human sacrifice in the Kingdom. However political pressure contributed to the resumption of slave trading and large scale military action in 1857 and 1958. Ghezo was assassinated by a sniper associated with Abeokuta and large scale warfare between the two states resumed in 1864. This one ended again in the favor of Abeokuta and the result was that the slave trade could not be significantly reestablished to its 1850 level. The power of slave traders in the empire decreased and the palm oil trade became a more significant part of the economy. European Colonization (1880-1900) Dahomey's control of key coastal cities continued and made the area a crucial location in the European scramble for Africa. In 1878, the Kingdom of Dahomey agreed to the French making the city of Cotonou into a protectorate; although taxation of the King of Dahomey was to remain in effect. In 1883, the French received similar concessions over Porto-Novo, a traditional rival of Dahomey along the coast. In 1889, King Glele died and his son Béhanzin came to power and immediately became quite hostile to the French in negotiations. This hostility hit a high point when Béhanzin began conducting slave raids in French protectorates along the coast, namely Grand-Popo, in 1891. That year, the French military decided that a military takeover was the only solution and placed General Alfred-Amédée Dodds in charge of the operation to commence in 1892. The Franco-Dahomean War lasted from 1892 until January 1894 when Dodds captured the city of Abomey (January 15) and King Béhanzin (January 25). Notable during the war was the defeat of the Dahomey Amazons in November of 1892. Dodds named Agoli-agbo the new king of Dahomey, largely because he was seen as the most malleable of the alternatives, and exiled Béhanzin to French possessions in the Caribbean. The French began changing key aspects of administration and politics in the Kingdom of Dahomey. In 1899, the French instituted a new poll tax which was highly unpopular and Agoli-Agbo opposed the tax causing serious political problems in the protectorate. As a result, on February 17, 1900, the French deposed Agoli-Agbo and ended the Kingdom of Dahomey. The French though brought together many key members of the kingdom as the chiefs of cantons. French Dahomey included the Kingdom of Dahomey, with Porto-Novo and an area to the north of loose tribal control. Agoli-Agbo remained exiled from 1900 until 1910 when the French administration decided to allow him to return to the area because of his key role in Fon ancestor worship and ceremonies. He was not allowed to reside in Abomey or travel freely, but was allowed to visit Abomey to perform ceremonial functions during the Annual Customs by the French administration. Political Legacy of the Kingdom of Dahomey French Dahomey administration remained over the area from 1900 until 1960 when the country was granted independence and took the name Republic of Dahomey. In 1975, the name of the country was changed from Republic of Dahomey to Benin. The King of Dahomey remains an important ceremonial position and continued through both French administration and independence. Since 2000, there has been a struggle over the position with Agoli-Agbo III and Houedogni Behanzin holding rival claims to the throne. The political and economic hierarchies of Dahomey have remained crucial in post-independence Dahomey and Benin. One of the key leaders in the triumvirate which dominated politics in the country from 1960 until 1972 was Justin Ahomadégbé-Tomêtin, twice the head of state of the country, who garnered significant political power through his connection to the royal lineage of Dahomey. The descendents of Francisco Félix de Sousa remain very important political leaders in Benin to this day including Colonel Paul-Émile de Souza (Benin head of state 1969-1970), Isidore de Souza (President of National Assembly of Benin 1990-1991), and others. European historiography of Dahomey has been significant for its use in debates about the morality of the slave trade and for its importance to fields outside African history. Many of the early histories and descriptions were written by slave traders and the conclusions were that the slave trade was a process of freeing the population from the highly militarized, very brutal, and despotic Kingdom of Dahomey. William Snelgrave and Archibald Dalzel wrote key histories and memoirs of Dahomey presenting the case for the slave trade to save the population from human sacrifice. Abolitionist historians, in contrast, argued that the brutality of the Dahomey state was the result of the slave trade itself. Dahomey was thus portrayed with a host of very negative stereotypes, with significant exaggeration, by European historians in the 18th and 19th century. With increasing debates about the morality or immorality of the slave trade, Dahomey became a key aspect of the debate with significant attention. The key role of Dahomey with the slave trade had a significant impact on a range of other scholars. Philosopher Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel used the funeral ceremonies after the death of the King of Dahomey in his Lectures on the Philosophy of History (1837). Karl Polanyi's last written book Dahomey and the Slave Trade (1966) explored the economic relationships in the kingdom. Prince Kojo Tovalou Houenou while living in France founded the Ligue universelle de défense de la race noire and worked on racial issues with Marcus Garvey making Dahomey into a major country for attention to race and colonialism. In Popular Literature The Kingdom of Dahomey has been depicted in a number of different literary works of fiction or creative nonfiction. In Dahomey (1903) was a successful Broadway musical, the first full-length Broadway musical written entirely by African Americans, in the early 20th century. American novelist Frank Yerby published a historical novel set partially in Dahomey titled The Man From Dahomey (1971). British author George MacDonald Fraser published Flash for Freedom! (1971), the third novel in the Flashman series that was set in Dahomey during the slave trade. Bruce Chatwin's historical novel The Viceroy of Ouidah (1980) is largely based around Francisco Felix de Sousa, the slave trader who helped bring King Ghezo to power. The book resulted in the film adaptation Cobra Verde (1987) by Werner Herzog. Ben Okri's novel The Famished Road (1991), which won the Man Booker Prize, tells the story of a person caught in the slave trade through Dahomey. Behanzin's resistance to the French has been central to a number of works. Jean Pliya's first play Kondo le requin (1967), winner of the Grand Prize for Black African History Literature, tells the story of Behanzin's resistance. Maryse Condé's novel The Last of the African Kings (1992) similarly focuses on Behanzin's resistance and his exile to the Caribbean. 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Gill Infection in Fish \| petMD Gill Infection in Fish Branchiomycosis in Fish Branchiomycosis is a fungal infection; one of several serious and deadly infections that can affect a fish's gills. This particular infection is most often due to the environmental conditions of the water in which the fish are kept. Branchiomycosis affects the fish's gills by causing them to become mottled, or blotchy in appearance due to the dying tissue. For this reason it is also known as "gill rot." There may also be traces of gray on the surface of the skin. The infection begins in the gills and, if not interrupted, spreads out to the skin. The infected fish will become lethargic and will eventually suffer severe respiratory problems, including hypoxia, which can lead to death. Branchiomycosis is caused by the fungi Branchiomyces sanguins and Branchiomyces demigrans, which are found in decaying organic debris in ponds or aquariums that have a temperature above 68 degrees Fahrenheit (20°C). The disease is commonly found in fishes in Eastern Europe, though it has been reported in the U.S. as well. Unfortunately, recognition of the branchiomycosis often comes too late, as fish are discovered to have branchiomycosis only after they have died due to hypoxia. If the infection is discovered in time, there are treatments that may help stop the spread of the infection as well as to help your fish’s skin to heal. Ultimately, preventing the Branchiomyces sanguins and Branchiomyces demigrans fungi from growing in your fish habitat will prevent it from acquiring branchiomycosis. To do this, keep your fish habitat clean and at a constant and cool temperature. If your fish live in a warm pond, take special care to keeping the water clean and free of organic debris.	<urn:uuid:f6f35da5-6910-4997-afc6-1c7c94d77f2a>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.578125, "fasttext_score": 0.0270235538482666, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9518151879310608, "url": "https://www.petmd.com/fish/conditions/infectious-parasitic/c_fi_branchiomycosis" }
Viking Waterway Frozen Trail to Merica Maalan Aruum (aka Walam Olum) Linguistic Evidence: the Lenape Migration Ancient American Alliance Linguistic Evidence Against: Lenape/Algonquin and Old Norse Leonard Bloomfield The renowned American linguist Leonard Bloomfield wrote a precedent setting book, Language, in 1933. The book truly demonstrated his overall knowledge of languages. He knew many languages, including two Algonquin tongues in depth, and Scandinavian languages including Old Norse. He used many examples of both in his book. Bloomfield, by his own examples in the book, knew Algonquin pronouns and Old Norse pronouns, including the reflexive pronouns. In Language Bloomfield explains how an original language, for example, Latin, can influence the language of near-by cultures and how different sounding words in two diverse languages, such as Old Norse and Spanish, could be traced back to the root language. Bloomfield gave several examples to show how the different words from different Algonquin tribes can be analyzed to yield a prototype word, which can be assumed to be similar to the original language. Bloomfield is a respected pioneer of the techniques still practiced by modern linguists. The renowned American linguist Leonard Bloomfield who is the first one who showed that the methods of historical-comparative linguistics work for establishing language families when the only evidence available are modern languages. He did so by working out the Algonquian language family (the article was published in 1946). Prof. Bloomfield was trained as a Germanist. If there had been anything to note about the relationship between anything Germanic and anything Algonquian, Bloomfield would have noted it. He didn't. (Dr. Richard Rhodes, 2004) Critique of Bloomfield: With Bloomfield having all those language credentials, there remains a puzzle. For many examples, he cited Algonquin "words," which are really Norse phrases with a main Norse word used with Norse pronouns, adjectives, and other words. Why did he not recognize that the core Algonquin syllables were free form Norse words? A 1999 Norwegian "...pocket dictionary for tourists..." (Gabrielsen) lists twenty-two Norse words with similar sounds and meanings for thirty-six Algonquin words used by Bloomfield for examples. When Old Norse dictionaries are used, thirty-four Norse words (94%) appear to be equivalent to Algonquin words. So the data do show there is something "to note about the relationship" between Norse and Algonquian languages. But Bloomfield did not note it. Because he did not note the relationship does not "prove" the evidence was not there. The evidence is still there, supporting a hypothesis that Bloomfield overlooked the relationship between the Algonquin and Old Norse languages. On the following pages are Bloomfield's chosen Algonquin "words," (really phrases). They are compared to the equivalent primary Norse word. The pronouns and adjectives that Bloomfield, and others, incorporated into the "root" Algonquin "word" have not been defined here for simplicity. Why did Bloomfield not recognize that he was dealing with Algonquin phrases and that the core Algonquin syllables were really Norse words? Edward Sapir From the forward of biography of Edward Sapir: "Edward Sapir was one of those rare men ... who are spoken of by their colleagues in terms of genius. His talents were manifest in many fields, in none more brilliantly and effective than in linguistics. Sapir wrote, at least, 274 papers, books, or reviews." (Mandelbaum, 1949 Bibliography) "The other major early 20th century American linguist who concerned himself with distant relationships between language families was Edward Sapir. Again, he has been shown to have had remarkable insight into which language families were related to one another. " (Dr. Richard Rhodes, 2004) "... Edward Sapir ... had remarkable insight into which language families were related to one another. At no time did he even vaguely consider any European language family to be even remotely related to any North American language family. Sapir's forerunner Franz Boaz, sent students out to document native languages and in the process look for possible connections between Old World and New World languages. None panned out." (Dr. Richard Rhodes, 2004) Critique of Sapir: Although Sapir was regarded as a linguistic genius and although he spent fifteen (15) years in Ottawa, Canada, his focus of study was on the tribes of the North American West Coast. Comment: Thus, the Lenape/Algonquin languages of Northeast America were not Sapir's focus of interest. Given his lack of study on the topic, he could not have made definitive judgement on the Lenape/Algonquin - Old Norse hypothesis. He wrote four papers (1.4%) about the West Coast Algonquin tribes. He wrote two papers (0.7%) on western plains Algonquins. He wrote one paper (0.35%) evaluating the Nordic race superiority. To believe he would have indentified the relationship between Lenape/Algonquin - Old Norse, without intensive study, is an attempt to turn a genius into a god. Because Sapir did not catch the relationship only proves that his focus was on other things. One man, Sherwin, spent more than sixteen years of his life focused only on the hypothesis that the Lenape/Algonquin language was Old Norse. Even though he spoke a lanugage similar to Old Norse and became interested in the Lenape/Algonquin language by what he heard, he studied for eight more years before he could declare with assurance that the relationship was true. Franz Boaz Frank Boaz was born on July 9, 1858 at Minden, Germany. He studied at Heidelberg and Bonn Universities before going to Kiel, where, at the age of 23, he was awarded the Degree of Philosophy. ... But it was his minor, geography, that most influenced his later career, ... They led him logically ... to the new discipline of anthropology. He studied Eskimos and Indians of Northwest Pacific Coast of North America. He worked at Berlin Ethnological Museum, Science (NY), Clark University, World Columbian University, Field Museum (Chicago), American Museum of Natural History (NY), and Columbia University. Publications included the Mind of the Primitive Man, Primitive Art, Anthropology and Modern Life, and Race, Language, and Culture. (Herskovits, 1962) Critique of Boaz: Comment: Comment: Dr. Boaz was a talented busy man who did not focus on the Norse or the Algonquins. But the following paragraph covers some of his views on language. "These two phenomena--retention of type with change of language and retention of language with change of type--apparently opposed to each other--often go hand in hand. An example is the distribution of the Arabs along the north coast of Africa. On the whole, the Arab element has retained its language, but at the same time intermarriages with the native races were common, so that the descendants of the Arabs have retained their old [Arab] language and have changed their type. On the other hand, the natives have to a certain extent given up their own languages, but have continued to intermarry among themselves, and have thus preserved their type." (Boaz, 1963, p. 140-1) Comment: If Boaz had focused his attention on the Norse and Lenape/Algonquin, he probably would have written a similar paragraph substituting "Norse" for "Arab" and "Lenape" or "Algonquin" for "native." Dr. Boaz' written testimony is more in favor of the Norse language transfer to the Algonquin culture than evidence that the transfer of language never happened.	<urn:uuid:10a9e0c9-f249-4616-8535-76a416e39101>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.515625, "fasttext_score": 0.274743914604187, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9685545563697815, "url": "http://frozentrail.org/AgainstLinguistic.html" }
Alternative Titles: Kalmuck, Torgut Kalmyk, also spelled Kalmuck, Mongol people residing chiefly in Kalmykiya republic, in southwestern Russia. Their language belongs to the Oirat, or western, branch of the Mongolian language group. The Oirat dialects are also spoken in western Mongolia, and in Xinjiang and neighbouring provinces of China. The home of the Kalmyk lies west of the Volga River in its lower courses, in an arc along the northwestern shore of the Caspian Sea. A small number of Kalmyk of the Buzawa tribe live along the Don River. Another small group, called the Sart Kalmyk, live in Kyrgyzstan near the Chinese border. A few emigrated after World War II to the United States. The western Mongols were enemies of the eastern Mongols at the time of their imperial apogee in the 13th century ce. During the following centuries they maintained a separate existence under a confederation known as the Dörben Oirat (“Four Allies,” from which the name Oirat is derived); at times they were allies, at times enemies, of the eastern Mongols. Part of the western Mongols remained in their homeland, northern Xinjiang, or Dzungaria, and western Mongolia. Part of the Oirat confederation, including all or part of the Torgut, Khoshut, Dorbet (or Derbet), and other groups, moved across southern Siberia to the southern Urals at the beginning of the 17th century. From there they moved to the lower Volga, and for a century and a half, until 1771, they roamed both to the east and west of this region. During the course of the 18th century, they were absorbed by the Russian Empire, which was then expanding to the south and east. In 1771 those of the left bank, to the east of the Volga, returned to China. The right-bank Kalmyk, comprising the contemporary Torgut, Dorbet, and Buzawa, remained in Russia. The Kalmyk are by long tradition nomadic pastoralists. They raise horses, cattle, sheep, goats, and a few camels. Their nomadism is of a classical pattern: an annual round of movement from winter camp to spring, summer, and fall pasture, and return. The Kalmyk home is a tent (called a ger, or yurt) made of felt on a lattice frame, readily assembled and disassembled. Where they have taken to agriculture, they have introduced fixed dwellings. Family life, descent lines, marriage relations, and inheritance of property are all principally regulated by the paternal connection. The family is traditionally an extended one composed of parents, married sons and their families, and unmarried sons and daughters. Several families are grouped into nomadic kin villages. The kin villages are grouped into lineages and clans, and these in turn were formerly grouped into clan confederations. Traditionally the Kalmyk were divided into a princely estate, which ruled the various confederations; a noble estate, which ruled the lower social hierarchies, clans, and lineages; and a common estate. There was also a clerical order forming an estate of its own. All but the common estate have disappeared. Like other Mongols, the Kalmyk are Tibetan Buddhists, but their Buddhism has a strong admixture of indigenous beliefs and shamanistic practices. The Sart Kalmyk are Muslims. At the end of World War II the Kalmyk were accused of anti-Soviet activity and exiled to Soviet Central Asia. In 1957 they were restored to their home territories. According to the censuses of 1939 and 1959, they decreased in number from 134,000 to 106,000 in 20 years. They numbered about 137,000 in 1970 and 147,000 in 1979. In the early 21st century there were some 155,000 in Russia, an approximately equivalent number in China, and more than 200,000 in Mongolia. Learn More in these related articles: More About Kalmyk 3 references found in Britannica articles Britannica Kids You have successfully emailed this. Error when sending the email. Try again later. Edit Mode Tips For Editing Thank You for Your Contribution! Uh Oh Keep Exploring Britannica Email this page	<urn:uuid:62bac9f3-c869-4b72-8695-bdf621813ace>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.578125, "fasttext_score": 0.025875985622406006, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9504069089889526, "url": "https://www.britannica.com/topic/Kalmyk" }
Human Sacrifice in Ancient Ireland Gentle Face of Bog Body. Tollund Man. By Sven Rosborn - Own work, Public Domain, Most stories of human sacrifice come to us, not from the ancient Irish or Celts themselves, but from those who observed them, most notably the Greeks, the Romans and later, the Christians. These cultures had long since put aside their own human sacrifice practices by the time they came into contact with early Celtic peoples. There can be no doubt that tales of barbaric Celtic savages running into battle against well-disciplined Roman legions, screaming under the influence of battle frenzy,and naked but for body paint, or the violent, cruel deaths they inflicted on their Roman captives as they offered them up to their heathen Gods, served many purposes. Knowing human nature, it can be assumed that much of what was written then by invaders and conquerors fueled an insatiable demand back home for titillation and political propaganda. Caesar described how giant wicker effigies were filled with human victims, usually but not always criminals, and then burned alive. Cassius described how Boudica impaled her Roman captives. Strabo talked of druids stabbing their victims and then forming prophecies based on the victim’s death throes. Despite all this, recent scholars claim there is little evidence to prove it. Perhaps the most intriguing form of sacrifice is that of the triple, or threefold death. This generally involved the victim being put to death simultaneously by three different methods, ie hanging, drowning and wounding. This is method is not exclusive to Ireland, but has been found in various pre-historic and medieval cultures. In welsh legend, Myrddin (often associated with Merlin of King Arthur fame) predicted his own threefold death by falling, stabbing and drowning. This is exactly what happened, when he was driven off a cliff by a gang of murderous shepherds (?), fell onto a stake left behind by a fisherman, and died with his head under water. Not so much a sacrifice as a tragic accident perhaps. In Ireland, the threefold death of Aedh Dubh, a King c588 of Dál nAraidi (Ulster) was foretold by St Columba. Aedh had killed Diarmuid mac Cerbaill, and then took the priesthood but was ordained out of the church. For these sins, St Columba claimed he would die from a spear to the neck, fall from wood into water, and be drowned. He was in fact killed on a boat, possibly on Lough Neagh, and subsequently fell into the lake and drowned. Whether this death was staged in order to fit the prophecy, or merely coincidental, cannot now be known. Chillingly, the discovery of various so called ‘bog bodies’ seem to corroborate these stories of the threefold death. Tollund Man. Looks like he’s peacefully sleeping. By Sven Rosborn – Own work, Public Domain, Here in Ireland, the National Museum in Dublin is host to a fantastic exhibition entitled ‘Kingship and Sacrifice’ where many of these bog bodies are displayed. They are remarkably well preserved. I can’t tell you how exciting it is to look into the face of a man who lived four thousand years ago…every detail is intact. That these men were nobles cannot be denied; they are well fed and healthy, well dressed, their hands are manicured, they even dress their hair with ancient hair gel. Items of great wealth have been found in the bogs with them, but whether votive offerings or grave goods can only be guessed. Another more gruesome feature they all shared in common, was the evidence of multiple, violent injuries. Such ‘overkill’ must signify ritual killing, claim the experts. I’m no expert, but in Ireland of that time it does not seem unlikely to me that their horrific injuries could have been sustained in warfare. Irish mythology and early history would confirm how warlike these tribes were. Even the experts are divided in their opinions, but stories of human sacrifice and ritual king killing is certainly much more media worthy and attractive in terms of fund raising.(Oh how cynical am I?) The same exhibition houses the famous Gundestrup Cauldron, a silver vessel found in a bog in Denmark. It features an image of a man with his head in the cauldron, which has been generally accepted as a human sacrifice by ritual drowning. I find this rather odd; the cauldron in the past was seen as a vessel of birth and regeneration, a symbol of the life-giving female womb. The legend of the Dagda’s cauldron is a perfect example of this; from it, all were said to go satisfied, even the dead could be rejuvenated in it. Perhaps,then, this image on the Gundestrup Cauldron portrays not a ritual drowning, not a human sacrifice, but a re-birth, a kind of baptism even. Our modern sensibilities lead us to abhor any kind of ritual killing, and rightly so. But ancient peoples lived closer to the land, to birth and death and all the messiness that goes in between, than we do. The survival of the community far outweighed the value of the individual. Perhaps for them, the sacrifice of one for the good of many was worth the cost. On the other hand, perhaps they valued all life equally. The evidence we dig up out of the earth today is as open to interpretation as the legacy of the mythology our ancestors left behind. Or get one of these! 7 Comments on “Human Sacrifice in Ancient Ireland 1. Pingback: The Truth about Irish Bog Bodies \| aliisaacstoryteller Please feel free to join in the conversation... You are commenting using your account. 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2010.05.12 第１回GCOE国際セミナー【会場】九州大学箱崎キャンパス　理学部本館２階　大会議室【講演者】Lawrence D. Harder（University of Calgary）【タイトル】Machiavellian flowers: power and control in plant reproduction 【要旨】In general, plant reproduction involves interactions between participants with contrasting self-interests. Although such interactions are evident in sexual conflict, parent-offspring competition and sibling rivalry, they are most obvious for plants that rely on animals to disperse their pollen. Pollinators typically visit flowers to obtain food and while serving their self-interest they coincidentally disperse pollen, which serves the plant's self-interest. Although mutual benefit can result, it need not, and various characteristics of flowers act as evolutionary adaptations to manipulate pollinators and promote pollen dispersal. Using examples drawn from my research during the past two decades I will interpret a variety of floral and inflorescence characteristics from this perspective. These examples provide explanations for: why plants are so attractive; why they restrict pollen removal by individual pollinators; the high frequency of pollination by deceit in orchids, but not other angiosperms; and the size and structure of inflorescences, including the segregation of sex roles. 本セミナーは、GCOEアジア保全生態学コース授業科目「国際セミナーI, II」（D1,D2の必修科目）の一環として開講されます。	<urn:uuid:1e31d467-fee1-4e95-8e56-df36507e0627>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.53125, "fasttext_score": 0.42242515087127686, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.6821478009223938, "url": "http://www.conservationecology.asia/sympSemi/openSemiOld/international_seminar1" }
范文站 > 优秀作文 > 作文素材 > 高中作文素材 > 关于植树节的高中英语作文素材 2013-03-21 17:08　来源：范文站人气(0)　范文站fanwenzhan.comRSS订阅　　　THE IMPORTANCE OF ARBOR DAY 植树节的意义　　On Arbor Day， particular attention is drawn to the part trees play in our lives. It‘s not just a day to plant trees and then forget the gesture for another twelve months. Planting a tree one day is no credit to us if， during the rest of the year， we neglect to care for it and those already growing. Our thought on Arbor Day should be an expression of enduring feeling， thought and action and not just one single， isolated flame of interest. 　　In schools and other community groups， this day can be celebrated in many different ways. 　　·By planting trees or shrubs in school grounds， along neighbouring streets or in civic parks. 　　·By ’adopting‘ a patch of bush， with the landowner’s consent， and caring for it by removal of weeds， rubbish， etc， by preparing firebreaks and by fencing and making paths to reduce trampling. 　　·By presenting a play or mime about trees in the history of Australia. 　　·By completing a project about certain types of trees （eg. jarrah， boab， karri） or a famous tree like the Gloucester Tree near Pemberton. 　　·As a class activity or common interest group go on a visit to a bush area with a spokesperson to explain the characteristics of plant species and their niche in the natural environment. 　　·Collect some tree seeds， germinate them in a classroom， and plant out the seedling. 　　·Carry out identification of trees in a specific part of your school or neighbourhood. A tree labelling ceremony could also be arranged. 　　·Compile a list of everyday objects that are made of wood or wood-based materials， and find out how the wood was processed， where it came from and whatever else you can. 　　Trees and shrubs， whether native or introduced to WA， provide opportunities for the interest and study by the whole community， and when we walk around our own neighbourhood or drive through the countryside， we can appreciate tthe importance of such a diversity of plants to the well being of humanity. 1. 上一篇：有关诚信的高中作文素材 2. 下一篇：没有了	<urn:uuid:ceef2b97-7210-4dce-8c36-26400d7de7b7>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.703125, "fasttext_score": 0.17621618509292603, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.8482834696769714, "url": "http://todofem.com/zuowen/gaozhongzuowensucai/2121882.shtml" }
17：英検対策1級（Eiken Grade 1） 09: Eiken Grade 1 Vocabularies Lesson 9 Part 1: Vocabulary words 1. integral adjective [in-ti-gruhl, in-teg-ruhl] a necessary or significant part of a whole; important to complete the whole ■Example: Everyone is an integral part of the project’s success. □Note: What do you think is the most integral part of your life? 2. valiant adjective [val-yuhnt] being brave or done with bravery; bravely courageous ■Example: After the tragic disaster, many people volunteered to do valiant rescues for the people who were trapped in the flood. □NOTE: Would you be willing to do a valiant act even if it means risking your life? 3. serene adjective [suh-reen] peaceful, calm and unaffected by any disturbance ■Example: People go miles to visit that place because of its serene and cathartic aura. □Note: How would you describe a serene mood? 4. fraught adjective [frawt] emotional; filled with or causing distress ■Example: It was a task fraught with danger, so he was hesitant to do it. □Note: It comes from the Middle English word ‘fraght’, which means ‘to load’. 5. reclusive adjective [ri-klu-ziv] solitary; isolated; preferring seclusion or isolation ■Example: Polar bears are reclusive animals and they prefer being alone unless it’s breeding season or when they have cubs. □Note: Do you consider yourself a reclusive person, or do you prefer socializing with people? 6. flimsy adjective [flim-zee] weak; without strength; fragile; inadequate ■Example: That flimsy building will surely collapse even in the weakest earthquake that would hit the city. □Note: What do you think would happen to a branch that is flimsily hanging? 7. catastrophically adverb [kat-uh-stro-fi-kal-lee] done in unfortunate circumstances or with unfortunate consequences; disastrously ■Example: His plan for a better future ended catastrophically. □Note: It is rare to use this word as an adverb. 8. dogmatic adjective [dawg-mat-ik, dog-] authoritatively asserted or unchallengeable ■Example: Hundreds of years ago, friars were dogmatic and could not relate to the impoverished people. □Note: This word comes from the Latin word ‘dogmaticus. 9. insular adjective [in-suh-ler, ins-yuh-] related to an island ■Example: Your skill is more than what you have learned through insular experience. □Note: It comes from the Late Latin word ‘insularis’, which means ‘of or pertaining to an island’. 10. intimidated adjective [in-tim-i-dey-tid] to fill with fear or to make one timid; to force someone into action by inducing fear ■Example: Do not be intimidated by people who are wearing suits. You might have skills and a brain that are much better than theirs. □Note: Why do you think some people intentionally intimidate other people? Part2: Exercise 1 Give the word being asked for each number. ■integral ■valiant ■serene　 ■fraught ■reclusive ■flimsy　 ■catastrophically ■dogmatic　 ■insular ■intimidated __________ 1. emotional; filled with or causing distress __________ 2. being brave or done with bravery; bravely courageous __________ 3. authoritatively asserted or unchallengeable __________ 4. a necessary or significant part of a whole; important to complete the whole __________ 5. to fill with fear or to make one timid; to force someone into action by inducing fear __________ 6. having unfortunate circumstances __________ 7. related to an island __________ 8. peaceful, calm and unaffected by any disturbance __________ 9. weak; without strength; fragile; inadequate __________ 10. solitary; isolated; preferring seclusion or isolation Part2: Exercise 2 Choose the correct words to complete the sentences below. 1. The native inhabitants of the land have kept their ____________ culture alive for centuries despite worldwide industrialization and globalization. They have resisted any kind of foreign intrusion and defied any call for a change to their land. a. valiant 　　　　　b. insular 　　　　　c. dogmatic 　　　　　d. serene 2. That volcano had been dormant for centuries and didn’t give any warnings until it ____________ exploded in the most unexpected season of the year. Instead of having a festive mood for the holidays, people grieved for all the damaged hard-earned properties and the lives that were lost. a. flimsily 　　　　　b. reclusively　　　　　c. catastrophically 　　　　　d. valiantly 3. The stout-hearted men of World War II were regarded with so much esteem by the people of the new generation. These ___________ soldiers not only showed bravery but also a heart for every human being they soulfully protected. a. fraught 　　　　　b. valiant 　　　　　c. serene 　　　　　d.insular 4. Daniel Day-Lewis, a superstar, has led a very strange, ___________ and solitary life. He takes comfort in drinking alone on a barstool while profoundly avoiding eye contact with well-heeled fellow guests. Some people even think of him as anti social. a. flimsy 　　　　　b. serene 　　　　　c. reclusive 　　　　　d. dogmatic 5. Even though he puts forth the image of a stern and commanding boss, he still sometimes gets ___________ by people who are much more skilled and experienced than he is. Perhaps, beneath the strong mask he’s wearing, he still has a lot of insecurities within. a. intimidated 　　　　　b. integral　　　　　c. catastrophic 　　　　　d. fraught 6. Computer manufacturers heightened their standards in assuring the quality of their products, but the machines are still a bit _________. The QA team is now thinking of a new system of constructing more advanced equipment, although it may require a high budget that may not be approved. a. integral　　　　　b. serene 　　　　　c. reclusive 　　　　　d. flimsy 7. Gazing at the glowing stars in that _____________ blue sky brings joy and peace to a tumultuous heart. Some suggest that this can be good private therapy for those who are having dilemmas and experiencing ordeals in their lives. a. catastrophic 　　　　　b. fraught 　　　　　c. serene 　　　　　d. dogmatic 8. Armenian _____________ literature is opulent in creeds; some of them actually have remained unpublished. The two which follow have a claim on general interest because one of them bears the name of Athanasius, who is the American counterpart to the famous Latin ‘spurium’, while the other one is an inquisitive commentary on a renowned text. a. dogmatic　　　　　b. reclusive　　　　　c. catastrophic　　　　　d. insular 9. The proposal that the IT team is preparing will play _____________ role in the success of this new project. Even the smallest mistake that the team might commit would surely be detrimental to the plan. This is why the team has held regular meetings for the thorough planning of the project. a. an integral 　　　　　b. a valiant　　　　　c. a flimsy 　　　　　d. an intimidated 10. Britain’s relationship with Israel has been increasingly ____________ ever since Mr. Cameron visited Turkey and called Gaza a ‘prison camp’. This remark sent a shiver down the spines of Israeli officials, thus causing a distressed relationship between the two countries. a. serene　　　　　b. fraught　　　　　c. insular　　　　　d. reclusive	<urn:uuid:91ec9f92-478f-459b-898e-387014692997>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.546875, "fasttext_score": 0.9384167194366455, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.8842978477478027, "url": "http://www.key-eye.net/ketxt/Eiken/EikenVocabulary1/9.html" }
In the scope of Canada’s history, air travel has been a relatively new occurrence—most travellers and immigrants came to Canada via ocean liner. By 1913, it was clear that Halifax’s old Pier 2 built in 1880 couldn’t handle the volume of immigration and the size of the ocean liners that were coming to Canada. A new, larger port with an integrated railway station was commissioned: Pier 21. Construction was delayed by both World War One and the Halifax explosion, but the new terminal officially opened in 1928. Similar to Ellis Island in the United States, the facilities at the pier contained immigration offices so that they could welcome both travellers and those looking for a new home. Did you know? 1. Pier 21 was built in response to increasing immigration to Canada, and because of the growing size of ocean liners. It served as the port for Atlantic Ocean liners coming to Canada. 2. Over its lifetime, the complex welcomed over one million immigrants to Canada. 3. According to Ruth Goldbloom, OC, ONS former chair of the Pier 21 Foundation, one in five Canadians has a direct link to Pier 21. 4. The pier didn’t just welcome people in, it was a departure point for half a million soldiers in World War Two. 5. Upon the end of the war, the port welcomed back the soldiers, as well as approximately 48,000 war brides and their 22,000 children. 6. The growth of air travel led to a decline in immigration by boat. 7. In 1970, less than 1,200 people immigrated through Pier 21, so it was closed in 1971. 8. From 1971 to 1992 the pier was abandoned, becoming a rat-infested, dilapidated shell. 9. However, the complex was revamped, reopening in 1999 as a Museum of Immigration at Pier 21—recognizing the immigrant experience and its contribution to Canada. 10. The museum became one of six national museums in Canada in 2010. In a poll held by the CBC, Pier 21 was voted as one of the 7 Wonders of Canada.	<urn:uuid:dcee8f97-4cf1-4315-ac10-e2c989d18e27>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.53125, "fasttext_score": 0.12749946117401123, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9768769145011902, "url": "https://insh.world/history/pier-21-canadas-ellis-island/" }
Cellular Transport and the Cell Cycle With a multitude of questions, this worksheet offers students the opportunity to review their knowledge about the cell cycle. Question types include true/false, word bank, and completing a table about the differences between interphase and mitosis. Additionally, students label diagrams with the phases of mitosis (terms are provided) and answer a short question about mitosis. 36 Views 175 Downloads Resource Details 8th - 10th 1 more... Resource Types 4 more... Usage Permissions Fine Print	<urn:uuid:d8ccc865-cd6f-44f9-89cb-b8e8944572c9>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.765625, "fasttext_score": 0.5697157979011536, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.8811292052268982, "url": "https://www.lessonplanet.com/teachers/cellular-transport-and-the-cell-cycle" }
Detachment (military) From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to: navigation, search A detachment (from the French word détachement) is a military unit. It can be broken off from a bigger unit for a set reason or (as often seen in United States Army usage) can be a permanent unit smaller than a battalion. The term is often used to refer to a unit that is sent to a different base from the parent unit. A Cadet detachment usually consists of between 10 and 40 cadets. Several detachments make up a cadet company.	<urn:uuid:c701daf3-4d68-4e99-9b85-9f86c438e971>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.546875, "fasttext_score": 0.5265938639640808, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9603802561759949, "url": "https://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/Detachment_(military)" }
After losing a limb, some animals, such as lizards and salamanders, can regenerate the missing body part. Jellyfish deal with amputation in a different way: They simply rearrange their bodies to compensate for the limb they lost. This unique strategy involves reorganizing existing body parts to reestablish symmetry, a group of researchers from the California Institute of Technology report in PNAS From left to right, the process of symmetrization, starting with the amputated state. Image Credit:Michael Abrams, Ty Basinger, and Christopher Frick, California Institute of Technology After anesthetizing moon jellies in the lab, researchers amputated multiple limbs to see how they would regain symmetry, which is essential for their ability to move through the water. The jellyfish did so by rearranging their remaining arms and muscles, and moving their mouths to the new center of their bodies. The process commenced within minutes,” the researchers write. “The wound at the cut site closed within the first hours. The arms gradually spread further apart, as the manubrium [the jellyfish equivalent of a throat] relocated to the center of the body.” The jellyfish typically regained their bodily symmetry within 12 hours, whether they were placed in light or dark conditions, upside down, in groups or alone. To shed light on the process behind these contortions, the scientists next put muscle relaxants in the water with the jellyfish. By preventing the jellyfish's muscles from contracting, they succeeded in stopping the symmetrization process, suggesting that the action of healing after an injury is triggered by movement. The way jellies move through the water—alternating powerful propulsive muscle contractions with more elastic movement of their jelly-like bodies—may steadily move the remaining body parts into position. “This is akin to squeezing an elastic ball at one end and producing a protrusion on the other side,” the researchers postulate. “With each cycle of compression and elastic repulsion, the arms may then relax to a new stable state.” The true lesson here: don't try to hack a jellyfish to pieces, because they will come back to haunt you.	<urn:uuid:38266fc1-a845-44f8-a924-6fbb5d64f273>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.90625, "fasttext_score": 0.2955511212348938, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9396937489509583, "url": "http://mentalfloss.com/article/65159/after-losing-limb-jellyfish-reorganize-their-bodies-symmetry" }
Crocodiles signal hatching time by calling from inside their eggs View Images If you listen to the egg of a crocodile, you can tell when it’s going to hatch by the small squeaks coming out of it. The squeaks come from the unborn babies and sound like “umph! umph! umph!”. These calls are common to all crocodilians and while zoologists have always suspected that they serve a specific purpose, until now, no one had ever tested this theory with an experiment. View Images Amelie Vergne and Nicoals Mathevon at the Universite Jean Monnet are the first to do so and they show that the youngsters call to tell their siblings that it’s time to hatch. And given that Nile crocodiles bury their eggs in sand, the calls also tell the mother that it’s time to dig her babies out. Vergne and Mathevon collected 17 eggs from the clutches of captive Nile crocodiles, all of which were just 10 days away from hatching. Some of the eggs were kept in total silence, others listed to recordings of random noise and a third group listed to recordings of pre-hatch calls. They found that the unborn crocodiles that heard pre-hatch calls were most likely to respond themselves, answering back 80% of the time and moving about 55% of the time. About half of them hatched within ten minutes of hearing the recordings. In contrast, those that heard noise or nothing were far quieter and less active, and only one hatched in response to the playback. To see how the mother crocs responded to the calls, Vergne and Mathevon first drove them away before hiding small speakers in the sand near their nests. As expected, the pre-hatching calls grabbed the attention of the mothers more often and more quickly than random noise did. Eight of the ten females responded to playbacks of baby calls by digging, whereas only one did the same when she heard the noise. Vergne and Mathevon suggest that egg calls could be vitally important if the babies are to survive their first experiences outside the safety of the nest. Baby crocodiles take a while to develop into their fearsome adult forms, and in their early years, they are very vulnerable to predators. So it pays a young crocodile to recruit the assistance of its mother, and it pays the siblings to synchronise their birth, to make sure that the entire clutch is ready when mum makes her appearance. Reference: Current Biology Vol 18 No 12 R513	<urn:uuid:c44c9613-779b-48c7-8fe2-ef5bbff4cb18>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.875, "fasttext_score": 0.05415475368499756, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9670209288597107, "url": "https://www.nationalgeographic.com/science/phenomena/2008/06/25/crocodiles-signal-hatching-time-by-calling-from-inside-their-eggs/" }
Quadratic Word Problem By Andrew Braden and Grace Naranjo The entrance to an athletic field is in the shape of a parabolic archway. The archway is modeled by the equation d=12x-x^2, where d represents the distance in feet that the arch is above the ground for any x value. Question A For what values of x will the arch be 20 feet above the ground? Question B What is the max height of the arch above the ground?	<urn:uuid:7b442f5e-6081-4b72-9991-61476e364084>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.625, "fasttext_score": 0.12000668048858643, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.8928678631782532, "url": "https://www.smore.com/syz73" }
F. Mice and Holes time limit per test 1.5 seconds memory limit per test 256 megabytes standard input standard output One day Masha came home and noticed n mice in the corridor of her flat. Of course, she shouted loudly, so scared mice started to run to the holes in the corridor. The corridor can be represeted as a numeric axis with n mice and m holes on it. ith mouse is at the coordinate xi, and jth hole — at coordinate pj. jth hole has enough room for cj mice, so not more than cj mice can enter this hole. What is the minimum sum of distances that mice have to go through so that they all can hide in the holes? If ith mouse goes to the hole j, then its distance is \|xi - pj\|. Print the minimum sum of distances. The first line contains two integer numbers n, m (1 ≤ n, m ≤ 5000) — the number of mice and the number of holes, respectively. The second line contains n integers x1, x2, ..., xn ( - 109 ≤ xi ≤ 109), where xi is the coordinate of ith mouse. Next m lines contain pairs of integer numbers pj, cj ( - 109 ≤ pj ≤ 109, 1 ≤ cj ≤ 5000), where pj is the coordinate of jth hole, and cj is the maximum number of mice that can hide in the hole j. Print one integer number — the minimum sum of distances. If there is no solution, print -1 instead. 4 5 6 2 8 9 3 6 2 1 3 6 4 7 4 7 7 2 10 20 30 40 50 45 35 -1000000000 10 1000000000 1	<urn:uuid:2e493b35-039a-42da-9815-474a250f8fdd>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.578125, "fasttext_score": 0.1617528200149536, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.745876133441925, "url": "http://codeforces.com/problemset/problem/797/F" }
Friday, April 22, 2016 Ferme d'en Barrus On Monday we visited a working farm where they keep goats and make goat's cheese. Friday, April 1, 2016 Investigating fractions of hexagons Can you think of any other ways? We followed instructions and worked through a process to use odd socks to make socktopuses. Afterwards we storyboarded the process and wrote a set of instructions - a socktopus recipe! Golden Time bees Where does honey come from? Year 2 learnt about the honey making process from Mrs Kneur, who used to be a bee-keeper. She shared her experience and knowledge with the children and answered their thoughtful questions. Later in the day they worked in groups, using the BeeBots, to retell the 'story' of honey. Making fraction walls What is the tallest wall you can make? What is the lowest wall? Making a base of 12 gave us a good wall. Some children discovered that numbers like 7, 17 and 19 could only have the base layer and a layer of one cubes and this led to a discussion on prime numbers.	<urn:uuid:34376d5f-cde3-4a6b-a1ce-c1d0d04a7bf9>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.671875, "fasttext_score": 0.5589417219161987, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9414295554161072, "url": "http://y2ist.blogspot.com/2016/04/" }
Karl Langer spent the 1800s doing some relatively gruesome experiments on cadavers. What he discovered is still of use to surgeons today. Karl Langer spent most of the 1850s attacking people with spikes. In his defense, those people were dead. Langer was interested in the underlying structure of the skin. The skin gets its semi-elastic properties from collagen fibers embedded within it. Those fibers are not oriented the same way throughout the body. Langer noticed that, when he pierced the skin of a corpse with a round instrument, the resulting hole was not round. It was pulled into an oval by the underlying tension in the skin. It occurred to him that surgeons who made incisions certain ways might be making cuts that cause the skin to pull itself apart. As convenient as that seems when making the incision, it had to hinder the healing process. The skin would have to knit itself up against the strength of its own pull. To determine which way the skin pulled all over the body, Langer got bodies and systematically pierced the skin at regular intervals with an ice-pick-like instrument. He noted which way the skin pulled the little holes he had made. He then painstakingly diagrammed the direction of the skin pull for the entire body. You can see one of his early diagrams above. Langer's work paid off, though. Although surgeons debate whether Langer Lines are really the best way to cut in all cases, his research has provided useful guides for certain surgeries - especially cosmetic procedures. Doctors can account for how the skin will respond to the cuts they make to minimize trauma and scarring. It also has told scientists a great deal about the underlying structure of the skin. Still, just imagine how creepy it would look on an actual body. If a medical student had wandered in they would have thought that Jack the Ripper had taken up pointillism. [Via Langer's Lines: To Use or Not to Use, Estimating Dynamic Skin Tension Lines.]	<urn:uuid:d405fd09-fe3e-4593-9ed9-c609c8bfb080>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.65625, "fasttext_score": 0.07036536931991577, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9719703197479248, "url": "https://io9.gizmodo.com/a-doctor-split-corpses-skin-with-an-ice-pick-and-it-was-1642985226" }
Sunday, May 14, 2017 How Mount Diablo in the eastern San Francisco Bay Area got its name Mount Diablo with historic, stone-built Summit Visitor Center and Devil's Pulpit (left-side, tooth-shaped monolith) Various tribal groups of Native American peoples were living in today's Mount Diablo area before and at the time when the first Europeans arrived. Among them were the Volvon Miwok people, a tribelet living in the rugged hills southeast of Mount Diablo [1-3]. No one knows what the Volvon inhabitants called their home mountain. Early Spanish settlers (conquerors), who began using Mount Diablo for winter grazing, named local places—including Volvon sites they occupied. One Volvon village became associated with the devil, when some of its inhabitants successfully escaped while Spanish troops tried to enforce their relocation to Mission San Jose. A board of the exhibit in Mount Diablo's Summit Visitor Center explains: Spanish troops searching for runaway mission Indians surrounded a Miwok village in a willow thicket. Somehow the Indians escaped unseen and the angry, disappointed soldiers called the place Monte del Diablo (thicket of the Devil) - the basis for a later linguistic misunderstanding. English-speaking settlers later translated “monte” with “mount” and called the “Miwok Mountain” Mount Diablo. This was a mistranslation—or misinterpretation—since the Spanish word “monte” can also mean “scrubland” or “thicket.” We will never know, if those surrounded-and-escaped Volvon people, in their language, called their traitors devils. If so, the name “Mount Diablo” has double meaning and literally serves as a reminder of unjust treatment of California native tribes. Keywords: human history, geographic name, Contra Costa County, California. References and more to explore [1] Territory: Volvon []. [2] Save Mount Diablo: Mount Diablo History []. [3] Legends Of The“Devil” Mountain Of California []. 1 comment: 1. Hi every body,	<urn:uuid:488201ce-36ea-4443-8590-e99f272f6f7b>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.53125, "fasttext_score": 0.027214467525482178, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9340476989746094, "url": "http://golatintos.blogspot.com/2017/05/how-mount-diablo-in-eastern-san.html" }
Hester Prynne Analysis Hester Prynne Analysis Hester Prynne is the main character, in addition the protagonist, of book The Scarlet Letter, by Nathaniel Hawthorne. In the book, Hester Prynne’s physical appearance is depicted as being a young and attractive woman. Hester Prynne is depicted as a compassionate woman who submissively deals with the stress and anguish of a sin that was committed prior to the beginning of the story. Three words that would greatly describe Hester Prynne are strong, partly because Hester Prynne dealt with all the consequences of sin, faithful, towards others and towards God, and forgiving to all of the people who did not necessarily deserve forgiveness. Throughout the book, one can easily determine that Hester Prynne is a very strong woman who fights through all of the hardships that are presented firsthand. The book first starts out by introducing Hester Prynne as an adulterer who, as part of a punishment, has to wear a scarlet letter “A” on at all times. Hester Prynne first demonstrates personal strength by walking onto the scaffold from the prison cell without shedding one tear and by holding a high head while being the main center of attention in a public place. This was a challenging task for Hester Prynne partly because Pearl, the daughter that resulted from the sin, in her arms, and because of having had to wear the scarlet letter “A” on all clothing, even at this time in front of many onlookers. Although at the moment it was probably a very difficult task to accomplish, Hester Prynne managed to pull through. Although Hester Prynne displayed weakness after the fact by crying to herself in private, Hester Prynne did not break down in front of everyone. Hester Prynne’s strength is an important characteristic that is exemplified, because Hester Prynne uses this trait to help support Pearl, the daughter of Hester Prynne, and to help pull through the constant awareness of alienation from the other citizens in that town. ALSO READ Conflict Analysis Resolution And Mediation Assessment Law Essay Even the people that Hester Prynne aided through charity work often criticized this character for the act of adultery that had been committed. The fact that Hester Prynne is a faithful person is a very prominent and recurring characteristic throughout the book. Hester Prynne started off the book by making a promise to Chillingworth, the former husband, that his identity would not be revealed. No matter what the circumstance was during most of the book, Hester Prynne kept this secret ven though it would have given a great benefit to admit this to everyone. Hester Prynne also kept the secret of whom the father of Pearl was, no matter how many times Hester Prynne was interrogated and threatened. Hester Prynne’s faithfulness played a significant part in the plot of this book. If Hester Prynne had not had faith in God, then there would be no reason for Hester Prynne and Pearl to stay in the town that they were currently residing in. Hester Prynne came up with this punishment because New England was where the sinful act was committed, and so therefore New England should be the location where the punishment should take place. It is obvious that Hester Prynne has faith in God, and an example of a time when this is demonstrated is when Hester Prynne tells Chillingworth that the “A” cannot be taken away by any human authority, therefore meaning that only God has the power to reprieve Hester Prynne of this sin. Hester Prynne displays a very forgiving persona to many different characters within the book. ALSO READ Development Of A Network Banking System Information Technology Essay Although Hester Prynne deems Chillingworth responsible for the act of adultery that was committed while away, supposedly stuck at sea, Hester Prynne never showed any signs of vengeance towards Chillingworth. Even at the conclusion of the story, Hester Prynne reveals to Chillingworth the sincere feelings that Hester Prynne has done wrong to Chillingworth. Though Hester Prynne had many opportunities to reveal Chillingworth’s true identity, the promise was always kept strong even when Hester Prynne asks permission from Chillingworth to reveal the secret to Dimmesdale. These are fine examples of Hester Prynne’s forgiving nature. Hester Prynne continuously kept her spirit alive throughout the book, and always looked for different ways to help people, even those who did not deserve the help. The three words that greatly describe Hester Prynne are strong, because Hester Prynne always kept her head up high, faithful towards others and towards God, and forgiving, even when people did not inevitably justify forgiveness. Hester Prynne loved Pearl more than anything, even though Pearl represented the great sin that Hester Prynne committed.	<urn:uuid:db104822-1249-4c91-9594-3bd8fe02b2cc>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.5, "fasttext_score": 0.03301966190338135, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.970604658126831, "url": "https://writingbro.com/hester-prynne-analysis/" }
Imprinting with diamonds Imprinting with diamonds Research at the TU could give metallic surfaces permanent functionality Konzentrierte Materialwissenschaftler: Dr. Enrico Bruder, Doktorand Paul Braun und Prof. Dr. Karsten Durst (von links). Bild: Katrin Binner Materials scientists deep in concentration: Dr. Enrico Bruder, doctoral candidate Paul Braun and Prof. Dr. Karsten Durst (from left to right). Photo: Katrin Binner A baker specialising in the spiced Spekulatius biscuits eaten in Germany around Christmas time and Paul Braun, a doctoral student at the Physical Metallurgy group in the Department of Materials and Earth Sciences at the TU Darmstadt have one thing in common: they both spend some of their time imprinting designs into materials – the one into biscuit dough; the other into metal. However, whilst the animals, figures, and windmills typically stamped into the Christmas cookies are readily identifiable, Braun’s imprints are too small to be invisible by the naked eye. They are formed into the metal using a tiny stamp made of diamond no bigger than the point of a needle. “Diamond is perfect for the task”, Braun explains, “as it is an extremely hard material that is all but impervious to wear and tear.” To be able to be used for embossing, the diamond is clamped in a special device, a so called nanoindenter. Actually, the materials scientists at the TU Darmstadt usually use the nanoindenter for complete different purposes, such as testing the hardness, fracture behaviour, and other properties of various materials. These tests all involve the use of a diamond stylus that is pressed into the material being tested, whereby a force is applied and the indentation depth is measured on the nanoscale. In addition, the device can be used in combination with a scanning electron microscope (SEM) to study cracking of thin coatings during the indentation process. Braun’s doctoral supervisor Dr. Karsten Durst, Professor of Physical Metallurgy at the TU Darmstadt, explains: “The diamond tip is pressed less than 100 nanometres into the sample during such tests, so that the nanoindenter can be used to explore gossamer-thin layers.” For many years he has been driving the development of this method for materials testing purposes and is now using it to address novel problems. He now plans to use it for the nano-scale imprinting of metal surfaces. This technology, which experts refer to as nano-imprinting, is already being used in conjunction with polymers, for example in the manufacture of plastic chips which include microscopic channels and other structures. Nor is the embossing or imprinting of metal anything new in principle, but it has only ever been used at far larger scales to date for things such as minting coins. According to Durst: “We’re right at the beginning of the nano-imprinting of metallic surfaces, and are still looking at the basic principles of this technology”. Hard and finely structured stamps The first step is the development of suitably hard and finely structured stamps. Doctoral student Braun has already succeeded in creating several of these by re-purposing the diamond tips of a nano-indenter, to which end he travelled to Brno in the Czech Republic to meet with the microscope manufacturer Tescan, who have developed a special ion beam technology. This is usually used for the preparation of samples for examination by electron microscopy. Braun, on the other hand, used the focused ion beam to cut off the top of the diamond probe, to carve a pillar out of the remains of the diamond, and to mill the desired pattern into its top surface. After final ion beam polishing, the stamp was ready for use. The next question is: what properties does a piece of metal need to have so that it precisely forms the desired surface structure. As every Spekulatius baker knows, the success of the biscuit depends on the consistency of the dough. The same applies, in principle, to the nano-imprinting process: the microstructure of the metal has to be just right to ensure that it “flows” well into the mould. The scientists in Darmstadt want to be able to imprint structures of just 50 nanometres – that’s around 1500 times thinner than a human hair! The problem: any metal or alloy will consist of a multitude of tiny, tightly packed grains. For most conventional metals and alloys the diameter of these grains measure well above 1000 nanometres. This means, however, that conventional grain sized metals will resist being pressed into the form of the stamp due to their large grain size. This is why Durst and his colleagues are researching the production of more finely-grained metals, which will fit perfectly within the hollow spaces of the stamps. Read more More scientific articles in hoch³ FORSCHEN 1/2017 go to list	<urn:uuid:109c5a32-91c3-4576-957a-cd5eab327ffc>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.546875, "fasttext_score": 0.02074456214904785, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9278302788734436, "url": "https://www.tu-darmstadt.de/vorbeischauen/aktuell/news_details_175040.en.jsp" }
Discoveries and Innovations 1. Introduction 2. Scientific Research Helps World War II War Effort 3. Where it All Started – Animation in the NRC labs 4. The Development of a Canadian Astronaut Program 5. The Science Behind our Athletes 6. World's first simulation-based brain surgery performed in Halifax 7. Physics Finds a Better Way to Target Cancer 8. NRC Research Helps Build a Billion-Dollar Canola Business 9. Keeping Canada on Time 10. Concrete and Cement Science Still Stand Strong 11. Innovative Devices Improve the Lives of the Disabled 12. Eliminating E. coli for Safer Food and Water 13. Saving Survivors by Finding Fallen Aircrafts 14. Science Improves Crime-Busting Techniques 15. NRC Science Protects a Patriotic Symbol 16. Streamlining the Steam Locomotive 17. Winning the War against Infant Meningitis 18. Bomb Sniffers Battle Terrorist Threats 19. Extending Canada's Role in Space Exploration 20. Space Vision System Helps Astronauts See in Space 21. A New Era in Electronic Music 22. Thin-film Technology Helps Foil Counterfeiters 23. Virtualizing Reality: Preserving Treasures and Innovating Entertainment 24. Engineering a Better Quality of Life For more than 90 years, NRC scientists have been improving the lives of Canadians and our economy through exciting discoveries and innovative research. From biotechnology to aerospace research, astronomy to nanotechnology, NRC research plays a key role. Read on to learn about some of NRC's greatest accomplishments. top of page Scientific Research Helps World War II War Effort Like the brave soldiers fighting in the war, scientists put their bodies on the line on the home front in an effort to help others. At this time it was not unusual for scientists to conduct experiments on themselves. In the name of science, they subjected themselves to mustard gas exposure, test flights without cabin pressurization, and other risks. Scientists put their lives on the line to protect soldiers The pressure of war can be a great motivator for medical research. During the war, NRC scientists were examining penicillin, ways to prevent wound infection, typhus vaccines, shock, fatigue, plastic surgery, the nervous system, tuberculosis, and burns – research that would continue to be important after the war ended. They even studied the psychological aspects of returning home from war, much like today's researchers study post-traumatic stress disorder among returning soldiers. Re-adjusting to home life can be especially difficult for soldiers who suffer serious injuries in battle. In the Second World War, the discovery and use of penicillin allowed many soldiers to survive injuries that would previously have killed them, but that also meant they returned home to face the reality of living with paralysis or other disabilities. It was while working with severely disabled veterans that NRC inventor George Klein found the inspiration to develop the first practical motorized wheelchair, an innovation that not only gave veterans and other people with disabilities the ability to move around freely on their own, but also a sense of independence they might not otherwise have had. A new era in atomic energy In the 1940s, countries around the world were in a race to understand atomic energy. Though not directly intended for the war effort, NRC developed world-class nuclear research facilities that included Canada's first nuclear reactor prototype and the first nuclear reactor ever built outside of the United States. By 1947, NRC's Chalk River Laboratories east of Ottawa housed a new reactor called NRX (National Research eXperimental) – the most powerful reactor in the world for several years. Soon after it opened, NRX began producing radioisotopes which are still used today for cancer diagnosis and treatment. Canada remains the world's largest exporter of radioisotopes. Today isotopes from Chalk River are used to treat more than 21 million patients in over 60 countries each year. In 1957, another research reactor opened called NRU (National Research Universal). This reactor was ten times more powerful than NRX, meaning that Canada once again had the most powerful reactor on earth for several years. Today Canada has 22 operational reactors that provide 16 % of the country's electricity and 50 % of Ontario's electricity, all without greenhouse gas emissions. NRX and NRU served as a powerful experimental laboratory – a training ground for engineers and designers of the Canadian nuclear power system, CANDU. Innovative technologies for cancer therapy and radiation measurement were developed at Chalk River and are now used all over the world. The wartime facilities are still used for cutting-edge research in a variety of scientific fields today. Engineering safety advances in the air NRC scientists conducted a great deal of wartime research into flight. Not only did their jet propulsion engine research culminate in the magnificent ORENDA engine, which broke records as soon as it was completed and sold a quarter of a million dollars worth of engines, but they also worked to ensure the safety of pilots. At the outbreak of war, Dr. Banting and a team of university researchers in Toronto were studying problems pilots faced at high altitudes and speeds. Blindness and unconsciousness occurred when blood was drawn away from pilots' eyes and brains by the accentuated effects of gravity during aerial battles and dog fights. The team built the first North American decompression chamber to study the effects of high altitude and an accelerator to test the effects of speed. They also developed an improved oxygen mask and the world's first anti-gravity suit to protect pilots from blacking out at high altitudes and speeds. Called both the "anti-G" suit and the "Franks suit" (after its inventor, Wilbur Franks), it was first used in 1942 by carrier-based Royal Navy aircraft during an amphibious landing in North Africa. The Night Watchman: Radar During the Second World War, NRC was the centre of Canadian contributions to radar technology. With NRC's help, Canada installed the first operating radar system in North America – a coastal defence system near Halifax called the Night Watchman. A few years later, building on secret British war plans, NRC designed one of the first mass-produced radar systems to be manufactured in Canada. In the late 1930s, NRC began to explore the possibility of detecting aircraft by electrical means. Meanwhile, the British had devised high-powered compact radar designs for an anti-aircraft system. The secret technology was brought to North America in 1940, and NRC used the plans to develop the GL Mark III C anti-aircraft radar system. Although it did not see action in Britain, this system was installed in Australia, South Africa, Russia and Canada. NRC's success soon led to further radar design and production work. By 1945, NRC had developed about 30 different types of radar for various military purposes that helped the allies win the war. Engineering novel vehicles on the ground and at sea During the Second World War, Canada was asked to help design a new type of military vehicle for use in the snowy, muddy, swampy and rugged terrain of Europe. NRC researchers developed a prototype tracking system and specialized rubber that allowed the military vehicle to move easily across the snow. The "Weasel," as it was called, had to perform in a wide range of conditions and withstand being parachuted from an aircraft. Nearly 15,000 Weasels were produced. Over the years, the vehicle's design has inspired many other all-terrain vehicles and has helped Arctic and Antarctic explorers in extreme conditions. In the middle of the war, NRC scientists also collaborated with the British government on a far-out project to design and build a massive aircraft carrier... made of ice. The idea was to use ice reinforced with wood pulp (resulting in a new material called pykrete) to create a ship that would be virtually unsinkable and resistant to submarine attacks. The top secret ice-ship project was called "Habakkuk." NRC scientists rushed to complete their research before winter's end in 1943, performing large-scale tests that included a huge slab of ice cut from frozen Lake Louise. They studied refrigeration systems and developed pykrete. Even though the British government cancelled the project in 1944, NRC's research into the properties of ice and pykrete remains very useful today and contributed to NRC's expertise in northern and snowy airfields. Reducing Canada's reliance on others During the war years, many imports from other countries were cut off, and Canada had to rely on itself for replacements. NRC scientists helped identify substitute, homegrown products to replace those that were not available during the war. Some important examples are Irish moss seaweed, canola oil, and new materials like artificial rubber and alternative magnesite. Throughout the course of the Second World War, NRC scientists made invaluable contributions to our country and the war effort by carrying out innovative research into medicine, atomic energy, engineering, and homegrown alternatives to imports. Their efforts not only helped the war effort, but also had important implications that continue to affect the lives of Canadians. top of page Where it All Started – Animation in the NRC labs In the late 1960s, NRC's Nestor Burtnyk heard a Disney Studios animator speak about making cartoons. Less than a year later, Burtnyk had developed a new technique that would revolutionize the way animators create 3D graphics. His work in developing "key-frame animation" techniques laid the groundwork for the sophisticated computer animation in cinematic feasts like Chronicles of Narnia, Lord of the Rings, and Harry Potter. Putting the new technology to the test The first experimental computer-animated film coming out of this new technique was Metadata in 1971, a collaboration between NRC, the National Film Board and artist Peter Foldes. Metadata was followed in 1973 by Hunger (La Faim), a 10-minute feature about world hunger. The film took a year and a half to create and in 1974 it became the first computer-animated movie nominated for an Oscar in the best short film category. Hunger received other honours as well, including the Prix du Jury at the Cannes Film Festival in 1973, and a flurry of international film awards. One Frame at a time Using this new "key frame animation" technique, NRC animators created isolated sketches of action at key intervals during an animated sequence. The software allowed animators to create sequences by providing only the key frames. The computer then worked out the in-between frames. Automating the animation process through advanced computer technology cut down on the tedious manual work involved in traditional animation. Once the key frames were planned, the artist could prepare the picture "cells" by sketching images directly on the display. Paving the way for the next generation of computer animation The film Hunger inspired a generation of computer animators in Canada. NRC scientists gave lectures and held workshops, and others soon joined in. The result was the growth of computer animation courses and new companies across the country. In 1966, Marceli Wein, a McGill University graduate, joined Burtnyk's unique computer graphics research project at NRC. At a conference on computer graphics at the University of Pennsylvania in July 1976, the pair explained their "skeleton control" techniques for enhancing motion dynamics in key-frame animation. Later that year, they went on to publish their paper in an Association for Computing Machinery journal. Burtnyk and Wein have since been recognized as the fathers of computer animation technology in Canada. At the 1996 Festival of Computer Animation they were awarded trophies and letters from the Prime Minister in recognition of their individual contributions. As an ultimate recognition of their pioneering work, the pair received a technical achievement award at the 1997 Academy Awards in Hollywood for their pioneering work in developing software techniques for computer-assisted key-framing for character animation. top of page The Development of a Canadian Astronaut Program In the summer of 1983, the National Research Council placed a help wanted ad in newspapers across Canada. NRC was looking for six people to develop experiments, perform public awareness activities, and undertake what would probably be the most exciting voyage of their lives – a journey into space. More than 4,300 applications poured into the NRC from students, poets, journalists, engineers and scientists of all stripes, each wanting the chance to become a Canadian astronaut. Space fever In the early 1980s, Canadians of all ages were fascinated with Space. Canada's involvement with NASA's space shuttle program, coupled with the high-profile success of the Canadarm (developed under NRC leadership) on space shuttle Columbia flights in 1981 and 1982, fuelled this enormous public interest. Canadians wanted to know if they too would one day have the chance to fly in Space. Canada's enthusiasm paid off when NASA was about to expand its Space program with projects like the International Space Station. Looking for international partners for this next phase of space exploration, NASA chose to continue its long history of successful space collaborations with Canada. In 1982, Canada was informally invited to consider participating in the Space Station program and send a Canadian on a shuttle mission as a payload specialist. When NRC placed its help wanted ad in Canadian newspapers, it sparked widespread media and public attention. Amid an overwhelming flurry of applications, NRC eventually selected six people for its new Canadian Astronaut Program Office in 1983: Marc Garneau, Bjarni Tryggvason, Steve MacLean, Ken Money, Roberta Bondar and Robert Thirsk. A payload specialist is not an astronaut as we know them, but rather someone specially trained to fly and carry out experiments in Space. NRC developed two experiments to be carried out by the first Canadian payload specialist in Space: testing the NRC-invented Space Vision System for guiding the Canadarm, and studying Space adaptation syndrome – the condition that causes nausea and fatigue in astronauts when they first enter Space. A change of plans Before the new NRC employees even began their training in 1984, NASA surprised NRC by asking for a Canadian to fly on a mission well ahead of schedule. Timetables were thrown out the window and all efforts focused on getting the astronauts ready as quickly as possible. They underwent training that included lectures in astronomy, earth physics and space medicine, as well as physical testing of how they adapted to unusual motions, zero gravity, and high altitude flight. All the while, the astronauts made public appearances to satisfy the country's curiosity about space. Marc Garneau was selected to be the first Canadian in Space. He would perform experiments on Space adaptation syndrome, the Space Vision System, how certain materials react to space exposure, a sun photometer, and recording a strange glow coming from the shuttle. NRC rushed to prepare the experiments and make sure everything was cleared with NASA and compatible with the space shuttle – a seemingly impossible task that was successfully completed by the time Garneau went into Space aboard the Challenger shuttle on October 5, 1984. Upon his return, Garneau was praised as a trail-blazer and hero and was compared to Canada's earliest explorers. He participated in a cross-country tour to address the media frenzy and promote Space science in Canada. Continuing contributions When the Challenger accident of January 1985 put a hold on the space shuttle flight schedule, Canadians used the opportunity to develop their space program further – working on the Space Vision System, planning experiments that would be conducted in space, developing technology to be used on future flights, and preparing their astronauts to become full-fledged mission specialists. In 1989, the Canadian Astronaut Program "spun off" from NRC to form the core of the Canadian Space Agency. However, NRC continues to play an active research and development role in the program and the technology used in Space today, like the Canadarm 2 on the International Space Station. Today, Canadians are full-fledged members of the international astronaut corps, contributing to the evolution of space programs and technology both in Canada and the world. To date, eight Canadian astronauts have flown on 11 shuttle flights. The Canadian Space Agency's current team of six astronauts still includes three of the original NRC team – Steve MacLean, Bjarni Tryggvason and Robert Thirsk – who all continue to reap the rewards of answering a help wanted ad more than 20 years ago. top of page The Science Behind our Athletes A lot goes into making an Olympic athlete. Extraordinary skill and determination go a long way in fulfilling gold-medal dreams, but there is more to winning than hard work. Olympic athletes have their own teams of technological experts that help them get to the top of their sport. For years, NRC has been improving athletic performance behind the scenes in its laboratories and wind tunnels. From bobsledding to speed skating, scientists know that success often depends as much on aerodynamics as on skill. For hockey players, it might be more about their stick than their stick-handling! Famous faces in NRC's wind tunnels Researchers at the NRC Institute for Aerospace Research in Ottawa study the effects of wind not only on vehicles and bridges, but also on athletes and their equipment, clothing and positioning. These researchers help athletes use the wind tunnel to check the aerodynamics of their body position, such as how rounded their shoulders are, or if their legs are held tightly together. In events where athletes are separated by only hundredths of a second, small aerodynamic adjustments can make the difference between winning a gold medal and going home empty-handed. Over the years, many great athletes have visited NRC's wind tunnels to save precious seconds while competing. In the 1970s and 80s, Ken Read, Steve Podborski, Rob Boyd and other Canadian downhill skiers – known as the Crazy Canucks for their wild antics on the ski hill – polished up their aerodynamic skills in the NRC wind tunnels. Speed skaters Catriona LeMay Doan and Jeremy Wotherspoon tested the aerodynamic qualities of different suits in the NRC wind tunnel. Catriona later won a gold medal at the Salt Lake City Olympics in 2002. Most recently, members of Canada's national skeleton team, including gold, silver and bronze medalists used the wind tunnels to assess the aerodynamics of their sleds, suits and body positioning. In the wind tunnel, the athletes could feel like they were moving at 125 kilometres an hour and experiment with body position without worrying about falling off their sled. Equipment and outfits It's not only in the wind tunnels that science and technology help Canadian athletes. A lot of innovation goes into the equipment they wear and use while competing. Before the 1992 Olympics in Albertville, France, a team of scientists at the NRC Integrated Manufacturing Technologies Institute used lasers on bobsled runners to improve their durability and speed. NRC also designed the Olympic torch for the 1988 winter games in Calgary. A stronger hockey stick A team of researchers at the NRC Steacie Institute for Molecular Sciences is currently using the cutting-edge science of nanotechnology to make better hockey sticks with carbon nanotubes. Carbon nanotubes are tiny hollow cylinders made entirely of the element carbon. They get their name from the fact that their diameters are about one nanometre across; one million times smaller than a millimetre. It is almost impossible to imagine things this small. To put it in perspective, if one of these nanotubes were as round as a piece of ordinary dental floss, the person using it would be about 1,500 km tall with teeth the size of Mt. Everest! Despite their size, carbon nanotubes are 100 times stronger than steel and only one sixth of the weight. Adding carbon nanotubes to the composites used in today's hockey sticks can dramatically improve their durability, meaning lighter, tougher, and more flexible sticks that won't break at that crucial moment in the game. Unfortunately, the current market price of nanotubes is more than 20 times that of gold. Only tiny amounts of carbon nanotubes are needed to see significant improvements in sporting good performance, making the benefits outweigh the extra cost. More widespread use of nanotubes in other areas will not come until the cost can be reduced substantially. That is why NRC scientists are working to develop more cost-effective ways to produce carbon nanotubes and incorporate them into composites. Soon hockey players, golfers, cyclists, tennis players, and athletes in other sports will begin to experience the benefits of carbon nanotubes. Through efforts like these, NRC is helping Canada's athletes become stronger competitors that look, feel and perform better on the international stage. top of page World's first simulation-based brain surgery performed in Halifax On Thursday, August 20th 2009, with the help of a virtual-reality neurosurgical simulator developed by NRC, Dr. David Clarke, staff neurosurgeon at the Queen Elizabeth II Health Sciences Centre (QEII) in Halifax successfully removed a brain tumour from a patient. Using NRC technology, surgeons in Halifax performed a patient-specific rehearsal of a brain tumour resection in a virtual-reality environment, taking a picture of the patient's brain with MRI technology, and then rehearsing the removal of the tumour prior to successfully completing the actual surgery. This system constitutes a world's first, allowing surgeons to tailor complex neurosurgical rehearsals to individual patients. To create a realistic simulation environment, researchers took a series of sophisticated MRI scans of the patient's brain, including its anatomy and critical regions. These images were then incorporated into the simulator to reflect back a highly accurate three dimensional representation of the patient's brain, allowing surgeons to see and experience what it would feel like to interact with that tissue. The simulator's unprecedented high-resolution haptics hardware allows surgeons to move and touch the virtual tissue of the brain; integrated software makes it behave as it would in actual surgery, creating a realistic learning and training environment for surgeons Funded as a Phase-4 research project under the NRC Genomics and Health Initiative, researchers from across NRC (NRC-IMI, NRC-IBD and NRC-IIT) developed this breakthrough medical technology, working in close collaboration with a cross-Canada clinical advisory committee of leading neurosurgeons. This virtual-reality neurosurgical simulator positions Canada at the forefront of global research and development of leading-edge medical devices and in the education of tomorrow's leading surgeons. Pilots around the world have been using flight simulators for years to train and rehearse for their jobs to ensure the safety of passengers. With the help of this technology, surgeons can begin using the VR simulator as a teaching and rehearsal tool, ensuring the safety of their patients top of page Physics Finds a Better Way to Target Cancer These days, a cancer diagnosis is not automatically seen as a death sentence. Over the years, successful treatments have allowed cancer patients to carry on longer and more productive lives. One such treatment is radiation therapy, which attacks cancerous tissue using ionizing radiation. Before doctors can use radiation treatments, however, they must first figure out the right dosage – and that's no easy task. A careful balance of power and protection Transferring the technology to treatment centres NRC's dose calculation system was licensed for commercial use in 2000. NRC established a licensing partnership with MDS Nordion, a Canadian company specializing in radiation and other cancer diagnosis and treatment methods. The technology won approval from both Health Canada and the U.S. Food and Drug Administration. Since 2002, it has been used in cancer clinics around the world. Doctors must ensure they are delivering just the right amount of radiation during cancer treatments – it must be enough to kill the cancer cells but not too much which could harm the patient by destroying healthy tissue. Figuring out how much radiation is required involves meticulous and complex calculations based on the patient's anatomy, the size and depth of the cancer, the characteristics of the radiation beam and the body's radiation allowance, among other factors. For years, medical physicists have used simplified models for the interaction of radiation with matter to figure out radiation dosages. Although often adequate, there are some situations where these models introduce significant errors. That all changed when physicists from the NRC Institute for National Measurement Standards devised software based on the Monte Carlo technique that lets cancer treatment centres accurately calculate radiation dosages in mere minutes for even the most complicated geometries. More convenient calculations The Monte Carlo technique uses statistical methods to follow the path of each ionizing particle from the radiation source until it is absorbed in the material of interest. NRC has been developing and using the Monte Carlo method since 1980, and it remains a leader in the field. NRC's Iwan Kawarakow created the new software program specifically optimized for calculating the radiation dose to patients. His new method was based on the Monte Carlo technique but ran at 100 times the speed of earlier Monte Carlo codes. Perfecting the calculations and precise mathematical steps required to speed up the process of determining radiation dosages took years, but NRC eventually developed the necessary techniques.The software package it developed can be easily integrated into the sophisticated treatment planning systems medical professionals already use to visualize anatomy, see tumors and make decisions about how to treat them. The addition of the NRC software helps them accurately predict the radiation that will be delivered to the tumour and healthy tissue. NRC's research activities have helped improve radiation treatment, providing cancer specialists with a speedy and highly-accurate means of helping their patients. Today, NRC continues to host medical physicists from around the world at training courses about radiation dose calculations. top of page NRC Research Helps Build a Billion-Dollar Canola Business The Canadian Prairies are blanketed with millions of acres of bright yellow canola fields. The crop is used in dozens of products, including cooking oil, mayonnaise and printing ink. Over the past five decades, researchers at NRC have transformed a minor crop with limited use into one of our country's most valuable assets. Production of rapeseed lubricant dries up Before the development of canola, the rapeseed plant was primarily used as an industrial lubricant. Its oil clings to metal, even in hot water and steam, making it ideal for steam engines and marine use. During the Second World War, Canada started producing its own rapeseed after shipments from Europe and Asia were cut off. But by 1950, production had slowed down to a driblet, and Canadian farmers questioned the crop's value. Crop researchers at NRC's Prairie Regional Laboratory and Agriculture Canada then teamed up to create a better rapeseed plant – one that would be edible and nutritional, reducing the Prairies' dependence on wheat crops. Scientists from several Canadian organizations contributed to the national research initiative led by Dr. Keith Downey (Agriculture Canada), Dr. Baldur Steffanson (University of Manitoba) and Dr. Burton Craig (NRC). Creating a new edible oil By 1979, both Health Canada and European countries found that canola was safe for human consumption, but the United States withheld health approval of canola until 1985 when there was firm Canadian evidence that canola oil is risk-free and nutritious. Rapeseed oil contains high levels of erucic acid that are not considered safe for human consumption. Studies of the oil linked it to troubling fat deposits around the hearts of test animals. But by 1964, the researchers were able to identify a strain of rapeseed with low erucic acid levels, allowing them to breed new varieties with more desirable nutritional properties. A decade later, these new rapeseed varieties made up all five million acres of the crop grown in Canada. The new plants were named "canola," an abbreviation of "Canada" and "oil." They contained very low levels of the saturated fat associated with heart disease. Continuing canola innovation Scientists continued to improve canola. Further breeding developments eliminated unsavoury traits like sulfur-based glucosinolates and a low-fibre content that made the crops unsuitable for livestock feed. NRC researchers also established new plant cell and tissue culture techniques to speed canola breeding time. Continued canola research led to a tougher crop more resistant to weed killers, improved crop yield and quality, reduced maturity time, as well as resistance to diseases. Today, canola is trademarked and distinguishable from rapeseed by its low erucic acid and glucosinolate characteristics. Canada remains the global centre for canola science, growing more than 13 million acres of the made-in-Canada crop, mostly in the Prairies. The canola industry (including commercial crushers, farmers, and biotechnology researchers) contributes more than $2 billion a year to the Canadian economy, second only to Canadian wheat. top of page Keeping Canada on Time Imagine what life would be like if everyone followed a different time. How would we schedule appointments, run businesses or know when class starts? If it were not for time standards, our society would not work efficiently – we'd all be too confused! The National Research Council is Canada's official time keeper. Since the 1950s, NRC has used atomic clocks to keep Canada on time and stay in sync with the rest of the world. Maintaining time standards is essential to keep global economies, navigation and communication running smoothly. The atomic clock In the late 1950s, NRC entered the atomic age of timekeeping when it completed one of the first atomic clocks in the world. Then, in 1975, NRC built the first cesium clock that could run continuously and also not require calibration with any external clock. At the time, this revolutionary clock was the most accurate and stable in the world. These atomic clocks measure time by tracking the magnetic spinning of cesium atoms. These atoms spin 9,192,631,770 times per second rather than once a minute for the fastest hand on most mechanical clocks. The cesium clocks are prized for their incredible precision – they are accurate to about a second in a million years! Atomic time is even more accurate than the rotation of the earth, or classical astronomical time. This means that every so often, scientists add "leap seconds" to atomic time to compensate for the earth's slowing rotation. What's the big deal? The accuracy and stability of atomic clocks matters because so many of our communication and navigation systems rely on precise time measurements. For example, airplanes and ships rely on Global Positioning Systems that use time signals broadcast from atomic clocks on board satellites orbiting the earth. Increasingly complex science requires levels of accuracy that might seem excessive in our everyday lives. But such accuracy is essential for generating precise measurements in diverse fields including radio astronomy, physics, spectroscopy, length and voltage measurements, electronics manufacturing and more. Radio and television broadcasters have to coordinate their programming schedules to a standard time so audiences can tune into their favourite programs. Telecommunications systems rely on precise timing to operate switches that route signals through networks like the Internet. Though we might not think about it, atomic clocks play a big role in many aspects of our daily lives. Without accurate time, our busy society would be much less efficient. Cesium: the element that makes it all possible Natural, non-radioactive cesium is renowned for its role in timekeeping because of the stability of the inner structure of this atom. A typical atomic clock uses only one gram of cesium to keep it running for an entire year! Watching clocks around the world Ever since the completion of its first atomic clocks in the late 1950s, Canada has been a leader in the regulation of international time standards. NRC's atomic clocks are used in conjunction with atomic clocks in the time laboratories around the world to create an internationally-accepted time scale called Coordinated Universal Time (UTC). UTC replaced Greenwich Mean Time in 1972 and became the basis for official time in every country. Time zones around the world are expressed as positive or negative variations of UTC. For example, Eastern Standard Time is five hours behind UTC time, so it is written as UTC-5. Coordinating clocks around the world is essential to keep economies, communications and navigational systems working properly. In aviation, UTC is used to avoid the confusion of frequently-changing time zones. The future of atomic clocks It's hard to believe that atomic clocks could be made even more accurate than they already are, but researchers at NRC are working on just that. Cesium beam atomic clocks have reached their performance limit, so scientists are developing the next generation of timekeepers – cesium fountain clocks. Advanced laser technology will play a starring role in the new clocks that push the limits of precision. Cesium fountain clocks could eventually be 100 times better than our current atomic clocks! Other atoms offer the prospect of even better timekeeping. For all of these advances, the challenge for timekeeping is to create a system that can run for decades at these improved accuracies. By developing, using and coordinating atomic clocks around the world, organizations like NRC are tracking time more accurately than ever before – giving us even fewer excuses for being late! top of page Concrete and Cement Science Still Stand Strong In 1920, huge concrete structures across western Canada started crumbling from Winnipeg's sewers to Saskatoon's public buildings. When National Research Council (NRC) scientists were called in to figure out the problem, they found that sulphate waters were attacking the concrete in these structures, causing it to swell and break down. Thorbergur Thorvaldson, a distinguished Saskatchewan University chemist and member of the team that investigated the western concrete problem, won international acclaim when he developed new sulphate-resisting cement used in concrete and a curing treatment to protect against corrosion. This early work in concrete research is just one example of the interesting and innovative concrete and cement science research still underway at NRC today. This research spans everything from monitoring some of the tallest buildings and longest bridges in the world to warming the ground beneath our feet. Studying Canada's biggest buildings The construction industry relies on the expertise of NRC's engineers, architects, chemists and other scientists whose work leads to better technologies and important structural modeling. Their research ensures the safety of Canada's buildings and bridges. The CN Tower, for example, was built to withstand a devastating earthquake and winds of 400 kilometres an hour. In the event that the world's tallest tower does collapse, it is designed to tip over into Lake Ontario. Though NRC was not involved in the design or construction of the CN Tower, NRC researchers have monitored lightning strikes on the tower which happen about 75 times each year. NRC science and engineering helps revise national building codes. These regulations are crucial for protecting the public and preventing horrific disasters by ensuring that buildings are constructed to be safe. Researchers can also use sophisticated 3D computer models to make calculations about wind and other factors that influence the design of increasingly big and complex buildings. Building safer bridges At PEI's Confederation Bridge, NRC, other government organizations and universities are involved in the most comprehensive study of bridge performance ever undertaken. The bridge is equipped with 500 strain-measuring devices, 450 thermal sensors, 28 ice-load panels, 76 vibration sensors and underwater sonar equipment that will feed an incredible amount of data to scientists for the next 20 years. The Confederation Bridge is a 13-kilometre drive that links Prince Edward Island to the Canadian mainland. It is made up of 44 concrete spans and piers planted in 35-metre deep water. It is the longest bridge over ice-prone waters in the world, making its structural stability particularly challenging. NRC has also created software to predict the lifespan and maintenance of bridges. These predictions are made by studying how reinforcing steel corrodes and the damage that accumulates on the concrete bridge decks. This tool will help engineering contractors diagnose problems and plan repairs to bridges. Bringing an old building material into the future When NRC researchers set out to melt the snow and ice on loading docks, roads and bridges, they ended up developing concrete that can conduct electricity and do far more than keep driveways clean. Conductive concrete can be used not only for deicing roads, runways and bridges, but also for grounding electrical charges and keeping your toes warm in the winter through radiant floor heating. Concrete may be one of the oldest and most durable building materials, but cement chemistry is still a modern science. In the future, scientists and researchers from around the world will continue to discuss new techniques and the next generation of durable cement systems. top of page Innovative Devices Improve the Lives of the Disabled For many decades, National Research Council scientists have developed practical and innovative aids for people with disabilities. These devices have helped improve the everyday lives of people with visual, verbal, physical and other disabilities. Navigating through a sighted world Blind since the age of four, James Swail spent almost 40 years at NRC developing devices to increase the mobility and job skills of the blind. He was determined to make a personal contribution in the struggle of blind people to achieve an independent way of life in a sighted world. Among his countless inventions are a sensor for detecting light sources, sound beacons to identify where objects are located, voice synthesizers for telephones and electric thermometers with readouts that can be heard or felt. Perhaps this NRC inventor is best known for developing a better white cane. White canes are used by visually impaired people to feel and avoid obstacles in their path and as means of identifying themselves. But in certain situations, like crowded classrooms or restaurants, long canes can get in the way or become difficult to store. To help reduce inconvenience, Swail devised a four-section collapsible cane that could be easily folded and kept in a pocket or purse when not being used. Swail also developed an alternative to the cane for use in crowded situations where canes are not practical, like parties or busy stores. His ultrasonic obstacle detector used radar to locate obstacles in a blind person's path. When a person or object was detected, the device's handle vibrated to alert the user. Several devices have been created to help the visually impaired use technology, including a pocket-sized electronic calculator for the blind, a device to allow blind computer programmers to read punch cards and a synthetic speech output for blind computer users. Maximizing mobility The electric wheelchair is probably the best-known mobility aid for persons with physical disabilities. The first practical motorized wheelchair was developed at NRC by George Klein in the 1950s to help severely disabled veterans returning from the Second World War. Further testing with paraplegic and quadriplegic led to the development of ways to controlling the wheelchair with a finger, chin or head, giving patients the opportunity to experience an exciting new independence. NRC also designed a "5-wheel unicycle" to help those with mobility limitations get around their homes and workplaces. Depending on a person's disability, the device could be adapted with different seating or standing apparatuses – like a chair for sitting, a saddle seat for people with cerebral palsy or a board that allows the user to move around while standing. Users "drove" the vehicle by pressing on a hoop that surrounded their body. In office and home settings, the unicycle was well-suited to working at benches or countertops and allowed users to be at eye level with a standing person. NRC also developed a convertible bed/chair that allowed for better comfort and easier handling of extremely disabled people. Communication and recreation While most aids for people with disabilities are designed to help with their most basic needs like movement and communication, NRC also recognized the often-overlooked importance of leisure activities. This is why researchers also devised several recreational aids, like a device to turn the pages of a book. Perhaps the most frustrating disabilities are those that restrict a person from expressing themselves or communicating. To help overcome some of these difficulties, NRC started the COMHANDI research program in the 1960s to develop communication aids for the disabled. One such aid was a mechanical pointer system for non-verbal cerebral palsy children. By using a joystick or switches, the child could communicate by selecting symbols from a display board. Because communication was done through symbols, this device could be used by children who were not able to read or write. In 1980, NRC created two electronic games that could be played without requiring a great deal of manual dexterity. Both "Checktronics" (an electronic checkers game) and "Steeplechase" (designed for younger players) could be easily operated by pressing on large switches to control playing pieces represented by small LED lights on the board. "Checktronics" and "Steeplechase" provided many people with physical disabilities an opportunity to play board games without assistance for the first time, leading to a sense of independence and accomplishment, and most importantly, a lot of fun. top of page Eliminating E. coli for Safer Food and Water The safety of our food and water is a serious concern for Canadians. We need to know that the food we eat and the water we drink to stay healthy won't accidentally make us ill. Each year, more than five million people around the world die from diseases caused by unsafe drinking water and over two million deaths result from water-related diarrhea. That's why researchers at the National Research Council have been working to keep E. coli, a dangerous food- and water-borne bacterium, from entering our food or water supply. A common contaminant Escherichia coli is a naturally-occurring bacterium that lives in the intestines of cows. Although it causes no problems for cattle, the E. coli O157:H7 strain of the bacterium produces a toxin that is dangerous to humans. If ingested, E. coli causes cramping, diarrhea and in rare cases, kidney failure or even death. When cows carrying the bacteria are slaughtered, E. coli can sometimes get into the food supply. People who eat undercooked ground beef are at risk of becoming ill from E. coli contamination. Since contaminated meat looks and smells normal, it is important that all ground beef be thoroughly cooked to destroy E. coli bacteria. Unpasteurized milk can also become contaminated if a cow's udder or the milking equipment has traces of bacteria. Water contamination can be caused by run-off from nearby fields that have been treated with manure containing E. coli bacterium. This is believed to be the cause of a tragic case of tainted water in Walkerton, Ontario in 2000. E. coli research began 20 years ago when scientists realized people were getting sick from the E. coli O157:H7 strain present in undercooked hamburger meat. They discovered the source of the bacteria was inside the cows themselves. In the mid-1980s, NRC scientists identified a unique antigenic marker in the bacterium which identifies the pathogenic strain of E. coli, making it possible to detect the bacterium. This discovery proved handy years later as scientists worked to get rid of the bacteria altogether. Stopping E. coli contamination before it starts Because E. coli bacteria originate inside a cow's digestive system, scientists thought vaccinating cows against E. coli could stop the bacteria before they had the chance to infect humans. Building on their discovery of the antigenic marker that identifies E. coli, NRC researchers discovered that there were other, non-pathogenic bacteria (bacteria that don't cause disease) that carried markers identical or chemically similar to E. coli O157:H7. When mice were immunized with some of these non-pathogenic bacteria, the bacteria produced antibodies that prevented the mice from becoming infected with E. coli. While exploring the idea of using this discovery to create a vaccine against E. coli, scientists realized they would face resistance from farmers who are wary about mass-immunizations of their cattle. So researchers started working on a feed-based delivery system. The idea was to express an E. coli O157:H7 – specific antibody in plants and then incorporate the plant-based antibody into the cows' food. Once inside a cow's digestive system, the antibody attaches to any E. coli bacterium it encounters, preventing it from attaching to the lining of the cow's stomach and multiplying. Because it would be administered through food instead of vaccination, this new method of eliminating E. coli from cows was more readily accepted by farmers and the public. Detecting contamination to avoid disasters Despite these promising efforts to eliminate E. coli, more work must be done before an effective product becomes available. In the meantime the bacteria continue to thrive and have the potential to contaminate our food and water. During the tragic events in Walkerton, a whole town drank dirty water for days before being warned of the danger. By that time, the damage had already been done. Through examples like this, it's easy to see why quick detection of water contamination is essential for public safety. The traditional culture method of water testing involves filtering bacteria from water samples, cultivating them in petri dishes, then counting the bacteria. Although this method can detect E. coli, it is prone to errors and does not detect some other potentially lethal water-borne pathogens. What's more, the process takes two days to complete, which is far too slow when it comes to saving people from drinking deadly water. NRC scientists have been working on using DNA chips, also called "biochips" or DNA microarrays, to quickly detect water-borne pathogens, including E. coli, with almost no error. The process involves coating a chip with the DNA of a known pathogen, then applying DNA from a water sample to the same chip. If the DNA from the sample bonds to the original DNA on the chip, it means the water sample contains the same pathogen that was originally on the chip. Eventually, these chips will include the DNA for many different pathogens, allowing detection at very low levels in the water. The method is fast and affordable, important factors for improving water testing and safety. For two decades, NRC scientists have been working to eliminate E. coli and detect dangerous contaminants before they reach humans. This research is essential for ensuring the safety of our food and water in the 21st century. top of page Saving Survivors by Finding Fallen Aircrafts Before the 1960s, wilderness airplane crashes usually ended in tragedy. Even if they were not seriously injured during the crash, survivors faced a long wait before they could be rescued, often succumbing to starvation or exposure to the elements before they could be saved. Rescue crews had a hard time finding crash survivors obscured by brush and snow. They were forced to fly dangerously low, searching by eyesight alone for an SOS or signs of smoke. Often, rescue crews flew in the same dangerous conditions that caused the original accident, causing many rescuers to face the same fate as the crash victims. For one National Research Council engineer, however, this harsh reality was simply unacceptable. So Harry Stevinson invented the Crash Position Indicator to help rescue crews find downed aircraft quickly and safely – a device that would save the lives of crash victims and rescue crews alike. Tired of airplane rescue tragedies Harry Stevinson grew up hearing tragic tales of rescue missions gone wrong, and he wanted to do something about the problem. Drawing from his extensive knowledge of radios, Stevinson knew it was possible to distinguish the direction from which radio waves came. He decided the solution to finding downed aircraft would be a radio beacon on each aircraft that could indicate where the plane had crashed. His plan required that the radio beacon survive the impact of a plane crash, as well as any fires, explosion or water immersion that followed – and of course, it had to keep working through all hazards. Unfortunately, as determined as Stevinson was to improve wilderness rescue attempts and develop his radio beacon idea, the project had to be put on hold when the Second World War began. Renewed determination to save lives After the war, in 1946, Stevinson was studying gliders at the NRC Flight Research Lab. During test flights, gliders would descend from high altitudes while Stevinson recorded data about how the aircraft "handled" in different situations. While these tests were ongoing, a jet fighter happened to crash. Stevinson and his team watched helplessly as the rescue crew that was searching for the lost plane also crashed into the bush. To Stevinson, it was clear that had a radio beacon been installed on the downed jet the task of locating the crash site would have been much easier and safer for the rescue crews. Once again, he was determined to create a radio beacon for downed aircraft. Developing a crash-proof radio beacon was no easy task, however. The final device needed to meet some tough requirements: it had to ride on the host aircraft in an inactive state for indefinite periods, but be ready to immediately start to work in the event of a crash; it had to survive any conceivable crash by falling clear as the aircraft crumpled; and it had to turn itself on automatically, so that rescuers could find the location of the crash quickly. In addition to these basic requirements, it had to be lightweight and low-cost. The Crash Position Indicator The first Crash Position Indicator was a "tumbling aerofoil" – a flat, lightweight shape that would tumble gently through the air in the same way a leaf falls slowly to the ground. The beacon's radio equipment was surrounded by shock-absorbing material that both protected it and allowed it to float above water. And of course, it was also fire-resistant. In the end, Stevinson built a device that combined the radio transmitter and antenna in one compact package. It was light and durable, designed to attach to the tail of an aircraft, then separate and curve away from the plane during a crash. A spring-loaded latch that held the beacon to the airplane would release on impact, allowing the beacon to be carried safely away from the plane by the rushing wind. Stevinson's device was tested in situations where searchers did not know the location of the fallen aircraft. In every test, searchers found their target in less than two hours – an unbelievable improvement in search and rescue abilities. By not giving up on his goal of designing a radio beacon for locating aircraft, NRC's Harry Stevinson improved aviation safety and saved lives around the world. top of page Science Improves Crime-Busting Techniques Today, more than ever, science and crime-fighting go hand-in-hand. Law enforcement officials rely on sophisticated equipment and techniques to find tiny clues, detect dangerous situations and prevent criminal activity. That's why the National Research Council has worked for decades to design and improve crime-busting technologies through its own research and through collaborations like the Canadian Police Research Centre with the RCMP. Pointing the finger at leftover prints Identifying fingerprints is probably the oldest forensics science technique, but it's seen many advances over the years. The latest technologies make it possible to find fingerprints in places never before possible, for example on human bodies where a victim's own sweat and oils used to make it incredibly difficult to distinguish fingerprints on the skin. Scientists used to remove fingerprints from the body by coating them with iodine and then transferring them to a slide – a method that allowed for many errors. However, former NRC scientist Dr. Della Wilkinson has developed a new fingerprint dye which contains a solvent that works on human skin. Her technique involves exposing the skin to iodine fumes then spraying another chemical on top. The interaction of the two chemicals makes fingerprints appear blue on the skin, eliminating the need to transfer the prints to a separate slide and avoiding damaging the evidence. Another NRC scientist, Dr. John Watkin, worked on another technique based upon the fact that fingerprints glow under laser light. Because it is not practical to bring lasers to crime scenes to search for prints, Watkin developed a portable fingerprint lamp, called the Lumalite, which uses another kind of intense light to make fingerprints appear. The Lumalite points out other vital crime-scene evidence such as fibres and biological fluids. Sniffing out terrorists and traffickers While bomb sniffers are standard airport security equipment today, this wasn't always the case. In fact, the technology used to create the first one, wasn't even intended to be a terrorism-fighting tool. In the early 1960s, an NRC team was monitoring pesticide drift from aerial spraying intended to kill off the damaging spruce budworm that was ravaging Canada's eastern forests. An NRC scientist created a portable sniffing device that could detect and identify pesticide vapours using gas chromatography. At the same time, global air travel was plagued by hijackings and bomb threats. Like pesticides, explosives leave tell-tale vapours that can be detected with the right equipment. NRC modified its pesticide sniffer into the first portable bomb sniffer, called the Explosives Vapour Detector (EVD). After successful tests during Canadian visits from the Pope, Queen Elizabeth II and the US president, EVDs became standard equipment in airport security around the world, especially after the 1985 Air India bombing that killed 329 passengers. Later, the chemi cal-sniffing technology was adapted once again to detect the presence of narcotics after Revenue Canada grew concerned about drugs being sent through the postal system. The Trace Narcotics Detector could efficiently detect unseen traces of illegal drugs like cocaine and heroin on the outside of letters and packages in the mail. Detecting and beating bioterrorism In recent years, the threat of bioterrorism – using diseases like anthrax or smallpox to attack people – has become a major concern. Scientists the world over are looking for ways to detect such biological agents in the environment and create vaccines to protect us from their deadly effects. An NRC spin-off company developed systems to rapidly detect and identify chemical and biological warfare agents. The technology can be used for military and civil defence or medical and environmental applications. Miniature portable biosensing devices can be used to detect and identify bioterrorism in real time, allowing officials to respond quickly and appropriately to potential threats. NRC is also working with a team of Swedish, British, and American scientists on a new vaccine against Francisella tularensis, a highly-infectious biological agent found naturally in Canada that causes tularemia, a severe and potentially-deadly disease. Protecting paper money and easing paperwork NRC has created many tools to help police solve crimes, such as the geographic profiling computer software that helps track down suspected serial killers based on the locations of crime scenes. In 2002, the technology was used in the United States to help investigate sniper attacks in Maryland and Virginia. When it comes to fighting crime, NRC isn't just involved in the high-profile projects like bomb-sniffing and fighting bioterrorism. It is also behind developments that may seem small, but make a big difference. For example, NRC invented the anti-counterfeiting technology that protects Canadian paper money. Using thin-film technology, NRC researchers created tamper-proof colour-changing patches that cannot be removed or reproduced with normal printing or photographic techniques, foiling the efforts of criminals who want to make bogus bills. The same technology is used to protect driver's licenses, passports, cheques and credit cards around the world. Edge of Light (EOL) technology developed by NRC helps police and forensic investigators inspect tiny surfaces. EOL is used during counterfeit and forgery investigations, handwriting examinations, and other authentication activities. NRC-supported technology even helps ease the overwhelming paperwork burden faced by police. The paperwork management system reduced the time to process an arrest from three hours to only 20 minutes, and made the complicated process of sending information to courthouses much simpler. Scientists have developed and improved the equipment and techniques used in nearly all aspects of crime-busting. Their efforts are a great help to the dedicated officials that enforce the law and protect Canadians every day. top of page NRC Science Protects a Patriotic Symbol Soon after the Maple Leaf began flying, however, Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson grew concerned that the flags on federal government buildings seemed to be fading unequally and were not the same shade of red. An effort led by the Department of National Defence to ensure all Canadian flags met the same standards became an issue of national importance, with many government departments getting involved in the project. National Research Council scientists stepped in to help make sure the Maple Leaf looked its best. Setting the standard for a national symbol Canada's flag is a single piece of fabric. This means the red sections of the flag are dyed onto the fabric, making fading a concern. Depending on the fabric used and the length of time spent outdoors, early flags quickly became discoloured – white areas turned grey and red sections turned everything from pink and orange to many shades of rust and red! Colour experts at NRC specified the exact shade of red for the Canadian flag by using a research-grade spectrophotometer (which measures light and colour) to determine the exact colour of a sample flag provided by Prime Minister Pearson. Researchers then proposed specific fade-resistant printing dyes and nylon taffeta fabric for the flag to make sure future versions would look the same and fade more slowly and evenly. Determining details Canada still has a National Flag Committee with members from industry, textile testing labs and various government departments. The committee regularly reviews Canada's flag standards to make sure our national emblem is always at its best. The Interdepartmental Study Group on the Canadian Flag laid out standards for more than just the flag's colours and fabric. When the "Standard for the National Flag of Canada" was published in 1966, the committee had outlined specifications for everything including dimensions, grommets, material, cordage, sewing thread, wooden toggles, brass clips, laundering and flag disposal procedures. There are actually three different sets of standards for the flag: one for outdoor use, one for indoor use and one for flags that are to be used only once. In 1970, NRC adjusted the flag's colours once again to meet new international standards. Reducing wear and tear Flags are exposed to some pretty harsh conditions while outdoors. Rain, high winds and strong ultraviolet rays from the sun can damage fabric and fade colours. In 1965, newspapers reported that the flags on Parliament Hill needed to be replaced every two days! NRC researchers have spent a lot of time testing how Canada's flag stands up to different conditions. To test how different red dyes faded, six flags were hung on a clothesline atop an NRC building in Ottawa in 1965. Passers-by were rather puzzled by the odd arrangement of flags, which were later moved to traditional flag poles. More recently, wear and tear tests have been conducted in NRC's wind tunnels to determine which fabrics and stitching methods were most durable. Researchers also looked at which materials required the least amount of wind to be able to fly – they called this the "flag flutter frequency." Thanks to tests like these, scientists have been able to extend outdoor flag life to at least 30 days – a dramatic improvement over the mere two days Canada's earliest Maple Leaf flags lasted in the elements. Fixing national colours in other countries NRC's flag research has helped other countries protect their national colours as well. After setting the standards for the Maple Leaf, NRC's researchers were approached by other government officials to conduct similar research for the flag of the Bahamas. top of page Streamlining the Steam Locomotive At the start of the 1930s, the National Research Council had just finished building its first wind tunnel. The Ottawa facility joined the ranks of the world's best wind tunnels and soon became an invaluable research tool for Canada's top scientists. The facility was completed just in time for NRC to take on a major project with Canadian National Railway (CNR) – a project that would make tracks around the world. Trouble on the tracks In 1931, railway engineers reported that smoke from the stacks of steam locomotives was getting into cabins, making it almost impossible for drivers to see. The situation was becoming a serious safety hazard. The problem was caused, in part, by the increased number of bridges and tunnels along train routes that forced trains to adopt shorter smoke stacks. When traveling at low speeds, the shorter stacks couldn't throw smoke high enough into the air to clear the top of the train, so it wound up in the cabin instead. Drivers could try to remedy the problem by adjusting their speed to move the smoke out of the cabin, but this required constant changes in speed that were simply too difficult and time consuming. Concerned about safety, CNR officials turned to NRC for a permanent solution to the problem. Clearing the smoke Solving the smoke problem was no easy task. Nothing could be done about the prevalence of bridges and tunnels or the necessity for shorter smoke stacks. The only option left was to modify the shape of trains. However, the modified design would still have to meet various requirements, such as providing easy access to working parts. NRC's engineers used the brand new wind tunnel to test different locomotive designs. They started with existing models to gather baseline measurements for comparison. The engineers then studied a wide variety of new designs, developing better and better wooden models until they had created an entirely new exterior shape for steam locomotives. The final NRC design not only resolved the smoke problems that had initiated the testing, but it was also more fuel efficient than previous models, reducing air resistance by 33 per cent while continuing to meet railway safety and design requirements. CNR approved the NRC design and recruited Montreal Locomotive Works to build models of the "semi-streamlined" locomotive, as it was called. CNR eagerly unveiled the new models in 1936 and used them in numerous promotions over the next few years in an effort to boost passenger rail travel during the Depression. The sleek, modern appearance of the new locomotives made them an attractive marketing tool. A world-famous train fit for royalty NRC's streamlined train design was featured at the 1939 World's Fair in New York City. The locomotive was celebrated alongside exciting new innovations including television and nylon. NRC's semi-streamlined locomotive was soon the subject of international attention. From the United States, Europe and even the Far East, requests for photos poured in and the design was discussed in journals and technical publications. Big American railways copied the design, though NRC was not able to fight them in patent infringement lawsuits. Inevitably, Canada's other rail company, Canadian Pacific Railway, built trains in the same style. In 1939, both CNR and CPR's streamlined locomotives were selected to pull the Royal train cross-country during a visit from King George VI and his wife, Queen Elizabeth. The trains were painted a regal blue and adorned with the Royal insignia for the occasion. By 1939, NRC had transformed the locomotive from a smoky safety hazard into a sleek and streamlined engineering showcase worthy of international admiration and fit for royalty. top of page Winning the War against Infant Meningitis Meningitis is a deadly disease that affects 400 people a year in Canada. The disease causes membranes around the brain and spinal cord to become inflamed, leading to permanent brain damage, deafness, or even death. Of those that develop meningitis, one in four die within 48 hours and half of them are younger than five years old. The most common strain of the disease, Meningitis-C, is responsible for 50 per cent of cases. For three decades, Dr. Harry Jennings, a carbohydrate chemist at the National Research Council and his team, worked to develop an innovative new Meningitis-C vaccine – an accomplishment that will save millions of children's lives around the world. A vaccine that works When Jennings began his meningitis research in the 1970s, the only vaccine that existed for the disease was not reliable. It did not completely control the disease and required repeated vaccinations. Most disappointingly, it was not effective in infants, a high-risk group for developing meningitis. This early vaccine was a type of polysaccharide vaccine. Polysaccharides are groups of carbohydrates composed of long chains of simple sugar molecules. While collaborating with an American scientist in the 1970s, Jennings learned that polysaccharide vaccines are not effective in infants, which is one reason why the existing meningitis vaccine did not protect them. However, infant immune systems do respond very well to proteins. Jennings and his team determined that if they linked the polysaccharide to a protein in order to form what is called a conjugate vaccine, they could effectively trick an infant's immune system into accepting the meningitis vaccine. They did just that by linking the Group C meningococcal polysaccharide to a related protein vaccine against infant tetanus to create a new conjugate vaccine that stimulates the production of meningitis antibodies in infants. The long road to global success Conjugate vaccines have been developed in NRC's labs to fight meningitis caused by three major strains of Neisseria meningitidis (groups A, B and C). The Meningitis-C vaccine is now marketed worldwide after having been shown to be effective in infants and adults in a vaccination program involving 12 million people in the United Kingdom. This NRC team's work resulted in the first published patent on a conjugate vaccine and paved the way for other vaccines to be created in the same way. It was a long time before the conjugate meningitis vaccine was available to the public. Jennings encountered many scientific and political obstacles before the vaccine was commercially produced in 1996. But with the same perseverance that propelled him to spend decades researching and developing the vaccine, Jennings' efforts finally paid off. Thirty years of hard work at NRC resulted in an infant meningitis vaccine that is safe, effective and easily administered with the potential to save millions of lives. Not only will sales of the vaccine benefit the Canadian economy, but preventing the disease by immunizing infants and expectant mothers will also reduce health care cost associated with meningitis. Vaccine development in the future Jennings and his team continue their efforts to eliminate the entire family of meningococcal diseases by continuing to develop a vaccine against Meningitis-B. They are also studying the possibility of applying the same technology to develop a vaccine to fight cancer. Important developments in vaccine technology have gone a long way in re-affirming the importance of disease prevention. As well, the emergence of antibiotic-resistant bacteria indicates the importance of continuing vaccine research to protect millions of lives. top of page Bomb Sniffers Battle Terrorist Threats Long before fictional forensic investigators with fancy crime-busting gadgets became popular entertainment, the Canadian Mounties were using some of the world's best detection equipment to sniff out hidden weapons. Developed by a soft-spoken NRC scientist, the portable bomb sniffer became the standard of explosives detection in international aviation security. But the technology wasn't originally intended to be used as a terrorism-fighting tool. From the forest to the airport In the early 1960s, the spruce budworm was ravaging Eastern forests in Canada. Chemist Lorne Elias led an NRC team that was monitoring pesticide drift from the aerial spraying against the budworm. Elias designed a portable device that could chemically "sniff" pesticide vapours using gas chromatography. The technique measured the composition of the evaporating chemicals to reveal a precise profile of the substance. But the project didn't end there. At this time, global air travel was plagued by hijackings and bomb threats. Like pesticides, explosives also leave tell-tale vapour and particle trails that, with the right equipment, can be detected and identified. When Canadian aviation security officials learned of NRC's new chemical-sniffing invention, they turned to Elias for security help. He soon set to work developing a way to test vapours from dynamite, TNT and other explosives. At that time, there existed some commercial devices that could pinpoint dynamite vapour, but none were as effective as the techniques developed at NRC. Elias soon came up with an advanced portable Explosives Vapour Detector called the EVD-1. Putting the EVD to the test In 1984, the RCMP used prototypes of the new bomb sniffer during official visits to Canada from the Pope, Queen Elizabeth II and U.S. President Ronald Reagan. During the Papal visit, a detector went off while the Pope's baggage was being cleared by Canadian security officials - one of the Pope's bodyguards had packed his revolver in his luggage! Canadian airports also quickly set up EVDs following the 1985 Air India bombing that killed 329 passengers en route to Bombay, in the hopes of preventing another tragedy. In 1989, the United Nations International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) adopted a convention to deal with a new threat – the so-called "plastic" explosives which don't emit any vapour. The ICAO convention called for all plastic explosives manufactured by member countries to carry a distinctive vapour marking agent. From the beginning, the EVD could detect traces of 2,3-dimethyl-2,3-dinitrobutane (known as DMNB), and this organic compound became the taggant that identifies plastic explosives. Improving airport security technology After the success of the EVD, Elias and his research team next adapted an even faster bomb-sniffing technique called Ion Mobility Spectrometry (IMS). The system samples and analyzes electrically-charged particles, called ions, which are broken down from suspected drugs and explosives. IMS is now a standard feature of airport security. Both the EVD and IMS technologies are used worldwide. Their development by an NRC chemist made Canada a global player in trace explosive detection. top of page Extending Canada's Role in Space Exploration A prolific inventor, NRC engineer George Klein's seemingly endless list of innovations spans nearly every field from atomic energy and aeronautic engineering to medical research and Space science. Perhaps Klein's greatest invention was the Storable Tubular Extendable Member (or STEM, for short). Originally designed for military uses, STEM became an invaluable piece of space hardware and helped put Canada on the map for Space exploration. Rolling out an idea In the early 1950s, Klein was working at the NRC flight research section to develop a new military radio beacon. It needed to withstand being dropped from an airplane at a great height onto difficult terrain. The new beacon also required an antenna large enough to send radio signals across great distances. While leisurely rolling a cigarette one night, Klein was struck with the idea that would later become the STEM. He realized that a rolled piece of paper was stronger than a flat one and that once rolled, the paper could be extended into a cone shape. He adapted the idea using heated metal and created a device that would allow a radio beacon to be dropped to the ground, unroll itself and extend an antenna. Once Klein had created a system of gears to guide the metal tube's shape as it rolled out of the case, STEM was born. The concept was similar to that of a concave steel measuring tape which can be coiled up into a small case and then unrolled when needed to extend. Klein's design was so novel that it was described as a new form of linear motion. What comes down, must go up In the late 1950s, STEM technology went from being dropped to the ground from airplanes to being shot into space on board satellites. After hearing about STEM, an engineer from De Havilland visited NRC. His company was building Canada's first satellite and was looking for a solution to the problem of communicating with Earth. In the engineer's eyes, STEM was the answer. Spar Aerospace, the company that would later engineer the Canadarm, was contracted to develop the STEM technology further. It soon became clear that STEM's niche would be in Space. Its small size and ability to extend even in very tight spaces made it perfectly suited to the demands of Space engineering. It had numerous applications, including astronaut attachment systems, solar panel extension booms, altitude-sensing devices, and, of course, antenna arrays. STEM was soon found on the world's most important satellites and spacecraft. STEM in Space Acting as a boom for scientific instruments, STEM traveled to the Moon on the Apollo 15, 16 and 17 missions, and collected data from under the Moon's surface. In 1973, STEM helped Soviet satellites relay information on their way to Mars. Canada's first satellite, Alouette I, was launched in 1962 with four STEM antennae on board to help study the ionosphere. In the 1970s, Alouette II and Canada's ISIS satellites used STEMs. The technology also flew on the Mercury and Gemini spacecraft that carried the first Americans into Space. STEM was used as a high-frequency antenna to solve communication problems and interruptions during orbit while ensuring quick communication with mission control once the capsules were back on Earth. A later adaptation of the technology, called BI-STEMs traveled on board the Voyager shuttle and can be found on the famous Hubble telescope. Some of the most important and impressive knowledge we have about the far reaches of Space had been transmitted by Hubble thanks to STEM technology. STEM's success demonstrated Canada's ability to make important contributions to Space exploration during the Cold War Space Race. It was a key factor in netting Canada the chance to develop the Canadarm project – a robotic arm used on the shuttles and International Space Station to manipulate large objects like satellites in space. STEM on Earth STEM's innovative design makes it useful both in Space and on the ground. Some of its more earthly uses include: a mast for elevating antennae, remote inspection, elevated emergency floodlighting, tripods for surveying equipment and deploying emergency lights on top of vehicles. For his invention with so many uses, George Klein received neither fame nor fortune. Nonetheless, in 1970 Klein said he was pleased to have made such a significant contribution to the creation of an industry in Canada. top of page Space Vision System Helps Astronauts See in Space Canadian astronaut Chris Hadfield described Space as "a surreal place to work, with no familiar landmarks or objects to give perspective and depth." Yet for years, humans have been launching satellites, performing Space walks and building Space stations despite the challenges of working in Space. Astronauts are able to do all this thanks in part to the Space Vision System – a tool developed by the National Research Council to help astronauts guide the Canadarm. Controlling the Canadarm At first, astronauts operated the Canadarm using camera images and eyesight. Precisely maneuvering the arm by watching a 9-inch screen or peering through a tiny window into a cargo bay 30 feet away was no easy task! NRC realized astronauts needed a better system to control the Canadarm, especially during complex tasks. The technology that became the Space Vision System evolved from tracking vehicles during NRC crash tests: High speed cameras would record a car as it crashed into a test barrier. Both the car and the fixed background behind it were set up with black and white targets on them. The vehicle's movement was tracked by a computer program that compared the two sets of targets to calculate factors like speed and direction. NRC scientists decided to try using the same method to help control the Canadarm. By 1978 they had adapted the technique to work with the television system on the Space Shuttle and called it the Space Vision System (SVS). Marc Garneau tested the new device on the 1984 Challenger mission by recording the launch and movement of a satellite with SVS targets on it. The system proved successful, with only a few small problems during the first test when a target was briefly blocked by the Canadarm and the view was briefly obscured by reflection from the Sun. Making the real deal After the first successful test, work began on a complete SVS that could be installed on the Space Shuttle. It would be tested by Canadian astronaut Steve MacLean on a later flight. In the 1980s, NRC astronauts worked on the flight-ready model of the system – designing experiments, writing an operator's manual, developing computer and video simulators and creating a computer database that would show the Canadarm operator data from the SVS. They also had to create the Canadian Target Assembly – the practice equipment that MacLean would manipulate with the Canadarm during the new SVS's first experiment. Engineers worked to develop a target dot system for Space like the ones used to track crash tests. Contrasting targets were designed with white dots on black backgrounds and vice versa. NRC's thin film group (the same group that had developed anti-counterfeiting technology for Canadian money) created the "ultra-black target element for SVS" with dots that were easier to track, less affected by light and resistant to deterioration. The new black dots were put on all satellites and other hardware the Canadarm would be moving, including the parts of the International Space Station. An unexpected delay for the better The new SVS was ready to fly in 1986, but the Space Shuttle Challenger disaster caused what turned out to be a six-year delay in shuttle flights. Canadian astronauts used this time to improve the SVS software based on the results of simulation tests in a mockup of the Space shuttle's cargo bay facility. The resulting Advanced Space Vision System (ASVS) was even better than the original. MacLean finally tested it in 1992 aboard Space Shuttle Columbia. In 1995, it was used to attach the Orbiter Docking Station to the shuttle and dock with the Mir Space Station. Since 1999, the ASVS has been critical in constructing the Canadarm II and the Mobile Servicing Station on the International Space Station. The new and improved system ensures safety The new 3D Advanced Space Vision System was successfully tested in 1999. Instead of recording video, like previous models, it recorded digitally, allowing for better resolution and faster image processing. A laser scanner was added to the system in 2001 that could be used for creating virtual simulations and scanning shuttles for damage. While the ASVS was operating so successfully, work began to improve the Space Vision System with 3D-scanning. NRC had been developing this technology for the inspection of auto parts in the manufacturing sector. It promised to overcome the problems of the earlier Space Vision systems by allowing astronauts to work without worrying about the reflection of the Sun, difficult light conditions or a time delay in images. The new high-performance system could also be used to scan the shuttle for damage while in Space. After the Space Shuttle Columbia was lost in 2003, this safety scanning system became a major priority to prevent the loss of future shuttles and crew. The detailed scanning technology can detect faults in the shuttle's protective tiles down to a millimetre. NRC's Space Vision System has come a long way since it was first developed. Since 2001, it has been used to help build the International Space Station. Work is also underway on a new orbiter using the SVS that will breathe new life into Space probes like the Hubble Telescope by replacing their batteries. Using Space-age technology on Earth The technology used in SVS has many Earth-bound applications as well. It is used in the automobile industry by assembly robots and for testing sheet metal for imperfections. The military uses it for 3D target scanning and recognition. Law enforcement officers use it to gather hard-to-get evidence like shoe and finger prints. It is even used to preserve historical treasures by creating 3D scans of artifacts and buildings, creating virtual reality versions of famous paintings at the Louvre and medieval monasteries in Italy. top of page A New Era in Electronic Music In the 1980s, a popular new genre of music called synthpop took over the airwaves. The distinct style was filled with the funky sounds produced by newly-available technologies like electronic drum machines and synthesizers. But the story of the synthesizer started long before teased hair and parachute pants were popular. The first synthesizer was developed by the National Research Council's Hugh Le Caine in 1945. The electronic sackbut Hugh Le Caine had a passion for music and instruments his entire life, but for many years he chose to follow a more practical career path in physics, nuclear sciences and radar development. Through it all, Le Caine maintained his love for all things musical. Eventually, he started to combine his interest in music with his knowledge of atomic physics, radar and radio technology. In 1945, Le Caine quietly built an electronic synthesizer into a desk in his Ottawa home. Dubbed the "Electronic Sackbut," his invention became the world's first electronic music synthesizer. A new way of making music While other electronic instruments existed before the electronic sackbut, Le Caine's invention is recognized as the original synthesizer because it provided an entirely new method of creating and controlling sounds. The electronic sackbut used an automatic background voltage that could be changed by the performer's actions, like using the keys or knobs. Changes in the electrical voltage changed the sounds produced by the sackbut. Although the sackbut could only produce one note at a time, the performer could control that sound in many ways. Le Caine produced many compositions with his electronic sackbut, the most famous being the futuristic-sounding Dripsody, a composition produced by electronically manipulating the sound of a single drop of water many times. He composed and recorded Dripsody in a single night at NRC. His innovations included a revolutionary new touch-sensitive keyboard that allowed a performer to change a note's volume by altering the vertical pressure on a key. A side-to-side motion changed the pitch and sound of the note. The performer's right hand used the keyboard, changing volume and pitch as described above, while the left hand operated other controls that changed the texture of sounds. This arrangement made it possible to transition gradually between different sounds, resulting in a smoother overall sound and allowing the performer to be more expressive. Exploring electronic music Although Le Caine's electronic sackbut was never put directly into commercial production, he remains an electronic music pioneer who not only created the first synthesizer, but also the touch-sensitive keyboard and variable speed multi-track tape recorder. His work was later complimented by another NRC employee, Ken Pulfer, a pioneer in his own right who experimented with computer music programs in the 1970s. Le Caine's legacy is an enduring one as much of today's popular music still incorporates synthesizers. top of page Thin-film Technology Helps Foil Counterfeiters Take a close look at one of the newest Canadian $5 bills. If you hold it against a strong light you will see it contains a narrow strip of plastic that is embedded within the paper. This strip carries a special optical thin film coating that is exposed on the back of the bank note only in small rectangular patches where it touches the surface of the paper. The strip changes colour from gold to green when viewed at an increasing angle and it is inscribed with a repeating message "CAN 5." This unique colour-changing strip, now common on all Canadian currency, is designed to foil counterfeiters. It cannot be reproduced through normal printing or photographic processes, nor can it be peeled away because it is not stuck onto the surface. The strip is an optical security device – a state-of-the-art anti-counterfeiting feature that incorporates a principle developed by the National Research Council for the protection of Canada's money. Putting a stop to bogus bills In 1968, the Bank of Canada was worried that counterfeiters would soon be armed with high-resolution photocopiers, printers and computer production techniques. It approached NRC for help in making it harder for criminals to produce fake Canadian money. The NRC suggested incorporating optical thin films into bank notes that would change colour with the angle of viewing. NRC researchers had been working on new thin film optical filters, and the research of physicist George Dobrowolski and his team on thin-film multilayer devices was attracting a great deal of interest. But the technology for currency protection did not come quickly. It took 10 years of work, but eventually it was ready to be used for security applications. In the late 1980s, Toronto company Identicard Ltd. licensed the technology to make fool-proof ID cards and driver's licenses. From 1989 onwards, the Bank of Canada began introducing a series of new $20, $50, and $100 notes featuring optical security devices – a colour-changing patch on the front of each bill that changed from gold to green when viewed from different angles. An immediate decrease in counterfeiting followed each new release. The beauty of the technology was that it was relatively inexpensive for the Bank of Canada to produce the security patches for its bills. But because the machines required for their cost-effective manufacture required millions of dollars to build, counterfeiters simply did not have the resources to build their own. As NRC technology continued to evolve, so did the security protection built into Canada's bank notes. In the second generation of the optical security devices, the colour-changing material is introduced not onto the surface, but into the bank note paper itself in the form of a thin, coated plastic thread. The Bank of Canada continues to upgrade its security features to make it even tougher to produce counterfeit Canadian bills. Globally-recognized expertise Today, researchers at the NRC Institute for Microstructural Sciences continue to develop their world-renowned design and fabrication methods for multilayer coatings for various applications. In addition to anti-counterfeiting, thin films are used in scientific instruments, solar cells, computers, visual displays, architectural and automotive glass and telecommunication devices. NRC holds many patents on technology related to optical thin films. For his contributions to the field of optical engineering, George Dobrowolski received two medals from the Optical Society of America and was named a Member of the Order of Canada. Although they can be quite attractive, the optical security devices on bank notes are much more than mere decoration. Thanks to NRC's pioneering optical thin-film research, optically-variable devices based on thin films can be found protecting passports, bank notes and other documents all over the world. top of page Virtualizing Reality: Preserving Treasures and Innovating Entertainment When virtual reality (VR) technology was developed in the 1980s, it was envisioned as a way for people to do extraordinary things, like play inside of video games or go on "virtual" holidays. The reality of virtual reality, however, is much different and much more practical. The revolutionary three-dimensional (3D) digitizing technologies developed by a team of scientists at the National Research Council (NRC) are all about preserving global heritage and international treasures, innovating entertainment, improving engineering, and ensuring the safety of space travel. Virtualizing Reality Virtual reality is a computer-generated experience that lets people interact with a "virtual" 3D environment that feels like it really exists around them. These environments stimulate the senses in various ways, including sounds relative to a person's movements. Through virtualized environments obtained from 3D digitizing, a person could explore ancient monuments halfway around the world without ever leaving Canada. Virtualized reality also includes incredibly realistic 3D objects which can be manipulated and examined as if they were real. In the mid-1980s, NRC began developing 3D digitizing technologies. NRC researchers invented a laser scanner that would revolutionize the way VR objects and environments were created. At this time, scientists around the world were working on VR, but the environments they created were synthetic and looked flat, cartoon-like and obviously computer-generated. At NRC, in contrast, for the first time, VR objects and environments were digitized from physical reality using a 3D laser scanner and imported in VR tools for visualization, navigation and interaction. This process was named "Virtualizing Reality". How it works NRC uses its special laser scanner to capture images of real places and objects to create VR simulations. The scanner captures even the smallest detail of an object or environment from all angles by shining a combination of blue, red and green light which reflects off the subject to provide information about its shape and color. The resulting image is digitized and made into a virtual 3D copy of the original. Such detailed scanning is a big undertaking, involving up to millions of different measurements to make an accurate virtual model – a process that produces huge amounts of data. The final results of all this hard work are stunning virtual replicas of places and objects that are permanently preserved for historical, industrial and entertainment uses. Protecting historical treasures One of the most promising uses of VR technology is heritage conservation. Museums are filled with priceless artifacts – bits and pieces of history that tell the stories of our ancestors – but war, earthquake, handling and time cause irreplaceable historical treasures to be lost, damaged or even destroyed. Yet museums have a mandate to present the nation's heritage to visitors, students and scholars. By creating virtual 3D models of museum artifacts, however, museums could limit the handling and movement of artifacts. Displays of virtual artifacts have the potential to last indefinitely, ensuring generations to come will continue to admire and learn from them, without causing damage. The first effort to produce a virtual museum exhibition culminated in the "Mysteries of Egypt" tour at the Canadian Museum of Civilization. The virtual display allowed visitors to tour Egyptian pyramids, mummies and tombs. Its success has paved the way for similar exhibitions in the future. NRC has used the same technology to create digital records of some of the world's greatest works of art in Paris, including three paintings by Renoir. Researchers were able to map the texture of the paintings' surfaces – right down to individual brush strokes and cracks in the paint. The resulting images will be used for future conservation purposes and to monitor how the paintings change over time. NRC's expertise and specialized tools are sought by the Louvre, the British Museum and other great museums for the protection of their rare works of art. By creating such incredibly detailed reproductions of historical artifacts, conservationists can ensure they will never be lost. Virtual characters come to life High resolution 3D Laser scanning has become an invaluable tool in the entertainment industry as well. The NRC-designed system has been recognized as the best in the world – unmatched in accuracy, precision and degree of detail. A Canadian company, XYZ RGB, has been using the NRC technology to create breathtaking computer graphics for big Hollywood blockbusters including Lord of the Rings: Return of the King, Batman Returns, King Kong, and two sequels to The Matrix. In 2004, NRC and XYZ RGB were nominated for an Academy Award for their innovative 3D Digitizing and modeling. Using VR technology to save time and lives NRC's technology has applications spanning many fields, not only entertainment and conservation. VR simulations can be used for training people to perform complicated or dangerous tasks, like flying a plane or operating a construction crane. Theme park designers can test virtual roller coasters for safety before building the real thing. Laser scanning is used for reverse engineering – creating an object based on one that already exits. A toy designer could create a prototype of a new toy, for example, and then scan it to create a 3D computer model that can be adjusted and modified. This technique saves time and money by reducing the number of actual prototypes required throughout the design process. Once the design is finalized, the information can even be sent straight from the computer to the manufacturer. Some out-of-this-world applications also use laser scanning. The Space Vision System was originally designed by NRC to help astronauts control the Canadarm on the International Space Station. In the 1990s, laser scanning technology was added to the system to give astronauts even greater control over objects in space. Recently the system has been used to scan the surface of the Space Shuttle while in space to make sure there is no damage to its surface that could affect the shuttle's safe return to earth. Whether on the ground or out in space, virtualized reality technologies developed at NRC have contributed to the creation, preservation and exploration of some of the most fascinating objects and places we have ever experienced. top of page Engineering a Better Quality of Life The dedicated researchers at the National Research Council have produced many significant medical technologies and advancements, but perhaps two of the most important are the first practical motorized wheelchair and the first artificial pacemaker. Through these developments, NRC scientists have improved the quality of life of millions of people around the world. The motorized wheelchair Before the Second World War, no one had had much success developing an electric wheelchair. Engineers had been putting motors on standard folding wheelchairs, but their attempts did not work very well. The modified chairs were impractical and dangerous – no one wanted unreliable chairs wreaking havoc in hospital hallways. Some even thought there was no need for motorized wheelchairs at all. But World War II changed everything. The war produced a new kind of veteran. The introduction of penicillin treatments allowed soldiers to survive injuries that previously would have killed them. This also meant that increasing numbers of para- and quadriplegic veterans were returning home to deal with the reality of living with paralysis. Manual wheelchairs were no longer adequate. NRC's George Klein took on the task of creating a useable electric wheelchair to meet the needs of these new veterans. He fixed the problems with earlier designs by increasing the electric drive's voltage and replacing the single drive with two separate ones. These were dramatic improvements, but he continued to perfect the design. Throughout the entire process, Klein's team worked closely with the patients that would eventually use the chairs. Klein wanted to make sure the end product would be useful for them. Patient tests, suggestions and feedback guided the designers. For example, one patient's movement was restricted to his head, so a control system was developed to allow the man to operate the chair with pressure from his cheek instead of his hands. After some practice, the man could control the chair without assistance, giving him the chance to experience an exciting new independence. The end result of Klein's efforts was not only the world's first truly practical electric wheelchair – an invention that would change the lives of people with severe disabilities – but also an entirely new way of developing medical aids. By working closely with the wheelchair's future users to design the device, Klein pioneered the field of rehabilitation engineering and discovered the remarkable strength of the human spirit along the way. The artificial pacemaker It was while studying hypothermia at NRC that John A. Hopps acquired the high-frequency heating and microwave skills that would lead him to make the first artificial cardiac pacemaker – a device that would save thousands of lives. John Hopp's first pacemaker measured 30cm (about one foot) long – much too big to be implanted in the body like today's pacemakers. The 1950s pacemaker used vacuum tubes to generate pulses and was powered by 60Hz household current. The transvenous catheter electrodes used in the first model are still found in today's pacemakers. In 1949, physicians were using extreme cold to slow down heart rate and make open heart surgery possible, but they could not figure out how to safely restart a heart if it were to stop during surgery. Enter Hopps, who accidentally discovered that a "cooled" heart could be restarted without damage by using a mild electrical stimulus. The discovery led to the creation of the first artificial pacemaker to stop ventricular fibrillation (a disruption in the heartbeat). Over the years, advancements in battery and transistor technology allowed the pacemaker to become increasingly small, until it could be implanted into humans. This happened for the first time in 1957 when one of the devices was put into the chest of a Swedish man. For years, scientists continued to refine pacemaker technology. In 1963, concern about the hazards of batteries running down while in the body led another NRC engineer, O.Z. Roy, to look for a way to run the pacemaker off the energy of the human body itself. In 1965, the first biological pacemaker was created. When he received his own pacemaker in 1984, John Hopps experienced first-hand how important this invention was for saving lives. Through the wheelchair and the pacemaker, NRC's scientists and engineers have improved the lives of countless people around the world and continued the NRC tradition of innovative medical research. 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From Wikisource Jump to: navigation, search This page has been validated. character and result were the neutral zone established by Great Britain and Germany in the Hinterland of the Gold Coast in 1888, and the petty buffer State which Lord Rosebery sought to erect in 1893–5 between the borders of India and of France on the Upper Mekong. The abortive Agreements of 1894 with King Leopold and the Congo State were similarly intended to set up a buffer between the Central African territories of Great Britain and her European rivals. A yet further illustration would be the Cis-Sutlej strip of territory, into which, though it belonged to the Sikh rulers, they were not permitted by treaty to enter with armed force, and their violation of which led to the Sikh wars. Of these artificial expedients it may be laid down that they have no durability, unless they are based upon some intelligible principle of construction or defined by a defensible line, and are administered by an authority capable of preserving order.[1] The history of British, and subsequently of American, expansion in America affords a significant illustration of the futility of an artificial buffer. When the British had conquered Canada and all the territories east of the Mississippi, George III issued a Proclamation (Oct., 1763) forbidding settlements beyond the sources of the rivers flowing into the Atlantic (this was known as the 'fall line'), reserving the lands beyond the 1. Such a buffer zone still exists in the shape of the Wakhan, a narrow strip of territory only a few miles in width containing the upper waters of the Oxus as far as its source, which was interposed by the Convention of 1895 between the Pamir Frontier of Russia and the Hindu Kush Frontier of the Indian Empire. It can only last so long as the Amir of Afghanistan, to whom it was handed over, with a special subsidy from Great Britain, fulfils his undertaking to maintain order.	<urn:uuid:b64dc092-cea4-4368-b9da-28812b922f2b>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.515625, "fasttext_score": 0.04332125186920166, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9648329615592957, "url": "https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Page:Frontiers.djvu/31" }
Swedish count and field marshal 1603-1651 Torstensson is mostly known for his reorganization of the Swedish artillery and the role that played in the Thirty Years' War. Torstensson converted the slow and cumbersome artillery troops that could only be used strategically, into a fast and mobile force that could be deployed almost as fast as the infantry and the cavalry. This worked particularly well with the new, offensive strategy used by the Swedish forces and proved a great success at the battle of Breitenfeld. After Breitenfeld and Lech, Torstensson was captured by catholic troops and was held a prisoner until 1634. This captivity broke his health and he never recovered fully. In spite of that he succeded Johan Banér as commander in chief for the Swedish forces in Germany in 1641. His plan for ending the war was to force the Hapsburg emperor to accept peace by moving the war into the emperor´s hereditary lands. He was partly successful in this and threatened Vienna twice before leaving his command to Carl Gustaf Wrangel, due to rapidly deteriorating health.	<urn:uuid:1a47d11f-9841-4c22-9258-983c11ca4732>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.578125, "fasttext_score": 0.18004965782165527, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9805814623832703, "url": "https://everything2.com/title/Lennart+Torstensson" }
Definition of gas gangrene in English: gas gangrene mass noun • Rapidly spreading gangrene affecting injured tissue infected by a soil bacterium and accompanied by the evolution of foul-smelling gas. This disease is usually caused by anaerobic bacteria of the genus Clostridium • ‘The wounded were dying from gas gangrene and draining wounds, and Dr Cushing and fellow American Dakin, MD, worked tirelessly to find a treatment and cure.’ • ‘He found that immediately removing dead or damaged flesh helped prevent infection and gas gangrene and, thus, saved lives and limbs.’ • ‘Strains of the type A organism have been implicated as causes of gas gangrene in humans and wound infections in animals.’ • ‘A tinkling sound in the flesh around an infected wound is a dreadful sign, indicative of gas gangrene.’ • ‘It is advised that gas gangrene should not cause more concern than any other infection-producing bacteria.’ • ‘Other bacteria sold included brucella melitensis, which damages major organs, and clostridium perfringens, which causes gas gangrene.’ • ‘Illnesses caused by the Clostridium group of bacteria discussed here are gas gangrene, Clostridium food poisoning, and pseudomembranous colitis.’ • ‘It is believed to resemble the mammalian PLC, which is not yet purified, whereas [alpha] toxin is the main factor in infection caused by C. perfringens, and produces hemolytic and necrotic effects in gas gangrene.’ • ‘Treatments for gas gangrene are summarized in Table 4.’ • ‘In the British army, and probably in all forces, infections from gas gangrene occurred in 10 per cent of all wounds in 1914-15, but had fallen to 1 per cent by 1918.’ • ‘In the first world war it proved to be the cause of 40% of cases of gas gangrene, and it also affected soldiers in the second world war.’ • ‘It's a Clostridium that's responsible for C. diff colitis, a Clostridium that's responsible for gas gangrene, a Clostridium that's responsible for botulism, and a Clostridium that's responsible for tetanus.’ • ‘Highly explosive shells produced wounds well-suited to the bacteria's growth and led to gas gangrene.’ • ‘Among the first Americans to introduce bacteriology into medicine, he identified Clostridium perfringens, the bacillus of gas gangrene, in 1892, and used the success of bacteriology to promote laboratory research nationwide.’ • ‘If multiple fleas infest an individual, physical debilitation and secondary infections, such as tetanus or gas gangrene, may occur.’	<urn:uuid:af8c6dac-d6f5-41c9-9224-a95fb5186c2c>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.609375, "fasttext_score": 0.020259380340576172, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9264081716537476, "url": "https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/gas_gangrene" }
The Handmaid's Tale and Family Values Length: 1273 words (3.6 double-spaced pages) Rating: Excellent Open Document Text Preview More ↓ Continue reading... Open Document The Handmaid's Tale and Family Values In the olden days, religion and politics went hand in hand. The church either ran the land or had a strangle hold on the people. If the church thought there was one way to do something, one had to do as the church requested or suffer great penalty. To go against the church was to go against God, and that meant death. The king was supposed to be chosen by God to rule the people in the way he commanded. The king was the closest thing to God on earth. Monarchs generally ruled hand in hand with the church. As the monarchy's rein started to come to an end, the church's tight grip on the citizens slowly started to loosen. With the implication of democracy, the church lost all real power to make laws and actually govern the people. The church still held power over peoples' morals, but without the monarchy's to enforce it the church's found their power decreasing. In Margaret Atwood's The Handmaid's Tale, the government and the church are interchangeable. The government is what used to be called the church, they have come together to become one unit of power. The power of a modern day government with all the knowledge and weapons combined with the fanaticism of a medieval based church create a dictatorship like none other. The novel deals with the treatment of children harshly for a society which views children as their last hope, their most valuable commodity. Children are taken away from their homes to be given to the privileged, and women are forced to give birth to babies they can not keep. The society of Gilead takes the views of a traditional religious monarchy and enforces them with modern day power. In the novel The Handmaid's Tale, there is a place called the "Red Center", which is a training facility. When one thinks of a training facility they tend to invision a military base with young soldiers learning what they need to know to survive. Atwood's "Red Center" is very similar to this type of facility; it has soldiers inside the facility and people are being taught how to survive. Women in the "Red Center" are being taught how to become submissive to the new order. Need Writing Help? Get feedback on grammar, clarity, concision and logic instantly. Check your paper » How to Cite this Page MLA Citation: "The Handmaid's Tale and Family Values." 21 Feb 2018 Title Length Color Rating (4.7 pages) Strong Essays [preview] Portents of the Monotheocracy in The Handmaid's Tale Essay - Portents of the Monotheocracy in The Handmaid's Tale American society has had certain cultural and political forces which have proliferated over the past few decades-described as the return to traditional Christian values. Television commercials promoting family values followed by endorsements from specific denominations are on the rise. As the public has become more aware of a shift in the cultural and political climate through the mass media, Margaret Atwood, in writing The Handmaid's Tale, could have been similarly affected by this growing awareness of the public consciousness.... [tags: Handmaid's Tale Essays] :: 7 Works Cited 2420 words (6.9 pages) Powerful Essays [preview] Free Handmaid's Tale Essays: Offred - Offred of The Handmaids Tale I have decided to analyze the main character Offred because she seams to feel trapped in this new society. She speaks very openly about the situation thats she's in and plays her actions very well. I will do an overall analysis of her actions. Offred is a very strange character. She follows the new rules of her society unlike her rebellious friend Moira. But you can also tell that Offred misses her family very much and she always goes back in her head to remember the past.... [tags: Handmaid's Tale Essays] 545 words (1.6 pages) Strong Essays [preview] Feminism In The Handmaid's Tale Essay - Feminism In The Handmaid's Tale Feminism as we know it began in the mid 1960's as the Women's Liberation Movement. Among its chief tenants is the idea of women's empowerment, the idea that women are capable of doing and should be allowed to do anything men can do. Feminists believe that neither sex is naturally superior. They stand behind the idea that women are inherently just as strong and intelligent as the so-called stronger sex. Many writers have taken up the cause of feminism in their work.... [tags: Feminism Feminist Women Criticism] :: 2 Works Cited 1574 words (4.5 pages) Powerful Essays [preview] Essay about Fertility and Motherhood in The Handmaid´s Tale by Margaret Atwood - Margaret Atwood sheds light on two concepts that are intertwined; fertility and motherhood. Nevertheless in Gilead these notions are often viewed as separate. The Republic State of Gilead views women as child-bearers and nothing more. In Gilead, these women are known as handmaids, who’s function in society is to produce children for barren females of a high status. Gilead also prohibits the handmaids from being mothers to their previously born children, meaning before Gilead was created, for instance, Offred, who is separated from her daughter.... [tags: Society, Childbearing] :: 1 Works Cited 665 words (1.9 pages) Better Essays [preview] The Handmaid’s Tale and Margaret Atwood’s Novels about Women Discrimination - The legislation passed by the United Nations in 1979, aimed at paving a safe, new life for women around the world. Unfortunately, the laws requiring the removal of all restrictions formed off the basis of a human being’s sex were not replaced with equality between men and women. Women did not see the economic, social, and cultural freedoms they desired. In situations where women do not get the freedoms that men do, misogyny exist. Misogyny, the hatred and violence against women, is a concept that seems only able to exist in fiction, yet women everywhere know that misogyny is very real.... [tags: misogyny, women discrimination, poverty] 1432 words (4.1 pages) Strong Essays [preview] The Function of Families Essay - Dystopic novels are well known to be eye opening for the readers. Especially in the fact that many dystopic novels are chilling because they have many parallels to modern societies. Family ties are considered the most important relationships in modern society. In both Atwood’s The Handmaid’s Tale and in Orwell’s 1984 there are shown to be destruction of basic human values. One of the main values being obliterated in both novels is the function of family units. The idea that family trumps all other issues is an ideal held very common in many modern and past societies.... [tags: The Handmaid's Tale, 1984] 1187 words (3.4 pages) Strong Essays [preview] Women: The Expendable Commodity of Gilead Essays - Margaret Atwood’s The Handmaid’s Tale deals with how women are forced to accept roles based on extreme biblical laws distorted by a male dominated society; yet, there are women who willing participate in the reinforcement of these sexist and misogynistic values that subdue women. Gilead's government controls and shapes women's identities through oppression, however, indoctrinates women into believing that the roles stripping them of their independence are designed to protect and support them in fulfilling their biological purpose; fear of the Colonies and the Salvaging has intimidated women into becoming passive in order to survive, and forces them to report anyone failing to comply to t... [tags: women's roles, handmaid's tale, margaret atwood] :: 1 Works Cited 1963 words (5.6 pages) Powerful Essays [preview] Cameron’s The Terminator and Atwood’s The Handmaid’s Tale as Responses to Neo-conservatism - From abortion to pornography, the “war on drugs” to the end of the Cold War, the 1980s played host to considerable controversy; amidst such political uneasiness, then, it seems that Reagan Era rejuvenated middle-America’s latent conservatism. This return to the traditional Puritan values of the “nuclear family” also sponsored heightened State intervention and policing of the private sphere, thereby buttressing cultural myths of the dangerous, unknown “Other”. As such a fear of the Other was socially perpetuated, it seemed the responsibility of liberal-minded skeptics to note such propaganda as an alarming preparation for totalitarianism.... [tags: Movie Film Essays] :: 2 Works Cited 1619 words (4.6 pages) Strong Essays [preview] :: 3 Works Cited 904 words (2.6 pages) Better Essays [preview] Related Searches The "Red Center" is the place they take women who they believe are prime child bearers, and the women are taught how to become Handmaids. A Handmaid is a woman who goes into a home, usually of a high ranking official, to get pregnant because in this age of pollution and death, may people are unable to procreate. The Handmaids are sent to live in the homes and take the name of the male in the household, where their goal is to become pregnant. If she does not within three terms in three separate houses she is no longer considered "helpful" to society and may be sent away to the colonies to live out the rest of her life cleaning up radioactive waste. In modern times when a couple is not able to have children and is not eligible for adoption, one possible choice is the use of a surrogate mother. A surrogate mother is when the husbands sperm is injected into another fertile female, who then gives birth to the baby and gives the it to the couple. This practice is not all that common but still can be found happening in various places around the world. The use of a surrogate mother often leaves emotional scars for the biological mother and can possibly end up in the courts if the she changes her mind, and wishes to keep the child. Children in Giliead are a valuable commodity. Custody of a child depends not on birth rights, but on power and status of an individual. In the early years of Gilead, a child could have easily been taken away from a family and given to a powerful commander or anyone of high status. As the years went by, the under class were simply not able to have any children, the right reserved for only the rich and powerful. Any woman who had the ability to have children were taken away from there homes and forced to become Handmaids for the elite. The public was told that it was all for the good of the society, and if anyone resisted, they were delt with quickly and harshly. This was no longer a democracy. Families were torn apart with no hope for reconcile. Custody depended on status only. In our society Custody is almost always given to the birth parents. Sometimes custody can be taken away from a couple if they have proven themselves unfit parents. Custody can be given to the state or it can be given to other family members if they apply for it. Each year, cases of children being taken out of the homes of their unfit parents and being given to there grandparents or other such relatives increases. As social conditions and the ability for parents to remain fit decrease, the rate of grandparents applying for custody of their grandchildren increases. The political structure of Gilead is based around the church. The laws are devised through religion and democracy is no longer valid. Society has reverted back to the medieval days when the church and the monarchy ruled hand in hand and where a minuscule upper class controlled a huge lower class. The values of Gilead have reverted back to a holy conservative view, where men have a higher status than women and where classes are very distinct. In modern day North America, the liberal views of the sixties and seventies are being shot down with mass aggression, as every major United States President candidate since 1988 has used traditional family values as there main platform in running for office. Politicians like Dan Quale are condemning the single parent household and speaking out against such single parent role models such as Television's Murphy Brown. In Canada, three members of Preston Manning's Reform party were kicked out of the caucus for speaking out against homosexual rights and supporting the more traditional view of strait only marriages. As more and more politicians use traditional values of the fifties as a platform to get elected into office, more and more liberals get fed up with the political system because they feel that there is no candidate that expresses their opinions. Because most politicians feel that most of the voting population is conservative, they try to increase their chances of getting elected by trying to appeal to the conservative majority. This causes a lack of options for voters if the candidates have basically the same stance on the issues. Common threads between Gilead and our own society are easily found if one looks closely enough. The possibility of things common in our every day society taken out of control by fanatics is not all that hard to comprehend. It is possible that the chain of events that lead a society to Gilead has already started to happen. The make believe future world of Gilead is just that, make believe, but the possibility of extremists taking us to a similar point is very real. Incidents like the Oklahoma bombing, the stand off in Idaho with right wing radicals, and the Unibomber should show us that people with radical ideas are willing to use force to get their views out to the public. Such shows of force and extreme ideas are exactly how the society of Gilead was founded. Return to	<urn:uuid:20a9d9e0-408d-45d7-bffe-38cdc7fbb044>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.5, "fasttext_score": 0.0841066837310791, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9497613310813904, "url": "http://123helpme.com/view.asp?id=16841" }
Dominant group/Geology From Wikiversity Jump to: navigation, search The dominant geology of Orkney, Caithness, and the east of Sutherland is that of Old Red Sandstone. Credit: Richard Webb. Dominant group appears to be used in geology as a scientific or technical term that has an apparent origin in 1826 (174 b2k). The term itself is an entity within each field. Like a geologist, also a geological entity, so is a dominant group. In theory, dominant group in geology may have at least four meanings: (1) a dominant group of geology-based entities, (2) geology-based sources, (3) geology-based objects, or (4) a dominant group in some way associated with geology. Paleontology is usually a subfield of geology but it may be closer to biology and related subjects. Dominant group/Paleontology contains examples of dominant groups in paleontology. Several areas within geography and anthropology that overlap geology are examined for their usage of "dominant group": archaeology, glaciology, hydrology, oceanography, sedimentology, and soil science. Dominant group[edit] Main source: Dominant group • Accident hypothesis: dominant group is an accident of whatever processes are operating. • Artifact hypothesis: dominant group may be an artifact of human endeavor or may have preceded humanity. • Association hypothesis: dominant group is associated in some way with the original research. • Bad group hypothesis: dominant group is the group that engages in discrimination, abuse, punishment, and additional criminal activity against other groups. It often has an unfair advantage and uses it to express monopolistic practices. • Control group hypothesis: there is a control group that can be used to study dominant group. • Entity hypothesis: dominant group is an entity within each field where a primary author of original research uses the term. • Evolution hypothesis: dominant group is a product of evolutionary processes, such groups are the evolutionary process, produce evolutionary processes, or are independent of evolutionary processes. • Identifier hypothesis: dominant group is an identifier used by primary source authors of original research to identify an observation in the process of analysis. • Importance hypothesis: dominant group signifies original research results that usually need to be explained by theory and interpretation of experiments. • Indicator hypothesis: dominant group may be an indicator of something as yet not understood by the primary author of original research. • Influence hypothesis: dominant group is included in a primary source article containing original research to indicate influence or an influential phenomenon. • Interest hypothesis: dominant group is a theoretical entity used by scholarly authors of primary sources for phenomena of interest. • Metadefinition hypothesis: all uses of dominant group by all primary source authors of original research are included in the metadefinition for dominant group. • Null hypothesis: there is no significant or special meaning of dominant group in any sentence or figure caption in any refereed journal article. • Object hypothesis: dominant group is an object within each field where a primary author of original research uses the term. • Obvious hypothesis: the only meaning of dominant group is the one found in Mosby's Medical Dictionary. • Original research hypothesis: dominant group is included in a primary source article by the author to indicate that the article contains original research. • Primordial hypothesis: dominant group is a primordial concept inherent to humans such that every language or other form of communication no matter how old or whether extinct, on the verge of extinction, or not, has at least a synonym for dominant group. • Purpose hypothesis: dominant group is written into articles by authors for a purpose. • Regional hypothesis: dominant group, when it occurs, is only a manifestation of the limitations within a region. Variation of those limitations may result in the loss of a dominant group with the eventual appearance of a new one or none at all. • Source hypothesis: dominant group is a source within each field where a primary author of original research uses the term. • Term hypothesis: dominant group is a significant term that may require a 'rigorous definition' or application and verification of an empirical definition. Examples from primary sources are to be used to prove or disprove each hypothesis. These can be collected per subject or in general. Two different words having very close meanings are relative synonyms, while two different words having exactly the same meaning are absolute synonyms. Distinguishing between absolute and relative synonyms "is an important distinction for a domain-specific terminology."[1] "[O]ne might exchange terms almost intuitively, as though one concept of a word is fundamentally the same as its relative "synonym.""[2] The relative synonyms of "dominant group" fall into the following set of orderable pairs: Genera differentia for "dominant group"[3] Synonym for "dominant" Category Number Category Title Synonym for "group" Category Number Catgeory Title “superior” 36 SUPERIORITY "arrangement" 60 ARRANGEMENT “influential” 171 INFLUENCE "class" 61 CLASSIFICATION “musical note” 462 HARMONICS "assembly" 74 ASSEMBLAGE “most important” 670 IMPORTANCE "size" 194 SIZE “governing” 739 GOVERNMENT "painting", "grouping" 572 ART "master" 747 MASTER "association", "set" 786 ASSOCIATION ----- --- ------- "sect" 1018 RELIGIONS, CULTS, SECTS 'Orderable' means that any synonym from within the first category can be ordered with any synonym from the second category to form an alternate term for "dominant group"; for example, "superior class", "influential sect", "master assembly", "most important group", and "dominant painting". "Dominant" falls into category 171. "Group" is in category 61. Further, any word which has its most or much more common usage within these categories may also form an alternate term, such as "ruling group", where "ruling" has its most common usage in category 739, or "dominant party", where "party" is in category 74. "Taxon" or "taxa" are like "species" in category 61. "Society" is in category 786 so there is a dominant society as a relative synonym for a dominant group. Dominant sizes[edit] Graph of incremental total volume (%) vs grain diameter (mm) is from the laser particle size analysis on a log linear scale. Credit: Karen Mair, Ian Main, and Stephen Elphick. "The Grunehogna Craton (GC, East Antarctica) is interpreted as part of the Archaean Kaapvaal Craton of southern Africa prior to Gondwana breakup. The basement of the GC is exposed only within a small area comprising the dominantly leucocratic Annandagstoppane (ADT) S-type granite."[4] "The granite is relatively fine grained (1–2 mm dominant grain size) and isotropic without any signs of ductile or brittle deformation."[4] "The dominant group of zircons with a crystallization age of 3067 ± 8 Ma is interpreted to define the crystallization age of the ADT granite."[4] "[T]onalite–trondjemite–granodiorite (TTG) [is] in the source region of the zircon-producing magmas."[4] "The dominant group of TTG gneisses in the [Swaziland Block] SB, however, formed from plutons intruded into the Barberton greenstone belt (BGB) between ∼3·46 and 3·43 Ga (Poujol et al., 2003)."[4] In the above primary source, "dominant grain size" is used only once and dominant group is used twice by the authors. Additional uses of "dominant": dominant granite-twice, "most dominant component"-once, and "dominant mechanisms"-once. "Group" is used fifty-two times: eight for stratigraphic units (eg. Ritscherflya Supergroup) and after the above the remaining refer to various age groups of zircons, the focus of the original research. Below is an effort to evaluate each dominant group hypothesis for the above dominant group uses. 1. Accident hypothesis: dominant group is an accident of whatever processes are operating. To test this hypothesis, assume that "dominant grain size" is an observation by the author, regarding the most frequent or largest average grain size, and it is an accident of the authors or the observations. The synonym uses of dominant group, three out of seven uses of "dominant" suggest its not an accidental use by the authors but a word choice preference. The natural processes could still be accidental. Although grain size distributions sometimes approximate a bimodal or multimodal distribution, as in the figure on the right from another author, usually there is one significant peak in the frequency distribution, as suggested in the unprocessed distribution. But this is usually not the largest grain size. Dominance then is most likely related by the above author to the peak frequency of occurrence. The process that made a particular grain size the most frequent may be random (an accident) or a product of the grain production process (not an accident even though it may be best approximated by a random distribution). In the above primary source, the process is most likely magma cooling and grain crystallization from the melt following a fairly complex phase diagram. For the second set of authors, "Mean grain size, however, reached a steady value irrespective of axial strain. This implies that a limited amount of strain is accommodated on each strand with further strain requiring new strands to form."[5] "Graph of incremental total volume (%) vs grain diameter (mm) [on the right] is from the laser particle size analysis on a log linear scale. The plot compares the grain-size distributions of gouge strands sampled from tests carried out at increasing amounts of axial strain (4.2, 6.5 and 11.2%). The grain-size distribution for undeformed Locharbriggs sandstone is plotted for comparison. The three gouge samples have very similar characteristic curves which exhibit both the same peak value, indicating significant grain-size reduction with respect to the undeformed sample, and a similar range of grain sizes."[5] The figure on the right clearly shows that the changes in the grain size distribution were caused by the axial strain, not an accident. The authors of the second primary source did not use the term dominant group. This aerial view shows a portion of the San Andreas fault in California. Credit: Robert E. Wallace, USGS USA. Def. the intellectual and practical activity encompassing the systematic study through observation and experiment of the Earth's physical structure and substance, its history and origin, and the processes that act on it, especially by examination of its rocks, is called geology. Def. the intellectual and practical activity encompassing the systematic study through observation and experiment of naturally occurring astronomical rocky objects, their physical structure and substance, history and origin, and the processes that act on them, especially by examination of their rocks, is called astrogeology. Main sources: Geology/Entities and Entities This portrait of Victor Goldschmidt (father of geochemistry) dates from around 1905. Credit: Yellowmellow45. "Those who do not share the values of the dominant group may have been separated out, voluntarily or otherwise."[6] "Because most of the lectures in the eighteenth century and even some in the beginning of the nineteenth were delivered in Latin, ex-seminarians and priests' sons had a decided advantage over other students and formed the dominant group in the first student bodies."[7] Main sources: Geology/Sources and Sources This scene was acquired by the Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer (MODIS), flying aboard NASA’s Terra satellite, on October 23, 2002. Credit: Jacques Descloitres, MODIS Rapid Response Team, NASA/GSFC. Geological sources may be fluid substances. "The spatial and temporal variations observed in these magmas, which comprise a dominant group of potassic lavas derived from the enriched lithospheric mantle and collision-type adakites produced by partial melting of thickened mafic lower crust in the Lhasa terrane, imply the thermal structure of Tibetan deep lithosphere to have also evolved."[8] "In these islands a basaltic succession, originally estimated by James Geikie and Georgey as no less than 14,000 feet in thickness, contains a dominant group of lavas, non-porphyritic and porphyritic, which betray in their petrography and chemistry a distinct tholeiitic character."[9] Main sources: Geology/Objects and Objects Calcite after Ikaite variety Glendonite concretion in this rock found on the Kola Peninsula, Russia. Credit: Brocken Inaglory. "The groundmass of the phonolitie lava flows is usually finer grained and some of these lavas contain a glassy mesostasis. The feldspars are the dominant group of minerals found in these rocks."[10] Main source: Archaeology This is an Oldowan tradition chopper. Canto tallado de tradición Olduvayense. Credit: José-Manuel Benito Álvarez Locutus Borg. Archaeology "studies human cultures through the recovery, documentation and analysis of material remains and environmental data, including architecture, artifacts, ecofacts, human remains, and landscapes."[11] Here, some of the dominant groups consist of ceramics, pottery, and tools left behind as fossils. Others are some of the archaeologists. Economic geology[edit] A sluice box is used in placer mining. Credit: USGS. "Crystals of the dominant group (80 vol %) are long prismatic (length/width ratios = 2.5:1–4:1), display obtuse pyramids, and show internal zoning in transmitted light."[12] "The dominant group of CO2-bearing fluid inclusions (types I and II) is considered the most precocious, and may represent primary FI."[13] "An attractive 5 x 3-cm Summitville, Colorado, specimen exhibiting a dominant group of thin covellite crystals on matrix."[14] "It is separated by an angular unconformity from the Middle ORS, which is the dominant group."[15] Main source: Geochemistry Main sorption processes of adsorbate molecules and atoms at mineral-water interface are used to remediate contaminated sites and clean wastewaters. Credit: Alain Manceau. "The South Platte pegmatite district is well known for its significant enrichment in the rare earth elements (REE)".[16] "The replacement phases of the district can be subdivided into two well-defined assemblages, with allanite representing the LREE-dominant group and samarskite representing the HREE-dominant group."[16] "The dominant Group D rocks are large trachyandesite lava domes."[17] "Overall, polyunsaturated fatty acids were the dominant group of fatty acids (Table 2), except at Station 6 where saturated fatty acids also dominated the fatty acid pool."[18] "Composite tetrafunctionalised biohopanoids were the dominant group of bacteriohopanepolyols in all other sediments, and are likely to be a major source of the geologically occurring extended hopanes."[19] Main source: Geochronology Two geochronologists and one Paleontologist collect ash at the Cretaceous-Paleogene Boundary in Wyoming, USA. Credit: Dcondon. "A date of 2809 ± 5 Ma was determined from 25 concordant analyses of 10 grains of the dominant group, and a 2945 ± 7 Ma date from 7 other grains."[20] "The relative probability plot (Fig. 10) shows a dominant group of 207 Pb/ 206 Pb ages at ~1560 Ma with minor scattered analyses around 1500 Ma and younger and one slightly older analysis at about 1630 Ma."[21] "Analyses from the dominant group and those that are consistent to within each of their analytical errors produced a weighted mean age of 550 ± 3 Ma (MSWD = 1.3, n = 11; Fig. 8C)."[22] Main sources: Earth/Geodesy and Geodesy Def. "the measurement and representation of Earth, its gravitational field and geodynamic phenomena (polar motion, Earth tides, and crustal motion) in three‐dimensional, time‐varying space"[23] is called geodesy. "This is expected since they are successive harmonics of the M2 dominant group."[24] "Consequently, the resulting age is an average on all sources, which is often close to the dominant group, when one age population is volumetrically dominant."[25] "The oldest and north at varying angles, so that the oldest sediments most dominant group (RG-1) contains faults that strike within the grabens have the steepest northward dip, with 75–110° and is the group that includes most of the faults"[26] Main sources: Earth/Geodetics and Geodetics Moorong Geodetic Station put in place by the Central Mapping Authority located on top of Mount Moorong in the Pomingalarna Reserve. Credit: Bidgee. Def. "the measurement and representation of the earth, its gravitational field and geodynamic phenomena (polar motion, earth tides, and tectonic motion) in three-dimensional, time-varying space"[27] is called geodetics. "Concerning equilibrium networks it turns out that as in GJ (2003), equilibrium networks have a dominant group architecture, ie a group of firms are linked to each other while other firms have no links at all."[28] "The dominant group of deposits is fine sands accounting for 41.3% of the population (44 samples)."[29] "Third, an interest in legal geography, regarding maps as means to legitimize ownership claims by the dominant group to indigenous lands, and as sources that may be used in present land ownership disputes. Here we focus mainly on the first approach."[30] Geomorphology. Credit: . Def. "[t]he study of landforms, their classification, origin, development, and history"[31] is called geomorphology. Def. each continuous surface of a landscape that is observable in its entirety and has consistence of form or regular change of form is called a landform. Def. an assemblage of surfaces that are a portion of land, region, or territory, observable in its entirety is called a landscape. "It was the dominant group on sediment-covered reefs below 75 m depth."[32] "Because they are isolated from influxes originating from overland transport of nutrients and sediments, they have little opportunity to influence the quality of ground water and surface water; hence, their interactions with the atmosphere through acid deposition and carbon dioxide exchanges become a dominant group of functions as described above."[33] "A tributary classification was defined by dominant group membership (including first and second order streams Milksick Branch, Auger Fork, Frozen Creek and Cobb Creek; Table 1)."[34] Main source: Geophysics Geophysicist from the Department of Earth Science at Aarhus University perform electrical measurements (DC/IP) at Ulstrup in Denmark. Studerende fra Instituttet for Geologi ved Århus Universitet, der udfører geofysisk feltarbejde i Ulstrup nær Viborg. Credit: LinuxChristian. "The dominant group frequency, Ip, which is the frequency of the peak energy over the time length tg."[35] "The dominant group wave height, hp, which can be obtained from the time series as the maximum trough-to-crest wave height over the time length tg."[35] Glaciology. Credit: . Def. "[t]he study of ice and its effect on the landscape, especially the study of glaciers"[36] is called glaciology. "The algae was the dominant group, and all obtained sequences belonged to Chlamydomonadales."[37] "Bacteria of β-Proteobacteria were dominant group in Nam Co, accounting for 61% of the total amount."[38] "Phototrophs were found to be the dominant group in terms of productivity and biomass in previous analyses (Mueller et al., 2005) and we therefore focused on cyanobacteria, green algae, diatoms, and other protists."[39] Historical geology[edit] The diagram shows the lobes of the Mississippi River Delta that formed over thousands of years due to deltaic switching. Credit: Urban. Salé-Cypremort 4600 years BP Cocodrie 4600-3500 years BP Teche 3500-2800 years BP St. Bernard 2800-1000 years BP Lafourche 1000-300 years BP Plaquemine 750-500 years BP Balize 550 years "Historical geology is a study of life forms represented in the fossil record, as well as the chronology of geologic processes. Of the three main rock groups (igneous, metamorphic and sedimentary), sedimentary rocks are clearly the dominant group in Florida geology."[40] "The beginning of the Cenozoic saw the establishment of mammals as the dominant group of large-bodied terrestrial vertebrates."[41] "Such preemption might take a long time, as the realized speciation rate of the dominant group would be lowered owing to the presence of the other groups in the adaptive space, and as in many groups average species durations are several million years."[42] Main source: Hydrology Hydrology. Credit: NASA, MODIS, USGS, and DMSP. Def. "[t]he science of the properties, distribution, and effects of water on a planet's surface, in the soil and underlying rocks, and in the atmosphere"[43] is called hydrology. "Waters of “local” rainfall and imported, “Colorado” River aqueduct origins are easily distinguished from dominant, “native” Santa Ana river compositions by use of hydrogen and oxygen stable isotope analysis."[44] "The Santa Ana river isotopic signature will also be shown to be nearly identical to that observed for the dominant group of Orange County groundwater wells sampled in this study".[44] "Phenols form a dominant group of compounds deposited at the site but their abundance in the groundwater is reduced by an order of magnitude within 50 m of the lagoon."[45] This shows sharp and lustrous, chocolate-colored eudialyte crystals associated with black aegirine from very close to the Type Locality in Greenland. Credit: Rob Lavinsky. "We take the boundary between the lithium and calcium, and lithium and magnesium–iron–manganese amphiboles at Li: Ca and Li: (Mg + Fe + Mn) ratios of 0.50 (ie, we use the criterion of the dominant cation or, in the case of the magnesium–iron–manganese amphiboles, the dominant group of cations) in both SCHEME 1 and SCHEME 2."[46] "The main concem in the Ba-dominant group is substitution at the T site; for walthierite, such substitution was not detected (Li et al. 1992)."[47] "For the Al-dominant group (Fig. 5), goyazite and svanbergite have long been used to indicate the PO4 and PO4-SO4 minerals, respectively."[47] This diagram depicts the Earth's thermohaline circulation. Credit: Robert Simmon, NASA. Minor modifications by Robert A. Rohde. "Oceanography..., also called oceanology or marine science, ... studies the ocean. It covers a wide range of topics, including marine organisms and ecosystem dynamics; ocean currents, waves, and geophysical fluid dynamics; plate tectonics and the geology of the sea floor; and fluxes of various chemical substances and physical properties within the ocean and across its boundaries."[48] "Towards the middle of isotope stage 1, there is a pronounced decrease in transparent shells, while the opaque-white ones become the dominant group."[49] "The copepods were the dominant group at station E offshore."[50] "In March 1979, the dominant taxa were polychaete larvae and crustacean nauplii, while in May the dominant group was Nematoda."[51] Main source: Paleontology Barylambda faberi, a Paleocene pantodont is in the Evolving Planet Exhibit at the Field Museum, Chicago, IL USA. Credit: Dallas Krentzel. The study of dominant group within paleontology combines biology and ecology with geology. "Torrejonian 2 also marked the first appearance of the coyote-sized mesonychid (Cete) Dissacus, which was probably the dominant predator in the Torrejonian and Tiffanian."[52] Main sources: Rocks/Petrology and Petrology This rock shows a common facies of the Piégut-Pluviers granodiorite, northwestern Massif Central, France. Credit: Rudolf Pohl. Petrology is a branch of geology that studies rocks, and the conditions in which rocks form. Lithology focuses on macroscopic hand-sample or outcrop-scale description of rocks, while petrography deals with microscopic details. Petrology benefits from mineralogy, optical mineralogy, geochemistry, and geophysics. Three branches of petrology focus on the three major rock types: igneous petrology, metamorphic petrology, and sedimentary petrology. With respect to igneous, metamorphic, and sedimentary petrology, the constituent phrase 'dominant group' refers to petrology-based objects. Igneous petrology[edit] A rhyolite boulder near Carn Alw shows the characteristic pattern of swirling or parallel layers called flow banding caused by the molten magma meeting a hard surface before cooling and setting. Credit: ceridwen. With respect to the igneous petrology of the southern Paraná of southern Brazil, "[i]t was well known from surface mapping that LPT rocks were the dominant group in the southern Parana, but the borehole data indicate that LPT rocks underlie HPT, and that they in turn are overlain by IPT rocks."[53] The basalts of the Parana continental flood basalt (CFB) province may be subdivided into two groups on the basis of their titanium (Ti) and phosphorus (P) contents: the high P and high Ti group (HPT) have TiO2 > 3 % and P2O5 > 0.4 % and the low P and low Ti group (LPT) have TiO2 < 2 % and P2O5 < 0.3 %.[53] More recent work suggests there is a significant intermediate P and intermediate Ti group (IPT).[53] "The dominant magma type appears to have evolved from LPT to HPT to IPT with time, and the site of the magmatism may also have migrated northwards.".[53] While the borehole and road cut evidence does not appear to effect the dominant LPT group in the south, it suggests that the IPT group may be dominant in the north, with the HPT group being dominant between these two.[53] Notation: let the symbol ADT stand for Annandagstoppane, and Ma stand for million years ago. Notation: let the symbol TTG stand for tonalite–trondjemite–granodiorite. Notation: let the symbol SB stand for Swaziland Block and Ga stand for billion years ago. "The dominant group of TTG gneisses in the SB, however, formed from plutons intruded into the Barberton greenstone belt (BGB) between ∼3·46 and 3·43 Ga (Poujol et al., 2003)."[4] Metamorphic petrology[edit] Maw sit sit is a very rare, complex, polymineralic metamorphic rock. Credit: James St. John. On the serpentinization processes in ultramafic rocks from the Mid-Atlantic Ridge south of the Kane Fracture Zone, latitude 23° N, at Site 670, "[o]range to pale-green serpentinized harzburgites with a well-defined spinel and orthopyroxene foliation are the volumetrically dominant group of samples (Shipboard Scientific Party, 1988)."[54] "[S]erpentinization in our sample set occurred at temperatures greater than 350°C."[54] "In our set of serpentinized ultramafic rocks, the oxygen-isotope results also indicate that serpentinization occurred at high (between 0.3 and 1.25), but presumably variable, water:rock ratios, assuming that the serpentinizing fluid was seawater or 18O-enriched seawater."[54] Sedimentary petrology[edit] This image shows the sedimentary rock layers at Zabriskie Point in Death Valley, USA. Credit: Brigitte Werner (werner22brigitte). In the Lower Cretaceous sediments of south-eastern Alexander Island are a "palaeogeographical distribution of conglomerate beds".[55] From the petrology of the pebbles for seven conglomerate horizons, the pebbles can be divided into four compositional groups whose proportional representations are determined.[55] With respect to the first compositional group of pebbles of volcanic material, "[i]ncluded in this dominant group are a wide range of volcanic rocks, both lavas and tuffs."[55] Further, three of the seven conglomerate horizons have a local majority of pebbles of volcanic material, while the other four have a majority of pebbles of plutonic material.[55] The other two compositional groups are 'hypabyssal' and 'metasedimentary'.[55] Planetary geology[edit] Planetary geologist and NASA astronaut Harrison "Jack" Schmitt collects lunar samples during the Apollo 17 mission. Credit: NASA. "Planetary geology, ... astrogeology or exogeology, is a planetary science ... concerned with the geology of the celestial bodies such as the planets and their moons, asteroids, comets, and meteorites. ... [It includes] determining the internal structure of the terrestrial planets, ... planetary volcanism and surface processes such as impact craters, fluvial and aeolian processes."[56] Main sources: History/Quaternary and Quaternary Calculated Greenland temperatures are through the last 20,000 years. Credit: Willi Dansgaard. The "whole change elapsed just opposite the course of events that characterized the great glacial oscillations with sudden warming followed by slow cooling. Therefore, the two phenomena hardly have the same cause."[57] "Our data strengthen this hypothesis and show unequivocally that haplogroup C, an endemic and dominant group of North American mammoths, was basal to all remaining Asian mammoth populations (including that on Wrangel Island)."[58] "Within the present study, however, the Tanytarsini have not been subdivided. This is clearly a dominant group at certain times."[59] "Ahl al Oughlam lacks the diversity of murids found in East African sites of this age, but also fully lacks any arvicolid, the dominant group in Europe at that time."[60] "Where multiple grain single aliquot OSL measurements provide a range of dose values, the dating specialist may choose to accept a dominant group of aliquots and reject outliers."[61] This middle Triassic marginal marine sequence in southwestern Utah consists of siltstones and sandstones. Credit: Wilson44691. "Sedimentology encompasses the study of modern sediments such as sand,[62] mud (silt),[63] and clay,[64] and the processes that result in their deposition.[65]"[66] "Sedimentary rocks cover most of the Earth's surface, record much of the Earth's history, and harbor the fossil record. Sedimentology is closely linked to stratigraphy, the study of the physical and temporal relationships between rock layers or strata."[66] "Each factor is described according to the dominant group of variables."[67] "The conglomerates are divided markedly into a dominant group, which is light colored with little evidence of humic material, and a subordinate group in which the matrix is dark with humic matter."[68] "The relationship between the sandstone petrography and seismic stratigraphy is shown in Figure 9. Group 1 is the dominant group and consists of very fine- to medium-grained sandstones with relatively good sorting."[69] Main source: Geoseismology Seismic refraction studies in Morocco provide the most valuable constraints on the crustal structure of the Middle, High and Anti Atlas Mountains. Credit: NASA. "The dominant Love wave group is sometimes preceded by a small group of waves of similar type but of only ten or fifteen per cent of the amplitude of the dominant group."[70] "The four dominant group of peaks coincide precisely with the frequencies of the diurnal, semidiurnal, 8 h and 6 h components of the gravitational tides."[71] "The last principal arrival considered is the Rayleigh surface wave, R, which has a dominant group velocity of about 2.75 km/sec."[72] Main sources: Sediments/Soils and Soils Sand is blowing on the Kelso Dunes, California. Credit: Wilson44691. "The second and dominant group is yellow reddish granite soil which is coarse and highly dispersible."[73] "The sediments were dominantly consisted of silt and clay of percentage over 95%, and that the <30 μm particle group was the “dominant group”."[74] "Hydrophobic acids, which constitute the dominant group of dissolved organic compounds in the humic layer, are effectively retained as water percolates through E and B horizons of podzol profiles (East- house et al., 1992)."[75] The image shows rock strata in Cafayate, Argentina. Credit: travelwayoflife. "The numerically dominant group throughout zones A and B is the benthic Fragilaria".[76] "The dominant group consists of normal faults nearly parallel to the arc."[77] "Unfortunately, so far, Eocene beds have not been adequately studied biostratigraphycally, despite the fact that they have a very abundant microfauna with the predominant group of nummulitines in all levels."[78] "The trimaceritic coal facies: In this facies, vitrinite, liptinite and inertinite are all well represented. Vitrinite, however, is still the dominant group".[79] "The granitoid layers include a dominant group of equigranular, coarse- to medium-grained, massive to weakly foliated gneisses that range in composition from granite to granodiorite to quartz".[80] Structural geology[edit] The image shows an anticline in the Barstow Formation (Miocene) at Calico Ghost Town near Barstow, California USA. Credit: Wilson44691. "Structural geology is the study of the three-dimensional distribution of rock units with respect to their deformational histories."[81] "The dominant group (type 1) consist of cloudy translucent cores that have in places been mantled by clear overgrowths with faceted terminations (Figure 8a, b)."[82] "The most dominant group (35%) in the population analysed has an age range of ~2680 to ~2740Ma."[83] This is an aerial view of Colima volcano in Mexico. Credit: Nc_tech3. "As the diagram (Fig.10) shows, the majority of the steepest slopes is dipping both to the northwest and to the southeast, belonging to the dominant group of ridges striking NE-SW".[84] "The dominant group consists of normal faults nearly parallel to the arc."[85] "The basalts most enriched in incompatible elements (Group 1) are spatially restricted to the central part of the axial volcano, whereas the least enriched basalts (Group 3, the dominant group of basalts) are distributed along the entire segment."[86] "The first and dominant group contains plagioclase, clinopyroxene, actinolite, chlorite, epidote as the essential minerals and calcite, opaques and quartz as accessories."[87] Main source: Hypotheses 1. As the patrician class was/is interested in wealth, their dominant group still exists. See also[edit] 1. Ivanka Atanassova, Svetlin Nakov, Preslav Nakov (2003). ArtsSemNet: From Bilingual Dictionary to Bilingual Semantic Network, In: Proceedings of Workshop on. 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The Geological Society of America Bulletin 102 (2): 182-92. doi:10.1130/0016-7606(1990)102<0182:GEFARP>2.3.CO;2. Retrieved 2011-10-20. 82. C. J. Carson, C. M. Fanning & C. J. L. Wilson (1996). "Timing of the progress granite, Larsemann hills: Additional evidence for early Palaeozoic orogenesis within the east Antarctic Shield and implications for Gondwana assembly". Australian Journal of Earth Sciences: An International Geoscience Journal of the Geological Society of Australia 43 (5): 539-53. doi:10.1080/08120099608728275. Retrieved 2012-02-07. 83. S. McCourt, A.B. Kampunzu, Z. Bagai, R.A. Armstrong (June 2004). "The crustal architecture of Archaean terranes in Northeastern Botswana". South African Journal of Geology 107 (1-2): 147-58. doi:10.2113/107.1-2.147. Retrieved 2012-02-07. 84. Ingeborg Guba, Hakam Mustafa (December 1988). "Structural control of young basaltic fissure eruptions in the plateau basalt area of the Arabian Plate, northeastern Jordan". 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Further reading[edit] External links[edit] {{Dominant group}}{{Geology resources}}	<urn:uuid:e64c85e4-4251-42f7-8840-9e7414e7d9ce>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.5, "fasttext_score": 0.02751457691192627, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.7870949506759644, "url": "https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Dominant_group/Geology" }
Monday, 13 May 2013 Egg shells to turtle shells. Over the past few weeks we have looked into the production of self righting objects. We started by considering weebles that have heavy bottoms, we then took a detour and looked at the stability of egg shapes and how we could make any shape have more stable points. Finally, we saw the work of Gábor Domokos and Péter Várkonyi and their discovery of the gömböc. No matter how you initially orient the gömböc it will always wobble and rotate itself to finish standing upright. Importantly, the gömböc is made of only one material, so its density is uniform. Mathematically, the gömböc is known as a mono-monostatic body. This simply means that it has exactly one stable and one unstable equilibrium point. Figure 1. A procelain gömböc. Hand painted by Ms. Pálma Babos [1]. This is all very nice and the gömböc makes a beautiful little toy to play with, but is it useful for anything other than a paper weight? Amazingly the answer appears to be yes. Embarrassingly, nature had solved the problem a long time ago in the form of the turtle shell. Many turtles have quite flat shells and use their necks to turn themselves over using a so named “break dance” technique as seen in Figure 2. However, for turtles with much taller shells this is not possible because their neck is not long enough. Thus, a couple of turtle species have shells shaped like a gömböc in order to allow them to roll over easily. The movie below shows Gábor actually putting some turtles on their back and watching them right themselves. Figure 2. Self righting turtles. On the left a relatively flat turtle uses its neck. On the right, the turtle uses a gömböc shaped shell. Figure 3. As the shell gets higher relative to its width the number of equilibria change. Perhaps the most impressive link between the mathematics of the gömböc and the turtle shells is that alterations of the gömböc shape can be linked to different species. Importantly, as the gömböc height is varied the number of stable and unstable equilibria change. This is also seen on the shells. This is shown in the Figure 3. So what have we learned over the last few weeks? For me, it is good maths will always lead to interesting outcomes and that nature is a far better mathematician that we will ever know. For more information on gömböcs and their connection to turtles take a look at or the original research paper can be found here. [1] The Herend porcelain gömböc is a high-end, beautiful piece of art but, sadly, it does not work. Porcelain technology is simply not good enough. Picture taken from Self righting turtle photos courtesy of Gábor Domokos and Timea Szabó.	<urn:uuid:ec01aca9-29e9-441e-808a-e0cd3495c24d>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.84375, "fasttext_score": 0.035480380058288574, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9492732882499695, "url": "http://laughmaths.blogspot.com/2013/05/" }
Uterine vein Medically reviewed by Healthline Medical Team on March 25, 2015Published on March 25, 2015 The uterine vein refers to a group of blood vessels found near the genitalia on the female body. These veins are considered part of a network of blood vessels called the uterine venous plexus. The uterine vein facilitates the flow of blood within the plexus. The uterine plexus and uterine vein emerge from the sides of the uterus, which is where a fetus develops before birth. These veins lie in close proximity to the vagina. The functional purpose of the uterine veins and plexus is to help deliver blood flow from the uterus to the heart. Once the blood has circulated through the uterine plexus, it leaves the uterus by draining through the uterine veins. There are two uterine veins, one on either side of the uterus near the bottom of the plexus. The veins then converge with the hypogastric vein. The uterine vein also connects with the ovarian vein. The vaginal veins that stem from the vaginal venous plexus may drain into the uterine vein in some women. This blood vessel may be prone to uterine vein thrombosis, a serious medical condition in which a blood clot develops within the vessel and obstructs the flow of blood. CMS Id: 140664	<urn:uuid:e87cd442-997a-4ca7-a23b-d127898b45a8>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.625, "fasttext_score": 0.019548773765563965, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9303925633430481, "url": "https://www.healthline.com/human-body-maps/uterine-vein" }
Pedagogy in Action > Library > Investigative Case Based Learning > How to Use Investigative Cases with Examples > ICBL Strategy 1: Introduce the Case ICBL Strategy 1: Introduce the Case Begin by providing a copy of the case to individuals or by projecting the case for the group. Next, ask a student volunteer to read the case out loud while the others read along silently. This gets everyone "on the same page" and is a surprisingly productive case-learning method. Reading aloud lets students know that they will be verbally involved in this process. Plan on 2 minutes for this step, and it can be done in small groups or by the whole class. Case: Goodbye Honeybuckets Author: Lana McNeil, College of Rural Alaska, Nome (2001) "More than 20,000 rural Native residents in Alaska live in communities without running water and where homes, local government offices, commercial buildings and even medical clinics use plastic buckets for toilets –euphemistically called 'honey buckets.' The waste from these toilets is often spilled in the process of hauling it to disposal sites and these spillages have led to the outbreak of epidemic diseases such as Hepatitis A." (An Alaskan Challenge: Native Village Sanitation, US Congress, 1994)	<urn:uuid:4d52df5a-7ca1-4f98-b188-3e18d5bf3126>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.734375, "fasttext_score": 0.02775055170059204, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9404270052909851, "url": "https://serc.carleton.edu/sp/library/icbl/strategy1.html" }
Today, July 6: Before Rosa Parks… July 6, 1944: One month to the day after the Allied landings in Normandy, D-Day, Second Lieutenant Jackie Robinson traveled from a hospital in Temple, Texas, to Fort Hood, Texas, a distance of approximately twenty miles. He had been sent to the civilian hospital by the army to evaluate his ankle, injured in sports before he was drafted. Commissioned as an officer in 1943, Robinson petitioned for a medical waiver so that he could be assigned to a Europe-bound unit as its racial morale officer. Three years later, Robinson would become famous for breaking the black color barrier to play major league baseball. However, on July 6, 1944, he was just riding in a civilian bus, returning to his military base, when the driver ordered him to sit in the back. Robinson told him to concentrate on driving and did not move. The bus stopped at an intermediate station and the driver resumed the argument, calling his dispatcher who referred to Robinson as a ‘nigger.’ When the bus arrived at the fort, a white MP went on board to arrest ‘the nigger lieutenant.’ Robinson reacted in an excited manner and denied that there had been an incident. He was arrested and charged with inciting trouble. Robinson was acquitted by a general court martial, but his request for a medical waiver was denied. His unit went on to serve with distinction in Europe, particularly in the Battle of the Bulge. Robinson was not with them; the Army had discharged him in November, 1944.	<urn:uuid:ce943fa7-7858-4516-a0a8-6f041466ce4b>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.828125, "fasttext_score": 0.050603270530700684, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9894815683364868, "url": "https://jwlbooks.com/today-july-6-before-rosa-parks/" }
Skip to main content Identification. The term "Pintupi" refers to a group of Australian Aboriginal hunting and gathering people originally from the Western Desert region of Australia. Their shared social identity derives not so much from linguistic or cultural practice but from common experience, destination, and settlement during successive waves of eastward migrations out of their traditional homelands to the outskirts of White settlements. Pintupi is not an indigenous term for a particular dialect nor for any sort of closed or autonomous Community. Location. The traditional territory of the Pintupi is in the Gibson Desert, in Australia's western territory. This territory is bounded by the Ehrenberg and Walter James ranges in the east and south, respectively, by the plains to the west of Jupiter Wells in the west, and by Lake Mackay to the north. These areas are predominantly sandy desert lands, interspersed with gravelly plain and a few hills. The climate is arid, rainfall averages only 20 centimeters annually, and in some years there is no rainfall at all. Daytime temperatures in summer reach about 50° C and nights are warm, while in winter the days are milder but nights may be cold enough for frost to form. Water is scarce here, and vegetation is limited. The desert dunes support spinifex and a few mulga trees, and on the gravel plains there are occasional stands of desert oaks. Faunal resources, too, are limitedlarge game animals include kangaroos, emus, and wallabies; smaller animals include feral cats and rabbits. Water is only periodically available on the ground surface after rains; the people rely on rock and claypan caches in the hills and underground soakages and wells in the gravel pan and sandy dunes. Demography. Population figures for the Western Desert peoples as a whole are difficult to obtain. The sparsely populated Pintupi region was estimated to support one person per 520 square kilometers, but given the highly mobile, flexible, and circumstance-dependent nature of the designation "Pintupi," it is difficult to come up with absolute numbers. The people suffered a population loss during the years of settlement in the east due to the unaccustomed overcrowding and to violence that arose between the Pintupi and White settlers and other Aboriginal groups. linguistic Affiliation. Pintupi is a member of the Pama-Nyungan Language Family, also called the Western Desert Language Family. History and Cultural Relations The Pintupi were among the last of the Western Desert Peoples to experience the effects of contact with Whitesprior to the early 1900s, most of their contacts were with other Peoples of similar culture who lived in adjacent territories of the desert. With the establishment of White settlements in the areas to the north, east, and west of Pintupi territory, Pintupi began to migrate to settlement outskirts, attracted by the availability of water and food during times of drought. In the early days of this migration, Pintupi tended to settle in camps separate from those of other migrants such as the Aranda and Walpiri, but as these communities grew in response to further droughts in the desert, the government began to establish permanent camps. Pintupi resisted integration into the broader population of the camps, attempting to maintain their own separate settlements apart from the rest and participating minimally in the affairs of the larger settlement. The trend since the late 1970s has been for the Pintupi to move back toward their traditional Gibson Desert territory, a process that has been facilitated by the drilling of new bore holes at outstations so that access to permanent water sources may be achieved. Pintupi traditional life is highly mobile for most of the year, so encampments are only temporary, sometimes simply overnight. Such camps are segregated by gender and marital status: unmarried men and youths live in one camp, with single women in another nearby; each husband-wife pair and their young children camp together. These camps tend to be quite small. Larger aggregates of people occur at permanent water holes after periods of heavy rains. Camp shelter is a simple windbreak made of brush or, more recently, corrugated iron. The more sedentary settlements around bore holes are quite largeas many as 300 to 350 peoplebut the spatial deployment of individuals and family groups follows the pattern of traditional encampments. Subsistence and Commercial Activities . The Pintupi were traditionally a hunting and gathering people. Australian Aboriginal policy included attempts to introduce the concept of working for a wage, and Pintupi who came to settlements were largely employed on cattle stations, working with the stock. At present, most Pintupi are dependent upon assistance payments from the Australian government. Industrial Arts. Tools and implements of traditional manufacture include digging sticks and stone-cutting tools, boomerangs, spears, and spear throwers. Shelters used to be made of local materials, but now they are constructed from canvas or corrugated iron. Most manufactured items are of a ritual nature. Division of Labor. For communal use, men hunt kangaroos, wallabies, and emus when such are available; they hunt feral cats, smaller marsupials, and rabbits at other times. Women gather what plant food can be found, honey ants, grubs, and lizards. Food so obtained is shared throughout the residential group. Food preparation is considered to be a woman's task, although men are capable of it; likewise, the preparation and maintenance of the tools necessary for food gathering and hunting is a man's job, but women can do such tasks if necessary. Land Tenure. Rights in land refer to Dreamtime associations: that is, one has a right to live in and use the resources of areas to which one can trace ties of family or friendship (the latter most often being treated in kinship terms). One's own place of birth, or the places where one's parents were born, establish claimsbut not claims to the land per se, simply to rights of association with others who also use that land. Kin Groups and Descent. The Pintupi recognize two endogamous patrilineal moieties, which are crosscut by generational moieties, themselves consisting of eight paired (as wife-giving/wife-taking) patrilineally defined subsections. These distinctions of relatedness do not translate into rigid, on-the-ground groupings of individuals but rather provide the terms according to which people may forge ties with one another, make claims for hospitality, or be initiated into Dreaming lore. Kinship Terminology. Terminologically, Pintupi Differentiate initially according to subsection membership and further according to gender; that is, members of a single subsection are styled as siblings, but within a subsection the Children of the set of "brothers" are understood to belong to a different category than the children of the set of "sisters." Marriage and Family Marriage. First marriages are generally arranged by the parents, rather than according to the preferences of the prospective spouses. A man approaching marriageable age will begin to travel with the camp of his prospective in-laws, contributing his hunting skills to their support. Upon marriage, the husband joins the camp of the wife's parents until the birth of the first child or children, while the wife begins instruction in her domestic responsibilities and in women's Ritual lore. Once children are born, however, the couple will set up their own distinct camp. Polygyny is common. Domestic Unit. The Pintupi domestic unit minimally consists of a man, his wife or wives, and their children. However, it is usual that there may also be one or more other dependentsone or more of the husband's or wife's parents or a widowed sibling. Inheritance. For the Pintupi, ritual associations with Dreaming sites, which also imply rights to resource usage in the associated territory, are the principle benefits of the Concept of inheritance. Such associations and rights are normatively passed down patrilineally. Portable personal property is negligible among the Pintupi and its distribution is not normatively prescribed, except that it be given to "Distant" kin because it is felt that "near" kin would be reminded of their grief by personal effects of the deceased. Socialization. Child rearing is the province of the mother during the early years, but it tends to be shared by cowives and other female kin in the camp. At this early stage, children are treated with great indulgence, but they are taught early on that principles of sharing and cooperation are important. Both male and female children are granted a great deal of freedom. Male initiation, by which young boys begin their transformation to manhood, involves introduction into ritual lore and circumcision, after which point they embark upon a period of their lives when it is expected that they will travel widely. In such a way young men develop broader social ties and are exposed to greater amounts of ritual lore. It is only after marriage that women begin to be educated into "Women's business," the ritual lore held exclusively by women. There is no female counterpart to the traveling period of male youths. Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. The patrilineage is the largest unit of organization of functional significance for the Pintupi, and it is invoked primarily in the context of ritual life, in justifying one's presence in a place (through reference to the Dreaming) , and in marking the intermarriageability of members of one group with another. Political Organization. Pintupi egalitarianism militates against formai leadership to any great degree. Leaders are elders who are schooled in ritual lore and whose skill in achieving consensus in any gathering has been acknowledged. Since few decisions in Pintupi traditional life require the involvement of large numbers of people, the role of a leader is Primarily to mediate disputes. In the mission-based settlements, councillors also serve to keep the peace and to allocate government-provided resources, but the concept of Hierarchically organized authority is neither customary nor particularly comfortable for Pintupi. Social Control. Most social control is effected through the mediation of friends or kin, but there are some circumstances requiring the application of collective sanctionsprimarily in the case of violations of sacred tradition, such as the giving away of ritual secrets. Conflict. Disputes between individuals can erupt at any time over any number of disagreements, but they tend to be most common during times when large numbers of people are gathered together. At such times, fighting can break out and may result in injury or even death. Disputes over women are common. In disputes occurring between individuals, it is common that the aggrieved party will seek out his opponent to spear him in the thigh, and he may commonly attempt to secure the support of his kin in this effort to seek revenge. Acts of "sacrilege" are the single most likely cause for largerscale hostile action. In the sedentary communities near mission stations, the possibility of conflict, exacerbated by the availability of alcohol, is dramatically higher than it is in traditional Pintupi life. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. Central to Pintupi beliefs is the Dreaming (tjukurrpa ), according to which the world was created and continues to be ordered. The Dreaming is both past and Present. In its unfoldingthat is, through the activities of the ancestral heroesnot only were the physical features of the world created but also the social order according to which Pintupi life is conducted. Particular geologic features of the terrain are understood to be the direct result of specific deeds of these heroes. Yet the Dreaming is also ongoing, providing the force that animates and maintains life and the rituals that are required to renew or enrich that force. Religious Practitioners. Religious practitioners are patrilineage elders, whose depth of knowledge of the sacred traditions of their patriline and its totems qualifies them for the instruction of younger and less knowledgeable initiates. The accumulation of ritual knowledge is something that occurs over time, as an individual is gradually led deeper and deeper into the secrets of ritual life. Practitioners are responsible not only for transmitting this ritual knowledge to younger generations but also for maintaining the sacred sites and the spirits associated with them. Ceremonies. Both men and women have a rich store of ritual lore, linked to the Dreaming, with attendant Ceremonies that are performed in the context of initiations and as a part of the process by which sacred sites may be maintained. As with other Western Desert peoples, ceremonial occasions are tied to times and places where large numbers of people can congregateat water-hole encampments during periods of heavy rains, for example. During these ceremonies there is singing, chanting, and the reenactment of myths appropriate to the specific occasion. Arts. Pintupi visual art, bodily adornment, and songs are tied to ritual practice, specifically to the Dreaming, and each myth has specific signs and chants associated with it, as well as dramatic reenactments that must be performed. There has been some Pintupi participation in the production and sale of acrylic paintings of Western Desert themes to Australians and Europeans interested in local art. Medicine. Traditional curing involved sorcery and the use of herbal remedies. The Pintupi today avail themselves of medical care provided through the Australian government health services. Death and Afterlife. Behavior after the death of a loved one focuses on the grief of the deceased's survivors: people abandon the site at which the death occurred; close kin distribute the belongings of the deceased to more distant kin (whose grief will ostensibly be much less); the bereaved physically harm themselves as an expression of grief; and "sorry fights"ritual attacks by relatives upon the deceased's coresidents for their failure to prevent the deathalso occur. Actual interment of the body is done by the more distant relatives, for close kin are thought to be too grief-stricken to carry out the necessary work. The spirit is thought to survive the body and to remain in the area of this first burial, only departing after a second ceremony is held months later. Where the spirit ultimately goes is vaguely described as somewhere "up in the sky." See also: Aranda, Mardudjara, Ngatatjara, Warlpiri Hansen, K., and L. Hansen (1974). Pintupi Kinship. Alice Springs: Institute for Aboriginal Development. Myers, Fred R. (1980). "The Cultural Basis of Pintupi Politics." Mankind 12:197-213. Myers, Fred R. (1986). Pintupi Country, Pintupi Self: Settlement, Place, and Politics among Western Desert Aborigines. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press. Cite this article • MLA • Chicago • APA "Pintupi." Encyclopedia of World Cultures. . 17 Aug. 2018 <>. "Pintupi." Encyclopedia of World Cultures. . (August 17, 2018). "Pintupi." Encyclopedia of World Cultures. . Retrieved August 17, 2018 from Learn more about citation styles Modern Language Association The Chicago Manual of Style American Psychological Association	<urn:uuid:e46d321d-975f-49ad-81f9-cdd181f1221c>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.53125, "fasttext_score": 0.04866129159927368, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9515715837478638, "url": "https://www.encyclopedia.com/humanities/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/pintupi" }
Latin Sentence Structure \| Latin Language Blog LearnLatinwith Us! Start Learning! Latin Language Blog Latin Sentence Structure Posted by on Mar 16, 2009 in Latin Language We’re going to take a look at some subjects and verbs. I’ll try to make this as painless as possible 🙂 Let’s take a look at the sentence: Cicero is a farmer. In Latin this sentence would look like this: Cicerō est agricola. In Latin, articles like the and a are omitted. That’s why in English, the sentence would translate as: Cicero is farmer. Let’s take a look at another sentence: Cicerō ferit Corneliam. In English this would be Cicero hits Cornelia. Yes, I know, it’s a very abusive example, but hopefully it’ll be more memorable because it invokes a strong image. This sentence carries out the subjet-verb-object sentence structure. Cicerō is the subject because he’s doing the action (in this case, hitting) and ferit is the verb while Corneliam is the object because she’s being hit. Compare this with a sentence like this: Cicerō Corneliam ferit. In English this would be Cicero hits Cornelia. This has the same meaning as the sentence Cicerō ferit Corneliam, but with a different sentence structure. Cicerō Corneliam ferit follows the subject-object-verb structure. In Latin, word order is flexible. Either Cicerō Corneliam ferit and Cicerō ferit Corneliam will work. I should also mention that while both will work, the ancient Romans preferred that the verb be placed at the end of a sentence like Cicerō Corneliam ferit. You’ll also see that in many ancient Latin texts, the object of the sentence follows the subject like the sentence: Agricola filiam amat. Which means: The farmer loves his daughter. In English this would be: farmer daughter he loves. Filiam = daughter. Filiam is the object of the sentence because she is the one being loved. Agricola = farmer. Agricola is the subject of the sentence because he is the one doing the loving. Share this: Pin it 1. mike: Could you explain the cases and the order of these in the structure. Ive been reading Wheellocks latin intro. V.3. Im also taking my time with this book chapter by chapter to insure that im understanding and not skipping steps. Im stumped… When and if you do this nice gesture could you please do it the way the Romans would? Thank You. Your help will prove in valuable to me. 2. Mariana: This really helps clear up a few things in my head. I’m taking an online Latin course and the sentence structure always messed me up or i was just overthinking everything. Reading this and using comparisons to the English language helped set things clear in my head. Thanks!!!!	<urn:uuid:f9813035-c0bf-4d16-9f4c-a7b36f1e0a3d>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.71875, "fasttext_score": 0.9777939915657043, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9188905954360962, "url": "https://blogs.transparent.com/latin/latin-sentence-structure/" }
HYREATIS (545, spring) – Argive-Spartan Feud SPARTAN WARRIOR, c. 546 BC This Spartan warrior from the time of the `Battle of the Champions’ is shown wearing the equipment depicted on an archaic Lakonian figurine from Kosmas, in the vicinity of Thyrea (now in the National Archaeological Museum, Athens). Similar archaic figurines, along with the evidence of several vase paintings, confirm that warriors went into battle naked, except for the helmet, `bell’ cuirass (1) and greaves (2). They are often depicted with high crests on their helmets. The two styles of helmet shown here are the open-faced `Illyrian’ (3) and an early variety of `Corinthian’ (4), which introduced the nose guard and covered more of the wearer’s face. Both styles could be fitted with crests, either made from horsehair (5) or fashioned from bronze (6). The Spartan warrior was a spearman, first and foremost, and is shown with the large hoplite shield (aspis) and spear (dory). The spearheads and butt-spikes are based on examples in the National Archaeological Museum, Athens. The shield emblem is the Gorgoneion (or Medusa mask) (7), a motif that was popular at Sparta, where it recurs on bronzework and on bone and ivory carvings. This unusual encounter is often called the Battle of the Champions. The Spartans were engaged in a quarrel with Argos over Thyreatis, the territory of Thyrea, which was about halfway between the rival cities. At that time it belonged to Argos but had been occupied by the Spartans. The Argives marched to recover their stolen land. When the two forces met, it was agreed in conference that 300 picked men from either side should fight it out. The battle was bloody, fierce, and inhuman. The killing was on a vile level, and each side knew that no one was to survive. If anyone was to become injured and fall, their fate was sealed because no one was to be rescued from the onslaught. The battle was so intense and fierce that it was at a stalemate all the way down to the last soldier. Left standing were two Argives who had slew the last Spartan warrior. After looking over the area and making sure that they were the last ones alive, they left and returned to their home in Argos, where they informed the state of their victory. However, they had made a mistake and overlooked a Spartan warrior, Othryades, who had survived. He was very injured but was able to make it to his feet. He was able to inform some watchers of his victory, but according to legend, he was humiliated for falling on the battlefield. Guilty, he is assumed to have taken his life due to embarrassment. There is speculation that he died from his wounds, but the Spartan Empire want to make sure their image stayed high in the eyes of the world. The following day both parties claimed the victory: the Argives because they had the greatest number of survivors, the Spartans because their hero was the only survivor remaining on the battlefield. This argument led to blows and then to a full-scale battle between the two armies. After heavy losses on both sides the Spartans emerged victorious. The Spartan victory, which was thereafter celebrated in the Gymnopaidiai by the carrying of the wreaths known as `Thyreatic’. Moreover, they now controlled Thyreatis and indeed incorporated it within Lakedaimon. Hysiai had been avenged. The lone survivor of the quasi legendary Battle of the Champions went home and hanged himself, thereby avoiding questions about how he was able to survive such a holocaust. Survey data indicate that the area of the Thyreatis and Cynuria was already coming under Spartan control in the early sixth century, a process finalized at the Battle of the Champions, corroborating Herodotus’ statement that Spartans “held” the Thyreatis for some time before the battle. It is tempting to associate this Spartan victory with the extraordinary spike in settlement activity in the north and central Parnon region beginning around the middle of the sixth century. The internal colonization of this area resulted in the creation of no fewer than eighty-seven settlements in the area of the Laconia Survey, including one new town, Sellasia. Such a burst of activity could be expected in the aftermath of the failed conquest of Tegea, which prevented settlers from moving north, if Spartan success at the Battle of the Champions had removed the Argive threat to eastern Laconia. Herodotus’ claims that Argos had previously controlled all of the Parnon range down to and including Cape Malea and the island of Cythera may be a trifle extreme, but the Argives’ ability to harass settlers may partly explain why this area of Laconia remained more or less empty until the mid-sixth century. Male hair is potently symbolic stuff. Spartans signalled their virility and belligerence by growing theirs and went into battle with it all braided and be-wreathed with flowers. In this way, no less than a uniform and no less of a distinctly Spartan trait was the long hair grown specifically for its military function. As to the origins of this Spartan custom we can turn to Herodotos, who reckons the legislation enjoining the Spartiates to grow their hair proudly and terrifyingly long, contrary to previous practice, had first been instituted after the victory over the Argives at the Battle of the Champions. The reality of the Battle of the Champions has been doubted by some scholars, and that is understandable, but it seems that at least in the fifth century BC it was taken as historical. Still, whether or not we chose to believe in the historical truth of this battle is irrelevant here. The point of Herodotos’ story is that the Spartans, at some point in their history, adopted the idea of wearing the hair long as a symbol of militaristic pride, and this is certainly the view later promoted by Xenophon. According to Aristotle, on the other hand, the Spartans thought long hair noble because it was the mark of a free man, since it was difficult to perform servile tasks with long hair. Leave a Reply WordPress.com Logo Google+ photo Twitter picture Facebook photo Connecting to %s	<urn:uuid:7e488394-cbf1-41e3-9b1b-b639e3ef0c69>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.578125, "fasttext_score": 0.047052979469299316, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9737772941589355, "url": "https://weaponsandwarfare.com/2018/07/22/hyreatis-545-spring-argive-spartan-feud/" }
Paths to Literacy for students who are blind or visually impaired Stories about Routines with Beginning Braille Readers Bedtime objects A few years ago, I was looking for stories for my younger students that would involve daily, familiar routines and could be adapted into braille. I decided to create simple, repetitive stories about daily routines illustrated with "real" objects. We had several Perkins Pandas and I decided to make Perkins the main character in each. The students and I would "read" and retell the books using all the "props" to act out the story. My goals were: 1. Retell familiar story. 2. Track braille from left to right and top to bottom. 3. Identify objects by touch. 4. Turn pages and identify front, back, and “right side up” of a book. Extending Braille Activities with Perkins We also used Perkins as a "helper" during our braille time. I made flashcards with two braille symbols on them. Student would be asked to find all the cards that were the "same" or "different" depending on what kind of bamboo Perkins was hungry for that day. If the student chose "same" he had to look carefully and only give Perkins the cards with matching symbols. As the student knew more about braille, we would give Perkins all the cards with a "b" or "g" on them. This was very motivating for the preschoolers and gave them ample opportunity to practice beginning braille skills. Perkins Eats Breakfast Perkins with plate, fork, spoon, toothbrush, and plastic fruit. Perkins' Halloween Perkins with jack-o-lantern glasses, fairy wings, trick or treat pail, cobweb, pumpkin, fall leaves, candy. Perkins Plays Perkins with fireman hat, socks and mittens, stuffed bear, lego, paintbrush, lacing card. Perkins Goes to Bed Perkins with cup, toothbrush, pajamas, blanket, brush, towel, stuffed animal, storybook. Collage of stories about routines Add new comment	<urn:uuid:1d62c538-7431-4986-a04b-b25be0a2ebc7>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.515625, "fasttext_score": 0.048028647899627686, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9476709365844727, "url": "http://www.pathstoliteracy.org/strategies/stories-about-routines-beginning-braille-readers" }
Pleiades+ : adapting the ancient world gazetteer for GAP Pleiades (, a project that is digitizing the Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World (R.J.A. Talbert, ed., Princeton, 2000), is in the process of putting on line the most extensive and accurate coverage of ancient locations published thus far. As such it will provide the basic gazetteer for GAP’s identification of ancient places in the Google Books corpus. Yet, in its present form there are two significant drawbacks to using Pleiades that GAP initially must overcome. The first is that Pleiades does not currently provide specific coordinates but only the grid square of each location in the Barrington Atlas. This has implications for the plotting of locations and, consequently, the clustering mechanics upon which GAP’s place resolving algorithm is based. The good news is, however, that Pleiades is working in conjunction with the Digital Atlas of Roman and Medieval Civilization (DARMC) in order to provide these coordinates (see: For the time being, then, we will have to make do with a grid square centroid that broadly suffices for calculating the GAP algorithm – but we keep our fingers crossed that very soon we’ll be able to draw upon the specific coordinates used of each ancient location mapped in Pleiades. The second issue is that Pleiades has only limited support for multiple toponyms for the same location. The employment of synonyms may be caused by a variety of factors – for both historic and linguistic reasons – but this problem is particularly aggravated by the tendency for authors throughout time to use contemporary names for ancient places (e.g. ‘London for ‘Londinium’) in their studies, commentaries and translations. Since Pleiades does not readily contain alternative toponyms, and certainly not all alternatives, many place-references in our corpus of books may fail to be ‘tagged’. In order to mitigate this problem we have sought to align Pleiades with the contemporary digital gazetteer GeoNames, whose database is available for download free of charge under a creative commons attribution license ( Geonames provides multiple contemporary toponyms as well as frequently the ancient name itself. Although the process is somewhat laborious, and by no means comprehensive, we have found that the main Pleiades gazetteer can be expanded in this manner by approximately 30% (from approx. 31,000 to 43,000 toponyms). We refer to the expanded gazetteer as Pleiades+ (‘Pleiades Plus’). A technical summary in 11 stages The following steps were undertaken in order to produce Pleiades+: 1. The latest data dump is retrieved from Pleiades. This includes a table of Pleiades locations, a table of the Barrington Atlas Ids and table of the Barrington Atlas Maps. 2. The latest data dump is retrieved from GeoNames. This includes all data from countries covered by the Pleiades gazetteer, filtered to exclude irrelevant feature types (e.g. Airports, etc.). 3. Alternative toponyms are extracted from the Pleiades and GeoNames gazetteers in order to produce ‘Toponym tables’ which map normalized toponyms to their identifiers (this equates to a ‘many-to-many’ mapping). 4. A table of Barrington Atlas grid squares and their bounding coordinates is calculated from a table of the Barrington Atlas maps. 5. The Barrington Atlas Ids table is expanded to extract the grid square(s) associated with each Pleiades identifier and joined to the Grid Square table in order to access its bounding coordinates. 6. The Pleiades Toponym table is joined to the Barrington Atlas Ids table (and thus in turn to the Grid Square table) in order to ascertain bounding coordinates for each toponym, where known. 7. The Geonames Toponym table is rejoined to the Geonames gazetteer in order to ascertain coordinates for each toponym. 8. The Pleiades Toponym table is aligned with the Geonames Toponym table in cases where the normalized toponyms are the same and the Geonames coordinates fall within the bounding coordinates of the Pleiades toponym. This has the result of matching Pleiades identifiers to Geonames identifiers. 9. The resulting Pleiades-GeoNames matches are then rejoined to the GeoNames Toponym table in order to elicit all the other Geonames toponyms associated with the GeoNames ID. 10. A new CSV file is generated containing i) the original Pleiades Toponym table expanded to include a centroid for each grid square as a proxy location; and ii) the additional toponyms derived from GeoNames. 11. The final list of results contains the following fields: a. The Pleiades identifier (mandatory) b. The normalized toponym (mandatory) c. The unnormalized toponym, (mandatory) d. The source [Pleiades \| GeoNames ] (mandatory) e. The GeoNames Id (mandatory if Geonames is the source) f. The Pleaides centroid x, y (where known) About Leif Isaksen Senior Lecturer in Spatial History, Lancaster University This entry was posted in Uncategorized. Bookmark the permalink. 3 Responses to Pleiades+ : adapting the ancient world gazetteer for GAP 1. Sean Gillies says: In fact, we’ve recently begun to introduce modern names to Pleiades (Athens, for example) and look forward to being able to patch the Pleiades+ toponyms back into Pleiades. 2. Pingback: Converting the Ure Museum data \| Pelagios Commons 3. Pingback: Progress in CLAROS towards Pelagios \| Pelagios Commons Leave a Reply You are commenting using your account. Log Out / Change ) Twitter picture Facebook photo Google+ photo Connecting to %s	<urn:uuid:9f7d8eb8-5249-49c4-bb03-3775722e4ba8>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.515625, "fasttext_score": 0.056395888328552246, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.873593270778656, "url": "https://googleancientplaces.wordpress.com/2011/01/24/pleiades-adapting-the-ancient-world-gazetteer-for-gap-%E2%80%93-by-leif-isaksen/" }
Like other handy tools, the pocket knife was not invented so much as it was a product of evolution. Over centuries, the fixed-blade knife used by hunters and soldiers became the folding knife -- still used by hunters and soldiers -- but also used by coachmen, tradesmen and others as a utilitarian tool. During its evolution over centuries, individually made single-bladed knives began to be mass-produced by modern manufacturers like Victorinox. Near the turn of 19th century, knives picked up additional blades, saws, leather punches, scissors and even toothpicks to aid functionality until they became virtual pocket toolboxes. Simple Fold Saves Cuts Not surprisingly, solders and travelers were some of the first people to use pocket knives regularly. By carrying a lot of gear over treacherous terrain and getting into all sorts of cramped and peculiar postures, a soldier was destined to cut himself on his own knife at some point. Travelers also needed a smaller, less bulky tool than a sword for eating and utilitarian purposes. Somewhere along the way, one clever person invented a way to collapse the knife blade into its handle, and the first folding knife was born. The earliest folded knives -- such as one found in Halstatt, Austria, believed to have been fashioned as early as 500 to 600 B.C. -- were bronze. A middle-Roman era (201 to 300) specimen, found in the Mediterranean area, is particularly interesting. Made of silver with an iron blade and containing a full set of dining cutlery, it appears to be an early forerunner of the multipurpose Swiss Army knife. The Single Blade Not all folding knives were quite so elaborate as that Roman multitool. Most early pocket knives were unpretentious blades that pivoted into a sheath without the help of springs. Folding knives predating Roman times have been found in burials in the Iberian Peninsula. Later, Roman soldiers carried similar knives into battle. These early knives were weapons and only necessitated a sharp blade. The average blade length would have been around 3 inches, so the folding knife would have made up only a minor part of the weaponry a Roman soldier brought to war. From Weapon to Delicate Tool Centuries later, the plain, spring-less folding knife was still in use, though more as a tool for coachmen and travelers than a soldier's weapon. It was not until the 1600s, in the city of Sheffield, England, that uniform, slip-joint knives began to be made with springs along the back for holding the blades open or closed. With the addition of new manufacturing methods allowing the manufacture of reasonable quantities of these safer and better-working pocket knives, people of all walks began carrying them. The pen knife -- a small pocket knife designed for trimming the writing tips of quill pens -- became an essential part of the pocket contents of both gentlemen and ladies. More Than a Blade Around the 17th century, knives began to drift away from simple one- or two-bladed designs to more specific and useful tools. These later pocket knives would have been carried by people of all vocations from farmers to leather workers and hostlers. Makers of pocket knives for specific everday uses include Joseph Rodgers -- granted a trademark in 1682 -- and George Wostenholm -- trademark registered in 1787. Today, both still make pruners, skinning knives, gentleman's pocket knives, stockman's knives and pen knives, among other specialty knives. Modern Knives for Soldiers and Sailors In the 19th century, Victorinox, makers of the famous Swiss Army knife, brought multitool pocket knives into the limelight with regular issue knives for solders. The officer's version included a corkscrew for wine. Early on, sailors carried ordinary pocket knives with deliberately rounded blades to prevent accidents and serious injuries aboard ship, but they later used manufactured knives, many made by small independent cutlery makers such as Ibberson. These came with rounded blades and other tools specifically designed for rope working. Ibberson is also notable for the first knife made with stainless steel, created in 1913.	<urn:uuid:ad914095-bc44-4908-82f1-81414e7b37b5>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.5, "fasttext_score": 0.07806593179702759, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9695512652397156, "url": "https://classroom.synonym.com/inventor-pocket-knife-20032.html" }
Aceh: Peacemaking after the Tsunami In the Meuraxa section of Banda Aceh, tents are a common sight as post-tsunami house construction is sluggish. Peace depends in part on reconstruction that is both swift and fair. The December 2004 tsunami that devastated Aceh kick-started negotiations to end a conflict that has lasted for almost 30 years and led to widespread violence and displacement. (See Table 1.) After Aceh—located at the northern tip of Sumatra—was incorporated into the newly established Republic of Indonesia in 1945, a disagreement developed between Jakarta’s insistence on strong central control and Acehnese longings for independence. Promises of special autonomy for the province remained unfulfilled. Rebellion broke out as early as 1953, but the current conflict dates to 1976, when the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, or GAM) was founded with the express goal of seceding from Indonesia. Origins of Conflict Aceh is rich in natural resources, including oil, natural gas, timber, and minerals, and provides 15–20 percent of Indonesia’s oil and gas output. But this wealth benefited mostly multinational companies and cronies of the long-reigning Suharto dictatorship. Aceh today remains one of Indonesia’s poorest provinces. Unemployment is rampant and about 40 percent of the population lives below the poverty line, compared with about 10 percent in 1996 and 20 percent in 1999. In 2002, 48 percent of the population had no access to clean water, 36 percent of children under the age of five were undernourished, and 38 percent of the Acehnese had no access to health facilities. Excessive political centralization and unjust exploitation of Aceh’s natural resources lie at the heart of the conflict. Military repression, massive human rights violations, and a high degree of impunity enjoyed by the security forces have additionally fueled discontent and resentment among the Acehnese. With membership surging in the late 1980s and 1990s, GAM was transformed into a genuine popular movement, posing an increasingly serious challenge to Jakarta in an escalating conflict. Table 1. Impacts of Civil War and the 2004 Tsunami on Aceh’s 4.2 Million People1 People or Housing Affected (number) Civil war Killed 15,000 Displaced in 1992–2002 1.4 million Displaced in 2003–04 120,000–150,000 Killed 131,000 Missing 37,000 Displaced or homeless, initial estimates 500,000–1 million Displaced or homeless, remaining2 more than 500,000 Dependent on food aid3 800,000 Damaged and destroyed houses 116,880 1 2003 census. 2 As of August 2005. 3 World Food Programme food recipients; food aid expected to continue through 2006. Military Business The Indonesian military has long been opposed to resolving the Aceh conflict through negotiations and appears at times to have undermined the fledgling peace efforts undertaken between 2000 and 2003. Economic interests explain this attitude. Since the 1950s, the business dealings of the security forces have grown substantially in all of Indonesia. Profits from legal and illegal ventures have supplemented the official defense budget and enriched military and police commanders. Some elements of the military in Aceh are involved in marijuana production and trafficking, prostitution, and extortion from individuals and businesses. Fishers have been forced to sell part of their catch, and coffee growers part of their harvest, at below market rates to the military, who in turn sell these at vastly inflated prices. One of the most lucrative sources of income for the military and police is illegal logging. (See Box.) Conflict has been a convenient cover for those plundering the region’s natural resources, and elements of the security forces have not shied away from orchestrating violence to justify a continued military presence in Aceh. Aceh’s natural treasures are under threat of rapid depletion. The Leuser Ecosystem—at 2.6 million hectares, almost the size of Belgium—is the largest remaining forest on Sumatra, straddling Aceh and North Sumatra provinces. At its heart is the 800,000-hectare Gunung Leuser National Park, part of a World Heritage Site since July 2004.The Leuser Ecosystem is a biodiversity hotspot, with some 700 different animal species and about 4,500 plant species. It is home to some 4 percent of all known bird species worldwide and to a rich range of wildlife, including endangered Sumatran tigers and rhinos, elephants, orangutans, hornbills, and cloud leopards. Leuser also has the world’s largest flower (Rafflesia arnoldi) and the tallest one (Amorphophallus tatinum). Aceh is rich in tropical hardwood trees like semaram, merbau, kruing, and meranti, which fetch a high price on international markets and make logging very lucrative. Of Aceh’s 5 million hectares of land, 2.7 million hectares are forested, with another 640,000 ha in tree plantations. The World Bank and the Indonesian government estimated in the late 1990s that 69 percent of Aceh’s total land area remained forested. This has declined to 62 percent since, however. Greenomics, an Indonesian environmental NGO, estimates that between 2002 and 2004, some 350,000 ha of forests have been lost, mostly due to illegal logging. Most of the deforestation has occurred in designated conservation zones. Deforestation continues also in Gunung Leuser Park. By 2002, 26 percent of Gunung Leuser Park had been destroyed, and a major planned road project could increase the portion of affected forest to 40 percent by 2010. Logging has caused a growing number of flash floods and landslides, sweeping away homes and destroying nearby rice fields. Since 2000, a total of 143 such incidents have been documented. Both the military and the police have been involved in illegal logging in Aceh,working in partnership with private entrepreneurs and levying fees on trucks that carry logs out of Aceh. Loggers pay the security forces for protection against prosecution. Rivalries among different units of security forces have at times apparently led to armed turf battles. The security forces also have a stake in oil palm and other plantations that are being set up on cleared forest areas. The military had been the dominant institution in Indonesia since the mid-1960s—a virtual state within a state. After the fall of the Suharto dictatorship in 1997, political reformers began the difficult task of loosening the military’s grip on Indonesian society. Reducing its power and making it more accountable is of great importance to the outcome of the Aceh peace process. A 2004 law requires the military to end its lucrative business ventures within five years, and Army chief General Endriarto Sutarto pledged to comply by 2007. Efforts have also been made to reduce the military’s direct political influence. The number of parliamentary seats allocated to representatives of the armed forces was first reduced from 75 to 38 in January 1999, then was abolished altogether. But in Indonesia’s restive provinces, the armed forces still hold considerable sway. Opening Aceh Disarmament is completed as GAM rebels hand the last six assault guns over to the Aceh Monitoring Mission AMM in Banda Aceh, December 21, 2005. The humanitarian emergency triggered by the tsunami provided a critical opportunity for change in Aceh—prying open the province, which was under martial law, to international scrutiny, promising an end to the security forces’ human rights violations and freedom from prosecution, and offering an avenue for ending the conflict. The military’s tight grip over Aceh slipped in the aftermath of the tsunami. For one, its system of control was largely washed away—military and police stations were destroyed or damaged, and many documents relating to martial law, including mandatory identity cards, were lost. Although hardliners were pressing to bar foreign relief personnel from Aceh, the huge scale of the catastrophe made the need for massive international assistance irrefutable. The tsunami shifted the political dynamic quite decisively, as Richard Baker of the East-West Center explains: “It provided a powerful and catalyzing shock; it produced a focus on common goals of relief, recovery and reconstruction; and it brought increased international attention.” With the eyes of the world trained on Aceh, both the government and the rebels were anxious to seize the high moral ground and not to be seen as sabotaging the peace process. Negotiating Peace President Yudhoyono came to power in 2004 committed to resolving the Aceh conflict. His government saw an opportunity to repair Indonesia’s international credibility, sullied by endemic corruption and the military’s reputation for brutality. For their part, the rebels had suffered significant military setbacks during martial law and they realized that negotiations were the only way to gain international legitimacy for their struggle. While not making aid directly conditional on conflict resolution, several donors, including Germany and Japan, made it clear to both sides that they expected progress in the peace negotiations so that reconstruction could proceed unimpeded. From January to July 2005, five negotiation rounds took place in Helsinki, mediated by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari. Low-level violence between the Indonesian army and GAM continued throughout the talks but did not derail them. But once GAM dropped its demand for Aceh independence in favor of autonomy, an agreement was reached fairly quickly and signed on August 15, 2005. Table 2 summarizes its major provisions. Both sides have so far fulfilled their responsibilities under the agreement, raising optimism among observers who were concerned that the peace deal might fall apart. There is genuine commitment on both sides, but some elements—military units, rebel warlords, pro-government militias, and criminals pretending to be rebels—would rather see the conflict continue due to ideological reasons or to maintain opportunities for lucrative drug smuggling, illegal logging, and protection rackets. Table 2. Selected Provisions of the Aceh Peace Agreement Human rights • A Human Rights Court and a Commission for Truth and Reconciliation will be established. • GAM members receive amnesty and political prisoners will be released. • Former combatants, pardoned prisoners, and affected civilians are to receive farmland, jobs, or other compensation. • GAM is to demobilize its 3,000 fighters and relinquish 840 weapons between 15 September and 31 December 2005. • Simultaneously, non-local government military forces are to be reduced to 14,700 and non-local police forces to 9,100. Political participation • Free and fair elections are to be held in April 2006 (for Aceh governor) and in 2009 (for Aceh legislature). • The government is to facilitate the establishment of local political parties (by amending the national election law) no later than January 2007. • Aceh is entitled to retain 70 percent of its natural resource revenues. • GAM representatives will participate in the post-tsunami Reconstruction and Rehabilitation Commission. • The European Union and ASEAN contributing countries establish an Aceh Monitoring Mission. It will monitor human rights, demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration progress and will rule on disputes. The Challenge in the Longer Run AMM personnel cut a GAM weapon during the decommissioning ceremony in Banda Aceh, December 21, 2005. Ultimately, the peace deal will need to deliver tangible benefits to members of GAM and anti-GAM militias, many of whom are unskilled and unemployed young men. Aceh’s unemployment rate stands at 27 percent. To provide livelihoods that can sustain peace, the economy will have to undergo a transition not only from short-term emergency aid to long-term recovery and from demobilizing combatants to reintegrating them into society, but also from the unsustainable exploitation of resources to a broader mix of economic activities. Aceh’s oil reserves are expected to be depleted by 2011, and its forests are rapidly being decimated. Given these pressures, the local economy must be transformed into one less dependent on the province’s natural resources and at the same time better able to provide secure livelihoods. Adapted from Michael Renner and Zoë Chafe, “Turning Disasters Into Peacemaking Opportunities,” in Worldwatch Institute, State of the World 2006 (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2006). Readers interested in sources for this text should consult the book chapter. All photographs courtesy of Michael Renner.	<urn:uuid:22c412a2-499d-4a5e-a1fc-38ce5f4103b7>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.59375, "fasttext_score": 0.018296658992767334, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.942852258682251, "url": "http://www.worldwatch.org/node/3930" }
Total Pageviews Sunday, May 4, 2008 Warner-Bratzler Shear Force Measurement Dave McKenna The tenderness of meat is one of the most important factors influencing palatability. Considerable research over the past century has focused on understanding all aspects of meat tenderness. To do this accurately a number of mechanical devices were developed to aid in accurately differentiating tenderness differences. The Warner-Bratzler shear measurement device is easily the most widely used and accepted method to determine the tenderness of meat. The basic theory and original design for the shear device was developed in 1928 by K.F. Warner, USDA research scientist. The original device was comprised of a thin steel blade with a circular hole in the middle, which would hold a meat sample, and a wooden miter box, which the steel blade would slide through. In 1932, L.J. Bratzler, a graduate student at Kansas State University, made a few modifications to the device to make it what it is today. Bratzler is credited with standardizing the equipment used for the Warner-Bratzler shear device. The thickness of the steel blade was standardized at 0.04 inches thick, the wooden miter box was replaced with a steel apparatus with a slot that allows the steel blade to pass through with a clearance of 0.005 inches, and the rate at which the sample passes through the device was standardized to nine inches per minute. The shape of the steel blade and the hole in the center were both changed to be triangular, and the points of the triangular hole were rounded. The sample size of the meat product being sheared was standardized to be a cylindrical core with a one-half inch in diameter, and a parallel fiber orientation. Advances in engineering and electronics have allowed the Warner-Braztler shear device to be adapted to computerized devices. Warner-Bratzler shear force values are the amount of force required to shear a one-half inch core of a meat sample, they are commonly reported in pounds or kilograms. What do these values mean? Initially, Warner-Bratzler shear forces values were used to establish differences in tenderness, that is a loin steak has a lower shear value (requires less pounds of force to shear) than a round steak. However, such comparisons did not determine if the loin steak was in fact “tender,” only that it was more tender than a round steak. Since then much work has focused on correlating Warner-Bratzler shear force values to consumer tenderness perceptions. Research conducted at Texas A&M University established tenderness threshold levels for Warner-Bratzler shear force values. For example, if beef loin samples had shear values of 7.0 lbs. (3.2 kg.) or less, researchers were 95% confident that consumers would find those steaks at least slightly tender. If the beef loin steaks had shear values of 8.6 lbs. (3.9 kg.), researchers were 68% confident consumers would find those steaks at least slightly tender. When these values were compared to consumer sensory data they found that a shear value of 10.1 lbs. (4.6 kg.) was 88% accurate at determining whether consumers would rate a steak at least slightly tough.	<urn:uuid:fbe99fd0-c255-4b90-9b80-6902f417d816>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.8125, "fasttext_score": 0.09253603219985962, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9629185199737549, "url": "http://ilmupangan.blogspot.com/2008/05/warner-bratzler-shear-force-measurement.html" }
Box girder From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to: navigation, search Drawing of bridge as rectangular tunnel supported by stone trestles in river below. The old Britannia Bridge with train track inside the box-girder tunnel. Section of the original tubular Britannia Bridge The patent curved and tapered box girder jib of a Fairbairn steam crane A box or tubular girder is a girder that forms an enclosed tube with multiple walls, rather than an I or H-beam. Originally constructed of riveted wrought iron, they are now found in rolled or welded steel, aluminium extrusions or prestressed concrete. Compared to an I-beam, the advantage of a box girder is that it better resists torsion. Having multiple vertical webs, it can also carry more load than an I-beam of equal height (although it will use more material than a taller I-beam of equivalent capacity). The distinction in naming between a box girder and a tubular girder is imprecise. Generally the term box girder is used, especially if it is rectangular in section. Where the girder carries its "content" inside the box, such as the Britannia Bridge, it is termed a tubular girder. Tubular girder is also used if the girder is round or oval in cross-section, such as the Royal Albert Bridge. Where a large box girder contains more than two walls, i.e. with multiple boxes, it is referred to as a cellular girder. Development of the box girder[edit] The theoretical basis of the box girder was largely the work of the engineer Sir William Fairbairn, with the aid of the mathematician Eaton Hodgkinson, around 1830, they sought to design for the most efficient beam possible in the new material of riveted wrought iron plates. Cellular construction[edit] Most girders are statically loaded such that one web is in compression, the other in tension. Fairbairn's original cranes used a cellular construction for the compression face for their jib, so as to resist buckling, this jib was curved, tapered and formed of riveted wrought iron plates. Three cells were formed inside the concave (lower) face of this girder, again of riveted plates.[1] Where a tubular girder is used as a bridge span (i.e. loaded in the centre rather than at one end, like a crane) the compressive force is in the top web of the girder and so the cells are placed at the top. Dynamic forces (moving loads, wind) may also require both faces to be cellular. (The preserved Britannia Bridge section shows that both top and bottom flanges were of cellular construction, but (according to Fairbairn) the cellular construction of the bottom flange was adopted , not because of the nature of the forces it had to withstand,[2]:206 but because of their magnitude and the consequent "practical difficulties which would have been encountered, had it been attempted to achieve the requisite sectional area in a solid mass")[2]:183 In some ways this isn't a "cellular girder" as such (compared to a spaceframe or geodesic construction) as the cells don't share loads from the entire girder, but merely act to stiffen one plate in isolation. Design of such complex integrated structures requires mathematical modelling techniques in advance of Fairbairn's day. Box girders in bridges[edit] Fairbairn's theoretical girder appeared at just the right time for the increasing demand for long railway bridges. Robert Stephenson engaged both him and Hodgkinson as consultants to assist with his Britannia and Conwy bridges, both of which contained the railway track within a large tubular girder. Shortly afterwards Brunel also chose to use a pair of small diameter round girders as part of a larger truss at Chepstow. However, although many of the longest-span railway bridges in use in the 1860s used tubular or box girders[3] Benjamin Baker in his Long-Span Railway Bridges was already dismissing the 'box girder with web plates' as 'the most unfavourable type for long-span railway bridges which it will be necessary for us to investigate'.[4] The Coronado Bay Bridge has the tallest box girder. Box girder bridges of shallow rectangular cross-section and aerofoil characteristics became extensively used in road bridges from the 1960s onwards, such as the Severn Bridge, being much lighter than the deeper truss-type girder construction used on previous bridges such as the Golden Gate Bridge. Safety concerns over box girder bridges[edit] In the early 1970s, a number of box girder bridges collapsed during construction: the Cleddau Bridge in Wales, West Gate Bridge in Australia and the Koblenz Bridge in Germany, these led to extensive studies of the safety of box girders and serious concern over their continued use. This was also an early use of computer modeling and a spur to the development of finite element analysis in civil engineering. See also[edit] 1. ^ Fairbairn, William (1856). Useful Information for Engineers. London: Longmans. p. 283. 2. ^ a b Fairbairn, William (1849). An account of the construction of the Britannia and Conway tubular bridges. London: John Weale. 3. ^ William Humber (1870). A Comprehensive Treatise on Cast and Wrought Iron Bridge Construction, Including Iron Foundations: Text. I (3rd ed.). Lockwood and Company. pp. 90–91. -reproducing a table from the first edition of Benjamin Baker's 'well-known little treatise on Long Span Bridges' 4. ^ Baker, Benjamin (1873). Long-Span Railway Bridges (2nd ed.). London: E. F. Spon. p. 8.	<urn:uuid:8020f604-4c46-4ba3-a533-fbd704d1b90a>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.671875, "fasttext_score": 0.04829496145248413, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.936555027961731, "url": "https://wikivisually.com/wiki/Box_girder" }
31 January 2015 CBSE-NCERT Solution : The Making of Regional Cultures CBSE NCERT Class VII (7th) \| Social Studies \| History Chapter : The Making of Regional Cultures CBSE NCERT Solved Question Answer Q1 How can one trace the developments of regional cultures? What we understand as regional cultures today are often the product of complex processes of intermixing of local traditions with ideas from other parts of the subcontinent. As we will see, some traditions appear specific to some regions, others seem to be similar across regions, and yet others derive from older practices in a particular area, but take a new form in other regions. Q2 When and where was the Chera kingdom established? The Chera kingdom of Mahodayapuram was established in the ninth century in the south-western part of the peninsula, part of present-day Kerala. Q3 Which language was spoken in this region? Q4 Who introduced this language? The rulers introduced the Malayalam language and script in their inscriptions. Get to know about The Making of Regional Cultures (Ncert / Cbse Solutions & Revision Notes), Chapter Summary- Development of Regional Culture, Regional Art Forms, Bengali Culture,CBSE / NCERT Revision Notes, CBSE NCERT Class VII (7th) \| Social Studies \| History, CBSE NCERT Solved Question Answer, CBSE NCERT Solution.Q5 Which other language did the Cheras follow? Q6 Name the work of literature that is based upon both the languages i.e. Malayalam and Sanskrit. Q7 Where is Jagannath Temple? In Puri in Orissa Q8 How can you say Jagannath was a local god? qTo date, the local tribal people make the wooden image of the deity, which suggests that the deity was originally a local god, who was later identified with Vishnu. Q9 Who got the Jagannath Temple constructed? One of the most important rulers of the Ganga dynasty, Anantavarman Q10 Who dedicated his kingdom to Lord Vishnu? King Anangabhima III dedicated his kingdom to the deity and proclaimed himself as the “deputy” of the god. Q11 Why did the Mughals, the Maraths and the officials of the East India Company try to control the temple? They felt that this would make their rule acceptable to the local people. Q12 What name was given by the British to the region that constitutes most of present-da Rajasthan? Q13 How did Rajputs influence the culture of Rajasthan? From about the eighth century, most of the present-day state of Rajasthan was ruled by various Rajput families. Prithviraj was one such ruler. These rulers cherished the ideal of the hero who fought valiantly, often choosing death on the battlefield rather than face defeat. Q14 What sources have been used to know about the rich and royal traditions of the Rajputs? Stories about Rajput heroes were recorded in poems and songs, which were recited by specially trained minstrels. These preserved the memories of heroes and were expected to inspire others to follow their example. Ordinary people were also attracted by these stories – which often depicted dramatic situations, and a range of strong emotions – loyalty, friendship, love, valour, anger, etc. Q15 How did Kathak evolve as a dance form? The term Kathak is derived from Katha, a word used in Sanskrit and other languages for the story. The kathaks were originally a caste of story-tellers in temples of north India, who embellished their performances with gestures and songs. Kathak began evolving into a distinct mode of dance in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries with the spread of the Bhakti movement. The legends of Radha-Krishna were enacted in folk plays called rasa lila, which combined folk dance with the basic gestures of the kathak story-tellers. Q16 Name the two gharans of Kathak. One was in the courts of Rajasthan (Jaipur) and the other in Lucknow. Q17 Who was the major patrons of Kathak? Under the patronage of Wajid Ali Shah, the last Nawab of Awadh, it grew into a major art form. By the third quarter of the nineteenth century it was firmly entrenched as a dance form not only in these two regions, but in the adjoining areas of present- day Punjab, Haryana, Jammu and Kashmir, Bihar and Madhya Pradesh. Emphasis was laid on intricate and rapid footwork, elaborate costumes, as well as on the enactment of stories. Q18 What are miniature paintings? Miniatures are small-sized paintings, generally done in water colour on cloth or paper. The earliest miniatures were on palm leaves or wood. Q19 Name a few Mughal Emperors who patronized the miniature paintings. The Mughal emperors Akbar, Jahangir and Shah Jahan patronized these paintings. Q20 What led to the spread of the miniature paintings to the different parts of the Indian sub-continent? With the decline of the Mughal Empire, many painters moved out of the courts of the emerging regional states. As a result Mughal artistic tastes influenced the regional courts of the Deccan and the Rajput courts of Rajasthan. Q21 What is Basohli? A bold and intense style of miniature painting is called Basohli. This form of painting developed in the foothills of Himalayas around the present day Himachal Pradesh. We know much more about the cultural practices of rulers than about those of ordinary people because ordinary women and men painted as well – on pots, walls, floors, cloth – works of art that have occasionally survived, unlike the miniatures that were carefully preserved in palaces for centuries. Q23 From which language has Bengali been derived? Bengali been derived from the Sanskrit. Q24 How did Sanskrit reach Bengal? From the fourth-third centuries BCE, commercial ties began to develop between Bengal and Magadha (south Bihar), which may have led to the growing influence of Sanskrit. During the fourth century the Gupta rulers established political control over north Bengal and began to settle Brahmanas in this area. Thus, the linguistic and cultural influence from the mid-Ganga valley became stronger. In the seventh century the Chinese traveler Xuan Zang observed that languages related to Sanskrit were in use all over Bengal. Q25 How can we say that the modern day Bengali is a mixed blend of many languages? Although Bengali is derived from Sanskrit, it passed through several stages of evolution. Also, a wide range of non-Sanskrit words, derived from a variety of sources including tribal languages, Persian, and European languages, have become part of modern day Bengali. Q26 Into how many categories can the early Bengali be divided into? Early Bengali literature may be divided into two categories – one indebted to Sanskrit and the other independent of it. The first includes translations of the Sanskrit epics, the Mangalakavyas and Bhakti literature such as the biographies of Chaitanyadeva, the leader of the Vaishnava Bhakti movement. The second includes Nath literature such as the songs of Maynamati and Gopichandra, stories concerning the worship of Dharma Thakur, and fairy tales, folk tales and ballads. Q27 Who is a Pir? Pir is a Persian word meaning a spiritual guide. Q28 Why were temples built in Bengal? Bengal witnessed a temple-building spree from the late fifteenth century, which culminated in the nineteenth century. The temples and other religious structures were often built by individuals or groups who were becoming powerful – to both demonstrate their power and proclaim their piety. Many of the modest brick and terracotta temples in Bengal were built with the support of several “low” social groups, such as the Kolu (oil pressers) and the Kansari (bell metal workers). The coming of the European trading companies created new economic opportunities; many families belonging to these social groups availed of these. As their social and economic position improved, they proclaimed their status through the construction of temples. Q29 What are the important architectural features of the temples of Bengal? When local deities, once worshipped in thatched huts in villages, gained the recognition of the Brahmanas, their images began to be housed in temples. The temples began to copy the double-roofed (dochala) or four-roofed (chauchala) structure of the thatched huts. This led to the evolution of the typical Bengali style in temple architecture. In the comparatively more complex four-roofed structure, four triangular roofs placed on the four walls move up to converge on a curved line or a point. Temples were usually built on a square platform. The interior was relatively plain, but the outer walls of many temples were decorated with paintings, ornamental tiles or terracotta tablets. In some temples, particularly in Vishnupur in the Bankura district of West Bengal, such decorations reached a high degree of excellence. Q30 What is Brihaddharma Purana? Brihaddharma Purana, a thirteenth-century Sanskrit text from Bengal, permitted the local Brahmanas to eat certain varieties of fish.	<urn:uuid:50a5eda5-cd5d-4f73-a8dd-372c60ccfc88>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.796875, "fasttext_score": 0.31747907400131226, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9571847319602966, "url": "https://www.tetsuccesskey.com/2015/01/making-of-regional-cultures-CBSE-NCERT-Solution.html" }
HSL, HSB and HSV color: differences and conversion If you are here you've probably heard of HSL, HSB or HSV color models. They are nothing more than transformations of RGB values. Simple equations are used to convert from RGB to HSL and HSV color. HSB is exactly the same as HSV, but HSL is slightly different as explained below. Because they are both based on RGB, they are also meant to be used to represent color in digital devices. This article explains the basic definitions involved (no previous knowledge on color theory is assumed) and shares the equations to convert between them. Why did they bother creating color models that represent the same colors RGB already could? Although RGB is perfect for machines, it is not very human-friendly. HSL and HSV color models were created as a more convenient way for us to specify colors in software. HSB / HSV color cilinder H stands for Hue and S stands for Saturation in all cases. Hue is usually a number between 0 and 360 that represents the angle in the color wheel (a hue wheel, that is). The B in HSB stands for Brightness and the V in HSV for Value, which are exactly the same: the perception of the ammount of light or power of the source. Both Saturation and Brightness/Value are given as a real number between 0 and 1 or as a percentage. Playing around with the HSB fields of a color picker is probably the easiest way to understand these intuitive concepts. HSL cilinder HSL is slightly different. Hue takes exactly the same numerical value as in HSB/HSV. However, S, which also stands for Saturation, is defined differently and requires conversion. L stands for Lightness, is not the same as Brightness/Value. Brightness is perceived as the "amount of light" which can be any color while Lightness is best understood as the amount of white. Saturation is different because in both models is scaled to fit the definition of brightness/lightness. Because HSB/HSV and HSL are just representations of an RGB color model, it's useful to define their parameters in terms of RGB coordinates. Converting to and from RGB is straighforward using the simple equations provided. Converting from RGB to HSB/HSV To convert from RGB to HSB use: Where and are in the [0,1] range. M and m are the maximum and minimum of R,G and B respectively: That is, take the maximum between R,G and B and divide it by 255 (normalize it) to get Brightness. If the three RGB components are the same and we have a shade of gray so Hue is undefined. In software these colors could be assigned any Hue but usually zero (red) is asigned. mod360 is added for the case where is negative, in which H should be which is positive and represents the same position in the color wheel. Converting from RGB to HSL In HSL, Hue is defined in the same way as in HSB/HSV, Lightness is the average of the largest and smallest RGB components and saturation depends on Lightness: Converting between HSB/HSV and HSL HSL to HSB and HSB to HSL equations are easy to derive from the equations above for HSL and HSB components in terms of R,G and B. Because , from the equation for we have . Substituting these into the RGB-to-HSL equations we get the equations to convert directly from HSB to HSL: B and S values should be in the range [0,1]. The process described above for HSB/HSV to HSL color conversion is roughly the same for converting the other way around. The equations for converting from HSL to HSB/HSV color in the [0,1] range are: 1. Hi Jose, this is a great post. Short and to the point, and very helpful. Thanks alot! Doing photo editing I was really confused and thought hue and saturation was additional information to RGB. Now I get that they are the same thing on a different scale. 2. I dont know if its my problem or all its working, maths aren't my best, but... I got s and b in the range 0-100, with this I get the L in the range 0-1, L values in css are a percentage thanks anyway, that help me a lot. 3. Converting between HSB/HSV and HSL S_{hsl} = (BS_{hsb}) / (1-\|2L-1\|) L = .5B(2 - S_{hsb}) in the equation for S_{hsl}, is the L so posed to be a B, or is the equation for L performed first? Leave a Reply	<urn:uuid:3c300eb5-6884-4600-828a-0003f27baa43>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.640625, "fasttext_score": 0.39752137660980225, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9435153603553772, "url": "https://codeitdown.com/hsl-hsb-hsv-color/" }
Thursday, March 18, 2010 Planisphere...a must have tool for star gazing What is a planisphere..."...a star chart analog computing instrument in the form of two adjustable disks that rotate on a common pivot. It can be adjusted to display the visible stars for any time and date. It is an instrument to assist in learning how to recognize stars and constellations." How to use...and how to make... And from Bill Ashworth in the Linda Hall Library Newsletter... Philippe La Hire, a French astronomer and mathematician, was born Mar. 18, 1640. In 1705, La Hire published two large celestial planispheres, or circular maps of the stars and constellations. The circumstances behind these maps are quite obscure. We don't know how La Hire compiled the data for the charts, and whether he had a role in designing the constellation figures. He well could have drawn them himself, since he was the son of a prominent artist, and trained as an artist as a young man. But the legend on the charts says they were "mis au jour," or "brought into the light," by Nicolas de Fer, as if they had been lying in some dark cupboard awaiting discovery. De Fer was a prominent engraver and cartographer, so he may have had a role he had in designing the charts—we just don’t know. But whatever their origin, they are gorgeous. Go to Philippe de La Hire 1 comment: Timothy said... i am quite sure Art Bell could explain all of him	<urn:uuid:c70c15d6-f5f4-4d2b-b44b-48241752bb15>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.515625, "fasttext_score": 0.037470996379852295, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9735116958618164, "url": "http://philosophyofscienceportal.blogspot.com/2010/03/planispherea-must-have-tool-for-star.html" }
1. Acting or producing effectively with a minimum of waste, expense, or unnecessary effort: an efficient builder; an efficient factory. 2. Acting directly to produce an effect: the efficient cause of the revolution. 3. Causing less waste or requiring less effort than comparable devices or methods. Used in combination: energy-efficient wind turbines; cost-efficient health care. [Middle English, from Old French, from Latin efficiēns, efficient-, present participle of efficere, to effect; see effect.] ef·fi′cient·ly adv. 1. functioning or producing effectively and with the least waste of effort; competent 2. (Philosophy) philosophy producing a direct effect; causative [C14: from Latin efficiēns effecting] efˈficiently adv (ɪˈfɪʃ ənt) 1. performing or functioning effectively with the least waste of time and effort; competent; capable: an efficient secretary. 2. satisfactory and economical to use: a more efficient air conditioner. 3. producing an effect, as a cause; causative. 4. using a given product or resource with maximum efficiency (used in combination): a fuel-efficient engine. [1350–1400; Middle English (< Middle French) < Latin efficient-, s. of efficiēns] ef•fi′cient•ly, adv. syn: See effective. 1. 'effective' We need effective street lighting. Simple antibiotics are effective against this virus. She was very effective in getting people to communicate. 2. 'efficient' Engines and cars can be made more efficient. Be Careful! ThesaurusAntonymsRelated WordsSynonymsLegend: Adj.1.efficient - being effective without wasting time or effort or expense; "an efficient production manager"; "efficient engines save gas" 1. Producing or able to produce a desired effect: 2. Acting effectively with minimal waste: فَعَّالكُفء، قَدير، ماهِرناجِع، فَعّال áhrifaríkur, skilvirkurhæfur, skilvirkur hiệu quả [ɪˈfɪʃənt] ADJ 1. [person, manager] → eficaz, eficiente; [method, remedy, product, system] → eficaz; [service, company, organization, army] → eficiente to be efficient at doing sthser eficiente a la hora de hacer algo 2. (esp Mech, Phys) [machine] → de buen rendimiento [ɪˈfɪʃənt] adj [person] → efficace; [method, means] → efficace; [machine, car] → d'un bon rendement adj personfähig, tüchtig; system, machine, company, organizationleistungsfähig; car, engine (= powerful)leistungsfähig; (= economical)sparsam, verbrauchsarm; servicegut, effizient (geh); methodwirksam; way, userationell; work is organized in the most logical and efficient waydie Arbeit wird so logisch und rationell wie möglich organisiert; to be efficient in or at (doing) somethingetw gut können; she’s efficient at dealing with difficult customerssie kann gut mit schwierigen Kunden umgehen; the body is remarkably efficient at dealing with such thingsder Körper wird mit diesen Dingen bemerkenswert gut fertig; they are less efficient at turning sunlight into electricitybei der Umwandlung von Sonnenlicht in elektrischen Strom sind sie weniger effektiv [ɪˈfɪʃnt] adj (person) → efficiente; (remedy, product, system) → efficace; (machine, car) → che ha un buon rendimento (iˈfiʃənt) adjective 1. (of a person) capable; skilful. a very efficient secretary. 2. (of an action, tool etc) producing (quick and) satisfactory results. The new lawn mower is much more efficient than the old one. efˈficiently adverb efˈficiency noun فَعَّال výkonný effektiv leistungsfähig αποδοτικός eficiente tehokas efficace djelotvoran efficiente 効率的な 효율적인 efficiënt effektiv skuteczny eficiente эффективный effektiv ซึ่งมีประสิทธิภาพ etkin hiệu quả 效率高的 a. eficaz; eficiente; adv. eficientemente. References in classic literature ? Inquiries next morning brought the information, from the head of a rubber exporting firm with whom the professor was acquainted, that the Spaniard was regularly engaged in transporting parties into the interior, and was considered efficient, careful and as honest as pos- sible, considering the men he engaged as workers. The business end of the funeral of the late Sir Dalliance the duke's son of Cornwall, killed in an encounter with the Giant of the Knotted Bludgeon last Tuesday on the borders of the Plain of Enchantment was in the hands of the ever affable and efficient Mumble, prince of un3ertakers, then whom there exists none by whom it were a more satisfying pleasure to have the last sad offices performed. And neither did any legislature, or city council, come forward to the task of giving the people a cheap and efficient telephone service. Full browser ?	<urn:uuid:1ad56c83-00ab-41b5-985e-4aa80d358032>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.515625, "fasttext_score": 0.9169850945472717, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.8277434706687927, "url": "https://www.thefreedictionary.com/efficient" }
A Blog by Round about now, in various US states, a vast swarm of cicadas will start crawling out of the ground. These black-bodied, red-eyed insects have stayed underground for 13 or 17 years, drinking from plant roots. When they greet daylight for the first time, they devote themselves to weeks of frenzied sex and cacophonous song, before dying en masse. They’ll be picked off by birds, snagged by squirrels, and crunched under shoes and tyres, but none of that will dent their astronomical numbers—which is perhaps the point of their lengthy underground stints, and their synchronous emergence. But the cicada’s weird lifestyles have also left them with a different legacy. It involves the bacteria that live in their bodies, and it’s so weird that when John McCutcheon first discovered it, he thought he had made a technical error. Many insects carry bacteria inside their cells. These ‘endosymbionts’ are especially common among sap-sucking bugs, like cicadas, and help their hosts to make nutrients that they can’t get through their food. They almost always have exceptionally tiny genomes. Once they get inside insect cells, they become isolated from other bacteria and restricted to small populations. This deprives them of opportunities for shuffling or acquiring genes, and allows harmful mutations to build up in their DNA. One by one, their genes break and disappear, leaving them with shrivelled minimalist genomes. McCutcheon is one of a small cadre of scientists who, over the past 15 years, have deciphered the weird genomes of many insect symbionts. When he started his own lab at the University of Montana, he decided to look at Magicicada tredicim—one of the periodical 13-year species. He did the usual thing: he dissected out the organs where the bacteria live, pulled out their DNA, cut it into fragments, sequenced the pieces, and used a computer to assemble those portions into a coherent whole. Except, it didn’t work. The sequences just wouldn’t assemble neatly. It was as if someone had taken several similar but incomplete jigsaw puzzles, and jumbled all the pieces together. “It was just such a mess,” he says. “I thought it was something technically wrong but I couldn’t figure out what.” Perplexed, he moved on to a different cicada—a South American species called Tettigades undata. There, he found yet more weirdness. It contained a bacterium called Hodgkinia, which had somehow split into two distinct species inside its insect host. As I wrote last year, these daughter species are like two halves of their ancestor. They’ve each lost different genes so that individually, each is a pale shadow of the original Hodgkinia, but collectively, they complement each other perfectly. When McCutcheon worked out what was going on in T.undata, he suddenly realised what was happening in the 13-year cicada. It also contained Hodgkinia symbionts that had split into separate lineages—and not just two. Graduate students Matthew Campbell and James Van Leuven eventually showed that the DNA from this cicada’s symbionts form at least 17 distinct circles. It’s not clear if each of these represents a Hodgkinia chromosome, or an entire Hodgkinia genome on its own, but at least four of them are found in distinct cells You can see this in the images below, where the blue, green, purple, and orange dots all represent cells that have just one of the 17 circles. Hodgkinia cells in cicada tissue. Credit: Campbell et al, 2015. PNAS. As in the earlier discovery, these circles complement each other; they share sets of genes for making nutrients that matter to the host, but none of them has the full complement. They’re also found in other species of periodical cicadas. And they might just be the tip of the iceberg: the team could confidently identify 17 circles, but the insects likely harbour many more. “If I had to guess, I’d say there’s between 20 and 50,” says McCutcheon. “It’s incredible. It’s a mess.” From Hodgkinia’s point of view, one lineage has clearly split into several, and irreversibly so. “That’s the baseline definition of speciation,” says McCutcheon. “It’s happening in an asexual population, but the lineage has fractured and it’s not going back.” But if you take the cicada’s perspective, the collective symbionts are still doing the same thing as the original. And while they parcelled their genes into separate cells, the total amount of bacterial DNA has increased. Each part became smaller, but collectively, their genome got bigger. So are the Hodgkinia circles different species or lineages? Is the Hodgkinia genome the total of the circles in a single cicada, or does each distinct lineage have its own genome? It’s really hard to say. “The problem is that when we write a paper, we have to use words, and words mean something,” says McCutcheon. “It is very hard to put labels on this stuff, and I will not just give this a new name willy-nilly, because I don’t think we understand it well enough.” There are other mysteries too. The cicada also has another bacterial symbiont called Sulcia, which shows no sign of this ridiculous fragmentation. There’s just one Sulcia and it’s the same in all cicada cells. Why has this microbe stayed whole, while its neighbour rent itself asunder? No one knows. A reasonable guess is that Hodgkinia evolves much faster than Sulcia, and more quickly builds up mutations that disable its genes. Also, why has Hodgkinia fractured into many lineages within cicadas, when other insect symbionts have not in their respective hosts? McCutcheon thinks the answer lies in the insects’ long lives. Most sap-sucking bugs are lucky to make it past their first birthday. They lead short, fast lives, and if their symbionts developed detrimental mutations, they and their hosts would be weeded out by natural selection. Cicadas, by contrast, can live for 2 to 19 years, and for most of that time, they’re barely moving or growing. During those slow years, their symbionts aren’t that important, and are free to build up detrimental mutations without affecting their hosts or falling foul of natural selection—at least, not in the short term. The long-term outlook may not be that rosy. Partnerships with microbes often furnish animals with incredible and valuable skills—in this case, the ability to drink plant sap without becoming deficient in important nutrients. But with great opportunity comes great risk. Once host and bacterium become dependent on each other, they can enter into a kind of symbiotic trap—or, as Nancy Moran puts it, they could jointly “spiral down the symbiosis rabbit hole”. Take Hodgkinia. If it continues to fragment and degenerate, it—they?—may eventually be unable to sustain the cicada. “It just looks like it’s going off the rails,” says McCutcheon. “It’s like watching a train wreck or a slow-motion extinction event. It makes me think differently about symbiosis.” Reference: Campbell, Van Leuven, Meister, Carey, Simon, and McCutcheon. 2015. Genome expansion via lineage splitting and genome reduction in the cicada endosymbiont Hodgkinia. PNAS http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1421386112 9 thoughts on “The Slow-Motion Symbiotic Train Wreck of the 13-Year Cicada 1. Ed — First, thanks as always for your wonderful writing. Second, I was confused by the final argument. During the “slow years” when the cicadas are “barely moving or growing”, what they are mostly doing is sucking up nutrient poor sap and subsisting on that. Since what the Hodgkinia is doing for the cicadas is providing them with “the ability to drink plant sap without becoming deficient in important nutrients” surely any mutation that prevented (or substantially impeded) Hodgkinia from doing that “incredible and valuable” job would mean curtains for the individual cicada carrying it (or substantially reduced reproductive success). 2. I understand these relationships between microbes and their hosts. I was shocked to discover in the last few days here in Jonesboro, Illinois, a cicada I’ve never seen before. They are white! Is this a genetic mutation, or could it be something else in the life cycle that makes them this color? 3. After reading the article, I began to wonder if the findings could be interpreted from a different angle. What if Hodgkinia has fractured into 17 different lineages in order to deal with some environmental stress? Perhaps the arrangement where nutrient-making activities are divied up between different types of the bacteria offers some survival advantage to both the bacteria and the host 4. “They are white! Is this a genetic mutation, or could it be something else in the life cycle that makes them this color?” Likely one that had just shed its last nymphal exoskeleton and was still pale before the new exoskeleton sclerotized. 5. SP: they key point is that Hodgkinia (and Sulcia) make amino acids, which are important at all times but are especially important when organisms are putting on mass. Long-lived cicadas stop putting on much mass for a number of years, but they still need to maintain their symbionts for the next generation. It may be this period that’s important, or it may just be that in long-lived cicadas Hodgkinia undergoes more rounds of genome replication, and so more mutations accumulate. Or perhaps both. Billy Dean: check out these images from Alex Wild, do any of these cicadas look like the ones you saw? 6. How does colonization happen in the first place? I assume they are inherited, like mitochondria in an egg, but could cicada sex be preventing further deterioration somehow? 7. This is a great article although the first use of the word “circles” threw me. Yeah, what makes a species a species and how DO you write a paper on a hot mess? Wild stuff. I wonder if certain fragments of Hodgkinia are only found in certain organs, and, if so, whether having certain proteins synthesized in certain places allows them to remain almost in stasis, prolonging their buggy lives. 8. I’ve seen a lot of comments on this research (and I’m a collaborator through http://www.magicicada.org), and I think it’s important to stress a few things: First, we are at the early stages of this discovery, and while such “fragmentation” could be a bad thing for the parties involved in this symbiosis, it could also be a good thing– or at least something that works in favor of one party. For instance, any organism that plays host to a variety of internal symbionts needs some way to keep them under control- so it’s possible that the fragmentation of the Hodgkinia is part of a “divide and conquer” strategy that benefits the host cicadas. If so, that hypothesis prompts a whole series of interesting tests and modeling of coevolution. Secondly, there are seven species of periodical cicadas, and they are all doing roughly the same thing. The most basal split in the lineage is several million years ago, so under the assumption that ancestry is the source of their common internal architecture, this odd internal arrangement seems fairly stable. Thirdly, longitudinal studies on the development of internal diversity have not been conducted, but if that diversity is generated de novo each generation by the accumulation of mutations in the Hodgkinia, than that should be demonstrable, given some time, a shovel (nymphs live underground but are easy to find), and patience. Lastly, if it is true that internal symbiont diversity is a product of long life cycle, then given that there are two life cycles in the periodical cicadas, the 17-year species might be expected to have greater internal diversity than the 13-year species– given allowances for those species (e.g. M. neotredecim) that have undergone relatively recent life cycle switches. There are some fairly explicit predictions buried in all this, so it’s just a matter of working them out and getting the data– not always easy with periodical cicadas. 9. Circles because Bacteria have circular DNA structure. For anyone else confused on the mention of Circles. If this happened to any other organism with a more complicated DNA structure like Mammals. It would probably take decades to figure out what had happened when the DNA was being sequenced. Leave a Reply to Wilson Malone Cancel reply	<urn:uuid:3a6406c1-8030-42ab-a294-ff2d7933ce34>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.640625, "fasttext_score": 0.3112620711326599, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9493334293365479, "url": "http://phenomena.nationalgeographic.com/2015/05/18/the-slow-motion-symbiotic-train-wreck-of-the-13-year-cicada/?replytocom=2462512" }
Problem: According to Daniel 5:31, the kingdom of Belshazzar fell to the invading armies, and Darius the Mede took over as king. However, modern scholars have rejected the historical accuracy of the Book of Daniel. They argue that there never was a Darius the Mede, since there is no mention of such a person in ancient documents. Is this an error in Daniel’s historical account? Solution: Like the historical record of Belshazzar, which modern scholars questioned until archaeological evidence vindicated Daniel’s accuracy, Daniel has again recorded the existence of a man that other ancient historical documents omit. Some modern scholars claim that the author of Daniel mistakenly thought that the Medes conquered Babylon instead of the Persians. They claim that this author then confused Darius I, king of Persia (521–486 b.c.) with the conqueror of Babylon and identified this figure as Darius the Mede. However, there is no reason to assume that the Book of Daniel is in error. Darius the Mede is a different person from Darius I of Persia. Darius the Mede was a subordinate to Cyrus the Great. Cuneiform texts refer to Darius the Mede as Gubaru who was appointed by Cyrus to be governor over all of Babylonia. The tendency to deny the historical accuracy of Daniel simply because there is currently no corroborating historical information stems from the antisupernatural bias of modern scholarship. Daniel’s historical record has proven to be a reliable source of information. See All Problems	<urn:uuid:469ef9ae-8437-4db1-9514-4aeb8fca1e9e>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.546875, "fasttext_score": 0.16712415218353271, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9341892600059509, "url": "http://defendinginerrancy.com/bible-solutions/Daniel_5.31.php" }
Definition of destrier in English: Pronunciation /ˈdɛstrɪə//dɛˈstriːə/ • A medieval knight's warhorse. • ‘The weapon had a pointed metal tip that, with the speed and weight of a destrier behind it, could run a man through in spite of shield and chainmail as easily as a knife slid through butter.’ • ‘But, despite all his sensible arguments against it, as soon as duties permitted, he found himself on the back of his destrier, making the long and difficult journey to Netherby.’ • ‘In her ground-breaking work on the medieval warhorse, Ann Hyland notes the importance of ‘destriers [warhorses], coursers, rounceys, palfrey and packhorses’.’ • ‘However, the one demonstration he excelled at was portraying a knight's destrier (the Latin term for a warhorse).’ Middle English: from Old French, based on Latin dextera ‘the right hand’, from dexter ‘on the right’ (because the squire led the knight's horse with his right hand).	<urn:uuid:0c5329ce-57e3-4244-948d-7ac9ead183bc>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.578125, "fasttext_score": 0.018463969230651855, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9431314468383789, "url": "https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/destrier" }
Creativity demands that we should approach a problem on its own terms and look for a multiplicity of ways of looking at it and a multiplicity of ways of solving it. We are not taught that. Instead, we are taught that there are clear constraints on thinking. When confronted with a problem, we are taught to analytically select one approach, excluding all others and work within a clearly defined logical direction to solve the problem. We are taught Aristotelian logic which is black or white thinking reasoning. For example, it states that identity is “either this or that.” A = A or A is not A. Look at a chair. A chair is either a chair or it is not a chair. It must be one or the other. It cannot be both according to the constraints of logic. Yet suppose I take a wooden chair and gradually dismantle it … take a leg off, break off a bit of the back, cut away half of the seat, and so on. At what point exactly does it cease being a chair and start becoming a heap of wood? The point cannot be determined because the chair has no power to define itself. Nor is there any ideal chair form that magically appears when all the wood is arranged a certain way at a definite point in its assembly. Only your mind can make the distinction between the chair and a heap of wood. There are no systems of thinking, no logical rules, no steps or procedures, and no decision trees that can help you decide when to cease calling it a chair or to begin calling it a pile of wood. Look at the rotating pink dot in the illustration below. The dot is either a pink dot or it is not a pink dot. Yet, if you look at the black + in the center, then the moving dot will turn green. Now, stare at the black + in the center of the picture … really concentrate on it. After you concentrate your focus on the + for a little while, all of the pink dots will slowly disappear, and you will only see a green dot rotating. This, of course, is not logical. Dots cannot change colors and dots cannot disappear right before your eyes. The Green Dot The illustration used in this exercise was developed by M Bach & JL Hinton ©2005. This illustrates one difference between a logical person and a creative person. Ask a logical person to identify the pattern and the person will identify it as a pattern with a rotating pink dot. A creative person, on the other hand, will identify the pink dot and then will look at the pattern in many different ways to find all of the different colored dots and patterns.	<urn:uuid:125d47ef-0256-4f56-8bfa-d851ee2b5466>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.515625, "fasttext_score": 0.04514569044113159, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9528437852859497, "url": "https://creativethinking.net/the-green-dot/" }
Five Minute Study Guide \| Joseph Conrad – Almayer’s Folly Joseph Conrad’s career spanned several decades from the end of the 19th century to the 1920’s, but his career would often be as tumultuous and rough as the seas many of his works are set upon. Almayer’s Folly was the first of his many novels, but it would nevertheless capture many of the themes that he would later build upon, such as the breaking down of European illusions, most often promulgated by Romance and adventure novels that gave them all the agency, and none to the native populations. The novel tells the story of Almayer, a European trader living in the Malay archipelago is Southeast Asia. He was married his mentor’s adopted Sulu daughter and hopes to one day be his heir, but his mentor, Lingard, has already skipped to Europe at the beginning of the novel because of lost money. Almayer nevertheless wants to gain a fortune anyway, so he employs a local Balinese ruler, Maroola, to help him find gold. However, as Almayer’s optimism grows, it soon becomes apparent that Maroola and his daughter Nina are in love and, as the Dutch arrive to arrest Maroola for trying to overthrow the their colonial rule over the island, he runs away with his daughter. Almayer will soon find out his chances of achieving some sort of prominence are virtually lost, but as he comes in contact with Nina one more time, he will try to convince her to come back to him, but his efforts are for the most part in vain. Now, just like his former mentor Lingard, Almayer will soon find himself destitute and broken, with the demons of opium and death gradually creeping up on him. For all the criticism that Conrad receives for his treatment of the East as an artistic palette for Western Concerns, for his apparent racism of native peoples, for his romanticizing of exotic locales, as well as for his subversive view of moralism, Almayer’s Folly was actually a watershed book that forever changed the European view of colonialism. The novels of Robert Louis Stevenson, Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe, and perhaps even Sir.H. Rider Haggard’s King Solomon’s Mines begin like Almayer’s Folly does–with distant but exciting promises of resources, of an inherited amount of capital awarded through hard work, faith and adventure. But things in Conrad’s world are not quite as they seem. Conrad wants to set up this facade of romance to entice the reader, but then provide his hero with a series of events that will betray him, or perhaps subvert the reader’s original hopes. Just by doing so, Conrad undermines the Western project of colonial and resource-based imperialism by giving more agency to the counteracting forces. Maroola, for example, is not exactly a PC portrayal of a Balinese chief, but he is granted power that few Romance authors would otherwise give him, and the power he is granted is enough to cause the books pre-emptive narrative to collapse. I also want to talk about just what exactly a euro-centric view entails. More than just a flag-waving expression of patriotism, Western thought has a sense of futurity to it that say, Balinese thought would not have. Almayer can envision a future where his riches will be had and his life will be happy, whereas many locals, fighting for the last acreage of land, must live day by day. As a westerner, he has a relatively strong amount of security, but it also leaves him ignorant to those operating out of immediacy. His daughter, marooned between two different lands, is much more enamored by young love and the impulse, by the immediacy that comes with colonial life. This leads me to talk about the concept of sublimity, something that many theorists have discussed time and again. Basically, the “sublime” is this idea that something, most likely the forces of nature, become personified or animated to the point that they overwhelm the human observer. Conrad will implement this a lot in his own fiction, and I will argue that this force that he wants to portray is in fact an argument against colonialism often confused for racism. The ideals of the Western World, be they Adam Smith’s capitalism or Rudyard Kipling’s White Man’s Burden, are not only Western by ideal but Western by setting. The forces that leave Almayer destitute go against the ideals of individual enterprise, especially through adventure. There is a great irony to Nina’s endeavors, too. By rebelling against her father, she achieves what he cannot. The most enticing ideals of Romance, at least in this novel, is their Romance, their union, and not Almayer’s individual gain. In the novel, the house he tries to build, symbolic of his enterprise and the general European presence, erodes and rots. Conrad’s symbolism is rich and detailed, but such an image is one of the most poignant, as it mimics a narrative we soon realize will never be fulfilled. Of course, Almayer’s Folly did not gain as much popularity as Heart of Darkness of Lord Jim, two novels that expand upon the themes he introduced. However, it must be noted that this novel was the first of many radical challenges to the Western Romance, or the adventure novel. This has ironically caused confusion among contemporary readers of Conrad, who disregard his message because of his own penchant for the exotic. The fact is is that he knew the adventure novel was fantastical, so he used it, its utopian images, the way that it indiscriminately made areas European, jungles blank slates upon which white gold barons could plunder. Much like GI Joe celebrates warfare, for example, adventure novels promoted colonialism with much indifference. Conrad’s first of many novels, on the other hand, began his decades-long project of having the exotic lands and its people talk back. One thought on “Five Minute Study Guide \| Joseph Conrad – Almayer’s Folly Leave a Reply You are commenting using your account. Log Out / Change ) Google+ photo Twitter picture Facebook photo Connecting to %s	<urn:uuid:0debd067-0d82-476e-9c82-26cb10b59d60>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.53125, "fasttext_score": 0.026724636554718018, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9765428900718689, "url": "https://qwiklit.com/2014/05/13/five-minute-study-guide-joseph-conrad-almayers-folly/" }
Q1. Artistic growth in the twelfth - Expert Answers Q1. Artistic growth in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries gave rise to the ______________ style in art and architecture. a. Romanesque b. Germanic c. Gothic d. neoclassical Q2. Medieval philosophy represents a series of attempts to reconcile a. church and state. b. man and God. c. faith and reason. d. body and soul. Q3. Like learning, art in the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries was centered in the a. town and village. b. court and monastery. c. pilgrimage and Crusades. d. home. Q4. The initial expressed purpose of the Crusades was to a. gain control over trade routes. b. recover the Holy Land. c. convert the Muslim world to Christianity. d. expand European power in the Middle East. Q5. By the early thirteenth century the most powerful figure in medieval Europe was a. the pope. b. the Holy Roman emperor. c. Charlemagne. d. Constantine. Q6. The purpose of the rich and elaborate design and decoration of medieval cathedrals was to a. frighten common people into obeying the Church. b. teach people spiritual truths through physical sensations. c. provide a place to hide the Church's physical wealth. d. all of the above. Q7. In his writings, Marco Polo describes the legendary Chingis-Khan (Ghengis Khan) as a(n) a. ignorant man. b. man of great integrity, wisdom, and valor. c. man totally dependent on his advisors. d. tyrant. Q8. The Play of Daniel is an example of liturgical drama that should be understood as a. an isolated artistic creation. b. comedy. c. both tragedy and comedy. d. both music and drama. Q9. In the long run, the Crusades proved a. a great success. b. a qualified success. c. an enormous failure. d. the superiority of European military power. Q10. Medieval sculpture and stained glass are highly a. abstract. b. symbolic. c. naturalistic. d. stylized. Q11. The eleventh and twelfth centuries in Europe were characterized by a. a general humanizing trend in religion. b. a renewal of a strictly imposed code of religious discipline. c. a new secular consciousness. d. all of the above. Q12. The romance was a. a long narrative poem. b. a short play. c. an instrumental musical piece. d. the dominant literary form in medieval France. Q13. Poet-composers who worked and entertained in the courts of southern France were called a. proven?als. b. barforms. c. troubadours. d. matadors. Q14. The plot of a medieval romance often hinges on a conflict between a. human and divine love. b. the knight's loyalty to his lord and to his lady. c. the Church and the secular ruler of the state. d. the lady's love for her husband and for her lover. Q15. Minnedienst was a code of conduct centered on a. loyalty to the monarch. b. fealty to courtly love. c. the effort to imitate Christ. d. rejection of all material things and pleasures. Q16. Which statement best describes Dante's political philosophy? a. The pope, as God's regent, should exercise ultimate political power. b. Because a free society was necessary to the life of ideas, democracy was the ideal form of government. c. A strong monarch was necessary to prevent disorder and to limit the power of the Church. d. The republic, as embodied by Rome, was the ideal form of government. Q17. The law of Dante's hell is the law of a. the jungle. b. the excluded middle. c. inverse punishment. d. symbolic retribution. Q18. Dante's Divine Comedy is best described as a a. tragedy. b. spiritual epic. c. comedy. d. religious parody. Q19. __________________ music is music sung or played in more than one part. a. Diphonic b. Monophonic c. Mulitphonic d. Polyphonic Q20. Like many Gothic cathedrals, the cathedral of Notre Dame at Chartres paid homage to a. Jesus Christ. b. the Virgin Mary. c. Pierre Chartres. d. Saint Denis. Q21. The ancient empire of Ghana was based on trade in a. slaves with Europeans. b. slaves with Muslims. c. gold with Europeans. d. gold with Muslims. Q22. The importance of the Neolithic Revolution to human history lies in the a. creation of stable food supplies, leading to population growth. b. development of cities and the specialization of occupations. c. flowering of art and literature. d. establishment of a standing army, leading to warfare and the building of empires. Q23. Stone Age groupings were characterized by a. hunting and gathering economies. b. small, settled farms. c. small towns ruled by local elites. d. early forms of monarchy. Q24. ________________ played a key role in sponsoring Portugal's exploration of Africa. a. Prince John b. Prince Henry c. Prince Philip d. Prince William Q25. Which statement is the best general description of African societies prior to contact with Europeans? a. The continent was politically, culturally, and ethnically unified. b. The major economic system was based on trade with Asia via east Africa. c. The continent was ethnically diverse and exhibited a wide range of political and economic systems. d. The entire continent had an economy based on hunting and gathering, although it had a number of diverse political systems. Q26. In contrast to the patterns of most Western societies, in Africa ______________ dominated agricultural production. a. men b. women c. priests d. traders Q27. In Willem Bosman's "New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea," the rulers of Guinea treated the poor a. with a sense of humor. b. harshly. c. charitably. d. with indifference. Q28. The systematic exploration of Africa by Europeans began in the ______________ century. a. tenth b. fifteenth c. seventeenth d. nineteenth Q29. Between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries, more ______________ came to the Americas than did people of other lands. a. Africans b. South Asians c. Europeans d. East Asians Q30. African culture tends to view time in a way that stresses the importance of a. the past. (circularity) b. the present. c. the future. d. punctuality. Q31. In the Yoruba myth of creation, Obatala forbids his worshippers to drink a. goat?s milk. b. Bantu water. c. spring water. d. palm wine. Q32. The most common form of poem in African tradition is the a. labarai. b. riddle poem. c. blessing. d. praise poem. Q33. There are more than ______________ African languages, representing four major language families. a. 100 b. 1,000 c. 2,500 d. 5,000 Q34. A very important feature of African religions is belief in the spiritual vitality of the natural world, known as a. voodoo. b. animism. c. transubstantiation. d. teleology. Q35. In the epic Sundiata, Sogolon Djata crawls on all fours until at the age of seven he stands for the first time with the help of a. baobab leaves. b. an iron rod. c. a bow. d. a bolt of lightning. Q36. Yoruba masqueraders, who sing "iwi" poems such as "Children," serve as a. fertility symbols. b. links between the living and the dead. c. love objects. Q37. The religion of the Hausa of northern and southern Nigeria is a. tribal. b. Islam. c. Christianity. d. Judaism. Q38. A griot is a. a long, epic story of romantic love. b. the oldest women in any given village. c. a legal manuscript detailing the traditions of a community. d. an official poet-historian. Q39. Hausa is a linguistic term describing the peoples of _______________ who speak Hausa as their first language. a. South Africa b. West Africa c. East Africa d. North Africa Q40. In the Darasa myth on the origin of death, humans choose death in exchange for a. wealth. b. free will. c. fire. d. reason. Q1. Chinese architecture has been described as a. human-centered. b. ostentatious. c. religiously motivated. d. simple and easily constructed. Q2. Buddhism spread rapidly throughout China after the close of the Han dynasty because a. the Mongol rulers strongly encouraged the foreign religion. b. native religions were ruthlessly suppressed. c. traditional Chinese religions emphasized belief in an afterlife. d. political upheaval encouraged a religion of peace and resignation. Q3. Which statement about Confucianism is correct? a. The word Confucianism was first used by Romans. b. It is based on the ideal of inner balance. c. It is based on the ideal of outer beauty. d. Its ideal society is one in which rank is based on birth, not on merit. Q4. In the Chinese language, every written sign is a a. letter. b. word. c. sentence. d. paragraph. Q5. The central teaching of Daoism is a. the belief in an all-powerful, rational creator god. b. abandoning oneself to the natural rhythms of the universe. c. seeking and following a balanced path through life. d. the belief in sin and personal salvation through prayer and good works. Q6. Early Chinese religion was based on worship of a. ancestors and local gods. b. sacred animals. c. an unseen creator god. d. the Middle Path. Q7. The ______________ was by far the favorite subject for Song Chinese painters. a. nude female b. landscape c. emperor d. military battlefield Q8. Chinese nobility during the Shang and Zhou dynasties were expected to act in accordance with a. love. b. honor. c. virtue. d. duty. Q9. One basic difference between Western art and African art is that African art is not a. visually appealing. b. colorful. c. classified into "fine arts" and crafts. d. poetic. Q10. The two parts, or sections, that are most important in African music are a. brass and vocals. b. drums and vocals. c. drums and brass. d. brass and strings. Q11. One of the first European artists to be inspired by African art was a. Mondrian. b. Matisse. c. Picasso. d. C'zanne. Q12. The combination of animals represented on the kponiugo, or fire-spitting mask, represents the a. dangers of the jungle. b. qualities of a brave warrior. c. possessions of the tribe. d. chaos of primordial times. Q13. A Yoruba priest foretells the future and interprets the secret body of poems called "odu" using a. a Mambunda mask. b. an Ifa divination tray. c. a crystal ball. d. consecrated bones. Q14. The constant element in African art and life could be defined as a tension between a. good and evil. b. order and disorder. c. man and woman. d. nature and society. Q15. The Bakongo charm figure is thought to embody supernatural power. Objects such as these used in magical practices are called a. fetishes. b. charms. c. mumbo-jumbos. d. poltergeists. Q16. Equestrian figures are especially prominent in a. East Africa. b. the Western Sudan. c. the Congo. d. South Africa Q17. In the excerpt from The Bodhisattva, the bodhisattva's offer is similar to that of a. Jesus. b. Muhammad. c. Buddha. d. Krishna. Q18. The first people who brought the entire Indian subcontinent under their political control were the a. Aryans b. Mauryans. c. Greeks. d. Guptas. Q19. The basic unit of organization in Indian society is the a. temple. b. castle. c. village. d. caste. Q20. The term Aryan properly refers to a. a linguistic classification. b. a set of political and cultural beliefs. c. an ethnic group. d. all of the above. Q21. In the middle of the fifth century the Gupta empire was invaded by the a. Goths. b. Aryans. c. Vandal. d. Huns. Q22. Dharma refers to a. conformity to the law. b. belief in rebirth after death. c. the accumulated record of many lives. d. All of the above. Q23. The ______________ initiated what is generally considered to be the classical age of Indian culture. a. Mauryans b. Aryans c. Guptas d. Persians Q24. The ______________ is one of the best-known literary works from India. a. Analects of Confucius b. Quran c. Epic of Sundiata d. Bhagavad Gita Q25. Dharma, reincarnation, nirvana, yoga, and karma are terms associated with a. Hinduism. b. Islam. c. Judaism. d. Shinto. Powered by	<urn:uuid:3280b222-b0f0-4a3e-8d6c-e193feb69d8b>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.5, "fasttext_score": 0.1593436598777771, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.7632089853286743, "url": "https://sellfy.com/p/rRQB/" }
The main players - Macarthur, Bligh and Johnston John Macarthur (1767 - 1834) John Macarthur arrived in New South Wales in 1790 as an officer in the NSW Corps. He was an ambitious and forceful young man who was attracted by the possibility of wealth and promotion, which the NSW Corps offered. Two years later, the colony came under military rule with the departure of the first Governor, Arthur Phillip. Officer-in-Charge of the Corps, Francis Grose, took over as Lieutenant Governor. He appointed Macarthur paymaster and Inspector of Government Works, giving him control over a significant portion of the Colony’s resources. Grose also gave Macarthur generous land grants and he and his wife established Elizabeth Farm at Parramatta. The Macarthurs were enthusiastic farmers and were particularly keen to start a profitable wool trade. They were soon the biggest landholders in the colony and were earning a good profit by selling produce to the government store. Macarthur developed a reputation for being outspoken, ambitious and argumentative where his own interests were concerned. He even sent complaints about the Governor John Hunter’s administration (1795-1800) direct to the Secretary of State in London. Hunter, who was the Colony’s second Governor, was recalled in 1801 and was replaced by Philip Gidley King (1800-1806). King soon clashed with Macarthur over the amount of influence Macarthur held in the colony. When Macarthur was involved in a duel, King lost no time in sending him back to England to stand trial. Thanks to influential patrons, the trial collapsed and Macarthur returned to NSW. While in England, Macarthur showed samples of wool from his Sydney flock to cloth traders. They were favourably reviewed and Macarthur sought support for a colonial wool industry to be led by himself. The British cloth market was desperate for new sources of wool as prices had risen sharply due to the Napoleonic Wars. Macarthur managed to convince the authorities to allow him to resign his commission in the NSW Corps in order to devote himself to the NSW wool industry. On his return to Sydney, he presented Governor King with an official order to grant him 5000 acres of land in the Cowpastures – the largest land grant ever given to a single person. The location of the grant was not specified, though Macarthur wanted it at the Cowpastures - the finest land yet discovered in the Colony. King granted the land there only provisionally, and requested confirmation of the grant from London. Before this could be given, however, King was recalled to London. His successor, William Bligh, arrived in 1806. William Bligh (1754 - 1817) William Bligh was a naval officer. He had been master of the Resolution on Captain Cook’s third Pacific voyage, later working on trading ships and in 1787 he was appointed commander of HMS Bounty. The Bounty was to sail to Tahiti to gather breadfruit to establish an industry in the West Indies – a scheme devised and underwritten by Sir Joseph Banks, who became a strong supporter of Bligh. Bligh had a reputation for tough, sometimes harsh leadership. This contributed to unrest and dissatisfaction amongst some of his men and they rose up against him, leading to the infamous mutiny on the Bounty. A court-martial later acquitted him of any wrongdoing, and he continued his naval career, although his short temper continued to antagonise his crews and gave Bligh a reputation for tyranny. In 1805, Joseph Banks recommended Bligh for the post of Governor of NSW, replacing Philip Gidley King. Bligh arrived to find the colony in a terrible state. Convict labour was in short supply, floods had ruined the crops and livestock of settlers in the Hawkesbury and the monopoly on trade by the NSW Corps and a small handful of traders made life very difficult for the average citizen. Bligh came into conflict almost immediately with John Macarthur over his land grant, with Bligh threatening to remove Macarthur from the Cowpastures. Macarthur’s haughty and belligerent manner and the new Governor’s quick temper and rigid adherence to his instructions led to lasting animosity between the two men. Bligh was determined to carry out his duties to the letter. He issued laws banning all forms of barter using spirits and outlawed illegal stills. He tightened port regulations to control the flow of rum into the colony. He also questioned the validity of property leases of several prominent citizens, including Macarthur. They were angered by his interference and became more and more hostile towards Bligh. Bligh’s new port restrictions also affected Macarthur who was by now part owner of several trading ships. When an escaped convict was discovered on one of Macarthur’s ships, the crew was detained on board ship as punishment. Macarthur reacted by disowning the ship, rather than supporting his crew, forcing them to come ashore illegally to seek food and other necessities. Bligh took Macarthur to trial over the incident. Macarthur was enraged and claimed that Bligh was depriving him and his circle of their right to liberty and property. On 25th January 1808, the trial began before Judge-Advocate Richard Atkins and a jury of six NSW Corps officers. After a rallying speech from Macarthur, the officers on the jury refused to recognise Atkins’ authority and would not serve with him. The next day, Bligh indicated he intended to charge the officers with treason, a capital criminal offence. Their commanding officer, Major George Johnston, was informed of Bligh’s charges. George Johnston (1764 - 1823) George Johnston had arrived in the colony in 1788 with the First Fleet and is said to have been the first of the newcomers to set foot in the new colony. By 1800 he was commanding officer of the NSW Corps during the long and frequent absences of Lieutenant-Colonel William Paterson. Johnston was proud of his position and defensive of the honour of the NSW Corps. He argued with several Governors, including Bligh, whom he felt meddled in the administration of the military. When Bligh threatened six of his officers with treason Johnston determined that the removal of these officers from duty would lead to an uprising by the soldiers and that Bligh needed to be removed from office for his own safety and for the good of the Colony.	<urn:uuid:bf75ac20-5ce4-4461-b9d5-6e4abf9fe930>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.546875, "fasttext_score": 0.04646784067153931, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9785516262054443, "url": "http://legalanswers.sl.nsw.gov.au/stories/terra-australis-australia/main-players-macarthur-bligh-and-johnston" }
Thursday, 8 March 2018 Who is smarter the Mouse or the Gruffalo? This week in Room 4 we have been looking at character descriptions. We decided to write a description of the Mouse from the story of The Gruffalo. In the story he is a sneaky, crafty creature who outsmarts the animals of the woods. We were writing these for younger children who might have read the book already. Here are some examples of our descriptions... #1 W.A.L.T: Use language appropriate to the purpose and audience #2 W.A.L.T: use a range of interesting sentence starters Image result for the mouse from the gruffalo The Scariest Animal in the Woods Living in the deep dark woods, there lives a teeny, tiny mouse, who seems like any ordinary mouse. It was his pink, round ears and his soft brown fur that makes him look like all the other mice. He has very sharp hearing and can hear every little noise in the forest, so he can be ahead of all his predators. Even though he has sharp hearing he has to be alert all the time. Every animal thinks that he is a small, easy meal but no one knows that he is a very deceitful and mischievous mouse. He can outsmart all the animal in the forest with one of his plots. He can also think of an idea in a blink of an eye without any hesitation. He walks like a pro with a his pink, long tail slithering behind him like a snake catching his prey. Although he is the smallest animal in the deep,dark woods, his mind makes him the scariest creature in the deep, dark woods. By Tanisha & Dafu Great job Tanisha and Dafu, you have used lots of interesting adjectives that will suit the younger audience. Try to use the sentence starters so you have more variety. The Mischievous Mouse description Living in the deep, dark wood, is a small, smart, little mouse. If you spot him tip toeing in the creepy woods, you would think that he’s a cute and innocent mouse. But, he is actually a quick thinking, brainy creature. While his feet are teeny and weak, his ears are as enormous as saucers. Unlike all of the other animals, he has a brain as huge as an elephant and as active as a computer. His tail is like a skinny worm that follows him wherever he goes. As he strolls through the forest, he meets animals along the, that want to eat him. But instead of falling for ther sneaky tricks, he outsmarts them. Though this mouse is as miniature as a pea, he is as clever as a mastermind! He is a little mischievous chocolate chip! All of the animals think that this mouse is the slyest creature in the deep dark wood. By Alessandra and Reva Well done Alessandra and Reva, you have used lots of interesting describing words and entertaining similes. Try to use the sentence starters to help you have more variety. The Expert MasterMind Living in the deep , dark woods there lived a tiny , cheeky, sneaky , little mouse. All animals have said that he is small and puny but even the gruffalo is afraid of his clever schemes. Unlike his minuscule , mini feet he has ears as big as satellites. Even though his body is microscopic he has a brain like no other. While some animals think that he is fast food he is actually a quick thinking genius. While he strolls through the woods his tail is like a snake sweeping the floor. It was his duty to avoid his doom. After scaring of all the predators now he is the scariest of them all. Now the pocket sized mouse rules the whole forest. By Tareeq and Prianka I really liked the way you used so many interesting adjectives to help entertain your audience. Try to avoid repeated sentence starters.	<urn:uuid:a1b8d335-fd45-4300-a9e8-022061a00897>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.671875, "fasttext_score": 0.24758148193359375, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9795138835906982, "url": "http://room4hds2018.blogspot.com/2018/03/who-is-smarter-mouse-or-gruffalo.html" }
Brief Description: Bird with body length about 62 cm. The colour of the plumage is characteristically black that is iridescent when it is illuminated by direct sunlight. Its beak is dark as well and solid, the feathers at the lower part of the neck are raised, while the tail feathers end up in a cuneate shape. Its voice is deep and hoarse and it produces several and brief croaks. Bibliography: BirdLife International (2004). Birds in Europe. Population Estimates, Trends and Conservation Status. NHBS. Beaman M. and Madge S., (1998). The Handbook of Bird Identification for Europe and the Western Palearctic. Princeton University Press. Particular Features: Class: Passeriformes Family: Corvidae Genus Form: Corvus corax Common name: Common Raven Spread: It is spread in the whole Europe, except for the central part and the largest part of France and Germany, Asia and Africa. Protection regulations: General Category:	<urn:uuid:63bdb053-1a20-431a-aee1-e66e3999436a>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.640625, "fasttext_score": 0.020145654678344727, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.8274351954460144, "url": "http://www.mouseio-kozanis.gr/silen/in.php?om=5&ipm=22&kod=527" }
Ice Polygons and Other Follygons April 01, 2005 Apice copy Provided by: John A. Adam, Old Dominion University Summary author: John A. Adam The above photo was taken near Norfolk, Virginia on a cold, clear morning (-10 degrees C or 14 F) in early February 2005. These ice polygons had formed in a quiet little tidal backwater, with concrete boundaries between the water and the road. My first instinct was that they had formed as a result of slow convection in the water below the ice, but upon further investigation, it appears that the polygonal boundaries may have occurred as a result of the wave-ice interaction. So-called flexural-gravity waves can break up ice sheets into floes, though usually on larger length scales than are present here. This is entirely possible since the boundary was in the approximate shape of a rectangular enclosure, and wave reflections might account for the sometimes hexagonal-looking patterns. There's also a phenomenon known as pancake ice, but the patterns associated with these ice floes are more circular than the ones pictured above (see link below). Unlike the irregular polygons above, a related pattern is more difficult to explain. Notice the amazingly consistent array of regular, almost square cells in this disk, and the small protuberance near the top of the picture, and the irregularities to the left. What could have caused such a fascinating pattern? In view of the lack of recognizable features in the background, it's difficult to estimate the size of the object. Further speculation is pointless, although it is tempting to waffle that pancake ice may be involved, but in the spirit of scientific discovery, this puzzle of nature is left to others to decipher. Related Links:	<urn:uuid:8ac9d078-d35d-4ab7-9323-f97b08f6a557>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.5625, "fasttext_score": 0.13968700170516968, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9639415740966797, "url": "http://epod.usra.edu/blog/2005/03/ice-polygons-and-other-follygons.html" }
The Latin form of the Greek Βάκχος, a surname or epithet of Dionysus. The name Bacchus originated in the fifth century BCE and refers to the loud cries with which Dionysus was worshiped at the Dionysiac mysteries, the so-called orgia. This form of worship turned into occasions for licentiousness and intoxication and became popular in Rome around 200 BCE. The Dionysiac mysteries in Rome, called the Bacchanalia, became increasingly extreme whereupon the Roman Senate decided to prohibit them in 186 BCE. Even though they were officially suppressed, illicit Bacchanals persisted, particularly in southern Italy. Through his association with festivals and entertainment, Bacchus also became a god of the theater. It should be noted that Livy, who is the principle Roman source on the Bacchanalia, offers a rather biased and unlikely account of the Bacchanals. • Bulfinch, Thomas. (1898). The Age of Fable. Philadelphia: David McKay, p. 306. Livy. The History of Rome v, 39. Murray, Alexander S. (1935). Manual of Mythology. New York: Tudor, pp. 16, 86, 128.	<urn:uuid:b8f6ad5b-5122-4f4c-8e46-2a0408eb5a0a>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.609375, "fasttext_score": 0.058387577533721924, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9154967665672302, "url": "https://pantheon.org/articles/b/bacchus.html" }
English Short Story, Moral Story “Struggles of our Life” Story for kids, Primary Class,Class 9,Class 10 and Class 12 Struggles of our Life Turning to her, he asked. Daughter, what do you see Potatoes, eggs and coffee, she hastily replied. Look closer, he said, and touch the potatoes. She did and noted that they were soft. Father, what does this mean she asked? He then explained that the potatoes, the eggs and coffee beans had each faced the same adversity-the boiling water. However, each one reacted differently. The potato went in strong, hard and unrelenting, but in boiling water, it became soft and weak. The egg was fragile, with the thin outer shell protecting its liquid interior until it was put in the boiling water. Then the inside of the egg became hard. However, the ground coffee beans were unique. After they were exposed to the boiling water, they changed the water and created something new. Which one are you he asked his daughter. When adversity knocks on your door, how do you respond Are you a potato, an egg, or a coffee bean Leave a Reply	<urn:uuid:fdf152cb-d4ab-47ae-9d8d-916a9380afcc>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.53125, "fasttext_score": 0.13147234916687012, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9868819713592529, "url": "https://www.notesera.com/2017/08/21/english-short-story-moral-story-struggles-of-our-life-story-for-kids-primary-classclass-9class-10-and-class-12/" }
main article image tobacco hornworm - Daniel Schwen/Wikimedia commons Plant Spines Are a Defensive Win Against Threats Big And Small 21 JUN 2017 Plants evolved thorns, prickles, and spines to avoid being chomped on by the sensitive lips and tongues of large mammals. At least, that's what we assumed. In the face of conventional wisdom, researchers have discovered for at least some species of plant, growing spiky bits isn't just to discourage large herbivores; they can also protect their leaves from becoming a caterpillar's lunch. Scientists from the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology Zurich and the University of North Carolina made the discovery while studying Carolina horsenettle plants (Solanum carolinense) in a previous experiment on plant inbreeding. They noticed that the numbers of spines and hair-like structures called trichomes on the plant increased after being nibbled on by a moth larva called a tobacco hornworm (Manduca sexta). "That made us think that these spines could also have [an] additional function than what we have been taught," ecologist Rupesh Kariyat told Christie Wilcox at Quanta Magazine. For the record, while they might serve similar purposes, not all sharp parts of a plant are quite the same: thorns are derived from new shoots, spines are modified leaves, and prickles lack the vascular tissue of shoots and leaves, and are extensions of the epidermis. (So if you really want to make friends and influence people, correct someone the next time they say roses have thorns by telling them they are actually prickles.) While there is plenty of evidence showing that long spines deter larger herbivores from eating a plant, the idea that spines might put off something with a tiny mouth seemed somewhat preposterous. Wouldn't the caterpillars just crawl straight over them? They sure did. Which, it turned out, was the secret to how the spines worked. The researchers used a variety horsenettle that had few spines, stripping plants of all but their top leaves before timing how long it took caterpillars to race to the top. They did the same thing with a variety of horsenettle that grew more spines, and compared the times. Next, they trimmed down the number of spines from the more spiky variety so they matched the smoother plants, and repeated the experiment. Lastly, the researchers replaced the plants with related species with different densities of spine growth. In those trials the researchers timed how long it took for the tobacco hornworm larvae to eat all of the leaves. In some trials the researchers replaced the caterpillars that fell from the leaves, while in others they left them to find their own way back up. Not only did the spines interfere with their times, forcing the caterpillars to take longer to climb up the plants, they also made it harder for the tiny herbivores to hold on. In fact, in trials where fallen caterpillars weren't returned to their leaves, plants without spines were stripped within a day, while those with spines were barely half-eaten. The research shows that along with other forms of defence, spines can play a role in reducing the fitness of the caterpillars, making them more vulnerable to predators or even interfering with later developmental stages such as pupation. None of this is to categorically state that the plants evolved the spines for the purpose of kicking off caterpillars. Even the researchers think their discovery shows an added benefit, not a primary driver. "We think that spines evolved against mammalian herbivores," said Kariyat. But the fact plant spikes might affect tiny consumers as well as big ones could help us understand how these defences developed in the first place. Several plant species that sprouted on land during the Devonian period more than 400 million years ago had spines in spite of there being no large herbivores around to worry about. While there is speculation that these ancient prickly parts might have helped increase surface area or provide some sort of support or cohesion, it's possible that they were also to keep creepy-crawlies down to a minimum. Given so most of the current research on spiny plant defences is concerned with large animals, the study could stir up interest in how smaller herbivores are affected. "If you look in the literature about spinescence in plants, there are about 150 to 200 papers about mammalian herbivory, but you see only two or three, maybe four, on insects," Kariyat told Wilcox. Maybe it's time to look a lot closer at the little guy. This research was published in Biology Letters.	<urn:uuid:78670b29-fadf-4a09-97e1-d25cfe9945c1>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.765625, "fasttext_score": 0.4472266435623169, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9686508178710938, "url": "https://www.sciencealert.com/researchers-have-found-plant-spines-are-also-a-pain-for-caterpillars" }
How Bowling Speed is calculated in Cricket Matches Cricket is called the game of gentlemen. In this game; bowling, fielding and batting are equally important. There are many fast bowlers (like Shoaib Akhtar, Brett Lee, Shane Bond, Malcolm Marshall and J. Thomson) in the world, who are famous for their bowling speed. Shoaib Akhtar of Pakistan was the fastest bowler who threw the ball at the speed of the 161 km/hour. But now question arises that how the speed of the ball is measured. In this article, readers will come know that which techniques are used to know the pace of cricket ball. In the game of cricket, primarily two methods are used to measure the speed of ball: A. Speed Gun or Radar Gun B. Hawk Eye Let’s read in detail about the Speed Gun; A. Speed Gun Technology: Measuring the velocity of the ball through Radar Guns or Speed Guns is like measuring the speed of the moving car. This technique was discovered in 1947 by "John Baker". Speed gun works on the principle of Doppler Effect. This Speed Gun has a receiver and a transmitter. The Speed Gun is placed on a high pillar near the Sight screen, from which Speed Gun sends radio wave in the direction of the pitch and calculates the speed of any object on the pitch. Radar Gun, which works on a similar principle of SONAR, catches the echo of Radio waves as the ball travels through the air, and uses a principle called "Doppler Shift". The information obtained through Speed Gun is inserted into image processing software, which identifies the ball between other objects on the pitch and displays the speed of the ball. Image source: The major advantages of Radar Guns or Speed Gun techniques are: 1. Radar Gun or Speed Gun calculates the exact speed of the ball because it measures the speed of the rotating ball without any error. 2. As soon as the ball passes in front of the Radar Gun, it immediately records its speed. This is the reason that whenever a bowler throws the ball in any cricket match, its speed detail is displayed on the screen immediately. Note: Radar Guns or Speed Gun technique was discovered to measure the speed of service of players in Lawn tennis, whereas this technique was first used in cricket in 1999. B. Hawk Eye Hawk Eye is a computer system that is officially used in Tennis, Cricket, Football and various other sports. The inventor of this technique is a British citizen named “Dr. Paul Hawkins”. This technique was first used in the cricket in 2001. Hawk-Eye technology was originally invented for tracking brain surgery and missile. Hawk-Eye technology is accurate within the 5 millimeters of its range. It is usually considered as a trusted tool to have a second opinion in the sports. Hawk Eye is referred as a technology to measure the speed of ball as the way it is bowled. This technology uses 6 cameras to get the speed data of the ball. It then calculates the data to track the ball path since the ball leaves the hand of the bowler until the ball stops. This technology displays the information about the speed and direction of the ball in the 3D format. Apart from this, Hawk-Eye technique helps the third umpire to make decisions related to LBW, because this technique provides information about whether the ball was actually in the line of stump when it hit the batsman's pad. Image source: Hawk-Eye Innovations The key benefits of Hawk Eye Technology are: 1. Through this technique, the precise speed and direction of the ball is assessed because the ball is clearly seen by Hawk Eye technology. 2. Hawk Eye technology is bale to measure the direction and swing of the ball simultaneously. 3. With the help of this technology; it can be said that whether the ball is hitting the stumps or not. 4. Apart from all of the above benefits this technique can ensures the legality (15 degree angle) of the ball also. So the use of modern technology is ensuring the transparency in the games. I am hopeful that as the use of technology will increase in the sports it will increase the interest of the games. I am hopeful that use of more and more technology in the games, will increase the interest of the games. When a chess player is called Grand Master? Related Categories	<urn:uuid:64abb74b-ab09-4c00-95f9-cf67921574a6>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.53125, "fasttext_score": 0.7026180028915405, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9414923787117004, "url": "https://m.jagranjosh.com/general-knowledge/amp/how-bowling-speed-is-calculated-in-cricket-matches-1526538382-1?ref=main_detail" }
The Dene people (also known as South Slavey) historically and contemporarily inhabit the Northwest Territories and parts of Northern British Columbia and Yukon Territory. Living off the land, our ancestors hunted and trapped, built canoes out of moose hides and wood, and practiced traditional artisanship like beading and quillwork. Acho Dene Koe made contact with European settlers in the 18th century, initially building a relationship around trade. When Alexander Mackenzie subsequently began exploring the region, contact with Europeans increased. Fort Liard IndiansIn 1859, the Fort Liard Mission was founded by Father Zephirin Gascon, an oblate missionary of Mary Immaculate. The impact of missionaries and the Grey Nuns who inhabited the area lives on to this day; the original Mission building stands as part of Fort Liard’s history, and the influence of the nuns on arts and crafts is reflected in popular contemporary patterns like flowers, birds, and animals. In the past, the Acho Dene Koe have been referred to by various names, the most common name is Fort Liard, or the Fort Liard Band, in reference to the Hudson Bay Company fort located in the center of Acho Dene Koe territory. Following the establishment of the Fort Liard Mission, the Acho Dene Koe traditional economy involved the hunting of moose and caribou, trapping of smaller animals, fishing and gathering plant goods for barter and trade. While often referred to as “traditional practices” these activities continue to be performed by contemporary members of Acho Dene Koe First Nation. In recent times, the history of the Acho Dene Koe community parallels the changes brought to northern Canada after the signing of Treaty 11 and the arrival of resource seekers including traders, miners, and more recently, oil and gas developers. Today Acho Dene Koe First Nation leadership is committed to preserving our history, culture and the traditional practices of our people in response to increased industrial development in the territory.	<urn:uuid:7ff0c019-8be7-4243-87ae-e6c4b087705f>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.546875, "fasttext_score": 0.08149856328964233, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.952935516834259, "url": "http://www.adkfirstnation.ca/community/our-story/our-history/" }
Also known as Pallas's warbler it is one of the smallest warblers; at 9?10 cm long and 4?7 g weight it is slightly smaller than a yellow-browed warbler and barely any larger than a goldcrest. Overall, it has greenish upperparts and white underparts, but is very striking, with prominent pale yellow wingbars on the tips of the greater and median coverts, bold yellow supercilia and central crown stripe, and a lemon-yellow rump. It is not shy, but its unobtrusive arboreal lifestyle makes it difficult to observe. It is constantly in motion, and often hovers briefly like a Goldcrest. Habitat and Distribution It breeds in coniferous taiga and mountain forests. It breeds in southern Siberia (from Novosibirsk Oblast east to Magadan Oblast), northern Mongolia, and northeastern China. It is strongly migratory and winters mainly in subtropical southern China and northeastern Indochina, but also in small numbers in western Europe. Like most warblers, is insectivorous. The nest is built in a tree, usually next to the trunk at 0.5?10 m above ground; four to six eggs are laid, hatching after 12?13 days, with the chicks fledging when 12?14 days old. Calls and Songs Its song is a medley of whistles, with some phrases reminiscent of a canary ; the call is a short chweey.	<urn:uuid:f4b9b76a-caa4-4b01-8066-68c561a1b852>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.59375, "fasttext_score": 0.37041908502578735, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9495312571525574, "url": "http://www.twigle.co/bird-guide/?bird=Pallass+Leaf+Warbler+-+Phylloscopus+proregulus" }
The Southern Cayuga Central School District, located in the Finger Lakes region of upstate New York, wishes to be considered as a site for one of seven saplings taken from the horse chestnut tree which grows near the Secret Annex in Amsterdam where Anne Frank and her family hid for over two years during the Nazi occupation of the Netherlands. Our request is not driven to memorialize or commemorate a past event, but instead is driven by our mission of educating children and helping them prepare to create a world better than the one they inherit from the previous generation. Like Anne Frank, the students at Southern Cayuga Middle School are preoccupied with all the day to day events of their own growing up: friendships, activities, school work, and family relationships. Also like Anne, our students are trying to understand themselves as they grow into adulthood, and understand the adult world they are entering. In this sense, our school is the perfect place for one of the saplings, as it will always be surrounded and seen by children like Anne, and will serve as a reminder of the impact each of our voices can have. It is our hope that planting and caring for one of the seven horse chestnut saplings will be an inspiration and symbol not only to our students, but provide our entire community with a reminder of the important role our young people play in our daily lives, and of our obligation to provide them with the tools they will need to succeed, grow, and contribute to their world as adults. We also see a unique opportunity in the placement of a sapling at Southern Cayuga Middle School. Our tranquil, rural setting serves as a dramatic contrast to the cramped Annex and the concentration camps where Anne spent her last three years. It is a reminder that all youth deserve what the luckiest receive. The Finger Lakes region of upstate New York has historically been in the vanguard on issues concerning civil rights and social justice. Harriet Tubman, who led many slaves to freedom, lived in nearby Auburn, New York. Her home there is preserved as a historic landmark and living history museum. The area is dotted with sites that were used as hideouts on the underground railroad. Nearby Seneca Falls, New York was the site of the first women’s rights convention, and houses the National Parks Service Women’s Rights National Park. Fort Ontario, located north of the school in Oswego, New York, was used to house Jewish refugees who had fled Europe during World War II. The fort now contains a museum memorializing the plight of these refugees and the fort’s role in providing them sanctuary.	<urn:uuid:8ce02cae-b035-4181-905e-cca9ef90dcd4>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.59375, "fasttext_score": 0.02837139368057251, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9717947244644165, "url": "http://sccsannefranktree.org/original-proposal/" }
Semigalian language When the modern Lativan nations was only a set of different tribal languages, the most important of them were Latgalian, Zemgalian, Curonian. Semigalians or Zemgalians (Zemgola in Russian) used to live in the central parts of Latvia, north to the Daugava (Dvina) river. They went through the initial feudalism forming and in the 12th century together with Latgalians founded two little principalities: Talava and Gertsike, the last governed by Russian princes. Semigalians had close relations with Eastern Slavs, further Kiev Russia, Lithuanian principalities and ordered with Livonians and Estians, who lived north to them. In the beginning of the 13th century the epoch of German Crusades to the Eastern Europe started. That meant first of all invasions to Baltic lands, and though Semigalians were not the first to suffer the intrusion, soon they had to fight. Teutonic Knights conquered the lands of Prussians, Curonians, and in 1212 came to Semigalia. In two years the struggle of Semigalians was suppressed, and in 1214 Talava principality was conquered. The Semigalian language carried several features characteristic also to Curonian and somehow close to Latvian. Common Baltic k, g in their soft variety bacame c, dz in Semigalian. All long vowels and diphthongs at the end of the word were reduced to simple short vowels. Semigalian vocabulary used many Slavic words, also some were borrowed from Livonian and Estian, Finnish languages.	<urn:uuid:daac0d25-c3f3-4904-9642-5f0cee32b486>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.984375, "fasttext_score": 0.02303832769393921, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9631314873695374, "url": "http://babaev.tripod.com/tree/semigalian.html" }
Dan Matsumoto image preview Pictured above is a Japanese family in front of their home in Seattle before they voluntarily relocated to Spokane. For a few months after the signing of the Executive Order, people of Japanese ancestry were able to voluntarily leave their homes and relocate inland. Beginning in February and March 1942, Japanese families living on the west coast were given the option to voluntarily move east. Though this option was called voluntary evacuation, it was expected that all people of Japanese ancestry would be leaving the west coast in a very short time. Out of the thousands of people of Japanese ancestry living on Washington’s west coast, 200 voluntarily evacuated to Spokane, Moses Lake, Pullman and other areas of Eastern Washington. Because they had only a few days to move, Japanese families sold their businesses, homes, and belongings for any price offered. Most people only received a fraction of what their possessions were worth, and left behind family heirlooms that were lost forever. Some people were fortunate to have good neighbors who helped them move or store their belongings. Some Japanese had relatives living inland who were able to offer their homes as refuge. Some young Nisei also voluntarily evacuated on their own without their families and without any promise of safety in the places they moved to. Rights Statement Rights Statement	<urn:uuid:6fec9641-829f-4087-905a-4464224694c4>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.859375, "fasttext_score": 0.09652495384216309, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9763352274894714, "url": "https://digitalcommons.whitworth.edu/coast_and_camp_images/32/" }
The Kru people inhabit a homeland in coastal southeastern Liberia and neighboring Cote d`Ivoire (Ivory Coast). Some Kru have also migrated to the neighboring Sierra Leone to work as fishermen and dockworkers. The Kru along with the Grebo resisted Maryland settlers' efforts to control their trade. They were also infamous amongst early European slave raiders as being especially averse to capture. Their reputation was such that their value as slaves was less than that of other African peoples, because they would so frequently attempt to escape or to take their own lives upon being captured. Kru people of Liberia,circa 1910 Linguists use the name Kru to refer to a linguistic group within the larger larger Niger-Congo language family. Peoples speaking language in this Kru group include Bete, Dida, Grebo, Wobe and the Kru people themselves. Kru man,circa 1910 Beautiful Kru woman Recent documentation has noted “Kru societies can now be found along the coast of Monrovia, Liberia to Bandama River in Cote d'Ivoire” “Villages maintain their ties based on presumed common descent, reinforced by ceremonial exchanges and gifts”. The Kru people and their languages, although now many speak English as a second language, are said to be “dominant in the southwest region where the forest zone reaches the coastal lagoons”. Nevertheless, the Kru people rely on the forest for farming supplemented by hunting for their livelihood. Overall, in 2010, Kru and associated languages were spoken by 95 percent of the approximate 3.5 million people in Liberia. The origins of Kru people are still historically unknown. The legend has it that they migrated from the sea to their current habitats. Historians, These Kwa-speaking, related but distinct cultures were all lumped together under the collective term "Kru", a corruption of the original "Krao" by Europeans with whom they traded as far back as the fifteenth century. Successive waves of migration brought them overland from the east and north, and by the sea. Those coming from the Gedeh forests to the north claimed Mount Pahn in the Putu Range as their ancestral home. Geological flights in the 1950s confirmed the remains of a village on the summit of the mountain, half-shrouded in clouds of mist and ancient mystery. Kru people from Ivory Coast Those migrating from across the Cavalla and down the Atlantic seaboard have their own oral histories and myths centered around the crossing of the dangerous surf waters in canoes. All were fleeing more militaristic groups that were conquering and subjugating everyone and everything in their paths. By the time of their earliest recorded encounters with the Portuguese in the 1400s, there were three distinct yet similar groups inhabiting what came to be known as the Kru Coast: The Grebo, literally meaning "Those Who Made It Across the Water," the Sapo, and the Kru. The three groups were less "tribes" than loose federations of clans with common ancestors. Each Dako, as the clans were called, could encompass several different chiefdoms and be related by blood or history to other Dako. The Grebo name for this social structure was Dakwe, identified by town names. There the Krus settled in a loosely connected villages based on lineage and living by hunting and subsistence farming. Although they lived along the coast, the Krus refused to take part in Trans-Atlantic slave trade and they fought viciously against slave trader who made attempts to capture a Kru. Kru man with braided hair Mostly agriculturists like their interior relatives the Krahn, the Kru also engaged in trade, migrant labor, and seafaring. They established fishing and migrant worker settlements along the coast as far east as Cameroon and as far west as Freetown and Cape Verde. Their skill with canoes in the treacherous surf waters was already world renowned by the 1700s, when they served on British merchant and war ships, and even established small settlements in Liverpool and in the Americas. They lived mostly in five large towns along the coast: Nana Kru, Settra Kru, King Willie Town, Fishtown, and Sasstown, the largest and most powerful. These towns produced mariners primarily. Kru woman from Ivory Coast in her traditional dress and her body painted The Grebos were centered around Grand Cess, Cape Palmas, and Tabou, with power concentrated in Grand Cess. Migrant workers were recruited in and around these three centers. The arrival in the 1820s of African-American settlers at first had very little impact on the Kru. "Quee people," as the locals referred to the westernized colonists at Greenville and Harper, were far from unknown on the Kru Coast. The Krus and Grebos themselves had a sizable population of western-educated people living among them for decades. Some of these "civilized" Grebo and Kru had been educated in Sierra Leone, on the Gold Coast, and in Britain. Kru couples The first descriptions of core group of Krumen's religion were done by missionaries notably James Connolley,But these accounts can also be augmented by more detailed accounts of the Grebo of nearby Cape Palmas who were linguistically and culturally related and were, by 1855 becoming Krumen themselves by going to sea and may have been as important in the overall culture as the core Krumen themselves. Kru couples doing their traditional dance The central elements of the spiritual universe of this region included a figure identified by missionaries as a high, creator God, named Nyesoa, spirits or deities associated with territories called, familial spiritual guardians called ku and finally kwi or the souls of the departed who remained near by and could influence events. These spiritual entities were contacted through a class of people called deya, who underwent long and specialized training and apprenticeship to take up their office. They addressed problems both medical and spiritual using pharmaceutical and spiritual remedies. Kru woman with her body painted Kru Political system Kru Culture is ahierachical (no rigid hierarchy existed among its members) and heavily influenced by traditional democratic system at the village level (Beugre and Offodile,2001). In this culture, the village chief acts as a spokesperson rather than a ruler whom they have to blindly obey. Among the Kru, the chief is held accountable for his deeds (its very rare to see women selected as chiefs). Elders select a village chief for a limited term, at most five years. Kru Chief After which if he performs well he may be re-appointed or another person shall be selected in a case where the chief performs abysmally. This selection is not based on kinship or family of rulers, but on the persons character,statecraft and achievements. In general, the Kru resent authority. A key belief in a Kru culture is that everyone should gain his or her recognition in society based on his or her skills,abilities and deeds. Power is not considered an important indicator of societal differentiation. the power holder is perceived as spokesperson. Modern Kru tend to resent autocratic leaders and people and expect treatment with respect and dignity from those in power. As a result of this culture amongst the Kru,people see them as disrespectful and intolerant. Ivorien international football superstar Didier Drogba, Kru man Ritual object or 'Kru money'? “The society that loses its symbols loses its identity and in the process loses touch with itself.” In: 'Rock of the Ancestors: namôa koni' (William C. Siegmann, 1977) Kru Money. Collected 1975 near Tchien, Grand Gedeh County, Liberia. The origin of these objects is not known with certainty, except for the fact that they were made and used among the Kru and the Grebo in southeastern Liberia. According to one source, the Kru and Grebo believe these objects to be living creatures that can be found in creeks, rivers and lagoons. They call them ‘tien’,‘nitien’ or ‘Dwin’ meaning water spirits or ‘Gods of water’. A variety of powers are attributed to them including the ability to stop wars, found villages, heal the sick and guarantee fertility. They are also capable to catch people crossing these streams. The Kru and Grebo believe that the ‘tien’ live in the water but can be caught and brought to town where they may be enjoined to serve as protector or guardians (Siegmann, 1977, p. 82). It is seriously doubted whether any of these objects have been made in recent times. In any case, nowadays they are extremely rare. A nineteenth century source described objects that resembled the above shown objects (in particular object B). In 1845, Horatio Bridge, a US Navy officer who served on a cruiser sailing in the Gulf of Guinea, reported: "I have procured some of the country-money. It is more curious, than convenient." And he continued that the ‘Manilly’, worth a dollar and a half, would be a fearful currency to make large payments in, being composed of old brass-kettles, melted up, and cast in a sand-mould, the weigh being from two to four pounds (Nathaniel Hawthorne, ed., 1845, p. 106). Kru ring In 1853, Horatio Bridge reported that he had seen them being cast in sand-moulds on the beach near Sasstown in southeastern Liberia. He described how some were made by melting down old brass kettles, others were made using the so-called lost wax technique of casting. He must have seen more and bigger objects than in 1845 since he mentions that their size varied from less than two inches to more than ten inches in diameter whereas a big one could weigh as much as twenty-five pounds. Some objects were solid brass, while others had a sand core - like object A, above on the extreme left. Most objects consisted of an unbroken circle with four knobs, but a few were open on one side. Bridge reported that they were called ‘Kru money’. (Siegmann, 1977, p.82). Kru Water spirit symbol Kru Wars: Southeastern Revolt in 19th to Early 20th Century Liberia The wars between the traditional Kru political systems and the Liberian government were less a clash of cultures than a pure and simple struggle for power. The Krus traditionally controlled the ports and the European trade, regulated and taxed migrant labor, and negotiated their own relations with the neighboring French and British. All this was contrary to Liberian interests, as the fledgling nation state struggled for survival against the open hostility and aggression of those same British and French colonial governments, a complete lack of financial resources and increasing indebtedness to European powers under outright loan shark terms. Their only source of revenue was customs and head tax on migrant labor. former Liberian international football superstar, David Weah is a Kru man From the Liberian point of view, the Krus simply couldn't be allowed to control the ports or relations with the British. Indeed, the main thread running through the Kru Coast rebellions was an expressed desire to be ruled by the British, even going as far as raising the British flag on their territory. The Liberians were fiercely protective of their independence from European rule, and the sight of the Union Jack must have been especially galling and troubling. The way the Krus saw it, it was their country and they had the right to control their ports, collect tariffs and head tax, and to be ruled by the British if they so chose. The stage was set for confrontation almost from the moment the first ships sponsored by the Maryland and Mississippi Colonization Societies landed their passengers at Cape Palmas and at the mouth of the Sinoe River. Liberian Kru In the highly militarized Kru social structure, young men of the Kinibo order trained for warrior status and leadership. Warriors at the highest level belonged to the Sedjibo order, usually chiefs and sub-chiefs, and atop the hierarchy were the Nyekbade or elders. Less visible was the real power underlying warrior culture, secret societies like the forest Ekpe (Leopard Society) and the Neegee (Water Leopard Society) centered around the confluence of the Cestos and Neegbah (Two Rivers) or St. John Rivers. This militarism inevitably led to frequent internecine battles over land, trade, women, and more trivial issues. Liberian actress Saycon Sengbloh is a Kru In 1843, a common enemy was introduced into the fray. Commodore Matthew Perry of the United States Navy landed at Cape Palmas in command of three ships and seven hundred marines. Commander of the West African Squadron, ostensibly created to suppress the slave trade, his mission was twofold: punish the Kru for attacks on American shipping, and for the murders of American traders, and assist the Maryland colony locked in conflict with the locals. Perry decided that the Americans had been the aggressors and settled the matter, then went on to Little Berebay to investigate another murder involving an American schooner. This time he found the chief, Ben Krako, guilty, and executed him. Thus was the Kru Coast drawn into the American-British struggle for naval supremacy and control of the African coastal trade. Realizing that a strong Liberia was the best defense against the obstinate British-allied Kru, the United States Navy would from then on back Liberia militarily in all conflicts with the Kru, and then negotiate resolutions to disputes. Kruman from Setra Kru. Circa 1906 by Johnston, Harry Hamilton, Sir, 1858-1927 War drums again pounded out of the Sapo forests in 1854, with Maryland's attempt to dislodge Grebos from land they claimed had been ceded to them. The USS John Adams was sent to help President Roberts' fledgling government and its allies. Two thousand Grebos were driven from the Cape. An uneasy peace lasted until two years later, when the Grebos again took up arms over the question of land. Peace once more enforced by US Navy gunboats, trade flourished in the area to the benefit of both Krus and their Liberian neighbors. Liberian merchant ships manned by Kru seamen carried coffee and palm oil to foreign markets. Then Liberian coffee, reportedly the best in the world, was introduced into Brazil, and Brazil soon monopolized the market for it, severely crippling Liberian commerce. As the European scramble for Africa heated up, the pressure increased on the obstinate "Negro Republic," and the palm oil trade was taken over by Britain, leaving Liberia with no revenue at the same time that high-interest loans were due to that very European power. The government began to impose head tax on the migrant workers of the Kru Coast, and to take over customs collections at the ports of entry. In 1874, several Dakwe came together to form the Grebo Reunited Kingdom, or Gededebo, under King Seah Nybar Weah, and various chiefs and mission-educated men. Initially, the confederation was not opposed to the Liberian state, but primarily advocated for the protection of migrant workers. However, the dispute over head tax lingered, exacerbated by the memories of 1854. When yet another land dispute flared up around Cape Palmas in 1875, the drums summoned the Sedjibo war councils together in Grand Cess. The land around Harper had been ceded to the Maryland colony by Grebo chiefs before the colony joined the Republic of Liberia, or so the Liberians claimed. They also claimed that the British were instigating the trouble. From the Grebos' point of view, there was no such thing as "ceded". Their fathers had granted the Marylanders a place to stay, but for them, that didn't mean forever. They felt the land rightfully belonged to the Grebo people. Kru people of Monrovia 1890 In 1875, Gededebo launched the most serious war the Liberians had faced up to that point in their history. The Grebos came very close to driving them off the cape for good. And once again, an American naval vessel prevented what would become the seat of Maryland County from being wiped off the map. American President Ulysses S. Grant dispatched the USS Alaska to Cape Palmas. In the negotiated peace, the Liberians adopted the migrant worker protection laws enacted by the Grebo Confederation. In 1884 under President Hilary Johnson, indigenous groups were allowed representation in the House of Representatives if they paid above a specified amount in tax. The Grebo and Kru were the only groups wealthy enough to qualify. The Sinoe County Kru presented their grievances to the House: Economic discrimination. Cultural arrogance. Discrimination in educational opportunities. Forced labor. Above all, control of the ports had been taken away from them, causing Kru cities to decline into villages and reducing a proud, independent people to subservience. They asked that Settra Kru be declared an international port of entry. In 1890, American military officers Colonel Young and Captain Roundtree organized the Liberian Frontier Force. Both were African-Americans with equal respect and sympathy for the indigenous people and for the Black republic. A Kru woman with "shield" finger-rings and hair ornaments. (1906) by Johnston, Harry Hamilton, Sir, 1858-1927 In 1905, President Arthur Barclay agreed to make Settra Kru a port of entry. However, faced with stiff opposition from the settlers in Sinoe, he reneged on his agreement. The Sinoe County wing of the ruling True Whig Party wielded enormous political clout as one of the three original colonies and signers of the Declaration of Independence in 1847. But they were not as welcoming of Kru political and economic participation as their Maryland neighbors. Where the Marylanders saw strong, economically vibrant Kru communities as an added strength, the Greenville political machine did their best to repress Kru power, and thwarted President Barclay’s plans for unification and integration. In 1910 the Grebos revolted against the hut tax, a desperate measure by President Barclay to raise revenues for debt payments on the 1871 loan from Britain. This war revealed how complex relations between settlers and the indigenous people had become. For one thing, the “civilized”} Grebo” communities of large towns like Grand Cess and Cape Palmas mostly supported the government, while future vice president Allen Yancy claimed “neutrality” even though he was a militia captain, and earned huge profits repairing guns for the Grebos. Yancy was married into the powerful Nabo clan of the Grebos, spoke the language fluently, and was reportedly up to his neck in the Grebo secret societies. As wealthy elite groups have always done everywhere, American settler wealth and power intermarried with Grebo wealth and power, making the Maryland County wing of the TWP the most powerful faction in the years following the 1910 war. A series of decisive victories by the Grebos forced the Americans to dispatch the USS Birmingham to Cape Palmas and in the negotiated peace, powerful concessions were awarded the Grebos. The following years would see the son of a Gededebo leader, Henry Too Wesley elected vice president and ultimately the ascension to the presidency of another Marylander, William V. S. Tubman in 1943. By 1912, the Sinoe River Krus' long list of grievances included arbitrary executions of their chiefs by a senator with the silent acquiescence of Monrovia. They complained to the American Mission to bring pressure on the Liberian government, but nothing happened. They then turned to the British for guns and ammunition. For two years the forests were eerily silent. Trade was cut off with the Liberian towns and all the Kru living in or near them retreated into the bush. Young men of Kinibo age disappeared from the coastal towns and settler farms where they worked. When they emerged out of the forest in 1915, it was to set the Kru Coast almost literally on fire. Once again Liberia, faced the serious threat of annihilation. President Daniel Howard appealed to Colonel Young and Captain Roundtree for American assistance. They agreed on the condition that the government make immediate reforms in the administration of Kru affairs. On November 8, 1915, the USS Chester appeared off the coast of Monrovia, bringing arms and ammunition for the Frontier Force. On the assurance of Captain Roundtree that their grievances would be addressed, the Krus laid down their arms, awed by the imposing presence of the American warship. Three weeks later, in violation of the peace treaty's prohibition on reprisals, and against the advice of his own Attorney General, President Howard declared martial law on the Kru Coast and sent a military commission of sixty-three men who then launched an orgy of retaliation, executing seventy-two chiefs on his direct orders. Kine Marcella Diouf and her friend demonstrate the Klakan The Klakan, puberty dance from the Kru people of Liberia In 1927, Superintendent Samuel Ross of Sinoe and his District Commisioner Watson began selling young boys to the Spanish plantations at Fernando Po. They built their barracoons at Blue Barrow Point and used their authority over the Frontier Force, corrupt interior chiefs and district commissioners to obtain a steady supply of forced labor. When a member of the cabinet, Postmaster General R.A. Sherman discovered this activity and reported it to Monrovia, he suddenly lost his job. It became plainly obvious then that Ross's slave trading was sanctioned at the highest levels of government. Didho Twe, a Kru member of the House, also lost his job when he brought the matter to the Legislature. Expelled by a two-thirds vote, he then made a compelling case to the League of Nations together with TJR Faulkner, another fearless crusader for human rights and former Mayor of Monrovia, who presented the evidence collected by Twe to the League in Geneva. They were backed by Britain, France, and the Firestone Company, which operated a large plantation in Maryland County. While Twe and Faulkner’s motives seemed clear, those of Britain and France were questionable, since they themselves engaged in the practice of forced labor. Firestone for its part depended on the very labor that was being exported to the Spanish plantations, Spain being an enemy of American interests. The League dispatched a commission of inquiry to Liberia and the ensuing investigation indicted President King and his Vice President Allen Yancy with trafficking in human beings. The American and European powers were not investigated, nor indicted. King and Yancy were forced to resign in 1930, but not before another orgy of revenge was carried out on those chiefs who had testified before the Commission. Towns and villages were razed and more chiefs executed, imprisoned, fined, flogged and humiliated in front of their people. No surprise then, that in 1932 the Kru Coast erupted again over the long history of Frontier Force atrocities and, ironically, partly instigated by Liberians in the area, concerned that their country would be taken over by white men as a result of the Commission's findings. This time the conflagration engulfed the entire coast, from Rivercess to Cape Palmas. It was only after President Tubman launched his Unification Program in 1945 that the Kru Coast chiefs finally accepted the authority of Monrovia, sending word to Tubman that they were now at peace with the Liberian Government. The country then entered its most prosperous and stable period with Krus and Grebos making substantial contributions. Among the most outstanding were Vice President Henry Too Wesley, Tubman’s former law partner J. Gbafflen Davis, Attorney General Nete Sie Brownell, Didho Twe, Episcopal Bishop George Browne, Methodist Bishop S. Trowen Nagbe, Army Chief of Staff George Toe Washington, University President J. Bernard Blamo, Paramount Chiefs Juwely Jeh of Webbo and Juah Nimley of Sasstown, and an endless list of other leading lights of Liberia, most of them descendants of the Sasstown, Grand Cess and other Kru Coast chiefs. This excerpt is from the forthcoming book, Kru Wars: Southeastern Revolt in 19th to Early 20th Century Liberia By Anthony Morgan ( Further reading; Religious formal celebration of the Kru people of Liberia. Circa 1885 Ivorien Kru chiefs wearing their tappa dress Kru woman Kru people performing traditional dance, Ivory Coast Guere (kru) woman kru people Liberian Kru Ivorien Kru people Bhete-Kru woman in traditional dress,Ivory Coast grebo-Kru girl performing traditional dance,Liberia Liberian Kru kru men 1890 Liberian Kru Kru woman. Circa 1910 1. I love this blog, it give me some ideas of half of my DNA, now i see what make me think the way i do, very interesting. I am half Kru and Americo-Liberian. Thank you so much, God bless you and thanks be to God Almighty. 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Thank you so much for posting this information. It definitely gave me a great source of information. I'm Kru, Vai, Grebo and American. I found lots of missing pieces. My family is the Watson/Perry and both names are mentioned in some capacity. I can't say they are my ancestors but it makes me delve deeper and deeper. I appreciate this resource. 3. a number of pictures here cannot be from the Kru. The top one is indicative of the close of the Sande Society, which does not hold among the Krus. 4. Thank you very much for this wealth of knowledge. This is wonderful! 5. I discovered that I share paternal DNA with the KRU people of Liberia. 6. Great history indeed. Thanks a million for this posting!!!! 7. Hello Everybody, 1. Name Of Applicant in Full:…….. 2. Telephone Numbers:………. 3. Address and Location:……. 4. Amount in request……….. 5. Repayment Period:……….. 6. Purpose Of Loan…………. 7. country………………… 8. phone………………….. 9. occupation……………… 11.Monthly Income………….. 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Accessibility links Breaking News Hit: If a Student's Grades Hit Bottom, It Is Time to Hit the Books Popular English expressions spoken in the United States. Transcript of radio broadcast: Now, Words and Their Stories - a VOA Special English program about American expressions. I'm Rich Kleinfeldt with some expressions containing the word "hit." Hit is a small word but it has a lot of power. Baseball players hit the ball. Missiles hit an airplane. A car hits a tree. Hit also joins with other words to create many colorful expressions. One is hit the road. It means to travel or to leave a place, as suggested in this song, "Hit the Road." Another common expression is hit the spot. At first it meant hitting a spot at the center of a target with an arrow. Someone who did so was satisfied with his shooting. Now, hitting the spot usually means that a food or drink is especially satisfying. Many years ago, Pepsi Cola sold its drink with a song that began, "Pepsi Cola hits the spot, twelve full ounces, that's a lot…" Another expression involving hit is hit bottom. Something that has hit bottom can go no lower. If the price of shares of a stock hits bottom that might be the time to buy it. Its value can only go up. When a student's grades hit bottom it is time to hit the books. Hit the books is another way to saying it is time to study. A student might have to tell her friends she can not go with them to the movies because she has to hit the books. Not hitting the books could lead to an unpleasant situation for a student. The father or mother may hit the ceiling when they see the low grades. Someone who hits the ceiling, the top of the room, is violently angry. A wife may hit the ceiling because her husband forgot their wedding anniversary. To build something of wood, you usually need a hammer. That is what you use to hit nails into the pieces of wood to hold them together. When you hit the nail on the head, exactly on its top, it goes into the wood perfectly. And when someone says your words or actions hit the nail on the head, he means what you said or did was exactly right. If you are tired after hitting all those nails on the head, then it is time to hit the hay. That expression comes from the days when people slept on beds filled with dried grass or hay. Some people slept on hay in barns where they kept their farm animals. This VOA Special English program, Words and Their Stories, was written by Frank Beardsley. I'm Rich Kleinfeldt.	<urn:uuid:391f757c-05d5-476b-9ad4-0d727c67b9ca>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.5625, "fasttext_score": 0.2967144250869751, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9677991271018982, "url": "https://learningenglish.voanews.com/a/a-23-2006-10-08-voa4-83129002/125852.html" }
Jagran Josh Logo 1. Home 2. \| 3. CBSE Board\| Important Questions for CBSE Class 12 Biology Exam 2013 Mar 7, 2013 15:48 IST CBSE Biology Guess Paper 2013, given here. 1. Why single-celled organisms are considered immortal? 2. What are hermaphrodites? 3. Name two groups of organisms where the body is diploid. 4. Identify each part in a flowering plant and write whether it is haploid (n) or diploid (2n): (a) Ovary (b) Anther (c) Egg (d) Pollen (e) Male gamete (f) Zygote. 5. Why pollen grains are well preserved as fossils? 6. When does cell wall formation start, in the organization of the embryo sac? 7. How many haploid nuclei and haploid cells are present in the female gametophyte of angiosperm? 8. Define emasculation. To get complete Question paper, Click Here Latest Videos Register to get FREE updates All Fields Mandatory • (Ex:9123456789) • Please Select Your Interest • Please specify • ajax-loader • A verifcation code has been sent to your mobile number Please enter the verification code below Newsletter Signup Follow us on Register to view Complete PDF	<urn:uuid:066fec79-19fe-4644-bfae-a9e0c09397c7>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.671875, "fasttext_score": 0.022903263568878174, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.838872492313385, "url": "https://www.jagranjosh.com/articles/important-questions-for-cbse-class-12-biology-exam-2013-1362652567-1" }
Education: Lesson Details 1. To understand the origins of Dorothea Dix's reform efforts in the mid-1800s to shift responsibility for care of the indigent insane from local prisons and almshouses to professionally managed insane asylums at the state level. 2. To examine public care for people with cognitive and psychiatric disabilities in the mid-1800s and to analyze the causes and consequences of shifting definitions of mental disabilities. 3. To identify how Dix and like-minded social reformers appealed to the conscience and sense of responsibility of both the public and politicians during this period.	<urn:uuid:bea2867e-0105-447f-96f6-dd28094e5489>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.65625, "fasttext_score": 0.5750688314437866, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9311930537223816, "url": "http://disabilitymuseum.org/dhm/edu/lesson_details.html?id=3&view=2" }
(0) Likes (0) Dislikes Added: Thursday, March 3rd, 2016 Added By: Vote This: Flanging was first created using analog tape recorders. Here’s signal from the mixing console was routed through two identical tape machines, meaning that both machines ran at the same speed, and had the same distance between the record and play heads. The signal was recorded on both recorders at the record heads and played back a fraction of a second later at the play heads. This produced a delay, but no flanging happened when the engineer put a thumb on the flange of the supply reel of one of the tape recorders. This is also how flanging gets its name. Lightly putting a thumb on the flange, momentarily slowed down the signal from that tape recorder and created time delays with signal from the machine that wasn’t slowed down. These time delays caused a phase cancellation that moved through the frequency spectrum and created that “jet plane” sound that people recognize as , flanging can be created using a signal processor or a plug-in and is much easier to do, but still has the sound of the original flanging using tape. Your Vote	<urn:uuid:55be6383-fc1e-4dc9-87c5-397b38ff1ca6>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.671875, "fasttext_score": 0.2160690426826477, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9748712778091431, "url": "https://onlineradiotraining.com/flanging-m4v/" }
What is a Class? This article is under Attribution 4.0 International. In the real world, you’ll often find many individual objects all of the same kind. A class can contain fields and methods to describe the behavior of an object. Here’s an example to help you understand better: There are different kinds of cats: white cats, black cats, Totoro, Persian cat and many other kinds… All of these are cats; and black, white and other words are just the properties of a cat. So cats can be a class, and when you give different traits to a template (the cat as a class), you create an object. The following Bicycle class is one possible implementation of a bicycle: class Bicycle { int cadence = 0; int speed = 0; int gear = 1; void changeCadence(int newValue) { cadence = newValue; void changeGear(int newValue) { gear = newValue; void speedUp(int increment) { speed = speed + increment; void applyBrakes(int decrement) { speed = speed - decrement; void printStates() { System.out.println("cadence:" + cadence + " speed:" + speed + " gear:" + gear); The syntax of the Java programming language will look new to you, but the design of this class is based on the previous discussion of bicycle objects. The fields cadence, speed, and gear represent the object’s state, and the methods (changeCadence, changeGear, speedUp etc.) define its interaction with the outside world. You may have noticed that the Bicycle class does not contain a main method. That’s because it’s not a complete application; it’s just the blueprint for bicycles that might be used in an application. The responsibility of creating and using new Bicycle objects belongs to some other class in your application. Here’s a BicycleDemo class that creates two separate Bicycle objects and invokes their methods: class BicycleDemo { public static void main(String[] args) { // Create two different // Bicycle objects Bicycle bike1 = new Bicycle(); Bicycle bike2 = new Bicycle(); // Invoke methods on // those objects cadence:50 speed:10 gear:2 cadence:40 speed:20 gear:3 Warning: This is a learning material and contains multipal types of contents, please contact us before you redistribute this work! Every citation must clearly tell the source: “What is a Class” is an article published on SciShare.Online site, the reference number is CS-JAVA-CODE-03	<urn:uuid:3e690540-12ad-4e69-a729-e1b7d22c3143>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.875, "fasttext_score": 0.4475638270378113, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.817464292049408, "url": "https://msz.cool/2016/10/20/what-is-a-class/" }
The Merchant of Venice by: William Shakespeare Suggested Essay Topics 1. Discuss the relationship between Antonio and Bassanio. What does their friendship reveal about their characters? 2. Examine Shylock’s rhetoric. Pay special attention to the quality of his language—his use of metaphor and repetition, for instance. How do his speeches reflect his character as a whole? 3. Compare and contrast Venice and Belmont. What is the significance of these distinct settings in the play? 4. Analyze the way that time passes in The Merchant of Venice, paying special attention to conflicts between time in Venice and Belmont. Are there any inconsistencies, and if so, how does the play handle them? 5. To what extent is Shylock defined by his Jewishness? To what extent is he defined by his profession? 6. Discuss Portia’s character. How does she compare to the men around her? Is Bassanio a worthy husband for her? 7. Discuss how the trial scene reveals a conflict between justice and mercy. Is the conflict resolved? If so, how? More Help From the SparkNotes Blog	<urn:uuid:f983cec0-2259-4881-a900-83bdeca09a3e>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.78125, "fasttext_score": 0.9997947812080383, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.949546217918396, "url": "http://www.sparknotes.com/shakespeare/merchant/essay-topics/" }
Тело нижней челюсти - Corpus mandibulae The body is curved somewhat like a horseshoe and has two surfaces and two borders: The external surface is marked in the median line by a faint ridge, indicating the symphysis or line of junction of the two pieces of which the bone is composed at an early period of life. This ridge divides below and encloses a triangular eminence, the mental protuberance, the base of which is depressed in the center but raised on either side to form the mental tubercle. On either side of the symphysis, just below the incisor teeth, is a depression, the incisive fossa, which gives origin to the Mentalis and a small portion of the Orbicularis oris. Below the second premolar tooth, on either side, midway between the upper and lower borders of the body, is the mental foramen, for the passage of the mental vessels and nerve. Running backward and upward from each mental tubercle is a faint ridge, the oblique line, which is continuous with the anterior border of the ramus; it affords attachment to the Quadratus labii inferioris and Triangularis; the Platysma is attached below it. The internal surface is concave from side to side. Near the lower part of the symphysis is a pair of laterally placed spines, termed the mental spines, which give origin to the Genioglossi. Immediately below these is a second pair of spines, or more frequently a median ridge or impression, for the origin of the Geniohyoidei. In some cases the mental spines are fused to form a single eminence, in others they are absent and their position is indicated merely by an irregularity of the surface. Above the mental spines a median foramen and furrow are sometimes seen; they mark the line of union of the halves of the bone. Below the mental spines, on either side of the middle line, is an oval depression for the attachment of the anterior belly of the Digastricus. Extending upward and backward on either side from the lower part of the symphysis is the mylohyoid line, which gives origin to the Mylohyoideus; the posterior part of this line, near the alveolar margin, gives attachment to a small part of the Constrictor pharyngis superior, and to the pterygomandibular raphé. Above the anterior part of this line is a smooth triangular area against which the sublingual gland rests, and below the hinder part, an oval fossa for the submaxillary gland. The superior or alveolar border, wider behind than in front, is hollowed into cavities, for the reception of the teeth; these cavities are sixteen in number, and vary in depth and size according to the teeth which they contain. To the outer lip of the superior border, on either side, the Buccinator is attached as far forward as the first molar tooth. The inferior border is rounded, longer than the superior, and thicker in front than behind; at the point where it joins the lower border of the ramus a shallow groove; for the external maxillary artery, may be present. Анатомическая иерархия Общая анатомия > Кости; система скелета > Осевой скелет > Кости черепа > Нижняя челюсть > Тело нижней челюсти	<urn:uuid:f6c58f23-af69-4eb6-8f48-c045a107d186>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.5, "fasttext_score": 0.08771443367004395, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.8649551272392273, "url": "https://www.imaios.com/ru/amp/e-Anatomy/Anatomicheskie-chasti/Telo-nizhnej-chelyusti" }
Thursday, 19 October 2017 How The Chipmunk Got It's Stripes. File:Tamias minimus.jpg - Wikimedia Commons Long ago, the Earth was covered in darkness. None of the creatures living there knew what daylight looked like. One day, all of the animals of the forest gathered together in a clearing. They wondered if it would be better to remain in darkness, or if it would be better to also have light. Deer, Chipmunk, Raccoon, Wolf, Bear, and many other creatures climbed to the top of the highest mountain. The mountain stood so tall that there were no trees on its top, and it was covered only with rocks. Millions of stars blinked in the dark sky overhead. The biggest and most powerful animal in the forest was the bear, and he was the first to reach the mountaintop. Bear stood on the highest peak, looked out over the forest below, and argued for remaining in darkness. He said that the creatures of the forest would be able to sleep better in darkness because there would be no light to keep them awake. Most of the other animals were afraid, and they agreed with Bear. Raccoon said that he did not mind the darkness because he was so smart that he could find plenty of food, even in the dark. Wolf was easy to please, too. She didn't mind the darkness because she could howl in darkness or in light. But one animal did stand up to Bear. Chipmunk, the smallest of the animals, argued that it would be better to have both light and dark. Chipmunk was very clever. As Bear continued to argue for darkness, she made many good arguments for light. Slowly, the night passed. Bear grew tired of talking, but Chipmunk chattered on and on, as if she had all of the energy in the world. As the other animals dropped off to sleep, one by one, Chipmunk kept arguing. Finally, the first sunrise ever seen by the animals appeared over the top of the mountain. They woke up and were amazed by what they saw. Chipmunk began to dance from rock to rock. Bear became angry because he didn't get his way. He roared loudly and ran after Chipmunk. He chased Chipmunk all the way down the mountain. Bear was fast, and he reached out his giant paw to grab Chipmunk. Chipmunk got away, but not before Bear managed to scratch her back with his long claws. And that is why, to this day, you can see stripes on Chipmunk's back! Practice questions: Highlight the correct answer What is the theme of this story? 1. Stand up for what you believe in 2. It is better to go along with the crowd 3. There is only one right way to do things 4. Making choices is easy What is bear like? 1. He is a good listener 2. He is used to getting his way 3. He doesn’t know what he wants 4. Other animals like him a lot “Bear grew tired of talking, but Chipmunk chattered on and on, as if she had all the energy in the world” What does chattered mean? 1. Moved slowly 2. Laughed 3. Spoke quickly 4. Argued Why do the chipmunks have stripes on their backs? ….. because he has claws. Where does the story take place? 1. A barn 2. On an island 3. Near a lake 4. On a mountain top What happened after Chipmunk's argument with Bear? 1. The animals saw their first sunrise ever 2. Bear was happy that he got his way 3. The animals continued to live in darkness 4. Chipmunk fell asleep Text and questions sourced from No comments: Post a Comment	<urn:uuid:35371709-bde4-45bc-8a35-abfd8f2e09cf>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.875, "fasttext_score": 0.9796107411384583, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9817747473716736, "url": "http://pesarthurm.blogspot.com/2017/10/how-chipmunk-got-its-stripes.html" }
Twitter Icon Facebook Book Store Financial Articles Healthy Living How to Section Infectious Diseases Physical Examination Useful Links Resources for... Medical Students Related Articles - The pons - Radial nerve - Sciatic nerve - Internal capsule - Basal ganglia (direct pathway) - Basal ganglia (indirect pathway) - Stroke The Rexed Laminae Laminae 1 \|\| Laminae 2 \|\| Laminae 3 \|\| Laminae 4 \|\| Laminae 5 Laminae 6 \|\| Laminae 7 \|\| Laminae 8 \|\| Laminae 9 \|\| Laminae 10 Overview \|\| References and Resources \|\| Comment Anatomy Introduction The Rexed laminae represent a system of organizing the neurons of the spinal cord (they were actually designed to torture medical students, I joke of course, sort of...). They are named after Dr. Bror Rexed who was a Swedish neuroscientist. There are ten Rexed laminae and they roughly follow a topographic organization, with the lower numbers being towards the back of the spinal cord (ie: posterior) and the higher numbers being towards the front of the spinal cord (ie: anterior). It is important to note that the Rexed laminae are not strictly organized based on anatomical location, but are actually based on the types, and functions, of the neurons in each laminae. Let's discuss each of the ten layers in more detail (let the fun begin!)... Laminae One Layer one contains neurons that receive pain and temperature information from the body and limbs via the axons coming from the dorsal root ganglia. The neurons in layer one then pass this information along to the brain via the spinothalamic tract on the opposite side of the cord. Laminae Two (Substantia Gelatinosa) Layer two, which is also known as the substantia gelatinosa, gets information from the spinothalamic tract as well as the dorsal columns. The spinothalamic tract relays information about painful stimuli and the dorsal columns relay information about non-painful stimuli. Therefore, the neurons in layer two receive information about both painful and non-painful stimuli. These neurons then send information to Rexed laminae three and four. The neurons in these laminae then pass the sensory information to the brain where it is further interpreted. Interestingly, there are large amounts of opiate (ie: think morphine or heroin) responsive neurons in laminae two of the spinal cord. Laminae Three and Four (Nucleus Proprius) The nucleus proprius, aka layers three and four, receives information from the body about touch and proprioception (hence the name "proprius"). It then relays this information to numerous areas in the brainstem, brain, and other Rexed laminae for further processing. Laminae Five Nobody knows exactly what the hell layer five does, but it receives information from a wide variety of sources including pain sensation from the bodies' organs, as well as information about movement from the brain (via the corticospinal tracts) and brainstem (via the rubrospinal tracts). Laminae Six The sixth layer can be divided into two sections: medial and lateral. The medial layer (ie: towards the middle of the cord) gets input from muscle spindles. Muscle spindles (by way of type Ia fibers) tell the spinal cord how much a given muscle is being stretched. The neurons in the medial layer act as messengers for this information. The lateral layer (ie: towards the periphery of the cord) gets information from the brain and brainstem via multiple descending tracts. So what is the purpose of the sixth layer? The neurons in this layer send information to two places: the cerebellum (via the ventral spinocerebellar tracts) and motor neurons in the anterior horn of the spinal cord. The cerebellum interprets the information and modulates movement and muscle tone accordingly. The direct communication between the neurons in Rexed laminae six and the motor neurons in the anterior horns are responsible for spinal reflexes. Laminae Seven (Zona Intermedia) Layer seven is most prominent between C8 and L2. This prominence is known as the dorsal nucleus of Clarke. The neurons in Clarke's nucleus receive lower extremity position and sensory information and then pass that information to the cerebellum via the dorsal spinocerebellar tract. Layer seven also receives and sends information from and to the bodies' organs. The sympathetic and parasympathetic autonomic system have their pre-ganglionic neurons in Rexed laminae seven. These neurons are responsible for the fight or flight response (sympathetic) and rest and digest (parasympathetic) functions of the bodies' organs. Laminae Eight Neurons in layer eight obtain information from the reticulospinal and vestibulospinal tracts. The reticulospinal tract is important in maintaing the tone of muscles that flex joints. The vestibulospinal system helps maintain muscles that are important in extending joints. So what do the neurons in layer eight do? They take competing information from the reticulospinal and vestibulospinal tracts and help modulate movement and muscular tone. Pretty simple, huh? Laminae Nine Finally an easy layer! This layer contains the α, β, and γ motor neurons of the cord. Simply stated, these neurons send impulses to muscles leading to movement. The more complex story is that motor neurons in layer nine are influenced by numerous inputs from other Rexed laminae, as well as by descending information coming from the brain. The neurons in layer nine are topographically organized based on what type of muscle (flexor or extender) they control, as well as where in the body that muscle is located (axial or limb). Neurons that are located towards the center of the cord control axial muscles and those located towards the periphery of the cord control the muscles of the limbs. In similar fashion, neurons that control muscles that extend joints are located towards the front of the layer (ie: anterior), and those that flex joints are located towards the back of layer nine (ie: posterior). Laminae Ten Like layer five, no one really knows what layer ten actually does. We do know that it is composed of neurons that surround the fluid filled central canal of the spinal cord like a donut. Hungry yet??? The Rexed laminae are layers of neurons within the spinal cord that perform specific functions. In general, neurons in the laminae towards the back of the cord (ie: laminaes one, two, three, four, and five) are predominately involved in interpreting and relaying sensory information from the body to the brain. On the other hand, neurons in the laminae towards the front of the cord (ie: laminaes seven, eight, and nine) are involved primarily in executing movement and controlling the functions of the bodies organs. References and Resources (1) Kitahata L, Kosaka Y, Taub A, et al. Lamina-specific suppression of dorsal-horn unit activity by morphine sulfate. Anesthesiology, V41, issue 1, 1974. (2) Anamizu Y, Seichi A, Tsuzuki N, et al. Age-related changes in histogram pattern of anterior horn cells in human cervical spinal cord. Neuropathology. 2006 Dec;26(6):533-9. (3) Stephens B, Guiloff RJ, Navarrete R, et al. Widespread loss of neuronal populations in the spinal ventral horn in sporadic motor neuron disease. A morphometric study. J Neurol Sci. 2006 May 15;244(1-2):41-58. (5) Neuroscience. Fourth Edition. Sinauer Associates, Inc., 2007. Comment / Leave Feedback No one has commented yet! Be the first...	<urn:uuid:bbeb8042-7b5e-4f07-9ab2-21e2886130f6>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.53125, "fasttext_score": 0.17967581748962402, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.8675533533096313, "url": "http://virtualmedstudent.com/links/anatomy/rexed_laminae.html" }
1851- Circa. 1880 Process developed in England by Frederick Scott Archer Peter Witkins Fry in (1851). A Collodion wet-plate negative was mounted in front of a dark surface that produced a positive image. This process was less expensive to produce than the daguerreotype and remained popular until the mid 1860s. films Picture of the week help Link to History Center	<urn:uuid:1356380f-6e0c-4707-9b31-173d2288a605>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.5625, "fasttext_score": 0.03386247158050537, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.941297173500061, "url": "http://lifeinwesternpa.org/ambrodef.asp" }
Definition Of Birdstone Eyes The majority of birdstones were made without eyes. A rough estimate would be that only about one-third of all birdstones have some form of eyes. However, those birdstones that do have eyes can be very different in character and style. The following terminology for referring to eye treatment seems to be common in both the written literature and in the common vernacular when discussing birdstones. This terminology will be used when discussing birdstones within the text of this issue and in photograph captions. Popeyes represent the most dramatic type of eyes. In the past, the term popeyes has been used in a generic fashion to describe almost any type of eye that protrudes above the surface of the head. In an effort to clarify this terminology, the following definition is proposed. Popeyed birdstones have eyes that begin as contracting stems and terminate in flared round or oval discs. Ridges on the underside of the stems may or may not be present. In the past, popeyes have often been referred to as button eyes due to their resemblance to military style coat buttons. Saddle Birdstone having popeyes and sharply defined ridges on the underside of the contracting eye stems, Miami County, Ohio The concentric circle pattern of the banded slate terminates in the eye area of the head to create the illusory effect of eyes or pupils. When this type of eye occurs, it is usually on one side of the head only. This area may also be slightly raised or humped Typical Elongated Birdstone exhibiting concentric circle eyes, Jay County, Indiana Cylindrical eyes are basically round cylinders protruding from the birdstone head and do not flare or expand to any significant degree. Cylindrical eyes may be thin and delicate or thick and heavy in structure. The length of cylindrical eyes varies. Saddle Birdstone having cylindrical eyes that are heavy in structure, Calhoun County, Michigan Nodular eyed birdstones have small rounded protuberances in the eye area resembling low, gently rounded mounds. Elongated Fantail Birdstone having nodular eyes, Montcalm County, Michigan Conical eyes taper from the head and terminate in a rounded or pointed cone shape. Conical eyes may also exhibit a "pinched-up" effect. This type of eye treatment may blend into the concentric circle type of eye. Elongated Typical Birdstone exhibiting conical eyes, Kent County, Ontario, Canada Ridged eyes on birdstones are rare. They have a protruding and usually sharp raised ridge that runs from the top of the head to the juncture between the neck and the head. Ridged eyes may sometimes encircle the entire head or beak. Elongated Long Neck Birdstone having ridged eyes, Milwaukee County, Wisconsin Drilled eyes are usually lightly made concave drillings into the side of the head. Typically this type of eye is small and sometimes barely discernable. Another rare type of eye treatment should at least be mentioned. Incised eyes are those that have been scratched or etched into the eye area of the birdstone head. This type of eye treatment is seldom seen and tends not to appear on the finest examples of the art. The incisions in the eye area of the head may be very crude in contrast to the overall character of the birdstone, leading one to speculate the incisions/scratches were made by another person at a later time. (No examples were available for illustrative purposes.) Chunky Birdstone having drilled eyes and an incised mouth, Kosciusko County, Indiana In summation, it is hoped that the definitions identified above regarding birdstone typology and the treatment of eyes will be helpful in the future discussion of birdstones. By using terminology that is in direct correlation to the physical attributes of these artistic creations a commonality of language will hopefully ensue. A final caveat must once again be noted. Birdstone types may blend from one type to another, and the treatment of eyes also blends from one type to another. Many superb examples of birdstones exist that have blending body form types or blending types of eyes.	<urn:uuid:ece09d79-b3ac-4cc5-b0db-2404a589b315>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.625, "fasttext_score": 0.060562312602996826, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9273223876953125, "url": "http://www.arrowheads.com/index.php/birdstones/338-2014-04-29-00-09-04?tmpl=component&print=1" }
Emily Dickinson Emily Elizabeth Dickinson was born on December 10, 1830 in the quiet community of Amherst, Massachusetts, the second daughter of Edward and Emily Norcross Dickinson. Emily, Austin (her older brother) and her younger sister Lavinia were nurtured in a quiet, reserved family headed by their authoritative father Edward. Throughout Emily’s life, her mother was not “emotionally accessible,” the absence of which might have caused some of Emily’s eccentricity. Being rooted in the puritanical Massachusetts of the 1800’s, the Dickinson children were raised in the Christian tradition, and they were expected to take up their father’s religious beliefs and values without argument. Later in life, Emily would come to challenge these conventional religious viewpoints of her father and the church, and the challenges she met with would later contribute to the strength of her poetry. The Dickinson family was prominent in Amherst. In fact, Emily’s grandfather, Samuel Fowler Dickinson, was one of the founders of Amherst College, and her father served as lawyer and treasurer for the institution. Emily’s father also served in powerful positions on the General Court of Massachusetts, the Massachusetts State Senate, and the United States House of Representatives. Unlike her father, Emily did not enjoy the popularity and excitement of public life in Amherst, and she began to withdraw. Emily did not fit in with her father’s religion in Amherst, and her father began to censor the books she read because of their potential to draw her away from the faith. Being the daughter of a prominent politician, Emily had the benefit of a good education and attended the Amherst Academy. After her time at the academy, Emily left for the South Hadley Female Seminary (currently Mount Holyoke College) where she started to blossom into a delicate young woman – “her eyes lovely auburn, soft and warm, her hair lay in rings of the same color all over her head with her delicate teeth and skin.” She had a demure manner that was almost fun with her close friends, but Emily could be shy, silent, or even depreciating in the presence of strangers. Although she was successful at college, Emily returned after only one year at the seminary in 1848 to Amherst where she began her life of seclusion. Although Emily never married, she had several significant relationships with a select few. It was during this period following her return from school that Emily began to dress all in white and choose those precious few that would be her own private society. Refusing to see almost everyone that came to visit, Emily seldom left her father’s house. In Emily’s entire life, she took one trip to Philadelphia (due to eye problems), one to Washington, and a few trips to Boston. Other than those occasional ventures, Emily had no extended exposure to the world outside her home town. During this time, her early twenties, Emily began to write poetry seriously. Fortunately, during those rare journeys Emily met two very influential men that would be sources of inspiration and guidance: Charles Wadsworth and Thomas Wentworth Higginson. There were other less influential individuals that affected Emily, such as Samuel Bowles and J.G. Holland, but the impact that Wadsworth and Higginson had on Dickinson was monumental. The Reverend Charles Wadsworth, age 41, had a powerful effect on Emily’s life and her poetry. On her trip to Philadelphia, Emily met Wadsworth, a clergyman, who was to become her “dearest earthly friend”. A romantic figure, Wadsworth was an outlet for Emily, because his orthodox Calvinism acted as a beneficial catalyst to her theoretical inferences. Wadsworth, like Dickinson, was a solitary, romantic person that Emily could confide in when writing her poetry. He had the same poise in the pulpit that Emily had in her poetry. Wadsworth’s religious beliefs and presumptions also gave Emily a sharp, and often welcome, contrast to the transcendentalist writings and easy assumptions of Emerson. Most importantly, it is widely believed that Emily had a great love for this Reverend from Philadelphia even though he was married. Many of Dickinson’s critics believe that Wadsworth was the focal point of Emily’s love poems. When Emily had a sizable backlog of poems, she sought out somebody for advice about anonymous publication, and on April 15, 1862 she found Thomas Wentworth Higginson, an eminent literary man. She wrote a letter to Higginson and enclosed four poems to inquire his appraisal and advice. Although Higginson advised Dickinson against publishing her poetry, he did see the creative originality in her poetry, and he remained Emily’s “preceptor” for the remainder of her life. It was after that correspondence in 1862 that Emily decided against publishing her poems, and, as a result, only seven of her poems were published in her lifetime – five of them in the Springfield Republican. The remainder of the works would wait until after Dickinson’s death. Emily continued to write poetry, but when the United States Civil War broke out a lot of emotional turmoil came through in Dickinson’s work. Some changes in her poetry came directly as a result of the war, but there were other events that distracted Emily and these things came through in the most productive period of her lifetime – about 800 poems. Even though she looked inward and not to the war for the substance of her poetry, the tense atmosphere of the war years may have contributed to the urgency of her writing. The year of greatest stress was 1862, when distance and danger threatened Emily’s friends – Samuel Bowles, in Europe for his health; Charles Wadsworth, who had moved to a new pastorate at the Calvary Church in San Francisco; and T.W. Higginson, serving as an officer in the Union Army. Emily also had persistent eye trouble, which led her, in 1864 and 1865, to spend several months in Cambridge, Mass. for treatment. Once back in Amherst she never traveled again and after the late 1860s never left the boundaries of the family’s property. The later years of Dickinson’s life were primarily spent in mourning because of several deaths within the time frame of a few years. Emily’s father died in 1874, Samuel Bowles died in 1878, J.G. Holland died in 1881, her nephew Gilbert died in 1883, and both Charles Wadsworth and Emily’s mother died in 1882. Over those few years, many of the most influential and precious friendships of Emily’s passed away, and that gave way to the more concentrated obsession with death in her poetry. On June 14, 1884 Emily’s obsessions and poetic speculations started to come to a stop when she suffered the first attack of her terminal illness. Throughout the year of 1885, Emily was confined to bed in her family’s house where she had lived her entire life, and on May 15, 1886 Emily took her last breath at the age of 55. At that moment the world lost one of its most talented and insightful poets. Emily left behind nearly 2,000 poems. As a result of Emily Dickinson’s life of solitude, she was able to focus on her world more sharply than other authors of her time – contemporary authors who had no effect on her writing. Emily was original and innovative in her poetry, most often drawing on the Bible, classical mythology, and Shakespeare for allusions and references. Many of her poems were not completed and written on scraps of paper, such as old grocery lists. Eventually when her poetry was published, editors took it upon themselves to group them into classes – Friends, Nature, Love, and Death. These same editors arranged her works with titles, rearranged the syntax, and standardized Dickinson’s grammar. Fortunately in 1955, Thomas Johnson published Dickinson’s poems in their original formats, thus displaying the creative genius and peculiarity of her poetry. Poems By Emily Dickinson	<urn:uuid:7d4e6ef7-cb17-4aee-a658-6cda7ca987d8>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.546875, "fasttext_score": 0.032372355461120605, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9839248061180115, "url": "http://www.americanpoems.com/poets/emilydickinson/11364/" }
Activity Source: 1. Take a die and a worksheet. Station yourself and your classmates in various portions of the water cycle as follows. 2. See that one-half of students are at the Oceans station. Evenly spread the remaining students across the other stations, except for the Plants station, which should start off with no one stationed there. 3. Circle your starting location on your worksheet. 4. Roll your die. Based on the number rolled, the student turns the car over to determine your progress in the water cycle. 5. If told to move, draw an arrow on your worksheet from your starting location to your current position. Label that arrowhead with a number 1. Then move to your new location. 6. If told to stay, place a number 1 inside your drawn circle. 7. Roll your die again. 8. If told to move, draw an arrow on your worksheet from your current location to your new position. Label that arrowhead with a number 2. Then move to your new location. 9. If told to stay, write a number 2 at your current location. 10. Repeat the roll-and-move procedure up to 10 times total. Most of the students in your class should have traveled to several stations and completed some sort of cycle. Some may have traveled through most of the water cycle, while others have moved very little. There also may be a student or two who remained in the ocean through all 10 turns. If 100,000 people represented all water on Earth, where would they be located? Water Source Total Water (%) Number of people Glaciers & Snows Rivers & Lakes Atmosphere (w/clouds) While this exercise is meant to be somewhat realistic, it is actually far more complicated to leave the ocean via evaporation, since nearly all of Earth’s water is confined to oceans. To truly represent the water cycle, we would need about 100,000 people located at each station, as seen in the table. Not only would there be over 97,000 people who represented the ocean, it would take nearly 3,600 rolls of the die before just one person moved to the Atmosphere station via evaporation. This exercise also does not take into consideration human and animal interactions with the water cycle. The water humans and animals consume is stored and eliminated, or it evaporates (via perspiration). For additional lessons, visit: www.srh.weather.gov/srh/jetstream/.	<urn:uuid:c01a7e24-dda9-413a-9625-6fabc28cb7bb>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.578125, "fasttext_score": 0.7057963609695435, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9496333003044128, "url": "http://www.earthsciweek.org/classroom-activities/what-cycle" }
Because the majority of these HiWi were coming from a rural background, most of them were sent to horse drawn units. This type of volunteer had therefore nothing to do with the volunteer legions or Ost units, these were combat units formed with men all coming from the same region or ethnic background. The "freiwillig-gezogener-Hilfswilliger (HiWi)" was a volunteer working for the German army. These volunteers were drafted in from countries that once were under German occupation. They formed a workforce that enabled unit comman-ders to redeploy young German soldiers for frontline duties. A determined number of HiWi often of different nationalities, were assigned to a certain German unit. The uniform of HiWi didn't have any insignia except for a brassard with a printed text. "Deutsche Wehrmacht" or "Im Dienst der Deutschen Wehrmacht" were the most common ones. Their clothing and equipment was a mix of reused old items and new production gear. It was issued in depots at army or corps level. The canvas sweat blanket, existing in different color shades, was used to cool down horses after work and were normaly stored in the supply wagons. Two examples of these blankets can been seen in the museum at Diekirch (Luxembourg). An original picture of Hilfswilliger showing the lack of insignia and schoulderboards. Besides their normal tasks, the Batterie Hilfsfreiwilligen also had to do their part of armed guard duty to protect the units rear area with the horses and supplies. The Stahlhelm, Karabiner 98k with bayonet, ammunition and gasmask were issued by the unit where the volunteers served. Even after duty, the care of animals goes on... 1 - 2 - 3 - 4	<urn:uuid:106a06d1-68f4-490c-ac9a-298c5840323e>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.5, "fasttext_score": 0.2693799138069153, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9643071293830872, "url": "http://www.project1944.be/Pferde/Page2/Pferde2.html" }
Truth, Belief, and Justification Truth is most often used to mean in accord with fact or reality,[1] or fidelity to an original or to a standard or ideal.[1] Nomenclature, orthography, and etymology Further information: VeritasAletheia, and Tryggvi The English word truth is from Old English tríewþ, tréowþ, trýwþ, Middle English trewþe, cognate to Old High German triuwida, Old Norse tryggð. Like troth, it is a -th nominalisation of the adjective true (Old English tréowe). The English word true is from Old English (West Saxon) (ge)tríewe, tréowe, cognate to Old Saxon (gi)trûui, Old High German (ga)triuwu (Modern German treu “faithful”), Old Norse tryggr, Gothic triggws,[2] all from a Proto-Germanic *trewwj- “having good faith“. Old Norse trú, “faith, word of honour; religious faith, belief”[3] (archaic English troth “loyalty, honesty, good faith”, compare Ásatrú). Thus, ‘truth’ involves both the quality of “faithfulness, fidelity, loyalty, sincerity, veracity”,[4] and that of “agreement with fact or reality“, in Anglo-Saxon expressed by sōþ (Modern English sooth). All Germanic languages besides English have introduced a terminological distinction between truth “fidelity” and truth “factuality”. To express “factuality”, North Germanic opted for nouns derived from sanna “to assert, affirm”, while continental West Germanic (German and Dutch) opted for continuations of wâra “faith, trust, pact” (cognate to Slavic věra “(religious) faith”, but influenced by Latin verus). Romance languages use terms following the Latin veritas, while the Greek aletheia, Russian pravda and Serbian istina have separate etymological origins. Major theories of truth The question of what is a proper basis for deciding how words, symbols, ideas and beliefs may properly be considered true, whether by a single person or an entire society, is dealt with by the five major substantive theories introduced below. Each theory presents perspectives that are widely shared by published scholars.[5][6][7] There also have more recently arisen “deflationary” or “minimalist” theories of truth based on the idea that the application of a term like true to a statement does not assert anything significant about it, for instance, anything about its nature, but that the label truth is a tool of discourse used to express agreement, to emphasize claims, or to form certain types of generalizations.[5][8][9] Substantive theories Correspondence theory Correspondence theories state that true beliefs and true statements correspond to the actual state of affairs.[10] This type of theory posits a relationship between thoughts or statements on one hand, and things or objects on the other. It is a traditional model which goes back at least to some of the classical Greek philosophers such as Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle.[11] This class of theories holds that the truth or the falsity of a representation is determined in principle solely by how it relates to “things”, by whether it accurately describes those “things”. An example of correspondence theory is the statement by the Thirteenth Century philosopher/theologian Thomas Aquinas: Veritas est adaequatio rei et intellectus (“Truth is the equation [or adequation] of things and intellect”), a statement which Aquinas attributed to the Ninth Century neoplatonist Isaac Israeli.[12][13][14] Aquinas also restated the theory as: “A judgment is said to be true when it conforms to the external reality”[15] Correspondence theory practically operates on the assumption that truth is a matter of accurately copying what was much later called “objective reality” and then representing it in thoughts, words and other symbols.[16] Many modern theorists have stated that this ideal cannot be achieved independently of some analysis of additional factors.[5][17] For example, language plays a role in that all languages have words that are not easily translatable into another. The German word Zeitgeist is one such example: one who speaks or understands the language may “know” what it means, but any translation of the word apparently fails to accurately capture its full meaning (this is a problem with many abstract words, especially those derived in agglutinative languages). Thus, some words add an additional parameter to the construction of an accurate truth predicate. Among the philosophers who grappled with this problem is Alfred Tarski, whose semantic theory is summarized further below in this article.[18] Proponents of several of the theories below have gone further to assert that there are yet other issues necessary to the analysis, such as interpersonal power struggles, community interactions, personal biases and other factors involved in deciding what is seen as truth. Coherence theory Some variants of coherence theory are claimed to characterize the essential and intrinsic properties of formal systems in logic and mathematics.[20] However, formal reasoners are content to contemplate axiomatically independent and sometimes mutually contradictory systems side by side, for example, the various alternative geometries. On the whole, coherence theories have been criticized as lacking justification in their application to other areas of truth, especially with respect to assertions about the natural world, empirical data in general, assertions about practical matters of psychology and society, especially when used without support from the other major theories of truth.[21] Coherence theories distinguish the thought of rationalist philosophers, particularly of Spinoza, Leibniz, and G.W.F. Hegel, along with the British philosopher F.H. Bradley.[22] They have found a resurgence also among several proponents of logical positivism, notably Otto Neurath and Carl Hempel. Constructivist theory Social constructivism holds that truth is constructed by social processes, is historically and culturally specific, and that it is in part shaped through the power struggles within a community. Constructivism views all of our knowledge as “constructed,” because it does not reflect any external “transcendent” realities (as a pure correspondence theory might hold). Rather, perceptions of truth are viewed as contingent on convention, human perception, and social experience. It is believed by constructivists that representations of physical and biological reality, including race, sexuality, and gender, are socially constructed. Giambattista Vico was among the first to claim that history and culture were man-made. Vico’s epistemological orientation gathers the most diverse rays and unfolds in one axiom – verum ipsum factum – “truth itself is constructed”. Hegel and Marx were among the other early proponents of the premise that truth is, or can be, socially constructed. Marx, like many critical theorists who followed, did not reject the existence of objective truth but rather distinguished between true knowledge and knowledge that has been distorted through power or ideology. For Marx scientific and true knowledge is ‘in accordance with the dialectical understanding of history’ and ideological knowledge ‘an epiphenomenal expression of the relation of material forces in a given economic arrangement’.[23] Consensus theory Among the current advocates of consensus theory as a useful accounting of the concept of “truth” is the philosopher Jürgen Habermas.[24] Habermas maintains that truth is what would be agreed upon in an ideal speech situation.[25] Among the current strong critics of consensus theory is the philosopher Nicholas Rescher.[26] Pragmatic theory The three most influential forms of the pragmatic theory of truth were introduced around the turn of the 20th century by Charles Sanders Peirce, William James, and John Dewey. Although there are wide differences in viewpoint among these and other proponents of pragmatic theory, they hold in common that truth is verified and confirmed by the results of putting one’s concepts into practice.[27] Peirce defines truth as follows: “Truth is that concordance of an abstract statement with the ideal limit towards which endless investigation would tend to bring scientific belief, which concordance the abstract statement may possess by virtue of the confession of its inaccuracy and one-sidedness, and this confession is an essential ingredient of truth.”[28] This statement emphasizes Peirce’s view that ideas of approximation, incompleteness, and partiality, what he describes elsewhere as fallibilism and “reference to the future”, are essential to a proper conception of truth. Although Peirce uses words like concordance and correspondence to describe one aspect of the pragmatic sign relation, he is also quite explicit in saying that definitions of truth based on mere correspondence are no more than nominal definitions, which he accords a lower status than real definitions. William James’s version of pragmatic theory, while complex, is often summarized by his statement that “the ‘true’ is only the expedient in our way of thinking, just as the ‘right’ is only the expedient in our way of behaving.”[29] By this, James meant that truth is a quality, the value of which is confirmed by its effectiveness when applying concepts to practice (thus, “pragmatic”). Though not widely publicized, a new variation of the pragmatic theory was defined and wielded successfully from the 20th century forward. Defined and named by William Ernest Hocking, this variation is known as “negative pragmatism”. Essentially, what works may or may not be true, but what fails cannot be true because the truth always works.[31] Richard Feynman also ascribed to it: “We never are definitely right, we can only be sure we are wrong.”[32] This approach incorporates many of the ideas from Peirce, James, and Dewey. For Peirce, the idea of “… endless investigation would tend to bring about scientific belief …” fits negative pragmatism in that a negative pragmatist would never stop testing. As Feynman noted, an idea or theory “… could never be proved right, because tomorrow’s experiment might succeed in proving wrong what you thought was right.”[32] Similarly, James and Dewey’s ideas also ascribe to repeated testing which is “self-corrective” over time. Pragmatism and negative pragmatism are also closely aligned with the coherence theory of truth in that any testing should not be isolated but rather incorporate knowledge from all human endeavors and experience. The universe is a whole and integrated system, and testing should recognize and account for its diversity. As Feynman said, “… if it disagrees with experiment, it is wrong.”[33] Minimalist (deflationary) theories Some philosophers reject the thesis that the concept or term truth refers to a real property of sentences or propositions. These philosophers are responding, in part, to the common use of truth predicates (e.g., that some particular thing “…is true”) which was particularly prevalent in philosophical discourse on truth in the first half of the 20th century. From this point of view, to assert the proposition “‘2 + 2 = 4’ is true” is logically equivalent to asserting the proposition “2 + 2 = 4”, and the phrase “is true” is completely dispensable in this and every other context. These positions are broadly described • as deflationary theories of truth, since they attempt to deflate the presumed importance of the words “true” or truth, • as disquotational theories, to draw attention to the disappearance of the quotation marks in cases like the above example, or • as minimalist theories of truth.[5][34] Whichever term is used, deflationary theories can be said to hold in common that “[t]he predicate ‘true’ is an expressive convenience, not the name of a property requiring deep analysis.”[5] Once we have identified the truth predicate’s formal features and utility, deflationists argue, we have said all there is to be said about truth. Among the theoretical concerns of these views is to explain away those special cases where it does appear that the concept of truth has peculiar and interesting properties. (See, e.g., Semantic paradoxes, and below.) In addition to highlighting such formal aspects of the predicate “is true”, some deflationists point out that the concept enables us to express things that might otherwise require infinitely long sentences. For example, one cannot express confidence in Michael’s accuracy by asserting the endless sentence: Michael says, ‘snow is white’ and snow is white, or he says ‘roses are red’ and roses are red or he says … etc. This assertion can also be succinctly expressed by saying: What Michael says is true.[35] Performative theory of truth Attributed to P. F. Strawson is the performative theory of truth which holds that to say “‘Snow is white’ is true” is to perform the speech act of signaling one’s agreement with the claim that snow is white (much like nodding one’s head in agreement). The idea that some statements are more actions than communicative statements is not as odd as it may seem. Consider, for example, that when the bride says “I do” at the appropriate time in a wedding, she is performing the act of taking this man to be her lawful wedded husband. She is not describing herself as taking this man, but actually doing so (perhaps the most thorough analysis of such “illocutionary acts” is J. L. Austin, “How to Do Things With Words[36]). Strawson holds that a similar analysis is applicable to all speech acts, not just illocutionary ones: “To say a statement is true is not to make a statement about a statement, but rather to perform the act of agreeing with, accepting, or endorsing a statement. When one says ‘It’s true that it’s raining,’ one asserts no more than ‘It’s raining.’ The function of [the statement] ‘It’s true that…’ is to agree with, accept, or endorse the statement that ‘it’s raining.'”[37] Redundancy and related theories According to the redundancy theory of truth, asserting that a statement is true is completely equivalent to asserting the statement itself. For example, making the assertion that ” ‘Snow is white’ is true” is equivalent to asserting “Snow is white”. Redundancy theorists infer from this premise that truth is a redundant concept; that is, it is merely a word that is traditionally used in conversation or writing, generally for emphasis, but not a word that actually equates to anything in reality. This theory is commonly attributed to Frank P. Ramsey, who held that the use of words like fact and truth was nothing but a roundabout way of asserting a proposition, and that treating these words as separate problems in isolation from judgment was merely a “linguistic muddle”.[5][38][39] A variant of redundancy theory is the disquotational theory which uses a modified form of Tarski‘s schema: To say that ‘”P” is true’ is to say that P. A version of this theory was defended by C. J. F. Williams in his book What is Truth?. Yet another version of deflationism is the prosentential theory of truth, first developed by Dorothy Grover, Joseph Camp, and Nuel Belnap as an elaboration of Ramsey’s claims. They argue that sentences like “That’s true”, when said in response to “It’s raining”, are prosentences, expressions that merely repeat the content of other expressions. In the same way that it means the same as my dog in the sentence My dog was hungry, so I fed it, That’s true is supposed to mean the same as It’s raining — if you say the latter and I then say the former. These variations do not necessarily follow Ramsey in asserting that truth is not a property, but rather can be understood to say that, for instance, the assertion “P” may well involve a substantial truth, and the theorists in this case are minimalizing only the redundancy or prosentence involved in the statement such as “that’s true.”[5] Deflationary principles do not apply to representations that are not analogous to sentences, and also do not apply to many other things that are commonly judged to be true or otherwise. Consider the analogy between the sentence “Snow is white” and the character named Snow White, both of which can be true in some sense. To a minimalist, saying “Snow is white is true” is the same as saying “Snow is white,” but to say “Snow White is true” is not the same as saying “Snow White.” Pluralist theories Several of the major theories of truth hold that there is a particular property the having of which makes a belief or proposition true. Pluralist theories of truth assert that there may be more than one property that makes propositions true: ethical propositions might be true by virtue of coherence. Propositions about the physical world might be true by corresponding to the objects and properties they are about. Some of the pragmatic theories, such as those by Charles Peirce and William James, included aspects of correspondence, coherence and constructivist theories.[28][29] Crispin Wright argued in his 1992 book Truth and Objectivity that any predicate which satisfied certain platitudes about truth qualified as a truth predicate. In some discourses, Wright argued, the role of the truth predicate might be played by the notion of superassertibility.[40] Michael Lynch, in a 2009 book Truth as One and Many, argued that we should see truth as a functional property capable of being multiply manifested in distinct properties like correspondence or coherence.[41] Most believed theories According to a survey of professional philosophers and others on their philosophical views which was carried out in November 2009 (taken by 3226 respondents, including 1803 philosophy faculty members and/or PhDs and 829 philosophy graduate students) 44.9% of respondents accept or lean towards correspondence theories, 20.7% accept or lean towards deflationary theories and 13.8% epistemic theories.[42] Formal theories Truth in logic Logic is concerned with the patterns in reason that can help tell us if a proposition is true or not. However, logic does not deal with truth in the absolute sense, as for instance a metaphysician does. Logicians use formal languages to express the truths which they are concerned with, and as such there is only truth under some interpretation or truth within some logical system. A logical truth (also called an analytic truth or a necessary truth) is a statement which is true in all possible worlds[43] or under all possible interpretations, as contrasted to a fact (also called a synthetic claim or a contingency) which is only true in this world as it has historically unfolded. A proposition such as “If p and q, then p.” is considered to be logical truth because it is true because of the meaning of the symbols and words in it and not because of any facts of any particular world. They are such that they could not be untrue. Truth in mathematics Main articles: Model theory and Proof theory There are two main approaches to truth in mathematics. They are the model theory of truth and the proof theory of truth[citation needed]. Historically, with the nineteenth century development of Boolean algebra mathematical models of logic began to treat “truth”, also represented as “T” or “1”, as an arbitrary constant. “Falsity” is also an arbitrary constant, which can be represented as “F” or “0”. In propositional logic, these symbols can be manipulated according to a set of axioms and rules of inference, often given in the form of truth tables. In addition, from at least the time of Hilbert’s program at the turn of the twentieth century to the proof of Gödel’s incompleteness theorems and the development of the Church-Turing thesis in the early part of that century, true statements in mathematics were generally assumed to be those statements which are provable in a formal axiomatic system.[citation needed] The works of Kurt Gödel, Alan Turing, and others shook this assumption, with the development of statements that are true but cannot be proven within the system.[44] Two examples of the latter can be found in Hilbert’s problems. Work on Hilbert’s 10th problem led in the late twentieth century to the construction of specific Diophantine equations for which it is undecidable whether they have a solution,[45] or even if they do, whether they have a finite or infinite number of solutions. More fundamentally, Hilbert’s first problem was on the continuum hypothesis.[46] Gödel and Paul Cohen showed that this hypothesis cannot be proved or disproved using the standard axioms of set theory.[47] In the view of some, then, it is equally reasonable to take either the continuum hypothesis or its negation as a new axiom. Semantic theory of truth ‘P’ is true if and only if P where ‘P’ is a reference to the sentence (the sentence’s name), and P is just the sentence itself. Logician and philosopher Alfred Tarski developed the theory for formal languages (such as formal logic). Here he restricted it in this way: no language could contain its own truth predicate, that is, the expression is true could only apply to sentences in some other language. The latter he called an object language, the language being talked about. (It may, in turn, have a truth predicate that can be applied to sentences in still another language.) The reason for his restriction was that languages that contain their own truth predicate will contain paradoxical sentences such as, “This sentence is not true”. As a result Tarski held that the semantic theory could not be applied to any natural language, such as English, because they contain their own truth predicates. Donald Davidson used it as the foundation of his truth-conditional semantics and linked it to radical interpretation in a form of coherentism. Bertrand Russell is credited with noticing the existence of such paradoxes even in the best symbolic formalizations of mathematics in his day, in particular the paradox that came to be named after him, Russell’s paradox. Russell and Whitehead attempted to solve these problems in Principia Mathematica by putting statements into a hierarchy of types, wherein a statement cannot refer to itself, but only to statements lower in the hierarchy. This in turn led to new orders of difficulty regarding the precise natures of types and the structures of conceptually possible type systems that have yet to be resolved to this day. Kripke’s theory of truth • Begin with a subset of sentences of a natural language that contains no occurrences of the expression “is true” (or “is false”). So The barn is big is included in the subset, but not ” The barn is big is true”, nor problematic sentences such as “This sentence is false”. • Define truth just for the sentences in that subset. • Then extend the definition of truth to include sentences that predicate truth or falsity of one of the original subset of sentences. So “The barn is big is true” is now included, but not either “This sentence is false” nor “‘The barn is big is true’ is true”. • Next, define truth for all sentences that predicate truth or falsity of a member of the second set. Imagine this process repeated infinitely, so that truth is defined for The barn is big; then for “The barn is big is true”; then for “‘The barn is big is true’ is true”, and so on. Notice that truth never gets defined for sentences like This sentence is false, since it was not in the original subset and does not predicate truth of any sentence in the original or any subsequent set. In Kripke’s terms, these are “ungrounded.” Since these sentences are never assigned either truth or falsehood even if the process is carried out infinitely, Kripke’s theory implies that some sentences are neither true nor false. This contradicts the Principle of bivalence: every sentence must be either true or false. Since this principle is a key premise in deriving the Liar paradox, the paradox is dissolved.[48] However, it has been shown by Gödel that self-reference cannot be avoided naively, since propositions about seemingly unrelated objects can have an informal self-referential meaning; in Gödel’s work, these objects are integer numbers, and they have an informal meaning regarding propositions. In fact, this idea – manifested by the diagonal lemma – is the basis for Tarski’s theorem that truth cannot be consistently defined. It has thus been claimed [49] that Kripke’s system indeed leads to contradiction: while its truth predicate is only partial, it does give truth value (true/false) to propositions such as the one built in Tarski’s proof, and is therefore inconsistent. While there is still a debate on whether Tarski’s proof can be implemented to every similar partial truth system, none have been shown to be consistent by acceptable methods used in mathematical logic. Notable views La Vérité “Truth” by Jules Joseph Lefebvre Ancient history The ancient Greek origins of the words “true” and “truth” have some consistent definitions throughout great spans of history that were often associated with topics of logic, geometry, mathematics, deduction, induction, and natural philosophy. Socrates’, Plato’s and Aristotle’s ideas about truth are commonly seen as consistent with correspondence theory. In his Metaphysics, Aristotle stated: “To say of what is that it is not, or of what is not that it is, is false, while to say of what is that it is, and of what is not that it is not, is true”.[50] The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy proceeds to say of Aristotle: “(…) Aristotle sounds much more like a genuine correspondence theorist in the Categories (12b11, 14b14), where he talks of “underlying things” that make statements true and implies that these “things” (pragmata) are logically structured situations or facts (viz., his sitting, his not sitting). Most influential is his claim in De Interpretatione (16a3) that thoughts are “likenessess” (homoiosis) of things. Although he nowhere defines truth in terms of a thought’s likeness to a thing or fact, it is clear that such a definition would fit well into his overall philosophy of mind. (…)”[50] Very similar statements can also be found in Plato (Cratylus 385b2, Sophist 263b).[50] In Hinduism, Truth is defined as “unchangeable”, “that which has no distortion”, “that which is beyond distinctions of time, space, and person”, “that which pervades the universe in all its constancy”. Human body, therefore is not completely true as it changes with time, for example. There are many references, properties and explanations of truth by Hindu sages that explain varied facets of truth, such as “Satyam eva jayate” (Truth alone wins), “Satyam muktaye” (Truth liberates), “Satya’ is ‘Parahit’artham’ va’unmanaso yatha’rthatvam’ satyam” (Satya is the benevolent use of words and the mind for the welfare of others or in other words responsibilities is truth too), “When one is firmly established in speaking truth, the fruits of action become subservient to him ( patanjali yogasutras, sutra number 2.36 ), “The face of truth is covered by a golden bowl. Unveil it, O Pusan (Sun), so that I who have truth as my duty (satyadharma) may see it!” (Brhadaranyaka V 15 1-4 and the brief IIsa Upanisad 15-18), Truth is superior to silence (Manusmriti), etc. Combined with other words, satya acts as modifier, like “ultra” or “highest,” or more literally “truest,” connoting purity and excellence. For example, satyaloka is the “highest heaven’ and Satya Yuga is the “golden age” or best of the four cyclical cosmic ages in Hinduism, and so on. Medieval age In early Islamic philosophy, Avicenna (Ibn Sina) defined truth in his Metaphysics of Healing, Book I, Chapter 8, as: “What corresponds in the mind to what is outside it.”[51] Avicenna elaborated on his definition of truth in his Metaphysics Book Eight, Chapter 6: “The truth of a thing is the property of the being of each thing which has been established in it.”[52] However, this definition is merely a translation of the Latin translation from the Middle Ages.[53] A modern translation of the original Arabic text states: “Truth is also said of the veridical belief in the existence [of something]”.[54] Reevaluating Avicenna, and also Augustine and Aristotle, Thomas Aquinas stated in his Disputed Questions on Truth: A natural thing, being placed between two intellects, is called true insofar as it conforms to either. It is said to be true with respect to its conformity with the divine intellect insofar as it fulfills the end to which it was ordained by the divine intellect… With respect to its conformity with a human intellect, a thing is said to be true insofar as it is such as to cause a true estimate about itself.[55] Thus, for Aquinas, the truth of the human intellect (logical truth) is based on the truth in things (ontological truth).[56] Following this, he wrote an elegant re-statement of Aristotle’s view in his Summa I.16.1: Veritas est adæquatio intellectus et rei. (Truth is the conformity of the intellect to the things.) Aquinas also said that real things participate in the act of being of the Creator God who is Subsistent Being, Intelligence, and Truth. Thus, these beings possess the light of intelligibility and are knowable. These things (beings; reality) are the foundation of the truth that is found in the human mind, when it acquires knowledge of things, first through the senses, then through the understanding and the judgement done by reason. For Aquinas, human intelligence (“intus”, within and “legere”, to read) has the capability to reach the essence and existence of things because it has a non-material, spiritual element, although some moral, educational, and other elements might interfere with its capability. Changing concepts of truth in the Middle Ages Richard Firth Green analyzed the concept of truth in the later Middle Ages in his A Crisis of Truth, and concludes that roughly during the reign of Richard II of England the very meaning of the concept changes. The idea of the oath, which was so much part and parcel of for instance Romance literature,[57] changes from a subjective concept to a more objective one (in Derek Pearsall‘s summary).[58] Whereas truth (the “trouthe” of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight) was first “an ethical truth in which truth is understood to reside in persons”, in Ricardian England it “transforms…into a political truth in which truth is understood to reside in documents”[59] Modern age Immanuel Kant endorses a definition of truth along the lines of the correspondence theory of truth.[50] Kant writes in the Critique of Pure Reason: “The nominal definition of truth, namely that it is the agreement of cognition with its object, is here granted and presupposed”.[60] However, Kant denies that this correspondence definition of truth provides us with a test or criterion to establish which judgements are true. Kant states in his logic lectures: “(…) Truth, it is said, consists in the agreement of cognition with its object. In consequence of this mere nominal definition, my cognition, to count as true, is supposed to agree with its object. Now I can compare the object with my cognition, however, only by cognizing it. Hence my cognition is supposed to confirm itself, which is far short of being sufficient for truth. For since the object is outside me, the cognition in me, all I can ever pass judgement on is whether my cognition of the object agrees with my cognition of the object. The ancients called such a circle in explanation a diallelon. And actually the logicians were always reproached with this mistake by the sceptics, who observed that with this definition of truth it is just as when someone makes a statement before a court and in doing so appeals to a witness with whom no one is acquainted, but who wants to establish his credibility by maintaining that the one who called him as witness is an honest man. The accusation was grounded, too. Only the solution of the indicated problem is impossible without qualification and for every man. (…)”[61] This passage makes use of his distinction between nominal and real definitions. A nominal definition explains the meaning of a linguistic expression. A real definition describes the essence of certain objects and enable us to determine whether any given item falls within the definition.[62] Kant holds that the definition of truth is merely nominal and, therefore, we cannot employ it to establish which judgements are true. According to Kant, the ancient skeptics criticized the logicians for holding that, by means of a merely nominal definition of truth, they can establish which judgements are true. They were trying to do something that is “impossible without qualification and for every man”.[61] Georg Hegel distanced his philosophy from psychology by presenting truth as being an external self-moving object instead of being related to inner, subjective thoughts. Hegel’s truth is analogous to the mechanics of a material body in motion under the influence of its own inner force. “Truth is its own self-movement within itself.”[63] Teleological truth moves itself in the three-step form of dialectical triplicity toward the final goal of perfect, final, absolute truth. For Hegel, the progression of philosophical truth is a resolution of past oppositions into increasingly more accurate approximations to absolute truth. Chalybäus used the terms “thesis“, “antithesis“, and “synthesis” to describe Hegel’s dialectical triplicity. The “thesis” consists of an incomplete historical movement. To resolve the incompletion, an “antithesis” occurs which opposes the “thesis.” In turn, the “synthesis” appears when the “thesis” and “antithesis” become reconciled and a higher level of truth is obtained. This “synthesis” thereby becomes a “thesis,” which will again necessitate an “antithesis,” requiring a new “synthesis” until a final state is reached as the result of reason’s historical movement. History is the Absolute Spirit moving toward a goal. This historical progression will finally conclude itself when the Absolute Spirit understands its own infinite self at the very end of history. Absolute Spirit will then be the complete expression of an infinite God. For Arthur Schopenhauer,[64] a judgment is a combination or separation of two or more concepts. If a judgment is to be an expression of knowledge, it must have a sufficient reason or ground by which the judgment could be called true. Truth is the reference of a judgment to something different from itself which is its sufficient reason (ground). Judgments can have material, formal, transcendental, or metalogical truth. A judgment has material truth if its concepts are based on intuitive perceptions that are generated from sensations. If a judgment has its reason (ground) in another judgment, its truth is called logical or formal. If a judgment, of, for example, pure mathematics or pure science, is based on the forms (space, time, causality) of intuitive, empirical knowledge, then the judgment has transcendental truth. When Søren Kierkegaard, as his character Johannes Climacus, ends his writings: My thesis was, subjectivity, heartfelt is the truth, he does not advocate for subjectivism in its extreme form (the theory that something is true simply because one believes it to be so), but rather that the objective approach to matters of personal truth cannot shed any light upon that which is most essential to a person’s life. Objective truths are concerned with the facts of a person’s being, while subjective truths are concerned with a person’s way of being. Kierkegaard agrees that objective truths for the study of subjects like mathematics, science, and history are relevant and necessary, but argues that objective truths do not shed any light on a person’s inner relationship to existence. At best, these truths can only provide a severely narrowed perspective that has little to do with one’s actual experience of life.[65] While objective truths are final and static, subjective truths are continuing and dynamic. The truth of one’s existence is a living, inward, and subjective experience that is always in the process of becoming. The values, morals, and spiritual approaches a person adopts, while not denying the existence of objective truths of those beliefs, can only become truly known when they have been inwardly appropriated through subjective experience. Thus, Kierkegaard criticizes all systematic philosophies which attempt to know life or the truth of existence via theories and objective knowledge about reality. As Kierkegaard claims, human truth is something that is continually occurring, and a human being cannot find truth separate from the subjective experience of one’s own existing, defined by the values and fundamental essence that consist of one’s way of life.[66] Friedrich Nietzsche believed the search for truth or ‘the will to truth’ was a consequence of the will to power of philosophers. He thought that truth should be used as long as it promoted life and the will to power, and he thought untruth was better than truth if it had this life enhancement as a consequence. As he wrote in Beyond Good and Evil, “The falseness of a judgment is to us not necessarily an objection to a judgment… The question is to what extent it is life-advancing, life-preserving, species-preserving, perhaps even species-breeding…” (aphorism 4). He proposed the will to power as a truth only because according to him it was the most life affirming and sincere perspective one could have. Robert Wicks discusses Nietzsche’s basic view of truth as follows: “(…) Some scholars regard Nietzsche’s 1873 unpublished essay, “On Truth and Lies in a Nonmoral Sense” (“Über Wahrheit und Lüge im außermoralischen Sinn”) as a keystone in his thought. In this essay, Nietzsche rejects the idea of universal constants, and claims that what we call “truth” is only “a mobile army of metaphors, metonyms, and anthropomorphisms.” His view at this time is that arbitrariness completely prevails within human experience: concepts originate via the very artistic transference of nerve stimuli into images; “truth” is nothing more than the invention of fixed conventions for merely practical purposes, especially those of repose, security and consistence. (…)”[67] Alfred North Whitehead, a British mathematician who became an American philosopher[citation needed], said: “There are no whole truths; all truths are half-truths. It is trying to treat them as whole truths that play the devil”. The logical progression or connection of this line of thought is to conclude that truth can lie, since half-truths are deceptive and may lead to a false conclusion. According to Kitaro Nishida, “knowledge of things in the world begins with the differentiation of unitary consciousness into knower and known and ends with self and things becoming one again. Such unification takes form not only in knowing but in the valuing (of truth) that directs knowing, the willing that directs action, and the feeling or emotive reach that directs sensing.”[68] Erich Fromm finds that trying to discuss truth as “absolute truth” is sterile and that emphasis ought to be placed on “optimal truth”. He considers truth as stemming from the survival imperative of grasping one’s environment physically and intellectually, whereby young children instinctively seek truth so as to orient themselves in “a strange and powerful world”. The accuracy of their perceived approximation of the truth will therefore have direct consequences on their ability to deal with their environment. Fromm can be understood to define truth as a functional approximation of reality. His vision of optimal truth is described partly in “Man from Himself: An Inquiry into the Psychology of Ethics” (1947), from which excerpts are included below. Truth, says Michel Foucault, is problematic when any attempt is made to see truth as an “objective” quality. He prefers not to use the term truth itself but “Regimes of Truth”. In his historical investigations he found truth to be something that was itself a part of, or embedded within, a given power structure. Thus Foucault’s view shares much in common with the concepts of Nietzsche. Truth for Foucault is also something that shifts through various episteme throughout history.[69] Jean Baudrillard considered truth to be largely simulated, that is pretending to have something, as opposed to dissimulation, pretending to not have something. He took his cue from iconoclasts who he claims knew that images of God demonstrated that God did not exist.[70] Baudrillard wrote in “Precession of the Simulacra”: Some examples of simulacra that Baudrillard cited were: that prisons simulate the “truth” that society is free; scandals (e.g., Watergate) simulate that corruption is corrected; Disney simulates that the U.S. itself is an adult place. One must remember that though such examples seem extreme, such extremity is an important part of Baudrillard’s theory. For a less extreme example, consider how movies usually end with the bad being punished, humiliated, or otherwise failing, thus affirming for viewers the concept that the good end happily and the bad unhappily, a narrative which implies that the status quo and institutionalised power structures are largely legitimate.[70] In medicine and psychiatry There is controversy as to the truth value of a proposition made in bad faith self-deception, such as when a hypochondriac has a complaint with no physical symptom.[73] In religion: omniscience Main article: Omniscience In a religious context, perfect knowledge of all truth about all things (omniscience) is regarded by some religions, particularly Buddhism and the Abrahamic religions (Christianity, Islam, and Judaism), as an attribute of a divine being.[74] In the Abrahamic view, God can exercise divine judgment, judging the dead on the basis of perfect knowledge of their lives.[75][76] Belief is the psychological state in which an individual holds a proposition or premise to be true.[1] Dispositional and occurrent belief concerns the contextual activation of the belief into thoughts (reactive of propositions) or ideas (based on the belief’s premise). Belief, knowledge and epistemology The terms belief and knowledge are used differently in philosophy. Epistemology is the philosophical study of knowledge and belief. The primary problem in epistemology is to understand exactly what is needed in order for us to have true knowledge. In a notion derived from Plato‘s dialogue Theaetetus, philosophy has traditionally defined knowledge as “justified true belief“. The relationship between belief and knowledge is that a belief is knowledge if the belief is true, and if the believer has a justification (reasonable and necessarily plausible assertions/evidence/guidance) for believing it is true. Belief as a psychological theory Beliefs are sometimes divided into core beliefs (that are actively thought about) and dispositional beliefs (that may be ascribed to someone who has not thought about the issue). For example, if asked “do you believe tigers wear pink pajamas?” a person might answer that they do not, despite the fact they may never have thought about this situation before.[4] That a belief is a mental state has been seen by some as contentious. While some[citation needed] have argued that beliefs are represented in the mind as sentence-like constructs, others[citation needed] have gone as far as arguing that there is no consistent or coherent mental representation that underlies our common use of the belief concept and that it is therefore obsolete and should be rejected. How beliefs are formed • We tend to internalise the beliefs of the people around us during childhood. Albert Einstein is often quoted as having said that “Common sense is the collection of prejudices acquired by age eighteen.” Political beliefs depend most strongly on the political beliefs most common in the community where we live.[6] Most individuals believe the religion they were taught in childhood.[7] • Physical trauma, especially to the head, can radically alter a person’s beliefs.[10] However, even educated people, well aware of the process by which beliefs form, still strongly cling to their beliefs, and act on those beliefs even against their own self-interest. In Anna Rowley’s Leadership Theory, she states “You want your beliefs to change. It’s proof that you are keeping your eyes open, living fully, and welcoming everything that the world and people around you can teach you.” This means that peoples’ beliefs should evolve as they gain new experiences.[11] To “believe in” someone or something is a distinct concept from “believe-that.” There are two types of belief-in:[12] • Commendatory – an expression of confidence in a person or entity, as in, “I believe in his ability to do the job.” • Existential claim – to claim belief in the existence of an entity or phenomenon with the implied need to justify its claim to existence. It is often used when the entity is not real, or its existence is in doubt. “He believes in witches and ghosts” or “many children believe in Santa Claus” are typical examples.[13] Delusional beliefs Delusions are defined as beliefs in psychiatric diagnostic criteria[citation needed] (for example in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders). Psychiatrist and historian G.E. Berrios has challenged the view that delusions are genuine beliefs and instead labels them as “empty speech acts,” where affected persons are motivated to express false or bizarre belief statements due to an underlying psychological disturbance. However, the majority of mental health professionals and researchers treat delusions as if they were genuine beliefs. In Lewis Carroll‘s Through the Looking-Glass the White Queen says, “Why, sometimes I’ve believed as many as six impossible things before breakfast.” This is often quoted in mockery of the common ability of people to entertain beliefs contrary to fact. Theory of Justification Theory of justification is a part of epistemology that attempts to understand the justification of propositions and beliefs. Epistemologists are concerned with various epistemic features of belief, which include the ideas of justification, warrant, rationality, and probability. Of these four terms, the term that has been most widely used and discussed by the early 21st century is “warrant”. Loosely speaking, justification is the reason that someone (properly) holds a belief. If A makes a claim, and B then casts doubt on it, A’s next move would normally be to provide justification. Empiricism (the evidence of the senses), authoritative testimony (the appeal to criteria and authority), and logical deduction are often involved in justification. Justification-based theories of knowledge can be divided into: Subjects of justification Many things can be justified: beliefs, actions, emotions, claims, laws, theories and so on. Epistemology focuses on beliefs. This is in part because of the influence of the definition of knowledge as “justified true belief” often associated with a theory discussed near the end of the Socratic dialogue Theaetetus. More generally, theories of justification focus on the justification of statements or propositions. Justifications and explanations Main articles: Explanation and Argument Justification is the reason why someone properly holds a belief, the explanation as to why the belief is a true one, or an account of how one knows what one knows. In much the same way arguments and explanations may be confused with each other, as may explanations and justifications. Statements which are justifications of some action take the form of arguments. For example attempts to justify a theft usually explain the motives (e.g., to feed a starving family). It is important to be aware when an explanation is not a justification. A criminal profiler may offer an explanation of a suspect’s behavior (e.g.; the person lost his or her job, the person got evicted, etc.), and such statements may help us understand why the person committed the crime. An uncritical listener may believe the speaker is trying to gain sympathy for the person and his or her actions, but it does not follow that a person proposing an explanation has any sympathy for the views or actions being explained. This is an important distinction because we need to be able to understand and explain terrible events and behavior in attempting to discourage it.[1] Justification is a normative activity One way of explaining the theory of justification is to say that a justified belief is one that we are “within our rights” in holding. The rights in question are neither political nor moral, however, but intellectual. In some way, each of us is responsible for what we believe. Beliefs are not typically formed completely at random, and thus we have an intellectual responsibility, or obligation, to try to believe what is true and to avoid believing what is false. An intellectually responsible act is within one’s intellectual rights in believing something; performing it, one is justified in one’s belief. Thus, justification is a normative notion. The standard definition is that a concept is normative if it is a concept regarding or depending on the norms, or obligations and permissions (very broadly construed), involved in human conduct. It is generally accepted that the concept of justification is normative, because it is defined as a concept regarding the norms of belief. Theories of justification There are several different views as to what entails justification, mostly focusing on the question “How sure do we need to be that our beliefs correspond to the actual world?” Different theories of justification require different amounts and types of evidence before a belief can be considered justified. Interestingly, theories of justification generally include other aspects of epistemology, such as knowledge. The main theories of justification include: • Externalism – Outside sources of knowledge can be used to justify a belief. • Foundationalism – Self-evident basic beliefs justify other non-basic beliefs. • Foundherentism – A combination of foundationalism and coherentism, proposed by Susan Haack. • Infinitism – Beliefs are justified by infinite chains of reasons. • Internalism – The believer must be able to justify a belief through internal knowledge. Minority viewpoints include: • Reformed epistemology – Beliefs are warranted by proper cognitive function, proposed by Alvin Plantinga. • Skepticism – A variety of viewpoints questioning the possibility of knowledge. • truth skepticism – Questions the possibility of true knowledge, but not of justified knowledge • epistemological skepticism – Questions the possibility of justified knowledge, but not true knowledge • Evidentialism – Beliefs depend solely on the evidence for them If a belief is justified, there is something that justifies it. The thing that justifies a belief can be called its “justifier”. If a belief is justified, then it has at least one justifier. An example of a justifier would be an item of evidence. For example, if a woman is aware of the fact that her husband returned from a business trip smelling like perfume, and that his shirt has smudged lipstick on its collar, the perfume and the lipstick can be evidence for her belief that her husband is having an affair. In that case, the justifiers are the woman’s awareness of the perfume and the lipstick, and the belief that is justified is her belief that her husband is having an affair. Not all justifiers have to be what can properly be called “evidence”; there may be some substantially different kinds of justifiers available to us. Regardless, to be justified, a belief has to have a justifier. But this raises an important question: what sort of thing can be a justifier? Three things that have been suggested are: 1. Beliefs only. 2. Beliefs together with other conscious mental states. 3. Beliefs, conscious mental states, and other facts about us and our environment (which we may or may not have access to). At least sometimes, the justifier of a belief is another belief. When, to return to the earlier example, the woman believes that her husband is having an affair, she bases that belief on other beliefs—namely, beliefs about the lipstick and perfume. Strictly speaking, her belief isn’t based on the evidence itself—after all, what if she did not believe it? What if she thought that all of that evidence were just a hoax? What if her husband commonly wears perfume and lipstick on business trips? For that matter, what if the evidence existed, but she did not know about it? Then, of course, her belief that her husband is having an affair wouldn’t be based on that evidence, because she did not know it was there at all; or, if she thought that the evidence were a hoax, then surely her belief couldn’t be based on that evidence. Consider a belief P. Either P is justified or P is not justified. If P is justified, then another belief Q may be justified by P. If P is not justified, then P cannot be a justifier for any other belief: neither for Q, nor for Q’s negation. For example, suppose someone might believe that there is intelligent life on Mars, and base this belief on a further belief, that there is a feature on the surface of Mars that looks like a face, and that this face could only have been made by intelligent life. So the justifying belief is: that face-like feature on Mars could only have been made by intelligent life. And the justified belief is: there is intelligent life on Mars. But suppose further that the justifying belief is itself unjustified. It would in no way be one’s intellectual right to suppose that this face-like feature on Mars could have only been made by intelligent life; that view would be irresponsible, intellectually speaking. Such a belief would be unjustified. It has a justifier, but the justifier is itself not justified. In fact, more recent observations have shown that the “helmeted face” does not look the same up close, nor when viewed from the side. Commonly used justifiers The major opposition against the theory of justification (also called ‘justificationism’ in this context) is nonjustificational criticism (a synthesis of skepticism and absolutism) which is most notably held by some of the proponents of critical rationalism: W. W. Bartley, David Miller and Karl Popper. (But not all proponents of critical rationalism oppose justificationism; it is supported most prominently by John W. N. Watkins.) Bartley also refers to a third position, which he calls critical rationalism in a more specific sense, claimed to have been Popper’s view in his Open Society. It has given up justification, but not yet adopted nonjustificational criticism. Instead of appealing to criteria and authorities, it attempts to describe and explicate them. Fogelin claims to detect a suspicious resemblance between the Theories of Justification and Agrippa‘s five modes leading to the suspension of belief. He concludes that the modern proponents have made no significant progress in responding to the ancient modes of pyrrhonic skepticism.[2] David Miller: David Miller: Overcoming the Justificationist Addiction. (2007)	<urn:uuid:eb3d70ad-0db3-4dab-861b-e739b762a7aa>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.6875, "fasttext_score": 0.06150317192077637, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9507269263267517, "url": "https://theruine.wordpress.com/tag/justification/" }
This website is a free e-resource, from the book entitled 'Music, Lapita, and the Problem of Polynesian Origins' by Mervyn McLean. The complete text may be read either online or in paginated form as a downloadable pdf here. Chapter 6 Sources of information on this topic include three earlier McLean publications (McLean 1979, 1994, 1999), and two later ones (McLean 2008, 2010). Also drawn upon as required are extensive data files of music structure traits in New Guinea and Island Melanesia, compiled from sources listed in McLean 1995, and from listening to and analysis of available audio recordings from these areas. Music areas The first of the above studies successfully distinguished music areas in Oceania using a statistical clustering method to identify co-occurring traits on a matrix of about 40 geographical areas and 40 selected musical traits including both musical instruments and structural elements of vocal music. Western and Eastern Polynesia emerged as strongly differentiated musically, confirming results reached on a variety of ethnographic grounds, including some musical ones, by Edwin Burrows (1938). Specifically, with exceptions in some areas, these differences included the following (McLean 1999:453): Western Instruments Eastern Instruments Large canoe-shaped slit gongs Small bamboo-derived slit gongs Nose flutes with both ends closed Nose flutes with one end closed Struck tubes Rolled mats Sounding boards Western Structure Eastern Structure Engmelodik and quavering cadences Polyplane and drone polyphony Also of relevance to the present topic are pan-Polynesian traits characteristic both of the initial migrants into Eastern Polynesia and those left behind in the home area of Western Polynesia. In the musical instruments category or in lieu of them are body percussion, handclapping, jews harps, shell trumpets, leaf oboes, and sticks. Structural elements include spoken recitation (parlando), one-note melody (recto tono), responsorial and strophic forms, and spoken, shouted, and trailing cadences. The differences between the two areas of Western and Eastern Polynesia, and uniformities within each could only have happened as a result of isolation and separate development of the two after the initial settlement of Eastern Polynesia from Western Polynesia about 2,000 years ago. Longevity of music traits and corresponding usefulness for analysis is proven by still extant shared music systems in the Marginal Eastern Polynesian cultures of Hawai'i, the Marquesas Islands, Mangareva, and NZ Maori that on archaeological and linguistic evidence have been separated for at least a thousand years. The uniformities of music in Marginal Eastern Polynesia, differing as they do from the kinds of music in central Eastern Polynesia, are a perfect illustration of the "stone in the pond" model of diffusion, with ripples spreading from the centre of origin to far-flung communities on the edge of the pond, which retain traits once characteristic of the centre. The package of marginal Polynesian musical traits is evidence of the kind of music practised by the original settlers of Eastern Polynesia. Also of relevance is a cluster of traits identified as Core Melanesian which can be shown to have influenced the music styles of Western Polynesia subsequent to the departure of the Eastern Polynesian settlers. Finally, when the instrumental and structural associations in the 1979 paper were amalgamated, patterns of combined associations emerged, with some unexpected results. New Caledonia, for example, is almost universally regarded as part of Melanesia. The clustering study, however, showed its strongest musical links – especially for music structure – to be with Fiji and, through Fiji, ultimately with Western Polynesia. Thus, for music, New Caledonia and Fiji belong with Polynesia rather than with Melanesia, in evident conformity with the Central Pacific linguistic subgroup, and most probably reflecting known late historical associations within the area. Chained associations involving several areas also emerged, including the following: E. Futuna — E. Uvea — Tonga — Samoa — Society Is. — Marquesas Is. The direction of influence is not indicated, but it will be noticed that in the centre of this distribution is Samoa which almost certainly ranks as the area of origin for the entire chain. In one direction the chain extends through Tonga as far as E. Futuna, where it probably reflects late Tongan occupation of Uvea, and in the other Samoa becomes the probable homeland and fabled "Hawaiki" for all of Eastern Polynesia. The above chain illustrates an important distinction between borrowing relationships and longer-term ones resulting from migrations, which are as significant for music as they are for language. The leap from Samoa to the Society Islands is self-evidently an example of migration, and the E. Uvea connection with Tonga of borrowing. As might be expected, there is extensive evidence of long-term and protracted borrowing relationships between all islands and island groups that are adjacent to each other. Tonga and Samoa provide a prime example, with numerous song and dance forms known to have been borrowed each from the other (q.v. McLean 1999 Ch.28). McLean 1994 is a monograph entitled Diffusion of Musical Instruments and Their Relation to Language Migrations in New Guinea. On the basis of the earlier study, it was expected when work on the monograph began that most of the associations to be found would be of the borrowing kind. It was a surprise to discover that not all of the relationships could be explained in this way and there was extraordinarily close fit with language migrations worked out by linguists (reported by Wurm et al. 1975). Musical instruments in 518 tribal areas of New Guinea, were plotted and compared, and six distributional areas of associated instruments were identified as follows: Distribution A: Hourglass drums. Distribution B: Jews harps, mouth bows, zithers, rattles, panpipes, tubular flutes, and wooden trumpets. Distribution C: Bullroarers, ocarinas, bamboo trumpets, bamboo megaphones, and sacred or paired flutes. Distribution D: Shell trumpets, leaf oboes, stamping tubes, and struck tubes. Distribution E: Slit gongs. Distribution F: Instruments of local distribution: Rubbing blocks, water drums, gourd trumpets, piston flutes, and struck and rubbed lime pots. Distribution G: Rare instruments: Concussion sticks, nose flutes, and leaf whizzers. Few of these have much to do with Polynesia. Distribution F is wholly unique to New Guinea. Distribution G has reached New Guinea from adjacent areas of Micronesia, where nose flutes take a different form from those of Polynesia. Distribution C is a coast-to-coast area centred on the Highlands of Papua New Guinea, and adjacent to Australia whence bullroarers would have come, as shown also by the presence in the area of Australian loan words (Wurm et al. 1975:921), and by recent discovery of genetic markers shared with Australia (Friedlaender et al. 2007:65). The remaining music areas, however, extend beyond New Guinea, throwing light, as will be seen, on otherwise insoluble problems of distribution: • Distribution A, consisting entirely of hourglass-shaped drums, is almost universal in New Guinea except for areas of absence most prominently in interior regions of southern Gulf province in Papua New Guinea and in southern West Papua. These drums are hand-held instruments used for dance accompaniment, and have no resemblance to Polynesian instruments, which take a different cylindrical form and are not carried. From New Guinea, however, they have diffused throughout Eastern Micronesia, where they provide material proof of linguistic subgrouping into Nuclear Micronesian, and perhaps offer some clue as to where the linguistic uniformities came from. • Distribution B contains a full range of instruments for every purpose and is unquestionably Papuan rather than Austronesian in origin, with Austronesian speakers gaining it only late in the distributional sequence. • The full Distribution D complex of shell trumpets, leaf oboes, stamping tubes, and struck tubes has a coastal distribution in sporadic pockets on both northern and southern coasts of New Guinea. The component instruments, however, do not always belong together. Shell trumpets occur world-wide in coastal regions, and in Oceania have no areas of conspicuous absence except far from the sea in the interiors of the largest landmasses. The leaf oboe occurs not only in Papua New Guinea but extensively in Island Melanesia and throughout both Polynesia and central and western Micronesia. In the Indonesian-administered area of West Papua it is rare. In the same area, Marind is the sole reported example of struck tubes. Stamping tubes are not reported in West Papua at all, and they are absent as well in most of the Highlands of Papua New Guinea. By and large the instruments of Distribution D are characteristic less of New Guinea than of Island Melanesia and Western Polynesia. Struck tubes, for example, are instruments of Western but not Eastern Polynesia, and stamping tubes are reported in Eastern Polynesia only for the Society Islands and Hawai'i, where they may have been independently invented. When work on the present enquiry began, it was tempting to attribute the origins of the Polynesians to the Distribution D people, who at first sight appear to qualify on account of a proposed migration of Eastern Oceanic speakers into the south coast of Papua New Guinea around 4000 BP (Wurm et al. 1975:955, 956) -- now identifiable as a much later subgroup called Papuan Tip --, and the presence there of the Distribution D complex. But this prospect soon evaporated. The areas concerned all have music systems exhibiting core Melanesian traits, and stamping tubes are almost everywhere associated with polyphony, which is another Melanesian trait, absent in Eastern Polynesia except as a missionary introduction (McLean 1999:33ff) and evidently introduced into Western Polynesia only as a late borrowing from Melanesians. On balance, therefore, Distribution D has to be regarded as Melanesian. • Distribution E is made up exclusively of wooden slit gongs. Characteristically, the instruments are large and hollowed out in the shape of a canoe. They occupy a broad northern coastal belt extending from the Lapita homeland of the Bismarck Archipelago westwards to the Indonesian side of the Sepik border of Papua New Guinea through the Madang and Sepik regions, where the instruments are found predominantly among maritime and riverine speakers of Austronesian languages. In the opposite direction from the Bismarcks, distribution extends southwards through Island Melanesia to Western Polynesia and Fiji. In Micronesia, slit gongs are mostly absent and they are conspicuously absent as well in most of mainland New Guinea except for the north coast. Diffusion beyond New Guinea Diffusion in Island Melanesia An important finding from the New Guinea study concerns instruments typical of New Guinea which diffused in successive waves southwards into Island Melanesia following the path of slit gongs. Some, along with elements of music structure belonging to the core Melanesian complex, reached as far as Western Polynesia but are not present in Eastern Polynesia, showing that they were acquired by Western Polynesians from Melanesians subsequent to the departure of Eastern Polynesian settlers around 2000 BP, and accounting for most of the musical differences now distinguishing Western Polynesia. Distinct boundaries mark the limits of each successive wave of diffusion. The Distribution D and E instruments have penetrated furthest with some Distribution B instruments hard on their heels. Of the latter, mouth bows and rattles have gone furthest unless independently invented in Eastern Polynesia. Panpipes managed to reach only as far as Samoa and Tonga where they are now long obsolete. Of the remaining Distribution B instruments, end-blown flutes and the typical New Guinea idioglot jews harp have reached only as far as New Caledonia and Rotuma. Non-meaningful song texts which are associated with both Distribution B instruments and borrowing in New Guinea remain associated in Island Melanesia. None of the Distribution C instruments (bullroarers, bamboo trumpets and ocarinas) has gone further than central Vanuatu (McLean 1994:98). The hourglass drum (Distribution A) does not extend beyond Buka and Bougainville in northern Island Melanesia, where it is present with wooden trumpets (Distribution B). As already indicated, this typically New Guinea form of drum has also diffused throughout Eastern Micronesia where one would expect it to have been introduced from the Bismarck Archipelago. Except for drums (Distribution A) and some elements of Distribution D (shell trumpets and leaf oboes), Micronesian instruments are essentially complementary to those of New Guinea. Bullroarers (Distribution C) have penetrated only the southern fringes of Micronesia, where they co-occur with leaf oboes (Distribution D) and leaf whizzers (Distribution F). Jews harps in Micronesia are in complementary distribution to drums, occurring in the west but not in the east. They are different in shape from the idioglot jews harps of New Guinea and it is questionable whether the two belong together. The most likely explanation for the Micronesian distribution is that Micronesian jews harps entered the area from the Philippines, independently of New Guinea jews harps. The remaining Micronesian instruments are sticks and nose flutes, both of which are rare in New Guinea (Distribution F). It has already been suggested that these instruments entered New Guinea from Micronesia. Nose flutes co-occur in Micronesia with jews harps. Again it seems likely that they reached the area from the Philippines. Sticks are shared with Polynesia but are universal in Micronesia, qualifying on this account as Micronesia's most characteristic instrument (McLean 1994:loc.cit.). Vocal music areas Of particular use for present purposes are contrasting packages of traits referred to above as Marginal Eastern Polynesian and Core Melanesian. A feature of Marginal Polynesia is vocal styles of small melodic range, with few notes (Engmelodik), in contrast with Core Melanesia which is characterised by music of large melodic range and a five-note scale without semitones (anhemitonic pentatonic). Also prevalent in Island Melanesia is singing in parts (polyphony), shared with Western Polynesia, but contrasting with lack of polyphony (unison) in Marginal Eastern Polynesia. Within Island Melanesia, Vanuatu stands alone in this respect with absence of polyphony there except in Malekula. It is possible that the lack of polyphony in Vanuatu results from a greater degree of Papuan admixture there than in other areas, which has also been suggested genetically (Hill et al. 1985:572-3), but would need to have taken place before the rise of polyphony among ancestral populations further north. Fiji and New Caledonia possess polyphony but In this and other respects, as earlier indicated, they are closer to Polynesia than to other areas of Melanesia. The Core Melanesian traits of wide range and anhemitonic pentatonic scales, are characteristic throughout the Bismarck Archipelago, the Solomon Islands and Vanuatu, but again are rare further south. Additionally, in a sample of 104 tribal areas of mainland New Guinea, whether Austronesian or non-Austronesian speaking, where information on scales is available in McLean files, anhemitonic pentatonic scales and/or segments of them are present in 95.2 percent, together with a similar 93.9 percent in 33 further areas from the Bismarck Archipelago. Higher and lower order scales commonly co-occur, with tetratonic scales perhaps most prevalent, and fully pentatonic scales present in about half of all areas, with ranges extending to an octave or higher, bringing the Core Melanesian complex to the whole of New Guinea. Three forms of Engmelodik can be distinguished, with separate areas of distribution. Those of Marginal Eastern Polynesia have 2-4 notes within the interval range of a perfect 4th, with or without semitones. A second type occurs in the Core Melanesian areas described above, in this case as subsets of the anhemitonic pentatonic scale (anhimitonic ditonic, tritonic and tetratonic). Again there are 2-4 notes but there are no semitones, and ranges can extend to an octave or more, qualifying as Engmelodik when they are within a fourth or fifth. Finally, among available music notations from New Caledonia, the Loyalty Islands, Fiji, and Rotuma, a handful of anhemitonic scales like those of the Bismarck Archipelago are found. Most scales in the area, however, are of 3 to 5 notes with semitones and a melodic range most commonly of a perfect 5th, identical, as a rule with the first few notes of the European major or minor scale which, to judge from notations published by Wilkes (1845(3)189-90, 245-6), were already exerting influence in Fiji by the early nineteenth century. This, on the other hand would need to have taken place remarkably quickly, and the explanation may rather be development of small range scales brought by Tongans in the period immediately preceding European contact. Thus it may be that the Anhemitonic scales are the oldest and representative of the first Lapita settlers with the others a nore recent overlay. In Micronesia there is convincing evidence of a Polynesian connection in work reported by the pioneer American ethnomusicologist, George Herzog (1901 - 1983) in a study of wax cylinder recordings made during a German South Sea Expedition of 1908–10. Herzog transcribed into musical notation and analysed recordings from Palau, Yap, Satawal, Tobi, Pur, Sorol, Mogemog, Faraulip, Ifaluk, Elato, and Puluwat in the Central and Western Carolines, and from Truk in the Eastern Carolines (Herzog 1932, 1936). Two styles emerged from the analysis: a Central/Western style, and a contrasting Eastern one as follows: Melody and scales Limited tonal material including 2-note melodies, and recited or parlando styles Built on extended tetrachords Song-like legato More tuneful No wholly recited songs Often follows text Dotted rhythms Few durational values Often without strong metre Frequent paired rhythms Flowing regular rhythm Portamento slurs Triple metres preferred Change of tempo unusual Repetition of short motifs Binary forms usual, Codas Parallel seconds and thirds Little or no polyphony Manner of performance Uncertain intonation Gliding notes Transitional notes Grace notes Terminal glissando Tendency to constant intonation Shouted endings Today, more than a hundred years after the recordings analysed by Herzog were made, most of the styles exemplified in them have long since yielded to the influence of western hymnody and popular music, and are now either modified or extinct. Enough work has been done, however, to confirm some of Herzog's observations, and to add one further area to his Central and Western Carolines style zone. Thus, music of Ifaluk is described as having only a very small range of notes, often only two or three, together with a narrow range of a second or at most a third, and polyphony is mostly in parallel movement usually at the interval of a fourth, but with parallel seconds still in evidence in some genres (Smith 1980, Burrows 1958). Similarly, in Ponape songs in traditional style have a limited number of notes, often only two or three, and are characterized by conjunct melodic movement. Part singing is usualy in two parts with polyphonic intervals approximating to the seconds and thirds familiar from European music (Kennedy 1980). The salient traits here are few notes and small range (Engmelodik) on the one hand and parallel polyphony with intervals of a second on the other, both critical to an understanding of where such traits may have originated. Obvious to anyone familiar with Oceanic music, as to Herzog himself, is a clear-cut affinity with Polynesia for the Central/Western Micronesian style, and more in common with Melanesia for the Eastern one. The Central/Western area could readily have received influence from the geographically adjacent Bismarck Archipelago, and the Eastern Micronesian area either from the Bismarcks or from further afield within Island Melanesia. In almost every respect except one, the traits noted for the Central/Western Carolines are either found in Marginal Eastern Polynesia, or are present in both Marginal and Western Polynesia. But the entries in the above table for polyphony seem at first to be the wrong way round. Polyphony, as already noted, is prevalent throughout Island Melanesia except in most of Vanuatu, and drone-based polyphony is one of the core features of Western Polynesia, where, like other traits not present in Marginal Polynesia, it is assumed to have been gained from Melanesians after the departure of East Polynesians. Parallel seconds have no association with Polynesia, and most frequently occur as a result of simultaneous performance of adjacent degrees of the anhemitonic pentatonic scale which again is Melanesian and appears in Western Polynesia only as a likely result of borrowing from Melanesia. A possible explanation for polyphony, if not parallel seconds, in Herzog's samples might seem to be influence either from Tuvalu or from one or both of the Polynesian Outliers, Kapingamarangi and Nukuoro. The latter two cannot be directly ruled out because not enough is known of their music, but polyphony reached the Carolines as a package which included parallel seconds. Tuvalu does not have the latter, and if the Outliers had them they would be unique in Polynesia. On this account, therefore, this form of polyphony could not have reached the Carolines from any of these places, and alternatives must be sought from elsewhere. In the Solomon Islands there are elaborate polyphonic panpipe ensembles as well as multi-part vocal music. Polyphony could have diffused to other areas from there: southwards into Western Polynesia; westwards into the south coast of Papua New Guinea; and northwards into western and central Micronesia, as a late development from the Admiralty Islands, where two-part dissonant polyphony is famously present (Messner 1981), and intermittent drones are not unknown. Nor is this form of polyphony limited to the Admiralties. At the opposite end of the Melanesian island chain, a common form of Fijian meke has a harmonic structure of note clusters consisting of major or minor seconds doubled at the fifth and octave (Saumaiwai 1980: 84); and in the Solomons sporadic parallel seconds appear in transcriptions of polyphonic music from Santa Cruz (e.g. Haase 1977:293, 296, 299). In Micronesia, the entire package of traits would have been spread and maintained as a result of the well known sawei tribute system of the Yap empire and similar systems of exchange that continued to operate until modern times. Finally, lack of polyphony in the eastern Carolines could be a remnant of pre-Polynesian practice before the introduction of polyphony from the Admiralties. In every respect, therefore, Herzog's results are consistent with an early group of Oceanic speakers who spent some time in Micronesia before venturing further into Remote Oceania, with Marginal Polynesian traits including Engmelodik first to arrive into the Carolines, and polyphony later after the departure of Polynesian ancestors. Reconstruction of music terms A ground-breaking effort on the part of Pacific linguists over the past few decades has been the reconstruction of lexical items in languages ancestral to present-day Polynesians. Best known among them is the Pollex or Proto Polynesian Lexicon pioneered by the late Professor Bruce Biggs at the University of Auckland (Biggs & Clark 1996-98), and another, already alluded to briefly in the last chapter, is an Oceanic Lexicon project, dedicated to the reconstruction of Proto Oceanic (POc) and initiated by Professors Malcolm Ross and Andrew Pawley at the Australian National University (Ross et al. 1998 and subsequent volumes), providing opportunity for the comparison of reconstructions to Proto Polynesian (PPn) with those from its predecessor Proto Oceanic (POc). Some resulting subgroups are set out in the accompanying figure, and cognate sets from the two projects are incorporated into 35 tables of musical terms abstracted in following pages, and published in full in 2010 (McLean 2010). For present purposes, the table information from this publication is compressed under uniform area codes with remaining information mostly omitted. Standard three-letter Pollex codes have been used for Polynesia (for a list see Appendix 2), and the following similar codes have been adopted for Melanesia and Micronesia: NGM (New Guinea mainland inclusive of the Lexicon categories NNG and PT), BIS (Bismarck Archipelago inclusive of Lexicon categories Adm and most of MM), SOL (Solomon Islands), VAN (Vanuatu), NCal (New Caledonia and Loyalty Islands), FIJ (Fiji), and MIC (Micronesia), with the number of languages in each added in brackets. Complete information including language names, vernacular names, glosses, and references can be obtained free on line in Mclean 2010 from Even to the layman, it is apparent that the further one moves back in time through a tree of linguistic subgroups the less chance there is of finding terms that are still in use. No one expects to find many terms surviving from Proto Austronesian (PAn) to Proto Malayo Polynesian (PMP) or from Proto Malayo Polynesian to Proto Oceanic (POc). Nearer to the present in the tree, however, the odds increase, and it is at these levels that distributional evidence will be found, if any exists, of relationships of music and dance terms among the languages spoken by Lapita potters and/or the Polynesian ancestors who gave rise to the subgroup of Proto Polynesian (PPn). It is apparent also that to determine the status of a particular term, it is necessary to find out at what level in the tree the term was coined or borrowed as the case may be. In the published tables, therefore, strict distributional criteria were applied, with the object of pinpointing the exact areas within which the various terms are found. POc should be less important in this respect than the next subgroup, Proto Eastern Oceanic (PEOc), where one can expect a reasonable spread of daughter languages through Island Melanesia, some terms from which could potentially end up also in PPn. Consistent with the doubtful status of the Eastern Oceanic subgroup, however, this expectation has mostly not been met, and comparisons between POc and PPn must therefore suffice. It is important also to distinguish between genuine POc terms in the area of POc origin before differentiation into PEOc, and terms which belong rather to the more recent subgroup of Proto Western Oceanic (PWOc), which developed in the area after the departure of Lapita potters. Attention is drawn to such distinctions in the notes to the tables. Linguistic subgroups referred to in the text I have assumed that if a reconstruction is made from only a few terms it may or may not represent the term as actually spoken in the proto language, but only as it might have been spoken if the term were actually present. Such terms have accordingly been excluded as a basis for analysis. Among the benefits of this approach is identification of the probable area of origin of Lapita potters who are believed to have been ancestral to Polynesians, as well as inventories of music and dance terms they may or may not have introduced. The tables from which the following is abstracted compare items from published POc and PPn cognate sets (Pollex and Lexicon) with entries from McLean area files (McLean MS. n.d.), together with entries from published dictionaries of Oceanic languages. Of these, only the former have been formally tested for linguistic cognacy, so to distinguish any that are not corroborated from Pollex or Lexicon, these are marked (McL) as subject to further scrutiny in case some are borrowings or unacceptable for other reasons. It can be assumed, however, that most are indicative of a connection of some kind. The tables are arranged in alphabetical order of commonly occurring musical instruments (conch, drum, flute, jews harp, and slit gong), followed by tables relating to dance and song. Map codes in comments on the tables and elsewhere in the book refer to New Guinea maps published with McLean 1994. Most of those relating to the tables are in the Bismarck Archipelago (see accompanying map portion). For background on musical instruments of Oceania see McLean entries in Sadie 1984 where there is extensive information including references. Further information about the spread of music and dance in Polynesia can be found in Chapter 28 of the writer's book Weavers of Song (McLean 1999). Cognate sets Bismarck Archipelago showing language map codes Conch (Tables 1-3) PMP tambuRi(q) 'conch shell trumpet' and POc tapuRi(q) 'triton shell: Charonia tritonis, used as trumpet' (Lexicon) NGM (3), NGM (9 (McL)), BIS (3), BIS (12 (McL)), SOL (2), SOL (5 (McL)), VAN (2), VAN (4 (McL)), FIJ (2), FIJ (1 (McL)), MIC (2), MIC (3 (McL)) The conch trumpet is of very early distribution, possibly preceding all others. In McLean 1994 and McLean 2008 it is referred to as part of Distribution D and is found there to be associated with leaf oboes, together with stamping tubes and struck tubes in areas where bamboo is grown. Placing available map codes for New Guinea into sequence yields the following from west to east: West Papua 055; North coast PNG 152, 153, 167, 265, 266, 267; South coast PNG 367; Papuan tip 378; Massim 382, 386; New Britain North coast 396, 399, 401, 417, 419, 421; New Ireland 428; Admiralty Is 452. The core area is the New Britain north coast Lapita homeland, with excursions northwards into Micronesia, and southward through the Solomon Islands and Vanuatu as far as Fiji, except for New Caledonia, where the name for the conch is different. There can be little doubt that a term similar to this would have been the one used by Lapita potters. It is highly significant, however, that the Polynesian name for shell trumpet (see next table) differs from the POc one which appears everywhere else. Why, then, did Polynesians not retain the earlier term? This question will be taken up later. PNPn Pu(‘)u :Trumpet (Pollex) The word pu or puu is generally accepted to be an onomatopoeic imitation of the sound made by a trumpet and, except for a scattering of similar and related terms, is overwhelmingly Polynesian (except for absence most notably in Tonga, where the term is different), qualifying puu on this account as at least PNPn. Co-occurrence in most areas, with the obviously related term puhi or pusi 'to blow' (see next table) confirms the term as almost exclusively Polynesian. Elsewhere it is probably either a borrowing from Polynesia or results from an independent use of onomatopoeia. PMP pusi :To blow air from the mouth (Pollex) BIS (2 (McL)), SOL (2 (McL)), VAN (1 (McL)), FIJ (1), MIC (2 (McL)), ANU (McL), EAS, EFU, EUV, HAW, KAP, MAE, MAO, MFA, MQA, MVA, NIU, NKR, PUK, RAR, REN, TAH, TIK, TOK, TON, TUA, WFU (McL) A comparison of Tables 2 and 3 shows that the term pusi 'to blow' co-occurs throughout most of Polynesia with the term pu for 'shell trumpet'. The few appearances of the word elsewhere, though including some within Polynesia itself, mostly lack this association and carry the different though related meaning 'to spurt, explode, or burst out', suggesting that this was its original or general meaning. Presence of the meaning 'to squirt' in far-away Saipan and of the meaning 'to blow' in both New Britain and in Truk in Micronesia, where the term is truncated to pu, suggests presence in POc, with the Caroline Islands as a possible vector for introduction into Polynesia. Drum (Tables 4-5) POc kude 'hourglass drum' BIS (7), all from Lexicon vol.1 Kudu/kunndu in this table is the Pidgin English term for the New Guinea hourglass drum. Besides the Bismarck references provided above, scores more, including examples from the New Guinea mainland, could probably be added from McLean files, but there would be no point in doing so. The instrument is almost universal in Papua New Guinea and the pidgin English name for it is similarly ubiquitous. There is no reason to suppose, however, that this term or one resembling it was in general use in proto times. At best it would have been just one of a multitude of local names for the instrument, adopted most likely from one of the languages used by traders and missionaries as a lingua franca at the time of first European contact, and disseminated only from this time onwards. The seven Lexicon terms in the table are in adjacent areas within the PWOc language area as follows: 394, 395, 398, 400, 401, 419, 429. PNPn pasu :Drum n; PNPn pasu :To pound, thump v. (Pollex) PCP (v,b)asu 'a drum; to drum, thump' (Lexicon) FIJ (1), MIC (2 (McL)), EAS (McL), EUV (McL), HAW, MAN (McL), MAO, MQA, MVA, NIU, PEN, RAR, TAH, TOK (McL), TON, TUA, For both PNPn and PCP, 'thump' can be accepted as a gloss but not 'drum'. The pahu is a drum in Eastern Polynesia, where the term plainly derives from 'thump', because this is the kind of sound these drums produce. Western Polynesia, however, does not have the drum as an instrument, except as a late European borrowing. It follows that if the term was present in proto times it meant simply 'thump' and not 'drum'. This raises an important point of principle. There are numerous examples throughout Oceania of terms from general vocabulary applied either metaphorically or otherwise to an aspect of music, usually – unlike pahu – with little or no indication of when the new use may have arisen. It is obviously inadmissible to assign such terms to an earlier period than the one in which they originated. The reconstruction method clearly works only if there are a number of instances in daughter languages with no possibility of borrowing among them, and disregard of this principle may lead to error. Except for the New Guinea kundu (see Table 4), drums are absent in Melanesia. Cognates of the pahu term do, however, occur in Mokil and Ponape (Pohnpei) in Micronesia, albeit applied to drums of PNG hourglass design, different from the cylindrical drums characteristic of Eastern Polynesia. A relationship of some kind must exist, and will be taken up in discussion later in the book. Flute (Tables 6-12) POc kopi 'bamboo; bamboo flute' (Lexicon) PPn kofe :bamboo sp (Pollex) NGM (1), AIT (1 (McL)), EUV (McL), HAW (McL), MIA (McL), NIU, RAR (McL), REN (McL), SAM (McL), TIK (McL), TOK (McL), TUA (McL) See also Pollex for numerous further entries grouped under Kofe.A bamboo sp. and Kofe.B bamboo knife. Only those relating to musical instruments are included in the present table. Apart from a single New Guinea entry in Lexicon vol.1 there is no evidence here for a reconstruction to POc, much less either the term as reconstructed or its gloss as 'flute' at the proto level. If the New Guinea entry is ignored the Pollex reconstruction of the remaining entries to PPn kofe and limitation of meaning to bamboo is seen to be entirely realistic. The application of the term to 'flute' or 'nose flute' in Polynesia is another example of a general term extended to a specific use. Other objects made from bamboo such as stamping tubes in some areas and the small slit gong of Mangaia, which would have been made from bamboo in the first instance, are examples of the same process at work. PAn qauR 'bamboo sp' POc kauR 'bamboo; bamboo wind instrument' (Lexicon) NGM (2), BIS (1), BIS (7 (McL)), SOL (3), SOL (5 (McL)), VAN (3) On the above evidence, this term for bamboo is prevalent only in the Bismarck Archipelago, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu. In Fijian the term is bitu, which appears to be related to neither POc nor PPn. If kaur is POc, then, as in the case of shell trumpets, here is yet another prevalent item for which the term is completely different in POc and PPn. It is doubtful whether the term can be glossed as 'musical instrument' in POc as well as 'bamboo'. Again 'bamboo' is the general meaning but the extension of meaning to objects made of bamboo is not universal and is not limited to musical instruments. The best known application of the word to musical instruments is by the 'Are'are of Malaita in the Solomon Islands whose bamboo panpipe ensembles are extensively reported by Hugo Zemp (See McLean entry on Panpipes in Sadie 1984 for a summary). POc upi/ipu 'blow; native flute' (Lexicon) PPn ifi 'Blow' (Pollex) NGM (2), NGM (2 (McL)), BIS (2 (McL)), SOL (4), SOL (13 (McL)), VAN (1 (McL)), NCal (2 (McL)), FIJ (2 (McL)), MIC (1 (McL)), EFU, EUV, KAP (McL), MAO, NIU, SAM, TON, WFU This is another example of specific use of a general term, in this case the term 'to blow' transferring to blown musical instruments, including flutes, trumpets, and panpipes, in a number of areas, but not flutes in general as suggested in the Lexicon gloss, though this is plausible in terms of contrast with pusi (Table 3), if this was the term for to blow as a trumpet. The distribution seems convincingly POc, but the preponderance of terms in the Solomons suggests an origin there, with diffusion into Western Polynesia south to Fiji and New Caledonia through the Outliers rather than via Vanuatu. If, as seems likely, Maori ihi 'Blow, of wind' is unrelated, the term cannot be PPn. ?? fag(o,u) :blow nose, snort (Pollex) In its primary sense of 'blow with the nose', albeit diluted to 'nasal sound' by the time it reached New Zealand, this term is PPn, and provenience much further back to POc or even PAn is conferred by the associated term fafagu in Table 10 (next). In reduplicated form as fangofango or fangufangu it becomes a nose flute. The distribution is markedly similar to that of the complementary term pusi 'to blow from the mouth' in Table 3, with the two terms appearing together in no fewer than 14 places, stretching from Western Micronesia through the Polynesian Outliers, deep into the remainder of Western Polynesia. The Rotuma entry has been identified as a borrowing by Andrew Pawley as follows: ROT fag-fagu 'nose flute' must be a borrowing from Polynesian. The directly inherited Rotuman form would be hag-hagu, with h. Compare Rotuman hagu 'waken' in Table 10, which is a regular reflex (AP). PAn bangun (Dpf) POc pang(ou)(n) (Gce.) PPn fafago “awaken someone” (Pollex) Except for occurrence in Saipan, Truk, and Woleai in Micronesia, this distribution is exclusively Western Polynesian. The table, however, is probably far from complete, and should be considered in association with the primary term fango in the previous table which has a broader distribution. When the two tables are merged it is found that the fango terms for nose flute and the fafango one for 'to awaken' occur together in numerous places, just as also happens with pu 'conch' and pusi 'to blow with the mouth', in the fangu case with duplication of the first syllable of the base word conferring the separate meaning. The connection between the two becomes explicit in Tonga, where the nose flute (fangufangu) is used traditionally to gently awaken royalty and nobility (Moyle 1987:83). It may be that fangu 'to blow with the nose' is the original general term, with fafangu 'to awaken' and fangufangu 'nose flute' deriving from it. On the other hand, this status may belong also with the 'awaken' term which, if Dempwolff's reconstruction of PAn bangun 'arouse' is correct (Dempwolff 1971:(3)20), suggests association with nose flute terms reported for Puluwat and Truk in the Caroline Islands as follows: Puluwat yangin 'nose flute' Puluwat yangin 'nose flute' (Elbert 1972:332) Truk aangyn, angin, anin, angun 'nose flute' Truk aangun 'nose flute' (Goodenough & Sugita 1990:255) PAn tulani 'bamboo flute' (Blust 1995:496) PMP tulali 'nose flute' (Blust 1995:496) These reconstructions are of particular importance because of their implications for Lapita, and for this reason the following information relevant to them, which features entries that are in neither Pollex nor Lexicon, is cited here in full. Papua New Guinea Western Province Gogodala Map code 314 tutuli conch shell trumpet Papua New Guinea Milne Bay province Dobu Map code 384 yoguli conch shell Bismarck Archipelago Duke of York Is Map code 421 talal 'music' (Lanyon-Orgill 1960:576) Londip, New Britain, Map code 417 dulall long flute Matupit, New Britain, map code 420 dulall motched mouth flute Mengen Map code 412 tulala 'notched mouth flute', 'raft panpipe', and also 'the Maenge name for all bamboo' (Laade 1999:152-4) Mioko, Duke of York Is, Map code 421 ntulall long flute Pala, New Ireland, Map code 431 tulal bamboo mouth flute Raluana Map code 419 tulal 'music, musical pipe, to make music' (Lanyon-Orgill 1960:424) Siar, New Ireland, Map code 425 tulall long flute Siar, New Ireland, Map code 425 tull triton horn Unidentified. Between Muliama (map code 427) and King/Lamasa (422) tullal bamboo mouth flute Solomon Islands Ysabel duduli 'a bass drum of bamboo; to drum'; duulali 'to sound, resound, a sound' (Ivens 1940:9) dulali 'the Fijian nose-flute' (Capell 1983:63) Marshall Islands jilel 'conch, conch trumpet' (Abo et al. 1976:329) Reconstruction of the tulali term to PAn and PMP, coupled with subsequent appearance in the Bismarck Archipelago, together with extensions north to Micronesia and south to the Solomons and Fiji, is evidence also of inheritance in POc. Putting map codes from the table into consecutive order yields the following: 314, 384, 412, 417, 419, 420, 421, 422, 425, 427, 431. Most of these are concentrated along the north coast of New Britain, inclusive of known Lapita sites. This is a highly local distribution, suggesting on the one hand that it may be relatively recent, but on the other, because of the proximity of so many Lapita sites and a probable origin in POc, that the prevalence of the term here may be a survival from Lapita times. Questions must be raised, however, about Blust's gloss of 'nose flute' for his reconstructions to PMP and PAn. In 1995 Blust provided a reconstruction of PAN tulani, PMP tulali "flute" (F, P, WIN, OC) which he said "almost certainly referred to a bamboo nose flute, as it still does in several descendant communities" (Blust 1995:496), and a decade and a half later he more positively glossed the term to 'bamboo nose flute', "based on Fijian /dulali/ and cognates in Taiwan, the Philippines and Indonesia." (Blust 2000:187) In neither paper, however, did he offer evidence in support of the claim. The present writer has no information for Taiwan but the following cognates have been found from elsewhere, with mouth and nose-blowing about equally represented, suggesting that 'flute' rather than 'nose flute' would be a more appropriate gloss for the PMP and PAn terms: Central Asia tulak 'duct flute' (Sadie 1984:(3)674) Dusun, Borneo turali 'nose flute' (Marcuse 1964:551) Sabah, Malaysia turali 'transverse nose flute' (Sadie 1984:(3)681) Celebes [Sualawesi], Indonesia tulali, tujali 'exterior duct ring flute' (Marcuse 1964:549) Kalinga, northern Philippines tongali 'nose flute' (Sadie 1984:(3)606) Ilonggot, Philippines, tulani or tulale 'external duct fipple mouth flute' (Roger Blench (pers.comm.) Sulod, Panay Island, Philippines, tulali 'external duct fipple mouth flute' (Roger Blench (pers.comm.) Also probably related is Javanese tulup 'to shoot with a blow-pipe' (Dempwolff 1971:(3)168) Next to be considered is the question of the Fijian dulali, which Blust took into account in his gloss of 'nose flute' for the tulali. A recent paper by Ammann (2007) has disproved the existence of nose flutes in New Caledonia and, with the exception of Fiji, has thrown doubt on their presence anywhere else in Island Melanesia except possibly Manus. The term dulali and its cognates is applied to nose flute only in Fiji and is a mouth flute in its presumed area of origin in New Britain, with no credible presence, following Ammann, of nose flutes anywhere along the migration path from the Bismarcks to Fiji. This requires explanation and will be referred to again later. Finally, it will be noticed that the tulali term is not exclusive to flutes. Among the Dobu and in the Marshall Islands it is applied to the conch, and the same is true of one of the New Britain areas where the term is used for both flute and conch. CEPn wiwo :Flute (Pollex) As indicated in the Pollex reconstruction, this term for flute is exclusive to Eastern Polynesia. Andrew Pawley notes as problematic the inclusion of Maori whio 'whistle' and Easter Islands hio 'bamboo flute': "These two forms would have to come from PEPn fio, not wiwo" (AP). Tables 13-14 Jews harp No published Lexicon or Pollex reconstructions are available for this table, so the McLean entries are again cited in full. On distributional grounds it is suggested that the terms found may be reconstructable to PWOc. Bismarck Archipelago Gazelle Pen. Map code 415 gap, nap jews harp Gazelle Pen. Map code 415 ngap jews harp King Map code 422 ngab jews harp Kuanua Map code 419 aqapa jews harp Kuanua Map code 419 gap 'jews harp' (Mannering n.d.:49) Lamassa Map code 423 ngab jews harp Londip Map code 417 ngab, ngap jews harp Namatanai, Pala Map code 431 ngap jews harp New Britain mangap jews harp New Britain ngap jews harp New Ireland ngab jews harp Raluana Map code 419 gap, guap 'jews harp' (Lanyon-Orgill 1960:565) Polynesian Outliers REN hapa metal jews harp believed to be from the Solomon Islands. (Elbert 1975:(2)48) Placing known area codes in order yields the following: 415, 417, 419, 421, 422, 423, 431. These are all consecutive, indicative of a highly local distribution in the same general area as dulali flute cognates in Table 11, with five of the specific languages coinciding. Merging the two together yields a string with hardly any gaps and nothing else on either side of it: 314, 384, 412, 415, 417, 419, 420, 421 422, 423, 425, 427, 431, stretching from the Gazelle Peninsula in New Britain north eastwards in a string of coastal locations around the easternmost tip of New Ireland. The overlap between the two tables is not absolute, however, as the jews harp terms are limited to the Bismarcks portion of the distribution, consistent with attribution of Table 11 to POc, with forerunners even as far back as Taiwan, and attribution of the jews harp terms to the post-Lapita subgroup now known as Proto Western Oceanic (PWOc). Search of the McLean files has revealed only a handful of cognates outside of the Bismarcks, suggesting that the Table 13 terms may indeed belong to PWOc. There are plenty of jews harps south of this area, all the way to Fiji, but they have different names with no noticeable uniformities. Note, however, the Rennell borrowing of hapa from the Solomon Islands which, if the term is cognate with gap, suggests that the latter is a transliteration of the English word 'harp'. This table is very short so has again been cited in full. PPn Tete :Shiver, tremble See Pollex for numerous entries with this general meaning to which the jews harp and mouth bow term seems to be related. Information from McLean files EFU utete coconut leaflet midrib jews harp EUV utete coconut leaf jews harp HAW ukeke mouth bow (23 refs) MQA utete mouth bow (6 refs) SAM utete coconut leaflet midrib jews harp (4 refs) TOK utete jews harp TON utete coconut leaf jews harp (5 refs) With two different applications in Eastern and Western Polynesia respectively this term does not qualify for reconstruction to PPn as a musical instrument. It would seem that the primary term for 'to shiver' was applied independently to the jews harp in Western Polynesia and to the musical bow, which operates on a similar principle, in Hawai'i and the Marquesas Islands. The table 13 and 14 sets for jews harp are nevertheless another clear case of an instrument the terms for which are complementary within POc and PPn respectively. Slit gong Tables 15-19 POc garamut 'slit gong' (Lexicon) The table entries are exclusively from Lexicon, but are again short and cited in full with map codes added where relevant. Northern New Guinea and Bismarck Archipelago Adm Emira galamutu 'slit gong' Map code 452 MM Nakanai galamo 'slit gong' Map code 401 MM Tolai garamut 'native log drum' Map code 419 NNG Bing giram 'garamut, log drum' Map code 398 NNG Kairiru giram 'slit gong' NNG Kove yilamo 'slit gong' NNG Manam giramo 'slit gong' Map code 152 Solomon Islands MM Halia (Haku) garamuc 'slit gong' MM Tinputz kamus 'drum/slit drum' Garamut is the Pidgin English term for slit gong in New Guinea and adjacent areas. Like the Pidgin term kundu for hourglass drum (Table 4), its origin is unknown but all or most of the examples of it are self-evidently post-European. Again, like kundu, the term may have been adopted from one of the areas where European contact was first made, but there is little point in trying to find out where this might have been. Marcuse (1964:200) lists 13 variants of the name ('angremut, dangamut, galamutu, garamudu, geramo, gerom, karamut, kolamut, naramut, ngaramut, ngilamo, qaramut, terremut'), any one or none of which could have been the originator of the Pidgin term, and there are more in McLean files, mostly in the Bismarck Archipelago, suggesting that this diversity may have taken place at PWOc level. If there was a proto term, however, it is unlikely to have taken the same form as the word in Pidgin English. POc dali 'slit gong' (Blust 1995:496) POc rali 'slit gong' (Blust 2000:187) PCP lali 'slit gong' (Lexicon) In this table the Admiralty region of the Bismarck Archipelago is of special significance and is therefore detached from the rest of the Bismarcks, with Admiralty terms from Blust (2000) added to those from elsewhere. Adm (6), Adm (4 (McL)), FIJ (2), FIJ (3 (McL)), ECE, EFU, EUV, MAE, MFA (McL), REN, SAM, TON There is an apparent connection here between the Admiralty Islands and Fiji, albeit with no evidence of the term in the rest of Melanesia, and appearances elsewhere limited to Western Polynesia. Presence of the lali in areas adjacent to Fiji does not imply PCP status for these areas as all are known to have borrowed both the instrument and the name for it from Fiji. As will be explained in a later chapter this type of slit gong would have been adopted from the use of paired lali as time-keepers for scullers in Fijian trading canoes, resulting in the addition of the lali to existing types of slit gong in the areas where trading took place. Andrew Pawley comments: The McLean entries include forms that appear to belong to at least two different cognate sets: the lali, dral, dran set and the drami set. The latter sets seems to be confined to the Manus region (AP). PPn nafa :A wooden drum (Pollex) PPn nafa 'a wooden drum' (Lexicon) The nafa is the Tongan form of slit gong, and is commonly recognised as indigenous to Tonga. As a slit gong or sounding board the term is limited to Western Polynesia so cannot be PPn, and must have meant something different at the PPn level. It would seem probable that as a general term the meaning was the same as the one still existing in Tahiti, the Marquesas Islands, and Mangareva, where it meant hollow or a hollow receptacle for liquids, and was applied to the slit gong in Tonga only after the departure of Eastern Polynesian colonists from the west. CEPn tookere :Percussion instrument of wood (Pollex) As indicated in the Pollex reconstruction, this term is limited to Eastern Polynesia. The one apparent exception is Pukapuka which shares both Western and Eastern Polynesian traits and probably gained the term only recently. The general meaning was probably 'to tap'. In Tahiti it was historically applied to a specific size of skin drum and in New Zealand to castanets. Elsewhere it is mostly a term for a small slit gong. PNPn paatee :Wooden gong (Pollex) Reconstruction to PNP is wrong, based as it must be on the presence of the instrument in Western Polynesia, where it is, in fact, a borrowing from Rarotonga at the hands of LMS missionaries who took the pate first to Samoa for use as a church bell and then elsewhere within Western Polynesia. They also introduced Cook Islands style hymn singing into Papua New Guinea, where these hymns are known as 'prophet songs' and are still sung. Dance Tables 20-25 PNPn kapa :Dance (Pollex) The term is predominantly Eastern Polynesian, with appearances in Western Polynesia only in Rennell and Niue. In Niue the term is kapakapa and means 'to flutter'. Elsewhere, as kapa, it is either a dance or dance related except in Mangareva, the Marquesas Islands, and Pukapuka, where it is a chant. In New Zealand it means to stand in a row, and in Rarotonga refers to dancers seated in a row. PMP dangkah 'stride, hop' (Dempwolff 1938) PNPn saka :Dance (Pollex) In view of multiple word forms and meanings of the term, the table entries are cited in full. Unless otherwise stated they are from Pollex. ECE haka 'Actions of dance' EFU saka 'Dance with hand and foot action' EUV haka 'Dance' EUV haka gestures or movements of a dancer (McL) FIJ caka 'Work, do' HAW ha'a 'a dance with bent knees; dancing. Called hula after mid 1800s (PPN saka)' (Pukui & Elbert 1986:44) KAP haka 'Stride along vigorously' MAO haka 'dance' (Williams 1975:31) MAO haka dance type (64 refs (McL)) MQA haka 'Danse, danser' MQA haka sexual dance (McL) MVA 'aka 'To dance in traditional fashion; dance accompanied by chant, usually of a warlike nature' NIU haka o me 'the man standing on the left of the leader in the traditional dance called me fa'' (McEwen 1970:69) NKM haka mourning songs (McL) NKO saga 'Glide in air' OJA sa'a mourning song (McL) OJA sa'a 'Song sung when someone is dying' PEN saka dance type (McL) PEN saka 'Kind of dance' PUK yaka 'A style of dancing' PUK yaka old form of dancing accompanied by singing and drumming (McL) RAR aka 'ancient form of tribal dance' (Savage 1962:13) RAR 'aka tribal dance (McL) RAR 'Aka 'Dance' REN 'saka 'Song without instruments or clapping' REN saka tattooing songs (McL) ROT saka 'To display vigour' SAM sa'a 'Dance' SAM sa'asa'a to dance (McL) SIK saka disparaging/praise song (McL) TIK saka 'perform rites in trad. religious system; invoke (spirits of dead ancestors)' (Firth 1985:417) TOK haka 'Dance' TOK haka dance (McL) TON haka 'Hand action while singing' TUA haka 'Dance' TUA haka mixed standing dance (McL) In view of only marginally related meanings in Tonga and Niue, the Pollex reconstruction to PNPn 'dance' seems reasonable. Dempwolff's PMP reconstruction (Dempwolff 1971: (3)47) is on the basis of Malay and Javanese with no terms elsewhere except Western Polynesia. It is glossed as 'stride, hop or skip', which could have given rise to dance terms, but a migration path for it is not clear, despite the presence of the very same meaning of 'stride' in Kapingamarangi, which takes the term to Micronesia. But it does not appear to be present anywhere in Melanesia, except in Fiji, where it is not associated with dance. Also to be noted is that hopping and striding are not characteristic of any Polynesian dances except in Easter Island where there was a so-called 'hopping dance', called upaupa (McLean 1999:283), a term which could be a variant of hula and in this case applied to a dance of possible phallic display. If the PMP connection to haka is accepted, it would seem there are distributional gaps to be filled before the term can be admitted to POc, and its meaning must have undergone radical change during its transit through Polynesia. Andrew Pawley comments: Table 21 saka. If I understand you correctly you consider the genuine cognates to be confined to Polynesian, possibly to Nuclear Polynesian. I agree. Rotuman saka is clearly marked as a loan from Polynesian. A genuine cognate would have the form sa'a. Fijian caka and the reconstruction proposed by Dempwolff can be discounted (AP). PNPn (f, s)ula :Dance (Pollex) Because of questions raised over this reconstruction, table entries are again cited in full. MIC Kiribati, ura = hula borrowed from Hawai'i (McL) EAS hura modern Tahitian dance (McL) HAW hula dance (37 refs (McL)) HAW hula 'Dance, throb, twitch' MAO hura 'Twitch' MFA fura 'Run' NIU hula 'to dance about, jump about' (McEwen 1970:97) OJA hula 'Dance' PEN hura 'Dance' RAR 'the act of dancing; to dance, to move with measured steps to music or to the accompaniment of the drum and wooden gongs' (Savage 1962:437) RAR 'ura Act of dancing (McL) SAM ula dance; poula 'night dance', aoula 'day dance' (McL) SIK hula modern couple dance in European style (McL) TAH hura dance (7 refs (McL)) TAH hura 'Dance' TAK hula '1. n. a women's dance with guitar or ukulele accompaniment reputedly introduced from Nukumanu in the 1950s; 2. vi Dance in this style' (RMTD) TON hula Hawaiian dancing (McL) TON hula modern dance accompanied by European instruments; women's dance, modern, introduced from Hawai'i (McL) TON ula women's dance (8 refs (McL)) Great care needs to be taken with this term to avoid false attributions as a result of modern borrowing from Hawai'i, where this dance genre is indigenous. Presence as a traditional dance genre in Tonga and Samoa would seem sufficient, along with presence also in Niuean, to qualify the term as PPn, but appearances in this case are deceptive. Pawley provides the following corrective which includes justification for reconstruction to PNPn: Table 22. You cite the PNPn reconstruction (f,s)ula 'dance' from POLLEX. I'd say the form should be fula, because f is unambiguously reflected in Mele-Fila, Takuu and Ontong Java. The sole problem lies in Niuean hula but as Niuean is known to have borrowed from EPn I would discount the Niuean comparison. PPn siwa :Dance and sing (Pollex) Presence of numerous cognates for hiva in both Western and Eastern Polynesia, and testimony from the earliest European observers from Cook's voyages onwards, confirms this term as PPn. In view of multiple seeming terms for dance in PPn, however, it seems likely that the original meaning of this particular term is the one still preserved in Eastern Polynesia, namely 'entertainment' which generally includes dance. At a later time, especially in Western Polynesia, it would have lost its general meaning after application to specific forms of dance. In New Caledonia it is probably a borrowing from a Polynesian neighbour. Pn mako :Dance (Pollex) Except for an appearance in Tanna, which is probably a borrowing, this dance term is exclusively Western Polynesian. Its absence in Eastern Polynesia, as well as Samoa and Niue, throws doubt on the reconstruction to PPn. It seems more likely to have originated somewhere within Western Polynesia in post-PPn times. It is commonly attributed in the area to Uvea. The Rotuma entry is identified by Pawley as a borrowing as follows: Table 24. Rotuman maka 'sing, chant, etc' is marked as a borrowing by having k for expected glottal stop (AP). PCPa se(q)a :A kind of dance (Pollex) The table is short and is therefore cited in full. FIJ Lau Islands seasea women's dance (McL) FIJ Vanua Levu seasea women's dance (McL) FIJ Viti Levu seasea 'a kind of meke danced with fans by the women' (Capell 1983:189) NKM hea young men's dance (McL) OJA sea young men's dance (5 refs (McL)) ROT sea 'Native song' SIK sea 'A kind of dance' TIK sea 'a type of dance and associated song' (Firth 1985:430) TON he'a entertainment, obsolete dance (McL) With distribution limited to Fiji, near neighbours to Fiji, and a few Polynesian Outliers, the Pollex reconstruction of the term to PCPa may be appropriate. The seasea, however, is pre-eminently a dance of Fiji, and it could be that it has been borrowed directly or indirectly from there into all of the other areas in which cognates for it are now found. Song Tables 26-35 PNPn pese :Sing, song (Pollex) The distribution of this term, which excludes Tonga and Niue, but extends from Samoa into the Polynesian Outliers in Western Polynesia, and from Tahiti as far as the Maori and Moriori of New Zealand, unquestionably confirms reconstruction to PNPn and to a common homeland which, on this evidence, is likely to have been Samoa. Pawley adds: Table 26. PNPn pese 'sing, song'. I doubt if Rotuman fak/peje 'make a short ceremonial speech' is related to this. And I doubt if Maori pihe 'dirge, etc.' is related. PPn langi :Sing (Pollex) SOL (1 (McL)), FIJ (1), FIJ (1 (McL)), MIC (1 (McL)), EAS, ECE, EFU, KAP, MAO, NKO, OJA, SAM, TAH, TAK, TIK, TOK, TON The gloss 'sing' in PPn is based on just five examples (Fiji, Tuvalu, Samoa, Tonga, and Tokelau); in six areas it is a song or dance type (Ysabel, Takuu, Ontong Java, Tonga, Futuna, Tahiti); in three areas it means to start a song(Fiji, Kapingamarangi and Nukuoro): and in four areas it means an air or tune (Saipan, Tikopia, and NZ Maori) or to pitch a tune (Fiji, where there is the greatest diversity of meaning). It is not possible to determine with any certainty which of these meanings, if any, is the primary one, but in view of the distance apart of Saipan, Tikopia and New Zealand, 'air or tune' seems most likely with change to a different term for 'tune' becoming current later in Western Polynesia (see Table 30). It is a surprise to find an apparent cognate in Saipan. If this passes linguistic tests for cognacy, it could be that the term will eventually be found in an earlier subgroup than PPn. Pawley has doubts about the inclusion of Fiji: Table 27. PPn langi 'sing'. Inclusion of Fijian langa here is problematic. It has the wrong final vowel (AP). POc dongo to hear, listen, obey (Jackson & Marck 1991:146) [In current orthography rongo (AP)] PPn rongo :to hear (Pollex) Because of the complex associations surrounding this term, the table, though lengthy, is cited in full. See Pollex for numerous Western and Eastern Polynesian entries of longo/rongo and similar terms with the primary meaning 'hear, listen, or news', with reconstruction to PPn. Solomon Islands Malaita Lau ro 'hear' (Ivens 1939:293) Malaita Lau rongo 'to hear, listen' (Fox 1974:163) Malaita Lau rongo 'to listen to, to perceive' (Ivens 1934:90) Malaita Sa'a rongo, rorongo, rongorongo 'to hear, to listen, to hear tidings of, to understand' (Ivens 1939:293) San Cristobal Arosi rongo dances (McL) San Cristobal Arosi rongo 'to hear, listen, obey'; rongogoro 'sweet, musical of sound' (Fox 1970:380) Ysabel rorongo 'to hear, receive a report; news, tidings' (Ivens 1940:53) Ysabel rororo 'sing in opening or closing many ballads' (White 1988:168) Banks Islands Mota rono; 'to feel, hear, smell, taste, apprehend by senses' (Codrington & Palmer 1896:(1)147) New Caledonia Nengone dredreng 'to listen to, hear, understand' (Tryon & Dubois 1969-71:(1)111) Mariana Islands Saipan roong, rongo 'knowledge, specialty, medicine, lore, learning' (Jackson & Marck 1991:146) Marshall Islands ron 'to hear' (Abo et al. 1976:252) Marshall Islands roro hauling songs (McL) Mokil rong 'to hear, to understand (what is said)'; rongda 'to find out by hearing'; rongdi 'to learn by hearing' (Harrison & Salich, 1977:79) Puluwat rongorongo 'to hear' (Elbert 1972:159) Truk rong 'to hear, obey, listen etc.' (Goodenough & Sugita 1980:311) Truk ronga 'any endeavour that requires special knowledge and instruction to perform' (Goodenough & Sugita 1980:311) Woleai rong (rongo) 'n. tradition knowledge that passes down from father to son, heritage in terms of wisdom'; rongorongo (rongo-rongo) 'v.i. to hear, listen to'; rongiiy (rongii-a) 'v.t. sing it, recite it, relate it, verbalize it'; rongirongi (rongi-rongi) 'v.n. to sing, recite, relate, verbalize' (Sohn & Tawerilmang 1976:124) Polynesian Outliers Rennell gogongo song of praise or thanks to a god (McL) Rennell gongo 'to hear, listen, feel, taste'; gongogongo 'to listen carefully' (Elbert 1975: (1)62) Western Polynesia E. Futuna lolongo chorus grouped around rolled mats (McL) E. Uvea lolongo chorus grouped around rolled mats (McL) Niue lologo chanted songs (McL) Niue lolongo ancient songs (McL) Niue lolongo v. to sing; n. song, hymn' (McEwen 1970:164) Niue longo 'n. bell; drum hollowed out of wood' (McEwen 1970:165) Samoa logo 'large slit gong used for announcing church services' (Moyle 1988:35) Samoa logo 'perceive (by hearing or some other sense, other than sight); large wooden gong (used for calling people to church); bell or other device used for the same purpose'. fa'alogo 'hear; listen, pay attention, obey, feel' (Milner 1993:110) Samoa logo 'sound or noise' (Moyle 1988:36) Tuvalu longo 'perceive, feel (the stress of work etc.)'; 'learn some specialist skill' (Noricks 1981:(1)88) Eastern Polynesia Easter Island rongorongo class of chanters (McL) Mangareva rogorogo class of experts (McL) Mangareva rongorongo priestly caste charged with religious chants and stories (McL) Marquesas Islands tuhuna o'ono tribal bards and professional chanters (Métraux 1957:187–8) NZ Maori rongo 'apprehend by the senses, except sight; tidings, report, fame'; rarango 'repeat the commencement of a song'; rongoa 'preserve, take care of' (Williams 1975:346) Society Islands rongorongo used for chanting of prayers (McL) Tokelau logo 'bell, large wooden gong' (Office 1986:142) Tuamotu Islands rongo formal chants about exploits of a hero; mourning chant for a deceased hero (McL) Tuamotu Islands rorogo to sing in war (McL) Represented in both POc and PPn, here is an almost full range of cognates, present in its primary sense of 'hear, listen, obey' in Micronesia, the Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, the Polynesian Outliers, the remainder of Western Polynesia, and extending from there to Eastern Polynesia, including the famous rongorongo men of Easter Island, and, even as far afield as New Zealand. It may be significant, however, that, except in the Solomon Islands, musical associations of the term do not appear in the Melanesian areas traversed by Lapita potters on their way to Fiji. Such associations become prominent only in Micronesia and the Outliers, doing so by duplication and reduplication of the primary term to add meanings relating to acquisition of knowledge. The significance for music lies in the use of song as a vehicle for the transmission of knowledge from generation to generation in societies whose only means of doing so was through oral tradition. By and large this seems to have been a Polynesian and perhaps Micronesian trait rather than a Melanesian one, accounting for the regional differences in the above table, and again suggesting a Micronesian rather than Melanesian connection to Polynesia. PAn tangi 'weep' POc tangi 'weep, cry' PPn tangi :Cry, weep (Pollex) BIS (2 (McL)), SOL (1), SOL (5 (McL)), VAN (2 (McL)), FIJ (2), MIC (3 (McL)) This is a huge category and in its primary meaning 'to cry' there is not the least doubt of its provenience all the way back to PAn. In its application to song, meaning 'dirge' or 'lament', performed as a rule in association with mourning or funeral ceremonies, examples are many fewer. They are limited largely to Eastern and Western Polynesia, in the latter case with extension of meaning to encompass songs within a story. The table is cited in full. EFU fatsi tune (McL) EUV fasi tune or air of a song (McL) FIJ Lau Islands fasi one who starts the singing (McL) MAN fatifati improvisation (McL) NIU fati lolongo 'to compose songs, a poet' (McEwen 1970:35) SAM fati a tune (McL) TAK hati '1. n. Chorus, refrain of a song; 2. vi. Sing the chorus or refrain of a song' (RMTD) TOK fati 'tune, melody' (Office 1986:497) TON fasi 'melody or song leader' (Moyle 1987:253) TON fasi melody, voice part in tenor range (McL) No published reconstruction has been found of this term. It serves principally as a Western Polynesian equivalent of the probably older term rangi (Table 27) as a word for 'melody or tune'. PPn Pulotu :Composer of songs (Pollex) Again the table is cited in full. EFU pulotu 'Maitre de danse, de chant; pr‚ tendu demeure des dieux, ciel des ancient Futuniens' EUV pulotu dance leader (McL) EUV Pulotu 'Demeure des anciens dieux Polyn siens; celui qui dirige les chants et danses' EUV pulotu song and dance leader (McL) FIJ Lau Islands pulotu chorus (McL) MVA porutu lauditory song (McL) NKM puloto leading dancer (McL) REN pugotu 'Song composer; to sing, as to practice, or while working' REN hakapugotu 'song composer' (Elbert 1975:(1)237) SAM pulotu sounding board (6 refs (McL)) SAM pulotu 'The native drum; residence of the gods' SIK pulotu 'Dance drum; beat dance drum' TAH purotu = hura dance (McL) TAK purotu 'Hymn-leader' TAK purotu, 'n. Hereditary performing arts specialist. (A male expert in performing and teaching a clan's entire song and dance repertoire, and also beating the slit drum on the ritual arena to accompany them' (RMTD) TIK porutu expert, song and dance leader, composer (McL) TIK purotu 'Expert, especially in song and dance, but also general' TOK pulotu 'Song composer' TON pulotu 'Composer of songs and dances' Although the term reconstructs to PPn, the gloss of 'composer of songs' is far from uniform and is confined to Western Polynesia. PPn sua :Commence a chant or song (Pollex) Because of the range of meanings, the table has been cited in full. EFU sua leader solo, introduction to a song (McL) EFU sua 'Sing' EUV hua 'Entonner; chanter' EUV hua leader solo, introduction to a song (McL) HAW hua 'Word, letter, figure, watchword, speak' KAP hua 'to sing, to chant' (Lieber 1974:104) MAO whaka/hua 'Pronounce, recite' MQA hua 'Le meme, renvenir, recommencer, refrain d'un cantique' MVA hua 'Begin a story, an account, a prayer, and continue with assistants' NIU huanga 'entry, entrance' (McEwen 1970:95) NKO hua 'sing a song' (Carroll 1973:245) RAR ua 'the second supporting part of a song' (Savage 1962:427) REN hua historical songs (McL) REN huaa 'to begin'; hakahu'a song, to sing a song' (Elbert 1975:(1)97) ROT sua 'Start, lead a song' SAM afua 'begin' (Milner 1993:6) SAM sua 'denotes a gentle movement, but suali a sudden or violent movement' (Milner 1993:217) SIK sua/mele 'Type of song' TAK hua 'vtr. Sing (a song); npl. Songs in general' (RMTD) TAK sua/mere 'A type of dance' TON hua 'Begin song' TUA hua leader solo, introduction to a song (McL) TUA Hua/a 'Commence to chant' This term is unquestionably PPn with a gloss, as suggested in Pollex, of 'commence a chant or song' at the proto level and change of meaning in Western Polynesia after the separation of Eastern Polynesia. PNPn oli-oli :A chant (Pollex) The table is cited in full. NGM Mailu Map code 367 oriori wife marrying spell (McL) ECE oli game song (McL) ECE olioli 'Prayer for good fishing catch' HAW oli(oli) 'A chant that was not danced to' KAP oriori 'Prayer' (obs.) KAP oriori spells, prayers (McL) MAO oriori song type in the form of a lullaby (McL) NIU olioli 'Rejoice' NIU olioli 'the movement of the legs in swimming' (McEwen 1970:253) NKO olioli 'Put to sleep by singing lullaby' OJA olioli 'A type of singing and song' OJA olioli victory songs for winners of canoe races, mixed chorus songs devoted to the sea (McL) REN ogiogi 'Worship, comfort (a child)' (Ebt) SIK olioli 'A type of chant' TAK oriori '1. n. Song type, introduced from Nukumanu in the 20th century; 2. A song type performed while striking lengths of hollow bamboo tubing on the ground for accompaniment; 3. vi. Perform an oriori song; sing songs beside a corpse; 4. vi. Comprise funerary rites' (RMTD) TIK oriori 'recite formula of thanks; funeral dance' (Firth 1985:320) TUA ori 'Revive by incantation' The apparent association between Mailu and Kapingamarangi is surprising, and no explanation can be offered. Elsewhere the term has several meanings of which those relating to types of chanting are the most common and are reconstructed in Pollex to PNPn. It will be noted that although the term oli relates to dance in some areas, in Hawai'i it designates absence of dance. In its reduplicated form of olioli in Hawaiian it refers to a quavering or shaking of the voice at the ends of song phrases, known also as i'i. In New Zealand, the cognate, oriori, of the Hawaiian term, besides referring to a song type generally glossed as 'lullaby' has a not widely known second meaning descriptive of vowel alternation at the ends of song lines in the Waikato region, the effect of which is similar to the Hawaiian olioli. There may be a relationship between 'shaking' in this sense and applications of the term to dance. PMP batur 'to plait, weave (as mats, baskets)' POc patu(R), patuR-i- 'tie, plait, weave (mats, baskets)' (Lexicon) PPn fatu 'to fold, bend, lash' (Elbert 1975: (1)86) PPn fatu :Weave, compose (e.g. a song) (Pollex) NGM (3), BIS (2), SOL (3), VAN (2), FIJ (1), MIC (1 (McL)), ECE (McL), EFU, HAW, MAO, MQA, NIU, PUK, RAR, REN, SAM, TAH, TAK, TIK, TOK, TON, TUA This is the term that provides the title for the McLean book Weavers of Song (1999). It is one of the most consistent and striking of the musical terms present in both Western and Eastern Polynesia, and there is not the least doubt that it is of PPn provenience. Equally striking is that although the term reconstructs in its primary sense of 'to weave' as far back as PMP, it does not pick up its connotation of 'to compose' until it reaches Polynesia, becoming a prime example of use of a general term in specialised context. There are no clues here, however, to indicate the direction taken by pre-Polynesians after leaving their POc area of origin. For a discussion of the weaving image as applied to composition see McLean 1999:384-5. CEPn karioi : Idle, devoted to sensual amusement; such a person (Pollex) For accounts of the famous Arioi society of entertainers of Tahiti and Ka'ioi of the Marquesas Islands see McLean 1999:21ff, 260. As indicated by the reconstruction the term is exclusive to Eastern Polynesia. Conclusions from reconstructions Use of general terms As pointed out in the notes for Table 5, where the term pahu 'drum' in Eastern Polynesia is found to have derived from the PPn term pasu 'to thump', a notable tendency throughout Oceania is the application of general terms to specific uses in some but not all of the areas in which the word occurs. Two well-known examples of this in Oceania, described by ethnomusicologists Hugo Zemp and Steven Feld, are the use of bamboo terms for musical instruments by the 'Are'are of Malaita in the Solomon Islands, and the use of waterfall terms to designate music structure by the Kaluli people of the Papua New Guinea Highlands (McLean 2006:306-7 where further examples are also given). When, as is usually the case, such extensions of term are area specific, it is inappropriate to include them in the gloss at the proto level. Some further examples from the PPn reconstructions of musical instruments in the first few tables above are: Table 6 kofe bamboo but not 'flute'; Table 9 fangufangu 'blow through nose' but not 'nose flute'; and Table 14 tete 'to shiver' but not 'jews harp' or 'musical bow', which are independent applications of the general term. In the domain of song, an outstanding example of extended use is PPn 'to weave' (Table 34), with the metaphorical meaning also of 'compose a song', in this case at the PPn level along with the primary term. Distributional evidence for reconstructions In the tables, three principles underlie the assessments made there of putative POc and PPn reconstructions. First, an effort is made to determine the exact geographical locations of language groups and their relation to each other. Second, before a reconstruction to POc can be accepted as significant it is considered essential for a reasonable spread of daughter languages to be present. And third, before accepting a reconstruction to PPn, it is regarded as necessary for cognates to be present in both Western and Eastern Polynesia. Absence in both Tonga and Niue relegates the reconstruction to PNPn. Reconstruction to PNPn Four terms have been found unequivocally in this category, two related to dance, and two to singing. The implication for these terms is that they originated in an area that became Samoic. PNPn kapa :Dance (Table 20) PNPn saka :Dance (Table 21) PNPn pese :Sing, song (Table 26) PNPn oli-oli :A chant (Table 33) Other terms which have been reconstructed to PNPn fall on either side of a divide, belonging in some cases to Eastern Polynesia alone, or in others qualifying as fully PPn. PNPn Puu :Trumpet (Table 2) could be PPn PNPn pasu :Drum (Table 5) should be CEPn PNPn paatee :Wooden gong (Table 19) should be CEPn PNPn (f, s)ula :Dance (Table 22) could be PPn Song and dance The indigenous music and dance terms in the tables are a fraction only of those known for Oceania at large. In Polynesia alone it is not unusual to find 30 or more named song and dance types associated with a particular culture. The McLean files include terms for numerous song use categories inclusive, as may be expected, of incantations, laments, and love songs, but ranging from birth and boasting songs through to war songs and work songs as follows: Birth songs, boasting songs, children's songs, courting songs, divinatory songs, entertainment songs, enumeration songs, erotic songs, farewell songs, fighting songs, food-bearing songs, funeral songs, game songs, greeting songs, hauling songs, incantations, initiation songs, insulting songs, juggling songs, laments, love songs, marriage songs, narrative songs, obscene songs, paddling songs, praise songs, satirical songs, spirit songs, tattooing songs, taunting songs, teasing songs, toddy songs, top-spinning songs, topical songs, war songs, welcome songs, and work songs. Most are local, spreading further, if at all, only to adjacent island groups as a result of borrowing relationships, and are accordingly mostly unrepresented in the present study. Terms for singing In Polynesia there are two forms of singing, designated in musicological terms as sung and recited respectively, and represented in the tables by PNPn pese :Sing, song (Table 26) for the recited form, and PPn langi :Sing (Table 27) as its sung counterpart when referring to songs that are melodically as well as rhythmically organised. Additionally, three tables include entries with glosses 'to sing' which result from extension of different but related general terms. They are hiva/siva (Table 23) which involve singing and dancing but initially probably meant 'entertainment'; pulot/purotu 'composer or leader: (Table 31), in this sense specific to Western Polynesia; and hua/sua 'to lead a song' (Table 32). Although linguistic techniques have been worked out to identify proto terms, uncertainties can surround the gloss if the term has more than one meaning in daughter languages, and again it is distributional evidence that can provide a solution. A case in point is the rangi term for 'to sing' which in three widely separated areas means 'air or tune', suggesting that this may be the original meaning (Table 27). In this sense it has been overtaken in Western Polynesia by an alternative term fasi or fati (Table 30). Comments on other cases can be found in the table notes. Terms for dance As noted for song types, there are a huge number of terms for types of dance in Oceania, including scores for Micronesia alone, but with no obvious cognates elsewhere except for adjacent areas. Some exceptions for Polynesia at large are PPn kapa (Table 20), PPn saka (Table 21), PNPn hula (Table 22), PPn siwa (Table 23), and PPn mako (Table 24). All are PPn or PNPn and, with the possible exception of Table 21 (see Table note), have no apparent affiliations with POc. Contrast between POc and PPn A major finding of the present study, turning up, in fact in the very first tables, is that music terms in POc and PPn tend to be mutually exclusive. Table 1 features a set of over 30 related terms for shell trumpet, reconstructed to both PMP and POc, beginning in West Papua and along the north coast of Papua New Guinea and stretching from there through the Bismarck Archipelago, into Micronesia, and through Island Melanesia to Fiji. There, however, it stops, to be supplanted by a complementary distribution for the same instrument. Beyond Fiji, throughout both Western and Eastern Polynesia, the conch is known by the different name pu, (Table 2) and reconstructs not to POc but to PPn. This could perhaps be dismissed as an oddity were it not that similar distributions occur also for other items of cultural inventory as follows: Table 7 POc kaur 'bamboo' but not 'musical instruments'. Contrasts with PPn kofe 'bamboo' Table 6. Table 13 gab, bap 'jews harp'. Contrasts with ukeke, utete and PPn Tete 'Shiver, tremble' Table 14 for Polynesia. Table 16 POc dali 'slit gong' incl. Fiji lali. Contrasts with Polynesian terms (Tables 17-19). A dichotomy also exists between Melanesia and Polynesia with regard to flutes, though not in this case marked by reconstructions in POc and PPn. Melanesia is characterised by mouth flutes and Polynesia by nose flutes, with Micronesia standing between as a kind of halfway house, with both forms of instrument present, and a variety of names are applied to flutes in all areas. Terms for 'to blow' There are three terms with the meaning 'to blow' as applied to musical instruments. Two are of primary significance in Polynesia and one in Melanesia; the first is associated with conch trumpets, the second with nose flutes, and the third with both trumpets and mouth flutes; and all have affiliations at POc level or earlier. They are pusi (Table 3), fango (Table 9), and ifi/ufi (Table 8), as follows: • Pusi co-occurs in Polynesia with the term pu for shell trumpet or conch (Table 2) and because of this contrasts with the Melanesian term for the same instrument (Table 1). It reconstructs at the earliest level to PMP pusi :To blow air from the mouth, but except in most of Polynesia has the different though related meaning of 'to squirt', suggesting that this may have been its original meaning at the proto level. • As observed in the table notes, the distribution of Fango or fangu 'blow nose' is similar to that of the complementary term pusi 'to blow from the mouth', appearing in the reduplicated form of fangofango or fangufangu in Polynesia as 'nose flute', just as 'pusi' appears in cut-down form of pu as shell trumpet. The distribution of the term also correlates with the related term fafagu 'to awaken' (Table 10), tracking back in this incarnation to POc and PAn. • Although entering into Polynesia like the other two terms, the ifi/ufi term for 'to blow' is fundamentally Melanesian, appearing extensively in the Solomon Islands as a term for blowing mouth flutes, trumpets, and panpipes, and migrating from there into the Polynesian Outliers and thence further into Western Polynesia, most likely long after Lapita times if panpipe diffusion can be taken as a guide. Post 2000 BP distributions After about 2000 BP, when Eastern Polynesia was colonised from a Western Polynesian homeland, each of the now separate areas continued to develop, both internally and in terms of interactions with other areas. In Micronesia, even the settlement of the eastern Nuclear Micronesian language area is believed to have taken place largely after this date, and both Western and Eastern Polynesia went their own separate ways. The inventory of terms in the respective areas reflect the process. Innovations which took place in Eastern Polynesia subsequent to settlement from Western Polynesia include development of the pahu form of cylindrical drum, already referred to (Table 5), the pate (Table 19) and tokere (Table 18) forms of slit gong, the name vivo applied to the nose flute (Table 12), and the rise of the famous 'Arioi society of Tahiti in the Society Islands (Table 35). In its song and dance terminology, Western Polynesia is much more homogeneous than Eastern Polynesia, and some terms are exclusive or near exclusive to it. Examples include the term fangufangu as applied to nose flutes (Table 9); the nafa form of slit gong or sounding board (Table 17); mako 'dance, or dance type' (Table 24); the term pulotu/purotu as 'composer of songs' (Table 31); and numerous others not in the tables, reflecting ongoing intercommunication and exchange of items following separation of the two areas (see McLean 1999 for further examples). Implications for Polynesian origins As an example of areal differentiation, the two radically different and mutually exclusive terms for shell trumpet in Tables 1 and 2, representing POc and PPn respectively, is almost enough on its own to invalidate the conventional theory of Polynesian origin from Lapita potters. These early settlers must have belonged to the cognate family of Table 1, present both in Fiji and antecedent areas as far back as Proto Malayo-Polynesian. So if Polynesians originated in this group why did they not use the POc term, with which they would have been familiar, and which is without trace anywhere in Polynesia? If even some of the pre-Polynesians came from this group surely they would have retained the term used by everyone else at this time. Instead they adopted the term puu (Table 2), which occurs almost universally throughout both Western and Eastern Polynesia, but is all but absent elsewhere. Nor, as will be seen, is this the only apparent loss of terms from POc. The explanation most commonly advanced for apparent attrition and replacement of lexical terms is that this results from "bottlenecking" or "founder effect" after a small group of speakers becomes separated from the parent group and subsequently develops in isolation. This self-evidently took place in Eastern Polynesia after this area was colonised by one or more canoe loads of settlers who made a one-way voyage from Western Polynesia. As a process it is more problematic as an explanation for extinction of terms in the Proto Polynesian homeland, where water gaps were not as daunting, and opportunities for intercommunication were present. The necessary isolation would more readily have occurred either if separation from Proto Oceanic took place earlier than supposed, or did so out of Micronesia rather than Island Melanesia, and also to be taken into account is the possibility that some of the terms currently attributed to POc in fact emerged after Proto Polynesian had already begun to develop and were absent from PPn at the outset. In addition to the conch, three other complexes of instruments are mutually exclusive in POc or PWOc and PPn. They are the flute, the jews harp, and the slit gong, all present in the Lapita area of New Britain and, except for the jews harp, extending as far as Fiji, but taking a different form with different terminology in Polynesia. Of these instruments, the flute is the most contentious. As already indicated, Polynesia is characterised by nose flutes and Melanesia by flutes that are mouth blown. There is, however, a notable exception in Fiji where a nose flute, termed dulali, is present. Table 11 lists dulali cognates which are found to occur in the area of Lapita origin in New Britain, and the term has been reconstructed with antecedents as far back as Taiwan to PAn tulani 'bamboo nose flute'. Moreover, the Fijian dulali turns out to be almost identical in structure, playing method and even scale of notes to the Tongan nose flute (Crowe 1984). At first sight this seems supportive of the Lapita hypothesis of Polynesian origins, with derivation of the Polynesian nose flute from the Fijian dulali. With closer scrutiny, however, the argument begins to unravel. First, the gloss of nose flute at the proto level turns out to be probably mistaken (see note for Table 11). Second, if nose flutes were indeed introduced into Polynesia through Fiji, one would expect a substantial presence of nose flutes in the Bismarck area of origin, as well as a trail of both nose flutes and the tulali term on the way to Fiji. But they are not there. Instead, flutes are mouth-blown throughout the area, including those with the tulali name. It would seem probable, therefore, that the nose flute was not introduced into Polynesia from Fiji but that the contact went the other way, with Fiji receiving the nose flute from Tonga, and each area continuing to use its own accustomed name for flute which would initially have been a mouth flute in Fiji. Where, then, did Polynesian nose flutes come from if not from the tulali and Lapita potters? The answer lies with the most common Polynesian term for nose flute, namely fangufangu, which derives from the term fango ''to blow with the nose' (Table 9) and is associated also with fafango 'to awaken' (Table 10). The two tables together form an interrelated complex with results pointing unequivocally to Micronesia as the area of origin for Polynesian nose flutes, with direct connection between Micronesia and Western Polynesia, and no cognates of any kind in Melanesia, including the area of Lapita origin in the Bismarck Archipelago. Dempwolff's reconstruction of PAn bangun (Dempwolff 1975:(3) 20) for the 'awaken' term is especially significant because of the plainly related terms yangin, aangyn, angin, anin, angun for 'nose flute' in Puluwat and Truk in the Caroline Islands of Micronesia. As earlier noted, this is the very area found by Herzog to exhibit Polynesian-type music structure. Taken together, this is compelling evidence for a Micronesian rather than Island Melanesian migration path for Polynesians, with no involvement on the part of Lapita potters, and no suggestion that the introduction of nose flutes could have been a late rather than early event or took place in the opposite direction as a borrowing from Polynesia. Jews harp In the same general area as tulali flute cognates, but in a highly local portion of it limited to New Britain and New Ireland, are terms of evidently post-Lapita origin, possibly of PWOc provenience, and, like flutes, contrasting with terms in Polynesia. In this case, however, even though the reconstruction suggests an origin later than Lapita, it may not be nearly late enough, judging from the term hapa, which looks plainly cognate with gapa, but in this case refers to a European jews harp, and is just as plainly cognate with 'harp'. Slit gong Special significance is attached to the slit gong. Its distribution identifies it along with the conch as one of the most widespread instruments to be associated with speakers of Austronesian languages and, as such, with the Lapita people and/or their immediate successors. The sole credible reconstructed POc term for slit gong is POc rali or *dali (Table 16) with a starting point in the Admiralty Islands, an end point with the Fijian lali, and intermediate cognates only in the Solomon Islands and Vanuatu. This coincides absolutely with the currently accepted route for Lapita potters which took them through central Vanuatu, where slit gongs are still to be found, bypassing southern Vanuatu and New Caledonia, where slit gongs are absent from the traditional inventory of instruments. Again, however, Fiji represents an end-point for the term, with both the Fijian form of slit gong and the Fijian name for it spreading further not by descent from lineal ancestors but by known later borrowing into Western Polynesian areas with their own forms of slit gong which thenceforth co-existed with the lali. Slit gongs are not in contention in Micronesia as they are absent there, and in Eastern Polynesia the slit gong takes an independently derived form which evolved from beaten bamboo. The only convincing explanation for all of the above is that for the terms under consideration PPn is not connected to POc through Island Melanesia as proposed in the now standard view of Polynesian origin, but developed independently having reached its home area by a different path which must have included Micronesia. >>> Chapter 7. Physical anthropology and genetics	<urn:uuid:1533b877-44b1-4a8b-963a-85643d1a72fd>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.6875, "fasttext_score": 0.02088022232055664, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9258421659469604, "url": "http://polynesianorigins.org/chapter-6-music/" }
Pro Audio Files Free Mix Workshop Premium Courses The Basics of Mid-Side Processing Mid-side (MS) decomposition is an essential aspect of many audio effects. Several stereo image processing techniques incorporate MS as part of the effect. Additionally, many audio engineers use MS dynamic range compression and MS equalization. In order to understand how the audio is processed in each case, it can be helpful to look at how MS decomposition works. Conceptually, the purpose of MS decomposition is to separate a stereo (left/right) signal into a different, two-channel signal composed of “mid” and “sides” information. This is accomplished by taking advantage of how stereo audio is created from a mono signal. When a mono signal is played back over stereo speakers, the signal is sent to both speakers, while the relative amplitude of signal is changed for each speaker. When an audio engineer pans a signal to the left, he/she turns down the amplitude of signal going to the right speaker, while turning up the amplitude of the signal going to the left speaker. The opposite is true when panning to the right. When a signal is panned to the center, the amplitude of the signal is identical in both speakers. Creating the Sides Channel To create the “sides” component of MS processing, the right channel can be subtracted from the left channel (sides = left – right). This is done for convention, using the opposite would produce a similar result (sides = right – left). Therefore, signals that have identical amplitude in the “left” and “right” channels (i.e. those panned to the center) will be removed. In other words, the combined amplitude of center signals will be reduced to zero in the “sides.” More completely, the “sides” component is created by also scaling the amplitude by a half: sides = 0.5 * (left – right). This reduction in amplitude will be necessary at the end when the “mid” and “sides” are recombined to recover new “left” and “right” signals. Creating the Mid Channel If the “sides” channel is created by taking the difference between “left” and “right,” the “mid” channel is created by taking the sum of “left” and “right,” or mid = 0.5(left + right). One thing that can be confusing is that the “mid” signal actually contains signals that are panned completely left or completely right. These components are not ‘canceled out’. Rather, signals panned left or right will be relatively lower in amplitude than signals panned to the center. This result occurs because panning functions are typically intended to maintain constant power across the stereo field (not constant amplitude). To accomplish constant power, signals panned to the center have a higher summed amplitude. When a mono signal is panned to center, it is played through both speakers. The amplitude of signal through each individual speaker is scaled to be 0.707original amplitude, or the square root of 0.5. When the left and right channels are added together, the amplitude of a center signal is 1.414*original mono amplitude (~3 dB louder). Therefore, the “mid” channel in MS decomposition can have a higher amplitude for center information than side information. M-S Decoding After the “mid” and “sides” channels have been decomposed (or encoded), each can be processed independently. This might mean adding equalization just to the “sides” or compression just to the “mid.” Finally, new “left” and “right” channels must be recovered (or decoded) to play the signals over stereo loud speakers. The left channel can be recovered by adding together mid + sides. The right channel can be recovered by subtracting mid – sides. In conclusion, MS processing can open up an additional way to use audio effects. Whether for stereo image effects or compression/equalization, it can be helpful to consider how MS decomposition works when you are going to use it. Here’s a few videos from our YouTube channel that incorporate mid-side mixing techniques. Missing our best stuff? Eric Tarr Eric Tarr Eric Tarr is a musician, audio engineer, and producer based in Nashville, TN. Currently, he is a Professor of Audio Engineering Technology at Belmont University. Free Video on Mixing Low End Powered by ConvertKit	<urn:uuid:f76dcf12-cf8b-4c32-a3a4-9e1f7e19fcac>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.78125, "fasttext_score": 0.32759958505630493, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.924868643283844, "url": "https://theproaudiofiles.com/mid-side-processing/" }
Definition of rescale in US English: [with object] • Alter the scale of (something), typically to make it smaller or simpler. ‘a report to the State EducationDepartment urging that all the science exams be rescaled’ • ‘The ratings were rescaled to scales ranging from 0 to 10 to provide for a more adequate comparison by dividing the raw scores by the number of items and multiplying this quotient by 10.’ • ‘The more sophisticated rendering programs let your rescale the texture maps to suit.’ • ‘Rare species were downweighted, and axes were rescaled.’ • ‘The scores are in dimensionless units, rescaled with identical scale factors.’ • ‘Although loading ratio rescales load size relative to body size, it does not completely incorporate all body-size dependence in the relation between fragment size and leaf transport rate.’ • ‘All of the sum scores were rescaled to the original response scale.’ • ‘Not only is that animated title GIF an irritation but too many of the front-page images are crudely rescaled so that their aspect ratio is all distorted.’ • ‘At each step of the algorithm, one should rescale constructed arrays to prevent numerical underflow.’ • ‘The variable was rescaled by dividing by 10 for estimation purposes.’ • ‘The range is then divided by the standard deviation to produce a normalized or rescaled range value (R / S).’ • ‘A method commonly used to take into account the unequal probabilities of selection and to make the variances more meaningful is to rescale the weight so that the average is one.’ • ‘Basically, space-time had to be rescaled such that the speed of light in vacuum remained constant.’ • ‘No editing has been done to the photos except edge cutting, and rescaling.’ • ‘Finally, trees were rescaled so that their total length would be uniform between 0.5 and 8.0.’ • ‘Also, the two violence measures were rescaled prior to the transformations so that they both had a minimum score of 1.’ • ‘Another possible point of confusion is the extra factor of two in the parameters and relative to the way in which time is rescaled.’ • ‘To yield meaningful tests of significance, sample weights were applied to the data and then rescaled to equal the actual number of cases in the sample.’ • ‘Prior to the transformations, the proactive and reactive aggression scores were rescaled so that they had a minimum score of 1.’	<urn:uuid:16f188ac-0bdf-4715-aff1-4ab23c4f340b>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.6875, "fasttext_score": 0.025860965251922607, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9528350830078125, "url": "https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/us/rescale" }
Definition - What does Frostbite mean? Frostbite is the physical ramification of exposing the body to extreme cold. The blood temperature cools and body extremities start to freeze. Such freezing effects both the skin and underlying tissue. This commonly starts in the hands and feet as the body tries to keep warm blood flowing through the core and heart. Safeopedia explains Frostbite Treating frostbite must be done slowly and delicately to minimize tissue damage. Splinting and wrapping frostbitten extremities is important, as it limits movement to these areas. Warming the frostbite areas by ‘rubbing’ is not recommended, as is giving the body a false sense of warmth and can distress the heart. Warming should be done by way of adding blankets to the patient and slowly placing the frostbitten extremities into tepid water of 37.5 degrees, the ideal blood temperature. If neither of these options is available, body-to-body contact is recommended until help can be secured. Frostbite is a common workplace injury among forestry workers and meat operation workers. Share this: Connect with us Email Newsletter	<urn:uuid:89988801-93e9-4e8c-a625-3c0f3604f68e>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.984375, "fasttext_score": 0.08281010389328003, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9198907613754272, "url": "https://www.safeopedia.com/definition/1383/frostbite-environmental-health-and-safety" }
Alas, Poor Yorick! I knew him, Horatio; a fellow of infinite jest, of most excellent fancy; he hath borne me on his back a thousand times; and now, how abhorred in my afterimage he is! Well... that's what William Shakespeare's Hamlet might have said, had he been looking at a vintage Pears' Soap advertisement bearing court jester Yorick's skull, rather than holding an exhumed and rotting Danish cranium. Stare long enough at the skull in the ad, and it will be “burned” into your vision even after you look away. Afterimages such as Yorick's skull help us understand how neurons in various areas of the brain adapt to the visual environment. Adaptation, in this case, is the process by which neurons habituate to, and eventually cease responding to, an unchanging stimulus. Once neurons have adapted, it takes a while for them to reset to their previous, responsive state: it is during this period that we see illusory afterimages. We see such images every day: after briefly looking at the sun or at a bright lightbulb or after being momentarily blinded by a camera flash, we perceive a temporary dark spot in our field of vision. To experience this antique illusion (left), stare at the X in Yorick's left eye socket for about 30 seconds. Then look away at a flat surface such as a piece of paper, wall, ceiling or sky, and you will see Yorick's afterimage as a ghostly apparition. Vision scientists believe that the adaptation effect producing poor Yorick's ghost largely takes place in the neurons of the retina. How can we know? Close your right eye and stare at the X again. Then look at the wall again to see the afterimage, but this time switch back and forth between closing one eye and the other. Only the left eye—which was open during the adaptation period—will reveal Yorick's ghost. This means that the adaptation must have taken place only in neurons responding to stimulation from the left eye. If the adaptation had occurred in the binocular neurons of the brain (in the primary visual cortex and higher visual areas), you would see Yorick's ghost with either eye. In celebration of the 200th anniversary of Charles Darwin's birth, psychologists Rob Jenkins of the University of Glasgow in Scotland and Richard Wiseman of the University of Hertfordshire in England created an illusory homage to Darwin's evolutionary roots. Stare at the center of the image for 30 seconds, then look away at a white surface. The two monkeys turn into an afterimage of Darwin's portrait! An afterimage is never as sharp as the original. Jenkins and Wiseman took ad- vantage of this difference in resolution to create an image that looks one way in “normal” high-resolution vision and a different way as a lower-resolution afterimage. This illusion shows the interaction between color perception and afterimages. First, notice that the left image has a color imbalance to the right and left of the fly: the left side is bluish, and the right side has too much yellow. Now fixate your gaze on the fly in the right image for 30 seconds: this staring will make the neurons in your retina adapt to a blue hue on the left and yellow on the right. As a result, your left visual field will become less sensitive to blue and your right visual field less sensitive to yellow. Then look back at the fly on the cow's nose, and the image will appear to have a perfect color balance. This illusion helps to explain why objects look the same color under different lighting conditions. For example, your shirt looks the same whether you are indoors or outdoors, even though light from a lamp and light from the sun have different color spectra. Your visual system adapts to the illumination and “discounts” it to maintain color constancy. Some of this processing happens in the retina rather than the brain. Notice, too, that the color-selective adaptation is still constrained to a single eye: if you close one eye during the adaptation period and then switch eyes while looking at the cow, the color balance will revert to blue and yellow in the unadapted eye. When you stare at a color image, its afterimage takes on a shade of its own. For example, stare at the eye of the red parrot for 30 seconds, then immediately look at the center of the empty birdcage. You should see a ghostly blue-green parrot inside. Try the same thing with the green cardinal, and you should see a pink bird. This illusion is part of an exhibit at the Exploratorium museum in San Francisco. Gazing at any colored surface can induce a vivid afterimage of the complementary color. For example, staring at the color red induces a blue-green afterimage because the cells in your retina that respond to red light adapt to the red environment by reducing their activity—to save energy and to prepare themselves for detecting any future changes in redness. When you look away to a white background, your retina remains adapted to the red environment for a few seconds. With the red “subtracted” from the white, you can see red's opposite: blue-green. Positive afterimages can be captured from a complementary surrounding color, as in this demonstration of an uncolored bird that captures the reddish color of its background. Stare for about 30 seconds at the “target” on the bird in the left panel. Then look immediately at the same spot on the bird in the right panel. In this illusion, created by vision scientists Yuval Barkan and Hedva Spitzer of Tel Aviv University in Israel, the red background in the left panel causes the bird to fill in with a complementary blue-green color, which gives rise to a surprisingly strong and long-lasting red afterimage of the bird once the red background is removed. This illusion won second prize in the 2009 Best Illusion of the Year Contest. To experience an even more striking version of this illusion with a “flying” bird, visit Gaze at the cross between the upper and lower squares for about 30 seconds. Then look immediately at the cross on the right, and you should see 18 colored beads: nine red beads above the cross and nine yellow beads below the cross. The beads are all gray in the image itself, but the surrounding colors induce colored afterimages. This incredible afterimage illusion shows just how powerful a little color can be. First, fixate your gaze on the tiny black spot in the center of the left image. Notice that no contours are present in the image, just splotches of pure color. Once you have adapted your retina for about 30 seconds, look at the black-and-white image of the Manzanares el Real Castle, near Madrid, Spain, on the right (again, fixate on the black spot in the center). ¡Olé! The Spanish castle has gone from black-and-white to glorious color. This illusion demonstrates that the brain can assign color to monochromatic objects, even when the color is from an afterimage. The illusion is effective only when the afterimage lines up perfectly with the actual image—otherwise the actual image dominates, and the color is suppressed. The neural details of this complex process are largely unknown. In this illusion a single colored image produces two afterimages of different colors, depending on the shapes you look at afterward. Fixate your gaze on the black dot between the colored stars in the middle panel and stare at it for 30 seconds without moving your eyes. Then look at the empty outlines in the top panel. The left one fills in with a ghostly blue-green, and the right one looks reddish. When you look at the bottom panel, the colors are reversed. How does one image produce two afterimages of different colors? And how does the shape of the outline determine the filled-in color? The creators of this illusion, Rob van Lier and Mark Vergeer of Radboud University Nijmegen in the Netherlands, suggest that patches of an afterimage can spread and merge to fill the contours of an outlined shape. The shape at the upper right takes on a reddish hue because it has the same outline as the complementary blue-green patches in the original color image. Likewise, the blue-green-tinged shape on the upper left matches the red patches in the color image. These incredible illusions by Abigail E. Huang, Alice J. Hon, Christopher W. Tyler and Eric L. Altschuler of New Jersey Medical School and the Smith-Kettlewell Eye Institute show that objects of the same apparent color can look like different colors in an afterimage and that differently colored objects can appear to be the same color in an afterimage. Gaze at the white spot between the yellow letters M and P in the upper image. Hold your gaze for 30 seconds and then look at a white wall. You will see an afterimage of the letters, which are now magenta (M) and purple (P). In the lower image there are two Y's, one blue and one purple. Look at the white spot between them for 30 seconds and then move your eyes to a white wall. You will now see that the Y's are the same shade of yellow in the afterimage. In fact, the M and P in the upper image are different colors that only look the same shade of yellow because of the effect of the red and black backgrounds. In the afterimage, the complementary background colors—blue-green and white—have the opposite effect: they make the M and P look more different than they really are. The Y's are also different from each other, in the real image, but the complemen-tary background colors in the afterimage make them look the same color. Afterimage color assignment works very well with objects to which humans are exquisitely well tuned, such as faces. Gaze for 30 seconds at this reverse-color portrait of John Bortniak, commander in the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration Corps, at the South Pole (left) and then look at the image on the right to see it in color.	<urn:uuid:b7caa68f-333d-4578-a0df-7dc90b0bba32>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.578125, "fasttext_score": 0.14619743824005127, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9249488711357117, "url": "https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/the-neuroscience-of-yoricks-ghost-a/" }
Teyas Indians Article From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to navigation Jump to search Teyas were a Native American people living near Lubbock, Texas who first made contact with Europeans in 1541 when Francisco Vásquez de Coronado traveled to them. The tribal affiliation and language of the Teyas is unknown, although many scholars believe they spoke a Caddoan language and were related to the Wichita tribe, whom Coronado encountered in Quivira. Apparently, Teyas was the name they were called by the Rio Grande Pueblo Indians. [1] Identity of the Teyas Scholars differ in their guesses as to the identity of the Teyas and their language. Some anthropologists and historians speculate that they were Apache. Other scholars believe they were related to the Rio Grande Pueblos, perhaps speaking a Tanoan language. They may have later become known to the Spanish as the Jumano. It is possible, however, that Jumano was only a generic description of Plains Indians rather than referring to a distinct tribe. The Teyas had close trade relations with the Pueblos, but Coronado was told that, in the 1520s, they destroyed several Pueblo villages in the Galisteo Basin near present-day Santa Fe, New Mexico. That implies that the Teyas were numerous, powerful, far ranging and that they participated in the politics of the Pueblos, thus strengthening the case that they were Tanoans. [2] A narrow plurality of experts, however, believe that the Teyas were Caddoan language-speakers related to the Wichita peoples whom Coronado found in Quivira in central Kansas. The Teyas may have not been full-time nomads of the Plains; they may have also inhabited farming villages further east. Agrarian tribes of the region commonly ventured onto the plains for extended buffalo hunts. Archaeologists have found the remains of many farming villages of the time ( Wheeler phase, believed to be Caddoan), near the Washita River in southwestern Oklahoma. The proximity of the Teyas to the Washita villages suggests a relationship. [3] The description of the Teyas as painted and tattooed also points to them being Caddoans, since Wichita were called "Raccoon People" for their custom of tattooing around their eyes—a custom the Teyas shared. [4] Although most authorities believe that the name "Teyas" derives from a Pueblo word, there is an intriguing similarity with "Tejas" the Caddoan word that means "friend" and is the origin of "Texas." [5] The Teya may have been none of the above but instead may have been a Coahuiltecan or Tonkawa group. Most of these tribes resided in southern and central Texas. The old man who said he met Cabeza de Vaca gives credence to a southern origin of the Teyas. The ethnic identification of the Teyas may never be determined, but, if so, it would be most useful in untangling the complexities of the protohistorical period on the Southern Plains. The later Escanjaque Indians, Aguacane, and Iscani may be descended from the Teyas. In 1541, the Spanish conquistador Francisco Vásquez de Coronado led an expedition onto the Great Plains from the Rio Grande pueblos in New Mexico. Coronado’s objective was to find a rich country called Quivira. Traversing the Texas panhandle Coronado met two groups of Indians: the Querechos and the Teyas. The Querechos were nomadic buffalo hunters, almost certainly Apaches, and they inhabited the Llano Estacado. The Teyas lived in the canyons below the escarpment on the eastern edge of the Llano. The Querechos and Teyas were enemies. The discovery of Spanish artifacts from an archaeological site 35 miles northeast of Lubbock makes Blanco Canyon near the headwaters of the Brazos River the likely place where Coronado first encountered a large settlement of Teyas. [6] Culture of the Teyas The Teyas were described as nomadic buffalo hunters who lived in tents. However, they had additional resources. The canyons had trees and flowing streams and the Teyas grew or foraged for beans, but the Coronado chroniclers state they did not "sow corn, nor eat bread, but instead raw meat." The Spanish noted the presence of mulberries, roses, grapes, nuts (probably pecans) and plums. After this first contact, Coronado traveled an additional four days and encountered a settlement called Cona that extended for three days travel along a small river in a canyon two or three miles wide. It is unclear whether Coronado followed the Brazos downstream or journeyed to a different canyon to visit Cona. "The country was well occupied," said the chroniclers. The Coronado chroniclers described the Teyas as intelligent and formidable archers. One of them shot an arrow that passed through both shoulders of a bison, "which would be a good shot for a musket." The women were well-dressed and modest, covering their whole bodies by wearing a petticoat beneath a fringed cloak with sleeves. One of the women was "as white as a Castillian lady except that she had her chin painted like a Moorish woman." Coronado commented that they "tattoo their bodies and faces, and are large people of very fine appearance." [7] One of the intriguing events was Coronado's meeting among the Teyas an old blind bearded man—a beard being a rarity among Indians—who said that he had met four Spaniards far to the south. He was probably talking about Cabeza de Vaca who with three shipmates made his way across southern Texas nearly a decade before Coronado. [8] What happened to the Teyas? The Teyas, or at least their name, disappeared from history soon after Coronado encountered them. Their likely fate was to be pushed out of their west Texas home by the advancing Apaches. If their descendants were later met by the Spaniards at a different location they were not recognized as the people Coronado encountered. [9] 2. ^ Riley, Carroll L. Rio del Norte. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1995, pp. 191–92 3. ^ Flint, 157; Drass, Richard R. and Baugh, Tomothy, G. "The Wheeler Phase and Cultural Continuity in the Southern Plains." Plains Anthropologist, Vol. 42, No. 160, 198-200 4. ^ Dorsey, George Amos. The Mythology of the Wichita, Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution, 1904 5. ^ http://www.texasbeyondhistory.net/tejas/index.html 6. ^ Flint, 158 7. ^ Winship, George Parker (Ed. and Translator), The Journey of Coronado, 1540-1542, from the City of Mexico to the Grand Canon of the Colorado and the Buffalo Plains of Texas, Kansas, and Nebraska, As Told by Himself and his Followers. New York: A.S. Barnes & Co, 1904, 69-71, 215 8. ^ Winship, 232 9. ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2011-07-18. Retrieved 2010-03-14.	<urn:uuid:185d54d6-c1fb-475b-b5e2-d678fa31a8f2>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.53125, "fasttext_score": 0.08725118637084961, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9621089100837708, "url": "http://webot.org/info/en/?search=Teyas_Indians" }
Colonial Williamsburg Magazine Posted on August 15, 2017 The Public Colonial Williamsburg Magazine Building which stored arms and ammo was pivotal in shaping the American Revolution. The Public Magazine, present day. The Public Magazine, present day. Image Source: Trip Advisor The Magazine in Colonial Williamsburg from the air, taken by a drone Aerial photo of the Magazine in Colonial Williamsburg Williamsburg was the capital of Virginia from 1699 to 1780. During this period, Alexander Spotswood served as the colony’s Lieutenant Governor. Spotswood’s military background and popularity among English politicians helped him land this important role. His responsibilities included assisting both the legislative and executive branches. One of his most important architecturalcontributions to the colony was the Public Magazine. Now before the great American Revolution, Virginia and London were on friendly terms. England’s Queen Anne would often send the colony arms and ammunitions, such that it could protect itself from Native American tribes, pirate crews, and other hostile forces. In the beginning, most communities stored these dangerous gifts in barn cellars and meetinghouse attics. This made it nearly impossible to keep track of total inventory, and also resulted in frequent accidents. In 16091, the famous explorer John Smith was badly burned when a rogue spark ignited his powder keg, for instance. Powder kegs were large barrels in which gunpowder was stored. Image Source: Wikia Another frightful incident happened in April 1645. The house of a colonist named John Johnson caught on fire. Unfortunately, Johnson had seventeen barrels of gunpowder stored at the property. The resulting explosion “shook the houses in Boston and Cambridge, so as men thought it had been an earthquake.”2 Therefore, “on April 30, 1713,”3 the great Lieutenant Governor Spotswood proposed the idea of keeping all of the colony’s arms and ammo in once place. On December 24, 1714, The Virginia General Assembly authorized him to build a magazine. Colonial magazines were buildings designed specifically to store and guard weapons and explosives. Spotswood’s Magazine, also called “The Powder Horn”, was completed in 1715. Alexander Spotswood, the man behind the Public Magazine. Alexander Spotswood, the man behind the Colonial Williamsburg Magazine. Image Source: Wikipedia Obviously, one of the main responsibilities of colonial magazines was to make sure that weaponry – such as muskets, long rifles, bayonets, swords, pistols and axes – stayed out of the wrong hands. This included the tiny hands of children. Many gun accidents during the colonial times were caused by kids playing with guns, without their parents’ supervision. In his book Armed America, Clayton E. Cramer4 mentions stories of children accidentally shooting siblings (or themselves). By taking firearms out of homes, the Public Magazine put many a parent’s mind at ease. But magazines were also important because they kept highly combustible explosives, like gunpowder, dry and away from accidental sparks. Gunpowder is a black, chemical explosive made from “a mixture of sulfur, charcoal, and potassium nitrate.”5 It is basically what propels a bullet from a firearm. Given the dangers of this chemical substance, colonists needed a safe way to carry it around. They would typically store small amounts of it in a powder flask or powder horn. Exhibitions held at the Public Magazine often included a nice collection of both types of containers, many of which are elaborately decorated. During colonial times, Virginians had several types of firearms at their disposal. Among the earliest were muskets, which were typically used by infantrymen. Muskets were loaded from the muzzle, or the open end of the barrel. A lighter version of the musket was known as the caliver. A typical colonial musket. A typical colonial musket. Image Source: History of American Wars Loading and firing the musket was a tedious process6. A colonist had to first measure out the right amount of gunpowder. If a gun was filled with too little of the explosive, it could explode in his hands! Next, a lead musket ball was rammed down the musket’s muzzle, followed by some wadding, to make sure everything stayed in place. A bit of gunpowder was then sprinkled onto the priming pan. The priming pan is connected to the “frizzen”, which is a small, L-shaped piece of steel located right in front of the hammer. The hammer is what holds the flint. When a piece of flint is struck against the metal frizzen, this produces sparks. These sparks ignite the powder in the priming pan, which, in turn, is what propels the bullet through the barrel. Flintlock versus Snaphance. Flintlock versus Snaphance. Image Source: By the time the Public Magazine was completed, muskets had adopted the flintlock firing system. Unlike its predecessor, the snaphance, a flintlock gun combined the frizzen and priming pan into one loading unit. This made it “possible to load a pistol beforehand and still have it go off reliably later.”7 Possession of powder was the possession of power.”8 Thus, Spotswood was highly involved in the design of the Public Magazine. He designed it in the shape of an octagon and made it out of brick. He also gave it two floors, a peaked roof, and a tiny attic. There was thus plenty of space to house all of the colony’s arms and munitions. The gunpowder room, along with the armory and gunsmith shop, was located on the first floor. The Public Magazine’s second floor and attic were mostly likely used for miscellaneous storage. Spotswood's octagonal Magazine. Spotswood’s octagonal Magazine. Image Source: Wikipedia The Colonial Williamsburg Magazine is located in the heart of Williamsburg. It has a height of sixty feet and a width of thirty-three feet and five inches. Its walls are approximately “two feet thick”9, and it is surrounded by a sturdy wooden fence. In 1755, two important additions were made in order to up security: a ten-foot tall perimeter wall and a guardhouse. That same year, Lord Dunmore, Virginia’s royal governor at the time, told British troops to seize the Magazine’s stock of gunpowder. This incident, often referred to as the “Gunpowder Affair,” is said to be what precipitated the great American revolution. Lord Dunmore. Lord Dunmore. Image Source: Wikipedia By the mid-1700s, the relationship between Virginia and England was very tense. Colonists began to organize and form their own militias. Sensing their unrest, Lord Dunmore moved quickly to inhibit their access to arms and ammo. In a letter sent to Lord Dartmouth (the Secretary of State) on May 1775, Dunmore writes: “[…] their having come to a resolution of raising a body of armed Men in all counties, made me think it prudent remove some Gunpowder which was in a Magazine in this place […]”10 Dunmore’s “some Gunpowder” totaled fifteen half barrels, which were confiscated by a team of Royal Navy sailors on April 21, 1775. When colonists confronted Lord Dunmore on the powder’s disappearance, he told them that he’d removed it in order to keep it safe from runaway slaves. He assured them that he would return it promptly as soon as the colonists needed it. Of course, he never did. When the American Revolutionary War ended in 1783, the Magazine began to be used for other things. In 1797, colonists turned it into a marketplace, for instance. During the 1850s, the building’s second floor was used as a meeting place for Baptist church members. It also briefly served as a dancing school and horse stable. On February 6, 1888, the protective wall surrounding the Magazine began to fall apart. A vigilant local named Cynthia Beverley Tucker Coleman took it upon herself to rescue the structure. She formed The Association of the Preservation of Virginia Antiquities along the way. This non-profit acquired the building for $400 in 1890 and would later transform it into a museum. During the 1930s, the APVA worked closely with Colonial Williamsburg to restore the Magazine to how it appeared in the 1700s. The building opened “for exhibition on July 4, 1949”11 and is currently owned by the city of Williamsburg. We did not come across any reports of paranormal activity during our research on the Colonial Williamsburg Magazine. However, it is located next to what was the Greek Revival Church, which was located where the Colonial Williamsburg Market House is today. This area neighboring the Colonial Williamsburg Magazine is haunted. given its close involvement with the American Revolution, we wouldn’t be surprised if the building has a few soldierly spirits roaming its rooms. It could also be that scared parties prefer to forget, rather than rehash, their supernatural experiences. Works Cited 1. Digital History. “English Colonization Begins.” Digital History, 2016. Web. 14 Feb. 2016. Para. 7. 2. Cramer, Clayton E. Armed America: The Remarkable Story of How and Why Guns Became as American as Apple Pie. Nashville: Nelson Current, 2006. Page 87. 3. Rivera, David Allen. Mystery at Colonial Williamsburg: The Truth of Burton Vault. United States: Rivera Enterprises, 2014 and 2007. Page 93. 4. Cramer, Clayton E. Armed America: The Remarkable Story of How and Why Guns Became as American as Apple Pie. Nashville: Nelson Current, 2006. Page 85-86. 5. Dick, Jimmy. “The Gunpowder Shortage.” Journal of the American Revolution. 9 Sept. 2013. Web. 14 Feb. 2016. Para. 2. 6. “How to Load a Musket.” Demand Media, Inc. 1999-2016. Web. 14 Feb. 2016. 7. “A Primer on Firearms, from matchlock to flintlock.” 1994-2011.Web. 14 Feb. 2016. Para. 12. 8. Virginia Ornament Company. “Colonial Williamsburg Powder Magazine.” Description. Virginia Ornament Company, 2015. Web. 14 Feb. 2016. Para. 1. 9. American Studies at the University of Virginia. “Williamsburg.” No date. Web. 14 Feb. 2016. Para. 36. 10. Virginia General Assembly, House of Burgesses. Journals. Richmond: Colonial Press, E. Waddy Company, 1905. Page xvii.	<urn:uuid:3fc85aef-e768-4478-ad02-fcb42d60dd5d>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.6875, "fasttext_score": 0.03647291660308838, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.9582334756851196, "url": "https://colonialghosts.com/colonial-williamsburg-magazine/" }
Palu 2018 – Science and surprise behind the earthquake and tsunami On September 28, 2018, a powerful 7.5-magnitude earthquake and an unexpected tsunami shook the Indonesian island of Sulawesi, leaving behind catastrophic results and open questions among geoscientists. How come this event is having such an impact on the scientific community? Figure 1. Map of Indonesia, showing the four Greater Sunda Islands, the location of the 2018-09-28, Mw7.5 Palu earthquake and its focal mechanism. What we know so far On Friday afternoon (at around 5pm Western Indonesian Time) the Minahassa Peninsula on Sulawesi island was struck by a Mw7.5 earthquake (Figure 1) [1]. The main shock occurred on the strike-skip Palu-Koro fault, one of the most active structure in Sulawesi [5]. The epicenter of the quake is located 27 kilometers northeast of Donggala, at a depth of 10 km [1]. By looking at the aftershocks distribution from within 4 days after the Mw7.5 event (Figure 2), we can approximately estimate a rupture extent ranging from a few kilometers to the North of the epicenter over about 200 km to the South [2]. The rupture area is thus roughly 200x20km, mainly located South of the hypocenter and ending in the city of Palu (Figure 2). Nothing surprising by now, but the intriguing part is coming. Figure 2. Aftershocks distribution (coloured circles) from within 4 days after the Palu earthquake event occurred on 28 September. Hypocentral depth and magnitude are shown respectively with the colour scale and the circle size. The Palu-Koro fault is indicated in black. The mainshock event lies in the centre of a large aftershock cloud stretching over more than 200 km in N-S direction. Picture taken from Global Earthquake Monitoring Processing Analysis (GEMPA)[2]. By looking at the source time function of the Palu earthquake (Figure 3), we can deduce that the event took about 30s to rupture a length of 200km, suggesting a supershear rupture velocity. While most seismic ruptures propagate at speeds lower than the S-wave speed, supershear ruptures propagate at speeds between the P and S waves. Supershear ruptures are extremely rare events which, in the past, mostly propagated on very smooth part of strike-slip faults [12]. Coincidentally, first estimates of surface displacements along the Palu-Koro fault show a very sharp offset between the two sides of the fault, suggesting that the rupture propagated on a linear, very smooth segment of the fault. “This is the most sharp and linear earthquake surface displacement I’ve seen since 2013 Balochistan eq! says geologist Sotiris Valkaniotis on his twitter account. And the image [Figure 3] has already gone viral on the net. Further study will be necessary to confirm if this event is in fact supershear. Figure 3. On the left: source time function of the Mw7.5 Palu earthquake and its focal mechanism. The Palu earthquake took about 30s to rupture a length of about 200km along the Palu-Koro fault segment. Picture from GEOSCOPE Web Portal [3]. On the right: displacement map of the Palu-Koro fault. Colorscale from red to blue represents the North-South displacement in meters. Picture realized and posted by geologist Sotiris Valkaniotis on his twitter account. Tectonic setting Sulawesi is one of the Greater Sunda Islands [4], a group of four large islands within the Malay Archipelago including Java, Sumatra and Borneo (Figure 1). An intricate pattern of faulting scars the land: collisional orogenies, subduction zones, rift systems and transform faults pile up in this area [5], making the island prone to earthquakes. Figure 4. Tectonic setting of the Sunda–Australia–Philippine–Pacific plates junction area. Arrows depict the far-field velocities of the plates with respect to Eurasia. Picture taken from Socquet et al. (2006)[5] From a tectonic point of view, Sulawesi lies within the triple junction of the Australian, Philippine and Sunda plates and accommodates the convergence of continental fragments with the Sunda margin [5]. In particular, the southwestern part of Sulawesi rotates anticlockwise respect to the Sunda Plate; the northeastern Manado Block and the central North Sula Block move toward the NNW and rotate clockwise; the East Sulawesi is pinched between the North Sula and Makassar blocks (Figure 4). The left-lateral strike-slip Palu-Koro fault is the main active structure in Sulawesi: it bisects the island and connects to the Minahassa Trench, where subduction occurs. The Palu-Koro fault zone accommodates 42 mm/yr and shows a transtensive behavior more complex than a simple strike [5]. This deformation is most likely explained by the presence of a pull-apart structure that may be localized around the Palu area (Figure 5)[5]. Figure 5. Sketch showing a transtensional state of a rock. It is unlikely that a deforming body experiences ‘pure’ extension or ‘pure’ strike-slip. Many tectonic regimes that were previously defined as simple strike-slip shear zones are by now assumed as transtensional. As such, transtensional regions are characterised by both extensional structures (normal faults, grabens) and wrench structures (strike-slip faults). ‘Surprise Tsunami’ Following the Mw7.5 earthquake, a series of tsunami waves hit Palu, Donggala and Mamuju decimating the coastline, flattening homes, destroying several inland areas in Central Sulawesi [watch the video below]. Indonesian Agency for Meteorology, Climatology and Geophysics (BMKG) initially issued a tsunami warning but eventually revoked it. << The decision was based on visual monitoring and further monitoring using the equipment [tsunami detection buoys] at sea for 30 minutes. The BMKG did not see any significant change in the sea level. That’s why they ended the alert >> BNPB spokesman Sutopo Purwo Nugroho said in a statement [6]. The eastern Indian Ocean basin is a region of high earthquake and volcanic activity, so tsunamis should come as no surprise. Yet, geoscientists are doubtful. Could the Palu earthquake alone have generated such a big tsunami wave? Eighteen tsunamis have crashed in the area since 1900 by large shallow earthquakes [7] and among them we can’t forget the tsunami that hit the Indian Ocean following the December 26, 2004, earthquake in Sumatra [8]. The controversy about the ‘surprise’ tsunami however arises when we look at the tectonic setting of Sulawesi island and the devastating effects documented on the coastline. Tsunami waves are generated by a sudden vertical motion of the seafloor. They are therefore mostly triggered by dip-slip earthquakes where the block of rock on top of the fault, also called the hanging wall, moves up, which pushes the overlying water column up [watch the animation below]. But the Palu earthquake occurred along a strike-slip fault, meaning the motion was mainly horizontal. It is therefore very unlikely that such a large tsunami could have been originated by earthquake rupturing alone. This simplified animation illustrates the tsunamis generation in sudbuction zones. Tsunamis generally occur after a megathrust earthquakes and thus follow vertical movement in the crust. (© Marina Corradini) Scientists’ best guesses? ¤ A submarine landslide: triggered by the main shock, a submarine tectonic displacement may have generated or augmented the tsunami waves. ¤ A complex bathymetry: the seafloor in the Palu Bay is not flat. If there is a slope, even an horizontal motion of the seafloor can produce an apparent vertical motion [9]. There is still no evidence that any of those hypotheses (landslide or seafloor slope) is the actual reason. They could be both too. Besides, the intensity of the tsunami seems to be more related to the shape of the Bay, which naturally acts as a funnel for the tsunami waves. As yet, a straightforward interpretation seems hasty and further analysis should come in aid. Rescue and damages: what now? The confirmed death toll from the Palu earthquake and tsunami has risen to 1,407 [10] together with thousand of buildings destroyed and over 61,000 people displaced [11]. The full scale of damages in the region can already be guessed by watching the dramatic pictures and videos spread online. First aid has already been mobilized through several nonprofit organizations and charities, and everyone’s help is essential in these circumstances. This post was written by Marina Corradini, with revisions from Maria Tsekhmistrenko and Lucile Bruhat Lucile Bruhat is a post-doctoral researcher at the Ecole Normale Supérieure (ENS) in Paris. She works on the description and understanding of the physical processes that underlie the earthquake cycle, through geodetic/seismological data analysis and numerical modeling. You can reach her on Twitter at @seismolucy The author thanks the IPGP Seismology and Tectonic Labs for the useful material and discussion. References : [5] Socquet, A., W. Simons, C. Vigny, R. McCaffrey, C. Subarya, D. Sarsito, B. Ambrosius, and W.Spakman (2006), Microblock rotations and fault coupling in SE Asia triple junction (Sulawesi, Indonesia) from GPS and earthquake slip vector data, J. Geophys. Res., 111, B08409, doi:10.1029/2005JB003963 [7] Prasetya, G.S., De Lange, W.P. & Healy, T.R. Natural Hazards (2001) 24: 295. [12] Bouchon, M., et al., Faulting characteristics of supershear earthquakes, Tectonophysics (2010), doi:10.1016/j.tecto.2010.06.011 Marina Corradini Marina is an Italian PhD Candidate at the Institut de Physique du Globe de Paris. In her work she investigates the relation between the rupture complexity and the high-frequency seismic radiation through the use of a back-projection technique. When she is not in her office, she works as a science communicator at ‘Cité des Sciences et de l’Industrie’ of Paris. Marina is the Editor of the EGU Seismology blog. As ECS-reps she would like to promote gender equality in geoscience and explore how the society currently supports postgraduate and postdoctoral female researchers in their career progression. You can reach her at corradini[at] Leave a Reply	<urn:uuid:e5327e55-8e9b-4cd0-8df0-a5cf7dd348f4>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.578125, "fasttext_score": 0.02631896734237671, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.8929881453514099, "url": "https://blogs.egu.eu/divisions/sm/2018/10/08/palu-2018-science-and-surprise-behind-the-earthquake-and-tsunami/" }
A collaboration of coast and countryside organisations on The Lizard Peninsula There are several words that crop up over and over again in any description of the natural beauty of the Lizard: contrasting, unique, complex, rare, special, diverse.... Browse through these pages and you'll begin to discover why these glowing terms are so deserved. Each of the links in the text below takes you to a page exploring different aspects of the natural Lizard in more detail, but here are a few tasters: • The Lizard has a complex geology, with the southern half a mixture of metamorphic and igneous rocks, including the famous and beautiful serpentine rock that was once buried beneath the ocean floor. Kynance Cove is a great spot to see serpentine exposures. Find out more here: Lizard Geology • It's this geology that lies behind the Lizard's contrasting and diverse flora. Botanists have been visiting the peninsula since the seventeenth century. Plants usually associated with more acid heathland sit alongside those we more often think of in the context of calcium-rich soils (such as chalk soils, which aren't found on the Lizard). Why? Link here for an explanation from Andy Byfield of Plantlife, or here for his description of the special nature of heathland habitats.Yellow Centaury - Amanda Scott • Some of the rare flora on the Lizard is unique to the peninsula in the UK. This is partly due to the Mediterranean climate (mild, wet winters and warm, dry summers). Land Quillwort, only found on the Lizard in the UK, grows here at the northern edge of its range alongside Spring Sandwort, which is found elsewhere in the UK but is here found at its most southerly latitude. • People have valued the Lizard for over five millennia, and you can trace the marks they have left on the landscape from Bronze Age barrows to the unique mediaeval field patterns still in place. Many parts of the Lizard are still farmed, of course, but large areas are now also protected because of the importance of their natural history, and actively conserved as nature reserves for everyone to enjoy.	<urn:uuid:b9e78147-b7d8-4ba0-95d6-ef5958f0730d>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.6875, "fasttext_score": 0.07538717985153198, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.949155867099762, "url": "http://the-lizard.org/index.php/article-archives/394-natural-lizard" }
Question Info Type: Multiple-Choice Category: Range, Median, Mean, and Mode Level: Grade 8 Score: 1 Author: ksilvers12 Last Modified: 7 months ago View all questions by ksilvers12. Range, Median, Mean, and Mode Question View this question. Grade 8 Range, Median, Mean, and Mode For a school report, Ferdinand contacted a car dealership to collect data on recent sales. He asked, “What color do buyers choose most often for their car?” White was the response. What statistical measure does the response “white” represent? 1. Mean 2. Median 3. Mode 4. Range 5. Interquartile range	<urn:uuid:b3b972dd-2857-47e8-bfd5-da60cb94e3b0>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.5625, "fasttext_score": 0.12172263860702515, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.8870217204093933, "url": "https://www.helpteaching.com/questions/159546/for-a-school-report-ferdinand-contacted-a-car-dealership-to-" }
Nemunas delta and Curonian Spit The importance of the Nemunas delta for migrating waterfowl, waders and other birds has long been known. Its location on the narrowest point of the Baltic Flyway makes it an equally exclusive place for birds and birders. Each year millions of birds pass along the Curonian Lagoon and the Baltic Sea shorelines towards breeding grounds in Scandinavia and Russia. The flooded meadows of the Nemunas delta create unrivaled conditions for millions of ducks, geese and waders to stop and rest at the halfway point to the breeding sites in the North. On the western shore of the Curonian Lagoon there is a 100km long and up to up to 3km wide arm of sandy dunes called the Curonian Spit. This natural phenomenon is the only place in the Baltic states where birds, especially passerines and rapotors, use as a highway and the numbers passing through on the season’s peak days surpass one million. The Baltic Sea’s coastal waters are an important stopover and wintering area for seabirds; espacially seaducks and divers. This is why the Nemunas delta, the Curonian lagoon, the Baltic coast and the Curonian Spit are designated as protected areas for their unique importance to birds during migration, breeding, and wintering seasons. Ruffs (Philomachus pugnax) – Marius Karlonas Target species: Thousands of geese (White-fronted, Bean, Pink-footed, Lesser White-fronted, Barnacle, Brent, etc.); various duck species (Velvet Scoter, Black Scoter, Goosander, Smew, Long-tailed duck, Pochard, etc.); Black and Red-throated Divers; gulls (Greater and Lesser Black-backed, Caspian, Little, etc.); waders (Ruff, Black-tailed Godwit, Redshank, Spotted Redshank, Marsh Sandpiper, Curlew, Whimbrel etc.); Lesser and Greater-spotted Eagles, White-tailed Eagle, Montagu’s Harrier, Citrine Wagtail. Day 1 Arrive to Vente Cape Day 2 Nemunas delta Day 3 Nemunas delta Day 4 Curronian Spit Day 5 Departure Period: April 18th – 22nd Duration: 5days/4nights Group size: 8-15 persons Price: 700 Eur per person Photos © Marius Karlonas	<urn:uuid:2abe6f67-7498-4a4a-b58e-1d5f5e4ac92f>	{ "dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu", "edu_int_score": 4, "edu_score": 3.53125, "fasttext_score": 0.08787661790847778, "language": "en", "language_score": 0.8509639501571655, "url": "http://birdinglithuania.com/2017/08/nemunas-delta-and-curonian-spit/" }

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