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http://crownstiarasandcoronets.blogspot.com/2016/06/princess-helena-of-uk-princess-of.html
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Crowns, Tiaras, & Coronets: Princess Helena of the U.K., Princess of Schleswig
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Princess Helena (1846 - 1923) was the third daughter of Queen Victoria and Albert, Prince Consort. Considered to be the "homeliest" of the Queen's daughters, she arguably had the happiest life as the wife of Prince Christian of Schleswig-Holstein.
|
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http://crownstiarasandcoronets.blogspot.com/favicon.ico
|
http://crownstiarasandcoronets.blogspot.com/2016/06/princess-helena-of-uk-princess-of.html
|
Princess Helena and her fiancée, Prince
Christian of Schleswig-Holstein
(1865) The Wedding of Princess Helena & Prince Christian of Schleswig-Holstein
(Christian Karl Magnussen, 1866)
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29120
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yago
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3
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https://www.englishmonarchs.co.uk/saxe_coburg_gotha_12.html
|
en
|
Princess Helena, daughter of Queen Victoria
|
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Helena had an avid interest in science and technology, which she shared with her Father, Prince Albert, she played the piano very well at a young age, and enjoyed drawing and horse riding
| null |
25 May 1846 - 9 June 1923
Princess Helena was born at Buckingham Palace after a difficult labour on 25 May 1846 she was the third daughter and fifth child of Queen Victoria and Albert of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, the Prince Consort. The new arrival was baptised Helena Augusta Victoria on 25 July 1846 at the private chapel at Buckingham Palace, but was always known to the family as Lenchen.
Princess Helena
Helena had an avid interest in science and technology, which she shared with her Father, Prince Albert, she played the piano very well at a young age, and enjoyed drawing and horse riding. When Helena was fifteen, her father died of typhoid on 14 December 1861 and her mother entered a period of intense and reclusive mourning.
By the early 1860s, Princess Helena formed an emotional attachment with her Father's former librarian, the German Carl Ruland, who had been appointed to the Royal Household on the recommendation of Baron Stockmar in 1859. Ruland was employed to teach the Prince of Wales German and was well-liked by the Queen. However, when Victoria discovered her daughter Helena's feelings for Ruland in 1863, he was immediately dismissed.
The Queen chose Prince Christian of Schleswig-Holstein, son of Christian August, Duke of Schleswig-Holstein and Countess Luise Sophie von Danneskjold-Samsöe, who was fifteen years her senior, as a husband for her daughter, and their engagement was announced on 5 December 1865. Christian and Helena were third cousins, through their mutual descent from Frederick Lewis, Prince of Wales, eldest son of George II and Caroline of Brunswick. The marriage proved a controversial one in the family, due to Prince Christian's family's claim on Schleswig and Holstein, which was a matter of contention between Denmark, the homeland of Alexandra, Princess of Wales and Germany where Helena's eldest sister Victoria was Crown Princess.
Princess Helena
The couple were married in the Private Chapel at Windsor Castle on 5 July 1866. The Prince of Wales, who had threatened not to attend because of his wife's Danish connections, in the end, accompanied Queen Victoria as she escorted Helena down the aisle. An observer commented that Helena looked as if she was marrying an aged uncle.
As Helena had promised to remain close to the queen, and both she and her younger sister Princess Beatrice performed duties for her. After their marriage, Christian and Helena lived at Cumberland Lodge in Windsor Great Park. The first child of the marriage, Christian Victor Albert Ernst Anton was born on 14 April 1867, he was followed by a brother Prince Albert John Charles Frederick Arthur George of Schleswig-Holstein who was born on 26 February 1869.
Two daughters followed, Victoria Louise Sophia Augusta Amelia Helena of Schleswig-Holstein on 3 May 1870 and Franziska Josepha Louise Augusta Marie Christina Helena on 12 August 1872. The couple's last child a son Harald died eight days after his birth in 1876.
Prince Christian Victor became an officer in the British army, in October 1900, while in Pretoria, he contracted malaria, and died of enteric fever, on 29 October, aged 33. His brother Prince Albert succeeded his childless cousin Duke Ernst Gunther of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Augustenburg as Duke of Schleswig-Holstein in 1921 but never married.
Helena Victoria and Marie Louise of Schleswig-Holstein
Helena's daughter, Helena Victoria, known to the family as Thora and sometimes unkindly as "Snipe", due to her sharp features, also never married, and followed her mother's example in working for various charities.
Princess Marie Louise married Prince Aribert of Anhalt (18 June 1866 - 24 December 1933) at St. George's Chapel in Windsor Castle. Prince Albert was the third son of Frederick I, Duke of Anhalt, and his wife, Princess Antoinette of Saxe-Altenburg. The marriage, however, was unhappy and childless and ended in divorce. It was rumoured that Aribert was homosexual and had been discovered in bed with a male servant, either by Marie Louise or his father.
Like her sister Alice, Grand Duchess of Hesse, Helena held an avid interest in nursing and became President of the British Nurses' Association upon its foundation in 1887. She was also active in the promotion of needlework and became the first president of the newly established School of Art Needlework in 1872.
Prince Christian lost his left eye at a shooting accident at Osborne, the consequence of a shot believed to have been fired by his brother-in-law, Arthur, Duke of Connaught being reflected downwards from a tree and passing through his eyelid and eye. The injured eye was later removed by Mr Lawson, the Queen's oculist.
Prince Christian died in October 1917, aged eighty-seven, shortly after the couple celebrated their fiftieth wedding anniversary. Princess Helena survived him by five years dying at Schomberg House on Pall Mall, on 9 June 1923 and was originally interred in the Royal Vault at St George's on 15 June 1923, her body was later reburied at the Royal Burial Ground, Frogmore.
Helena and Christian's only grandchild was Valerie Marie, the illegitimate daughter of their second son, Prince Albert of Schleswig-Holstein. Born 3 April 1900 in Liptovský Mikulás, Austria-Hungary, her mother was never known. On 15 April 1931, shortly before his death, Albert wrote to his daughter, admitting his paternity. After this, on 12 May she changed her surname from Schwalb, the name of her foster family, to "zu Schleswig-Holstein".
Valerie Marie married the lawyer Ernst Johann Wagner, but their childless marriage was formally annulled in Salzburg on 4 October 1940. When Valerie Marie intended to marry again, it became important to establish her parentage officially, as the Nuremberg Laws prohibited marriages between Jews and Aryans. This was done with the aid of her aunts, Helena Victoria and Marie Louise signed a statement attesting to her paternal lineage on 26 July 1938, officially acknowledging her. She remarried on 15 June 1939, to Prince Engelbert-Charles, 10th Duke of Arenberg, this marriage was also childless. Valerie Marie died in Mont-Baron, Nice, France, on 14 April 1953 in an apparent suicide.
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https://www.factinate.com/people/princess-helena-forgotten-daughter
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Astonishing Facts About Princess Helena, The Forgotten Daughter
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2021-11-18T04:32:32+00:00
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Princess Helena was Queen Victoria's forgotten daughter—yet their relationship was even more twisted than people realize.
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en
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https://www.factinate.com/themes/MainTheme/assets/logos/factinate-favicon.ico
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Factinate
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https://www.factinate.com/people/princess-helena-forgotten-daughter
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Out of all of Queen Victoria’s children, Princess Helena Augusta Victoria is usually the least remembered. An extremely private individual, most of what we know about Princess Helena comes from her mother’s diaries…and her mother wasn’t always the kindest to her third daughter. Thanks to her famous mom, this talented Princess’s life was filled to the brim with family drama, sibling rivalry, and personal strife.
1. She Had A Rocky Beginning
Poor Princess Helena’s life started off on the wrong foot. Helena was born on May 25, 1846, but she wasn’t exactly the healthiest of the royal babies. When she entered the world, she was, as her father described it, “quite blue.” Although baby Helena recovered well under the care of her family’s royal doctors, her birth nearly brought one of the most powerful women in the world to her knees.
2. She Nearly Did The Queen In
Who was that woman? None other than the mighty Queen Victoria, Helena’s illustrious mother. Giving birth to Helena was so difficult that the Queen—who once chastised her husband for wanting to take more than two days off for their honeymoon—had to put a pause on her royal duties to recover from the ordeal. Already, Helena proved herself to be quite the troublemaker, and it only got worse as she grew up.
3. She Fought For Attention
Helena grew up with a whopping eight royal siblings, and the rivalry between them was intense. As a kid, Helena’s brothers teased her relentlessly, but this little girl was no shy wallflower. If her brothers ever went too far with their teasing, sweet Princess Helena reacted by socking them square on the nose! The royal infighting didn’t end there either…
4. She Was A Jack Of All Trades
If you thought her relationship with her brothers needed work, wait until you hear about Helena’s intense sibling rivalry with her sisters. Like the other princesses, Helena was multi-talented: she played the piano, had a talent for drawing, rode horses, and, at the insistence of her father, learned how to cook, clean, and farm. She was, in many respects, one of the most talented of the Queen’s children, that is, until her younger sister came along.
5. Her Sisters Took Her Thunder
The King and Queen welcomed baby Princess Louise into their family with much joy—but for Princess Helena, Louise became quite the thorn in her side. Not only did Louise usurp Helena’s place as the youngest in the family, but it quickly became evident that Louise’s talents outshone Helena’s. Poor Helena was soon overshadowed by Louise and her other sisters, and a family tragedy only made life for Helena worse.
6. She Suffered An Early Tragedy
On December 14, 1861, Helena received the devastating news that changed her life forever. Her beloved father, Prince Albert, lost his life to typhoid fever. Helena’s entire family grieved deeply, with Helena writing to a friend: “I adored Papa, I loved him more than anything on earth…he was my help and adviser…These hours were the happiest of my life, and now it is all, all over.” What her mother did next only made Helena’s grief harder to bear.
7. Her Mom Locked Her Away
In her grief, Helena’s mother ordered Helena and the rest of her sisters out of Windsor. The entire royal household moved to Osborne House, where they began a period of mourning and isolation from the public. In this time of grief, Helena should’ve been able to depend on her family for support, but their dysfunctional relationship made this impossible.
If anything, her mother’s actions only made Helena lonelier.
8. They Tossed Her Aside
Without the support of her husband, the Queen relied on Princess Alice, Helena’s older sister, as an unofficial secretary. Alice herself needed help, though; as the next eldest, Helena was the obvious choice. Her mom disagreed, deeming Helena unsuitable due to her penchant for bursting into tears. Further rubbing salt in the wound, the Queen chose Helena’s younger sister, Louise, as an assistant instead. Left alone, Helena soon got herself into a world of trouble.
9. She Fell In Love With The Wrong Man
Now isolated from her family in her own home, it’s no wonder that Helena looked elsewhere for love and affection. Unfortunately, Helena found that affection in the form of Carl Ruland. This romance was doomed from the start; not only was Ruland the former private secretary to her dad, but he was roughly 13 years her senior. When Helena’s mom found out about the whole affair in 1863, she completely flipped her lid.
10. Her Mom Controlled Her Love Life
Helena’s mom immediately fired Ruland and sent him back to Germany. Helena was likely heartbroken over the news, but her suffering was just beginning. Helena’s mother dearest then decided that the best way to keep the royal teen out of trouble was to marry her off ASAP. Of course, Helena’s mom was going to be the one to choose her husband, but Helena faced a bit of a handicap when it came to finding the perfect match.
11. She Was An Ugly Duckling
According to Princess Helena’s own personal biographer, Helena was “chunky, dowdy and double-chinned”—in other words, she wasn’t exactly your fairytale vision of a princess (ouch!). Being a middle child also made securing a good marriage alliance difficult. Helena already had a ton of (uncontrollable) factors stacked against her, but her mom threw in one more condition that made marrying Helena a difficult pill to swallow.
12. Her Mom Underestimated Her
You see, Helena’s mother married her older sister off in 1862, which forced the role of the Queen’s unofficial secretary onto Helena. To her mom’s surprise, Helena excelled at her job, and she proved herself to be an excellent companion to the Queen. As a result, Helena’s mom stipulated that any man wishing to marry Helena needed to move in with them.
As you can imagine, very few men met these strict criteria…And the one that did inadvertently tore the royal family apart.
13. She Married A Nobody
The man chosen for Helena was Prince Christian of Schleswig-Holstein. There were several problems with this match: Prince Christian was quite poor, he was quite a bit older than Helena, and his family’s duchies were being fought over by Prussia and Denmark. Helena’s eldest sister, the Crown Princess, supported the match, while Alice spoke out openly against it.
They weren’t the only ones fighting over the proposed marriage either.
14. Her Marriage Shattered Her Family
Alexandra of Denmark, Helena’s sister-in-law and daughter of the King of Denmark, was especially outraged by the marriage. She believed that the lands in dispute belonged to her father; to Helena’s sister-in-law, the Queen’s decision to marry Helena off to Christian was nothing short of disgraceful. Needless to say, Helena’s match to Christian was a huge political scandal—but what did Helena herself have to say about all this?
15. She Defied Her Family
Despite the age difference, all the political uproar, and the family drama being caused by the proposed marriage, Helena and Christian were happy. When Helena met her future hubby, she found him “pleasing, gentlemanlike, quiet and distinguished.” Helena and her mother agreed that the match was perfect. The marriage went ahead, but it did little to improve Helena’s standing with the royals.
16. Her Wedding Was A Disaster
Helena’s wedding on July 5, 1866, was a mess. Edward VII, her eldest brother, and husband to Alexandra, nearly didn’t show up at the wedding in protest. Then, one of the guests had a sudden gout attack. To top it all off, another royal guest commented that Helena looked like she was “marrying an aged uncle.” It wasn’t exactly an auspicious start to their new life together, and the rift in the family only grew wider.
17. He Was The Perfect Man For Her
Any ordinary marriage would’ve crumbled in the face of all this family drama, but Helena and her new hubby defied all odds by having a relatively quiet marriage. Helena and Christian devoted themselves wholly to each other, and Princess Helena—considered the least eligible marriage candidate of the Queen’s daughters—mostly found happiness.
Now, if only her mother could stop making a mess of things…
18. She Broke Her Promise
Although Helena promised to stay close to the Queen after her marriage to Christian, keeping that promise was impossible. A year after her marriage to Christian, Helena became pregnant. Juggling the responsibilities of being her mom’s best friend/personal secretary, the duties of being a wife, and the physical strain of being pregnant became too much for her to handle, and her body began to fail her.
19. She Was Constantly Ill
Like her mom, Helena popped out kids in rapid succession. She gave birth to Christian Victor in 1867, followed by Albert in 1869, Helena Victoria in 1870, and Marie Louise in 1872 (phew!). Being constantly pregnant was hard on Helena’s body; combine this with her ailing health, and it’s no wonder Helena was constantly sick. Her mother wasn’t exactly sympathetic about the whole situation, though.
20. Her Mom Didn’t Believe Her
Far from empathizing with Helena, the Queen actually accused her of hypochondria, which she claimed Christian encouraged. Helena had good reason to be constantly worried about her health, though. Between 1869 to 1871, Helena suffered from bouts of illness including rheumatism, joint pain, and severe congestion in her lungs. In addition, there was another serious, more sinister, health problem that proved to be the most worrisome of all.
21. She Suffered From Addiction
On top of her numerous health problems, Helena had an addiction to drugs. Her substances of choice were opium and laudanum (a tincture containing opium), which a doctor prescribed to her. In spite of her addiction, Helena tried to build a life for herself, away from the court and her overbearing mother. Being away from her mother gave Helena some much-needed breathing room—but her life was not safe from misfortune.
22. She Endured Grief And Loss
On May 12, 1876, Helena and her husband welcomed baby Harald, the fifth of their children, into their lives. Helena’s joy, however, was brief; baby Harald only lived to eight days old. Just a year later, tragedy struck Helena again; on May 7, 1877, Helena gave birth to a stillborn child. The shock of losing two children back-to-back stunned Helena.
Unsurprisingly, the grief-stricken Helena became quite unpleasant to be around.
23. She Gave Up
According to the Queen, Helena became quite “touchy” and irritable due to her ill health. That wasn’t surprising—after all, Helena just lost two children—but Helena’s despondent reaction to her illness was downright heartbreaking. She refused to do anything about her poor health, essentially leaving her life up to fate. Eventually, fate took another stab at Helena’s family, but the resulting tragedy was not one she had ever expected.
24. She Lost Her Sister
On December 14, 1878, Helena’s sister, Alice, lost her life to diphtheria. The grief nearly took Helena’s breath away. While Helena’s sister initially opposed her marriage to Christian, Alice was the one to convince Edward to show up to Helena’s wedding. The two had their differences, but they stuck by each other when it counted.
Alice’s sister was particularly worried about their mom’s influence on Helena, and as it turns out, Alice had every reason to fret over her sister.
25. She Drifted Further Away From Her Mom
As Helena recovered from her horrifying losses, she began concentrating more on her husband and children—and consequently, she began spending even less time with her mom. The Queen, who specifically brokered the marriage so that Helena could spend more time with her, was well and truly annoyed. It didn’t help that Helena began developing a passion for something that completely scandalized her mother.
26. She Was A Pioneer
Women's rights interested Helena. Unlike her mother (who, ironically, detested the whole “women’s rights” idea), Helena actively campaigned for women’s rights and threw the weight of her royal title behind many causes that she believed in. Nursing and needlework were two particular female-centric areas that Helena endorsed, leading to the creation of an organization that was near and dear to her heart.
27. She Pushed For Radical Solutions
In 1887, Helena became the president of the British Nurses’ Association. As president, Helena supported the radical idea of creating a nurse registry, in order to “improve the education and status of those devoted and self-sacrificing women…” And Helena didn’t resign herself to being a president in name only. When some members opposed her ideas, Helena wasn’t afraid to shut them down.
28. She Acted Like A Queen
When it came to leadership, Helena took a page out of her mom’s book. She ran the organizations she led with brutal efficiency. When anyone questioned her orders, Helena simply replied, “It is my wish, that is sufficient.” In public, Helena radiated power and confidence. No one knew that, in private, Helena endured unbelievable agony.
29. Her Family Worried For Her
Remember that nasty addiction to opium that Helena had? By 1894, her addiction was out of control. Things got so bad that even her mom took notice and grew extremely concerned (and considering how she brushed off Helena’s health issues in the past, this is saying a lot!). Helena’s husband eventually went and begged the doctor to break her off from the habit.
When Helena found out, she was absolutely furious.
30. Addiction Nearly Broke Her
Unable to cope without her opium, Helena demanded that the doctor supply her with even more drugs. In response, he cut her off cold turkey. Of course, Helena grew extremely ill from withdrawal and even complained of losing her sight. Eventually, with the encouragement of her eldest sister, Helena kicked her opium habit. It was an amazing personal accomplishment for Helena, but a tragic family event cut Helena’s celebrations short.
31. She Took Pride In Her Kids
By 1900, Helena’s oldest son was quite an ambitious young man. Determined to carve out a life for himself, Helena’s son joined the British Army, saw battle, and eventually became a major. Needless to say, Helena took great pride in her eldest and thought nothing of it when he went on another adventure to South Africa. What she didn’t know was that this was the last time she would see her son.
32. She Lost Her Favorite Son
On October 25, 1900, Helena’s mother received a disturbing telegram: Helena’s oldest son had caught malaria in South Africa and was seriously ill, but the best doctors were on the case. Five days later, Helena received a second telegram, but the news this time was far worse. Her son lost his life due to his illness. Helena managed to bear the terrible news relatively well, but her mother did not.
33. She Lost Her Mother
Helena’s mom, already quite elderly at this point, did not take the news of her grandson’s passing well. Her health quickly went on the decline; both Helena and Beatrice, her youngest sister, spent their days at their mother’s bedside, watching as their mom withered away. Finally, on January 22, 1901, Helena’s mom breathed her last. A new era began at the Queen’s passing, but for Helena, her mom’s passing meant more family drama and personal calamity.
34. Her Family Continued To Shrink
1901 was not a good year for Helena’s family. Her eldest sister, the Crown Princess, was 60 years old and extremely ill herself. Helena received many graphic letters from her ailing sister describing the excruciating pain she constantly felt but could do little to help. By August of that year, the pain proved too much for Helena’s sister, and illness took her life.
Helena’s siblings disappeared from her life one by one, but the loss of Edward hit her especially hard.
35. She Experienced More Family Drama
With the passing of Helena’s mom came a new monarch: Edward VII, accompanied by his wife, Alexandra of Denmark. Helena’s brother didn’t maintain close ties with Helena, and his wife’s extreme jealousy of the royal family didn’t exactly encourage a close sibling relationship between Helena and Edward. Alexandra was also still pretty ticked off at Helena for marrying Christian, so she made sure to hit Helena where it hurt.
36. She Made An Unfair Demand
Through all the pain and suffering Helena endured throughout the past couple of years, she still managed to keep up with her duties as president of the Army Nursing Service. Alexandra, upon becoming Queen, developed a sudden and suspicious interest in nursing and insisted on replacing Helena as president. Things between Helena and the new Queen became real nasty, real quick.
37. She Lost An Important Title
The proposal drove a deep wedge between Helena and Alexandra and consequently made Helena’s relationship with her older brother even rockier. Unfortunately, Helena had little to say in the matter. In accordance with rank, she resigned from her position and handed the reins over to Alexandra. Ever the dutiful princess, Helena continued supporting the monarchy, but she didn’t serve the new King for long.
38. Addiction Ran In Her Family
Helena wasn’t the only member of the family that suffered from addiction. Her older brother and newly-crowned King smoked like a chimney, and that eventually took him to his grave. On May 6, 1910, after just nine years of rule, Helena’s brother suffered multiple heart attacks and met his end. Four years later, WWI broke out across Europe, and Helena’s family was once again engulfed in personal strife.
39. Her Son Fought For The Wrong Side
One of Helena’s greatest losses from WWI involved her second son, Prince Albert. Like her eldest son, Albert joined the Army, but not the British Army. Instead, Helena’s son was in the Prussian Army. When WWI broke out, Helena’s son worked under the Germans, fighting on the side that opposed Helena and her homeland. Cut off from her son, Helena could do little but wait for the end of WWI, which brought Helena another shocking bit of news.
40. She Had A Secret Grandchild
None of Helena’s kids had children of their own, and by 1917, Helena resigned to never becoming a grandmother. That all changed when Albert admitted to having a secret affair that resulted in a daughter named Valerie Marie, though he never revealed the identity of the girl's mother. In the most gut-wrenching way possible, Helena now had a granddaughter. Helena needed something to keep her mind off of Albert and his scandal, and despite her advanced age, Helena spent WWI in a flurry of activity.
41. She Found Joy In The Darkness
Helena’s passion for nursing never faded, and she spent much of WWI visiting as many hospitals as she possibly could. She bolstered their spirits, and her love of charity work made her extremely popular with ordinary folk. She even celebrated her fiftieth wedding anniversary with her husband in the midst of WWI—ironically, Helena’s controversial marriage lasted the longest out of all of her siblings. That didn’t mean her husband was totally perfect, though.
42. Her Husband Was Useless…
You see, Helena’s husband never really did anything substantial for the British royal family. Was he a great father? Yep. An excellent husband? Sure. A useful member of the British monarchy? Not so much. Even after years of living with Helena’s family, Helena’s husband did little to help the Princess out when it came to her royal duties, but it didn’t make what happened next hurt her any less.
43. … But She Loved Him Anyway
In 1917, after years and years of marriage, Helena’s husband lost his life at the age of 86. This, on its own, was tragic enough, but for Helena, the nightmare was just beginning. Not only did she lose her husband, but the Commissioners tried to kick her out of her two residences (Schomberg House and Cumberland Lodge) due to the expense of running her households.
It was, to put it mildly, a terrible way for Helena to spend the last few years of her life.
44. She Fell Into Obscurity
In the Spring of 1923, Helena fell victim to a disease that spelled the end for her: influenza. By the end of May, the elderly princess suffered a heart attack and was gone by the morning of June 9, 1923. After her passing, biographers wrote little about the extremely private and secretive princess. Much of what we know about her came from her mom, and her mom’s opinion of her was sometimes unfairly mean-spirited.
45. Her Mom Influenced Her Legacy
When biographers mentioned Helena, they often criticized her looks and personality. While Helena (and some of her other royal siblings) did grow overweight, these criticisms may not be entirely fair. After all, many of these barbed remarks regarding Helena came from her own mother’s letters and journals. Future biographers simply took her mother’s words as the truth, but Helena was far from the meek, quiet individual that her biographers paint her as.
46. She Was A Smart Businesswoman
In spite of what others thought of her, Helena’s status of royalty made her a desirable person to be around—and Helena used this to her advantage. When Helena needed to promote her newly established Royal School of Needlework, Helena held tea parties at the school for society ladies that wanted to be in her royal presence. The appearance of so many famous ladies at the school successfully drove hype and interest in the school, which remains active to this day.
47. She Lost An Important Battle
In a roundabout way, Helena’s beef with Alexandra ended with Helena’s loss. Due to a wave of anti-German sentiment, Helena’s nephew and reigning monarch, George V, changed the family’s royal titles. As a result, Helena’s title went from the very German-sounding “Her Royal Highness The Princess Helena, Princess Christian of Schleswig-Holstein” to simply, “Her Royal Highness Princess Christian,” dropping the territorial designation.
48. Her Marriage Began With A Misunderstanding
While Helena and her husband’s marriage ended more or less in a “happily ever after,” it actually began with a very embarrassing misunderstanding. You see, when Helena’s mom first summoned him to Great Britain for a meeting, he had no idea he was Helena’s marriage candidate. In fact, he assumed that the Queen's evaluation of him was for a potential marriage candidate for herself! Talk about awkward.
49. She Hindered Her Sister
It took quite a while for Louise, Helena’s younger sister, to find a man of her own, and Helena may have had a hand in it. When Helena’s mom tried to marry Louise off, Helena—who at this point had handed off most of her secretarial duties to Louise—encouraged her younger sister to hold off on marriage. After all, if Louise married, Helena would once again be stuck with the unpleasant job of being their mom’s personal errand girl.
50. She Had A Surprising Talent
Helena’s talents don’t end with her business smarts. Helena had a talent for writing and translation, which constantly surprised the (usually male) members of the industry. Helena’s translations included: the personal letters of her father; the personal letters of her sister, Alice; and a translation of The Memoirs of Wilhelmine, Margravine of Bayreuth, who was a talented female musician and composer.
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Daughters of Queen Victoria: A Family at Swords' Points
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The Atlantic
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https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1938/11/daughters-of-queen-victoria-a-family-at-swords-points/654505/
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[FOR seven years E. F. Benson has been devoting his research to the most famous English family of the nineteenth century. In foregoing issues Mr. Benson portrayed the careful upbringing of Queen Victoria’s nine children. The plans of the Prince Consort led to the marriage of Vicky, the eldest daughter, to Crown Prince Frederick of Prussia and of Alice to Prince Louis of Hesse. Victoria herself watched over the betrothal of the Prince of Wales to Princess Alexandra of Denmark and of Helena to Prince Christian of Schleswig-Holstein. The rising ambitions of Bismarck, however, jeopardized Vicky’s happiness in Berlin and destroyed the Queen’s hopes for further affiliation with the German States. The biography resumes after Bismarck’s dictation of drastic peace terms to Austria. — THE EDITORS]
I
PRINCESS HELENA’S marriage to Prince Christian in 1866 had secured for the Queen the desired son-in-law who would live in England, but the young couple did not make their principal home with her, as she had originally planned, for the rest of her lifetime. She gave Frogmore to them as their residence (it was close to Windsor Castle), and for occupation she made her son-in-law Ranger of Windsor Park. She had still two daughters living with her, — Princess Louise and Princess Beatrice, — and her youngest son, Prince Leopold, whose extreme delicacy precluded any active profession.
Twice a year the Queen made long sojourns at Balmoral; it was there she felt most comfortable, and the remoteness, the brisk air, her drives and picnics and sketchings, and the freedom from any heartless calls that could be made on her by Prime Ministers were beginning to build up again the nervous system which she was almost anxious to prove was hopelessly shattered. She had a great friend there, Dr. Norman Macleod, the Minister of the Kirk at Crathie; she found his sermons full of consolation, and talked to him intimately about herself. Albert, she said, had worn himself out by never allowing himself any relaxation. Relaxation was necessary for her, and Dr. Macleod very tactfully entreated her always to come to Balmoral to get it. Till his death in 1872 she looked on him as a man on whose understanding and sympathy she could always rely.
The Queen derived great comfort from the constant attendance of her manservant, John Brown, with her now not at Balmoral only, but at Windsor also, and the need for a resident son-in-law was less insistent. What she had wanted was some active, reliable man without other duties than to attend to her, and she found him in this devoted attendant without whom she never left the house, and who became a pervasive element in family life, perhaps not always wholly welcome. But he suited her.
Queen Victoria was one of the kindest women in the world to those who looked after her personally. She knew all about their relations and their family history; she did not treat them, when once they had earned her confidence, as servants so much as friends, and she looked upon their performance of their duties as acts of kindness to herself.
It is the very triviality of the innumerable references to Brown in More Leaves from the Journal of a Life in the Highlands which defines the nature of his services to the Queen. He accompanied her everywhere; he walked by her pony when she rode and by her side when she was on foot. One rainy day his kilt got wet and chafed his knees behind; he had to take care of himself, and her doctor ordered him to keep his leg up. She walked with him through her Palace at Holyrood, and he was much interested in Queen Mary’s rooms; afterwards she sat under a hawthorn tree and read the poems of the Ettrick Shepherd from the volume which Brown had given her. On the anniversary of the Prince Consort’s birthday, when she made presents to all her upper servants, she gave Brown his present with the rest of them. ‘The tears,’ she wrote, ‘came into his eyes and he said “It is too much.” God knows it is not for one so devoted and faithful.’
The very fact that Brown was not in the least afraid of the Queen pleased her, for formidable people usually dislike the timidity which they inspire in others. She appreciated in him the independence of the Highland character which the Prince Consort had so much admired, and she allowed him to treat her with a brusqueness which she would not have permitted from anybody else. He told her to put on her cloak or to sit on a rug, or to make up her mind which way she wanted to drive. At Glassault Shiel she asked for a table at which to sketch; one was too low, another too high, and it looked as if she would never make her sketch at all till Brown told her she must manage with one of them, for they could n’t make a new table for her now. He knew he was indispensable and treated her Ministers and her Court with bumpkin familiarity, with doffings and pats on the back if they were respectful to him, and the rudest speeches and contradiction if they failed.
Behind his bad manners the Queen saw and rightly valued Brown’s genuine devotion to herself. Moreover he gave her day by day that sense of security and protection of which she stood so sorely in need, and we may regard him as administering to her, by the mere fact of his constant and reliable presence, some sort of rasping and comforting tonic which without doubt had by degrees the most beneficial effect on the hypochondria which caused her seclusion. He helped to build up the confidence that enabled her to face her duties again.
Presently, however, another physician with a more deliberate purpose and subtler technique was treating her on diametrically opposite lines; and while Dr. Brown of Balmoral was short and sharp with her, Dr. Disraeli of Downing Street plied her with fantastic visions of herself as the Faëry Queen whose presence in the Isle of Wight caused the primroses to burst into blossom. The treatments wore not antagonistic, but each supplemented the other. Her recovery was largely due to them.
II
Ominous clouds soon gathered up again after the war between Germany and Austria. Bismarck, like some baleful invisible witch, was brewing them in his vat of blood and iron, and this time he did not intend that any Paris Exhibition and royal cordialities should disperse them. In 1870 General Prim, who since the deposition of Queen Isabella of Spain had been at the head of the Spanish Government, sent a confidential agent to King William of Prussia with the news that Spain was looking out for a sovereign again and asked him to nominate his kinsman Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen. His election, said General Prim, would be a certainty. Prince Leopold at first refused to accept this offer, but after it had been renewed several times he finally consented, and King William nominated him. France raised the most violent protest, and Prince Leopold withdrew his acceptance.
Throughout these negotiations the Prussian Royal Family had been in complete ignorance of their origin. They had not a notion that Bismarck had been at the bottom of it, with the sole object of rousing France to a pitch of fury which, carefully fanned and fostered, might end in war. War, Bismarck knew, was bound to come before long, and the German military machine was ready now, while France, in spite of the prestige of her armies, was unprepared. The withdrawal of Prince Leopold, therefore, was disappointing, for France had no longer any cause for quarrel.
But France, elated with the withdrawal of the Hohenzollern candidate, which she attributed to the firmness of her government, made the mistake which served Bismarck’s purpose to a nicety. The French Ambassador in Berlin, instead of using the customary diplomatic channels, obtained an interview with the King and demanded his personal assurance that he would never again put forward Prince Leopold as a candidate for the throne of Spain. King William told the Ambassador that this was an outrageous request, and telegraphed an account of the interview to Bismarck. That was the sort of mistake the Chancellor was hoping for. He flooded his press with exaggerations and misrepresentations of what had occurred, in order to rouse the indignation of Germany, and let loose such a tempest of abuse on the Emperor of the French and his government and his insolent diplomatic methods that France, believing her armies to be invincible, promptly declared war. But the most remarkable part of Bismarck’s achievement was that not even at this point had King William or his family the slightest suspicion that it was the Chancellor who had engineered the whole affair from the beginning.
The declaration of war on July 15, 1870 was received by all Germany, excepting Bismarck and those who knew the stupendous efficiency of his war machine, with consternation, and the Crown Princess wrote to her mother in incoherent dismay. She believed that the odds were terribly against Germany and that ruin and perhaps annihilation faced her. National feeling there, she said, was that England ought to have prevented war by a strong warning to France that she would not tolerate such wanton aggression. In England, at the outset, indignation against France ran high, holding her guilty of wantonly breaking the peace of Europe, and the Queen shared these sentiments to the full.
But Count Bernstorff, the German Ambassador in London, informed his Foreign Office that the Prince of Wales, dining at the French Embassy immediately after the declaration of war, expressed to the French Ambassador his hopes for the speedy defeat of Prussia, and that when the Austrian Ambassador, Count Apponyi, hinted at the possibility of Austria’s joining France he had shown high satisfaction. This caused the greatest indignation in official circles in Berlin, and, though the Prince denied that there was any truth in Bernstorff’s report, Berlin continued to believe it and attributed similar sentiments to the Crown Princess. Though no one was more rabidly Prussian than she, she was looked upon with such suspicion that her offers to help in the hospitals at Berlin were refused.
The Crown Princess’s fears as to the annihilation of the German armies soon died a sudden death. Disaster after disaster overtook the French. On September 1 came the battle of Sedan, after which the Emperor Napoleon surrendered, and in October Marshal Bazaine’s army of 170,000 men surrendered at Metz. The Crown Princess’s lamentation tuned up into pæans of triumph accompanied with moral reflection and comments of a very irritating sort.
The siege of Paris began. The Crown Prince was anxious to reduce it without the horror and vandalism of a bombardment; Bismarck, on the other hand, backed up by popular feeling in Germany, wanted to bombard the city at once in order to bring the war to an end as speedily as possible. It was a question which concerned the government and the military authorities, and it would have been wiser for the Crown Princess to be on her guard. Instead she ardently and openly supported her husband’s view, with the unfortunate but natural result that she was believed to be influencing her husband to delay.
The family life of the Crown Princess during the war was full of difficulties, and she poured out these troubles to her mother, with assurances that they arose from no fault of hers. With Fritz away there was not a soul with whom she was in sympathy; the King disliked her, and she often found it impossible to get on with Queen Augusta. It was a very awkward situation, for her mother and Queen Augusta were the most devoted friends.
She acknowledged and appreciated Queen Augusta’s good points; the Queen had always ‘fought her battles and smoothed her path’; and, though her mother-in-law often made her very miserable, she bore her no resentment for that and only remembered her better and kindlier moods, deeply pitying her for her unhappy temperament. It is difficult to see what could have been the object of repeating to her mother the disagreeable observations of Queen Augusta, unless it was to shake her mother’s confidence in her friend and inspire distrust.
The war was over, and the mission with which her father had entrusted her on her marriage was over also; the missioners, for all proselytizing purpose, had been massacred by the chief of the savage tribe which they had hoped to convert. Bismarck had realized the Prince Consort’s vision of a vast united Germany, ruled by Prussia, and far exceeding in power and in territory that ideal State which, in close alliance and amity with England, should bring eternal and industrious peace to Europe. Blood and iron had accomplished it; every step of the way had been won by the forces which Albert abhorred. If the Queen was right in pronouncing that, had the Prince Consort been alive when France declared war on his beloved Fatherland, it would have been impossible to prevent his joining Bismarck’s armies, what manner of letters would he have written to his wife and his daughter from the front?
Then for the Crown Princess there was the daily heartache of looking on the cruel maiming through which her eldest son, Prince William, had come to birth. He was twelve years old now; his left arm was still powerless, and the torturing treatments he had undergone were of no avail. It crippled all his boyish activities; for the withered limb gave him an imperfect balance and he had great difficulty in running or in learning to ride, and his food must be cut up for him. Only by painful effort could he do what came so easily to other boys, and this consciousness of inferiority, so his English tutor feared, was getting more acute as he grew older. But at the moment the mother was very happy about the affectionate relations between her and her son. ‘I am happy to say,’ she wrote, ‘that between him and me there is a bond of love and confidence which I feel sure nothing can destroy.’ She did not think much of his abilities, however, nor of his strength of character, and she superintended his education with constant care. Perhaps Queen Victoria remembered that the excessive vigilation the Prince Consort had imposed upon his eldest son had not produced the effect on his character which was intended, for she warned her daughter that ‘too much constant watching leads to the very dangers hereafter which one wishes to avoid.’ She recommended that William should be brought in contact with other classes and not get to think that because he was a prince he was of different clay from working people and servants and farmers.
The Princess retorted warmly. Her mother must not think William saw only Palace folk. When her children were with her in the country they had ample opportunity to go in and out of cottages, just as they did at Balmoral; but the Prussian peasant, who had lately been the simplest and gentlest of souls, was not at all an amiable person now, but obstinate and boorish. In fact, the discussion about William’s upbringing resolved itself into an irrelevant wrangle about Highlanders and Prussians. The Crown Princess’s habit of mind led her to search for points on which to differ, rather than common ground on which to construct. Herein lay a most disastrous factor in the development of her tragic history: she could not believe that those who did not share her views might have sound reasons for disagreeing with her, and she suspected them of a personal hostility.
III
At Darmstadt Prince Louis had been called up immediately on the outbreak of war. The Crown Princess urged her sister to come with her children to Berlin, where they would be safer than in the West of Germany should the French armies invade the Fatherland, and the King offered her the New Palace to live in. But that was not to be thought of.
Alice was busier than ever, looking after the wives and children of soldiers at the front, seeing that the hospitals were ready to receive the wounded, and sending out women from her Nurses Institute to the field hospitals. She had turned her own house into the headquarters of what we should now call the Red Cross depot. Wounded Germans and French were brought in and the hospitals grew full. ‘I neither smell nor see,’ she wrote, ‘anything but wounds.’ Her neuralgia grew acute, her eyes suffered, and she was expecting another baby before long. The Queen sent out a doctor for her confinement, and early in October her child was born — another boy, Frederick William.
Then back she went to Darmstadt, working in the hospitals and meeting trains full of wounded soldiers at the station. In the town there were many widows and mothers who had lost perhaps an only son. She went to see them all, for sympathy was the only medicine for such grief. Christmas came round; Louis was at Orleans and she decked a minute Christmas tree for him and his staff, and sent a pair of stockings she had knitted for him. She had two wounded officers in her house now, which was a great expense, and this continual assistance to soldiers’ widows brought her near the end of her slender resources.
Paris capitulated, and the trains were no longer full of wounded, but of German soldiers returning from the war, singing and cheering. And at last her Louis came back on leave and for the first time saw his little son. The parents went to Berlin for the entry of the victorious armies with the new German Emperor riding at their head. As she watched the triumphant cavalcade, Alice’s heart ached for the Emperor and Empress to whom France had behaved so shamefully. But they had found a refuge in England and were treated with respect and friendliness.
IV
In England meantime the Queen had been much exercised over the marriage of her fourth daughter, Princess Louise, who had passed her twenty-first birthday in the spring of 1869, and was already older than any of her elder sisters had been when they were wed. It would have been in accordance with precedent to be looking out for some suitable German Prince, but Princess Louise found such a future extremely distasteful. She much preferred to make a British marriage and to settle in her husband’s house in England. The Queen entirely agreed with her. That the daughter of a reigning Sovereign should marry a subject was at that time a very startling proposition; such a thing had not happened in the Royal Family of England since the days of the Plantagenets, and since the accession of the Hanoverian dynasty all had married Germans. The proposed candidate was the Marquis of Lorne, son and heir of the Duke of Argyll.
The Prince of Wales had talked it over with his sister, and disapproved of such a marriage. The Queen was particularly anxious that he should see eye to eye with her, and she wrote him a remarkable letter which shows how entirely (for the present) her sentiments about foreign marriages for her daughters had altered, and the reasons: —
Times have much changed; great foreign alliances are looked on as causes of trouble and anxiety, and are of no good. What could be more painful than the position in which our family were placed during the wars with Denmark, and between Prussia and Austria? Every family feeling was rent asunder, and we were powerless. . . . Nothing is more unpopular here or more uncomfortable for me and everyone than the long residence of our married daughters from abroad in my house, with the quantities of foreigners they bring with them, the foreign view they entertain on all subjects, and in beloved Papa’s lifetime this was totally different, and besides Prussia had not swallowed everything up. You may not be aware, as I am, with what dislike the marriages of Princesses of the Royal Family with small German Princes (German beggars as they most insultingly were called) were looked on. . . .
Now that the Royal Family is so large (you have already five, and what will these be when your brothers marry?) in these days, when you ask Parliament to give money to all the Princesses to be spent abroad, when they could perfectly marry here and the children succeed just as much as if they were the children of a Prince or Princess, we could not maintain this exclusive principle. As to position I see no difficulty whatever; Louise remains what she is, and her husband keeps his rank, like the Mensdorffs and Victor (Hohenlohe), only being treated in the family as a relation when we are together.... It will strengthen the hold of the Royal Family, besides infusing new and healthy blood into it, whereas all the Princes abroad are related to one another.... I feel sure that new blood will strengthen the Throne morally as well as physically.
This letter shows how intolerable to the Queen had become the endless worries to which the marriages of her two elder daughters, though sanctioned and arranged by the Prince Consort, had given rise. In the main she blamed Prussia; the Crown Princess’s marriage, one way and another, had embittered instead of improving international relations. Prussia had become a bullying, domineering power, and the reaction therefrom had seriously disturbed her domestic happiness. That resentment is intelligible, but it is strange to find that the long visits of the Queen’s two daughters from Germany had become so distasteful to her.
But times were changed, and such were her sentiments now. She had made up her mind that Princess Louise should marry the handsome, able, and artistic young son of the Duke of Argyll. All parties directly concerned were agreed, and next autumn Lord Lorne was asked to stay at Balmoral, even as Prince Frederick of Prussia had been bidden there for a similar purpose in 1855. The procedure of the betrothal was on much the same lines. The Queen drove out in one direction with Princess Beatrice to taste a chalybeate spring, while Princess Louise and Lord Lorne, with the Lord Chancellor and Lady Ely, drove to Glassault Shiel. The chaperons then effaced themselves; the young people took a walk and returned to Balmoral with the news for which, as the Queen justly admitted, she was not unprepared.
The Queen never for a moment contemplated that Princess Louise and her husband should make their principal home with her, as had been her intention in the marriage of two of her elder daughters. One of the main general reasons for the marriage was that her new son-inlaw should be an independent British subject, heir to a great estate with solid responsibilities of his own, and not a foreign princeling living in an alien country, where he had no duties except that of being a constant companion of his mother-in-law.
Similar considerations were equally applicable to the bride. Princess Louise herself was far more suited to be the mistress of a great nobleman’s house than the wife of the Queen’s resident son-in-law, where her position would render her completely subordinate to her mother. Her individuality was no less strong than that of the Crown Princess, and she had the same brilliantly faceted vitality, incongruous to the shrouded and subdued atmosphere of the joyless palaces. She was a radiant creature, extremely handsome, genial, and ebullient, with little trace of the Teuton in her nature; and her gay and eager presence, her sense of fun, her manifest power of enjoyment, her freedom from any conventionally royal consciousness, had a social potency which rivaled her mother’s, but with this antipodal difference — that the Queen evoked awe and almost paralytic reverence, whereas her daughter exhaled a psychical ozone. Like her eldest sister, she too inherited from her father an intensely artistic nature, and her work in sculpture was far removed from that of the amateur. It was only fit that she should have a wider scope for her gifts and her self-expression than her cloistered home.
The Queen little guessed how increasingly this precedent for royal marriages with subjects would be followed during the next sixty years. The Princess Royal of the next generation married a compatriot of Lord Lorne’s, and in the generation after that the King’s only daughter married an Englishman and two of his sons ladies of Scottish blood, of whom one is now the Queen of England.
V
The Queen opened Parliament again in the spring of 1871. She had performed that ceremony only once since five years before, when Princess Helena was engaged to Prince Christian and Prince Alfred attained his majority. A similar exigency drove her to do so now, for she intended to ask her Commons to make provision for Princess Louise on her marriage. She knew that these grants for her daughters were unpopular in the country, and Mr. Gladstone was not easy in his mind as to how the House would receive the request. It was ‘ to his agreeable but extreme surprise’ that the vote of the usual dowry of £30,000 and an annuity of £6000 was passed unanimously. When, later in the session, a grant to Prince Arthur on his coming of age was brought before the House, it was passed with the expression of the hope that she would show herself more frequently to her loving subjects.
Gladstone, who feared that this continued retirement would really affect the stability of the throne, deplored the paltry cause of the danger. He believed that the shattered state of her nerves which she so often bewailed was imaginary, and that her doctor, ‘the feebleminded Dr. Jenner,’ was encouraging her to refuse to do anything for which she did not feel inclined; and now he begged her graciously to postpone her departure for Balmoral till the end of a difficult session and hold her Council for the prorogation. She was so indignant at such a suggestion that she disregarded her Prime Minister altogether and wrote to her Lord Chancellor instead. She told him that she was doing as much as she could, and that, as she grew older, she would not, for the sake of her health, be able to make these continued exertions. She was ‘driven and abused’; her private life was being interfered with, and her nerves would break down. She warned him that if this persecution went on she would have to give up the awful weight of sovereignty to another, and then perhaps these discontented people would be sorry that they had wrecked her health.
Victoria had really done a good deal more this year than since the Prince Consort’s death, and this nerve storm subsided. But Gladstone’s fears for the throne were by no means fantastic. He knew how strong was the feeling against the Queen’s seclusion. In addition, her German sympathies in the FrancoGerman War were very unpopular, and the fall of the monarchy in France, with the establishment of the Republic, had been reflected in England by a strong agitation against the throne and the prodigious expense of a sovereign who so rarely appeared, who must be annually transferring to her own pocket immense sums of money which were granted her by the nation for the purpose of upholding the splendors of the Crown, and who was so constantly asking her Parliament for substantial grants for her children.
The heir to the throne caused equal dissatisfaction for exactly opposite reasons. He was seen too much, always surrounded by frivolous folk; he led a fast and far from edifying life, and instead of spending too little he was credited, in spite of his cosy income of £100,000, with being heavily in debt. He had lately appeared, too, in a horrid public scandal.
The agitation against an invisible and expensive sovereign and a son who did nothing but amuse himself was kept simmering in the press, and it fairly boiled over when, early in November, Sir Charles Dilke made a most violent anti-monarchical speech at Newcastle which both infuriated and alarmed the Queen. Then suddenly the whole agitation subsided, for the Prince of Wales was stricken by typhoid fever, and he and the Queen ceased to be a profligate heir and an unfunctioning Sovereign; they were just a son seriously ill and a miserably anxious mother. Human sympathy with them as such wiped from the slate all the indictments against them. The case became critical, and the Queen came to Sandringham, where she had never been before, though the Prince had lived there for eight years.
The present anxiety ominously linked itself up with the past: the nursing, the symptoms, the attacks of difficult breathing, the rambling voice, all reminded her of the Prince Consort’s illness. And now the dreadful anniversary of her husband’s death, December 14, was approaching, and that uneasy belief in fatally ordained coincidences which always lurked in her mind made her feel certain that she would lose her son on the day she had lost her husband ten years ago. These forebodings were so firmly rooted in her mind that when, on that very day, the Prince took a decided turn for the better, she could hardly realize it.
VI
Princess Louis’s sixth child, a daughter, was born in the summer of 1872. She called her Alix (a variant of her own name, since Germans always pronounced ‘Alice’ so infamously). Alix was a ‘nice little thing,’ like her sister Ella, but with darker eyes; her features promised to be good, but it looked as if her nose would be too long. That defect remedied itself, and Alix and Ella grew up to be two of the most superbly beautiful women in Europe. Alix was always laughing; her mother nicknamed her ‘Sunny,’ and it is good to know that as a child she was happy. Destiny wove for her imperial splendors, and for them both a doom of Æschylean tragedy.
Princess Louis was soon busy again with fresh activities, and again she had to be a little careful as to how she wrote of them to the Queen. A conference on women’s work and their possible careers beyond marriage and childbearing and housekeeping was assembling at Darmstadt. Germany, Holland, and Switzerland were sending delegates from sympathetic associations, and from England came such distinguished propagandists as Miss Carpenter and Miss Octavia Hill. But the Queen viewed with the deepest distrust movements that threatened any sort of emancipation for her sex, and the idea of women ever being put on the electoral roll was to her an outrage on decency. Princess Louis therefore assured her mother that she had taken the utmost pains to rule out all discussion on such repulsive topics and that the most advanced subjects on the agenda papers of her conference were girls’ schools, the employment of women in postal and telegraph offices, the education of nurserymaids, and of young mothers with regard to the care of their babies.
Her work was extending in other directions; she had long been president of the Darmstadt Nurses Institute, and now she was forming an Association for the care of children boarded out by the State. Children must be made happy: there was nothing that counted for so much in the formation of character.
There was constant anxiety about the health of her second son, Frederick William, known as ‘Frittie,’ who had been born when his father was serving in the Franco-German War. From birth he had been extremely delicate, and now it became evident that he suffered from that obscure and most dangerous condition called hæmophilia. Frittie, now aged two, got a small cut on his ear, and for two days this incessant bleeding continued, till his hair was matted with blood. At last the bleeding was stopped with caustic and tight bandages, but she feared it might break out again. And he was so boisterous when he was well, full of tearing spirits! How was it possible to guard against some trivial injury which would cause further attacks?
Frittie recovered, and the Prince and Princess treated themselves to a tour in Italy. One morning a month after their return, Ernie and Frittie came trotting in to see their mother while she still lay in bed. The windows of her bedroom, reaching nearly down to the floor, were open, and next door was her sitting room, which had a projecting bow window that looked sideways into the bedroom. As the boys played about, Ernie appeared at this bow window, and Frittie, seeing his brother there, scampered across to the open window of the bedroom. He fell out on to the stone terrace twenty feet below and was picked up unconscious. No bones were broken, and at first it was hoped that he was not seriously hurt. All day his mother watched by him, but bleeding on the brain had set in, and that evening, before her husband returned, the child died.
Princess Louis never got over the shock. There were times when she realized that Frittie had been spared the physical perils and suffering that, had he lived, must always have been his; and now she would cherish till her life’s end the image of his flowerlike brightness and his love. But the family circle, which was the world of her heart, had been broken into, and the dread of what the future might hold was ever with her. She clung more closely to those who were left; children grew up so quickly, and she longed that they should take into the world no memory of home that was not charged with happiness. She was resolved from the first not to allow her life to become barren and withdrawn or her grief to render her remiss in answering its calls.
Throughout the year following Frittie’s death her letters to the Queen were no less frequent, but the effervescent quality in them died out. She wrote as if the concerns of the outer world were dream stuff, and her yearning for Frittie, her grief that she loved because it seemed to be part of him, were more real to her than they. Ernie missed his brother terribly; he constantly spoke of him. ‘When I die,’ he said, ‘you must die too, and all the others: why can’t we all die together? I don’t like to die alone, like Frittie.’ How that went home to her! It was as if her heart were crying out through the boy’s lips.
VII
Princess Louis’s seventh and youngest child, a daughter, was born on May 24, 1874, the anniversary of the Queen’s birthday, and just a year after Frittie’s death. She wrote her mother that she was not one of those tiresome women who made themselves a nuisance with their perpetual baby-worship. Certainly her brothers and sisters saw less of their children than she, but they could afford a staff of trustworthy tutors and governesses. Her motherhood had to be, as in private families, of a more real and personal kind, and it entailed a good deal of self-denial in other ways.
Then a fresh phase of life, with new responsibilities and burdens, opened for Princess Louis and her husband. In the spring of 1877 Louis’s father, Prince Charles, died after a short illness, and three months later the Grand Duke of Hesse, and Louis succeeded his uncle.
There was an overwhelming press of public functions and of business. At Darmstadt she and Louis had a tremendous public welcome, and once more she took up her work, with all the duties that her new position entailed. But she was always tired, for she always overtaxed her strength; and she knew her mother would understand the brevity and infrequence of her letters, for after the day’s work was over the fatigue of writing was too much for her.
She came to England once more in the summer of 1878 with her husband and her children, and spent a month at Eastbourne. Then final rest came to that gallant and loving spirit, though preceded by weeks of intolerable grief and anxiety. One morning in November 1878, Victoria, the eldest of her six children, fell ill of diphtheria, and four days afterwards Alix and May were down with it. Next Irene and Ernie caught it, and now there were five children out of six with diphtheria, and May and Irene were desperately ill. The day after, her husband was down with it also, and that night May died. Louis kept asking about the children, and his wife went to tell him.
Ernie’s life still hung by a thread, but he began to mend, and he too asked after his sisters. One morning he sent May a present of a book, and his mother had to smile back at him, for the news could not be broken to him yet. Sometimes the whole of life seemed to be an agonized dream; sometimes she woke to reality, and then the agony was over, for she accepted the will of God and in His will was peace. By that entire and complete resignation she could feel gratitude that the others had been spared.
A month had passed since the first of her children had been taken ill, and now her husband and those who were left were able to go out again, and the Princess was making arrangements for them to get away for a change of air. All one day she had a very bad headache, and next morning diphtheria had developed. Not being allowed to speak, she wrote down little messages and directions for her husband. The case was almost hopeless, for the attack was very virulent, and she had no strength with which to fight it.
Then came a morning when the doctors realized that there could be but one end, and her husband was told. She was quite conscious; she enjoyed a visit from her beloved mother-in-law, and in the afternoon the Queen’s doctor, Sir William Jenner, arrived from England with a letter from her mother, which she read. Her husband came in to wish her goodnight as usual, and when he had left her she said she would go to sleep again. She whispered, ‘May — dear Papa,’ and died in her sleep early next morning, on the anniversary of her father’s death.
(To be concluded)
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https://www.pinterest.com/pin/the-marriage-of-princess-helena-5-july-1866--434738170252745162/
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www.tricare.mil is an official website of the Defense Health Agency (DHA), a component of the Military Health System.
TRICARE is a registered trademark of the Department of Defense (DoD), DHA. All rights reserved.
The appearance of hyperlinks does not constitute endorsement by the DHA of non-U.S. Government sites or the information, products, or services contained therein. Although the DHA may or may not use these sites as additional distribution channels for Department of Defense information, it does not exercise editorial control over all of the information that you may find at these locations. Such hyperlinks are provided consistent with the stated purpose of this website.
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The English wiki at this URL has been closed, but here are related wikis in other languages
This is the list of communities under this domain
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Apostilles and Notary Certifications
Apostilles and certifications attest to the legal status of New Jersey Notaries Public and selected public officials, such as Superior Court judges, County Clerks, and the State Registrar of Vital Statistics, who have authenticated or notarized documents to be used in business transactions and/or international document exchange. Public officials for whom our office will issue Apostilles and certifications.
Apostilles and certifications issued by the New Jersey Department of the Treasury, Division of Revenue and Enterprise Services are one-page, 8.5 x 11 documents with a color laser print of the Great Seal of the State of New Jersey and the signature of the New Jersey State Treasurer.
We affix Apostilles and certifications to the signature page of the submitted document with staples. Please do not remove the Apostille or certification once it is attached.
The Division will provide an Apostille if the transaction involves a country that subscribes to the Hague Convention. If the authenticated or notarized document is going to a country that does not appear on the Hague Convention list, the Division will provide a certification of the public official.
In all cases involving international document exchange, we recommend that you contact officials in the receiving country or visit the U.S. Department of State website for further information and guidance on the exchange process.
For additional information on apostilles, "The ABCs of Apostilles" brochure provides basic information about the Apostille Convention and the Convention's operation that has been prepared by the Permanent Bureau (Secretariat) of the Hague Conference on Private International Law and is provided with the Permanent Bureau's permission.
How to Obtain an Apostille or Certification:
Obtain the original or certified copy of the document bearing the original notarization or certification by the public official.
Important Notes: Obtain vital records (birth, marriage, divorce, death, etc.) from January 1, 1923 forward from the NJ Department of Health, Office of Vital Statistics and Registry (609.292.4087). For vital records dated prior to January 1, 1923, contact the New Jersey State Archives. Order a copy of your vital records online.
We cannot issue Apostilles or certifications for vital records from other states. Have out-of-state records authenticated in the state of origin.
For documents in languages other than English, we recommend that you attach a notarized English translation. Note that if you attach a notarized translation to a vital record, we will issue two Apostilles/Certifications, and we will assess two fees.
Submit notarized documents with the original (inked) signature of the NJ Notary Public and the original (inked) signature of the person who presented the document for notarization.
Click on the Order link below to use our online Apostille/Certification Service. This service allows you to request an apostille or certification for your document(s) and pay the statutory fee (plus a convenience fee, if appropriate) by credit card or e-check. It will provide you with a confirmation page that you will then mail (or drop-off) with your documents to our Customer Service Center. Additional details regarding the process, including processing times and fees, are provided within the service.
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Department of Health (Philippines)
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Department_of_Health_(Philippines)
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Executive department of the Philippine government
Department of HealthKagawaran ng Kalusugan
Department of Health Central OfficeDepartment overviewFormedSeptember 10, 1898; 125 years ago ( )HeadquartersSan Lazaro Compound, Rizal Avenue, Santa Cruz, Manila
MottoFloreat Salubritas Populi ("Promotion of Health for the People")Annual budget₱296.3 billion (2023) [1]Department executives
Hon. Teodoro “Ted” J. Herbosa, M.D., FPCS, FPCEP, Secretary of Health
Usec. Enrique A. Tayag, M.D., PHSAE, FPSMID, CESO III, Spokesperson and Public Health Services Cluster Head
Usec. Lilibeth C. David, M.D., MPH, MPM, CESO I, Chief of Staff, Office of the Secretary and UHC Policy and Strategy Cluster Head
Websitedoh.gov.ph
The Department of Health (DOH; Filipino: Kagawaran ng Kalusugan) is the executive department of the government of the Philippines responsible for ensuring access to basic public health services by all Filipinos through the provision of quality health care, the regulation of all health services and products. It is the government's over-all technical authority on health.[2] It has its headquarters at the San Lazaro Compound, along Rizal Avenue in Manila.
The current head of the department is Sec. Ted Herbosa. The health secretary is also a member of the Cabinet.
Americans assembled a military Board of Health on September 10, 1898, with its formal organization on September 29. Upon its creation, Dr. Frank S. Bourns is assigned as president while Dr. C. L. Mullins is assigned as assistant surgeon.[3] The purpose of this Board of Health was to care for injured American troops but as the hostilities between Filipinos and Americans waned in 1901, a civilian Board of Health was now deemed appropriate with Dr. L. M. Maus as the first health commissioner.
In the early 1900s, 200,222 lives including 66,000 children were lost; three percent of the population was decimated in the worst epidemic in Philippine health history. In view of this, the Americans organized and erected several institutions, including the Bureau of Governmental Laboratories, which was built in 1901 for medical research and vaccine production.
The Americans, led by Dean Worcester built the UP College of Medicine and Surgery in 1905, with Johns Hopkins University serving as a blueprint, at the time, one of the best medical schools in the world. By 1909, nursing instruction was also begun at the Philippine Normal School. In terms of public health, the Americans improved on the sewer system and provided a safer water supply.
In 1915, the Bureau of Health was reorganized and renamed into the Philippine Health Service. During the succeeding years leadership and a number of health institutions were already being given to Filipinos, in accordance with the Organic Act of 1916. On January 1, 1919, Dr. Vicente De Jesus became the first Filipino to head the Health portfolio.
In 1933, after a reorganization, the Philippine Health Service reverted to being known as the Bureau of Health. It was during this time that it pursued its official journal, The Health Messenger and established Community Health and Social Centers, precursors to today's Barangay Health Centers.
By 1936, as Governor-General Frank Murphy was assuming the post of United States High Commissioner, he would remark that the Philippines led all oriental countries in terms of health status.[4]
When the Commonwealth of the Philippines was inaugurated, Dr. Jose F. Fabella was named chief of the Bureau of Health. In 1936, Dr. Fabella reviewed the Bureau of Health's organization and made an inventory of its existing facilities, which consisted of 11 community and social health centers, 38 hospitals, 215 puericulture centers, 374 sanitary divisions, 1,535 dispensaries and 72 laboratories.
In the 1940s, the Bureau of Health was reorganized into the Department of Health and Public Welfare, still under Fabella. During this time, the major priorities of the agency were tuberculosis, malnutrition, malaria, leprosy, gastrointestinal disease, and the high infant mortality rate.
When the Japanese occupied the Philippines, they dissolved the National Government and replaced it with the Central Administrative Organization of the Japanese Army. Health was relegated to the Department of Education, Health and Public Welfare under Commissioner Claro M. Recto.
In 1944, President Manuel Roxas signed Executive Order (E.O.) No. 94 into law, calling for the creation of the Department of Health. Dr. Antonio C. Villarama as appointed Secretary. A new Bureau of Hospitals and a Bureau of Quarantine was created under DOH. Under E.O. 94, the Institute of Nutrition was created in 1948 to coordinate various nutrition activities of the different agencies.
On February 20, 1958, Executive Order 288 provided for the reorganization of the Department of Health. This entailed a partial decentralization of powers and created eight Regional Health Offices. Under this setup, the Secretary of Health passed on some of responsibilities to the regional offices and directors.
One of the priorities of the Marcos administration was health maintenance. From 1975 to the mid-1980s, four specialty hospitals were built in succession. The first three institutions were spearheaded by First Lady Imelda Marcos. The Philippine Heart Center was established on February 14, 1975, with Dr. Avelino Aventura as director. Second, the Philippine Children's Medical Center was built in 1979. Then in 1983, the National Kidney and Transplant Institute was set up. This was soon followed by the Lung Center of the Philippines, which was constructed under the guidance of Health Minister Dr. Enrique Garcia.
With a shift to a parliamentary form of government, the Department of Health was transformed into the Ministry of Health on June 2, 1978, with Dr. Clemente S. Gatmaitan as the first health minister. On April 13, 1987, the Department of Health was created from the previous Ministry of Health with Dr. Alfredo R. A. Bengzon as secretary of health.
On December 17, 2016, Health Secretary Paulyn Jean Rossel-Ubial announced that in 2017 the government will start paying the hospital bills and medicines of poor Filipinos. She said that the Department of Health (DOH) is capable of taking care of the hospital bills and medicines of poor Filipinos owing to its bigger budget starting in 2017.
A total of ₱96.336 billion was allocated to the DOH in the 2017 national budget, which includes funds for the construction of additional health facilities and drug rehabilitation centers. Ubial said poor patients in government hospitals do not even have to present Philhealth cards when they avail of assistance. She added that poor patients will no longer be billed by government hospitals.
Ubial said President Rodrigo Duterte is keen on implementing the program to help poor Filipinos in all parts of the country. She said Philhealth will remain a partner of government hospitals in serving the poor. [5]
Senator Loren Legarda, chair of the Senate committee on finance said that the proposed ₱3.35-trillion national budget for 2017 will provide healthcare assistance to all Filipinos, said an additional ₱3 billion was allocated to the Philippine Health Insurance Corporation (PhilHealth) to ensure coverage for all Filipinos.
“The Department of Health (DOH) said there are some eight million Filipinos still not covered by PhilHealth. It is our duty, in serving the public, to extend basic healthcare protection to all our people. That is why we pushed for the augmentation of the PhilHealth’s budget so that in 2017, we achieve universal healthcare coverage,” she said.
Legarda said universal healthcare coverage means that any non-member of PhilHealth will automatically be made a member upon availment of healthcare service in a public hospital. [1]
In early January 2020, the Philippines confirmed its first case of Novel coronavirus disease. Two months later, the Philippines implemented national lockdowns, mask mandate, and social distancing. In February 2021, COVID-19 vaccines reached the Philippines and began to the administered.
The Department of Health was criticized in a 2021 study saying that the Philippines was 2nd to the last in the world in terms by how effective the Philippine government did respond to the pandemic.[5] It was heavily criticized by DOH Secretary Francisco Duque III.
Main article: Secretary of Health (Philippines)
At present, the department is headed by the Secretary of Health, with eight undersecretaries and eight assistant secretaries heading the following teams:[6]
Office of the Secretary
Hon. Teodoro “Ted” J. Herbosa, M.D., FPCS, FPCEP - Secretary of Health
Undersecretaries
Maria Rosario S. Vergeire, M.D., MPH, CESO II - Universal Health Care Services Cluster 1 (Northern and Central Luzon)
Lilibeth C. David, M.D., MPH, MPM, CESO I - Chief of Staff, Office of the Secretary/Cluster Head, Universal Health Care Policy and Strategy Cluster (UHC-PSC)
Ma. Carolina Vidal-Taino, CPA, MGM, CESO I - Management Support Cluster
Abdullah B. Dumama Jr., M.D., MPA, CESO I - Universal Health Care Services Cluster Area IV (Mindanao)
Kenneth G. Ronquillo, M.D., MPHM, CESO III - Universal Health Care Policy and Strategy Cluster
Nestor F. Santiago Jr., M.D., MPHC, MHSA, CESO II - Universal Health Care Services Cluster Area II (NCR and South Luzon)
Maria Francia Miciano-Laxamana, M.D., MHSA, CHS - Special Concerns and Public-Private Partnership Cluster
Enrique A. Tayag, M.D., PHSAE, FPSMID, CESO III - Public Health Services Cluster
Gloria J. Balboa, M.D., MPH, MHA, CESO III, CEO VI - Universal Health Care Services Cluster III (Visayas)
Assistant Secretaries
Atty. Charade B. Mercado-Grande, MPSA - Cluster Head, Health Regulation and Facility Development Cluster
Maylene M. Beltran, MPA, CESO III - Management Support Cluster
Atty. Frances Mae Cherryl K. Ontalan - Office of the Secretary/Concurrent Legal Services Director
Leonita P. Gorgolon, M.D., MHA, MCHM, CEO VI, CESE - Universal Health Care Policy and Strategy Cluster
Albert Francis E. Domingo, M.D., MSC - Office of the Secretary
Ariel I. Valencia, M.D., MPH, CESO III - Office of the Secretary/Special Assistant to the Secretary
The DOH is composed of bureaus, services & program offices, under the following teams
Administration and Financial Management Team
Administrative Service
Finance Management Service
Malasakit Program Office
Field Implementation and Coordination Team
Ilocos Center for Health Development
Cagayan Valley Center for Health Development
Central Luzon Center for Health Development
Calabarzon Center for Health Development
Mimaropa Center for Health Development
Bicol Center for Health Development
Western Visayas Center for Health Development
Central Visayas Center for Health Development
Eastern Visayas Center for Health Development
Zamboanga Peninsula Center for Health Development
Northern Mindanao Center for Health Development
Davao Center for Health Development
Soccsksargen Center for Health Development
Caraga Center for Health Development
Cordillera Center for Health Development
Metro Manila Center for Health Development
Bangsamoro Ministry of Health
Health Facilities and Infrastructure Development Team
Health Facilities Development Bureau (formerly National Center For Health Facilities Development)
Health Facilities Enhancement Program
Knowledge Management & Information Service
Dangerous Drugs Abuse Prevention and Treatment Program
Office of Health Laboratories
Health Policy and Systems Development Team
Bureau of International Health Cooperation
Bureau of Local Health Systems Development
Health Human Resource Development Bureau
Health Policy Development and Planning Bureau
Health Regulation Team
Bureau of Quarantine
Health Facilities and Services Regulatory Bureau
Pharmaceutical Division
Office of the Chief of Staff
Internal Audit Service
Legal Service
Procurement and Supply Chain Management Team
Procurement Service
Supply Chain Management Service
Public Health Services Team
Disease Prevention and Control Bureau
Epidemiology Bureau (formerly National Epidemiology Center)
Health Promotion Bureau
Health Emergency Management Bureau
The following agencies and councils are attached to the DOH for policy and program coordination:[7]
Food and Drug Administration (FDA)
National Nutrition Council (NNC)
Philippine Health Insurance Corporation (PHIC; PhilHealth)
Philippine Institute for Traditional and Alternative Health Care (PITAHC)
Philippine National AIDS Council (PNAC)
The following hospitals are directly under the DOH:[8]
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https://www.rappler.com/philippines/who-is-ted-herbosa-marcos-new-health-secretary/
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Who is Ted Herbosa, Marcos’ new health secretary?
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2023-06-05T12:03:59+00:00
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Dr Ted Herbosa is a former DOH undersecretary and a University of the Philippines executive
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RAPPLER
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https://www.rappler.com/philippines/who-is-ted-herbosa-marcos-new-health-secretary/
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MANILA, Philippines – Ferdinand Marcos Jr. finally chose his Department of Health (DOH) secretary almost a year into his term.
Dr. Teodoro “Ted” Herbosa is not new to the DOH and has run into some controversy when he was the adviser of the government’s COVID-19 task force.
Here are some things you should know about Herbosa and his resumé.
UP graduate
According to Herbosa’s LinkedIn, he graduated from the University of the Philippines with a Bachelor of Science in Biology degree in 1979 and finished studying medicine at the same university in 1983.
According to a press release from Malacañang, Herbosa also has tucked under his belt an international diploma course in emergency and crisis management from the University of Geneva. He took further postgraduate studies in medicine at the Sackler Faculty of Medicine at Tel Aviv University in Israel.
Former DOH undersecretary, UP exec
Herbosa served as a health undersecretary from 2010 to 2015, under the administration of former president Benigno Aquino III.
He also served as the executive vice president of the University of the Philippines System from 2017 to 2021.
COVID-19 task force adviser
The UP alumnus gained prominence as an adviser of Duterte’s national task force adviser providing almost daily updates on the coronavirus outbreak from 2020 to 2021.
As early as March 2021, Herbosa already said that the Philippine government had done a “fairly good job” in managing the public health crisis. He also defended former president Duterte and former health secretary Francisco Duque III, who were often criticized over their pandemic response.
Controversies
In 2020, Herbosa issued a public apology and agreed to undergo gender sensitivity training after sharing a Facebook post making light of rape.
In April 2021, Herbosa drew criticism from internet users for a “death by community pantry” tweet. His remarks were in response to the death of an elderly man who waited in line at a community pantry organized by actress Angel Locsin in Quezon City.
Community pantries were set up as a response to the economic conditions brought about by the pandemic, which made access to an affordable food supply difficult for the country’s poorest residents.
Some Duterte officials took the pantry services as an insult to the administration’s ability to provide food for its citizens, going as far as linking the community-led efforts to the communist party.
Herbosa also issued a public apology following that statement, and resigned from his post at UP afterwards.
After his appointment, DOH Undersecretary Dr. Maria Rosario Singh Vergeire, who had been officer in charge for Marcos’ first year, said they would provide all-out support during the transition.
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https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9126056/
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Prevalence of Limited Health Literacy in the Philippines: First National Survey
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"Ma. Carmen C. Tolabing",
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2022-04-12T00:00:00
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Health literacy (HL) is the ability to access, understand, appraise, and apply health information across the three domains of the health continuum: health care, disease prevention, and health promotion. It is needed for people to effectively manage their ...
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https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/coreutils/nwds/img/favicons/favicon.ico
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PubMed Central (PMC)
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https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9126056/
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Health Lit Res Pract. 2022 Apr; 6(2): e104–e112.
PMCID: PMC9126056
PMID: 35522857
Prevalence of Limited Health Literacy in the Philippines: First National Survey
Ma. Carmen C. Tolabing, MPH, DrPH, Kim Carmela D. Co, RN, MS Epi, Ophelia M. Mendoza, MSPH, DrPH, Nona Rachel C. Mira, RN, MPH, DrPH, Romeo R. Quizon, MSc TPHE, FPSSE, ASEAN Eng, Ma. Sandra B. Tempongko, DAPE, MPH, DrPH, Martin Aaron M. Mamangon, BSPH, Isabel Teresa O. Salido, BSPH, and Peter W.S. Chang, MD, MPH, ScD, FRCP
Corresponding author.
Ma. Carmen C. Tolabing: hp.ude.pu@gnibalotcm
Ma. Carmen C. Tolabing, MPH, DrPH, is a Professor, Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics, College of Public Health, University of the Philippines Manila. Kim Carmela D. Co, RN, MS Epi, is an Assistant Professor, Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics, College of Public Health, University of the Philippines Manila. Ophelia M. Mendoza, MSPH, DrPH, is an Adjunct Professor, Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics, College of Public Health, University of the Philippines Manila. Nona Rachel C. Mira, RN, MPH, DrPH, is an Associate Professor, Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics, College of Public Health, University of the Philippines Manila. Romeo R. Quizon, MSc TPHE, FPSSE, ASEAN Eng, is a Professor, College of Public Health, University of the Philippines Manila. Ma. Sandra B. Tempongko, DAPE, MPH, DrPH, is a Professorial Lecturer, College of Public Health, University of the Philippines Manila; and the Deputy Coordinator, Southeast Asian Ministers of Education, Tropical Medicine and Public Health Network. Martin Aaron M. Mamangon, BSPH, is a Student, College of Public Health, University of the Philippines Manila, Manila. Isabel Teresa O. Salido, BSPH, is a Student, College of Public Health, University of the Philippines Manila. Peter W.S. Chang, MD, MPH, ScD, FRCP is an Adjunct Professor, Tufts University School of Medicine; a Senior advisor, National Chung Cheng University; and the Director, Show Chwan Memorial Hospital.
Address correspondence to Ma. Carmen C. Tolabing, MPH, DrPH, College of Public Health, University of the Philippines Manila, 625 Pedro Gil Street, Ermita, 1000 Manila, Philippines; email: hp.ude.pu@gnibalotcm.
Grant: This work was supported by a grant from the Department of Health of the Philippines.
Disclaimer: This article reflects the points of view and thoughts of the authors, and the information, conclusions, and recommendations presented are not to be construed as those of the Department of Health of the Philippines or of the Philippine Council for Health Research and Development. The material presented here, however, is done in the spirit of promoting open access and meaningful dialogue for policy/plan/program improvement, and the responsibility for its interpretation and use lies with the reader.
Disclosure: The authors have no relevant financial relationships to disclose.
Copyright © 2022 Tolabing, Co, Mendoza, et al.; licensee SLACK Incorporated.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0). This license allows users to copy and distribute, to remix, transform, and build upon the article, for any purpose, even commercially, provided the author is attributed and is not represented as endorsing the use made of the work.
Abstract
Background:
Health literacy (HL) is the ability to access, understand, appraise, and apply health information across the three domains of the health continuum: health care, disease prevention, and health promotion. It is needed for people to effectively manage their health. Information on population HL level is useful for crafting appropriate and targeted interventions to improve HL.
Objective:
The aim of this study was to describe the HL level of Filipino people at the national and subnational levels.
Methods:
A cross-sectional survey was conducted between 2018 and 2019 with 2,303 randomly selected Filipino people age 15 to 70 years, using an adapted Asia version of the European Health Literacy Survey Questionnaire-47. Prevalence estimates for limited HL and the corresponding 95% confidence interval (CI) were computed at the national and subnational levels.
Key Results:
The nationwide prevalence of limited HL was 51.5% (95% CI, [49.5%, 53.6%]), while sub-national prevalence estimates ranged from 48.2% to 65.4%. The prevalence varied across HL dimensions, with difficulty in access to information having the highest level. Similarly, prevalence across domains was variable; health care-related HL had the highest prevalence of limited HL. The HL levels for different dimensions and domains also varied across subnational groups.
Conclusion:
Many Filipino people had limited HL, and prevalence estimates varied across HL dimensions, HL domains, subnational groupings, and sociodemographic characteristics. The results highlight the need for targeted interventions focusing on subgroups with limited HL and on dimensions and domains where Filipino people have limited HL. [HLRP: Health Literacy Research and Practice. 2022;6(2):e104–e112.]
Plain Language Summary:
The National Health Literacy Survey is the first nationwide survey on the prevalence of HL in the Philippines, involving 2,303 randomly selected Filipino residents age 15 to 70 years. Many Filipino people have limited HL, and the prevalence of HL varies across the components of HL, subnational groupings, and sociodemographic characteristics, highlighting the need for targeted interventions.
Health literacy (HL) refers to the ability to access, understand, appraise, and apply health information when making judgments and decisions concerning health care, disease prevention, and health promotion (Sørensen et al., 2012). HL has been identified as a determinant of reduced morbidity, mortality, disability, and equity in health (Nutbeam, 2017). The United Nations Economic and Social Council (2009) has called for the “development of appropriate action plans to promote health literacy” (p. 6). The World Health Organization (WHO) has similarly called for action to address HL. In 2015, WHO published the Health Literacy Toolkit, which provides guidance on empowering communities and strengthening health systems (Dodson et al., 2015).
There is no existing national HL policy or program in the Philippines as of writing (Department of Health, n.d.; Senate of the Philippines, 2013). This gap may be due to lack of data on population HL, which may be provided by a national HL survey. Measuring population HL can inform the drafting of these policies and programs and facilitate the crafting of appropriate interventions, such as policy, modification of health education programs, and training of health providers to become more aware of the concept of HL (Rondia et al., 2019). Thus, the aim of this study was to describe the HL level of Filipino people age 15 to 70 years at the national and sub-national levels.
Methods
Study Design and Sampling
A cross-sectional study design was employed. The study population consisted of Filipino residents age 15 to 70 years. Older adults with cognitive impairment, such as problems with memory, language, and thinking, based on the Mini-Cog test for people age 60 years and older (Mini-Cog, n.d.) and those unable to consent were excluded. Multi-stage sampling was used for respondent selection. The stratification variable was the subnational grouping: Luzon, Visayas, or Mindanao. The National Capital Region (NCR), which is part of Luzon, was peculiar in that it is 100% urban with easy access to resources; thus, NCR was segregated from Luzon and was made the fourth category for the stratification variable. Within each subnational grouping, sample provinces, cities/municipalities, barangays, and households were selected by systematic sampling with probabilities proportional to size. Only one individual, age 15 to 70 years, was selected in each sample household to minimize the effect of intra-cluster homogeneity.
A total of 2,303 respondents participated in the survey. This was the minimum required sample to achieve a 95% confidence level, 50% anticipated value of the various proportions to be estimated from the survey, and margin of error with values varying from ±2% to ±7% for the national and subnational estimates. The sample size was adjusted to account for 1.5% design effect and 10% non-response. If the respondent was unavailable during the first visit, a callback was made. Of the 276 respondents requiring callbacks, 29% (n = 81) were subsequently replaced after three failed attempts to interview them. This represented 3.5% of the total sample size.
Measurement
The adapted Asia version of the 47-item European Health Literacy Survey Questionnaire measured the components of HL, including its dimensions (ability to access, understand, appraise, and apply health information) and domains (health care, disease prevention, health promotion). Selected sociodemographic characteristics were also collected.
The questionnaire has been concluded to be valid and reliable in a study across six Asian countries (Duong et al., 2017). The HL classifications have been reported to be associated with known determinants (older age and lower educational attainment) and health-related outcomes of HL (not having health insurance and not visiting a doctor in the past 12 months) in the Philippine setting (Agosto et al., 2018).
The questionnaire included 47 items, each answered using a 4-point Likert-type scale. The index scores (index = (mean−1) × (50/3)) ([Duong et al., 2017]) were computed for the overall health literacy (47 items) and the dimension-specific and domain-specific health literacy (11–16 items each) (Sørensen et al., 2012). Based on the index score, a respondent was classified into one of three HL categories: limited (0–33), sufficient (>33–42), or excellent (>42–50) (Table ). These cut-offs were set by the developers according to correlation patterns between HL levels and identified covariates (Sørensen et al., 2015). They indicate gradations in ability to carry out health-related tasks (accessing, understanding, appraising, and applying) successfully as determined by an expert panel, with the limited category indicating more difficulties in performing these tasks. Several national surveys have used these cut-offs (Espanha & Ávila, 2016; Nakayama et al., 2015; Palumbo et al., 2016; Schaeffer et al., 2017; Sørensen et al., 2012). These cut-offs and classifications have been used to make cross-country comparisons of HL distributions (Duong et al., 2015) and have also been used in a local study among adults (Agosto et al., 2018).
Table A
Index score 4-level classification 3-level classification 2-level classification 0–25InadequateLimitedLimited>25–33Problematic>33–42SufficientSufficientNot limited>42–50ExcellentExcellent
The survey was administered in multiple languages. The questionnaire underwent localization, consisting of translation, back-translation, translation analysis, and cultural adaptation corresponding to the nine major Philippine languages (AHLA Philippines, 2019). The translation analysis involved an iterative process (Hall et al., 2018) to ensure that the original concepts were preserved in translation; the cultural adaptation was carried out through focus group discussions. The localized versions were pre-tested among 59 respondents.
Data Collection
Trained interviewers conducted face-to-face interviews using the Computer Assisted Personal Interviewing (CAPI) method from 2018 to 2019. Interviewers were locals who spoke the local language. Informed consent was obtained from each respondent.
The study was granted ethics clearance by the National Ethics Committee (NEC Code:2018-013 Tolabing-Literacy).
Data Analysis
STATA 12 was used for data processing and analysis. Proportions and their corresponding 95% confidence intervals were computed.
Results
Respondent Profile
The mean age of the respondents was 40.6 ± 14.7 years, and the majority were women (73.8%), urban residents (69.9%), married (54.6%), Catholic (79.2%), and not gainfully employed (52%). About 42% attained high school, and 30.4% reported an annual income of $2,063 to $5,157 (Table ).
Table B
RESPONDENT CHARACTERISTICS No. (%) Philippines, total (n=2,303) NCR (n=292) Luzon (n=1,019) Visayas (n=441) Mindanao (n=551) Age (mean ± SD)40.55 ± 14.7040.86 ± 15.3339.61 ± 14.3739.02 ± 15.1843.33 ± 14.22 Sex Male603 (26.18)75 (25.68)254 (24.93)150 (34.01)124 (22.5)Female1700 (73.82)217 (74.32)765 (75.07)291 (65.99)427 (77.5) Place of Residence Urban1609 (69.87)292 (100)637 (62.51)361 (81.86)319 (57.89)Rural694 (30.13)0 (0)382 (37.49)80 (18.14)232 (42.11) Civil Status Single/Never Married562 (24.41)126 (43.15)220 (21.59)119 (27.05)97 (17.6)Married1258 (54.65)114 (39.04)587 (57.61)217 (49.32)340 (61.71)Common-Law/Live-in292 (12.68)25 (8.56)126 (12.37)70 (15.91)71 (12.89)Widowed155 (6.73)20 (6.85)72 (7.07)28 (6.36)35 (6.35)Divorced/Separated/Annulled35 (1.52)7 (2.40)14 (1.37)6 (1.36)8 (1.45) Religion None2 (0.09)0 (0)1 (0.1)0 (0)1 (0.18)Catholic1822 (79.15)240 (82.19)780 (76.55)381 (86.39)421 (76.55)Protestant304 (13.21)25 (8.56)123 (12.07)51 (11.56)105 (19.09)Iglesia ni Cristo107 (4.65)14 (4.79)72 (7.07)7 (1.59)14 (2.55)Islam7 (0.3)2 (0.68)2 (0.2)1 (0.23)2 (0.36)Others60 (2.61)11 (3.77)41 (4.02)1 (0.23)7 (1.27) Educational Attainment No education10 (0.43)2 (0.68)4 (0.39)2 (0.45)2 (0.36)Primary School432 (18.77)36 (12.33)186 (18.27)86 (19.5)124 (22.5)High School956 (41.53)120 (41.1)434 (42.63)184 (41.72)218 (39.56)Senior High/Vocational238 (10.34)34 (11.64)107 (10.51)54 (12.24)43 (7.8)College666 (28.93)100 (34.25)287 (28.19)115 (26.08)164 (29.76) Occupation None1197 (51.98)136 (46.58)527 (51.72)178 (40.36)356 (64.61)Service and sales workers423 (18.37)67 (22.95)217 (21.3)62 (14.06)77 (13.97)Student/Housewife/Retiree120 (5.21)8 (2.74)37 (3.63)71 (16.1)4 (0.73)Skilled agricultural, forestry and fishery workers108 (4.69)3 (1.03)41 (4.02)16 (3.63)48 (8.71)Elementary occupations95 (4.13)7 (2.4)43 (4.22)34 (7.71)11 (2)Professionals67 (2.91)15 (5.14)20 (1.96)19 (4.31)13 (2.36)Managers63 (2.74)29 (9.93)21 (2.06)6 (1.36)7 (1.27)Plant and machine operators and assemblers46 (2)4 (1.37)30 (2.94)8 (1.81)4 (0.73)Craft and related trades workers45 (1.95)6 (2.05)23 (2.26)9 (2.04)7 (1.27)Technicians and associate professionals43 (1.87)5 (1.71)24 (2.36)7 (1.59)7 (1.27)Clerical support workers34 (1.48)9 (3.08)14 (1.37)8 (1.81)3 (0.54)Armed forces occupations5 (0.22)0 (0)2 (0.2)0 (0)3 (0.54)Others52 (2.26)3 (1.03)18 (1.77)22 (4.99)9 (1.63)Not specified5 (0.22)0 (0)2 (0.2)1 (0.23)2 (0.36) Incomea None73 (3.17)1 (0.34)11 (1.08)32 (7.26)29 (5.26)Less than PHP $825.25273 (11.85)25 (8.56)122 (11.97)61 (13.83)65 (11.8)PHP $825.25 – $1,237.86356 (15.46)21 (7.19)144 (14.13)41 (9.3)150 (27.22)PHP $1,237.88 – $2,063.11517 (22.45)63 (21.58)207 (20.31)74 (16.78)173 (31.4)PHP $2,063.13 – $5,157.81699 (30.35)130 (44.52)401 (39.35)83 (18.82)85 (15.43)PHP $5,157.83 or more241 (10.46)51 (17.47)121 (11.87)21 (4.76)48 (8.71)Not specified144 (6.25)1 (0.34)13 (1.28)129 (29.25)1 (0.18) HEALTH CARE CHARACTERISTICS Health service utilization (within the last 12 mos.)(+)746 (32.43)68 (23.29)374 (36.77)136 (30.91)168 (30.49)(−)1554 (67.57)224 (76.71)643 (63.23)304 (69.09)383 (69.51) Utilized government facilityb 2,094 (90.92)246 (84.25)907 (89.01)429 (97.28)512 (92.92)Hospital1,650 (71.65)169 (57.88)727 (71.34)359 (81.41)395 (71.69)Barangay Health Center1,535 (66.65)199 (68.15)684 (67.12)315 (71.43)337 (61.16)Rural Health Unit1,230 (53.41)41 (14.04)510 (50.05)346 (78.46)333 (60.44)Others662 (28.75)49 (16.78)280 (27.48)323 (73.24)10 (1.81) Contact with a physician in the last 12 months None1,149 (49.89)123 (42.12)497 (48.77)276 (62.59)253 (45.92)Public only430 (18.67)58 (19.86)181 (17.76)55 (12.47)136 (24.68)Private only490 (21.28)89 (30.48)202 (19.82)83 (18.82)116 (21.05)Both public and private234 (10.16)22 (7.53)139 (13.64)27 (6.12)46 (8.35) History of consultation with a health professional (+)1909 (82.93)238 (81.51)940 (92.34)300 (68.03)431 (78.22)(−)393 (17.07)54 (18.49)78 (7.66)141 (31.97)120 (21.78)Opportunity to ask questions during consultationYes1,523 (66.13)220 (75.34)662 (64.97)253 (57.37)388 (70.42)No777 (33.74)72 (24.66)355 (34.84)187 (42.4)163 (29.58) Health Insurance Coverage None571 (24.89)71 (24.4)205 (20.2)128 (29.16)167 (30.42)Public1423 (62.03)187 (64.26)634 (62.46)234 (53.3)368 (67.03)Private169 (7.37)10 (3.44)91 (8.97)59 (13.44)9 (1.64)Public and Private131 (5.71)23 (7.9)85 (8.37)18 (4.1)5 (0.91) Relative with Medical Background (+)1005 (43.64)115 (39.38)477 (46.81)188 (42.63)225 (40.83)(−)1298 (56.36)177 (60.62)542 (53.19)253 (57.37)326 (59.17) Source of informationb TV1,308 (56.80)192 (65.75)631 (61.92)259 (58.73)226 (41.02)Radio320 (13.89)23 (7.88)128 (12.56)94 (21.32)75 (13.61)Internet/social media813 (35.30)143 (48.97)460 (45.14)131 (29.71)79 (14.34)Attendance in health education activity593 (25.75)90 (30.82)266 (26.1)128 (29.02)109 (19.78)
Health Literacy
The nationwide prevalence of limited HL was 51.5% (95% confidence interval [CI], [49.5%, 53.6%]). NCR and Luzon had the highest (65.4%) and the lowest (48.2%) prevalence, respectively (Table and Table ).
Table 1
Category n Prevalence (%) 95% CI Lower (%) Upper (%) Philippines2,30351.5449.5053.58Subnational level Luzon1,01948.1845.1251.26 Mindanao55149.1845.0253.36 Visayas44153.0648.3857.69 NCR29265.4159.7670.66Type of residence Urban1,60953.0150.5755.45 Rural69448.1344.4251.85Sex Female1,70051.6549.2754.02 Male60351.2447.2555.22Age Youth98745.5942.5048.72 Adult1,09955.4152.4658.33 Older adult21658.8052.0965.19
Table C
Subnational level Limited Sufficient Excellent Total No. (%) No. (%) No. (%) NCR191 (65.41)96 (32.88)5 (1.71)292Visayas234 (53.06)137 (31.07)70 (15.87)441Mindanao271 (49.18)251 (45.55)29 (5.26)551Luzon491 (48.18)442 (43.38)86 (8.44)1,019TOTAL (Philippines)1187 (51.54)926 (40.21)190 (8.25)2,303
As shown in Table , the nationwide prevalence of limited HL varied across the four dimensions, with the prevalence higher for accessing (45.9%) and appraising (43.8%), compared to understanding (35.8%) and applying (35.7%). This pattern was also true in Luzon and Visayas. In NCR, the dimension with the highest prevalence of limited HL was appraising health information, while in Mindanao it was applying health information (Figure ).
Table 2
Category Prevalence of Limited Health Literacy a Philippines (n = 2,303) NCR (n = 292) Luzon (n = 1,019) Visayas (n = 441) Mindanao (n = 551) Health literacy dimensions Accessing45.9455.4843.7655.5537.21 Understanding35.7836.9932.2936.0541.38 Appraising43.8157.5337.4952.1541.56 Applying35.6947.2630.0332.8842.28Health literacy domains Health care50.9360.9545.1457.6051.00 Disease prevention41.9551.0338.0844.9041.92 Health promotion40.3451.3735.9242.6340.83
The nationwide prevalence of limited HL differed across domains, with the health care domain having the highest prevalence at 50.9% (Table ). The finding is consistent across the subnational levels. It is noteworthy that NCR has the highest prevalence of limited HL in all three domains (Figure ).
The prevalence of limited HL varied across sociodemographic characteristics. The following variables did not show great absolute differences (≥10%) in limited HL to be considered of public health significance in terms of targeted interventions (Table ): sex, civil status, and place of residence. The proportion of limited HL increased with age, whereas it decreased with increasing educational attainment. Moreover, respondents without health insurance had the highest proportion of limited HL. In addition, those without a relative with a medical background had a higher proportion of limited HL than those with relative(s) with medical background.
Table 3
Characteristic n Limited (%) Absolute DifferenceSex Female1,70051.65Ref Male60351.240.41Age group Youth98745.59Ref Adult1,09955.419.82 Older adult21658.8013.21Educational attainment No education10100Ref Primary43261.8038.20 High school95653.7746.23 Senior high/vocational23848.7451.26 College66641.8958.11Place of residence Urban1,60953.01Ref Rural69448.134.88Civil status Single56249.29Ref Married1,25851.031.74 Common law/live in29254.455.16 Widowed15557.428.13 Separated, divorced, annulled3557.147.85Health insurance coverage None57155.69Ref Public only1,42352.423.27 Private only16936.0919.60 Both public and private13144.2711.42Relative with medical background No1,29856.86Ref Yes1,00544.6812.18
Discussion
About one-half (51.5%) of the study participants had limited HL, with the access dimension and the health care domain having the highest prevalence of limited HL; variations in HL levels were observed across sub-national levels.
In the Philippines, 19.7% of Filipino people age 5 years and older have a college education, and the basic literacy level is high (96.5%) (Philippine Statistics Authority, 2019). Despite this, the study found a high prevalence of limited HL. While literacy is an important factor in HL, it does not guarantee a high level of HL (Nutbeam, 2000). The Health Literacy Universal Precautions Handbook was conceptualized because it is difficult to tell one's HL level based on educational attainment; thus, health systems “should assume that all patients and caregivers may have difficulty comprehending health information and should communicate in ways that anyone can understand” (Brega et al., 2015, p. 1).
High prevalence of limited HL can be attributed to various factors, including low competencies of the population for engaging with health information, high expectations of the health system, or a combination of both (European Health Literacy Project Consortium, 2014; Nakayama et al., 2015). A community-based survey revealed that only 5.7% of the residents in an urban community in the Philippines had access to a Department of Health Cholera leaflet; understanding of the eleven concepts in the Cholera leaflet was also variable (Abis et al., 2015). Likewise, the high demands of the health system are also apparent in the Philippines. The Philippine Health System Review 2018 reported that health care system access is impeded by several factors: (1) limited number of practitioners and facilities, as well as poor geographic distribution of doctors and nurses; (2) high out-of-pocket cost for patients; and (3) barriers to health service access (Dayrit et al., 2018).
The burden of limited HL varied across subnational levels in the Philippines. Compared to the national level, the prevalence of limited HL in NCR (65.4%) was substantially higher, whereas the estimates in Luzon (48.2%) and Mindanao (49.2%) were lower. This implies differences in health promotion activities and their effectiveness and in health system demands (European Health Literacy Project Consortium, 2014; Nakayama et al., 2015; Nutbeam, 2017). There are reported variations in the quality of health services in different local government units in the Philippines at least partly due to the devolved health system (Dayrit et al., 2018; Solon and Herrin, 2017). The Department of Health has recognized the need to train health professionals on health promotion via field training facilities, to ensure the standard delivery of health promotion services (Department of Health, 2018).
Health information access had the highest prevalence of limited HL (45.9%) (Table ). This is noteworthy considering that the process of engaging with sources of health information begins with accessing health information. This will trigger the rest of the steps, namely, understanding, appraising, and then applying the health information. As pointed out by Sørensen et al. (2012), this process generates the knowledge, skill, and motivation needed for an individual to navigate the health care system. Factors contributing to difficulties in access include the inadequate and poorly distributed health care professionals across and within regions, low utilization of health services, and a “mixed-health” system with increasing private health care services, without an effective regulatory mechanism for private for-profit health services (Dayrit et al., 2018). In this study, we found that in the last 12 months, 67.57% had not visited a health facility (Table ), although these facilities are a major source of health information derived from printed health materials (Abis et al., 2015) and possibly also from provider-client interaction and televised health information. Lack of interaction with primary care physicians was also a cited reason for problems accessing health information in Japan (Nakayama et al., 2015).
Among the three domains, the highest prevalence of limited HL was in health care (50.9%). This implies that engaging with information about health care is more difficult than is the case with disease prevention or health promotion. Moreover, verbal health information from health providers on health care may be less understood than that of other domains. The reasons may include limited time available for health provider-patient interaction or communication skills of the health provider. This is in contrast with population HL levels, where the domain with the highest proportion of limited HL was disease prevention for Japan (Nakayama et al., 2015) and health promotion for other countries (Espanha & Ávila, 2016; Sørensen et al., 2012). It has been posited that personal experiences in the health care setting may enhance the HL skills of patients (Rolová et al., 2018). In this study, 67.6% of the respondents did not avail themselves of services at any health facility in the last 12 months, and 17.1% of the respondents had never consulted a health professional since age 13 years (Table ). This may have contributed to the higher proportion of limited HL in the health care domain precisely because the lack of experiences as a patient may result in low knowledge on medical information and unfamiliarity with how to navigate the health care system.
The variables that showed absolute differences less than 10% (i.e., sex, civil status, place of residence) were inconsistently described in previous studies in terms of HL level across their respective categories. Some studies reported no significant difference, while in others, one category is higher than the other(s) (Haghdoost et al., 2019; Kayupova et al. 2017; Mahmoodi et al., 2019; Rasu et al., 2015; Schaeffer et al., 2017; Tiller et al., 2015; van der Heide, 2013).
Consistent with previous studies in other countries, there were noticeable differences in HL between age groups in this study (Abacigil et al., 2019; Schaeffer et al., 2017). The elderly showed the highest proportion of limited HL, which may be explained by physical impairment and cognitive decline related to advancing age (Chesser et al., 2016; Duong et al., 2015). Vision changes and hearing loss may impede information processing, while decreased motor function may inhibit adoption of necessary health behaviors. The elderly may also experience trouble in higher-order thinking skills, such as comprehension, comparison and contrast, and reasoning (Speros, 2009). In addition, age-cohort differences in health education during formal schooling contribute to disparities between age groups (Ashida et al., 2011; Xie et al., 2019). It is worth mentioning that the actual proportion of elderly individuals with limited HL may even be higher, because older adults with cognitive impairment were purposely excluded from the study.
The proportion of limited HL increased with decreasing level of educational attainment, with 100% having limited HL among those who have not entered school. Similar to prior studies (Duong et al., 2017; Jovanić et al., 2018; Tiller et al., 2015), these findings reflected the influence of formal education on HL by imparting health-related knowledge and forming skills essential for engaging with sources of information (Murray et al., 2008).
The prevalence of limited HL was higher among those without insurance coverage, which is consistent with previous studies (Briones, 2017; Sentell, 2012). This may denote that the complexity of insurance information and enrolment procedures may hinder those with limited HL to obtain health insurance (Sentell, 2012). Additionally, those without insurance have less use of health services due to higher out-of-pocket medical expenses (Foutz et al., 2017). This lack of experience with the health care system may lead to limited engagement with health information and consequently limited HL.
Those with public insurance had a higher proportion of limited HL compared to those with private insurance (absolute difference: 16.33). Studies comparing the HL levels of those with public or private insurance are limited. In a 2003 national survey in the United States, most uninsured participants, Medicaid beneficiaries (60%), and Medicare beneficiaries (57%) had below basic or basic HL, whereas only about 37% of the privately insured had the same level of HL (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2009). This implies that insurance coverage alone cannot guarantee a meaningfully high HL (Vernon et al., 2007). Difference in personal health situation may play a role in one's ability to engage with sources of health information. In addition, those who have private insurance might be more likely to avail themselves of services from private facilities where the volume of clients and availability of health service providers and services is not a problem, unlike in government facilities. The quality of provider-client interaction may also play a role in effective communication, which is an important aspect of HL.
Finally, respondents who did not have a relative with a medical background had higher proportions of limited HL than those who did have a relative with a medical background. This was supported by the study of Pan et al. (2010), which observed higher HL among respondents with a family member working as a health professional. A health professional in the extended family may readily share health-related knowledge and persistently remind one of healthy behaviors (Chen et al., 2019). The nuanced spillover of health expertise may consequently lead to higher HL in their family members.
Study Strengths and Limitations
Measures to minimize systematic error were put into place, from the design of the questionnaire to fieldwork supervision to data processing. They included the following: (1) localization, pre-testing, and validation of the HL questionnaire; (2) training of fieldwork teams on the various survey protocols; (3) data collectors carrying a brochure during data collection that served as a handy reference for the various survey protocols; (4) spot-checking of interviews by supervisors; and (5) using the CAPI method, which eliminated possible encoding errors encountered with the usual paper-and-pen interview and incorporated GPS for monitoring of interviewers to deter fabrication of interviews.
The study has some limitations. First, although the adapted questionnaires underwent localization, including an iterative process of translation analysis (Hall et al., 2018), it is still possible that there were changes in meaning. Second, while the National Health Literacy Survey result was based on a national sample of individuals, the Muslim religion of the Philippines was under-represented due to the exclusion of an entire Muslim region because of the poor peace and order situation during the data collection period. This limits the generalizability of the results. Also, the distribution of religion, employment, sex, and education do not adequately reflect the nationwide distribution based on the 2015 nationwide census. However, the adjusted estimates, ranging from 50.2% to 52.9%, are only slightly different from the unadjusted estimate of 51.5% (Table ). Third, the random selection of one respondent per household would have inevitably resulted in unequal probability of selection per respondent, due to variation in household sizes. This could in principle have been corrected through the application of sampling weights; however, incomplete data on the weights made it impossible to compute for weighted estimates.
Table D
% limited health literacy Unadjusted 51.54 Adjusted for religion50.23for employment50.74for sex51.44for educational level52.91
Conclusion
The majority of Filipino people nationwide have limited HL, and the prevalence estimates varied across HL dimensions, HL domains, subnational groupings, and sociodemographic characteristics. The results highlight the need for targeted interventions focusing on specific population subgroups with limited HL and on improvements in the information access dimension and in the health care domain of population HL. Further research can explore why some Filipino people perceive it to be difficult to perform various HL tasks and how the reported determinants of HL apply to the local setting.
Acknowledgments
The authors thank the following: the Asia Health Literacy Association for the permission to use the Asia version of the European Health Literacy Survey Questionnaire-47; the Philippine-Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino, Dr. Paul Pinlac and Dr. Amiel Bermudez for the translation of the instrument; The Department of Health - Health Promotion and Communication Service of the Department of Health, the academic institutions (Catanduanes State University, Davao Oriental State Colleges of Science and Technology, Eastern Samar State University, Northeastern Luzon Adventist School, Southern Capital Colleges, Tarlac State University, University of the Philippines, and University of St. la Salle) and their language and research methods experts who participated in the consultations and who were instrumental in the localization of the instrument; and Dr. Eleanor Castillo and Dr. Jaifred Lopez for facilitating the focus group discussion and the data collection in Isabela and Misamis Occidental, respectively. Lastly, gratitude is given to Dr. Kristine Sørensen for the materials provided in the interpretation of the health literacy index score.
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Articles from HLRP: Health Literacy Research and Practice are provided here courtesy of SLACK, Incorporated
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https://www.facebook.com/IndiaInPhilippines/
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Sieh dir auf Facebook Beiträge, Fotos und vieles mehr an.
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https://www.floridahealth.gov/certificates/certificates/Apostille/index.html
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Apostille/Notarial Certificates
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sub topic to certifications
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en
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https://www.floridahealth.gov/favicon.ico
| null |
Information on Apostille and Notarial Certificates issued by the Florida Department of StateÂ
Foreign embassies or consulates often require an apostille or notarial certificate for vital record certificates. The 1961 Hague Convention established the apostille as a form of authentication for its member states. The apostille certifies the authenticity of the issuing official’s signature. Countries that are nonmembers of the 1961 Hague Convention are issued notarial certificates, which also authenticates the issuing official’s signature. The Florida Secretary of State is the only designated Competent Authority to issue apostilles in the State of Florida.
OBTAINING AN APOSTILLE OR NOTARIAL CERTIFICATE IS A 2-STEP PROCESS THAT INVOLVES BOTH THE FLORIDA BUREAU OF VITAL STATISTICS AND THE FLORIDA DEPARMTENT OF STATE, DIVISION OF CORPORATIONS.
Before ordering, we urge you to contact the nearest consulate or embassy for the country in which you will be using the apostille or notarial certificate to obtain their requirements for the vital record certificate.
Any person who willfully and knowingly provides any false information on a certificate, record or report required by Chapter 382, Florida Statutes, or on an application or affidavit, or who obtains confidential information from any Vital Record under false or fraudulent purposes, commits a felony of the third degree, punishable as provided in Chapter 775, Florida Statutes.
LINKS TO FORMS:
Apostille Birth Application (English)
Apostille Death Application (English)
Apostille Marriage Application
Apostille Single Status Application
Apostille Dissolution Application
Affidavit to Release Birth Certificate
Affidavit to Release Death Certificate with Cause of Death
If you have any questions about obtaining a vital record certificate to be used for the apostille or notarial process, please contact us at 904-359-6900 extension 9006 or e-mail us at: VitalStats@FLHealth.gov.
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https://www.pharmaceutical-technology.com/features/dangvaxia-philippines/
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Dengvaxia in the Philippines: Impact of the Dengue Vaccine
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2019-12-16T14:45:00+00:00
|
Discover the controversy surrounding Dangvaxia in the Philippines in our insightful feature. Explore the challenges, implications, and lessons learned
|
en
|
Pharmaceutical Technology
|
https://www.pharmaceutical-technology.com/features/dangvaxia-philippines/
|
Dengvaxia Implementation in the Philippines
The Philippines is in the midst of a national epidemic of dengue fever, a mosquito-borne tropical disease that causes flu-like symptoms and can be life-threatening, particularly to children if it develops into the more severe form of the disease. The country has attributed at least 622 deaths to the disease this year, a 98% year-on-year increase, prompting authorities to declare a national epidemic in August.
Immunisation rates for dengue in the Philippines have fallen dramatically just a few years after the world’s first dengue vaccination programme – using Sanofi’s live attenuated vaccine Dengvaxia (CYD-TDV) – was rolled out in the country’s schools. Below are the key dates in the rise and sudden fall of Dengvaxia in the Philippines, and the urgent unmet need that still exists in the response to dengue outbreaks.
April 2016: Dengvaxia’s launch in the Philippines
In the spring of 2016, Dengvaxia had a high-profile launch in the Philippines, as the country – having been involved in every phase of clinical development – became the first in the world to access the live recombinant tetravalent vaccine. The Department of Health spent $67m on Dengvaxia and kicked off a mass immunisation programme with the aim of vaccinating a million students by the end of the year.
Sanofi also had high hopes for Dengvaxia, the development of which had taken 20 years and cost around $1.8bn. Officials predicted that the vaccine – which helps protect against all four serotypes of dengue – would drive down infection rates by 24% within the next five years, and Sanofi looked well-positioned to reap the benefits of offering the first-ever dengue vaccine to global markets. By October 2016, Dengvaxia had received regulatory approval from 10 other countries, including Mexico, Brazil and Indonesia.
November 2017: safety concerns after relabelling
More than six months later, after more than 830,000 children had received at least one dose of the vaccine (Dengvaxia is administered as three injections, with six-month intervals), Sanofi announced that it was changing its label to restrict its use to only those who had already been exposed to dengue virus. Having reanalysed its trial results, Sanofi said the evidence now suggested that dengue-naïve people who received the vaccine could be vulnerable to more severe infections.
Some dengue researchers, including a team from the University of Minnesota, said they had long predicted this risk due to the dengue-specific phenomenon of antibody-dependent enhancement (ADE) – the same mechanism that often makes repeat infections more serious. Sanofi argued that ADE might not be the full story, but in the meantime the Department of Health immediately suspended the immunisation drive.
February 2018: a national scandal
Within a few months, the potential implications of the vaccination drive had become a national scandal, and blame was being cast at pharma firms and health department officials alike. Allegations surfaced that the vaccine was linked to the deaths of several children, and in February the Philippines Public Attorney’s Office filed a lawsuit against government officials and executives of Sanofi and distributor Zuellig Pharma. The suit sought damages claiming that a 10-year-old girl died after receiving the vaccine despite the fact that she had a pre-existing condition.
December 2018: European approval
Elsewhere, Sanofi continued seeking regulatory approval for Dengvaxia for use in those who have already been exposed to dengue fever, and in December 2018, the European Commission granted marketing approval for the vaccine to be used in already-exposed individuals aged nine to 45 years and living in dengue-endemic regions.
“In some of the European overseas territories where dengue recurs regularly, people who have had a dengue infection previously are at risk of being infected with the virus again,” said Sanofi Pasteur’s head of global medical affairs Su-Peing Ng. “As the second infection with dengue tends to be more severe than the first, it is important to be able to offer these people a vaccine that could help protect them against subsequent dengue infections,” she said.
February 2019: licence revoked in the Philippines
While Dengvaxia’s use was suspended after Sanofi’s update in November 2017, its long-term future was still in question until February this year, when the Philippines Food and Drug Administration permanently withdrew the vaccine’s licence; the regulator’s director general Nela Charade Puno said the decision had been made because Sanofi failed to comply with its post-marketing commitments.
Meanwhile, the Dengvaxia scandal had by this time become the subject of two congressional inquiries and a criminal investigation. In March, the Department of Justice said it had enough evidence to charge both staff of Sanofi and Philippine health officials, including former Health Minister Janette Garin. The department argued the named defendants had ignored “the identified risks and adverse effects of the vaccine” and were responsible for the subsequent deaths. While a panel of medical specialists are gathering information about the alleged link, to date no conclusive evidence has been presented that connects the deaths to Dengvaxia specifically.
May 2019: US approval
Dengvaxia was approved by the US Food and Drug Administration in May, having been granted a priority review by the agency. Approved under the same restrictions as its licence in Europe, Dengvaxia is authorised for use in dengue-endemic areas of the US, including Puerto Rico, Guam and American Samoa.
August 2019: reviewing Dengvaxia amid an epidemic
With dengue cases surging in the first half of 2019 and Dengvaxia the only approved vaccine option, the Philippine government considered reintroducing the vaccine on the condition that all participants are pre-screened to confirm that they have had previous exposure to dengue.
“If Dengvaxia is proven effective to those who already had dengue in the past, then its application to these individuals will surely cause the decline of the overall number of cases,” said presidential spokesman Salvador Panelo in August.
On 22 August, however, the Department of Health rejected Sanofi’s appeal to overturn the FDA’s ban on Dengvaxia, with the department again citing the company’s failure to submit post-marketing data including risk management plans. A statement by health officials noted that re-approving the vaccine “is for the FDA to act upon”, leaving the door open to a reversal of the decision if Sanofi can satisfy the regulator on its post-marketing work.
September 2019: tough questions
There is currently nothing to suggest that Dengvaxia is linked in any way to the deaths that have been at the centre of the allegations, and the vaccine’s subsequent approval by European and American authorities validates Sanofi’s statements that it is effective and safe when administered correctly.
Nevertheless, the controversy in the Philippines raises troubling questions around the governance of this immunisation drive, and how, despite years of clinical studies, the vaccine was allowed to be administered to those who may have been harmed by it. Without rock-solid safety data and careful management, a vaccination campaign could easily be seen as an exploitative gamble with public safety.
“When you are the first in class, we’re the ones having to develop and understand the science as we go,” Sanofi’s Ng told Reuters in December 2017.
Dengvaxia alternatives
In the meantime, the race is on for an alternative dengue vaccine that overcomes the exposure issue that held back Dengvaxia. Takeda’s candidate TAK-003 is based on an attenuated version of live dengue 2 virus rather than Dengvaxia’s yellow fever, and late-stage trial results earlier this year have demonstrated effective protection against all four dengue serotypes, regardless of previous exposure to the virus.
Another vaccine candidate based on live dengue virus is being developed by scientists at the US National Institutes of Health and the Butantan Institute in Brazil, and licensed to Merck for commercialisation. TV003/TV005 has seen promising results in antibody response to all dengue serotypes and producing T-cell immunity.
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https://academic.oup.com/jhmas/article/62/1/1/724958
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en
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Immunization and Hygiene in the Colonial Philippines
|
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[
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] | null |
[
"Anderson, Warwick"
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2006-07-28T00:00:00
|
Abstract. Vaccination and the enforcement of stipulations of personal hygiene can be viewed as different mechanisms of colonial government. Immunization ca
|
en
|
//oup.silverchair-cdn.com/UI/app/img/v-638576256025047103/apple-touch-icon.png
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OUP Academic
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https://academic.oup.com/jhmas/article/62/1/1/724958
|
Abstract
Vaccination and the enforcement of stipulations of personal hygiene can be viewed as different mechanisms of colonial government. Immunization campaigns reach and register populations, but they may also appear to obviate the need for behavioral reform. Hygiene education implies the development of a disciplined, self-governing citizenry, although in the colonial setting validation of such attainment is usually deferred. This article explores the tension between mechanisms of security (immunization) and drill (hygiene) in the Philippines, under the United States’ colonial regime, in the early twentieth century.
InColonizing the Body, David Arnold called the introduction of mass vaccination against smallpox during the late nineteenth century a “remarkable demonstration of the interventionist ambitions and capabilities of western medicine in India.” And yet, despite the obvious efficacy and cheapness of vaccination, a general feeling emerged that “vaccination was a distinctive form of medical activity that did not provide a suitable base or blueprint for the wider development of state medicine and public health.” In the 1870s, efforts in British India to merge vaccination departments with the newly established sanitary departments failed, in part because vaccinators were deemed ignorant of sanitation. Arnold thus points to a paradox: vaccination, whether as symbol or act, epitomized the interventionist ambitions of the colonial state, even as that same state increasingly displayed an “ambivalent or hesitant attitude” toward it.1 In this article I intend to explore some of the tensions that can develop between intervention and government, ambiguities that are also expressed in the differences between vaccination and hygiene, or safeguard and discipline.
Arnold blames technical difficulties and widespread fears of a political backlash for the reticence of the British colonial state to vaccinate widely. No doubt such concerns would make even the most aggressive health officer think twice before urging compulsion. But we should also consider the rising interest in the reform of personal and domestic hygiene that accompanies disinclination toward mass vaccination. That is, we should recognize that the more effectively vaccination appears to protect from disease, the fewer opportunities might be offered to discipline a population. When a modern colonial state attempts to frame civic identities through rituals of disease avoidance, vaccination can provide an exemption—admittedly partial—from the consequences of disobeying the laws of hygiene. If a vaccine were available for typhoid, why would a disciplinary state, bent on reforming local customs and habits, want to make use of it? Take for example the American colonial state in the Philippines during the early twentieth century. American health officers dedicated themselves to altering local diet, toilet practices, housing, and clothing; they enjoined native inhabitants to treat their bodies and their excreta with caution; contact increasingly implied risk. The new tropical hygiene was predicated on limiting the transmission through local human and insect populations of recently identified microbial pathogens.2 In the circumstances, then, automatic biological protection against disease might have allowed locals to outmaneuver a “civilizing” process based on disease avoidance. A vaccine, of questionable efficacy, was indeed available against typhoid for most of this period; but until the 1920s it was used only for troops.3 The Philippines under the “progressive” and interventionist American regime thus serves as another example of state reticence to vaccinate civilians, but not for the reasons commonly adduced in histories of colonial public health.
The emerging pattern of typhoid vaccination in the early years of the twentieth century is especially revealing. A large-scale program of British troop inoculation in the Boer War (1899–1902) appeared to reduce the incidence of enteric fever among the vaccinated, but the statistical analysis was flawed and contestable. It was also evident that the vaccinated suffered severe side effects. In 1904, the British army suspended the routine inoculation of troops heading for South Africa and India and emphasized instead sanitary precautions against the disease. But anti-typhoid immunization gradually became more acceptable. In 1906 an improved version of typhoid vaccine was reintroduced for soldiers in India; and inoculation became compulsory for all members of the Indian Civil Service in 1912, though its use among civilians remained limited. During World War I, more than 90% of the volunteer British force in France was immunized, though anti-vaccinationists and liberal politicians ensured that it never became compulsory.4 By 1911, all American troops were compelled to submit to typhoid inoculation. The pattern becomes clear: biological protection where possible for state officers and military personnel, with intensive hygiene reform of civilians or natives.
Yet it is vaccination—and not hygiene—that we continue to regard as the most interventionist feature of state medicine. It is not hard to understand why. Vaccination involves forcible restraint and handling of the body; it may have perceptible physiological effect; and often a scar will remain. Before bacteriologists expanded their understanding of the role of the body in the transmission of disease organisms, vaccinators were the health officers most likely to track down and inspect local populations. Health departments were sending inspectors into schools to check on unvaccinated children long before they sought to detect children with communicable diseases.5 So there are plausible phenomenological and historical reasons to view vaccination as an especially egregious state intervention. But in focusing on vaccination, we may miss other medical agitations of social life that are more productive and lasting, though less obvious.
If the target of vaccination—revealed in references to “herd immunity”—is primarily the social body, the goal of hygiene is reform of the individual body. One practice thus biologically regularizes a population; the other produces an individuation.6 One is, in a sense, a technology of security; the other, a technology of drill. Vaccination therefore belongs to an older military model of the campaign, while hygiene follows a military logic of occupation (in effect, a missionary-military model, which Hubert Lyautey and other promoters of “small wars” doctrine were doing much to make popular at the turn of the nineteenth century). One is more-or-less repressive in its power; the other, more-or-less disciplinary.7 But these distinctions are, of course, far too absolute, and perhaps of no more than heuristic value. I hope the rest of the article will complicate these dichotomies, reveal their mutual articulation, and so make them useful in understanding the ambiguous relationship between the state and mass vaccination programs.
VACCINATION IN THE COLONIAL PHILIPPINES
For most of the nineteenth century, smallpox was an exception in western disease theory; even in the early twentieth century, when in many ways it offered a model for explaining disease etiology and prevention, smallpox could still call forth unconventional responses. From the European Middle Ages, it was known that the disease was contagious—a disease of contact, not place—and that infection was followed by increased resisting power of the tissues. Smallpox, or variola, was mostly a disease of children, and appeared universal in its distribution. The history of its prevention through inoculation or variolation, and later by Jennerian vaccination, is well known.8 Vaccination evidently worked on the principle that a mild case of disease protects an individual from further attacks. Smallpox was exceptional in that the material that excited this resistance was available; for other diseases, despite repeated efforts to invoke the same principles of immunity, no comparable material was found, though many claimed some success in using morbilization to prevent measles.9 So smallpox seemed doubly extraordinary: first, as an indubitable contagion; second, as a disease that could be prevented through biological means. By the 1870s, most European nations enforced compulsory vaccination laws; in Germany, revaccination at twelve years also had been made compulsory, to prevent “varioloid,” or smallpox of the vaccinated.10 In colonial India, the British passed compulsory vaccination laws in 1880, but they proved difficult to enforce.11 Most of the northeastern states of the United States had compulsory school vaccination laws at this time, though many midwestern and southern states continued to resist moves to enact vaccination statutes until the 1890s. Not until 1894 did Pennsylvania pass a compulsory school vaccination law, soon after suffering a widespread smallpox outbreak. But by 1900, according to John Duffy, Pennsylvania had finally established an “effective statewide program of compulsory vaccination.”12
In the late nineteenth century, compulsory vaccination statutes were also passed in the Philippines under the Spanish colonial regime, but their enforcement was generally perfunctory, except in response to occasional smallpox outbreaks. The central board of vaccination had been producing and distributing lymph since 1806; by 1898, there were 122 regular vacunadores working in the provinces and major towns. Even so, smallpox remained a serious and recurrent threat to public health in the islands under the Spanish.13 Many Filipinos shunned the vaccinators, who were in any case often underpaid and disinclined to seek out the fainthearted. Moreover, the vaccine was often ineffective, or variably potent.
Later a target for American criticism, the Spanish colonial health system at the end of the nineteenth century was relatively modern in its aspirations, even if its achievements were insubstantial.14 Provincial medical officers, the médicos titulares, had first been appointed in 1876; and the Superior Board of Health and Charity, equivalent to a public health department, was established in 1883 and expanded in 1888. Since 1877, Filipino medical doctors had been able to graduate from the University of Santo Tomás. An effective quarantine service was in place, and provision had been made for the isolation of those suffering from infectious diseases. Toward the end of the century, health authorities began to press into service the new knowledge of microbial causes of disease—but they were not far advanced in this endeavor, and their innovations would soon be undone by war. Nevertheless, in 1887 the government had created the Laboratorio Municipal de Manila in order to examine food, water, and clinical specimens.15
During the Philippine-American war of 1898–1902, the Spanish health system broke down completely. As they advanced, American forces established in its place a new stratum of public health institutions, based directly on a military model.16 The interim military board of health for Manila, organized in September 1898, developed the fundamental arrangements for sanitation and health care delivery in the city. It divided the city into ten districts and appointed a municipal physician to each. During this period, separate hospitals for smallpox, leprosy, and venereal diseases were established, and a veterinary corps was organized. In August 1899, the board added a bacteriological department to its municipal laboratory and set up a plague hospital. A municipal dispensary opened in late 1899. One of the principal achievements of this military board was its vaccination program. Although fortunate enough not to have to contend initially with cholera, the board did need to contain the smallpox that had become endemic in Manila. High temperatures had rendered inert the vaccine virus sent from the United States, so it was necessary to find a local source for the immunizing agent. One of the military board’s first decisions was to reopen the old Spanish vaccine farm and standardize its production in horses and caribao. A corps of carefully supervised vaccinators soon roamed the streets: by the middle of 1899, they had “properly” vaccinated almost 80,000 people.17
The health ordinance promulgated on 6 April 1901 became the foundation of a new civil health organization: it was the basis of all subsequent ordinances and of the sanitary code. The ordinance was designed principally to control the spread of infectious disease among the islands’ population. It provided, among other things, that a physician called to visit or examine any case of infectious or contagious disease should immediately isolate the patient and notify the health authorities by telephone or “postal card.” The term “infectious or contagious disease” included smallpox; cholera; chicken pox; plague; diphtheria; ship or typhus fever; typhoid; spotted, relapsing, yellow, and scarlet fevers; measles; leprosy; and anthrax (but not the undoubtedly insect-borne diseases such as malaria or dengue).18 Any building, locality, or ship infected by these diseases would be quarantined. The ordinance also regulated the selling of food by street vendors, the condition of tenements, and night soil collection. A system of sanitary inspectors—separate from the vaccinators—was organized to check for violations of the regulations. Manila was divided into ten districts—as it had been under the military board—with an American medical officer, and subordinate Filipino inspectors, responsible for each division. Furthermore, the ordinance contained a compulsory vaccination clause, which made it the duty of everyone in Manila to be successfully vaccinated each year.19 Compulsory vaccination was later extended throughout the provinces, requiring everyone in the archipelago to present a certificate of vaccination signed by the president of the municipal board of health, a public vaccinator, or a qualified physician.
Victor G. Heiser, the director of the civil health service, was particularly proud of the rigor with which he enforced smallpox vaccination in the islands. The annual deaths from smallpox during the Philippine-American war were estimated at 40,000; yet in 1913, only 823 deaths were reported.20 What, the health authorities asked, was responsible for “this almost unbelievable reduction”? Their answer, quite simply, was vaccination. The chief vaccinator under the Spanish regime had recorded 9,136 vaccinations in Manila between 3 November 1894 and 25 October 1898. In contrast, the American authorities—aware of the “necessity for constant vigilance in this disease”21—performed 103,931 vaccinations in 1899 alone, and almost 18 million by 1914.22 Even so, the coverage of these campaigns was generally more limited than their promoters admitted, with the exception, perhaps, of an unusually thorough general vaccination in 1905. Probably not more than half the vaccinations were successful. Smallpox remained endemic in the archipelago, its incidence increasing again by the 1920s.23
Most Filipinos, mindful of the smallpox outbreak during the war, came voluntarily to the vaccinators, but the few who did not were tracked down. During the early vaccination programs, soldiers often accompanied the vaccinators. Sometimes Filipinos actively resisted their serological protectors. In Batangas in 1902, the teams would “enter first the most crowded houses and drive the inmates to the farthest room, then working at the doorway, natives are led out singly and each of any age not showing pock-marks, vaccinated.”24 But in the pacified areas, where vaccinators depended more on the cooperation of local officials, such military thoroughness was not often achieved. Even after repeated sweeps of the archipelago, it was still suspected that a low level of “smallpox infection apparently exists everywhere in the islands, and it will make its appearance in any community in which there are unvaccinated persons.”25 Control of the disease, then, warranted constant inspection of every town and barrio, along with recurrent mass vaccination—forced, if necessary.26 But it was, an army medical officer recalled, “no small problem to sanitate eight millions of semi-civilized and savage people, inhabiting scores of islands with the aggregate area of a continent.”27
TOWARD A SANITARY IMMUNITY
Mass vaccination against smallpox was evidently an important activity of American colonial health authorities in the Philippines. These campaigns, conducted with a military rigor, permitted the early registration of the population of the archipelago and its continuing surveillance. Smallpox vaccination was thus one of the first medical means of intervening in Philippine social life. Vaccination had symbolic importance, too. For Heiser and his successors, the control of contagious disease in the archipelago indicated the beneficence of American occupation: health officers were saving the Orient from itself, leading its people onto the path of science, progress, and health. The heroic smallpox vaccination campaigns therefore required an early expansion of the personnel of the health department; the sedimentation of health work over the whole archipelago; and reiteration of the need for efficient and scientific public health officers. Smallpox vaccination had been a good way of growing a health bureaucracy, but once grown, the organization dedicated itself to civic programs.
In the early twentieth century, the enforcement of stipulations of personal and domestic hygiene was by far the major concern of the mature Philippines public health department. Heiser, for example, imagined himself “washing up the Orient,” not just vaccinating it. Sanitary engineering, especially the provision of clean water, was not neglected, but Heiser and his colleagues generally regarded major public works as extravagant and impractical in such an impoverished colony. Disease prevention increasingly involved education and isolation, focusing on the regulation of social life as a means to control the transmission of newly identified microbial pathogens. But the “peculiar” and refractory social life of Filipinos supposedly complicated the sanitary officer’s task. Heiser lamented the profusion of their “incurable habits.” He cited as obstacles the “unsuitable dietary of the people, their peculiar superstitions concerning the contraction of the disease, their almost unshakable fear of night air as a poisonous thing, a fear which has kept their houses tightly closed at night for generations past, their habit of chewing betel nut which has made the custom of expectorating in public . . . universal.”28 Heiser declared that “they will have to be first cured of their superstitions, which is as great a task as converting them to new religion; houses will have to be open at night, betel nut chewing gradually abolished, and then a gigantic anti-spitting crusade begun, and, last of all, comes the Herculean task of rousing them out of their inertia.”29 Health authorities reached out to those who had not yet contracted disease, to emphasize that “they live in constant danger of infection,” and to point out that “the path of safety lies in the maintenance of good general health through the observance of simple rules of right living.”30 The major goal of the progressive colonial public health department was the reform of pathological social habits—not, primarily, vaccination, and rarely the improvement of environmental, economic, or industrial conditions.
In developing programs to modify Filipino customs and habits—whether through education or inspection—the Bureau of Health attempted to inculcate a distrust of the body and its products, a dread of personal contact, and a respect for American sanitary wisdom.31 Colonial authorities targeted toilet practices, food handling, dietary customs, and housing design; they rebuilt the markets, using the more hygienic concrete, and suppressed unsanitary fiestas; they assumed the power to examine Filipinos at random, and to disinfect, fumigate, and medicate at will. It was the hygienic state—more than the immunizing state—that sanctioned, as never before in the archipelago, a reformation of everyday life and personal knowledge. To engage in this enterprise during the first years of American occupation would have been futile: the new colonial authority was not yet organized for persuasion, and its emissaries were too few to develop a rigorous apparatus of inspection. Extension of American control over the archipelago, and the early diffusion of an advance force of vaccinators, soon permitted such intervention—which in itself would further ramify colonial authority.
The crusade for “cleanliness” sharpened social divisions (and legitimated social categories) in the Philippines, further separating colonized from colonizers, the sick from the healthy, native disease carriers from non-immune foreigners. Strict enforcement of the rules of personal and domestic hygiene promised multiple benefits: local populations, less manifestly unwell, would be able to work more efficiently; and, less likely to carry disease organisms, they would present fewer dangers to Europeans (whose own disease-carrying capacity generally was ignored). Tropical public health was principally a localized form of industrial hygiene, first for the colonizer, and then for the laboring colonized. And clearly the policy of education and supervision had other advantages. Its goal of nurturing self-control among Filipinos offered both to absolve the authorities from major environmental and social reform—so promising the great financial savings never far from a colonial administrator’s thoughts—and to accord in the most progressive style with the new science of disease causation, transmission, and acquisition.
Elsewhere, I have linked the increasing emphasis on hygiene in colonial medicine to the changing character of colonial warfare, choosing to emphasize new styles of military deployment and management more than innovation in laboratory practice.32 Germ theory was a resource for new medical strategies, not their cause. A public health system modeled on colonial warfare is considerably different from any derived from notions of continental warfare: colonial wars are fought in remote countries over large areas of unknown territory with the aim not the destruction of the enemy, but, as Jean Gottman has pointed out, the “organization of the conquered peoples and territory under a particular control.”33 The aim is to occupy and organize subjugated territories. In 1900, Hubert Lyautey announced a new principle of colonial strategy: avoid the column and replace it with “progressive occupation.” (In fact, this was a codification of what had already emerged in practice.) “Military occupation,” he wrote, “consists less in military operations than in an organization on the march.” The idea was to cover new territory with a network of disciplinary structures, including a network of hygiene. Colonial warfare at the turn of the century was recognized as inseparable from administration. According to Lyautey, “the occupation deposits the units in the soil like sedimentary strata”—it creates a new, more favorable, terrain.34 As a historian of colonial warfare has commented, “instead of bringing death to the theater of operations, the aim [was] to create life within it.”35 In the early twentieth century, hygiene thus moves out of the enclave or garrison, and becomes an operational constituent of the military management of colonial populations, a specified part of the new strategy of colonial warfare. It is within this administrative structure—a colonial amalgam of medicine and the military—that bacteriology and parasitology eventually are recognized as useful tools. In relation to vaccination, then, my point is this: it resembles an older continental military operation—a remnant embedded in modern health strategy—while the new hygiene, as an “organization on the march,” does more to create a favorable terrain for the colonial state. Each follows a different military model, with different consequences.
It is as easy to overstate this emerging concern with hygiene as it has been to ignore it. Development of vaccines was, of course, as much a part of the new bacteriology as was the prevention of disease transmission through reform of personal conduct. Louis Pasteur, assuming that cowpox was an attenuated form of smallpox (even though he could isolate no microbe), had developed the principles of active immunization with living, attenuated cultures. He experimented with immunization against anthrax and rabies, using infective material of lowered virulence: even when attenuated, this material appeared to retain the property of antigenicity. When Pasteur, in 1881, managed to produce immunity to anthrax in sheep, he called the non-virulent antigenic material a “vaccine,” in honor of Jenner. In 1896, Almroth Wright produced active immunity to typhoid with a killed bacterial vaccine. Trials on 4,000 volunteers in the Indian army between 1898 and 1902, using broth cultures of bacilli killed by exposure to high temperatures and 0.4% Lysol, gave encouraging results but also severe local and general reactions.36
By the end of the nineteenth century, it was evident that the injection of germs in an attenuated state, or when dead, could confer a resistance to many communicable diseases. The list of candidate vaccines might be expanded indefinitely. In 1896, Wilhelm Kolle had prepared a heat-killed cholera vaccine that gained some epidemiological support but was not widely taken up. The next year, in India, Waldemar Haffkine developed a plague vaccine, using a broth culture of the organism (isolated by Yersin and Kitasato in 1894), heat-killed and phenolized. Within a few weeks, over 8,000 people were inoculated in Bombay; millions of doses were later produced in the Plague Research Laboratory. During 1902–1903, over half the military in the Punjab was vaccinated against plague, with an apparent reduction in case incidence and mortality. (But the Mulkowal disaster, in 1902, when tetanus contamination killed nineteen recipients, helped to mute enthusiasm for plague vaccination.) During this period, laboratory researchers also were adding a variety of antitoxins—most significantly, against diphtheria and tetanus—to these expanding serological resources.37
A large variety of sera and vaccines were developed and kept in stock in the serum laboratory of the Bureau of Science in the Philippines. In the laboratory’s early years, the preparation of anti-rinderpest serum and of smallpox vaccine constituted the bulk of its work, but it also issued diphtheria, plague, and tetanus antitoxins.38 By 1909, it was offering tuberculin; vaccines for cholera, anthrax, gonococcus, and Staph. aureus and S. albus; and sera for diphtheria, cholera, typhoid, plague, and dysentery.39 In 1913, anti-meningococcic serum was added to the list. Even carcinoma tissue from Filipino patients in the wards of the Philippines General Hospital was dried and pulverized at the serum laboratories to produce a vaccine against carcinoma.40 Of course most of these products were experimental; their profusion indicates more an enthusiasm for the potential of the new serology than any confidence in its current efficacy. But all the same, a few products were clearly effective. By 1918, the serum laboratory was producing annually enough vaccine virus to effectively vaccinate two million people against smallpox.41
Serum development—fundamentally a service role—also provided opportunities for creditable “original investigation.” Indeed, Paul Freer, the director of the Bureau of Science, noted that “in the Serum Laboratory as in any other the value of the research work is apparent. The last word on the manufacture of serums and prophylactics has not by any means been rendered.”42 And yet, he continued, “so much of the time of the force is taken by the actual care of the animals and in making serums for which at present there is a demand,” that many worthwhile projects had been put aside. The staff nevertheless found time to experiment with using glycerine in the preparation of vaccine virus;43 Rüdiger investigated the etiology of rinderpest;44 and a vast array of immunological agents continued to be developed and tested in this period.45 The most notable local innovation was Richard P. Strong’s production of a more effective cholera vaccine.46 In 1918, sera and vaccines were displayed at the Asamblea Regional de Médicos y Farmaceúticos to teach Filipino physicians how to obtain and use a variety of immunological agents. Photographs on display there showed the serum stables, bleeding house, and the process of obtaining blood from horses to make sera and vaccines. (Many physicians later visited the Bureau itself, where they were entertained by J. A. Johnston’s demonstration of the motility of cholera vibrios, “showing the scintillating, darting movements” of the organisms.47)
Clinical trials of the new immunological products at Bilibid Prison were common in the first decade of the century. Early in September 1905, for instance, one-half of the prisoners received cholera vaccine: the resultant “herd immunity” seemed to reduce the spread of the disease.48 But perhaps the most memorable—and infamous—of these studies was Strong’s inoculation of twenty-four inmates with a new live cholera vaccine that had somehow become contaminated with plague organisms.49 A virulent plague culture had been accidentally mixed with the cholera cultures. All the men sickened, and thirteen died. After an investigation, Strong was exonerated. Strong had, though, conducted the inoculations “in the convalescent ward [where] he ordered all the prisoners there to form a line . . . without telling them what he was going to do, nor consulting their wishes in the matter.”50 Neither cholera nor plague was prevalent in the prison at the time. The investigating committee suggested that Strong had forgotten “the respect due every human being in not having asked the consent of persons inoculated.” It enjoined the governor-general to order that no one would be subjected to “experiment without prior determination of the character of that experiment by authorities . . . nor without having first gained the expressed consent of the person subject to it.”51
Clearly vaccine development could be a creditable, if risky, field of investigation even in a state increasingly dedicated to hygiene reform. But the new candidate vaccines were used primarily in the military in the Philippines; even the expatriate American community was allowed no automatic biological protection from local diseases.52 No one proposed any additional mass vaccination campaign; the response to outbreaks of plague, typhoid, and cholera did not include vaccination of Filipinos. Freer extolled experiments based on the theory that “a natural immunity may be increased or one which is scarcely existent may be rendered apparent and protective by the introduction of cells, or the products of these cells.”53 But the actual use of vaccines remained limited. Whether for technical, financial, or governmental reasons, the health authorities continued to rely on stipulations of personal hygiene to control the transmission of pathogens, rather than deliver an automatic immunological protection that might render such rules of proper conduct medically unnecessary. Until the 1920s, smallpox vaccination was the only large-scale program of biological protection for civilians in the archipelago.
CONCLUSION
The medical response to smallpox remained exceptional even when it had become, in theory at least, paradigmatic. There are a number of reasons for this singularity. Smallpox vaccine was cheaper than most others, and, since the introduction of glycerinated lymph in the 1890s, often more reliable. Its use was hallowed by long tradition. And smallpox itself was a notoriously contagious disease, not likely to be contained by even the most stringent of hygienic stipulations. Just as importantly, smallpox vaccination had become an effective means of building up a public health bureaucracy: Judith W. Leavitt has observed that in the United States, too, the effect of a smallpox outbreak was “typically to increase the power and effectiveness of the health department.”54 In his study of state vaccination in Victorian Britain, R. J. Lambert argues that “technocrats,” not politicians or the public, used compulsory vaccination to construct a “medical department of state.”55 Although mass vaccination became the symbol of an interventionist and repressive state, it more accurately indicated the state’s sensitivity to pressure from the medical profession or public health bureaucrats. But in the early twentieth century, vaccination fitted uneasily with a governmental discourse increasingly committed to socialization. State support for vaccination programs became more ambiguous. Smallpox prevention allowed a government to reach, but not to grasp, the people: once it had reached them, it would have them acquire a form of civility, not antibodies. Hygiene, not vaccination, thus became the watchword of health departments everywhere.56
In 1978 at Alma Ata, representatives of the member states of the World Health Organization declared their support for primary health care—indicating a concern to target health education and provision at the level previously occupied by hygiene alone. In particular, the conference emphasized the need for education concerning health problems, promotion of proper nutrition and safe water supplies, maternal and child health care, prevention and control of local endemic disease, and the provision of essential drugs. Immunization against major infectious diseases, previously approached “vertically” as single-focus projects aimed at a specific disease, was to become enmeshed in the delivery of general primary health care.57 But many international health experts regarded such a comprehensive program as impractical and too expensive: they promoted instead a more selective strategy, which underpinned the later universal child immunization program and specific disease eradication goals.58 The tension between such “vertical” and “horizontal” programs, too often rendered simply as a struggle between opposites, has generated considerable controversy among international health experts; it has also echoed, if faintly, many of the earlier divergences in the approaches of vaccinologists and hygienists. Debabar Banerji, for example, argues that the focus on immunization in selective primary health care perpetuates the “short-term technocentric approaches” that characterized the mass BCG campaign and the malaria and smallpox eradication programs. In contrast, through comprehensive primary health care, “the entire edifice of the health services might be built with a mix of technology and administrative structure, tailor-made to serve the interests of the people.”59 On the other hand, Peter Wright provocatively advocates a technical approach that does not become complicated by educational efforts: although the smallpox eradication program often resembled an old-fashioned military campaign, it did work (and it did expand the international health services). He praises immunization, for it is “a vehicle that runs independently of social customs and is a means to improve health without being a mechanism for social change.”60
In other words, the more effectively vaccination intervenes, the less useful it is as a vehicle for social discipline. But perhaps the response to AIDS provides the best illustration. Wright laments that the prevention of HIV transmission currently depends on an “individualized educational component and understanding of cultures” in order to change the “basic structures of social (and sexual) intercourse.”61 A vaccine, to some extent, would make such social reform unnecessary, but would its use, however “coercive,” promote the interests of a modern state dedicated to the colonization of the bodies of its citizens? Probably not so effectively as current stipulations of sexual and social hygiene, delivered at the level of primary health care.
“The modern state,” Paul Greenough writes, “is in a position to demand that its citizens surrender their immune systems as a public duty.”62 But such a submission is among the less exacting demands that a modern state can make.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank Paul Greenough for advice on earlier versions of this article, and Martin Gibbs and Kiko Benitez for research assistance.
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https://nkti.gov.ph/index.php/news/newsroom/488-ready-for-bigger-challenges-all-about-the-new-secretary-of-health
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Ready for Bigger Challenges: All About the New Secretary of Health
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Asia's Leading Kidney and Transplant Center
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After some months at the start of a new government administration, several government agencies are getting a fresh new look. The Department of Health (DOH) is having a new secretary in the person of Dr. Enrique T. Ona, former Executive Director of National Kidney and Transplant Institute.
The post of the DOH secretary plays a vital role in the transformation that the Aquino administration wants to happen. The Secretary should be able to lead and implement projects, programs and laws concerning health for the Filipino people. He is tasked to uphold this challenge because health is a basic human right and our country needs a healthy citizenry and population.
Dr. Enrique Ona, undoubtedly one of the Philippines’ best in the field of vascular and organ transplantation surgery, is a native of Sagay City, Negros Occidental. Dr. Ona graduated from the University of the Philippines College of Medicine in 1962. After passing the licensure exam for physicians, he took his residency training in surgery at Long Island College Hospital in Brooklyn, New York which earned him the position of chief resident. He later obtained fellowship degrees in surgery and experimental surgery in Boston and New York. All the trainings with other doctors from prestigious medical schools such as Harvard made Dr. Ona realized that he was actually at par with them. He quips “Kaya ko rin pala ang mga ginagawa nila,” he humbly thought to himself. It was then that he decided to train further as a Colombo Scholar in Organ transplantation at Cambridge University in England.
Soon afterwards, realizing his social responsibility as a Filipino, Dr. Ona came back to the Philippines to pioneer in what was then lacking in the country – organ transplantation. Thus began his enviable record as a leader in his profession. He organized medical congresses and symposia, became an active member of international medical organizations and even had time for research. In 1979, he was recognized as the Outstanding Filipino Physician for Medicine. At present, he is the President of the Transplantation Society of the Philippines.
One of the highlights of his career was his radical work in transforming NKTI to what it is now. The belief that quality training, service and research are all possible if done systematically and with passion, Dr. Ona transformed the NKTI from being a fire-ravaged hospital into a modern, state-of-the-art health institution. He established the most modern hemodialysis center in Southeast Asia and a word-class laboratory for hematology and oncology. Under his leadership, the Institute developed strategic planning processes for procuring funds to be used in the institution’s advancement and at the same time credited as a self sustaining hospital. Indeed, much of what the NKTI is at present can be attributed to his outstanding ability and determination.
As Sec. Ona assumed his new post as Department of Health Secretary, we accompany him with our utmost support and prayers to be successful in this new endeavour. We know that the contributions he will make for the Philippine health care delivery system will be viable and integral considering that he has been part of the government system for many years. We are happy that government hospitals nationwide will soon improve for the best and most Filipinos will enjoy universal Philhealth coverage the soonest.
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https://irr.azdhs.gov/irr-form.php
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Immunization Record Request Form
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In order to streamline support requests and better serve you, we utilize a support ticket system. Every support request is assigned a unique ticket number which you can use to track the progress and responses online. For your reference we provide complete archives and history of all your support requests. A valid email address is required to submit a request.
All immunization record requests must be accompanied by documents that identify the person requesting the immunization record. Examples of acceptable forms of identification are a state-issued photo driver's license with address, a state-issued photo identification card with address or a U.S. passport or passport card with photo. Please lighten the copy of the identification cards.
If the record requested is for a minor under 18 years of age, please state your relationship to the minor in the "Requestor's Relationship" field.
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https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/topstories/nation/849435/vergeire-says-cascolan-very-qualified-to-be-appointed-to-doh/story/
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Vergeire says DOH secretary post not offered to her
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Department of Health (DOH) officer-in-charge Maria Rosario Vergeire said Thursday President Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos did not offer her the post of Health secretary and she has reservations about it.
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en
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https://www.gmanetwork.com/favicon.ico
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GMA News Online
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https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/topstories/nation/849435/vergeire-says-cascolan-very-qualified-to-be-appointed-to-doh/story/
|
Department of Health (DOH) officer-in-charge Maria Rosario Vergeire said Thursday President Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos did not offer her the post of Health secretary and she has reservations about it.
“Honestly, it was not offered. I was asked to be an OIC. I was able to explain to them also my reservations and he just said, ‘You just continue to do the work and we will discuss further,’” Vergeire said in an ANC interview.
Vergeire, a career official and with the DOH for almost 30 years, said she wanted to continue serving the public even after the administration's six-year term or until she retires.
"Kapag may term po kasi tayo (If we have a term) it's only six years and by the time I finish the six years, I still have years left to serve. I want to still serve until I retire," she said.
A Cabinet secretary is coterminus with the appointing authority.
In a separate radio interview, Vergeire asked the public to just wait for the announcement of the President on the next DOH chief.
“We just wait for the decision of the President. Tuloy-tuloy pa rin naman ang trabaho (the work would continue) whether we get the secretary post or not,” she said in the same radio interview.
'Very qualified' Cascolan
Meanwhile, Vergeire backed the appointment of former Philippine National Police (PNP) chief Camilo Cascolan as undersecretary of the agency, saying that he is “very qualified” based on his credentials.
“Ang sa atin na lang po, paano ba mas makakatulong ang mga taong naa-appoint at pinapasok sa kagawaran natin. So let’s see. Hindi pa natin nakikita, hindi pa natin nasususbukan. Makikita ho natin ‘yan,” she answered when asked for reaction regarding the clamor that those appointed in the DOH should have a background in medicine or public health.
(For me, it’s how the people who are appointed and admitted to our department could help more. So let's see. We haven't seen it yet, we haven't tested it yet. We will determine that soon.)
“I think he is very qualified naman doon sa kanyang mga credentials na nakalagay diyan. Meron naman tayong mga trabaho dito na kailangan din natin talaga ng for operations,” she added.
(I think he is very qualified with his credentials listed there. We also have jobs which need people for operations.)
Vergeire said applications of those vying for high level positions in the government are transmitted to the Office of the President, and the President would then have the prerogative whether or not they will be appointed.
“Lahat naman po ay bibigyan natin din syempre ng opportunity at binigyan sila ng ganitong appointment ng ating Presidente. We will be assigning him kung saan ang proper naman dito para makatulong din siya sa Kagawaran ng Kalusugan,” she said.
(We will give everyone an opportunity and our President also gave him this appointment. We will be assigning him where he is fit so that he can also be of help to the Department of Health.)
Cascolan’s appointment has been met with criticisms, with the Alliance of Health Workers (AHW) and ACT Teacher's party-list Representative France Castro saying it was an "insult to" and a "slap in the face [of]" experts who are more qualified for the position.
The retired police general defended himself, saying his expertise on emergency response, network, and experience will "play a great role in bringing health closer to the people."
President Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr. on Wednesday said Cascolan will have administrative functions at DOH, and will not look at health issues.
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https://www.coursehero.com/file/pkv475s/Department-of-Health-DOH-The-Department-of-Health-DOH-Kagawaran-ng-Kalusugan-is/
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Secretary_of_Health_(Philippines)
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en
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Secretary of Health (Philippines)
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2012-06-17T08:38:04+00:00
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en
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Secretary_of_Health_(Philippines)
|
Member of the Cabinet of the Philippines
Secretary of HealthKalihim ng Kalusugan
Incumbent
Ted Herbosa
since June 5, 2023
StyleThe HonorableAppointerThe President with the consent of the Commission on AppointmentsTerm lengthNo fixed termInaugural holderSergio OsmeñaFormationDecember 24, 1941Websitewww .doh .gov .ph
The secretary of health (Filipino: Kalihim ng Kalusugan) is the Cabinet of the Philippines member who is in charge of the Department of Health. The secretary of health is also the ex-officio chairperson of the Philippine Health Insurance Corporation (PhilHealth).[1][2]
List of secretaries of health
[edit]
# Portrait Name Term Began Term Ended President Secretary of Public Instruction, Health, and Public Welfare 1 Juan Nolasco November 15, 1935 December 24, 1941 Manuel Quezon 2 Sergio Osmeña[A] December 24, 1941 August 1, 1944 Manuel Quezon Secretary of Health and Public Welfare 3 Basilio J. Valdes February 27, 1945 April 1945 Sergio Osmeña 4 Jose Locsin June 29, 1945 May 27, 1946 5 Antonio Villarama May 28, 1946 October 3, 1947 Manuel Roxas Secretary of Health (5) Antonio Villarama October 3, 1947 April 15, 1948 Manuel Roxas April 17, 1948 December 31, 1949 Elpidio Quirino 6 Juan S. Salcedo December 14, 1950 December 30, 1953 December 30, 1953 May 1954 Ramon Magsaysay 7 Paulino Garcia June 1954 March 17, 1957 March 17, 1957 June 1958 Carlos P. Garcia 8 Elpidio Valencia July 1958 December 30, 1961 9 Francisco Q. Duque Jr. December 30, 1961 July 1963 Diosdado Macapagal 10 Floro Dabu July 1963 December 1964 11 Manuel Cuenco December 1964 December 30, 1965 12 Paulino Garcia December 30, 1965 August 2, 1968 Ferdinand Marcos 13 Amadeo H. Cruz August 2, 1968 December 25, 1971 14 Clemente S. Gatmaitan December 25, 1971 June 30, 1978 Minister of Health (14) Clemente S. Gatmaitan June 30, 1978 July 23, 1979 Ferdinand Marcos 15 Enrique Garcia July 24, 1979 June 30, 1981 16 Jesus Azurin July 25, 1981 February 25, 1986 Secretary of Health 17 Alfredo Bengzon March 25, 1986 February 7, 1992 Corazon Aquino 18 Antonio Periquet February 10, 1992 June 30, 1992 19 Juan Flavier July 1, 1992 January 30, 1995 Fidel V. Ramos 20 Jaime Galvez-Tan January 30, 1995 July 5, 1995 21 Hilarion Ramiro Jr. July 10, 1995 March 22, 1996 22 Carmencita Reodica April 8, 1996 June 29, 1998 23 Felipe Estrella June 30, 1998 September 13, 1998 Joseph Ejercito Estrada 24 Alberto Romualdez September 14, 1998 January 20, 2001 25 Manuel Dayrit January 20, 2001 June 1, 2005 Gloria Macapagal Arroyo 26 Francisco Duque III June 1, 2005 September 1, 2009 27 Esperanza Cabral September 1, 2009 June 30, 2010 28 Enrique Ona June 30, 2010 December 19, 2014 Benigno Aquino III 29 Janette Garin February 17, 2015 June 30, 2016 Act Paulyn Ubial June 30, 2016 October 10, 2017 Rodrigo Duterte Act Herminigildo Valle October 12, 2017 October 25, 2017 (26) Francisco Duque III October 26, 2017 June 30, 2022 OIC Maria Rosario Vergeire July 14, 2022 June 5, 2023 Bongbong Marcos 30 Teodoro “Ted” J. Herbosa June 5, 2023 present
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https://www.internationalinsurance.com/health/asia/philippines.php
|
en
|
Health Insurance in the Philippines
|
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2019-07-10T19:58:14+00:00
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Are you looking into health insurance in the Philippines? We'll highlight the healthcare system and the pros and cons of medical insurance.
|
en
|
International Citizens Insurance
|
https://www.internationalinsurance.com/health/asia/philippines.php
|
Health Insurance Advice for Internationals Living in the Philippines
Healthcare in the Philippines is all over the map. In cities, hospital standards are often superb and feature state of the art facilities. However, in rural areas, foreigners living in the Philippines report that the situation ranges from basic to bleak. In the country, the ratio of doctors to patients is dismal. There is just one physician per 33,000 people. However, in many other countries, Filipino doctors are why the doctor-to-patient ratio is excellent. Vast numbers of doctors, nurses, technicians, and therapists leave the Philippines to work abroad. In fact, some people joke that doctors are one of the country’s leading exports! Unfortunately, other countries’ gain is the Philippines’ loss.
Healthcare is provided through both private and public hospitals in the Philippines. Although healthcare is generally expensive for the average Filipino, expats may find it more affordable than in their home country.
Overview of the Filipino National Health Insurance System
All Filipino citizens are entitled to free healthcare under the Philippine Health Insurance Corporation, known as “PhilHealth.” This health insurance program is government organized. It is funded in part by government subsidies at the local and national level. It’s also financed through company payroll deductions. In addition to emergency and urgent care, Philhealth subsidizes inpatient health care and non-emergency surgeries. However, it does not cover all medical treatments and costs.
In early 2019, new legislation shaped the scope and future of PhilHealth. Filipino President Rodrigo Duterte signed the Universal Healthcare Bill, known as the “UHB,” into law. The bill was designed to incorporate all citizens into the PhilHealth system, not just those in the workplace. Previously, informal workers, the unemployed, and others were not well covered by the health insurance system.
PhilHealth now has two categories. Some people can pay premiums and those who are unable to do so. This largely applies to the unemployed and the elderly. In the case of those who cannot pay, the government will sponsor their insurance coverage. People in both categories receive the same basic level of services, while those paying higher premiums are eligible for more benefits.
Considerations When Choosing International Medical Insurance
Geographic differences in standards of care are of paramount concern for expats living in the Philippines. While Manila and other large cities’ standards are generally very high, the same can’t be said of rural areas. In many cases, health care in rural areas is rudimentary at best. Hopefully, in the coming years, this situation will change. The recently passed UHB contains incentives for newly graduated medical students. It will mandate that new medics work in remote areas or within the public sector as well.
However, it will take years to see any positive changes from these measures. In the meantime, expats need to make sure their insurance policy will cover medical evacuations if they’re based in rural areas. Evacuation to Malaysia, Singapore, or Thailand is common for foreigners living in the Philippines who need emergency specialist care.
Pros and Cons of Using the Local Health Insurance System in the Philippines
Expats will be happy to learn that doctors working at public hospitals in the Philippines usually speak excellent English. However, it never hurts to have a local friend with you to help you navigate the system. Another plus? Hospital visits, tests, and medication are generally a lot less expensive in the Philippines than in North American and Europe.
However, the public healthcare system lacks hospitals and clinics. There are more private hospitals in the country than there are public ones. While this is excellent for those with insurance and anyone else who can afford to pay out of pocket, it does mean that the average citizen often suffers as a result.
How Expats Can Qualify for Filipino Health Insurance
Enrollment in PhilHealth is mandatory for all expats who are employed in the Philippines. Premiums are automatically deducted from payrolls, and employees and employers share the cost.
Expats who don’t work for a major employer can also voluntarily enroll with PhilHealth if they have legal residency status. As well, a limited number of foreign nationals can enroll in PhilHealth. The most common category of people which this applies to is those who marry Filipino citizens.
What You Need To Know About Processes
Many expats in the Philippines chose to join PhilHealth under the Informal Economy Member category. The cost ranges from ₱2,400 – ₱3,600 a year. If you’re formally employed with a local employer, they will take care of all the paperwork for you.
Many Filipino citizens carry private health insurance coverage – and nearly all expats do. In addition to PhilHealth, carrying private health insurance gives you full access to all hospitals and clinics. It also means a more private, secure, and comfortable hospital stay in more serious circumstances. However, you should note that private hospitals may require you to pay upfront with cash. The idea is that you later get reimbursed through your insurance carrier. Ask your insurance customer support staff if they have a special arrangement with any particular private facilities so you can avoid this aggravating situation.
Global Health Insurance Plans for Foreigners and Expats in the Philippines
There are several options for expatriate health insurance in the Philippines. Expatriates can have worldwide insurance coverage, including or excluding the USA while living abroad. These plans provide insurance coverage of up to $5,000,000 or more and include hospitalization and outpatient care, prescription medication, mental health, and pre-existing condition coverage. Benefits are available to you wherever you choose to receive care, including in the Philippines, in a neighboring country, or back in your home country.
Best Expat Insurance Companies and Plans in the Philippines for Foreigners
Cigna Global Health Insurance was one of the first plans available to expatriate or global citizens living in Asia, and they remain a leading international provider in the Philippines. Free Cigna Quote / Apply
Another option for coverage in Brazil is William Russell – With 30 years of experience in healthcare, William Russell’s plans are designed to travel with the member wherever they go. They currently cover members in more than 160 countries and pride themselves for than excellent, personalized service. Free William Russell Quote
Best Health Insurance Companies for Americans in the Philippines
For US citizens looking for global health insurance with an unlimited policy maximum, excellent service, and premium benefits, another plan option is the GeoBlue Xplorer. The GeoBlue Xplorer health plan is a great plan for US citizens who live in the Philippines for either business, leisure, and/or study. If you leave home for six months or more, your health and financial security are at serious risk because of significant gaps in most available insurance coverage and services. This risk is only heightened by limited knowledge of health and safety hazards worldwide, including medical treatment from unfamiliar providers. For other Expats in the Philippines, we would suggest reading International Health Insurance Questions and Answers.
Related: Global Medical Health Insurance Plans
How Routine Filipino Doctor Visits Work
If flexibility is a priority for you in healthcare, you’ll love how routine doctor visits work in the Philippines. You don’t need to make an appointment to see a doctor. You show up during their scheduled clinic hours and wait for your turn. Normally you’re seen in a very reasonable amount of time, in an hour or less. However, wait times are generally longer at public clinics and hospitals compared to private facilities. Note that in many offices where appointments are an option, they’re designed for routine follow-up health care and non-urgent matters, and you may have to wait several weeks to get a spot.
How To Find A Family Physician
In the Philippines, the public health system is carried out through public primary healthcare centers linked to peripheral barangay (local town) health centers. You can register for a doctor locally. The Department of Health’s website is a helpful place to start for information. And, as always, you can talk to your insurance provider, local friends, or other expats for recommendations as well.
Read: Finding an International Doctor
Extra Things To Know Before You Go
Healthcare in the Philippines is in a state of flux. It remains to be seen how the new Universal Healthcare Bill will change the system over the long term. The country is slowly moving towards retaining more of their healthcare practitioners. But in general, the system remains focused on the prescriptive rather than the preventative. If wellness and a preventative medicine approach are important to you, be sure to speak with your insurance representative to ensure this is built into your policy.
Related:
Chinese Medical Insurance for Internationals Living in China
Thai Health Insurance for Foreigners in Thailand
Health Insurance in Japan for Foreigners
Healthcare System in the Philippines
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https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q3545669
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en
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Department of Health
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Manila Regional Office Home
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Manila Regional Office Outreach
August 29, 2024, Thursday, 8:00am to 4:00pm
Hotel Estrella
#400 Barangay 50, Real Street
Tacloban City, Leyte 6500
September 4, 2024, Wednesday, 8:00am to 4:00pm
Magsaysay Avenue
Naga City, Camarines Sur
September 4, 2024, Wednesday, 1:00pm to 5:00pm
Palau Community College â Assembly Hall
Koror, Palau
September 5, 2024, Thursday, 9:00am to 5:00pm
Palau Community College â Assembly Hall
Koror, Palau
September 6, 2024, Friday, 9:00am to 12:00nn
Palau Community College â Assembly Hall
Koror, Palau
Manila Regional Office Virtual Training
Topic: Virtual Training on Dependency Benefits and How to Complete VA Form 21-686c
Date: August 28, 2024, Wednesday, 9:30AM Manila Time (Palau 10:30 AM | Micronesia 12:30 PM | Marshall Islands 1:30 PM)
Meeting link: https://veteransaffairs.webex.com/veteransaffairs/j.php?MTID=me74ae05ba5f846009e203b237ab47156
Meeting number: 2831 033 2268"
Password: pBfymPJ2?62
Join by video system: 28310332268@veteransaffairs.webex.com
You can also dial: 207.182.190.20 and enter your meeting number
Join by phone: 14043971596 USA Toll Number
Access code: 2831 033 2268
Manila Regional Office Hours
We're open Monday to Friday, 8:00 am to 3:00 pm.
Visitors seeking assistance from the Public Contact Team are encouraged to schedule a virtual or in-person appointment on the Visitor Engagement Reporting Application (VERA). To schedule an in-person appointment and virtual appointments, please visit theVERA link.
You can also contact #myVA (#6982), or the VA online through https://ask.va.gov/
Security Notice
Visitor laptops and larger electrical/electronic devices are now prohibited into the Mission Facilities including VA Manila. The security personnel is not authorized to store any of these devices while you complete your VA appointment.
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High-quality healthcare for Medi-Cal and uninsured with 14 medical clinics, 55 community partners and 2 hospitals: ZSFG and Laguna Honda.
We provide effective substance use and mental health care for all San Franciscans (children, youth and adults).
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Official Website of National Center for Mental Health
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FILIPINO
PRIVACY NOTICE (FILIPINO)
Saklaw
Ang National Center for Mental Health o NCMH ay nakatuon sa pagtitiyak ng seguridad at pagiging pribado ng mga personal na impormasyon ng lahat ng aming mga service user o kliente. Kaya, ang layunin ng Privacy Notice na ito (o"Abiso") ay ipaalam sa inyo ang aming mga patakaran tungkol sa pangongolekta, paggamit, pagsisiwalat, pagpapanatili, pagbabahagi, at pagsira ng Personal na Impormasyon ng aming mga service user/kliyente at kawani/empleyado.
Binuo ng NCMH ang Notice o Abiso na ito upang matiyak na ang lahat ng naaangkop na pamantayan para sa proteksyon ng Personal na Impormasyon ay nasa lugar alinsunod sa Republic Act No. 10173 o ang Data Privacy Act of 2012 ("DPA"), ng Implementing Rules and Regulations nito, at iba pang naaangkop at mga kaugnay na batas at regulasyon, kabilang ang mga issuances at rekomendasyon ng National Privacy Commission.
Ano-anong mga personal na impormasyon ang kinokolekta namin?
Ang aming mga doktor, nars, at iba pang miyembro ng mga propesyunal at kawaning pang- kalusugan na nag-aalaga sa iyo ay maaaring mangolekta, magdokumento, gumamit at mag-imbak ng iyong personal na impormasyon at impormasyong pangkalusugan upang matiyak na mabibigyan ka ng pinakamataas na kalidad ng pangangalaga. Maaaring kabilang sa personal at data ng kalusugang ito ang sumusunod:
Ang iyong pangalan, tirahan, petsa ng kapanganakan, kasarian, relihiyon, numero ng telepono/cell phone, trabaho, marital status, at pagkamamamayan.
Contact information ng iyong kamag-anak, tagapag-alaga, o malapit na kamag-anak
Dahilan ng konsultasyon o pagpapagamot
Medical history (kabilang ang kasalukuyang sakit at mga gamot na iniinom)
Mga resulta ng x-ray, CT-scan, laboratory test, at iba pang mga diagnostic procedure
Karagdagang mahahalagang impormasyon
Bakit ito kinokolekta?
Upang makatanggap ng pangangalagang medikal
Upang matulungan kami na maunawaan ang inyong kasalukuyang estado ng kalusugan, masubaybayan ang aming pangangalaga sa inyo at ang mga serbisyong inyong natatanggap, kinokolekta namin ang inyong mga personal na impormasyon sa tuwing nagbibigay kami ng pangangalagang medikal o serbisyo.
Upang mapadali ang pagtutulungan ng mga propersyonal na nangangalaga sa iyong kalusugan ay aming pinapanatili ang inyong medical record.
Ito din ang magsisislbing pundasyon o basehan para sa inyong tuloy-tuloy na pangangalaga tuwing follow-up o iba pang health services.
Pinahihintulutan ng Republic Act 10173 o Data Privacy Act of 2012 na itago ang ilang particular na record para sa layuning ito.
Para sa kinakailangan o iniuutos na pag-uulat
Base sa mga ipinag-uutos at pinahihintulutan ng mga batas at regulasyon, ang Kagawaran ng Kalusugan at iba pang mga ahensya ay maaaring makatanggap ng impormasyon tungkol sa ilang mga sakit at iba pang kundisyon. Gaya ng iniaatas ng batas, maaari ding i-access ng Philippine Health Insurance Corporation (PhilHealth) ang iyong impormasyon sa kalusugan.
Ginagamit para sa admission at pagsingil, pati na rin sa pagproseso ng mga claim (kung naaangkop)
Maaaring gamitin at tingnan ng Philippine Health Insurance Corporation (PhilHealth), social welfare agency, ang iyong impormasyon upang maproseso ang iyong bill sa ospital at mapadali ang pagbabayad ng iyong hospital bill.
Para sa mga pag-aaral ng history, statistics, o agham.
Upang makatulong sa ospital na mapabuti ang mga serbisyo nito, ang inyong impormasyon ay maaaring gamitin upang makagawa ng data para sa layuning ito.
Hihingin namin ang inyong pahintulot o ng iyong awtorisadong kinatawan bago namin gamitin ang iyong personal na impormasyon para sa mga kadahilanang ito, (hal. pananaliksik).
Kailan at paano namin kukunin ang iyong impormasyon?
Bago kami makapagbigay ng serbisyo, napakahalaga na makakuha kami ng tumpak o tiyak na impormasyon tungkol sa inyo, gamit ang electronic at paper-based na paraan. Kung naniniwala ka na hindi kailangann ang ilan sa mga impormasyong nakalap namin, mangyaring huwag mag- atubiling hilingin sa isang miyembro ng aming kawani at linawin kung bakit kinakailangan ang impormasyon at kung bakit ito mahalaga.
Paano namin pinangangalagaan at pinoprotektahan ang iyong pribadong data?
Gumagawa at nagpapanatili ang NCMH ng talaan ng iyong personal na impormasyon upang mapaglingkuran kayo ng mas mahusay. Sa ilalim ng DPA, kinakailangan din ng NCMH na protektahan ang iyong personal na impormasyon, at iproseso lamang ang naturang data alinsunod sa mga sumusunod na prinsipyo sa privacy ng iyong data:
Transparency: Kinakailangan naming ipaalam sa inyo ang mga sumusunod: uri, layunin, at saklaw kung bakit namin pinoproseso ang iyong Personal na Impormasyon, kabilang ang mga panganib o banta at pag-iingat upang maiwasan ito ang pagkakakilanlan ng mga indibidwal na kasangkot sa pagproseso ng inyong personal na impormasyon, ang inyong mga karapatan sa ilalim ng ang Data Privacy Act, at kung paano gamitin ang mga karapatang ito.
Lehitimong layunin: Gagamitin lang namin ang inyong personal na impormasyon na naaayon sa aming idineklara at tinukoy na layunin at hindi labag sa batas, naayon sa moralidad, o pampublikong patakaran.
Proporsyonalidad: Ipoproseso lamang namin ang iyong personal na impormasyon sa lawak na kinakailangan at proporsyonal sa mga layunin ng aming ospital.
Ang inyong personal na impormasyon ay iniingatan at nakatago sa isang makatwirang paraan. Ito ay upang maiwasan na maabuso, mawala, ma-access nang di awtorisado, mabago, at maisiwalat.
Nagpapatupad kami ng mga teknikal, organisasyon, at pisikal na mga hakbang sa seguridad upang maiwasan ang hindi awtorisadong pag-access, paggamit, pagbabago, at pagbubunyag ng iyong personal na impormasyon.
Kapag hindi na kakailanganin ang iyong Personal na Impormasyon nang ayon sa layunin kung saan ito kinolekta, gagawa kami ng mga makatwirang hakbang upang sirain o permanenteng i- anonymize ang nasabing data. Gayunpaman, karamihan sa personal na impormasyon na aming pananatalihin sa pinakamababang panahon ay naaayon sa umiiral na batas at regulasyon.
Ano-ano ang inyong mga Karapatan patungkol sa Data Privacy
Karapatan mong malaman kung paano namin gagamitin ang inyong impormasyon.
May karapatan kang magkaroon ng access o makakuha ng kopya ng inyong impormasyong pangkalusugan ngunit maaring may limitasyon ito.
May karapatan kang baguhin o maitama ang inyong impormasyon kung sakaling may pagkakamali sa inyong personal data.
May karapatan kang humiling na i-block o alisin ang inyong impormasyon kung ito ay hindi kumpleto, mali, o nakuha na labag sa batas.
May karapatan kang tumutol sa paggamit namin ng iyong personal na impormasyon.
May karapatan kang magsampa ng reklamo para sa paglabag sa batas, mga tuntunin at regulasyon sa pagpapatupad ng Data Privacy at makakuha ng danyos kung sakaling mapatunayan na lumabag ang institusyon sa batas ng Data Privacy
May karapatan kang makakuha ng kopya ng data na pinoproseso sa electronic o pisikal na pamamaraan
Mga Surveillance Camera
Gumagamit kami ng mga surveillance camera sa paligid ng aming mga pasilidad sa ospital upang:
Subaybayan ang mga insidente na nauugnay sa pagpapatakbo nito at kaligtasan
Maprotektahan ang aming mga kawani, doktor, pasyente, at iba pang bisita;
Makapagbigay ng mas ligtas na kapaligiran
Mapigilan o mabawasan ang mga gawaing labag sa batas
Makakuha ng ebidensya para sa mga pagsisiyasat ng kriminal na aktibidad at iba pang partikular na kaganapan na naganap sa loob o paligid ng mga pasilidad ng ospital
Para sa iba pang katanungan at alalahanin
Ang pagiging kumpidensyal ng iyong impormasyon ay isang mahalagang bahagi ng pangangalaga na aming ibinibigay sa inyo.
Kung mayroon kang katanungan o alalahanin tungkol sa pagproseso ng iyong personal na impormasyon maaaring magpadala ng email sa aming Data Protection Officer. Mangyaring maglagay ng malinaw na detalye ng inyong katanungan. Ilagay ang inyong buong pangalan at ang inyong contact number.
Email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
Phone: 531-9001, extension 477
ENGLISH
PRIVACY NOTICE (ENGLISH)
Scope
The National Center for Mental Health or NCMH is committed to ensuring the security and privacy of the Personal Information of all of our service users/service users/clients. Thus, the purpose of this Privacy Notice (the "Notice") is to notify you of our policies regarding the collection, use, disclosure, retention, sharing, and destruction of Personal Information of our service users/clients and staff.
NCMH has created this Notice to ensure that all applicable standards for the protection of Personal Information are in place in accordance with Republic Act No. 10173 or the Data Privacy Act of 2012 ("DPA"), its Implementing Rules and Regulations, and other applicable and relevant laws and regulations, including issuances and recommendations of the National Privacy Commission.
What personal information do we collect?
To ensure that you receive the highest quality of care, our physicians, nurses, and other health care professionals may collect, document, utilize, and keep your personal and health information. This personal and health data may include the following:
Your name, address, date of birth, gender, religion, telephone/cell phone number, occupation, marital status, and citizenship.
Contact information of your relative, guardian, or next of kin.
Cause for consultation or treatment • Medical history (including current disease and medications taken) • Outcomes of x-rays, scans, laboratory tests, and other diagnostic procedures
Additional pertinent information
Why is it collected?
To receive medical care
When delivering service user care and medical treatment, we collect your personal information to help us understand your current health status and keep track of the care and other services you received from the hospital.
We retain your medical record for the purpose of facilitating effective collaboration among health professionals involved in managing your health.
It will also serve as the foundation for your continued care should you return for follow-up or other health-related services.
Republic Act 10173, or the Data Privacy Act of 2012, permits us to preserve certain records for this purpose.
For mandatory reporting
As mandated and permitted by laws and regulations, the Department of Health and other agencies may receive information regarding certain diseases and other conditions. As required by law, the Philippine Health Insurance Corporation (PhilHealth) may also access your health information.
Used for admission and billing, as well as claims processing (if applicable)
The Philippine Health Insurance Corporation (PhilHealth), social welfare agency, may use and view your information in order to process your hospital bill and facilitate the payment of your hospital bill.
For reasons of history, statistics, or science
Your information may be used to produce data that may assist the hospital in improving its services.
Before using your personal information for this reason, we will get your or your authorized representative's consent (ex. research).
When and how do we gather your information?
Before providing our services, it is crucial that we acquire accurate information about you using electronic and paper-based means. If you believe that some of the information we gather is unnecessary, please do not hesitate to ask a member of our staff to clarify why the information is required and why it is important.
How do we safeguard and protect your private data?
To better serve you, NCMH creates and retains a record of your personal information in its offices. NCMH is also required by the DPA to preserve your personal information and only process it in compliance with the following data privacy principles:
Transparency: We are required to inform you of the nature, purpose, and scope of why we process your Personal Information, including the risks and controls to avoid it, the identity of the individuals involved in the processing of your personal information, your rights under the Data Privacy Act, and how to exercise these rights.
Legitimate purpose: We will only use your personal information that is consistent with our declared and specified purpose and is not contrary to the law, accepted morals, or public policy.
Proportionality: We shall only process your personal information to the extent required and proportionate to our hospital's purposes.
Your personal information is stored in a reasonable manner that safeguards it against abuse, loss, unauthorized access, modification, and disclosure.
We have implemented technical, organizational, and physical security measures to prevent unauthorized access, use, modification, and disclosure of your personal information.
When we no longer require your Personal Information for the purpose for which it was collected, we shall take reasonable measures to delete or permanently anonymize the data. However, we will retain the majority of your personal information for the minimal amount of time required by applicable laws and regulations.
What are your Rights regarding Data Privacy?
You have the right to know how we use your information.
You have the right to access or obtain a copy of your health information but may be limited.
You have the right to change/correct your information if there is an error in your personal data.
You have the right to request that your information be blocked or removed if it is incomplete, incorrect, or unlawfully obtained.
You have the right to object to our use of your personal information.
You have the right to file a complaint for violation of the law, rules and regulations implementing Data Privacy and to obtain damages in the event that the institution is found to have violated the Data Privacy Law
You have the right to obtain a copy of the data processed electronically or physically
Surveillance Cameras
We use surveillance cameras around our hospital facilities to:
Monitor incidents related to its operation and safety;
Protect our staff, doctors, service users, and other visitors;
Provide a safer environment;
Prevent or reduce illegal activity;
Obtain evidence for investigations of criminal activity and other specific events that occurred in or around hospital facilities;
Obtain evidence for investigations of criminal activity and other specific events that occurred in or around hospital facilities.
For other inquiries and concern
The confidentiality of your information is an essential component of the treatment we provide.
If you have any concern about the processing of your personal information you may write an email to our Data Protection Officer. Provide a clear and concise description of your inquiry, specifying the nature of the information you are seeking or the concern you wish to address. Include your contact details, such as your name and phone number, so that we can reach out to you appropriately.
Email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
Phone: 531-9001, extension 477
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Executive Departments of the Philippine Government
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[
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[
"Contributors to Wikimedia projects"
] |
2014-04-10T01:49:00+00:00
|
en
|
/static/apple-touch/commons.png
|
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Executive_Departments_of_the_Philippine_Government
|
The Department of Agrarian Reform/ Kagawaran ng Reporma sa Pagsasaka
The Department of Agriculture/ Kagawaran ng Pagsasaka
The Department of Budget and Management
The Department of Environment and Natural Resources/ Kagawaran ng Kalikasan at Likas na Yaman
The Department of Education/ Kagawaran ng Edukasyon
The Department of Foreign Affairs
The Department of Human Settlements and Urban Development/ Kagawaran ng Panirahang Pantao at Urbanong Pagpapaunlad
The Department of Information and Communications Technology/ Kagawaran ng Teknolohiyang Pang-Impormasyon at Komunikasyon
The Department of Interior and Local Government/ Kagawaran ng Interyor at Pamahalaang Lokal
The Department of National Defense/ Kagawaran ng Tanggulang Pambansa
The Department of Energy/ Kagawaran ng Enerhiya
The Department of Finance
The Department of Health/ Kagawaran ng Kalusugan
The Department of Justice/ Kagawaran ng Hustisya
The Department of Labor and Employment/ Kagawaran ng Paggawa
The Department of Science and Technology/ Kagawaran ng Agham at Teknolohiya
The Department of Tourism
The Department of Transportation and Communication
The Department of Public Works and Highways
The Department of Social Welfare and Development
The Department of Trade and Industry
The Commission on Higher Education
|
||||||
2877
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 26 |
https://www.samhsa.gov/
|
en
|
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration
|
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[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
en
|
/themes/custom/samhsa_uswds_base/favicon.ico
|
SAMHSA - The Substance Abuse Mental Health Services Administration
|
https://www.samhsa.gov/
|
SAMHSA released its updated Language Access Plan (LAP), a roadmap to provide access for individuals with non-English language preference (NELP) across all communities.
SAMHSA released the results of the 2023 NSDUH, which shows how people living in U.S. reported their experience with mental health conditions, substance use and pursuit of treatment.
The Kids Online Health and Safety (KOHS) Task Force released a new report with recommendations and best practices for safer social media and online platform use for youth.
Youth wellness continues to be a key focus area for HHS and SAMHSA, and $15.3 million of these funding awards will go specifically to serve children.
The 988 Suicide & Crisis Lifeline has expanded services and continued to answer millions of calls, texts, and chats from people experiencing mental health or substance use crises since its launch in July 2022.
|
|||||
2877
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 4 |
https://thediplomat.com/2022/11/why-is-philippine-president-marcos-not-appointing-a-health-secretary/
|
en
|
Why Is Philippine President Marcos Not Appointing a Health Secretary?
|
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[
"Politics",
"Southeast Asia",
"Philippines",
"Ferdinand Marcos Jr",
"Philippines health policy",
"Philippines politics"
] | null |
[
"Mong Palatino"
] |
2022-11-02T13:33:00+00:00
|
So far, the reasons that the new leader has offered have been vague and at times incoherent.
|
en
|
https://thediplomat.com/2022/11/why-is-philippine-president-marcos-not-appointing-a-health-secretary/
|
Despite the COVID-19 pandemic and other public health concerns, Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has yet to appoint a permanent secretary of the Department of Health (DOH).
After assuming power on July 1, he designated one of the undersecretaries of the previous government as DOH officer-in-charge (OIC). Three months later, the Marcos cabinet is complete except for the DOH, which is still headed by an OIC.
Marcos knows the importance of leading an agency to tackle a particular crisis. It’s the reason why he appointed himself as agriculture secretary while the country is battling a food security problem.
“There are things that the president can do that a secretary cannot, especially because the problems are so difficult that it would take a president to change and turn it around,” Marcos said in a recent interview.
If leadership is crucial in managing an emergency situation, then why leave the DOH in the hands of a mere OIC? What is stopping the president from appointing a permanent health secretary?
His response has been vague and even incoherent.
During his first one-on-one interview in September, he explained his reason for holding back in naming someone to lead the DOH.
“There are many other elements to the DOH. That’s why until we finalize the structure of what – we just have to keep it functioning and finalize the structure.” He added that the permanent secretary will be the “person who is helping us, the consultants from there, the consultants that are helping us, putting the new structure of the DOH together.”
After the media asked him again about this issue in October, he said he is waiting for the health situation to normalize. “[F]or now, I say, we are looking for ways so that we can normalize [the situation] and we don’t have to say that the Philippines is still in a state of calamity.”
Instead of elaborating this point, he simply mentioned that the government is trying to fix something in the bureaucracy.
“I want people to understand that this is the government’s work, not everything is a crisis… That is what I am trying to do. So that every day functions are fulfilled every day, without fuss, without bother, without fixers, without paying.”
This confused many because a permanent DOH secretary would have expedited the reorganization of the agency.
Senate Minority Leader Aquilino Pimentel advised Marcos to immediately appoint a health secretary. “Someone who shares the same thinking he just explained. Get an outsider if necessary. But show and shower him or her with all the support for us to be able to ‘live with the virus,'” Pimentel told the media.
The vacancy at the DOH became more pronounced after Marcos appointed a retired police general as health undersecretary. Responding to criticism that he chose someone with no health expertise, Marcos said the country’s former police chief will look into the “special concerns” and other functions of the DOH like rightsizing and structural changes. He said that one does not need to be a doctor to make an “administrative audit” of the agency.
Nevertheless, the agency is still functioning without a permanent secretary. Some health experts believe Marcos is satisfied with the performance of the OIC. But if this were the case, why the reluctance in making her appointment permanent?
Professor Peter Julian Cayton of the University of the Philippines noted that an OIC is prevented from making substantial reform proposals.
“An OIC is a temporary position that cannot make major reforms or decisions. She is only able to continue recurring programs and repeat decisions. She cannot start new policies since she is not DOH Secretary, she is only temporary until a real secretary sits,” Cayton told the media.
Marcos’ failure to name his DOH secretary was cited by health workers as a major concern in grading the first 100 days of the new government. They reiterated some of their demands such as additional benefits and better working conditions. The Health Alliance for Democracy (HEAD) has expressed disappointment that instead of appointing a DOH secretary, Marcos placed a retired general in the agency, and warned that it could lead to the “militarization of health services.”
|
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dbpedia
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3
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https://news.mongabay.com/2020/10/a-philippine-tribes-plant-based-medical-tradition-gets-its-moment/
|
en
|
based medical tradition gets its moment
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[
"Mongabay",
"Mongabay Environmental News",
"Environmental News",
"Conservation News"
] | null |
[
"leilani",
"Abhishyant Kidangoor",
"Sandy Watt",
"Petro Kotzé",
"Ashoka Mukpo",
"Sean Mowbray",
"Sonam Lama Hyolmo",
"Latoya Abulu",
"Mongabay.com",
"Justin Catanoso"
] |
2020-10-02T11:11:59+00:00
|
Environmental science and conservation news
|
en
|
Mongabay Environmental News
|
https://news.mongabay.com/2020/10/a-philippine-tribes-plant-based-medical-tradition-gets-its-moment/
|
MINDANAO, Philippines — In his 52 years, Vicente Bandojo says, he has never been admitted to a hospital or consulted a medical doctor for any ailment that afflicted him.
Bandojo is known within his ethnic Manobo tribe as Datu (chieftain) Palagsulat. The Manobo, whose name means “people of the river,” live in the Philippines’ Agusan del Sur province and other parts of the southern region of Mindanao. Pushed to the fringes by the arrival of foreigners and settlers from elsewhere in the Philippines centuries ago, the Manobos have been able to preserve their cultural identity, which is firmly grounded in nature.
With few job opportunities in the mountains, most highland-dwelling Agusan Manobo live below the poverty line, making a living from farming, manual labor or hunting. Despite this, they’re the keepers of a treasure, though an open secret, that they believe safeguards them when they fall sick. This is the vast compendium of ethnomedicinal plants that the Manobo have passed down from generation to generation, and that’s the subject of a recent study for scientific conservation purposes.
“Our tribe have been using these plants since time immemorial and they are effective in treating various illnesses such as fever, diarrhea, cough and skin diseases, among others,” Datu Palagsulat told Mongabay in a phone interview. “I have never been admitted to a hospital ever since because I used these plants that are abundant in the forest or in our backyards for treating various malaises that I would feel.”
Mark Lloyd Dapar, a biologist at the University of Santo Tomas’s Research Center for the Natural and Applied Sciences, said the Agusan Manobo have managed to preserve their cultural knowledge and medicinal practices over the generations through oral communication.
“It is still highly important to conserve these ethnomedicinal plants and document their medicinal plant knowledge to perpetuate their cultural tradition and medicinal practices, as well as protect and conserve these important plant genetic resources,” Dapar told Mongabay in an email.
Dapar and three other scientists — Grecebio Jonathan Alejandro from the University of Santo Tomas, and Ulrich Meve and Sigrid Liede-Schumann from the University of Bayreuth’s Department of Plant Systematics in Germany — conducted the study to take stock of the medicinal plants used by the Agusan Manobo. The study, “Ethnomedicinal appraisal and conservation status of medicinal plants among the Manobo tribe of Bayugan City, Philippines,” was published in August in the Biodiversitas Journal of Biological Diversity based in Indonesia.
The researchers spoke to nearly a hundred residents of five highland villages in Bayugan, the biggest city in Agusan del Sur. The villages are far from the heart of the city, where three hospitals operate, and their residents have poor access to the public health system.
The study cataloged 90 plant species from 82 genera and 41 families as being ethnomedicinally important to the Agusan Manobo. Conservation assessments for these plants range from endangered to near threatened, and many were found to be endemic to the five highland areas of the Agusan Manobo.
Most of the documented medicinal plants were trees (35%), followed by herbs (33%), shrubs (20%) and climbers (12%). The Agusan Manobo use various parts of the plants to treat different health problems, including asthma, coughs, bone fractures and dislocation, arthritis, aches and pains, cysts, poisoning, skin diseases and infections, tuberculosis, snake and insect bites, tumors, ulcers and wounds, and more.
According to the study, three of the most cited medicinal plants are piper or lunas-bagon tapol (Piper decumanum), lunas-taguli (Anodendron borneense), limeberry or lunas-kahoy (Micromelum minutum). Also popular among the Agusan Manobo are the yellow fruit moonseed or albutra (Arcangelisia flava) and cinnamon or kaningag (Cinnamomum mercadoi). These medicinal plants are highly prized for treating insect and snake bites, reproductive problems (impotence and sterility), cancer, ulcers, and diarrhea.
“The results of this study present the rich ethnomedicinal knowledge of the Agusan Manobo cultural community, which could serve as a useful source of information to improve community healthcare and environmental conservation and management,” the researchers wrote.
Under the IUCN Red List, 22 of the species cataloged have a conservation status of least concern, three are vulnerable, and two are data deficient. Under the Philippines’ national list of threatened species, however, three species are classified as threatened — C. mercadoi, Machilus philippinensis, and Angiopteris evecta — and Calamus megaphyllus as near threatened.
The study said the ancestral territories of the Agusan Manobo are habitats of abundant medicinal plant resources that should be extensively documented and protected.
“Both local people and the local government unit should positively get involved in biodiversity conservation programs and strategies for sustainable protection and management of medicinal plant resources as part of the world’s cultural heritage,” the authors said. “Ethnomedicinal appraisal such as this study could pave the way for further pharmacological investigations and clinical studies to validate folk medicinal uses of these plants.”
Dapar said he was able to validate that some of the medicinal plants have comparable phytochemical and biomedical properties as commercial drugs. This includes piper, which shares similar properties to the antibiotic chloramphenicol, used to treat bacterial infections such as conjunctivitis, meningitis, cholera and typhoid fever.
Dapar said it’s important to conduct field surveys and ethnobotanical studies through interviews with the tribe first as the basis for scientific testing and further pharmacological investigations.
He said he would even recommend the use of the tribe’s ethnomedicinal plants to other people, including those with better access to health centers, due to their curative effects. Dapar added that some local physicians and rural health workers were already recommending the Manobo herbal plants as medicines to their patients.
In one case that he documented, Dapar said a doctor was shocked that a Manobo member who had been bitten by a venomous king cobra was still alive upon arriving at the hospital, more than 30 minutes after the incident.
“When a patient is bitten by a king cobra, it can kill the person within 15 minutes,” Dapar said.
The Manobo tribe uses piper to treat snakebites, by soaking the vine in coconut oil and applying it to the wound, he said.
It wasn’t easy for the researchers to study the tribe’s medicinal plants, as they had to adhere to the tribal cultural practice of mamaid, a ritual to seek permission from the tribe’s magbabaya (deity), via the babaylan or spiritual healer, to enter the forest by offering a pig as a sacrifice.
If the pig was killed with a single thrust of a spear, the researchers wouldn’t have been permitted to enter the forest. If it was killed on the second thrust, the babaylan would be “possessed,” a sign from the deity that they could proceed with going into the forest. Luckily for the group, the pig died on the second thrust.
In studying and pushing for the conservation of the tribe’s medicinal plants, Dapar, who also hails from Agusan province, said he has heard a lot about their potential for treating various ailments. Some enterprising tribal members even concoct and sell potions made from these plants.
Tribal leader Datu Palagsulat said some of the elders continue to use herbal medicines and shun commercial drugs that the government provides for free to remote tribal communities.
“On my part, I am more accustomed to our medicinal plants than commercial drugs,” he said. Datu Palagsulat said the tribe’s babaylan continues to play an important role in the community: their go-to person in the mountains if they get sick, holder of the intimate knowledge of medicinal plants to cure various diseases.
Many tribal families already know what plants to use to treat certain ailments, with the knowledge passed on by word of mouth for generations. Yet they still seek out the babaylan as their intermediary to the magbabaya, Datu Palagsulat said.
Lowland outsiders, especially poorer people, have recognized the efficacy of herbal medicines, the chieftain said, and often seek out the healing intervention of the babaylan.
“Our tribe welcomes those who come to us for medicinal help,” he said. “We don’t discriminate and it is not exclusive to us.”
To help conserve the herbal medicine in the modern age, Datu Palagsulat said he is passing on his knowledge of the medicinal plants to younger members of the Agusan Manobo. That way, the next generation will continue to enjoy the benefits of centuries of nature-based health solutions even amid the rapid advance of medical science.
Citation:
Dapar, M. L., Meve, U., Liede-Schumann, S., & Alejandro, G. J. D. (2020). Ethnomedicinal appraisal and conservation status of medicinal plants among the Manobo tribe of Bayugan City, Philippines. Biodiversitas Journal of Biological Diversity, 21(8), 3843-3855. doi:10.13057/biodiv/d210854
Related stories:
In a Philippine Indigenous stronghold, traditions keep COVID-19 at bay
Favoring ayahuasca over hospitals, Indigenous Kokama see COVID-19 deaths drop in the Amazon
World’s plants and fungi a frontier of discovery, if we can protect them: Report
Banner image of the piper or “lunas-bagon tapol” (Piper decumanum). Image courtesy of Mark Lloyd Dapar, PhD.
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dbpedia
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1
| 29 |
https://wikimapia.org/716131/Department-of-Health
|
en
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ministry / government department, regulatory agency
|
http://photos.wikimapia.org/p/00/00/52/65/77_big.jpg
|
http://photos.wikimapia.org/p/00/00/52/65/77_big.jpg
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[] | null |
Department of Health The Philippines’ Department of Health (DOH) (Filipino: Kagawaran ng Kalusugan) is the principal health agency in the Philippines. It is the executive department of the Philippine...
|
en
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http://wikimapia.org/716131/Department-of-Health
|
Department of Health (Manila) | ministry / government department, regulatory agency
Philippines / National Capital Region / Manila / Rizal Avenue (Avenida) (N150 / R-9)
World / Philippines / National Capital Region / Manila World / Philippines / Metropolitan Manila / Manila
ministry / government department, department of health, regulatory agency
The Philippines’ Department of Health (DOH) (Filipino: Kagawaran ng Kalusugan) is the principal health agency in the Philippines. It is the executive department of the Philippine Government responsible for ensuring access to basic public health services to all Filipinos through the provision of quality health care and the regulation of providers of health goods and services.
Telephone: (632) 743-8301 to 23
Fax : (632) 711-6744
Link: www.doh.gov.ph/
Click to show deleted objects Deleted objects
Office of the Secretary
Nearby cities:
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https://www.nj.gov/health/
|
en
|
Department of Health for the State of New Jersey
|
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Department of Health Homepage for the State of New Jersey
|
en
|
https://www.nj.gov/health/
|
NJDOH Proposes to Readopt, with Amendments, Repeals, Recodifications, and New Rules, N.J.A.C. 8:61, AIDS Drug Distribution Program and Health Insurance Premium Payment Program, and HIV Screening of Pregnant Persons and Newborns for HIV Infection
The New Jersey Department of Health is proposing to readopt, with amendments, repeals, recodifications, and new rules, N.J.A.C. 8:61, AIDS Drug Distribution Program and Health Insurance Premium Payment Program; HIV Screening of Pregnant Persons and Newborns for HIV Infection.
Learn More >
New Jersey Department of Health Proposes New Rule at N.J.A.C. 8:43E-15.1 Establishing Lactation Room Standards at Licensed Health Care Facilities
The New Jersey Department of Health (Department), with the approval of the Health Care Administration Board, is proposing, within N.J.A.C. 8:43E, the General Licensure Procedures and Standards Applicable to All Licensed Facilities, a new rule at N.J.A.C. 8:43E-15.1, to establish standards concerning lactation rooms for breastfeeding persons using on-site services at licensed health care facilities.
Learn More >
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dbpedia
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https://www.eoimanila.gov.in/
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en
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Embassy of India, Manila, Philippines
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https://www.eoimanila.gov.in/webAssets/imgs/favicon.ico
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[] |
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[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
en
|
webAssets/imgs/favicon.ico
| null |
Embassy of India Manila
Important Advisory on fake e-visa websites
It is to inform that there are numerous fake/fraudulent web URLs offering Indian e- Visa.
2. The genuine Indian e-Visa link is https://indianvisaonline.gov.in/evisa/tvoa.html..
3. In case of any doubts/queries related to the Embassy’s Visa, Passport & Consular Services, applicants may kindly contact Embassy directly at sscons.manila@mea.gov.in or cons.manila@mea.gov.in..
|
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2877
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dbpedia
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3
| 84 |
https://www.doi.gov/priorities/strengthening-indian-country/federal-indian-boarding-school-initiative
|
en
|
Federal Indian Boarding School Initiative
|
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2022-05-11T00:00:00
|
In June 2021, Secretary of the Interior Deb Haaland announced the Federal Indian Boarding School Initiative, a comprehensive effort to recognize the troubled legacy of federal Indian boarding school policies with the goal of addressing their intergenerational impact and to shed light on the traumas of the past.
|
en
|
/themes/custom/doi_uswds/favicon.ico
|
U.S. Department of the Interior
|
https://www.doi.gov/priorities/strengthening-indian-country/federal-indian-boarding-school-initiative
|
“I know that this process will be long and difficult. I know that this process will be painful. It won’t undo the heartbreak and loss we feel. But only by acknowledging the past can we work toward a future that we’re all proud to embrace.”
— Secretary Deb Haaland
Between 1819 through the 1970s, the United States implemented policies establishing and supporting Indian boarding schools across the nation. The purpose of federal Indian boarding schools was to culturally assimilate American Indian, Alaska Native and Native Hawaiian children by forcibly removing them from their families, communities, languages, religions and cultural beliefs. While children attended federal boarding schools, many endured physical and emotional abuse and, in some cases, died.
In June 2021, Secretary of the Interior Deb Haaland announced the Federal Indian Boarding School Initiative, a comprehensive effort to recognize the troubled legacy of federal Indian boarding school policies with the goal of addressing their intergenerational impact and to shed light on the traumas of the past.
The Federal Indian Boarding School Initiative included a number of efforts:
Investigative Report: The Department, under the leadership of Assistant Secretary for Indian Affairs Bryan Newland, conducted a first-ever investigation of the federal Indian boarding school system. The first volume was released in May 2022, and the second and final volume was released in July 2024. The investigation identified the number and details of institutions to include student deaths, the number of burial sites, participation of religious institutions and organizations, and federal dollars spent to operate these locations. It also included policy recommendations for consideration by Congress and the Executive Branch to continue to chart a path to healing and redress for Indigenous communities. Both volumes of the report as well as all the associated appendices can be found the Bureau of Indian Affairs website.
The Road to Healing: In late 2023, Secretary Haaland and Assistant Secretary Newland completed “The Road to Healing,” a historic 12-stop tour across the country that provided Indigenous survivors the opportunity to share with the federal government their experiences in federal Indian boarding schools for the first time. The Road to Healing events including opportunities to connect survivors with trauma-informed support through the Department of Health and Human Service’s Indian Health Service and Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration. Transcripts from visits on “The Road to Healing” are below:
Riverside Indian School, OK
Little Traverse Bay Bands of Odawa Indians, MI
Rosebud Sioux Tribe, SD
Gila River Indian Community, AZ
Navajo Nation, AZ, NM, UT
Tulalip Indian Tribes, WA
Mille Lacs Band of Ojibwe, MN
Sherman Indian High School, CA
Federated Indians of Graton Rancheria, CA
Alaska Native Heritage Center, AK
Pueblo of Isleta, NM
Montana State University, MT
Oral History Project: The Department also launched an oral history project to document and make accessible to the public the experiences of generations of Indigenous then-children who attended the federal Indian boarding school system. Through a grant from the Bureau of Indian Affairs and with funding from the Mellon Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Native American Boarding School Healing Coalition is currently interviewing survivors for what will be a collection of first-person narratives.
The Department and the Smithsonian’s National Museum of American History, part of the largest museum, research and education complex in the world, are partnering to explore how best to share with the public the history of the federal Indian boarding school system and its role in U.S. development, with a proposed focus on the never-told-before experiences of survivors.
Resources:
|
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2877
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dbpedia
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| 85 |
https://aapcho.org/about/
|
en
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About Us
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[
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[
"AAPCHO Team"
] |
2020-12-14T20:30:09+00:00
|
About
The Association of Asian Pacific Community Health Organizations (AAPCHO) was formed to create a national voice to advocate for the unique and diverse health needs of AA and NH/PI communities and the community health providers that serve their needs.
Vision
To be a
|
en
|
AAPCHO
|
https://aapcho.org/about/
|
About AAPCHO Info Sheet (PDF)
The Association of Asian Pacific Community Health Organizations (AAPCHO) was formed in 1987 by CHCs primarily serving medically underserved AAs and NH/PIs. The goal of these organizations was to create a national voice to advocate for the unique and diverse health needs of AA and NH/PI communities and the community health providers that served those needs.
Since that time, we have advocated for policies and programs that improve the provision of health care services that are community-driven, financially affordable, linguistically accessible, and culturally appropriate.
Advocacy Work »
Among other things, we develop, test, and evaluate health education and promotion programs with national significance. We also offer technical assistance and training to promote the establishment and expansion of services for medically underserved AA and NH/PI communities. And lastly, as a unified voice of our membership, we share our collective knowledge and experience with policymakers at the national, state, and local levels. For more on our story, read about our Guiding Principles and Values.
Learn About Our Programs »
AAPCHO’s Board of Directors has a governing role over the organization’s policies and priorities. The Board is comprised of the Executive Director (unless otherwise appointed) of each member organization that holds full membership status with AAPCHO, and a Consumer Advocate At-large. Many of AAPCHO’S Board Members are nationally recognized leaders and have decades of experience delivering primary care services to medically underserved AAs and NH/PIs. To learn more about each Board Member, click on their name below.
|
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2877
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dbpedia
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3
| 9 |
https://achh.army.mil/history/book-spanam-gillet3-ch11/
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en
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History
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Chapter 11
PUBLIC HEALTH IN THE PHILIPPINES
When U.S. soldiers arrived in the Philippine Islands in 1898, they encountered another green hell, another hot and humid country seething with disease. Malaria-bearing mosquitoes haunted the jungles, and the drinking water and fruits and vegetables carried organisms that inflicted dysentery upon the careless or unsuspecting. The Spanish had been quickly defeated, and the victory left "the Philippine Islands, with their teeming millions of inhabitants, . . . on our hands . . . ," a physician noted in the Journal of the American Medical Association. The resistance of Filipinos to occupying U.S. forces made it necessary to keep American soldiers in this hostile environment, where they were exposed to all the afflictions from which the native population suffered. Thus Army surgeons in the Philippines, inspired both by what has been termed an effort to "bestow the spiritual and material blessings of [America`s] exceptional society on the new possession" and by a new understanding of disease, took up a sweeping challenge. To meet it, they began to study the health problems of the country and to use both traditional approaches and new methods suggested by their research to lower the incidence of disease. Following the pattern set in Cuba, however, those conducting research in the Philippines did not manage the public health campaign that attempted to put their discoveries to practical use.1
Research and Disease Boards
Research into the diseases of the Philippines was conducted by members of two tropical disease boards (see Table), as well as by other medical officers in the islands working independently of the boards. Except for the period 1902-1906, the two boards served through 1914, with many medical officers rotating through them. Unlike the scientists who worked with Major Reed, the members of the Philippine Tropical Disease Board investigated a wide range of diseases and health problems, those that posed a significant threat to the civilian population as well as to the military and those of interest principally because of their exotic nature. Members often worked separately, submitting individual reports. In at least one instance they investigated a disease that affected large animals rather than human beings. Their discoveries were not as spectacular as those of the Reed board. The value of their work lay principally in the accumulation of information rather than in any single discovery. Most of their research took place in Manila, where until 1902 laboratory space and equipment were available at the First Reserve Hospital and later at the Manila Board of Health as well. After that date, both the Army`s and the Board of
286
TABLE-PHILIPPINE TROPICAL DISEASE BOARD MEMBERS
1899-1900
     Lt. Jere B. Clayton
     Lt. Richard P. Strong
     Contract Surgeon Joseph J. Curry
March-December 1910
     Capt. Horace D. Bloombergh
     Major Chamberlain
     Captain Kilbourne
1900-1902
     Lieutenant Strong
     Lt. William J. Calvert
     Contract Surgeon Curry
December 1910-February 1911
     Capt. Edward B. Vedder
     Captain/Major Bloombergh
     Major Chamberlain
March-December 1906
     Capt. Percy M. Ashburn
     Lt. Charles F. Craig
February 1911-January 1912
     Lt./Capt. John R. Barber
     Captain Vedder
     Major Bloombergh
December 1906-July 1909
     Capt. James M. Phalen
     Lt. Henry J. Nichols
January 1912-April 1913
     Lt. Ernest R. Gentry
     Captain Vedder
     Maj. Percy M. Ashburn
July 1909-January 1910
     Captain Phalen
     Capt. Edwin D. Kilbourne
April-June 1913
     Major Ashburn
January-March 1910
     Maj. Weston P. Chamberlain
     Captain Phalen
     Captain Kilbourne
June-July 1913
     Major Ashburn
     Capt. Ferdinand Schmitter
Â
July 1913-October 1914
     Captain Schmitter
Source: Based on Vedder, "Synopsis," in Army Medical Bulletin and WD, ARofSG, 1900, p. 21. The first board functioned from 1899 to 1902 and the second board from 1906 to 1914. Except where indicated, all members of these boards were medical officers.
Health`s facilities were replaced by the Bureau of Government Laboratories, where separate chemical and biological facilities were established, together with a serum institute to handle the manufacture of immunizing serums.2
Although the facilities were adequate, the heat and humidity of the tropics imposed a considerable handicap on the work of researchers from the United States. The mental concentration possible in a temperate climate was unattainable in the Philippines, and the speed with which cadavers deteriorated made it difficult to obtain uncontaminated cultures from them because of the "rich and varied" nature of the thriving "bacterial flora" of the area. When rinderpest, or cattle plague, became so prevalent in the islands that researchers had to resort to water buffalo for cultures requiring milk, contamination of the culture medium also became a significant problem.3
First among the researchers` concerns was dysentery, a historic enemy of military forces whose cause was still a subject of controversy. It precipitated so many diffi-
287
RICHARD P. STRONG
culties for the soldiers fighting the Filipino guerrillas that two of the first members of the Tropical Disease Board, contract surgeon Joseph J. Curry and Lt. Richard P. Strong,4 started investigating it as soon as they arrived in the Philippines late in 1899. Although, unlike some in the medical profession at the time, both physicians had accepted the fact that dysentery could be caused by either a bacterium or an amoeba, they found the disease puzzling. Curry`s research added to the confusion, for it apparently led him to the erroneous conclusion that the organism now known as Entamoeba coli, one of six species of nondisease-causing intestinal amoebas that parasitize man, and the amoeba causing dysentery (Entamoeba histolytica) were essentially identical. Under these circumstances, he could not account for the fact that E. coli could be found in healthy men as well as in those suffering from dysentery. Curry correctly concluded that E. histolytica could be present in drinking water and developed statistics that suggested the extent of the threat posed by amebic dysentery, which he maintained was responsible for 66 percent of the deaths caused by dysentery in cases that he had autopsied.5
In spite of Curry`s interest, Lieutenant Strong was the board member initially assigned responsibility for the study of dysentery, although he resigned on 5 December 1902 to continue his research for another eleven years as a civilian working for the Philippine government. Assisting Strong was a talented hospital steward, physician, and pathologist, William E. Musgrave, who would soon sign a contract with the Army Medical Department to work as a contract surgeon. The First Reserve Hospital,6 where Strong and Musgrave worked, offered the two scientists a rich field in which to conduct their research, since in the ten months preceding the submission of their 17 June 1900 report to the surgeon general, more than 1,300 patients, almost 15 percent of the total number, had dysentery. Fewer than 600 of those who survived the disease were able to return to duty, and 125 died. Postmortems on 111 cases established that 79 deaths resulted from amebic dysentery. Although Strong and Musgrave were able to isolate bacteria in 19 more postmortems, they inexplicably did not look for bacteria in 56 cases. They noted, however, that the bacillus they found resembled that first recorded by the Japanese scientist Kiyoshi Shiga.7
The great difficulty experienced by Lieutenant Strong and Musgrave in isolating and precisely identifying the organisms that caused dysentery is a problem still experienced by scientists more than seventy-five years later. Unlike Curry, Strong con-
288
cluded that E. histolytica was not identical with E. Coli,8 which he described as "apparently harmless." He held in 1910 that even though the incidence of bacillary dysentery was at that time increasing, amebic dysentery was "by far the commonest form of the disease met with in the Philippine Islands" and that many other organisms could also be involved, including the malaria parasite. Simon Flexner and Lewellys F. Barker, leaders of a civilian team of scientists who brought their own equipment with them from the Johns Hopkins medical school to join the study of diseases in the Philippines, also experienced great difficulty in determining which of the hordes of organisms in the specimens they examined actually caused the problem.9
While Lieutenant Strong and Musgrave were seeking to gain a greater understanding of dysentery in Manila, in the general hospital at the Presidio in San Francisco, to which many of their patients were sent, contract surgeon Charles Craig, reassigned after his work at Camp Thomas during the typhoid epidemic in 1898, was beginning the research concerning this disease to which he would devote much of the remainder of his distinguished career. Craig, who joined the Medical Department as a lieutenant in 1903, noted that in four cases of dysentery he found large numbers of "pear-shaped organisms, possessing a nucleus and from 2 to 8 slender, hair-like flagella, which propel the parasites. . . ." He referred to these protozoa as "Cercomonas intestinalis," but they are all too familiar to modern travelers and backpackers as Giardia lamblia. Although Craig had never seen them in healthy patients, he was not entirely sure of their role in dysentery and concluded that "they apparently thrive in a diseased intestine and probably cause diarrhea and perhaps ulceration." He was sure, however, that they "aggravated the intestinal condition." Craig`s interest in the subject inspired him to years of research and the publication in 1911 of The Parasitic Amoebae of Man.10
In March 1906, when Surgeon General O`Reilly succeeded in having the Tropical Disease Board reconstituted on a permanent basis with Lieutenant Craig and Capt. Percy M. Ashburn as its members, these physicians continued the board`s study of dysentery, as did their replacements, Lt. Henry J. Nichols and Capt. James M. Phalen. Nichols and Phalen decided that they could not with confidence distinguish between the two varieties of Amoeba and that therefore all amoebas should be considered potentially harmful. Lieutenant Strong`s conclusions concerning the identity and harmlessness of the E. coli was later confirmed by work undertaken by other scientists working in the Philippines, although even ten years later the role of this organism was still not completely understood.11
Research into the question of the identity of dysentery-causing organisms in the Philippines continued for many years. Initially, work with the bacterial form of dysentery proved more fruitful than that with the amebic type. Attempts to infect monkeys with amebic dysentery generally failed, but the discovery that the medium used in studying typhoid also favored the growth of the Shigella organism made bacillary dysentery research much easier. The examination of stool specimens in the attempt to detect typhoid carriers also revealed the possibility that bacillary dysentery, too, could be spread by healthy carriers.12
Because of the prevalence of dysentery, doctors in the islands gained experience with many types of treatment. Although ipecacuanha (ipecac) was to some degree successful in the treatment of amebic
289
CHARLES F. CRAIG
PERCY M. ASHBURN
dysentery when carefully used, the fact that it was an emetic made it difficult for the patient to retain. Since in the Philippines men with dysentery often had malaria as well and since falciparum malaria could cause dysentery-like symptoms, quinine was also widely used. Because even ipecac did not kill all amoebas in every part of the body, the medical treatment of dysentery remained frustrating for doctor and patient alike.13
The liver abscesses that could result from amebiasis occupied the attention of medical officers in the various army hospitals scattered throughout the Philippines. Although nine of the sixteen cases upon which he operated died, Lt. Edward W. Pinkham was satisfied by the autopsy results that indicated death had been inevitable in eight of them. He also concluded that none of the cases would have survived without surgery and that the true reason for the opposition of physicians who were not surgeons to surgical treatment for liver abscesses was the intrusion upon their domain.14
Among other insect-borne diseases studied by the Tropical Disease Board in the Philippines was dengue, a problem with which medical officers in both the United States and the Caribbean had become familiar. Also known as breakbone fever, dengue, while rarely fatal, was both painful and debilitating. Brig. Gen. George H. Torney, O`Reilly`s successor as surgeon general, reported that it caused a "small constant non-effective rate" among troops in the island, serving as "an inconvenience" rather than "a sanitary danger." When the Tropical Disease Board renewed its work in 1906, a dengue epidemic was sweeping the garrison of Fort McKinley, located on a low damp site near Manila, and the study of this disease quickly be-
290
came part of the board`s responsibilities. The erratic pattern characteristic of its spread at that post quickly convinced Captain Ashburn and Lieutenant Craig that dengue was mosquito-borne, but much remained to be learned.15
To conduct their research into the causes of dengue, Captain Ashburn and Lieutenant Craig, like Major Reed, resorted to human guinea pigs, although, because the disease was as a rule not fatal, the risk to the volunteers in their experiments was not serious. When all four corpsmen who volunteered had contracted the disease from the initial experiments and had thus become immune, Ashburn and Craig turned to volunteers from the line, encouraging their altruism with $25 gold pieces and the promise of favorable assignments. Unable to find parasites in dengue patients, the medical officers resorted to injecting their blood into the volunteers. Upon discovering that, whether filtered or unfiltered, the blood transmitted the disease, they assumed that dengue, like yellow fever, was caused by an "ultra-microscopic" organism. They also concluded that the minimum incubation period for dengue was three days and that the disease was carried by the Culex fatigans mosquito. The latter conclusion proved to be in error, however, since the principal vector for dengue is Aedes aegypti, the insect that also carries yellow fever.16
Except for the attempt to discover more accurate means of diagnosis, malaria did not inspire as intense a research effort in the Philippines as might have been anticipated in view of the fact that the disease had afflicted so many soldiers through the years. In writing the history of the Army Medical Department some years later, Ashburn reported that almost 300 soldiers of every 1,000 in the Army in 1902 were suffering from malaria. In fiscal year 1900, when Craig was assigned as a contract surgeon to the general hospital in the Presidio at San Francisco, he noted that the blood of 13 percent of the patients entering that hospital showed evidence of malaria, in most cases the tertian form, caused by the vivax form of the malaria parasite and characterized by a fever that returns every third day. Craig was obviously most interested in learning more about the appearance, behavior, and life cycles of the various malaria parasites and was developing improved techniques to use in this effort. In the Philippines the work of the Tropical Disease Board along these lines was limited to the use of mosquito netting to determine the size of the mesh that would exclude the Anopheles.17
In 1900 the officers of the Tropical Disease Board found themselves investigating plague, yet another insect-borne disease in the Philippines, without being sure that it was, indeed, insect-borne. Although the organism that caused plague had been discovered in 1894 and physicians were aware of a connection between the disease and rodents, the precise means by which it was spread would remain in the realm of conjecture for several years longer. Even such an authority as zoologist Charles Stiles was still convinced as late as 1901 that if rat fleas did play a role in the spread of the plague, it was not by biting. At this time, with his usual caution, Surgeon General Sternberg avoided actually taking a stand on the subject.18
Lieutenant Strong, Curry, and Lt. William J. Calvert, who replaced Lt. Jere B. Clayton,19 began studying the dread disease in the laboratories of the First Reserve Hospital in Manila in the first months following the appearance of plague, moving to the facilities of the Manila Board of
291
Health as soon as the laboratories there were properly equipped. Curry was particularly intrigued, as the epidemic continued, by the fact that while the death rate among Filipinos was 81 percent, it was only 72 percent among the Chinese who, because of the impoverished circumstances in which they lived, might have been expected to have a higher mortality. Lieutenant Calvert, however, credited what he called "racial immunity" to lifestyle, including clothing and cleanliness, but somewhat paradoxically blamed the Chinese for the spread of plague, both through their persons and their merchandise. He noted that "poverty, poor food and dwellings, and ignorance" were the breeding grounds for the disease and that ignorance was the most important factor.20
Lieutenant Calvert based these conclusions upon his study of plague both in the Manila laboratory and in Japan and Hong Kong. In Manila he carried out physical examinations of plague victims, grew cultures that proved capable of killing laboratory rats in three to five days, and conducted autopsies. When he was sent to Japan and Hong Kong to study the way in which plague was handled in nations long familiar with the disease, he visited a serum farm near Tokyo, where an antitoxin was being prepared. This type of serum impressed Surgeon General Sternberg more than Lieutenant Strong, who worked for months without notable success to develop a more effective means of immunization. In 1901 Calvert prepared a circular on the subject of plague that was promptly issued by the surgeon general. In it he covered all aspects of the disease, its history, its symptoms, its pathology, the climates where it was most prevalent, the types of people it most often afflicted, and the means by which it was transmitted. Because he had observed that it could appear where no rats were present, Calvert concluded that plague could be spread in two ways. The bite of an infected flea transmitted the bubonic form, while the inhalation of germs present in bedding, feces, and urine, or coughed up by bubonic plague victims with pneumonia as a complication spread the pneumonic type, which was particularly fatal.21
Unlike bubonic plague, an object of interest and study for centuries and a swift and legendary killer, one of the diseases that drew the attention of the Tropical Disease Board was relatively unknown, especially in the United States. In the Philippines, however, beriberi, now known to result from thiamine deficiency, soon became familiar to medical officers who were responsible for the health of Filipino scouts. Heart problems, edema, nerve pain, difficulties with gait and vision, weakness, mental deterioration, and paralysis severely reduced the effectiveness of scout and police units and thus limited the support they could provide the Army in its struggle with the insurgents. Very few American soldiers ever suffered from this disease, but in Bilibid prison, where many captured guerrillas were held, beriberi sickened more than 2,000 prisoners in a six-month period in 1902 and caused 77 deaths.22
Although vitamins as such were still unknown in the early 1900s,23 physicians knew that a deficiency of certain elements in the diet could seriously undermine the health. Scurvy, however, had been placed in the category of a deficiency disease long before the members of the Tropical Disease Board were born, and in their initial uncertainty as to the cause of beriberi, Medical Department researchers could only speculate, as their predecessors had speculated about scurvy, about the effects of ex-
292
EDWARD B. VEDDER
WESTON P. CHAMBERLAIN
posure to dampness, or to the cold, or to wide temperature changes. They also considered the possibility that "germs . . . in the soil," polluted water, or malaria was at the root of the problem. In 1901 a medical officer maintained confidently that "diet had little to do with the propagation" of beriberi, which he believed was most probably spread by germs. Even as late as 1911 some were still not convinced, but diet was increasingly regarded as a possible factor. Many experiments with different diets established that those who ate unmilled rice (rice from which the hulls had not been removed) did not get this disease. Largely because of the efforts of the Tropical Disease Board and in spite of difficulties experienced in persuading the scouts to abandon their customary diet, beriberi had almost entirely disappeared from among the native troops by 1911, when only three cases were recorded.24
U.S. medical officers conducted much research into the possible causes of beriberi, initially using animal subjects. In 1911 Capt. Edward B. Vedder and Maj. Weston P. Chamberlain, who became members of the Tropical Disease Board in 1910, began experimenting with the treatment of infantile beriberi with an extract of rice polishings. Other physicians had already tried feeding the polishings to nursing mothers; believing the problem to be a poison in the mother`s milk, they required that each baby be exclusively bottle-fed until the mother`s treatment had been completed. Vedder and Chamberlain cured fifteen infants whose mothers had symptoms of beriberi by supplementing each mother`s milk with an extract of rice polishings and allowing nursing to continue. In every case, regardless of the seriousness of the baby`s condition, the cure was rapid and complete. The experiment
293
demonstrated conclusively that beriberi was a deficiency disease rather than the result of a toxin in the mother`s milk. In 1913 Vedder capped his work in this field with the publication of a book on the subject.25
A disease familiar to Filipinos and far more familiar to medical officers than beriberi was cholera, which struck the Philippines in 1902. In the course of their research Army surgeons tried new approaches to both prevention and treatment; results were disastrous in one instance, when a bottle of bubonic plague serum was mixed in with bottles of a cholera serum destined to be tested as a vaccine on prisoners at Bilibid prison, and the ten men who received the plague serum died. Strong, who was working with the cholera serum now in a civilian capacity, had been reserved in his reaction to the preparation of cholera vaccine from the outset because of questions about its safety and his belief that years might be required to produce a strain of the organism sufficiently attenuated for safe use. By 1903 the Japanese had developed both a vaccine to prevent cholera and an antitoxin to treat it, and the results achieved in a few tests of the antitoxin impressed U.S. Army contract surgeons whose patients received it on an emergency basis when they fell ill on a transport. But it was initially not for sale and was hard to obtain. Although the work of the Japanese had promise, that of the Tropical Disease Board was of little, if any, practical value to those responsible for attempts to stem the cholera epidemic in the Philippines.26
Attempts to cure cholera by injecting a saline solution under the skin or into the veins were more successful. A medical officer in charge of two cholera hospitals in the Manila area not long after the start of the epidemic reported to Surgeon General Sternberg that he was using a normal salt solution by vein, having learned that "in collapse it gave the most gratifying results." Many patients, however, were apparently so near death at the time they arrived at the hospital where this treatment was used that nothing could save them. Two physicians reported using intravenous injections to save 80 percent of their cholera patients when cholera again became epidemic in 1908.27
Skin diseases also drew the attention of the Tropical Disease Board while Captain Phalen and Lieutenant Nichols were members. Yaws, caused by an organism similar to that responsible for syphilis, was no threat to U.S. soldiers, but the huge skin ulcers it caused in many Filipinos, especially children, were hard to ignore. Although Captain Ashburn and Lieutenant Craig confirmed the identity of the organism causing this disease, first revealed in 1905, Strong discovered in 1910 that it could be successfully treated with a drug newly found effective with syphilis, arsphenamine, a compound of arsenic. Fungal infections, however, were often difficult both to diagnose and to cure. In the hope of preventing this type of problem, the board encouraged experiment with different types of clothing to reduce excess sweating.28
Organizing the Campaign
While the officers of the Tropical Disease Board continued their work, the remaining Army surgeons joined the effort to reduce disease rates in the Philippines. As far as could be ascertained from studying Spanish records, the occupying U.S. troops had come to a land where death rates had been averaging 50 percent or more above those in many major cities in the United States and usually more than 30 per 1,000
294
per year even in non-epidemic years. The attempt to devise practical means to improve public health could not wait for the new discoveries that might be made by the medical officers who were conducting laboratory research. Knowledge of the specific organisms that caused specific diseases was not at this point as important as an awareness of the fact that, as historian Ken de Bevoise has put it, "poverty, crowded and unhygienic living conditions, and lack of education" were associated with the spread of many diseases, among them cholera, plague, dysentery, and smallpox. Medical officers leading the effort to improve public health in the Philippines would soon discover that the spread of disease was also related to "the gregarious nature of the culture," which "required that those stricken by disease be attended constantly by family and friends."29
The Philippines "presented nearly ideal conditions for the propagation of all infectious disease." "A cycle . . . in which poverty was reinforced by undereducation, malnutrition, and disease" was already well under way when the Americans first arrived. Years of conflict between Filipinos and Spanish, then between Spanish and Americans, and finally between Americans and Filipinos only exacerbated an already tragic situation. The deprivations and dislocations accompanying the armed struggle contributed to the spread of disease. As far as sanitation was concerned, Manila resembled a fifteenth-century European city. Reconcentration policies aimed at gathering Filipinos, into communities that the occupiers could more easily control favored the spread of disease, and the customary diet of polished rice favored high rates of beriberi. Many Filipinos were especially vulnerable to epidemics because their resistance had been undermined by such endemic problems as chronic malaria, amebic dysentery, tuberculosis, and hookworm infection. What de Bevoise has described as the Filipino "dysfunctional concepts of health and illness" still further complicated the situation. Cholera, malaria, the diarrhea-like illnesses, and tuberculosis caused the greatest number of deaths, which in 1902, the first postwar period for which reasonably accurate statistics could be obtained, reached an annual death rate of 63.3 per 1,000.30
For U.S. physicians newly arrived in the Philippines, the discovery that even well-to-do Filipinos were not impressed by the value of sanitation came as a shock. By 1900 U.S. cities generally required, one observer maintained, "garbage collection, sewage disposal, street sweeping, universal vaccination, the proper disposition of fecal matter." In Manila, on the other hand, Army medical officer Lt. Col. Louis M. Maus, who had arrived in the Philippines in December 1899 to serve as chief surgeon of the 2d Division, VIII Corps,31 reported in 1902 that "until quite recently some of the best houses . . . were provided with a seat on the second story, on the outside of the house, and the deposit allowed to drop in the yard below, where it was finally scraped up and carried away" Other homes were equipped with indoor latrines located in a tower at the top of the building, whence the waste fell through a hole into a pit. After a century or so of use, "a solid column of . . . decayed filth" accumulated. Rich and poor alike built latrines over waterways, usually "above low-water mark, [so that] when the tide is out, the deposits are left high and dry, . . . being exposed to the action of flies and other insects for from eight to twelve hours daily." The surface of the ground occupied by many of the poorer houses was so badly drained that, Maus noted, "during heavy rains the accumulation of filth and
295
garbage is floated out into the streets and deposited over the district, thus spreading the germs of disease far and wide." The challenge that faced Army surgeons attempting to improve public health was still further complicated by the fact that it was difficult to make even the need for soap and hot water apparent to natives who spoke a multitude of dialects.32
The main responsibility for the effort to improve public health in Manila was borne by U.S. Army medical officers or former medical officers from the time of the Spanish surrender in 1898 until 1904. The military government created a board of health, composed of six Army surgeons assisted by two Filipino physicians as honorary members, making it responsible to the provost marshal general for the city`s public health. The campaign "of cleaning and sweeping, so characteristic of the American sanitarian," that the Manila Board of Health initiated, doing "what it could in the face of an overwhelming problem," was limited for the most part to the city of Manila. To facilitate the board`s public health efforts, the chief of the its sanitary division, Lt. Harry L. Gilchrist, worked from January to April 1901 to conduct what was probably Manila`s first accurate census.33
Shortly after taking over the government in July 1901, the new civilian Philippine Commission created a second board of health, officially the Board of Health for the Philippine Islands and the City of Manila,34 to monitor health in all of the Philippines, requiring it to function as the board of health for Manila as well. The first two commissioners of public health who ran this new board and its chief sanitary officer were, once again, Army medical officers.35 Regulations required that officers serving the civilian government resign from the military, but the Army skirted the problem by making serving under the Philippine Commission a duty assignment. Other Army surgeons and even, on at least one occasion, a hospital steward, were detailed from time to time to assist the new organization in dealing with its mission, which was principally "the prevention and suppression of diseases." A laboratory that slowly grew in size was initially established on a small scale and managed for the board by Tropical Disease Board member Lieutenant Calvert. Medical officers were permitted to work with the Philippine Board of Health without examination if the commissioner of public health recommended their exemption and his decision was approved by the Philippine Civil Service Board. The qualifications of all others who wished to practice medicine in the Philippines had to be established before a board that the commissioner appointed for the purpose.36
The responsibility for sanitation in each area of the countryside was initially borne by the military officers stationed there. The challenge involved was great, for, according to a surgeon stationed three years in the provinces, "the people had no faith in preventive or any other medicine and relied solely on nightly religious processions and on prayer, fighting all our efforts tooth and nail. . . ." In 1901, under the organization devised by the new civilian government, a network of subordinate boards assumed the responsibility for health in all parts of the provinces not under direct military control, supported by the Bureau of Government Laboratories in Manila with former medical officer Richard Strong, who was already gaining considerable prominence in the field of tropical medicine, at its head. The provincial boards that worked under the Philippine Board of Health were composed entirely of civilians and headed by local doc-
296
tors, for whom the board established a training course in Manila in 1903. U.S. Army surgeons could advise the local boards but could not serve on them as voting members. Large communities were also permitted to form their own municipal organizations, subordinate to the provincial board of health. Finding an adequate number of "sufficiently intelligent" citizens and qualified civilian physicians interested in serving in the field of public health was often difficult, although Filipino and Spanish doctors were numerous. If needed, physicians serving in the U.S. Army could still be sent out into the provinces to check on sanitation, epidemics among either humans or animals, and economic conditions, a practice favored by the Medical Department because the experience gave these physicians a greater opportunity to study disease and the conditions that contributed to its spread.37
The military role in public health began to wane when the Philippine Board of Health was replaced by a bureau of health in 1904. The eleven divisions of the new organization were apparently all headed by civilians under the Army medical officer who was briefly detailed to run it until replaced by a medical officer of the Public Health and Marine Hospital Service. Steps were under way to abandon provincial boards of health in favor of a system of district health officers. Although the Medical Department`s dominance of public health efforts in the Philippine Islands was thus brought to an end, in some areas, post surgeons often continued to function as the health officer of communities near their stations.38
The Campaign
The challenge faced by those involved in the campaign to improve public health in the Philippines was formidable from the outset. Although accurate figures were not available until many months after the U.S. occupation began, a review of the death rates of Manila conducted by medical officers revealed a dismal picture. Available Spanish figures for the twenty years preceding the war did not separate the city`s figures from those of the surrounding province, but the statistics for both areas ranged from a low of 28.8 deaths per 1,000 per year to a high of 63.1, with a fifteen-year average of 38 per 1,000. In 1900, 44.5 of every 1,000 inhabitants of Manila died. In 1901 the rate was 42.6, while in the first nine months of 1902, when cholera began to rage in the city, the annual death rate rose to 64.81 per 1,000. Infant deaths formed the major part of the toll, however, even in cholera years; convulsions from unspecified causes killed 2,038 childeren from 1 September 1902 to 1 September 1903, during a period when a total of 894 men, women, and children died of cholera and 789 from pulmonary tuberculosis.39
Many of the fatal diseases, whether they afflicted adults or infants, could be linked directly or indirectly to the garbage and human wastes decaying in the hot and humid streets and the overcrowding that characterized Manila. The challenge involved in attempting to clean up the city was made all the greater by the fact that, in the fall of 1898, when presumably disease and death rates were high, the Manila Board of Health lacked adequate funding, the city had no municipal government with which the board could work, and conditions were generally unsettled.
Sanitation seemed a logical approach to reducing the inroads of disease in the Philippines. In the United States, where epidemics of such filth diseases as cholera were a thing of the past, the benefits of improved sanitation had become apparent on an empiri-
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FRANKLIN A. MEACHAM
cal basis even before germs were accepted as the cause of so many devastating epidemics. The Manila Board of Health established fines for those who relieved themselves in the streets or failed to correct problems that had been pointed out to them, as well as a system of inspections to detect violations of sanitary laws and supervise their elimination. The first inspection apparently came in response to the specific threat of bubonic plague, first diagnosed late in December 1899. Once plague had been identified, a team of a hundred inspectors, most of them medical students, was quickly gathered with the aid of the chief of police and sent out on house-to-house inspection tours throughout all of the city, except for the Chinese sections, where community leaders of a population of more than 51,000 ran the inspections. A surgeon of the U.S. Volunteers assumed responsibility for a cleanup campaign that involved poisoning rats and for such markedly less useful efforts as whitewashing homes inside and out. The Marine Hospital Service inspected all those leaving Manila to ensure that no one who was coming down with the disease went out into the provinces.40
Recognizing that plague was by no means the only serious danger to public health in the Philippines, the Philippine Board of Health continued to refine the system of sanitary inspections when it assumed responsibility for the city of Manila. The inspections were the responsibility of one of the board`s members, Franklin A. Meacham, who had resigned from the Army to serve as chief sanitary inspector. The board gave Meacham an interpreter and appointed a chief inspector to serve under him. Also part of Meacham`s team were sixty inspectors, ten of whom were Chinese, with the balance Filipino. Each of the ten districts into which Manila was now divided was served by a district inspector, who was assisted by three subdistrict inspectors, and by a medical officer, usually a contract surgeon awaiting transportation back to the United States, who became responsibe for public health.41
Repeated frustrations greeted efforts in Manila to reduce disease rates significantly. The Manila Board of Health started its work with little equipment, having neither ambulances nor wagons equipped to handle disinfection on a large scale. Native inspectors, accustomed to the ways of their people, had to be closely supervised by Americans lest they ignore the very failings they had been hired to report. Because there was no better alternative immediately available, for a time the board had no choice but to allow the use of drainage ditches as latrines to continue, consoling itself by the fact that the heavy rains of the wet season
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A SEWAGE-CLOGGED DRAINAGE DITCH, used by Filipino vendors and families
would eventually flush them out. The most fundamental problem, however, was the fact that inadequate funding threatened the much needed permanent solutions to the city`s health problems: the construction of a city sewage system; the establishment of a safe and ample water supply; and the cleaning of the sewage-clogged moats and drainage ditches that crisscrossed the city, the breeding grounds of multitudinous mosquitoes. The challenge remained when the Philippine Board of Health assumed responsibility for Manila. Within a few months, Meacham`s unceasing efforts to improve the health of the city`s population in the face of these frustrations had completely exhausted him. In April 1902 he succumbed to heart failure after refusing to leave his desk despite the fact that he was running a high fever.42
Even as late as 1907, only eighteen miles of the new sewer system had been completed. Long before this point, the lack of a modern sewage network in Manila had forced the Philippine Board of Health to resort to the Chinese night soil system for removing excrement. Pails were provided to each household for this purpose, and indoor toilets were required to be emptied and cleaned twice a week. The contents of the pails joined all other forms of human wastes and garbage on barges, which dumped their unattractive cargoes in the bay at a spot where the current flowed away from the land. Since even after the pail system had been installed, the sanitation in poor homes was defective, the board decided to begin establishing public latrines where attendants would be responsible for cleanliness day and night.43
Other steps taken to improve Manila`s sanitation early in the U.S. occupation included drawing up a sanitary map of the city and sanitary plans of each dwelling in
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it as part of the census done early in 1901, in order to facilitate the work of the inspectors. The Philippine Board of Health also resorted to the prosecution of a few wealthy landlords for putting too many tenants in the tenements they owned, a step that inspired noticeable improvement in conditions in many similar buildings. The selling of food by vendors in the streets was also strictly regulated, with netting required to keep flies from the items for sale and forks required to avoid the handling of food with bare hands. By the fall of 1903 the system of sanitary inspection was in full operation, even though the size of the inspection force had been cut by 75 percent in June of that year with the discharge of inspectors hired to help with the cholera epidemic. Almost 2 million homes were inspected or reinspected in the twelve months following 1 September 1902. As a result, more than 241,000 houses and almost 162,000 yards were cleaned, and more than 11,000 cesspools and similar sewage systems were emptied.44
Since Manila took its water from a river often contaminated by the urine and feces of the 20,000 people who lived along it, either directly or through rain water that washed wastes into the river, the poor sanitary habits of some Filipinos who lived upriver continued to threaten the city`s drinking water. Keeping these people entirely away from its banks was impossible, for traditionally they washed both themselves and their clothing in it and watered their livestock there as well. Furthermore, since they did not live in the city, they were little interested in changing their habits for the benefit of those who did. The river was also polluted by as many as 15,000 people who lived on boats and used it as both laundry and latrine, even though it was their only source of drinking water. The boat people were so hostile to interference that on occasion they attempted to avoid attracting visits from inspectors by throwing the bodies of their cholera dead, suitably weighted, into the river. Even within the city itself, hundreds of bamboo huts lay close to the water, where the occupant, "his carabao and his pigs, his hens, and his family bathed and often drank in the same stream. The few dishes and pots he possessed, together with the family wardrobe, his dutiful wife habitually cleaned in this common water, and as it saved labor, the nearer the shack was to the stream the better; and so it very often was placed right in it."45
Relying on the city`s wells, however, was not the answer to the problem of polluted water, since they were shallow and their openings so badly encased that the run-off from the city streets drained into them after every rain. Thus when cholera hit Manila in 1902, the Philippine Board of Health had no choice but to close all of the city`s shallow wells and have a few new ones driven to a depth of 700-1,000 feet. It had distilling plants set up to produce 10,000 gallons of pure water a day, but since more extensive measures were clearly called for, the board also made long-range plans to dam the river between its source and the area where people had located their homes so that water could be piped thence around the sources of pollution and into the city. The building of this new water system was almost complete by the end of 1906. Medical officers also urged, but with only partial success, that public lavatories and laundries be established in areas along the river near where the boat people were anchored and that good water be piped to locations where they could easily use it. These measures would both improve their health and reduce the threat to the city`s water supply.46
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Manila`s hospital system was particularly important when the rates of communicable diseases were so high among the indigent, yet in 1898 apparently only one public hospital, one of the Philippines` two facilities for lepers, existed in the capital. Work had been started on a new general hospital for patients with noncontagious diseases, but the building was never completed within the lifetime of the Manila Board of Health. High smallpox rates, resulting from the fact that compulsory vaccination laws had been ignored here as in other Spanish colonies, necessitated the hasty erection of tents-the only type of shelter that could be afforded-to serve as a "pest hospital." The Chinese community, which had its own hospital, built a facility for contagious diseases as well. By the end of 1901, however, barracks with a capacity for 3,500 beds had been constructed and divided into two hospitals, where patients with plague or cholera could be isolated. Late in 1901 an 80-bed hospital was created for civil servants and their families. Nevertheless, the shortage of hospital beds continued; in 1903 the Philippine Board of Health was both urging the creation of more beds for the insane and deploring the closing of two women`s hospitals.47
Initially when cholera invaded the city in March 1902, hospital space was available for its victims. Even though cholera patients could be treated in their homes if the proper precautions were taken to prevent them from infecting others, the Philippine Board of Health was soon experiencing considerable difficulty in supplying beds for those who could not be kept in their own houses and in finding adequate space in which to isolate those who had come in contact with them. When the 100 beds set up at Santa Mesa, along with a detention camp for 6,000 contacts, proved to be so far from Manila that the trip caused the condition of the patients moved there to deteriorate, a third hospital was opened in the city. Here it shared space with a privately operated facility for the Spanish community in buildings that had housed the Second Reserve Hospital. Medical officers were in charge of both the facility at Santa Mesa and that in the Second Reserve buildings.48
In 1903, with the need for beds for cholera patients still great, a rapidly spreading fire destroyed both the cholera hospital in Manila and the detention facility set up nearby for suspected cases. The corral for the Philippine Board of Health`s horses and the buildings of the pail collection system that handled the city`s night soil were also burned down. Although its facilities had been heavily damaged, the board had tents and temporary latrines erected for those rendered homeless by the conflagration, thereby avoiding the marked rise in disease rates that might otherwise have been expected to follow a disastrous fire in such an overcrowded and unsanitary city. Fortunately, the board was given a large increase in funds for the fiscal year 1904.49
One of the motivating factors for the creation of the Manila Board of Health had been the customary conviction that the maintenance of public health required the isolation of lepers from the rest of the public. The facility for these unfortunates had a capacity of 150-200 beds, but U.S. medical officers initially estimated that as many as 30,000 of them remained unsegregated in the islands, a figure later lowered to 6,000. One of the first duties of the board, therefore, was to locate an island that could be developed into a leper colony. While the investigations necessary to deal with this problem were being made, the board had a door-to-door search conducted to ascer-
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tain who and where in Manila the lepers were. This inspection, started in January 1900, revealed more than 100 unhospitalized victims of this horrible disease in the city. By 1904 Culion Island (see Map 4) had been chosen for the leper colony and work to establish the facility was well under way. The Philippine Bureau of Health appointed a former medical officer as the colony`s first director.50
The Most Dangerous Threats
In addition to the struggle to limit the spread of disease through improved sanitation and to create facilities where those with contagious diseases could be isolated, U.S. medical officers directed considerable effort against specific epidemic diseases that threatened the Philippines. Smallpox was a concern from the moment of the Spanish surrender in August 1898. The Filipinos took the disease casually. On the island of Luzon (see Map 4) it was prevalent in every village, yet no attempts were made either to isolate the victim or to disinfect his home. Despite the immunization that was mandatory for U.S. troops, American soldiers occasionally acquired the disease from the Filipinos, making its eradication doubly desirable. The Manila Board of Health promptly initiated a campaign later described by Colonel Greenleaf, then the Army`s chief medical officer in the islands, as "forcible vaccination and revaccination, where that was necessary" The effort was eventually extended to all inhabitants of the islands over the age of three months. Medical officers in the provinces received authority to hire Filipinos and to send them from door to door within the city to perform the actual vaccinations, with the proviso that they supervise the procedure and consult local authorities to ensure their cooperation. The success of the board`s efforts in this instance was marked. In March 1899 smallpox deaths numbered 75 in Manila alone; from October 1899 through July 1900, however, the disease killed only 7 in that city. In the provinces, where local boards of health were responsible for the immunization program, the campaign against smallpox was not under way until February 1900 and was handicapped by the fact that the insurgents occasionally kidnapped the vaccinators. Despite these problems, in the twelve months preceding 1 September 1903 almost 1.2 million units of vaccine were used in the effort to eradicate smallpox in the Philippines.51
The Manila Board of Health supervised the preparation of the smallpox virus for all of the Philippine Islands, but when the long trip seemed to be reducing the effectiveness of the vaccine sent to some of the islands, vaccine farms were also set up in the Visayas and on Mindanao (see Map 4). In Manila the board established a vaccine institute to prepare both smallpox vaccine and any other serums that might be called for to immunize or treat other diseases of man and beast. As the campaign progressed into the provinces and grew in both magnitude and complexity, developing a formal organization under a chief of vaccination to manage all aspects of the immunization program became necessary. Nevertheless, despite the care exercised, all too often the smallpox vaccine proved to be ineffective; in 1905 less than half of those vaccinated earlier were determined to have actually been rendered immune. In 1904, however, when no deaths from smallpox occurred among those who had been vaccinated, the problem appeared to be under control.52
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The Manila Board of Health had scarcely launched the campaign against smallpox before it found itself confronted with the plague epidemic. Although U.S. medical officers were experienced in dealing with smallpox and vaccination and could manage the problems of the campaign against that disease with confidence, they were much less familiar with plague. Believing that the rat might be in some way connected with its spread, the board included within the generalized campaign to clean up the city a specific plan to eliminate rats by trapping or poisoning them. These rodents were killed at the rate of 5,000 to 10,000 or more a month and as many as possible were examined in the laboratory to determine if they were infected. Strenuous efforts were also made to detect and isolate plague victims and those exposed to them and to disinfect their homes and possessions. Whenever possible, those who died from plague were cremated, but if their families had religious scruples against this method of disposing of infected bodies, the board had the coffins filled with disinfectants and quick lime.53
Although the incidence of plague in Manila in 1900 officially dropped from a high of 49 identified cases in March to 11 by May, these statistics were not all-inclusive, since an average of 40 to 80 Chinese were apparently dying of the disease each month without medical attendance. Even after the epidemic ended in Manila in 1902, it continued to haunt the rest of the Philippines. From 1 January 1900 to 1 September 1902, 772 cases were identified and 646 deaths noted. In the following year 198 cases and 166 deaths occurred. The rate continued to drop, with 94 cases and 87 deaths from 1 September 1903 to 1 September 1904 and another 24 cases and 23 deaths in the eight months from 1 September 1904 to 30 April 1905. Moreover, by July 1902, only three American soldiers had contracted the disease and the rates in other cities in the Far East were far worse than in Manila.54
After the outbreak of plague had lasted two years, the epidemic of cholera, like plague most often found in communities with poor sanitation, diverted the attention of the harried and harassed Philippine Board of Health. This disease inspired growing concern from the moment it was first diagnosed in Manila in March 1902. Once again, the board had no weapon but a more extensive effort to improve sanitation. Going beyond the attempt to create safe sources of water, it also forbade the sale of fruits and vegetables that could be eaten raw. In addition, inspectors made house-to-house visits within the city at all hours of the day and night to make sure that no case of cholera went undetected, and a quarantine was placed on the city to limit the spread of disease. But the natives of the island, including Filipino physicians, were not always cooperative. As one Army surgeon noted, the Filipinos tended to take alarm only at the appearance of some spectacular disaster and otherwise accepted suffering and death with "a curious indifference." The board could take some consolation in the fact that few Americans contracted the disease, and those who did were usually men who had "visited or lived with native women" or who had made the mistake of assuming that adding alcohol to water would make it safe to drink.55
In spite of the efforts of the Philippine Board of Health, cholera soon escaped from Manila into the countryside, where it was more difficult to control. At the request of the commissioner of public health, Colonel Maus, thirty-one medical
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officers were detailed to assist him in dealing with the epidemic. The board also asked to have medical officers placed on the municipal boards of health of the towns where their posts were located. The campaign included requiring medical officers to form municipal boards where they did not exist, to prevent the pollution of streams, and to report all cases of cholera to their division chiefs. The Philippine Board of Health urged American school teachers serving on the municipal boards to educate Filipinos on the nature of cholera and the steps to take to avoid its spread. It also encouraged the appointment of American civilians as inspectors so that soldiers would be given this assignment only as a last resort.56
Superstitions about the source of the disease were more widespread in the provinces than in the city, and the efforts of military authorities to stem the epidemic in the countryside were often thwarted. The hundreds of posts throughout the islands became centers from which medical help was rendered to the surrounding populations, but the opposition to the work of medical officers in some areas was so strong that they were accused of causing the epidemic by poisoning the water. Maj. Charles E. Woodruff, an Army surgeon serving in the Philippines in the summer of 1902, believed that the Filipinos were unable "to understand such abstruse matters. To their mystic minds," he noted, "the disease is carried by the air, and even the most intelligent are so fatalistic that they believe if their time has come to die it is futile to try to ward it off." Moreover, a pamphlet first issued by the Spanish in 1888 that maintained that cholera was an air-borne disease was still in circulation, reaffirming popular belief on the subject and encouraging Filipinos in their refusal to abandon the customs and habits of generations to cooperate with a campaign against a water and insect-borne disease.57
Shallow and easily polluted wells were the ordinary source of drinking water in the provinces, and crops were fertilized with human excrement. Natives relieved both bladder and bowel in the immediate vicinity of their homes, further facilitating the spread of disease. The Army surgeon working in one community reported that "everywhere there were carabao wallows and other pools of stagnant water, where the amphibious Filipino motive power [the water buffalo] lies dormant the greater part of the time, sunken up to his nostrils in the muddy water." Natives instructed to dig drainage ditches piled the earth on either side of the trenches they had just dug, thereby preventing water from entering. Run-off carried cholera to the drinking water, uncooked vegetables added the disease to the food, and flies transported the infection from fields and yards to food, water, and dishes, both within the native villages and at Army camps nearby. Women laundered the soiled linen from the beds of cholera victims in the stream whence came their drinking water. Guards posted around the homes and villages of cholera victims to guarantee their isolation, vigorous efforts to disinfect the premises, and the use of smudge pots to drive away flies and other insects were of no avail to stem the tide of the epidemic.58
Even where the local population seemed "peaceably inclined toward" the Americans and "disposed to obey the laws without questioning them," a basic problem remained in the form of what one Army physician regarded as a "lack of energy, improvidence and inability to ad-
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minister public affairs" on the part of the Filipinos. A Philippine Board of Health publication on the subject of cholera was apparently largely ignored, and the efforts of medical officers to protect the civilian population too often came to nothing. "It is perfectly useless," one medical officer reported, "for any health officer to attempt to check an epidemic unless he can rule with a rod of steel." Furthermore, he added, "orders ought not to emanate from a central bureau. The officer in immediate command must be able to control his own movement. A chief cannot understand conditions in a town he has never visited." Sending medical inspectors to afflicted areas seemed to help, but these physicians were too few to reach all communities. Thus, because the rod of steel could not be used, people "died just as they used to die years ago and will continue to die for years to come."59
On 27 April 1904 the epidemic was declared to be at an end. A total of 166,252 cases had been officially reported, of which 109,461 had resulted in death. Perhaps as many as a third more victims had not been reported. Thanks to the military discipline that guaranteed adherence to preventive measures, only 305 U.S. soldiers died of cholera, in addition to 81 Philippine Scouts (their formal designation as of 1901), for whose health Army surgeons were also responsible. Mortality was highest among Filipino victims, their death rate being more than 80 percent, while fewer than 49 percent of the Chinese patients died, less than 56 percent of the Europeans, and barely more than 47 percent of all the Americans in the islands. Almost 96 percent of the infants under one year contracting cholera died. Few Chinese, it was remarked, even came down with the disease, a fact that was credited to their custom of cooking almost all of their food and drinking principally tea. One medical officer also noted that cholera seemed to grow more virulent with the passage of time. Significantly, however, despite the pronouncement that the epidemic was at an end, cholera had not been eradicated from the Philippines. Although it apparently no longer inspired panic, in the twelve months ending 31 August 1904 it killed 423 residents of Manila alone.60
In waging such a vigorous campaign to save lives from cholera, Army surgeons were indirectly waging a campaign to prevent disaster to the local economy. So many farmers died or neglected their fields and animals because of the need to minister to their sick families that crops were neither cared for nor harvested at the proper time. This neglect came just at the time when two epizootic diseases of much interest to medical officers-rinderpest, which affected cattle; and surra, nearly always fatal to horses and spread by the bites of flies-were sweeping through the Philippines, in some areas killing as many as 90 percent of the cattle and water buffalo and 60-75 percent of the horses and ponies. The very quarantine laws that were aimed at preventing the spread of cholera brought internal trade to a standstill, thereby further depressing the Philippine economy. While the Tropical Disease Board began experiments to develop a serum against surra, the Philippine Board of Health, responsible for the health of animals as well as humans, launched a campaign to immunize cattle against rinderpest. Both time and money were required to reach any substantial proportion of the islands` livestock, but by the fall of 1903 the death rate from that disease had fallen from 90 percent to 3 percent.61
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Other Health Problems
Particularly distressing to U.S. physicians in the Philippines was the mortality among infants, who suffered not only from epidemic diseases but from infections and an inadequate diet. Those under a year of age died at a rate twice that found in the United States, although the rate in the islands might be less than that found among the infants of black Americans, who were almost uniformly very poor and whose overall mortality could be double that of whites. The infant death rate was particularly appalling in Manila, where in the cholera year of 1902 three-fifths died before they were twelve months old. Throughout the islands the annual death rate that year among children under five years old was 141 per 1,000, at a time when the comparable rate in the United States was 52 per 1,000 and 131 per 1,000 among blacks.62
Filipino children died of all the other ills afflicting the population, but Army surgeons soon realized that superimposed over these causes were problems stemming from poor nutrition and lack of cleanliness. All too often, neither midwife nor physician attended the mother in childbirth, and tetanus resulting from a lack of proper care in handling the newborn`s umbilical cord caused many deaths, perhaps as many as 30 percent of the total. Meningitis also contributed to the mortality. The infant who was breast-fed exclusively by a mother suffering from poor nutrition might also develop beriberi. No safe alternatives existed for a mother who could not produce enough milk herself, especially after rinderpest had killed many of the cows in the islands. Because refrigeration was not available to the poor, infants might be given sour milk, and since the mothers knew nothing of how to modify cow`s milk to make it more closely resemble that of humans, their babies often did not do well even if it was otherwise safe. Diluting cow`s milk with water from polluted sources spread disease to the hapless offspring. In the attempt to keep them from starving to death, mothers might also feed their infants solid foods in a form they could not possibly digest. Statistics were difficult to obtain. Only physicians could record deaths, but few Filipinos called for medical assistance. Required to cite a cause of death for infants for whom they had not cared, doctors tended to list "infantile convulsions."63
Realizing that a reduction in infant mortality depended on the education of the mother, the Philippine Board of Health prepared a bulletin on infant care and had it translated into all the main dialects of the Philippines and distributed throughout the islands. The board also hired eight midwives to help poor women in the city of Manila with their deliveries, hoping thereby to reduce infection in newborns and to educate mothers in the need for cleanliness. The death rate from convulsions in those under twelve months of age stayed high, however, and infant mortality in general remained a problem for years to come.64
Many of the health problems that attracted researchers received little or no attention from officers on the various boards of health. No real campaign was ever made against hookworm or beriberi during the boards` lifetime, although the research of the Tropical Disease Board would prove invaluable to the Public Health and Marine Hospital Service officers when they became responsible for public health. Medical officers were concerned about dysentery and typhoid, but their concern centered about these diseases as threats to the health of troops. Malaria was not as
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great a problem for the native population as might have been anticipated, even though screening was not often used, apparently because the predominant species of Anopheles mosquito did not breed in the coastal areas where most Filipinos lived. Although tuberculosis caused many deaths among the Filipinos and medical officers blamed its spread at least in part on poor hygiene, no campaign was undertaken against this disease. Mental illness in the civilian population concerned doctors principally because the lack of hospital beds for its victims resulted in their being imprisoned at Bilibid.65
When the Army relinquished its leading role in the attempt to improve sanitation and to lower disease rates in the Philippines, the work on sewage and water systems initiated at the urging of the various boards of health was not yet complete. Although infant mortality fell to 20 per 1,000 in 1920, in the earliest years of the twentieth century it remained great, and overall death rates in Manila continued to vary as epidemics waxed and waned. The city was definitely cleaner because of the Army`s efforts, but the death rate of the Filipinos continued both high and fluctuating. The role cultural factors played in the spread of disease was demonstrated by the contrast in mortality rates between the Filipinos and the Chinese, who cooperated with the fight against disease and whose customs lowered their exposure to cholera. Chinese disease rates in Manila, like those among Americans and Europeans there, dropped markedly and consistently in the period 1902-1905. In the year ending 31 August 1903, when the Chinese rate was 28.26 per 1,000, that of Manila`s Filipinos was 43.42. A year later the Chinese rate was 21.85, the Filipino 53.72. The year ending 31 August 1905 saw a Chinese rate standing at 16.15, the Filipino at 44.54.66
Victory over rats and insects proved to be far more easily achieved than victory over the customs, traditions, ignorance, and superstitions of a people accustomed to accepting disease and death without a struggle. The work of the disease boards was important to the understanding of such diseases as beriberi, dysentery, and dengue, and a campaign to reduce drastically the rat population of Manila contributed to the defeat of the plague, but the effort to reduce disease rates by improving standards of sanitation met with almost constant frustration. Discovering that a diet based on polished rice led to beriberi proved easier than inducing the people endangered by beriberi to adopt an unfamiliar diet, and the end of the cholera threat, like the end of the insurrection, was achieved by proclamation rather than by vanquishing the enemy. Nevertheless, sufficient progress had been made by 1913 to lead an American observer to comment that Manila was, "except in the matter of infant mortality, . . . about as healthy a city as any of its size in the warmer part of America."67
NOTES
1. First quotation from David J. Doherty, "Medicine and Disease in the Philippines," p. 1526; second quotation from Stanley Karnow, In Our Image, pp. 196-97. See also Louis M. Maus, "Military Sanitary Problems in the Philippine Islands," pp. 1-2, 11; Edward L. Munson, "The Civil Sanitary Function of the Army Medical Department in Territory Under Military Control," p. 273.
2. Unless otherwise indicated, data concerning the work of the Tropical Disease Boards is based on Edward B. Vedder, "A Synopsis of the Work of the Army Medical Research Boards in the Philippines," in Army Medical Bulletin, and Percy M. Ashburn, A History of the Medical Department of the United States Army; idem, "The Board for the Study of Tropical Diseases as They Occur in the Philippine Islands," pp. 298-301; Richard P. Strong, "The Bureau of Government Laboratories for the Philippine Islands," pp. 665-67; War Department, [Annual] Report of the Surgeon General, U.S. Army, to the Secretary of War, 1900, p. 21, 1908, p. 99, 1912, p. 140, and 1915, p. 131 (hereafter cited as WD, ARofSG, date); William J. L. Lyster, "The Army Surgeon in the Philippines," p. 31.
3. Joseph J. Curry, "U.S. Army Pathological Laboratories in the Philippine Islands," p. 176. See also p. 175.
4. Strong joined the Army Medical Department in 1898 and was appointed to the Tropical Disease Board when it was created late in 1899. He fell ill, however, on 25 December and was apparently unable to work until February 1900. At this time, he directed the Army`s pathology laboratory in the First Reserve Hospital in Manila and continued in this position when the facility was reconstituted as the Government Biology Laboratory. Strong resigned from the Army in 1902. As a civilian, he remained as head of the Government Biology Laboratory until his resignation in 1913. His reputation as an expert on tropical medicine continued to grow after he left the Philippines to teach tropical medicine at Harvard. See Curry, "U.S. Army," p. 176; Who`s Who in America, 1910-1911, s.v. "Strong, Richard Pearson"; War Department, [Annual] Report of the Secretary of War, 1903, 6(pt.2):39-40 (hereafter cited as WD, ARofSW, date); idem, ARofSG, 1900, p. 109.
5. Joseph J. Curry, "Dysenteric Diseases in the Philippine Islands . . . ," pp. 177-78. Although both organisms are commonly referred to as E. coli, Entamoeba coli should not be confused with Escherichia coli, which, unlike Entamoeba coli, does have pathogenic strains-in other words, strains that cause illness.
6. The First Reserve Hospital is discussed in Chapter 8.
7. WD, ARofSG, 1900, pp. 245-46, 251, 273; Curry, "U.S. Army," p. 176; Who`s Who, 1910-1911, s.v. "Strong, R. P."
8. Entamoeba histolytica was then known as Amoeba dysenteriae and Entamoeba coli as Amoeba coli.
9. WD, ARofSG, 1900, pp. 246, 261, 267-68, 270-71, 273, 1901, p. 205 (first quotation), and 1909, p. 96; Richard S. Strong, "Tropical Medicine," p. 9 (second quotation); "Pseudo-outbreak of Intestinal Amebiasis," p. 1861; Curry, "U.S. Army," p. 175; Simon Flexner, "On the Etiology of Tropical Dysentery," pp. 415-17, 424; idem, "Bacillary Dysentery," p. 219; Charles F. Mason, "Bacillary Dysentery (Shiga)," pp. 242-43; Simon Flexner and L. F. Barker, "The Prevalent Diseases in the Philippines," pp. 525-26; Esmond R. Long, A History of American Pathology, pp. 153, 158-59, 413-14n5.
10. WD, ARofSG, 1900, pp. 66 (quotations), 67-71, 246, 250; Charles F. Craig, "Observations Upon the Amoebae Coli and Their Staining Reaction," p. 415; idem, "The Pathology of Chronic Specific Dysentery," pp. 353, 376, 378; idem, The Parasitic Amoebae of Man; Martha L. Sternberg, George Miller Sternberg, p. 210; Edward B. Vedder, "An Examination of the Stools of 100 Healthy Individuals . . . ," p. 872.
11. WD, ARofSG, 1906, p.130, 1907, pp. 40-41, and 1908, p. 98; James M. Phalen and Henry J. Nichols, "Tropical Diseases in the Philippines," p. 467; Ernest L. Walker, "Experimental Entamoebic Dysentery," pp. 254, 325.
12. WD, ARofSG, 1912, pp. 144-45, and 1913, pp. 131-32; Henry J. Nichols and James M. Phalen, "The Work of the Board for the Study of Tropical Diseases in the Philippines," p. 368; James M.
308
Phalen and E. D. Kilbourne, "The Bacteriology of an Epidemic of Bacillary Dysentery," pp. 433, 435-42.
13. "The Treatment of Acute Dysentery," p. 281; Gilbert E. Seamen, "Some Observations of a Medical Officer in the Philippines," p. 184; Richard P. Strong, Stitt`s Diagnosis, Prevention and Treatment of Tropical Diseases, 1:72, 453; WD, ARofSG, 1900, p. 114, 1901, p. 204, 1904, pp. 87-89, and 1911, pp. 144-45; Alfred Alexander Woodhull, "The Value of Ipecac in Dysentery," p. 223; Henry I. Raymond, "Ipecacuanha in Amebic Dysentery," p. 46.
14. Edward W. Pinkham, "Tropical Abscess of the Liver," p. 309. See also pp. 312, 314, 316. This article was published posthumously.
15. WD, ARofSG, 1910, p. 96 (quotations); Percy M. Ashburn and Charles F. Craig, "Experimental Investigations Regarding the Etiology of Dengue . . . ," pp. 97, 102.
16. Percy M. Ashburn and Charles F. Craig, "Study of Tropical Diseases in the Philippine Islands," pp. 692-93; idem, "Experimental Investigations," pp. 102, 105, 123 (quotation), 136; Charles F. Craig, "On the Nature of the Virus of Yellow Fever, Dengue, and Pappataic Fever," pp. 363-65; Joseph F. Siler, M. W. Hall, and A. P. Hitchens, "Results Obtained in the Transmission of Dengue Fever," pp. 1163; WD, ARofSG, 1907, p. 41, and 1910, p. 96.
17. WD, ARofSG, 1899, pp. 289-90, 1900, pp. 53-60, 235, 1911, p. 145, and 1912, p. 147; Curry, "U.S. Army," p. 176; Frederick F. Russell, "The Results of Two Seasons Anti-malarial Work," p. 161.
18. WD, ARofSG, 1900, pp. 210-12; George M. Sternberg, "The History and Etiology of Bubonic Plague," p. 813; "The Mode of Spreading of Bubonic Pest," p. 1372; Arthur H. Moorhead, "Plague in India," p. 167; Charles W. Stiles, "Insects as Disseminators of Disease," p. 7; H. Harold Scott, A History of Tropical Medicine, 2:733, 735.
19. Clayton left the Tropical Disease Board soon after his appointment in 1899.
20. Quotations from William J. Calvert, "Plague in the Orient," pp. 60, 63. See also Joseph J. Curry, "Bubonic Plague," p. 278; idem, "U.S. Army," pp. 175-76.
21. WD, ARofSG, 1900, pp. 218-20, and 1901, pp. 202, 219-34; Sternberg, "History," pp. 813-14; Richard P. Strong, "Studies in Plague Immunity," pp. 157-59, 302, 324-27, 329; Charles F. Craig, "The Bubonic Plague From a Sanitary Standpoint," pp. 586-87.
22. WD, ARofSG, 1901, p. 236, 1903, p. 69, and 1911, p. 129; Richard H. Follis, Jr., "Cellular Pathology and the Development of the Deficiency Disease Concept," p. 295.
23. The term vitamine was introduced in 1911 by biochemist Casimir Funk, who in the course of his research into the cause of beriberi concluded that the necessary factors in the diet were all amine derivatives. See Henry A. Skinner, The Origin of Medical Terms, p. 365.
24. WD, ARofSG, 1901, pp. 237, 239 (first quotation), 1902, pp. 100 (second quotation), 101, 1903, pp. 69-70, 1905, p. 52, 1910, pp. 120-21, 1911, pp. 128, 130, 132, and 1912, pp. 130, 138; Rpt, Harry A. Littlefield, 1 May 1902, Ms 5000, Entry 52, Record Group (RG) 112, National Archives and Records Administration (NARA), Washington, D. C.; Weston P. Chamberlain, Horace D. Bloombergh, and Edward B. Vedder, "Report of the U.S. Army Board for the Study of Tropical Diseases as They Exist in the Philippine Islands," p. 446; Weston P. Chamberlain, "The Disappearance of Beriberi From the Philippine (Native) Scouts," pp. 514-15; Weston P. Chamberlain and Edward B. Vedder, "The Cure of Infantile Beriberi by the Administration to the Infant of an Extract of Rice Polishings. . . ," p. 30.
25. Chamberlain and Vedder, "Infantile Beriberi," pp. 26-27, 29; Scott, History, 2:892; Edward B. Vedder, Beriberi, pp. 257, 264; Edward B. Vedder and Robert R. Williams, "Concerning the Beriberi-preventing Substances or Vitamines Contained in Rice Polishings," p. 194; Robert R. Williams and N. M. Saleeby, "Experimental Treatment of Human Beriberi With Constituents of Rice Polishings," p. 118.
26. United States, Bureau of the Census, Census of the Philippine Islands. . . , 1:323 (hereafter cited as Philippine Census); WD, ARofSG, 1903, pp. 96-97; idem, ARofSW, 1902, 10(pt.1):359, 384, and 1906, 1:80-82; Richard P. Strong, "Vaccination Against Plague," p. 190; idem, "The Investigations Carried on by the Biological Laboratory in Relation to the Suppression of the Recent Cholera Outbreak in Manila," pp. 437-38. See also Kristine A. Campbell, "Knots in the Fabric," pp. 600-38.
27. WD, ARofSG, 1902, pp. 81 (quotation), 92; Henry J. Nichols and Vernon L. Andrews, "The Treatment of Asiatic Cholera During the Recent Epidemic," pp. 81, 91.
28. James M. Phalen and Henry J. Nichols, "Blastomycosis of the Skin in the Philippines," pp. 280-81, 285, 288, 292; idem, "The Work of the Board for the Study of Tropical Diseases in the Philippines," p. 467; WD, ARofSG, 1907, p. 41, 1908, p. 99, 1911, pp. 122, 141-42, and 1912, p. 140; Weston P. Cham-
309
berlain, Horace D. Bloombergh, and Edwin D. Kilbourne, "Report of the Board for the Study of Tropical Diseases in the Philippine Islands, Quarter Ending Sept. 30, 1910," p. 195; Nichols and Phalen, "Work of the Board," p. 370; Percy M. Ashburn and Charles F. Craig, "Observations Upon Treponema Pertinuis Castellani of Yaws and the Experimental Production of the Disease in Monkeys," pp. 443, 463; William E. Musgrave and M. T. Clegg, "The Etiology of Mycetoma," p. 499.
29. Ken de Bevoise, "Until God Knows When," p. 160 (quotations); Philippine Census, 3:17; John Duffy, The Sanitarians, pp. 146-47.
30. Bevoise, "Until," pp. 149 (second quotation), 150-54, 159-60 (first quotation); idem, "The Compromised Hosts," Ph.D. diss., pp. iv-v (third quotation), 280-81, 285; Philippine Census, 3:10, 23-24, 38-39; Reynaldo C. Ileto, "Cholera and the Origins of the American Sanitary Order in the Philippines," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, pp. 128, 130-31, 140; Jose P. Bantug, A Short History of Medicine in the Philippines During the Spanish Regime, 1565-1898, pp. 26, 35-37, 70, 76, 109; William T. Sexton, Soldiers in the Philippines, p. 33.
31. Maus held the permanent rank of major when he arrived in the Philippines and later received his promotion to lieutenant colonel on 7 April 1902.
32. Frederick Chamberlin, The Philippine Problem, 1898-1913, pp. 116-17 (first quotation); WD, ARofSW, 1902, 10(pt.1):330 (second quotation), 371 (fourth quotation), 329 (fifth quotation), 1904, 12(pt.2):89, and 1907, 9(pt.3):281-82; G. J. Younghusband, The Philippines and Round About (New York: Macmillan Co., 1899), pp. 53-54, cited in Gaines M. Foster, The Demands of Humanity, p. 29 (third quotation); William T. Sexton, The Soldiers in the Sun, pp. 51-52, 104-05; Maus, "Military Sanitary Problems," p. 5; Duffy, Sanitarians, pp. 175, 178, 190, 199; Victor G. Heiser, "Unsolved Health Problems Peculiar to the Philippines," p. 171.
33. Victor G. Heiser, An American Doctor`s Odyssey, p. 60 (quotations); Regulations of the Army of the United States, 1895, p. 11 (hereafter cited as Army Regulations, date). Maj. Frank S. Bourns of the U.S. Volunteers was the first president of the Manila Board of Health. He was succeeded on 28 August 1899 by Maj. Guy L. Edie, also of the U.S. Volunteers, who was followed in this office by Maj. Franklin A. Meacham, U.S. Volunteers. See WD, ARofSG, 1899, p. 119, 1900, p. 99, and 1901, p. 138.
34. This board will be referred to as the Philippine Board of Health to distinguish it from its predecessor, the Manila Board of Health.
35. Major Maus was detailed to serve as the first commissioner of public health for the Philippines on 26 July 1901. He was succeeded in 1902 by Maj. Edward C. Carter, U.S. Volunteers. The first chief health inspector was Major Meacham. His successor in April 1902 was Major Bourns, who resigned two months later. The position of chief health inspector was apparently vacant until September, when T. R. Marshall, presumably a civilian, became chief health inspector. See WD, ARofSW, 1902, 10(pt.1):310, and 1903, 6(pt.2):136, 143.
36. WD, ARofSG, 1900, p. 99, 1901, pp. 138, 141, and 1902, p. 46; idem, ARofSW, 1900, l(pt.10):283-84, 1902, 10(pt.1):261-62, 274, 309-10, 1903, 6(pt.2):66 and 8:9, 111, 567, 596, and 1904, 11:75-77 and 12(pt.2):83 (quotations); Army Regulations, 1901, p. 12; Digest of Opinions of the Judge Advocate General of the Army, 1912-1940, p. 115; Paul C. Freer, "Plague and Late Cholera Epidemic in the Philippine Islands," p. 346; Charles R. Greenleaf, "A Brief Statement of the Sanitary Work So Far Accomplished in the Philippine Islands . . . ," p. 159; Louis H. Fales, "The American Physician in the Philippine Civil Service," p. 515.
37. Wilfrid Turnbull, "Reminiscences of an Army Surgeon in Cuba and the Philippines," p. 48 (first quotation); WD, ARofSG, 1902, p. 46 (second quotation); idem, ARofSW, 1902, 2(pt.1):290a, 10(pt.1):263, 356, and 11:69-72, 1903, 6(pt.2):116-18, 1904, 12(pt.2):84, 134, and 1907, 9(pt.3):280; Samuel O. L. Potter, "Notes on the Philippines," p. 805; Fales, "American Physician," pp. 513-14, 516-17,
38. WD, ARofSW, 1904, 12(pt.2):132 and 14:406, 1905, 11(pt.2):63, 66-67, and 1907, 8(pt.2):96, 110; idem, ARofSG, 1911, pp. 104-05; John M. Gates, Schoolbooks and Krags, p. 59.
39. WD, ARofSW, 1903, 6(pt.2):68-70; idem, ARofSG, 1899, pp. 119, 135-36, and 1900, p. 99; Sexton, Soldiers in the Philippines, pp. 29-30, 33, 38; Philippine Census, 3:74.
40. Foster, Demands of Humanity, pp. 29-30; WD, ARofSG, 1900, l(pt.10):285, and 1901, l(pt.9):381-82; Greenleaf, "Brief Statement," p. 162; Richard H. Shryock, Medicine in America, pp. 126-27, 129-32, 138.
41. WD, ARofSW, 1902, 10(pt. 1):261, 272.
42. Ibid., pp. 262, 272, 274, and 1903, 6(pt.2):79, 81; idem, ARofSG, 1899, pp. 135-36, and 1901, p. 139; Sexton, Soldiers in the Sun, p. 56; Freer, "Plague," p. 346; Greenleaf, "Brief Statement," p. 161.
43. Sexton, Soldiers in the Sun, pp. 56, 59-60; WD, ARofSW, 1903, 6(pt.2):86-87 and 8:49, and 1907, 9(pt.3):285.
310
44. WD, ARofSG, 1901, pp. 138-39; idem, ARofSW, 1903, 6(pt.2):66-67, 74, 82-83, 93, 104, 137.
45. Maus, "Military Sanitary Problems," p.14; WD, ARofSW, 1903, 6(pt.2):75, 77, 91-92; Chamberlin, Philippine Problem, pp. 22-23 (quotation), 24-25.
46. WD, ARofSW, 1903, 6(pt.2):74, 76-77, 91-92, 1904, 12(pt.2):90, and 1907, 9(pt.3):284-85; idem, ARofSG, 1903, p. 44.
47. WD, ARofSW, 1900, l(pt.10):285 (quotation), 1902, 10(pt.1):277-78, 1903, 6(pt.2):96-97, 1904, 12(pt.2):150 and 13(pt.3):733, and 1905, 11(pt.2):94; idem, ARofSG, 1900, p. 215; Gates, Schoolbooks, pp. 57-58; Sexton, Soldiers in the Sun, pp. 55-56; Frank S. Bourns, "Some Notes on the Philippines," pp. 732-33; Freer, "Plague," pp. 346-47; Harry Morell, "A Brief Description of the Hospitals of Manila, With a Few Notes on the Plague," p. 261; Bevoise, "Until," pp. 155, 158.
48. WD, ARofSW, 1902, 10(pt. 1):264, 343-44.
49. Ibid., pp. 277-78, 1903, 6(pt.2):96-97, 101-02, 1904, 12(pt.2):150 and 13(pt.3):733, and 1905, 11(pt.2):94.
50. Ibid., 1900, l(pt.10):284, 1902, 10(pt.1):411, 1903, 6(pt.2):111, 1904,12(pt.2):94, and 1905, 11(pt.2):75; idem, ARofSG, 1900, pp. 100-101, 106, and 1901, pp. 140, 240-41; "Medical News," p. 437; Sexton, Soldiers in the Sun, pp. 55-56.
51. WD, ARofSW, 1900, l(pt.10):284, and 1903, 6(pt.2):110; idem, ARofSG, 1900, pp. 99 (quotation), 123-24, 143; John M. Banister, "Medical and Surgical Observations During a Three-Year Tour of Duty in the Philippines," p. 275; Bourns, "Some Notes," p. 732; Greenleaf, "Brief Statement," pp. 158-59.
52. WD, ARofSW, 1902, 10(pt.1):264, 1904, 12(pt.2):95-96, 101, and 1905, 5(pt.1):770, 819; idem, ARofSG, 1900, pp. 99, 106, 125, and 1901, p. 140; Greenleaf, "Brief Statement," p. 159; Freer, "Plague," p. 347.
53. WD, ARofSW, 1900, l(pt.10):285, 1902, 10(pt.1):275, and 1903, 6(pt.2):181-82, 186; idem, ARofSG, 1900, p. 214, and 1901, pp. 139, 230-31; Sexton, Soldiers in the Sun, pp. 56-57; James A. LeRoy, "The Philippines Health Problem," p. 779; Sternberg, Sternberg, pp. 210-11; Freer, "Plague," p. 347; Maxmillian Herzog, "Bubonic Plague in the Philippine Islands From Its First Outbreak in 1899 to 1905," pp. 652-54.
54. WD, ARofSW, 1903, 6(pt.2):181, 188; idem, ARofSG, 1900, p. 211, and 1902, p. 99; Freer, "Plague," p. 347.
55. William E. Musgrave, "Infant Mortality in the Philippine Islands," p. 466 (first quotation); WD, ARofSW, 1902, 10(pt.1):271, 1903, 5(pt.1):57 and 6(pt.2):109, and 1904, 12(pt.2):114 (second quotation), 115-16; Banister, "Medical and Surgical Observations," pp. 151, 162; Bantug, Short History, p. 35.
56. Henry du R. Phelan, "Sanitary Service in Surigao, a Filipino Town in the Island of Mindanao," pp. 1, 3; Banister, "Medical and Surgical Observations," p. 157; Gates, Schoolbooks, p. 136; Lyster, "Army Surgeon," p. 33; WD, ARofSW, 1904, 12(pt.2):121; idem, ARofSG, 1902, pp. 81, 94.
57. WD, ARofSG, 1903, p. 92 (quotations); idem, ARofSW, 1903, 6(pt.2):106, 115, and 1904, 12(pt.2):117-18, 123-26; Banister, "Medical and Surgical Observations," p. 151.
58. Phelan, "Sanitary Service," pp. 5 (quotation), 6, 9; Banister, "Medical and Surgical Observations," p. 152; Maus, "Military Sanitary Problems," p. 7; WD, ARofSW, 1902, 10(pt. 1):413.
59. Phelan, "Sanitary Service," p. 18 (first three quotations); WD, ARofSW, 1902, 10(pt.1):413 (next three quotations) and 411 (final quotation), and 1903, 6(pt.2):106; Banister, "Medical and Surgical Observations," p. 157.
60. WD, ARofSG, 1902, pp. 82-83, and 1910, p. 95; idem, ARofSW, 1903, 6(pt.2):107, and 1904, 12(pt.2):86, 114, 132; John M. Banister, "Army Sanitary Administration in the United States and in the Tropics," pp. 570-71; idem, "Medical and Surgical Observations," pp. 149-51; Elbert E. Persons, "Medical Service With Philippine Scouts," pp. 708-10.
61. WD, ARofSW, 1903, 6(pt.2):63-65, 112; Joseph J. Curry, "Report on Parasitic Disease in Horses, Mules and Caribao in the Philippine Islands," p. 512; Edwin D. Kilbourne, "Some Experiments With the Trypanosoma Evansi," p. 250; Paul G. Woolley, "Rinderpest," p. 577. Glenn A. May in Battle for Batangas suggests that by killing off so many of the animals upon which mosquitoes preferred to feed, the rinderpest epidemic and military operations led these insects to feed more frequently upon humans and thus indirectly contributed to rising malaria rates (see pp. 26, 266-67, 271).
62. Philippine Census, 3:28-29; Duffy, Sanitarians, p. 180
63. Louis Shapiro, "Umbilical Tetanus," p. 245; WD, ARofSG, 1901, p. 139; idem, ARofSW, 1903,
311
6(pt.2):71, 100, and 1904, 12(pt.2):85, 88; Fales, "American Physician," p. 513 (quotation); William E. Musgrave and George F. Richmond, "Infant Feeding and Its Influence Upon Infant Mortality in the Philippine Islands," pp. 362, 364-65, 385; Vernon L. Andrews, "Infantile Beriberi," pp. 85-86.
64. WD, ARofSW, 1903, 6(pt.2):100, 1904, 12(pt.2):85, 87, 1905, 2(pt.2):131 and 5(pt.1):58, and 1908, 8(pt.2):22; Musgrave, "Infant Mortality," pp. 459, 466; George Rosen, Preventive Medicine in the United States, 1900-1975, pp. 3, 5, 7, 42.
65. WD, ARofSG, 1900, pp. 126, 133-34, 1906, p. 109, 1907, p. 40, 1912, p. 140; idem, ARofSW, 1902, 10(pt.1):347, 1903, 6(pt.2):97-98, 110-11, 1904, 12(pt.2):93, and 1908, 8(pt.2):90; Sexton, Soldiers in the Sun, pp. 58-59; Gates, Schoolbooks, p. 136; "Health of Americans in the Philippines," pp. 700-701; Banister, "Medical and Surgical Observations," pp. 270, 272; Ltrs, H. E. Wetherill to SG, 13 Apr 1900, and W. F. Lewis to SG, 17 May 1900, Ms 4888, Entry 52, RG 112, NARA; Henry J. Nichols, "The Simple and Double Continued Fevers of the Philippines," p. 368; Rosen, Preventive Medicine, p. 4; Department of the Army, Office of the Surgeon General, Communicable Diseases: Malaria, p. 526; Chamberlain and Vedder, "The Cure of Infantile Beriberi," pp. 30, 32. The unexpectedly low rate of malaria in the Philippines might, however, have been related to a genetic resistance. See Andrew A. Skolnick, "Newfound Genetic Defect Hints at Clues for Developing Novel Antimalarial Agents," p. 1765.
66. WD, ARofSW, 1903, 6(pt.2):68-70, 1904, 12(pt.2):86, and 1905, 11(pt.2):124; Gates, Schoolbooks, p. 60.
67. LeRoy, "Philippines," p. 778; WD, ARofSW, 1903, 6(pt.2):65; Rosen, Preventive Medicine, p. 48; Chamberlin, Philippine Problem, p. 115 (quotation); Ileto, "Cholera," in Imperial Medicine, p. 125.
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About the Topic of Race
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[
"Race"
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[
"US Census Bureau"
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2022-03-01T10:48:32.382000-05:00
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This section provides detailed information and statistics on Race. Find the latest news, publications, and other content.
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Census.gov
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https://www.census.gov/topics/population/race/about.html
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The U.S. Census Bureau must adhere to the 1997 Office of Management and Budget (OMB) standards on race and ethnicity which guide the Census Bureau in classifying written responses to the race question:
White – A person having origins in any of the original peoples of Europe, the Middle East, or North Africa.
Black or African American – A person having origins in any of the Black racial groups of Africa.
American Indian or Alaska Native – A person having origins in any of the original peoples of North and South America (including Central America) and who maintains tribal affiliation or community attachment.
Asian – A person having origins in any of the original peoples of the Far East, Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent including, for example, Cambodia, China, India, Japan, Korea, Malaysia, Pakistan, the Philippine Islands, Thailand, and Vietnam.
Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander – A person having origins in any of the original peoples of Hawaii, Guam, Samoa, or other Pacific Islands.
The 1997 OMB standards permit the reporting of more than one race. An individual’s response to the race question is based upon self-identification.
An individual’s response to the race question is based upon self-identification. The Census Bureau does not tell individuals which boxes to mark or what heritage to write in. For the first time in Census 2000, individuals were presented with the option to self-identify with more than one race and this continued with the 2010 Census. People who identify with more than one race may choose to provide multiple races in response to the race question. For example, if a respondent identifies as "Asian" and "White," they may respond to the question on race by checking the appropriate boxes that describe their racial identities and/or writing in these identities on the spaces provided.
The data on race were derived from answers to the question on race that was asked of individuals in the United States. The Census Bureau collects racial data in accordance with guidelines provided by the U.S. Office of Management and Budget (OMB), and these data are based on self-identification.
The racial categories included in the census questionnaire generally reflect a social definition of race recognized in this country and not an attempt to define race biologically, anthropologically, or genetically. In addition, it is recognized that the categories of the race item include racial and national origin or sociocultural groups. People may choose to report more than one race to indicate their racial mixture, such as “American Indian” and “White.” People who identify their origin as Hispanic, Latino, or Spanish may be of any race.
OMB requires five minimum categories: White, Black or African American, American Indian or Alaska Native, Asian, and Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander.
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Cabinet of the Philippines
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cabinet_of_the_Philippines
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The Cabinet of the Philippines (Filipino: Gabinete ng Pilipinas, usually referred to as the Cabinet or Gabinete) consists of the heads of the largest part of the executive branch of the national government of the Philippines. Currently, it includes the secretaries of 21 executive departments and the heads of other several other minor agencies and offices that are subordinate to the president of the Philippines.
Cabinet of the PhilippinesCabinet overviewFormedJanuary 21, 1899 ( )TypeAdvisory bodyHeadquartersMalacañang Palace, Metro ManilaCabinet executivesWebsitewww.gov.ph
The Cabinet secretaries are tasked to advise the President on the different affairs of the state like agriculture, budget, finance, education, social welfare, national defence, foreign policy, and the like.
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LIVE NOW: DOH #MediaSolusyon Kapihan with Media Partners
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LIVE NOW: DOH #MediaSolusyon Kapihan with Media Partners
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https://static.xx.fbcdn.net/rsrc.php/yT/r/aGT3gskzWBf.ico
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https://www.facebook.com/DOHgovPH/videos/live-now-doh-mediasolusyon-kapihan-with-media-partners/1180242002956894/
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Common Acronyms
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This list gives you the acronym and meaning about words and terms found throughout documents on this site. Links for the "definition" of the acronym are available for those included in our Glossary, as well as direct links to the websites of other agencies. To find an acronym, select its first letter and browse the list.
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en
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/themes/custom/aspe_uswds/favicon.ico
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ASPE
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https://aspe.hhs.gov/common-acronyms
|
This list gives you the acronym and meaning about words and terms found throughout documents on this site. Links for the "definition" of the acronym are available for those included in our Glossary, as well as direct links to the websites of other agencies. To find an acronym, select its first letter and browse the list.
Disclaimer: This website has links to many other federal agency and private organizations. You are subject to that site's privacy policy when you leave our site. Reference in this website to any specific commercial products, service, manufacturer, or company does not constitute its endorsement or recommendation by the U.S. Government or HHS. HHS is not responsible for the contents of any "off-site" web page referenced from this server.
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https://www.archives.gov/research/guide-fed-records/groups/090.html
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Records of the Public Health Service [PHS], 1912-1968
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2016-10-12T00:00:00
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Records of the Public Health Service [PHS], 1912-1968 in the holdings of the U.S. National Archives and Records Administration. From the Guide to Federal Records in the National Archives of the U.S.
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/favicon.ico
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(Record Group 90)
1794-1990
Overview of Records Locations
Table of Contents
90.1 Administrative History
90.2 General Records of the Public Health Service and its Predecessors 1802-1945
90.2.1 Correspondence
90.2.2 Personnel records
90.2.3 Financial and budgetary records
90.3 Records of PHS Operating Units 1872-1950
90.3.1 Records of the Domestic (Interstate) Quarantine Division
90.3.2 Records of the General Inspection Service
90.3.3 Records of the Marine Hospitals Division
90.3.4 Records of the Division of Insular and Foreign Quarantine
90.3.5 Records of the Division of Venereal Diseases
90.3.6 Records of the Division of Scientific Research
90.4 Records of PHS Hospitals and Field Medical Installations 1794-1944
90.4.1 Records of the hospital at Ashland, WI
90.4.2 Records of the hospital at Atlantic City, NJ
90.4.3 Records of the hospital at Baltimore, MD
90.4.4 Records of the hospital at Barnstable, MA
90.4.5 Records of the hospital at Bath, ME
90.4.6 Records of the hospital at Boothbay Harbor, ME
90.4.7 Records of the hospital at Camden, NJ
90.4.8 Records of the hospital at Charleston, SC
90.4.9 Records of the hospital at Charlestown (Boston), MA
90.4.10 Records of the hospital at Chelsea, MA
90.4.11 Records of the hospital at Cincinnati, OH
90.4.12 Records of the hospital at Cleveland, OH
90.4.13 Records of the hospital at Danville, NY
90.4.14 Records of the hospital at Duluth, MN
90.4.15 Records of the hospital at Edgartown, MA
90.4.16 Records of the hospital at Ellsworth, ME
90.4.17 Records of the hospital at Fort Stanton, NM
90.4.18 Records of the hospital at Georgetown, DC
90.4.19 Records of the hospital at Lewes, DE
90.4.20 Records of the hospital at Little Egg Harbor, NJ
90.4.21 Records of the hospital at Middletown, CT
90.4.22 Records of the hospital at Milwaukee, WI
90.4.23 Records of the hospital at Mobile, AL
90.4.24 Records of the hospital at New Haven, CT
90.4.25 Records of the hospital at New Orleans, LA
90.4.26 Records of the hospital at Pelham, GA
90.4.27 Records of the hospital at Pensacola, FL
90.4.28 Records of the hospital at Philadelphia, PA
90.4.29 Records of the hospital at Portsmouth, NH
90.4.30 Records of the hospital at Providence, RI
90.4.31 Records of the hospital at Rock Island, IL-Davenport, IA
90.4.32 Records of the hospital at Rockland, ME
90.4.33 Records of the hospital at Rome, GA
90.4.34 Records of the hospital at Saginaw, MI
90.4.35 Records of St. Elizabeths Hospital, Washington, DC
90.4.36 Records of the hospital at St. Louis, MO
90.4.37 Records of the hospital at Staten Island, NY
90.4.38 Records of the hospital at Tuckerton, NJ
90.4.39 Records of the hospital at Washington, DC
90.4.40 Records of the hospital at Wilmington, NC
90.4.41 Miscellaneous hospital records
90.5 Records of PHS Quarantine Stations 1807-1948
90.5.1 General records
90.5.2 Records of Angel Island Quarantine Station, CA
90.5.3 Records of the Point Loma, Quarantine Station, CA
90.6 Records of the Office of the Surgeon General 1928-65
90.6.1 General records
90.6.2 Records of the Division of Nursing
90.6.3 Records of the Division of Commissioned Officers
90.6.4 Records of the National Office of Vital Statistics
90.6.5 Records of the Office of International Health Relations
90.6.6 Records of the White House Conference on Health
90.7 Records of the Bureau of Medical Services 1945-66
90.7.1 Records of the Hospital Division
90.7.2 Records of the Division of Nursing Resources
90.8 Records of the Bureau of State Services 1948-63
90.8.1 General records
90.8.2 Records of the Division of General Health Services
90.8.3 Records of the Division of Public Health Nursing
90.8.4 Records of the Water Pollution Control Division
90.8.5 Records of the Division of Sanitary Engineering Services
90.8.6 Records of the Division of Special Health Services
90.9 Records of the Community Health Divisions, Bureau of State Services 1940-69
90.9.1 Records of the Division of Chronic Diseases
90.9.2 Records of the Division of Community Health Practice
90.9.3 Records of the Division of Dental Health and Resources
90.9.4 Records of the Division of Nursing
90.10 Records of the Division of Air Pollution, Environmental Health Divisions, Bureau of State Services 1965-66
90.11 Records of the National Board of Health 1879-84
90.12 Textual Records (General) 1914-74
90.13 Cartographic Records (General) 1918, 1942-51
90.14 Motion Pictures (General) 1924-50
90.15 Sound Recordings (General) 1942
90.16 Still Pictures (General) 1862-1934
90.1 Administrative History
Established: In the Department of the Treasury by the Public Health and Marine Hospital Service Act (37 Stat. 309), August 14, 1912.
Predecessor Agencies:
In the Department of the Treasury:
Marine Hospital Service (1798-1902)
U.S. Public Health and Marine Hospital Service (1902-12)
Transfers: To Federal Security Agency by Reorganization Plan No. I of 1939, effective July 1, 1939; to Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW) by Reorganization Plan No. 1 of 1953, effective April 11, 1953; to Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) by the Department of Education Organization Act (93 Stat. 695), October 17, 1979.
Functions: Administers federal programs to protect and improve the nation's physical and mental health. Provides guidance and support to the following constituent operating health agencies: Alcohol, Drug Abuse, and Mental Health Administration; Centers for Disease Control; Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry; Food and Drug Administration; Health Resources and Services Administration; Indian Health Service; National Institutes of Health; and Agency for Health Care Policy and Research.
Finding Aids: Forrest R. Holdcamper, comp., "Preliminary Inventory of the Records of the Public Health Service," NC 34 (Oct. 1963, rev. Jan. 1966); supplement in National Archives microfiche edition of preliminary inventories.
Related Records:
Record copies of publications of the Public Health Service in RG 287, Publications of the U.S. Government.
General Records of the Department of the Treasury, RG 56.
Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, RG 75.
Records of the Food and Drug Administration, RG 88.
General Records of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, RG 235.
Records of the Environmental Protection Agency, RG 412.
Records of St. Elizabeths Hospital, RG 418.
Records of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, RG 442.
Records of the National Institutes of Health, RG 443.
Top of Page
90.2 General Records of the Public Health Service and its
Predecessors
1802-1945
History: Established in the Department of the Treasury as the Marine Hospital Service under provisions of an act of July 16, 1798 (1 Stat. 605), authorizing marine hospitals for the care of American merchant seamen. Centralized direction dates from appointment of first Surgeon General ("Supervising Surgeon of the Marine Hospital Service") pursuant to an act reorganizing the Marine Hospital Service (16 Stat. 170), June 29, 1870. Redesignated Public Health and Marine Hospital Service by an act of July 1, 1902 (32 Stat. 712), to reflect enhanced public health responsibilities in areas of research, disease prevention, and education. Redesignated PHS, 1912. See 90.1.
Top of Page
90.2.1 Correspondence
Textual Records: Letters sent, 1834-1921, with partial register, 1870-73, 1884-85, 1889. Letters received, 1834-97, with register, 1869-97. Letters received from quarantine stations, 1869-97. General subject file of the PHS, 1897-1944 (845 ft.), with card index, 1897-1923 (260 ft.).
Top of Page
90.2.2 Personnel records
Textual Records: Correspondence regarding nominations, applications, and charges against officers, 1868-1910. Lists of quarantine station employees, 1892-94. Card record of changes of personnel aides, 1919-20, 1926-32. Personnel records of PHS employees, 1877-1915, and officers in the PHS Commissioned Corps, 1873-1945. Monthly personnel reports, 1925-41.
Top of Page
90.2.3 Financial and budgetary records
Textual Records: Statements of the marine hospital fund, 1802-48, 1861-64. Quarterly financial returns of hospitals, 1833-50. Record of hospital dues collected from seamen, 1872-90. Appropriation ledgers, 1871-1911, 1931. Disbursement books, 1847- 1921 (with gaps). Registers of accounts, 1890-1911. Cashbooks, 1904-9, 1922-23. Allotment books, 1913-39. Relief statistics, 1860-1935 (with gaps). Miscellaneous records, 1833-1915. PHS salary ledgers, 1877-1920.
Top of Page
90.3 Records of PHS Operating Units
1872-1950
History: Marine Hospital Service first organized into functional divisions pursuant to reorganization order, Office of the Surgeon General, September 28, 1899. Initial organization consisted of Marine Hospitals Division (See 90.3.3), Domestic Quarantine Division (See 90.3.1), Division of Insular and Foreign Quarantine and Immigration (See 90.3.4), Division of Personnel and Accounts, Division of Statistics and Public Health Reports, and Miscellaneous Division. Informal redesignations occurred almost immediately: Marine Hospitals Division became Division of Marine Hospitals and Relief (1900); Division of Statistics and Public Health Reports became Division of Sanitary Reports and Statistics (1900); Domestic Quarantine Division became Division of Domestic (Interstate) Quarantine (1910), with formal redesignation as States Relations Division, July 1, 1941; and Division of Insular and Foreign Quarantine and Immigration became Division of Foreign and Insular Quarantine and Immigration (1905), with a brief period when the title Division of Maritime Quarantine was commonly substituted (1918-19).
Division of Scientific Research (See 90.3.6) established, September 1901, with informal redesignation as Division of Scientific Research and Sanitation by 1905. Division of Venereal Diseases (See 90.3.5) established pursuant to provisions of the Army Appropriation Act (40 Stat. 886), July 9, 1918. Narcotics Division established by the Narcotic Farms Act (45 Stat. 1086), January 19, 1929, and redesignated Division of Mental Hygiene by an act of June 14, 1930 (46 Stat. 586). (For an administrative history of this division, which became the National Institute of Mental Health, See RG 511.)
PHS Reorganization Order No. 1, December 30, 1943, implementing the Public Health Service Act (57 Stat. 587), November 11, 1943, established two headquarters components, the Bureau of Medical Services and Bureau of State Services, assigning Division of Marine Hospitals and Relief (as Hospital Division), Division of Mental Hygiene, and Division of Foreign and Insular Quarantine and Immigration (as Foreign Quarantine Division) to Bureau of Medical Services; and assigning States Relations Division, Division of Venereal Diseases (as Venereal Disease Division), and newly established Industrial Hygiene Division to Bureau of State Services. Retained by the immediate Office of the Surgeon General were Division of Personnel and Accounts (split into Civil Service Personnel Section and Budget and Fiscal Office, both under the Deputy Surgeon General, and Division of Commissioned Officers) and Division of Sanitary Reports and Statistics, which was absorbed into Division of Public Health Methods which had been transferred from the National Institute of Health. (For administrative histories subsequent to reorganization of 1944, See 90.6, 90.7, and 90.8.)
Top of Page
90.3.1 Records of the Domestic (Interstate) Quarantine Division
History: Established as one of the initial divisions of the Marine Hospital Service, pursuant to Surgeon General's reorganization order, September 28, 1899. Commonly known as the Division of Domestic Quarantine and, after 1910, as the Division of Domestic (Interstate) Quarantine. Redesignated States Relations Division, July 1, 1941. Assigned to newly established Bureau of State Services pursuant to PHS Reorganization Order No. 1, December 30, 1943, implementing Public Health Service Act (57 Stat. 587), November 11, 1943. See 90.8.
Textual Records: Records of a conference on the future of the public health program in the United States and education of sanitarians, March 1922. Records relating to the trachoma eradication program, consisting of central office correspondence, 1912-36; weekly reports, 1929-36; correspondence of trachoma treatment hospitals at Greenville, KY, Jackson, KY, Pelham, GA, and Russelville, AR, 1917-28; clinical cards, 1916-20; and travel orders and accounts, 1921-36.
Top of Page
90.3.2 Records of the General Inspection Service
History: Established as the Inspection Section, February 16, 1920, and redesignated the General Inspection Service, August 14, 1920. Responsible for routine inspection of PHS administered hospitals and medical facilities (including veterans' hospitals) and for investigation of complaints (primarily from veterans) of mismanagement or mistreatment by PHS personnel. Activities significantly reduced following transfer of veterans' hospitals to Veterans Bureau, May 1, 1922. Operated through end of Fiscal Year 1924 (June 30, 1924).
Textual Records: Correspondence and index, 1920-24. Inspection and investigation reports, 1919-24. Records of a U.S. Senate investigation of the PHS, 1923. Letters of commendation, 1920-22. Newspaper clippings, 1921-24.
Top of Page
90.3.3 Records of the Marine Hospitals Division
History: Established as one of the initial divisions of the Marine Hospital Service, pursuant to Surgeon General's reorganization order, September 28, 1899. Commonly known as the Division of Marine Hospitals and Relief by 1900. Assigned to newly established Bureau of Medical Services pursuant to PHS Reorganization Order No. 1, December 30, 1943, implementing Public Health Service Act (57 Stat. 587), November 11, 1943. See 90.7.1.
Textual Records: Letters sent to custodians of hospitals, 1897- 1912. General correspondence of the division, 1909-36, with registers, 1884-1911, 1925-36. Records of the Purveyor, including letters sent, 1877-81; and record of medical supplies purchased and issued, 1872-90. Reports of patients admitted and discharged at Marine and Public Health Hospitals, 1877-1920. Records regarding coordination of federal public health activities, 1926- 29.
Top of Page
90.3.4 Records of the Division of Insular and Foreign Quarantine
History: Established as one of the initial divisions of the Marine Hospital Service, pursuant to Surgeon General's reorganization order, September 28, 1899. Commonly known as the Foreign and Insular Quarantine and Immigration Division by 1900, and as Maritime Quarantine Division, 1918-19. Assigned to newly established Bureau of Medical Services pursuant to PHS Reorganization Order No. 1, December 30, 1943, implementing Public Health Service Act (57 Stat. 587), November 11, 1943. See 90.7.
Textual Records: Correspondence with stations at Cienfuegos, Cuba, 1890-1903; Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 1904-6; and Danzig, Poland, 1921-36. Record of acclimatization certificates issued at Cienfuegos, Cuba, 1906.
Top of Page
90.3.5 Records of the Division of Venereal Diseases
History: Established pursuant to provisions of the Army Appropriation Act (40 Stat. 886), July 9, 1918. Assigned to newly established Bureau of State Services pursuant to PHS Reorganization Order No. 1, December 30, 1943, implementing Public Health Service Act (57 Stat. 587), November 11, 1943. See 90.8.
Textual Records: Decimal file, 1918-36. Legislative files, 1918- 30. Records relating to educational campaigns in colleges, institutions, and labor unions, 1918-24. Correspondence of division officials, 1918-32. Newspaper clippings relating to venereal disease control, 1919-25. General records of the Interdepartmental Social Hygiene Board, including records of the executive director, 1918-21, and scientific studies, 1919-22. Records of the Public Health Institute on Venereal Disease Control, 1921-22, Records of the Committee on Research in Syphilis, 1928-36. Correspondence concerning untreated syphilis in Macon County, Alabama (Tuskegee Syphilis Study), 1932-33.
Sound Recordings: Ballads by popular singers and commentary by well-known news reporters, recorded by Columbia University for the PHS Venereal Disease Project, 1947-50 (8 items). See also 90.14.
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90.3.6 Records of the Division of Scientific Research
History: Division of Scientific Research established, September 1901, with informal redesignation as Division of Scientific Research and Sanitation by 1905. Administered Hygienic Laboratory, Washington, DC. Hygienic Laboratory redesignated National Institute of Health by Ransdell Act (46 Stat. 379), May 26, 1930; absorbed Division of Scientific Research, February 1, 1937. (For subsequent administrative history, see RG 443.)
Textual Records: Correspondence relating to the work of the division prepared for the Bureau of Efficiency, October 1917. Letters received relating to the International Congress on Tuberculosis, September 12-October 11, 1918. General records of the Office of International Public Hygiene, 1913-41. Health survey forms for Hagerstown, MD, 1921-43.
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90.4 Records of PHS Hospitals and Field Medical Installations
1794-1952
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90.4.1 Records of the hospital at Ashland, WI
Textual Records: Outpatient records (interfiled with those for the hospital at Duluth, MN), 1898-1915.
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90.4.2 Records of the hospital at Atlantic City, NJ
Textual Records: Records of medical inspection of seamen (interfiled with those for the hospital at Tuckerton, NJ), 1906- 7.
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90.4.3 Records of the hospital at Baltimore, MD
Textual Records: Registers of permits to enter hospital, 1802-4.
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90.4.4 Records of the hospital at Barnstable, MA
Textual Records: Masters certificates of sick or disabled seamen, 1880-89. Prescription books (interfiled with those for the hospital at Ellsworth, ME), 1876-89.
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90.4.5 Records of the hospital at Bath, ME
Textual Records: Registers of permits to enter hospital, 1802-3. Masters certificates of sick or disabled seamen, 1902-3.
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90.4.6 Records of the hospital at Boothbay Harbor, ME
Textual Records: Registers of permits to enter hospital, 1899- 1939. Records of medical inspection of seamen, 1880-1939.
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90.4.7 Records of the hospital at Camden, NJ
Textual Records: Registers of permits to enter hospital, 1818.
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90.4.8 Records of the hospital at Charleston, SC
Textual Records: Clinical reports, 1898-1918.
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90.4.9 Records of the hospital at Charlestown (Boston), MA
Textual Records: Prescription books, 1809-19.
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90.4.10 Records of the hospital at Chelsea, MA
Textual Records: Copies of letters sent and received by the hospital director, 1794-1856.
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90.4.11 Records of the hospital at Cincinnati, OH
Textual Records: Registers of permits to enter hospital, 1888- 1939. Registers of patients, 1871-88, with index, 1871-76. Outpatient records, 1880-89.
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90.4.12 Records of the hospital at Cleveland, OH
Textual Records (in Chicago): Press copies of letters sent, 1889- 1923, with registers, 1900-1. Letters received, 1893-1928. Real estate records, 1924-26. Record of activities ("Operations Journal"), 1899-1913. Patient registers, 1870-1904. Clinical records, 1889-1922.
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90.4.13 Records of the hospital at Danville, NY
Textual Records: Treatment journal, 1919-20.
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90.4.14 Records of the hospital at Duluth, MN
Textual Records: Outpatient records, 1883-84. Outpatient records (interfiled with those for the hospital at Ashland, WI), 1898- 1915.
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90.4.15 Records of the hospital at Edgartown, MA
Textual Records: Registers of permits to enter hospital, 1871-85.
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90.4.16 Records of the hospital at Ellsworth, ME
Textual Records: Outpatient records, 1880-1911. Prescription books (interfiled with those for the hospital at Barnstable, MA), 1876-89.
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90.4.17 Records of the hospital at Fort Stanton, NM
Textual Records (in Denver): Letters sent, 1899-1921. Letters received, 1899-1921. Telegrams sent relating to deaths and burials, 1905-21. Telegrams received, 1912-21. General correspondence, reports, and other records, 1890-1952. Issuances, 1901- 38. Records of staff meetings, 1925-35. Record book of patient histories, 1899-1920. Autopsy reports, 1910-36. Receipts for patients' valuables, 1926-44.
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90.4.18 Records of the hospital at Georgetown, DC
Textual Records: Registers of permits to enter hospital, 1874-78. Registers of patients, 1865-95. Records of medical inspection of seamen, 1880-1912.
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90.4.19 Records of the hospital at Lewes, DE
Textual Records: Registers of permits to enter hospital, 1884-89. Registers of patients, 1884-1904. Treatment journal, 1899. Outpatient records, 1878-1911. Records of medical inspection of seamen, 1895-1916. Clinical reports, 1898-1918. Case books, 1882- 89.
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90.4.20 Records of the hospital at Little Egg Harbor, NJ
Textual Records: Registers of permits to enter hospital, 1872-91.
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90.4.21 Records of the hospital at Middletown, CT
Textual Records: Registers of permits to enter hospital, 1820- 1905.
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90.4.22 Records of the hospital at Milwaukee, WI
Textual Records: Registers of permits to enter hospital, 1870-77.
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90.4.23 Records of the hospital at Mobile, AL
Textual Records (in Atlanta): Records of the Outpatient Clinic, consisting of letters sent, 1875-77; letters received, 1882-88; telegrams received, 1888; patient registers, 1871-87; treatment records, 1875-83; property management records, 1876-1918; and records relating to building and construction, 1888-1919.
Architectural and Engineering Plans: Architect's sketch of hospital, 1927 (1 item). See also 90.12.
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90.4.24 Records of the hospital at New Haven, CT
Textual Records: Registers of permits to enter hospital, 1872-89.
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90.4.25 Records of the hospital at New Orleans, LA
Textual Records: Registers of patients, 1910-16. Letters sent regarding Wassermann tests conducted at New Orleans, 1920.
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90.4.26 Records of the hospital at Pelham, GA
Textual Records: Outpatient records, 1916-32.
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90.4.27 Records of the hospital at Pensacola, FL
Textual Records: Treatment journals, 1908-19.
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90.4.28 Records of the hospital at Philadelphia, PA
Textual Records: Registers of permits to enter hospital, 1811-56.
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90.4.29 Records of the hospital at Portsmouth, NH
Textual Records: Registers of permits to enter hospital, 1878- 1915. Outpatient records, 1882-1915. Records of medical inspection of seamen, 1885-95. Masters certificates of sick or disabled seamen, 1813-64, 1883-1915.
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90.4.30 Records of the hospital at Providence, RI
Textual Records: Registers of permits to enter hospital, 1820-65. Registers of patients, 1877-1911.
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90.4.31 Records of the hospital at Rock Island, IL-Davenport, IA
Textual Records: Outpatient records, 1929-33. Medical records of injury, 1921-26. Clinical reports, 1898-1918. Masters certificates of sick or disabled seamen, 1925-40. Correspondence with the Employees' Compensation Commission, 1921-22.
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90.4.32 Records of the hospital at Rockland, ME
Textual Records: Registers of permits to enter hospital, 1889- 1912. Registers of patients, 1889-1925. Outpatient records, 1902- 16. Lists of diseases treated, 1880-1927.
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90.4.33 Records of the hospital at Rome, GA
Textual Records: Registers of patients, 1886-96.
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90.4.34 Records of the hospital at Saginaw, MI
Textual Records: Masters certificates of sick or disabled seamen, 1935.
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90.4.35 Records of St. Elizabeths Hospital, Washington, DC
Textual Records: Registers of patients, 1875-94. Payrolls of hospital employees, 1890-1920.
Related Records: For additional records, See RG 418, Records of St. Elizabeths Hospital.
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90.4.36 Records of the hospital at St. Louis, MO
Textual Records: Registers of permits to enter hospital, 1857-65.
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90.4.37 Records of the hospital at Staten Island, NY
History: Seamen's Fund and Retreat established pursuant to an act of the New York legislature, April 22, 1831, to provide hospital care to sick and disabled seamen in New York City. Closed in the summer of 1882. Property conveyed to Marine Society of New York, which leased it to the U.S. Marine Hospital Service in 1883. Purchased by the United States in 1903. U.S. Marine Hospital opened on Bedloe's Island, New York Harbor, 1879. Transferred in 1883 to site of Seamen's Fund and Retreat, Staten Island, NY. Closed as federal facility, 1981. Now operated as Bayley Seaton Hospital by Sisters of Charity of New York.
Textual Records (in New York, except as noted): Records of the Seamen's Fund and Retreat, including minutes of the Board of Trustees, 1843-50, 1863-67; reports of the Superintendent and Visiting Committee, 1842-44; financial records, 1831-66; ship registers, 1854-73; patient registers, 1835-82; case histories, 1831-70; death register, 1831-73; and autopsy register, 1852-54. Records of the PHS hospital, including patient registers, 1879- 1911; letters sent, 1904-11. Medical Officer's journal, 1906-14; registers of permits issued to enter hospital, 1881-1908, with gaps; station orders, 1924-30; and (in Washington Area) medical case registers, 1831-32, and outpatient records, 1891-1939.
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90.4.38 Records of the hospital at Tuckerton, NJ
Textual Records: Records of medical inspection of seamen (interfiled with those for the hospital at Atlantic City, NJ), 1906-7.
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90.4.39 Records of the hospital at Washington, DC
Textual Records: Treatment journals, 1881-1916. Registers of patients, 1899- 1918. Records of medical inspection of seamen, 1930.
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90.4.40 Records of the hospital at Wilmington, NC
Textual Records: Letters sent, 1882-1918. Register of letters received, n.d. Registers of permits to enter hospital, 1866-1912. Registers of patients, 1878-1911. Outpatient records, 1881-1910. Annual reports of surgical operations, 1881-98. Nurses' reports, 1880-1916. Lists of seamen received from tuberculosis hospital, Fort Stanton, NM, 1906-16. Reports of relief furnished foreign seamen, 1881-1910. Monthly meteorological surveys, 1909-17. Necropsy report, 1906.
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90.4.41 Miscellaneous hospital records
Textual Records: Records of medical inspection of seamen, 1890- 1933. Masters certificates of sick or disabled seamen, 1881-1915. Reports of medical inspection of seamen, 1880-1916. Declarations of quarantine, 1892-1900. Record of physical examinations given at Boothbay Harbor, ME, Quarantine Station, 1915-39; and at other stations, 1915-24. Vessel fumigation records, 1922-29. Records of vessels inspected for quarantine, 1915-25, 1931; and inspected and fumigated, 1925-28.
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90.5 Records of PHS Quarantine Stations
1807-1948
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90.5.1 General records
Textual Records: Treatment journal of the medical officer aboard the quarantine launch Spray, 1880. Bills of health for vessels entering PHS quarantine stations at Baltimore, MD, 1831-32; Perth Amboy, NJ, 1819-20; Philadelphia, PA, 1869-70, 1928; Barnstable, MA, 1889-1916; New Bedford, MA, 1807-24, 1897-1917; and Cienfuegos, Cuba, 1907.
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90.5.2 Records of Angel Island Quarantine Station, CA
Textual Records (in San Francisco, except as noted): Letters sent, 1899-1908 (in Los Angeles). Letters received, 1889-94 (in Los Angeles). Letters sent by the Medical Officer in Charge, 1903-26. Letters received by the Medical Officer in Charge, 1891- 1918. General administrative files, 1918-48. Personnel files, 1918-48.
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90.5.3 Records of the Point Loma, Quarantine Station, CA
Textual Records (in Los Angeles): Letters sent, 1900-6. Letters received, 1904-10.
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90.6 Records of the Office of the Surgeon General
1928-69
History: Position of Surgeon General, with responsibility for directing activities of Marine Hospital Service, created pursuant to an act reorganizing the Marine Hospital Service (16 Stat. 170), June 29, 1870. PHS Reorganization Order No. 1, December 30, 1943, implementing Public Health Service Act (57 Stat. 587), November 11, 1943, assigned a number of divisions to direct supervision of the Surgeon General. Initial components of the Office of the Surgeon General, 1944, were the Division of Commissioned Officers (See 90.6.3), Dental Division, Sanitary Engineering Division (formerly the Sanitary Section, States Relations Division), Division of Nurse Education (See 90.6.2), and Division of Public Health Methods (transferred from the National Institute of Health, absorbing the Division of Sanitary Reports and Statistics). Acquired responsibility for compiling vital statistics from Bureau of Census, 1946 (See 90.6.4). Division of Personnel established 1949. Absorbed Division of Commissioned Officers, June 1955. Division of International Health established, 1949 (See 90.6.5). Division of Civilian Health Requirements established April 2, 1951. Redesignated Division of Health Requirements, 1953.
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90.6.1 General records
Textual Records: PHS numbered circulars, 1928-47. Regulations for the Government of the United States Public Health Service, 1931, with amendments, 1931-44.
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90.6.2 Records of the Division of Nursing
History: Established in the Office of the Surgeon General by consolidation of Division of Nurse Education with Office of Nursing, Bureau of Medical Services, 1946, acquiring also professional (but not administrative) responsibilities of the Office of Public Health Nursing, Bureau of State Services. Abolished, 1949, with functions split between Division of Nursing Resources, Bureau of Medical Services (See 90.7.2) and Division of Public Health Nursing, Bureau of State Services (See 90.8.3).
Textual Records: Records of the U.S. Cadet Nurse Corps, including administrative records, 1941-46; affiliation reports, 1941-45; records relating to basic education and postgraduate programs, 1941-43; basic program budgets, 1941-43; and scrapbooks, 1943-47.
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90.6.3 Records of the Division of Commissioned Officers
History: Established 1944. Absorbed by Division of Personnel, June 1955.
Textual Records: Official lists of commissioned officers, 1940- 55. Seniority lists of commissioned officers, Regular Corps, 1940-55. Division directives, 1946-51. Printed regulations, 1937- 55.
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90.6.4 Records of the National Office of Vital Statistics
History: Established from Vital Statistics Division, Bureau of the Census, transferred to PHS by Reorganization Plan No. 2 of 1946, effective July 17, 1946. Transferred to Bureau of State Services, 1949. Made part of Division of General Health Services, Bureau of State Services, 1954. Redesignated National Vital Statistics Division and assigned to National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS), Office of the Surgeon General, 1961. Superseded by Vital Statistics Division, NCHS, 1964.
Textual Records: Record set of official publications regarding vital statistics (1854-1942), compiled by the National Office of Vital Statistics, 1930-42. Correspondence, 1940-50.
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90.6.5 Records of the Office of International Health Relations
History: Established 1945. Redesignated Division of International Health, 1949. Transferred to Bureau of State Services, April 1, 1953. Returned to Office of the Surgeon General, November 1, 1959. Redesignated Office of International Health, 1963. Transferred to Office of the Assistant Secretary for Health, 1973.
Textual Records: Records relating to the Philippine Rehabilitation Program, 1946-49. Correspondence, 1949-69. Records of relations with foreign groups, 1945-63.
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90.6.6 Records of the White House Conference on Health
History: Met November 3-4, 1965.
Textual Records: Press releases, 1965. Transcripts of panel sessions, November 1965. Lists of persons invited and registering, 1965.
Sound Recordings: Proceedings, November 1965 (88 items). See also 90.14.
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90.7 Records of the Bureau of Medical Services
1945-66
History: Established as a headquarters element of PHS by PHS Reorganization Order No. 1, December 30, 1943, implementing Public Health Service Act (57 Stat. 587), November 11, 1943. Administered PHS hospitals, clinics, and outpatient facilities; and administered quarantine laws. Consisted initially of Hospital Division (See 90.7.1), Mental Hygiene Division, Foreign Quarantine Division, and Office of Nursing (See 90.6.2). Federal Employee Health Division established in Bureau of Medical Services, January 1, 1947, pursuant to an act of August 8, 1946 (60 Stat. 903), to provide advice and personnel to assist federal agencies in developing and implementing employee health care programs. Division of Health Facilities Construction established in Bureau of Medical Services, 1947. In PHS reorganization of 1949, Hospital Division redesignated Division of Hospitals, absorbing Federal Employee Health Division; Divisions of Dental Resources, Medical and Hospital Resources, and Nursing Resources (See 90.7.2) established in Bureau of Medical Services; Mental Hygiene Division separated from Bureau of Medical Services as National Institute of Mental Health; and Division of Hospital Facilities transferred from Bureau of State Services. Division of Hospital and Medical Resources abolished, June 1953. Division of Indian Health established in Bureau of Medical Services to administer responsibility, acquired from Bureau of Indian Affairs, July 1, 1955, for providing medical services to Indians and Alaska Natives. Division of Health Facilities Construction and Division of Hospital Facilities consolidated as Division of Hospital and Medical Facilities, 1955. Divisions of Nursing Resources and Dental Resources superseded by Divisions of Nursing and Dental Public Health and Resources, Bureau of State Services, September 1960. Federal Employee Health Program, Division of Hospitals, elevated to division status, 1966. Abolished by HEW reorganization order, June 29, 1967, pursuant to Reorganization Plan No. 3 of 1966, effective June 25, 1966, with functions to newly established Bureau of Health Services. See RG 512.
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90.7.1 Records of the Hospital Division
History: Established in Bureau of States Services, 1944, superseding Division of Marine Hospitals and Relief (See 90.3.3). Absorbed Federal Employee Health Division and redesignated Division of Hospitals, 1949. Redesignated Division of Direct Health Services and assigned to newly established Bureau of Health Services, 1967. Functions absorbed into Federal Health Programs Service, Health Services and Mental Health Administration, 1968. See RG 512.
Textual Records: Annual reports of PHS hospitals, 1957-63. Monthly dental reports, 1957-59. Statistics on medical care in PHS facilities, 1949-57. Records relating to the National Leprosarium, Carville, LA, 1945-66.
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90.7.2 Records of the Division of Nursing Resources
History: Established from Division of Nursing, Office of the Surgeon General, 1949. Superseded by Division of Nursing, Bureau of State Services, September 1960. See 90.9.4.
Textual Records: Studies of nursing education and service, 1950- 60. Records relating to a survey of nurse job satisfaction, 1954- 57.
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90.8 Records of the Bureau of State Services
1948-63
History: Established as a headquarters element of PHS by PHS Reorganization Order No. 1, December 30, 1943, implementing Public Health Service Act (57 Stat. 587), November 11, 1943. Consisted initially of the States Relations Division (less Sanitary Section retained by Office of the Surgeon General), Venereal Disease Division, and Industrial Hygiene Division (redesignated Division of Occupational Health, 1951). Administered PHS federal-state and interstate programs in areas of community health, including hospital construction, training of medical personnel, and control of communicable diseases; and environmental health, including air pollution control, community sanitation, solid waste disposal, and pesticides.
Tuberculosis Control Section, States Relations Division, redesignated Division of Tuberculosis Control, pursuant to the Public Health Service Act of 1944 (58 Stat. 682), July 1, 1944. Office of Malaria Control in War Areas separated from States Relations Division and designated Communicable Disease Center, July 1, 1946. Hospital Facilities Section, States Relations Division, redesignated Division of Hospital Facilities in implementation of Hospital Survey and Construction Act (60 Stat. 1040), August 13, 1946. In PHS reorganization of 1949, States Relations Division abolished; new Divisions of Chronic Disease, Dental Public Health, Engineering Resources, Public Health Education, Public Health Nursing, Sanitation, State Grants, and Water Pollution Control established in Bureau of State Services; Division of Tuberculosis Control redesignated Division of Tuberculosis; and Division of Hospital Facilities transferred to Bureau of Medical Services. Division of Chronic Disease and Division of Tuberculosis consolidated to form Division of Chronic Disease and Tuberculosis, 1951. Acquired Division of International Health from Office of the Surgeon General, April 1, 1953. Returned, November 1, 1959.
Division of Dental Public Health established, 1949. Consolidated with Division of Dental Resources, Bureau of Medical Services, to form Division of Dental Public Health and Resources, Bureau of State Services, September 1960. Division of Health Mobilization established in Bureau of State Services, 1959. Transferred to Office of the Surgeon General, July 1960.
Division of General Health Services established, 1954, absorbing Divisions of Public Health Nursing, Public Health Education, and State Grants. Superseded by Division of Community Health Practice, February 1, 1961. Division of Sanitary Engineering Services established, 1954, absorbing Divisions of Engineering Resources, Sanitation, and Water Pollution Control. Separate Division of Water Supply and Pollution Control established April 1959; Division of Air Pollution Control, September 1960. Division of Sanitary Engineering Services superseded by Division of Environmental Engineering and Food Protection, 1961. Division of Special Health Services established, 1954, absorbing Divisions of Chronic Disease and Tuberculosis, Occupational Health, and Venereal Disease. Abolished by functional realignment, 1960-61.
Bureau of State Services reorganized into separate Community Health Divisions (See 90.9) and Environmental Health Divisions (See 90.10), effective September 1, 1960. Abolished by HEW reorganization order, June 29, 1967, pursuant to Reorganization Plan No. 3 of 1966, effective June 25, 1966, with community health services and hospital construction to newly established Bureau of Health Services (See RG 512), training and professional development to Bureau of Health Manpower (See RG 512), and communicable disease control and environmental health to Bureau of Disease Prevention and Environmental Control (See RG 412).
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90.8.1 General records
Textual Records: Divisional and legislative information records, 1958-62. Subject files of Harold F. Eisele, 1954-63. Management studies, 1948-63.
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90.8.2 Records of the Division of General Health Services
History: Established 1954, consolidating Divisions of Public Health Nursing, Public Health Education, and State Grants. Replaced by Division of Community Health Practice, February 1, 1961. See 90.9.2.
Textual Records: State and local financial assistance plans, 1948-61. Records of the polio vaccine distribution program, 1955-57.
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90.8.3 Records of the Division of Public Health Nursing
History: Office of Public Health Nursing established from Public Health Nursing Section, States Relations Division, Bureau of State Services, July 21, 1944. Lost professional responsibilities to Division of Nursing (See 90.6.2), 1946. Professional responsibilities restored, 1949. Redesignated Public Health Nursing Branch and assigned to newly established Division of General Health Services, Bureau of State Services, 1954. Reconstituted as Division of Public Health Nursing, 1958. Abolished, with functions to newly established Division of Nursing, Bureau of State Services, September 1960, see 90.9.4.
Textual Records: Administrative files, 1951-59.
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90.8.4 Records of the Water Pollution Control Division
History: Established 1949. Terminated with functions to Division of Sanitary Engineering Services, 1954. See 90.8.5.
Textual Records (in Boston): Records of the Northeast Drainage Basins Office, consisting of general correspondence relating to the New England New York Inter-Agency Committee (NENYIAC), 1950- 55; NENYIAC final report ("Gold Books"), 1954-55; project correspondence and data files, 1950-55; river basin ("Comprehensive Program") data files, 1950-55; basic data files of the Pollution Control Study and Report Group, 1950-54; and records of the Water Supply Study and Report Group, 1951-54.
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90.8.5 Records of the Division of Sanitary Engineering Services
History: Established 1954, consolidating Divisions of Engineering Resources, Sanitation, and Water Pollution Control. Separate Division of Water Supply and Pollution Control established, April 1959 (See RG 412). Separate Division of Air Pollution established, September 1960 (See 90.10). Superseded by Division of Environmental Engineering and Food Protection, 1961.
Textual Records: Correspondence, 1953-54, 1957-58. Correspondence of the Air Pollution Engineering Program, 1959-60.
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90.8.6 Records of the Division of Special Health Services
History: Established 1954, consolidating Divisions of Chronic Disease and Tuberculosis, Occupational Health, and Venereal Disease. Abolished with functions dispersed, 1960-61.
Textual Records: Correspondence and project records of the Air Pollution Medical Program, 1955-60.
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90.9 Records of the Community Health Divisions, Bureau of State
Services
1940-69
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90.9.1 Records of the Division of Chronic Diseases
History: Established from Division of Special Health Services (See 90.8.6), February 1, 1961. Absorbed by Bureau of Health Services, 1967. Functions vested in Regional Medical Programs Service, Health Services and Mental Health Administration, 1968. See RG 512.
Textual Records: Correspondence, 1967-69. Records of the Surgeon General's Advisory Committee on Smoking and Health, consisting of general records, 1962-64; and a reference file, 1962-64, of source documents cited in committee report Smoking and Health (1964).
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90.9.2 Records of the Division of Community Health Practice
History: Established as successor to Division of General Health Services (See 90.8.2), February 1, 1961. Redesignated Division of Community Health Services, November 1961. Assigned to Bureau of Health Services, 1966. Redesignated Community Health Service, Health Service and Mental Health Administration, 1968. See RG 512.
Textual Records: Reports of meetings of the Ad Hoc Advisory Group on Community Health Services and Facilities Legislation, 1961-62. Report of a meeting of the Surgeon General's Advisory Group on Community Health Services, February 7-8, 1963. Records of the National Advisory Community Health Committee, consisting of reports of meetings, 1963-65; records of the Subcommittee on Research in Community Health, 1963; and the final report of the Subcommittee on Evaluation of Programs Supported by Community Health Service Projects, 1966.
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90.9.3 Records of the Division of Dental Health and Resources
History: Established by consolidation of Division of Dental Public Health and Division of Dental Resources, Bureau of Medical Services, September 1960. Redesignated Division of Dental Health, 1965. Assigned to newly established Bureau of Health Manpower, 1967. See RG 512.
Textual Records: Records, 1965-66, of the National Dental Health Assembly Conference (Feb. 6-9, 1966).
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90.9.4 Records of the Division of Nursing
History: Division of Nursing Resources, Bureau of Medical Services (See 90.7.2) and Division of Public Health Nursing, Bureau of State Services (See 90.8.3), consolidated to form Division of Nursing, Bureau of State Services, September 1960. Assigned to newly established Bureau of Health Manpower, 1967. See RG 512.
Textual Records: Records of Congressional hearings on the Nurse Training Act of 1964, 1964. Records of the Professional Nurse Traineeship Program, 1960- 62. Trip reports of PHS nursing consultants, 1955-63. Historical files of the Division of Nursing and its predecessors, 1940-67.
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90.10 Records of the Division of Air Pollution, Environmental
Health Divisions, Bureau of State Services
1965-66
History: Division of Air Pollution established from Division of Sanitary Engineering Services, September 1960. Abolished with functions to National Center for Air Pollution Control, Bureau of Disease Prevention and Environmental Control, 1967. See RG 412.
Textual Records: Correspondence, 1965-66.
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90.11 Records of the National Board of Health
1879-84
History: Established as an independent agency by an act of March 3, 1879 (20 Stat. 484), to consist of seven private citizens; one medical officer each from the army, navy, and Marine Hospital Service; and one officer from the Department of Justice. Advised the federal and state governments on public health preservation and improvement. Enforced the Quarantine Act (21 Stat. 5), June 2, 1879. Quarantine Act lapsed, June 1, 1883, and quarantine functions reverted to Marine Hospital Service. Board continued as an investigatory and advisory body through annual appropriations, 1883-85. Terminated for lack of funds, June 30, 1886. Formally abolished by Quarantine Act (27 Stat. 449), February 15, 1893, which repealed the Quarantine Act of 1879.
Textual Records: Minutes of the Board and its Executive Committee, 1879-82. Secretary's journal, 1879-82. Letters sent and received, 1879-83, with registers of letters received, 1879- 82. Committee reports, 1879-80. Form letters and questionnaires sent to municipal health authorities, 1879-81. Printed weekly bulletins, 1879-82. Report of the Yellow Fever Commission, 1880, on the epidemic of 1878. Proceedings of the International Sanitary Conference, Washington, DC, 1881; and of the National Conference of State Boards of Health, St. Louis, MO, 1884. Disbursement ledger, 1879-83.
Microfilm Publications: M753.
Finding Aids: Charles Zaid, comp., Preliminary Inventory of the Records of the National Board of Health, PI 141 (1962).
Related Records: Record copies of publications of the National Board of Health in RG 287, Publications of the U.S. Government.
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90.12 Textual Records (General)
1914-74
Records of the Tacoma Indian Hospital (in Seattle), including medical correspondence, night and day reports, records relating to 1942 renovations, cadet nurse training files, miscellaneous reports, environmental health project case files. and statistical reports, 1929-74. Records of the Indian Health Service including Program Correspondence/Record Books from Poplar, Montana, 1914-54 (in Seattle); Tacoma Indian Hospital reports, 1929-59 (in Seattle); and BIA Statement Reports from Portland, Oregon, 1952-60 (in Seattle). Environmental health program and project files of the Phoenix Indian Medical Center, 1950-68 (in Los Angeles). Records relating to the New England New York Inter-Agency Committee (NENYIAC) of the Northeast Drainage Basins Office, 1950-55 (in Boston).
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90.13 Cartographic Records (General)
1918, 1942-51
Maps: Negative photostats of maps of aviation fields and army camps near Fort Worth, TX, prepared for a study of sanitary conditions, 1918 (2 items). Drainage basins in California, Great Basin, Pacific Northwest, Western Gulf, and Ohio, relating to water uses and water pollution, 1942-51 (17 items).
See Architectural and Engineering Plans under 90.4.23.
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90.14 Motion Pictures (General)
1924-50
Science of Life programs about life science education and personal hygiene, 1924 (12 reels). Films relating to a variety of PHS activities and health concerns, 1938-50, including cancer research (4 reels); nursing (1 reel); rat control (3 reels); industrial safety (2 reels); dental hygiene (1 reel); and communicable diseases (3 reels); and the causes and spread of venereal disease (23 reels), including a 1938 documentary Three Counties Against Syphilis, a study of the treatment of syphilis among blacks in Camden, Glynn, and McIntosh Counties, GA.
Top of Page
90.15 Sound Recordings (General)
1942
PHS radio program entitled "Help Yourself and Your Community to Better Health," broadcast over Station WOL (Mutual) during National Negro Health Week, and featuring Assistant Surgeon General E.R. Coffey discussing the role of blacks in public health, April 5, 1942 (1 item).
See under 90.3.5 and 90.6.6.
Top of Page
90.16 Still Pictures (General)
1862-1934
Photographs: General collection of the PHS, documenting PHS hospitals, quarantine stations, and other facilities; PHS personnel; research and treatment of diseases, including malaria, yellow fever, and other infectious and communicable diseases; nutrition, sanitation, and hygiene; and immigrants, 1898-1934 (G, 9,500 images).
Photographic Prints: Civil War subjects, by Alexander Gardner and Mathew Brady, 1862-65 (CM, 118 images). Health conditions at ports in Panama, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras, and Guatemala, in album, presented to the Surgeon General by the United Fruit Company, 1906 (WW, 100 images).
Posters: Hookworm disease and need for improved sanitation, 1920. (SP, 9 images).
Bibliographic note: Web version based on Guide to Federal Records in the National Archives of the United States. Compiled by Robert B. Matchette et al. Washington, DC: National Archives and Records Administration, 1995.
3 volumes, 2428 pages.
Ordering information
This Web version is updated from time to time to include records processed since 1995.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Department_of_Health_(Philippines)
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Department of Health (Philippines)
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Department_of_Health_(Philippines)
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Executive department of the Philippine government
Department of HealthKagawaran ng Kalusugan
Department of Health Central OfficeDepartment overviewFormedSeptember 10, 1898; 125 years ago ( )HeadquartersSan Lazaro Compound, Rizal Avenue, Santa Cruz, Manila
MottoFloreat Salubritas Populi ("Promotion of Health for the People")Annual budget₱296.3 billion (2023) [1]Department executives
Hon. Teodoro “Ted” J. Herbosa, M.D., FPCS, FPCEP, Secretary of Health
Usec. Enrique A. Tayag, M.D., PHSAE, FPSMID, CESO III, Spokesperson and Public Health Services Cluster Head
Usec. Lilibeth C. David, M.D., MPH, MPM, CESO I, Chief of Staff, Office of the Secretary and UHC Policy and Strategy Cluster Head
Websitedoh.gov.ph
The Department of Health (DOH; Filipino: Kagawaran ng Kalusugan) is the executive department of the government of the Philippines responsible for ensuring access to basic public health services by all Filipinos through the provision of quality health care, the regulation of all health services and products. It is the government's over-all technical authority on health.[2] It has its headquarters at the San Lazaro Compound, along Rizal Avenue in Manila.
The current head of the department is Sec. Ted Herbosa. The health secretary is also a member of the Cabinet.
Americans assembled a military Board of Health on September 10, 1898, with its formal organization on September 29. Upon its creation, Dr. Frank S. Bourns is assigned as president while Dr. C. L. Mullins is assigned as assistant surgeon.[3] The purpose of this Board of Health was to care for injured American troops but as the hostilities between Filipinos and Americans waned in 1901, a civilian Board of Health was now deemed appropriate with Dr. L. M. Maus as the first health commissioner.
In the early 1900s, 200,222 lives including 66,000 children were lost; three percent of the population was decimated in the worst epidemic in Philippine health history. In view of this, the Americans organized and erected several institutions, including the Bureau of Governmental Laboratories, which was built in 1901 for medical research and vaccine production.
The Americans, led by Dean Worcester built the UP College of Medicine and Surgery in 1905, with Johns Hopkins University serving as a blueprint, at the time, one of the best medical schools in the world. By 1909, nursing instruction was also begun at the Philippine Normal School. In terms of public health, the Americans improved on the sewer system and provided a safer water supply.
In 1915, the Bureau of Health was reorganized and renamed into the Philippine Health Service. During the succeeding years leadership and a number of health institutions were already being given to Filipinos, in accordance with the Organic Act of 1916. On January 1, 1919, Dr. Vicente De Jesus became the first Filipino to head the Health portfolio.
In 1933, after a reorganization, the Philippine Health Service reverted to being known as the Bureau of Health. It was during this time that it pursued its official journal, The Health Messenger and established Community Health and Social Centers, precursors to today's Barangay Health Centers.
By 1936, as Governor-General Frank Murphy was assuming the post of United States High Commissioner, he would remark that the Philippines led all oriental countries in terms of health status.[4]
When the Commonwealth of the Philippines was inaugurated, Dr. Jose F. Fabella was named chief of the Bureau of Health. In 1936, Dr. Fabella reviewed the Bureau of Health's organization and made an inventory of its existing facilities, which consisted of 11 community and social health centers, 38 hospitals, 215 puericulture centers, 374 sanitary divisions, 1,535 dispensaries and 72 laboratories.
In the 1940s, the Bureau of Health was reorganized into the Department of Health and Public Welfare, still under Fabella. During this time, the major priorities of the agency were tuberculosis, malnutrition, malaria, leprosy, gastrointestinal disease, and the high infant mortality rate.
When the Japanese occupied the Philippines, they dissolved the National Government and replaced it with the Central Administrative Organization of the Japanese Army. Health was relegated to the Department of Education, Health and Public Welfare under Commissioner Claro M. Recto.
In 1944, President Manuel Roxas signed Executive Order (E.O.) No. 94 into law, calling for the creation of the Department of Health. Dr. Antonio C. Villarama as appointed Secretary. A new Bureau of Hospitals and a Bureau of Quarantine was created under DOH. Under E.O. 94, the Institute of Nutrition was created in 1948 to coordinate various nutrition activities of the different agencies.
On February 20, 1958, Executive Order 288 provided for the reorganization of the Department of Health. This entailed a partial decentralization of powers and created eight Regional Health Offices. Under this setup, the Secretary of Health passed on some of responsibilities to the regional offices and directors.
One of the priorities of the Marcos administration was health maintenance. From 1975 to the mid-1980s, four specialty hospitals were built in succession. The first three institutions were spearheaded by First Lady Imelda Marcos. The Philippine Heart Center was established on February 14, 1975, with Dr. Avelino Aventura as director. Second, the Philippine Children's Medical Center was built in 1979. Then in 1983, the National Kidney and Transplant Institute was set up. This was soon followed by the Lung Center of the Philippines, which was constructed under the guidance of Health Minister Dr. Enrique Garcia.
With a shift to a parliamentary form of government, the Department of Health was transformed into the Ministry of Health on June 2, 1978, with Dr. Clemente S. Gatmaitan as the first health minister. On April 13, 1987, the Department of Health was created from the previous Ministry of Health with Dr. Alfredo R. A. Bengzon as secretary of health.
On December 17, 2016, Health Secretary Paulyn Jean Rossel-Ubial announced that in 2017 the government will start paying the hospital bills and medicines of poor Filipinos. She said that the Department of Health (DOH) is capable of taking care of the hospital bills and medicines of poor Filipinos owing to its bigger budget starting in 2017.
A total of ₱96.336 billion was allocated to the DOH in the 2017 national budget, which includes funds for the construction of additional health facilities and drug rehabilitation centers. Ubial said poor patients in government hospitals do not even have to present Philhealth cards when they avail of assistance. She added that poor patients will no longer be billed by government hospitals.
Ubial said President Rodrigo Duterte is keen on implementing the program to help poor Filipinos in all parts of the country. She said Philhealth will remain a partner of government hospitals in serving the poor. [5]
Senator Loren Legarda, chair of the Senate committee on finance said that the proposed ₱3.35-trillion national budget for 2017 will provide healthcare assistance to all Filipinos, said an additional ₱3 billion was allocated to the Philippine Health Insurance Corporation (PhilHealth) to ensure coverage for all Filipinos.
“The Department of Health (DOH) said there are some eight million Filipinos still not covered by PhilHealth. It is our duty, in serving the public, to extend basic healthcare protection to all our people. That is why we pushed for the augmentation of the PhilHealth’s budget so that in 2017, we achieve universal healthcare coverage,” she said.
Legarda said universal healthcare coverage means that any non-member of PhilHealth will automatically be made a member upon availment of healthcare service in a public hospital. [1]
In early January 2020, the Philippines confirmed its first case of Novel coronavirus disease. Two months later, the Philippines implemented national lockdowns, mask mandate, and social distancing. In February 2021, COVID-19 vaccines reached the Philippines and began to the administered.
The Department of Health was criticized in a 2021 study saying that the Philippines was 2nd to the last in the world in terms by how effective the Philippine government did respond to the pandemic.[5] It was heavily criticized by DOH Secretary Francisco Duque III.
Main article: Secretary of Health (Philippines)
At present, the department is headed by the Secretary of Health, with eight undersecretaries and eight assistant secretaries heading the following teams:[6]
Office of the Secretary
Hon. Teodoro “Ted” J. Herbosa, M.D., FPCS, FPCEP - Secretary of Health
Undersecretaries
Maria Rosario S. Vergeire, M.D., MPH, CESO II - Universal Health Care Services Cluster 1 (Northern and Central Luzon)
Lilibeth C. David, M.D., MPH, MPM, CESO I - Chief of Staff, Office of the Secretary/Cluster Head, Universal Health Care Policy and Strategy Cluster (UHC-PSC)
Ma. Carolina Vidal-Taino, CPA, MGM, CESO I - Management Support Cluster
Abdullah B. Dumama Jr., M.D., MPA, CESO I - Universal Health Care Services Cluster Area IV (Mindanao)
Kenneth G. Ronquillo, M.D., MPHM, CESO III - Universal Health Care Policy and Strategy Cluster
Nestor F. Santiago Jr., M.D., MPHC, MHSA, CESO II - Universal Health Care Services Cluster Area II (NCR and South Luzon)
Maria Francia Miciano-Laxamana, M.D., MHSA, CHS - Special Concerns and Public-Private Partnership Cluster
Enrique A. Tayag, M.D., PHSAE, FPSMID, CESO III - Public Health Services Cluster
Gloria J. Balboa, M.D., MPH, MHA, CESO III, CEO VI - Universal Health Care Services Cluster III (Visayas)
Assistant Secretaries
Atty. Charade B. Mercado-Grande, MPSA - Cluster Head, Health Regulation and Facility Development Cluster
Maylene M. Beltran, MPA, CESO III - Management Support Cluster
Atty. Frances Mae Cherryl K. Ontalan - Office of the Secretary/Concurrent Legal Services Director
Leonita P. Gorgolon, M.D., MHA, MCHM, CEO VI, CESE - Universal Health Care Policy and Strategy Cluster
Albert Francis E. Domingo, M.D., MSC - Office of the Secretary
Ariel I. Valencia, M.D., MPH, CESO III - Office of the Secretary/Special Assistant to the Secretary
The DOH is composed of bureaus, services & program offices, under the following teams
Administration and Financial Management Team
Administrative Service
Finance Management Service
Malasakit Program Office
Field Implementation and Coordination Team
Ilocos Center for Health Development
Cagayan Valley Center for Health Development
Central Luzon Center for Health Development
Calabarzon Center for Health Development
Mimaropa Center for Health Development
Bicol Center for Health Development
Western Visayas Center for Health Development
Central Visayas Center for Health Development
Eastern Visayas Center for Health Development
Zamboanga Peninsula Center for Health Development
Northern Mindanao Center for Health Development
Davao Center for Health Development
Soccsksargen Center for Health Development
Caraga Center for Health Development
Cordillera Center for Health Development
Metro Manila Center for Health Development
Bangsamoro Ministry of Health
Health Facilities and Infrastructure Development Team
Health Facilities Development Bureau (formerly National Center For Health Facilities Development)
Health Facilities Enhancement Program
Knowledge Management & Information Service
Dangerous Drugs Abuse Prevention and Treatment Program
Office of Health Laboratories
Health Policy and Systems Development Team
Bureau of International Health Cooperation
Bureau of Local Health Systems Development
Health Human Resource Development Bureau
Health Policy Development and Planning Bureau
Health Regulation Team
Bureau of Quarantine
Health Facilities and Services Regulatory Bureau
Pharmaceutical Division
Office of the Chief of Staff
Internal Audit Service
Legal Service
Procurement and Supply Chain Management Team
Procurement Service
Supply Chain Management Service
Public Health Services Team
Disease Prevention and Control Bureau
Epidemiology Bureau (formerly National Epidemiology Center)
Health Promotion Bureau
Health Emergency Management Bureau
The following agencies and councils are attached to the DOH for policy and program coordination:[7]
Food and Drug Administration (FDA)
National Nutrition Council (NNC)
Philippine Health Insurance Corporation (PHIC; PhilHealth)
Philippine Institute for Traditional and Alternative Health Care (PITAHC)
Philippine National AIDS Council (PNAC)
The following hospitals are directly under the DOH:[8]
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https://www.uscis.gov/working-in-the-united-states/temporary-workers/health-care-worker-certification
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Health Care Worker Certification
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ALERT: New U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Approved English Prof
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USCIS
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https://www.uscis.gov/working-in-the-united-states/temporary-workers/health-care-worker-certification
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Immigrant petitions:
For immigrant petitions, there is a two-step process after obtaining a labor certification from the Department of Labor, if applicable (employers seeking to hire professional nurses or physical therapists apply for Schedule A, Group I certification by filing an uncertified labor certification and visa petition directly with USCIS):
Step 1: Generally, the Form I-140, Immigrant Petition for Alien Worker, is first filed by an employer on behalf of the prospective noncitizen worker. In adjudicating the I-140 petition, USCIS reviews all eligibility requirements. In addition to evaluating the petitioner’s continuing ability to pay the proffered wage, this review includes examination of the beneficiary’s qualifications (for example, education, experience, licensure, and/or training as set forth in the job opportunity’s requirements on the labor certification and the preference category and Schedule A Group I requirements as applicable).
For physical therapists, 20 CFR 656.15(c)(1) requires that the employer include evidence to establish that the beneficiary currently has (and had at the time of filing) a permanent license to practice in the state of intended employment or, in the alternative, a letter or statement, signed by an authorized state physical therapy licensing official in the state of intended employment with the petition submission to USCIS. The letter must confirm that the noncitizen is qualified to take that state’s written licensing examination for physical therapists.
For nurses, 20 CFR 656.15(c)(2) requires that the employer include CGFNS certification, a full and unrestricted (permanent) license to practice nursing in the state of intended employment, or passage of NCLEX-RN as part of the petition submission to USCIS.
Schedule A Group I applications require other evidentiary submissions such as a prevailing wage determination covering the proffered position in the geographic location where the work will be performed and a notice of filing either posted at the facility or location of the employment or, if applicable, sent to the appropriate bargaining unit.
Step 2: If the noncitizen worker is in the United States, they may file a Form I-485, Application to Register Permanent Residence or Adjust Status. It is only upon the filing of an I-485 that the health care worker certification is required and will be used to determine admissibility for adjustment of status. While the noncitizen worker may receive interim benefits such as a work permit and travel permission with the favorable exercise of discretion, the filing and adjudication of the Form I-485 is dependent upon an immigrant visa number being available and the validity of the underlying visa petition.
If the noncitizen worker is living outside the United States or living in the United States, but chooses to apply for an immigrant visa abroad, USCIS will send the approved petition to the Department of State’s (DOS) National Visa Center (NVC), where it will remain until an immigrant visa number is available. The noncitizen worker must present the health care certification to the consular officer at the time the visa is issued.
Nonimmigrant petitions:
For nonimmigrant petitions seeking admission, an extension of stay, or a change of status, there are two considerations:
Consideration 1: The petitioner files a Form I-129, Petition for a Nonimmigrant Worker, or Form I-129CW, Petition for a CNMI-Only Nonimmigrant Transitional Worker, for approval of the noncitizen worker’s classification as a nonimmigrant. In adjudicating the petition for the classification requested, USCIS reviews all eligibility requirements, including licensure, if applicable. The health care certification must be presented at the time of visa issuance or admission (if the noncitizen worker is visa-exempt).
Consideration 2: If the noncitizen is already in the United States, the Form I-129 may also serve as a petition to extend the period of the noncitizen's authorized stay or to change their status. Although the Form I-129 petition classification may be approved, the request for an extension of stay or change of status will be denied if the petitioner fails to submit the health care worker certification required by law. See 8 CFR 212.15(a).
Please note: USCIS does not accept a health care worker certification as the sole evidence that the foreign worker has met the minimum requirement for the given position and is, therefore, eligible for the requested visa classification. While the health care worker certification verifies the worker’s credentials for admissibility into the United States under INA 212(a)(5)(C), it is not binding on DHS. See 8 CFR 212.15(f)(1)(iii).
USCIS uses the certification to verify the worker’s credentials for admissibility into the United States. See INA 212(a)(5)(C). Additionally, USCIS must ensure that the health care worker meets educational requirements for the classification and any applicable licensure requirements. In reviewing the worker’s educational documents, USCIS considers the education credential evaluator’s opinion in conjunction with a review of the noncitizen’s relevant education credentials (if submitted), and other available credible material regarding the equivalency of the education credentials to college degrees obtained in the United States.
In the course of the adjudication, USCIS may refer to educational equivalency resources to clarify an individual’s academic credentials, although information from such sources is not binding. Note that even if it is established s that a bachelor’s degree from the home country of the noncitizen worker represents a level of education that is equivalent to a bachelor's degree in the United States, it is possible that the degree would not qualify the individual for the EB-2 advanced degree category unless they also have five years of post-baccalaureate progressive experience. In such cases, USCIS may issue a Request for Evidence asking the petitioner to provide evidence demonstrating that the beneficiary has either a United States advanced degree or foreign equivalent degree or has a United States bachelor’s degree or a foreign equivalent degree, and evidence in the form of letters from current or former employer(s) showing that the beneficiary has at least five years of progressive post-baccalaureate experience in the specialty.
A foreign worker’s certification must be used for any admission into the United States, extension or change of status within the United States, or adjustment of status within five years of the date that it is issued. See 8 CFR 212.15(n)(4). For this reason, the certification is only valid for five years. This ensures that the individual continues to meet the regulatory requirements for issuance of the certification. Therefore, if the foreign worker has not used the certification because they have not been admitted to the United States or adjusted their status within five years of when the certification was obtained, a new certification is required at the time they seek adjustment of status, to change or extend status with USCIS, or when seeking visa issuance by DOS or admission at the port of entry.
Please note that certification does not remove requirements for licensure, if applicable.
However, the credentialing organization must have a formal policy for renewing the certification if an individual’s original certification expires before admission to the United States or application for adjustment of status. See 8 CFR 212.15(k)(4)(viii). The credentialing organization is limited to updating information on licensure to determine the existence of any adverse actions and the need to re-establish English competency, and therefore does not re-evaluate the educational credentials when renewing the certification.
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https://www.acf.hhs.gov/ohs/about/head-start
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Head Start Services
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Head Start programs promote the school readiness of infants, toddlers, and preschool-aged children from families with low income. Services are provided in a variety of settings including centers, family child care, and children’s own home.
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https://www.acf.hhs.gov/ohs/about/head-start
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Head Start programs support children's growth from birth to age 5 through services centered around early learning and development, health, and family well-being. Head Start staff actively engage parents, recognizing family participation throughout the program as key to strong child outcomes.
Head Start services are available at no cost to children ages birth to 5 in eligible families. Head Start preschool services work with children ages 3 to 5 and their families. Early Head Start services work with families that have children ages birth to 3, and many also serve expectant families. Many programs operate both Head Start preschool and Early Head Start services. Programs deliver child development services in center-based, home-based, or family child care settings. Head Start programs operate in every state, many tribal nations, and several U.S. territories, including Puerto Rico. All Head Start programs continually work toward our mission for eligible children and families to receive high-quality services in safe and healthy settings that prepare children for school and life.
Services for Children and Families
Head Start programs help children get ready to succeed in school and in life through learning experiences tailored to their changing needs and abilities. Our programs do this in a few key ways:
Early Learning and Development
Build strong relationships as the foundational driver for early learning.
Engage families in their child's learning and recognizing parents as a child's first and most influential teacher.
Implement effective practices to promote children's growth in five key domains (approaches to learning, social and emotional development, language and literacy, cognition, and physical development).
Encourage learning through play, creative expression, and guided activities with schedules and lesson plans that include the cultural and language heritage of each child and family in relevant ways.
Create welcoming learning environments in indoor and outdoor settings that are well-organized and safe.
Conduct ongoing screenings and assessments to guarantee each child is making progress.
Collaborate with parents and community agencies when further assessment is needed.
Support the full inclusion of children with disabilities and build on their strengths.
Health and Wellness
Engage all children in both indoor and outdoor physical activity.
Serve breakfast, lunch, and snacks that are healthy and nutritious.
Ensure children receive medical, dental, hearing, vision, and behavioral screening.
Make sure children brush their teeth after meals; promote oral health and hygiene.
Help families understand and support their child's health and behavioral health needs.
Assist with mental health services for children and families, as needed.
Build resilience to help children and families heal from traumatic experiences or events and overwhelming situations.
Family Well-being
Offer parenting support and strategies.
Support parental health and links to community services during pregnancy.
Connect families to community and federal assistance.
Help families identify and reach their goals and dreams, including those related to finances and economic mobility, housing, employment, and education.
Provide a career pathway in early care and education — about 22% of program staff are current or former Head Start parents.
Family Engagement
Invite parents to share information and insights about their child.
Celebrate the role of fathers and male caregivers through father engagement.
Engage parents as their child's lifelong advocate.
Welcome parents to offer ways to improve children and families' experiences in the program, including through leadership roles on the Policy Council.
Support child and family transitions to the next step in Head Start, kindergarten, or another early childhood program.
Meeting Community Needs
To reach the children and families who need Head Start services the most, programs are designed according to community need. Directly funded at the local level, Head Start programs tailor their programs as appropriate for families in the designated service area. These programs may be provided in different settings and hours according to the needs indicated by their community assessment.
Federal-to-Local Funding Model
The federal government funds Head Start programs through the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families. Across the country, school districts, nonprofit and for-profit groups, faith-based institutions, tribal councils, and other organizations qualify to become a Head Start recipient and receive federal funding.
The federal-to-local model allows local leaders to create a Head Start experience that is responsive to the unique and specific needs of their community. Many programs combine funding from federal, state, and local sources to maximize service delivery and continuity. Head Start Collaboration Offices facilitate partnerships between Head Start agencies and other state entities that provide services to benefit low-income children and their families.
Migrant and Seasonal Head Start (MSHS) programs serve children ages birth to 5 from families engaged in agricultural work, either seasonally or across geographic regions. American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN) Head Start programs serve children from federally recognized tribes and others in their communities.
Head Start programs either provide transportation services or help families arrange transportation of children to program activities.
Eligibility and Enrollment
Head Start programs serve families with children from birth to age 5, as well as pregnant people and expectant families. Eligible participants include children whose families meet the federal low-income guidelines — that is, whose incomes are at or below the federal poverty guidelines or who receive Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, Supplemental Security Income, or Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program public assistance services. Other eligible participants include children who are in the foster care system or experiencing homelessness. Programs may also accept a limited number of children who do not meet any of those eligibility criteria.
MSHS programs have specific eligibility requirements for the children of farmworkers. AIAN Head Start programs enroll tribal children from reservations or nearby areas. All programs enroll children with disabilities and welcome children who speak a language other than English at home.
Generally, there are more eligible children than what program funding supports. Each program maintains a waiting list according to their selection criteria for when a spot becomes available.
Program Settings
Head Start services are delivered in a variety of settings, sometimes referred to as options. This consistent, supportive setting is designed to foster strong relationships between program staff, families, and children. The selection of settings offered by any Head Start program is determined by its assessment of community needs.
Center-based services are located in child development centers. More than half of Head Start children are enrolled in center-based services, five days per week for at least six hours per day.
Home-based services are mostly delivered in a family's own home, along with planned group socialization activities. More than a third of children enrolled in Early Head Start programs receive home-based services.
Family child care services are located in a family-based child care setting.
Locally-designed services are often delivered through some combination of the above settings, depending on the needs of the community.
Outcomes
Since 1965, Head Start programs have reached more than 38 million children and their families. Children enrolled in Head Start programs are more likely to graduate from high school and attend college; have improved social, emotional, and behavioral development; and are better prepared to be parents themselves than similar children who do not attend the program. Children enrolled in Early Head Start programs have significantly fewer child welfare encounters related to sexual or physical abuse between the ages of 5 and 9 than those who don't attend.
Research consistently shows a broad array of benefits for children at the end of their Head Start enrollment. While these benefits may appear to diminish in the early grades, economic benefits emerge as children become adults. The Head Start program's two-generation design — coupled with research-based, high-quality comprehensive services — has the power to change children's outcomes.
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https://www.ed.gov/stem
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Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math, including Computer Science
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Subscribe to the Department’s YOU Belong in STEM Newsletter Here
YOU Belong in STEM
YOU Belong in STEM is a key component of the Biden-Harris Administration's Raise the Bar: STEM Excellence for All Students initiative designed to strengthen and increase Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) education nationwide. This new Biden-Harris Administration initiative will help implement and scale equitable, high-quality STEM education for all students from PreK to higher education—regardless of background— to ensure their 21st century career readiness and global competitiveness. The imitative has three primary goals:
Ensure all students from PreK to higher education excel in rigorous, relevant, and joyful STEM learning;
Develop and support STEM educators to join, grow, and stay in the STEM education field; and,
Invest in STEM education strategically and sufficiently using federal, state, and local funds.
In support of the initiative and its goals, the Department:
Published a STEM Dear Colleague Letter and enclosure to state and district leaders outlining how federal education funds can be used to enhance STEM teaching and learning.
Partnering with EXPLR in hosting the first-ever 2024 National STEM Festival.
Partnered with Women in Aerospace (WIA), the American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics (AIAA), Club for the Future, and the Space Foundation to develop a space communication campaign illustrating the value and benefits of the space enterprise.
Partnered withBeyond100K to identify the key challenges regarding the supply and demand of STEM teachers at the state and local levels.
Table of Contents
Background
Department Offices that Support STEM
Examples of the Department's discretionary grants that can support STEM
Grant Applicant Resources
Call for Peer Reviewers
America's Strategy for STEM Education
Secretary's STEM Priority
STEM Education Briefings
Archived STEM Briefings
Resources
Other Federal Agency STEM Websites
Department STEM Contacts
Background
In an ever-changing, increasingly complex world, it's more important than ever that our nation's youth are prepared to bring knowledge and skills to solve problems, make sense of information, and know how to gather and evaluate evidence to make decisions. These are the kinds of skills that students develop in science, technology, engineering, and math, including computer science—disciplines collectively known as STEM/CS. If we want a nation where our future leaders, neighbors, and workers can understand and solve some of the complex challenges of today and tomorrow, and to meet the demands of the dynamic and evolving workforce, building students' skills, content knowledge, and literacy in STEM fields is essential. We must also make sure that, no matter where children live, they have access to quality learning environments. A child's zip code should not determine their STEM literacy and educational options.
Department Offices that Support STEM
Office of Planning, Evaluation, and Policy Development (OPEPD)
Office of Career, Technical, and Adult Education (OCTAE)
Office of Elementary and Secondary Education (OESE)
Office of Special Education and Rehabilitative Services (OSERS)
Office of Postsecondary Education (OPE)
Office of Non-Public Education (ONPE)
Office of Educational Technology (OET)
Office of English Language Acquisition (OELA)
Institute of Educational Sciences (IES)
White House Initiatives
Federal Student Aid (FSA)
Office of Communications and Outreach (OCO)
Examples of the Department's discretionary grants that can support STEM
Below are investments made in FY 2020:
$3.6 million for the Alaska Native Education Equity Program
$300,000 for Braille training (rehabilitation services demonstrations and training)
$5.1 million for the College Assistance Migrant Program (CAMP)
$5 million for the Comprehensive Centers Program
$185 million for the Education Innovation and Research Program (EIR) (awarded in early FY 2021)
$124.7 million for Gaining Early Awareness and Readiness for Undergraduate Programs (Partnership Grants) (GEAR-UP)
$23 million for Graduate Assistance in Areas of National Need
$25 million for Innovative Approaches to Literacy
$5.7 million for the Jacob K. Javits Gifted and Talented Students Education Program
$900,000 for Migrant Education Consortium Incentive Grants (CIG)
$29 million for the Native Hawaiian Education Program
$12.6 million for the Minority Science and Engineering Improvement Program (MSEIP)
$1.4 million for the Perkins Innovation & Modernization Grant Program
$300,000 for Strengthening Asian American and Native American Pacific Islander Serving Institutions (AANAPISI)
$2.3 million for Strengthening Native American Nontribal Serving Institutions (NASNTI)
$1.5 million to provide special education programs in educational technology, media, and materials for students with disabilities via a cooperative agreement with the Center on Early STEM Learning for Young Children
$9.3 million to provide special education programs educational technology, media, and materials for individuals with disabilities via Stepping Up
$151.2 million for Federal TRIO Programs
$73.7 million for Supporting Effective Educator Development (SEED)
$49.4 million for the Teacher Quality Partnership (TQP)
$28.2 million for Education Research Grants Programs
$1.5 million for the Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad Program
$4.3 million for the Small Business Innovation and Research (SBIR) Program
$11.1 million for the Special Education Research Grants Program
$6.3 million for Research Training in the Education Sciences
$2.6 million for Research Training in Special Education
STEM Investment Summary FY2018-2020
You can search for open discretionary grant opportunities or reach out to the Department's STEM contacts noted below. The Forecast of Funding Opportunities lists virtually all Department discretionary grant programs for FY 2021.
Grant Applicant Resources
The Department published in spring 2020 two new grant applicant resources. These resources were developed to (1) provide an overview of the discretionary (or competitive) grants application process and (2) offer more details intended to be used by prospective applicants, including new potential grantees. These support one of the Secretary's new administrative priorities on New Potential Grantees that was published in March 2020. They can also be found under the "Other Grant Information" on the ED's Grants webpage.
Call for Peer Reviewers
The Department is seeking peer reviewers for our Fiscal Year 2024 competitive/discretionary grant season, including in the STEM/CS areas (among others). The Federal Register notice spotlights the specific needs of the Office of Elementary and Secondary Education (OESE), the Office of English Language Acquisition (OELA),, the Office of Postsecondary Education (OPE), and the Office of Special Education and Rehabilitative Services (OSERS). The How to Become a Peer Reviewer slide deck provides additional information and next steps.
America's Strategy for STEM Education
The STEM Education Strategic Plan, Charting a Course for Success: America's Strategy for STEM Education, published in December 2018, sets out a federal strategy for the next five years based on a vision for a future where all Americans will have lifelong access to high-quality STEM education and the United States will be the global leader in STEM literacy, innovation, and employment. It represents an urgent call to action for a nationwide collaboration with learners, families, educators, communities, and employers—a "North Star" for the STEM community as it collectively charts a course for the Nation's success. The Department is an active participant in each of the interagency working groups focused on implementation of the Plan.
Learn more about what the Department and other federal agencies are doing to implement the plan in these progress reports:
Progress Reports
October 2019
December 2020
December 2021
January 2023
April 2024
Secretary's STEM Priority
Secretary Cardona finalized his six priorities for use in agency discretionary grant programs; equitable access to rigorous STEM, including computer science, experiences is noted in Priority 2. The Department also issued a revised set of common instructions for grant applicants.
Proposed Priority 1--Addressing the Impact of COVID-19 on Students, Educators, and Faculty.
Proposed Priority 2--Promoting Equity in Student Access to Educational Resources and Opportunities,.
Proposed Priority 3--Supporting a Diverse Educator Workforce and Professional Growth to Strengthen Student Learning.
Proposed Priority 4-- Meeting Student Social, Emotional, and Academic Needs.
Proposed Priority 5--Increasing Postsecondary Education Access, Affordability, Completion, and Post- Enrollment Success.
Proposed Priority 6--Strengthening Cross-Agency Coordination and Community Engagement to Advance Systemic Change.
STEM Education Briefings
The STEM Education Briefings are live-streamed, close-captioned, include live ASL interpreters, and will be archived for your convenience on the Department’s You Tube Channel..
Archived STEM Briefings
YOU Belong in STEM Webinar Supporting Girls and Women of Color in STEM July 14, 2024 - https://youtu.be/VYqOkMBT78g
YOU Belong in STEM Webinar Enhancing P-12 STEM Education for Students with Disabilities June 6, 2024 – https://youtu.be/ykoQvtzUAIY
YOU Belong in STEM 2nd Annual National Convening Opening Remarks April 11, 2024 – https://youtu.be/OTbU9V2rWSU
Public Health and STEM with CDC [MS PowerPoint, 40MB]
The Pathway to Convergence [MS PowerPoint, 77MB]
Science: Call to Action [MS PowerPoint, 22MB]
Rural STEM Education ([MS PowerPoint, 125MB]
Think Globally, Teach Locally [PDF, 10MB]
Energizing STEM [PDF, 6.7MB]
Data Literacy [PDF, 12.6MB]
Advanced Manufacturing: Industry of the Future [PDF, 11.3MB]
Summertime STEM [PDF, 18.3MB]
Differing Abilities in STEM, featuring Dr. Temple Grandin [PDF, 13.7MB]
Inspiring STEM Interest [PDF, 3.7MB]
New Frontiers in K-12 Computer Science [PDF, 12.7MB]
Federal STEM Strategic Plan: 2 Years Later [PDF, 15.49MB]
Invention Education [PDF, 13.13MB]
STEM Teacher Preparation [PDF, 3.5MB]
Cybersecurity Education [PDF, 10.5MB]
Early Math [PDF, 2.37MB]
Resources
Assisting Students Struggling with Mathematics: Intervention in the Elementary Grades
Designing and Delivering Career Pathways at Community Colleges
Learning in a Pandemic Webinar
Fall 2020 Back-to-School Success Stories
COVID-19 Information and Resources for Schools and School Personnel
ESEA, IDEA, and Perkins Resources
College Scorecard ― updated again on 1/15/21
Exploring Career Options – FSA
Work-Based Learning
Stackable Credentials that lead to careers
Cross-agency teacher resources
IES data and statistics, research and evaluation, and tools for educators
Out of School STEM Initiatives
The ED Games Expo "Goes Virtual" to Support Distance Learning
STEM Data Story — A Leak in the STEM Pipeline: Taking Algebra Early
CTE Data Story — Bridging the Skills Gap: Career and Technical Education in High School
STEM Spotlights
Parent and Family Digital Learning Guide
Early Learning: STEM – Math Video
Keep Calm and Connect All Student OET Blog Series
K-12 Practitioners' Circle
STEM Innovation for Inclusion in Early Education (STEMI2E2) Center and OSEP's Early Learning Newsletter
A Transition Guide to Postsecondary Education and Employment for Students and Youth with Disabilities
CTE Research Center
Civil Rights Data Collection
Department's Data Strategy
Other Federal Agency STEM websites
The following are federal agencies that the Department collaborates with to support the aims of the STEM Education Strategic Plan (see above section for more details) and support the Department's stakeholders.
Office of Science and Technology Policy (OSTP) and National Science and Technology Council (NSTC)
STEM Education Advisory Panel
Centers for Disease Control & Prevention (CDC)
Environmental Protection Agency (EPA)
Department of Agriculture (USDA)
Department of Defense (DOD)
Department of Labor (DOL)
Bureau of Labor Statistics
Department of Energy (DOE)
NASA
National Science Foundation (NSF) and NSF INCLUDES
National Institutes of Health (NIH) (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS)
National Initiative for Cybersecurity Education (NICE) at National Institutes of Standards and Technology (NIST) (U.S. Department of Commerce (DOC))
National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA)
Smithsonian Institute
U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) (U.S. Department of the Interior)
U.S. Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO) (U.S. Department of Commerce (DOC))
U.S. Census Bureau – Statistics in School
STEM4ALL - website for federal internships, scholarships, and training opportunities.
Q-12 Education - K-12 quantum learning tools and inspire the next generation of quantum leaders.
Quantum.gov - home of the National Quantum Initiative.
AI.gov - National Artificial Intelligence Initiative.
Department STEM Contacts
For inquiries, please reach out to STEM@ed.gov
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View of Folk Medicine in the Philippines: A Phenomenological Study of Health-Seeking Individuals
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https://www.foodsafety.gov/recalls-and-outbreaks
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Recalls and Outbreaks
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2019-05-23T12:19:25-04:00
|
Find recalls and alerts on FoodSafety.gov about food that may cause consumers to become ill.
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/themes/custom/foodsafety/assets/img/favicons/food-safety/white/favicon-16x16.png
|
FoodSafety.gov
|
https://www.foodsafety.gov/recalls-and-outbreaks
|
On this page: Recalls | Outbreaks | Resources
Recalls
Find a Recent Recall
What is a Food Recall?
A food recall occurs when a food producer takes a product off the market because there is reason to believe that it may cause consumers to become ill. In some situations, government agencies may request or require a food recall. Food recalls may happen for many reasons, including but not limited to:
Discovery of organisms, including bacteria such as Salmonella or parasites such as Cyclospora.
Discovery of foreign objects such as broken glass or metal.
Discovery of a major allergen that does not appear on the product label.
What is a Public Health Alert or Safety Alert?
These alerts are issued to inform the public about potential health risks in food products. These are typically issued in cases where a recall cannot be recommended. For example, a Federal agency may be aware of an outbreak of foodborne illness, but the source has not yet been identified, or illnesses may occur due to improper handling of a particular product and the agency may issue an alert to remind consumers of safe food handling practices.
What to Do with a Recalled Product
A food product that has been recalled due to a possible germ contamination or illness, can leave germs around your kitchen and contaminate surfaces, including the drawers and shelves in your refrigerator.
If you've already prepared a recalled food item in your kitchen or still have it in your refrigerator, it's important to throw out the food and clean your kitchen.
Wash all cookware and utensils (including cutting boards) with hot soapy water.
Clear off counters and refrigerator drawers and shelves and wash them with hot soapy water.
Then wipe any surfaces, shelves, or drawers and rinse dishes and cookware with a sanitizing solution and let them air dry. You can use a diluted bleach solution (1 TBSP unscented, liquid chlorine bleach in 1 gallon of water).
Products recalled due to an undeclared allergen may be a risk for anyone in your household with an allergy to that substance. If the product has never been served, throw it away or return it for a refund. If the product has been served, wash with soap and water any surfaces – plates, pots and pans, utensils, and counters – with which the product may have had contact.
Learn more about how to clean your refrigerator because of a food recall.
Add the Food Safety Recalls Widget to Your Website
Use the recalls widget on your website to notify your users about the latest food safety recalls and alerts. Click on the "Embed" button and copy and paste the code in your web page. When new alerts and recalls are issued, the widget will be automatically updated.
Outbreaks
Recent Outbreaks
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) posts food safety alerts and investigation notices for multistate foodborne disease outbreaks. Click on the link below for a list of the latest outbreaks.
CDC Multistate Foodborne Disease Outbreaks
What Is an Outbreak?
A foodborne outbreak occurs when two or more people get the same illness from the same contaminated food or drink. When an outbreak is detected, public health and regulatory officials work quickly to collect as much information as possible to find out what is causing it so they can take action to prevent more people from getting sick. This action includes warning the public when there is clear and convincing information linking illness to a contaminated food. Federal, state and local officials may investigate an outbreak, depending on how widespread it is.
Resources
Separate government agencies are responsible for protecting different segments of the food supply. Click on an agency's page below to see more information on recalls and outbreaks. Your state or local public health agency may also list state-specific recalls and outbreak alerts on their websites.
CDC Foodborne Outbreaks
FDA Recalls, Outbreaks & Emergencies
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As Canada recruits Filipino nurses, those left behind struggle to care for patients
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"Stephanie Dubois",
"CBC News"
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2023-09-16T08:00:00+00:00
|
The Philippines is dealing with a nursing shortage as countries like Canada recruit within its borders. When the nurses leave, it causes a ripple effect on those left behind in the Philippines.
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en
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/a/apple-touch-icon.png
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CBC
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https://www.cbc.ca/radio/whitecoat/philippines-nurses-canada-1.6952067
|
In Manila's Pasay neighbourhood, people knock on nurse Irene Bernabe's door at all hours of the day.
"I'm used to it for 20 years," she said of her role as the volunteer community nurse.
Bernabe also works full time at a private hospital and as a part-time clinical instructor. But she may soon leave her family, community, and jobs behind to work abroad to earn more so she can send her three boys to university. Her youngest son Vincent, 13, cries at the thought of not seeing his mom every day.
"You know the saying, 'Without mother, the home is broken,'" said her 15-year-old son, Alfred.
Neighbours and friends are encouraging, but say they worry about what will happen to the community.
"Good luck to every one of us," said Odette Luangco, a friend and colleague, in Tagalog.
Thousands of nurses like Bernabe leave the Philippines each year for better career opportunities in countries like Canada. More than half of licensed nurses in the Philippines are practising overseas.
But when the nurses leave, it causes a ripple effect on those left behind. Families are separated from loved ones, hospitals can become short nurses and colleagues are often forced to deal with increased workloads.
"When you look at it historically, there are the knock-on effects," said Ivy Bourgeault, a professor in the University of Ottawa's sociological and anthropological studies department, who has studied nurse migration in the Philippines. She's also the lead of the Canadian Health Workforce Network.
Recruitment efforts from countries such as Canada are fuelling that nurse migration, Bourgeault and others say. In the last year, several provinces have been to the Philippines to recruit nurses, hoping to alleviate some of their own staff shortages.
And Canada is one of at least a dozen countries looking to the Philippines to fill that gap. With the demand for Filipino nurses high, hospital directors say countries have been recruiting less-experienced nurses, a pool of staff local hospitals rely on for their own staffing.
Dr. Jose Rene de Grano, president of the Private Hospitals Association of the Philippines, pleads with other countries to allow Filipino nurses to practise in their home country for a few years before recruiting them away.
"Because if we just let the first-world countries to really get all of our nurses, what will happen to the health-care delivery system [here]?"
The nurses left behind
Cristy Donguines says she misses having family dinner with her husband and two teenagers. Instead, she spends three nights a week sleeping at the hospital after her long shifts as one of two nurses caring for 70 to 80 patients.
She says her workload has increased because of the many colleagues who have recently left. When she does go home, her 13-year-old son often begs her to stay for longer, and she wishes she could.
"He cannot convince me to stay home because I know this is my job and this is what I stand for," said Donguines, who is also involved with the Philippines-based Alliance of Health Workers.
Emergency room nurse Ronald Richie Ignacio also has an increased workload due to a staff shortage. He can care for up to 20 patients at once — some of those acute.
That nurse-to-patient ratio should be lower, he says. The Philippines Department of Health stipulates a 1:12 ratio of nurses to patients for general wards, where patients require a minimum level of care.
"Patients are severely impacted. We have to turn down patients because of lack of nurses, lack of rooms," said Ignacio, who is also the spokesperson for the United Private Hospital Unions of the Philippines.
The current exact figure of the Philippines shortage of nurses varies. In March, Dr. Maria Rosario Vergeire, officer in charge of the Philippines' Department of Health (DOH), told local media that the Philippines needs more than 350,000 nurses.
A few months later, local media reported Vergeire as saying 178,000 nurses are needed and that it could take up to 12 years to fill the shortage. DOH did not respond to multiple interview requests.
In Canada, B.C. will become the first province to adopt minimum nurse-to-patient ratios, with its Ministry of Health saying work is still underway.
In 2021, Canada had a higher nurse-to-population ratio than the Philippines, sitting at 102.7 nurses and midwives per 10,000 people, according to World Health Organization data. The Philippines had less than half that, with 47.55 nurses and midwives per 10,000 people.
"It's important to recognize the precarity of the health system in the Philippines and the density of nurses per population is only one indication," said Bourgeault.
She says there's "complexity" as to why the density of nurses is lower, but the push for nurses to leave for abroad is a contributing factor.
Union representatives in the Philippines told CBC News that better salaries and working conditions would help to keep some nurses in the country.
'Not working for us'
Patricia Yvonne Caunan, undersecretary of policy and international co-operation in the Philippines Department of Migrant Workers, says provincial leaders are made aware of the "local demands" for nurses when they visit to recruit nurses and other health-care workers.
"We have our own needs, so we put this in the conversation and we're very open about this with not only provinces in Canada, but other countries," she said.
Hospital directors in the Philippines told CBC News that they're used to nurses leaving their hospitals after they gain some experience, usually after two to three years. But now they're increasingly having to compete against richer countries for newer nurses.
"Those recruitment strategies are working for those countries, but not working for us," said Dr. Erbe Bugay, director of Ospital ng Lungsod ng San Jose Del Monte in Bulacan, about 40 kilometres north of Manila.
Saskatchewan is one of the provinces that visited the Philippines recently to recruit.
Job postings shared on social media by one of the recruiters who worked with Saskatchewan advertised "preferred experience" to be one-to-three years of recent nursing experience in the last five years in three areas, including primary care, and at least one year experience as a full-time RN.
A spokesperson with the province's health authority said in an emailed statement that those who apply must meet the requirements for licensing through the College of Registered Nurses of Saskatchewan.
Tracy Zambory, the president of the Saskatchewan Union of Nurses, says she's worried these nurses are coming at a time when the Saskatchewan health-care system is "nothing short of a pressure cooker."
"We're putting people in untenable situations where there could be harm that they can't reverse because they don't have the expertise ... and they don't have the mentorship and preceptorship to be told 'We need to help you through this situation,'" Zambory told Dr. Brian Goldman, host of CBC's White Coat, Black Art.
In 2009, she mentored a nurse from Manila who came to work at a long-term care home.
"He came from one of the biggest hospitals there, but yet when he got to Saskatchewan, he was like a brand-new grad," she said.
Since then, Saskatchewan started a new 14-week bridging program that the government says will help internationally trained nurses integrate into the workplace. A spokesperson with the province's health department says the first cohort started last month.
What's the solution?
Zambory says she was grateful for the Filipino nurses that came in 2009, but says it was a lot of work to train and introduce them to the Saskatchewan health-care system on top of her workload as an RN.
She's concerned nurses today will be asked to do the same thing.
Several Canadian experts say international recruitment is — and always has been — a quick fix.
Provinces should focus more on proper health workforce planning, hire talent already in Canada and streamline bridging programs before recruiting abroad, said Margaret Walton-Roberts, a professor in Wilfrid Laurier University's geography and environmental studies department.
Until they focus their efforts on retaining and recruiting in Canada first, Bourgeault says relying on international recruitment in times of need will continue to affect both Canada and the Philippines.
"The consequences of the reliance on this approach is continued instability in Canada and knock-on instability in the Philippines health-care system."
The reporting of this story was made possible by the R. James Travers Foreign Corresponding Fellowship. Jim Travers, who died in 2011, believed it was crucial for Canadian reporters to "bear witness" because in our interconnected world, foreign news is local news.
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https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/1600/executive-branch
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en
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The Executive Branch
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2015-04-01T16:29:29-04:00
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From the President, to the Vice President, to the Cabinet, learn more about the Executive Branch of the U.S. government.
|
en
|
https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/sites/obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/themes/custom/fortyfour/favicon.ico
|
whitehouse.gov
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https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/1600/executive-branch
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The power of the Executive Branch is vested in the President of the United States, who also acts as head of state and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces. The President is responsible for implementing and enforcing the laws written by Congress and, to that end, appoints the heads of the federal agencies, including the Cabinet. The Vice President is also part of the Executive Branch, ready to assume the Presidency should the need arise.
The Cabinet and independent federal agencies are responsible for the day-to-day enforcement and administration of federal laws. These departments and agencies have missions and responsibilities as widely divergent as those of the Department of Defense and the Environmental Protection Agency, the Social Security Administration and the Securities and Exchange Commission.
Including members of the armed forces, the Executive Branch employs more than 4 million Americans.
The President | The Vice President
Executive Office of the President | The Cabinet
The President
The President is both the head of state and head of government of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces.
Under Article II of the Constitution, the President is responsible for the execution and enforcement of the laws created by Congress. Fifteen executive departments — each led by an appointed member of the President's Cabinet — carry out the day-to-day administration of the federal government. They are joined in this by other executive agencies such as the CIA and Environmental Protection Agency, the heads of which are not part of the Cabinet, but who are under the full authority of the President. The President also appoints the heads of more than 50 independent federal commissions, such as the Federal Reserve Board or the Securities and Exchange Commission, as well as federal judges, ambassadors, and other federal offices. The Executive Office of the President (EOP) consists of the immediate staff to the President, along with entities such as the Office of Management and Budget and the Office of the United States Trade Representative.
The President has the power either to sign legislation into law or to veto bills enacted by Congress, although Congress may override a veto with a two-thirds vote of both houses. The Executive Branch conducts diplomacy with other nations, and the President has the power to negotiate and sign treaties, which also must be ratified by two-thirds of the Senate. The President can issue executive orders, which direct executive officers or clarify and further existing laws. The President also has unlimited power to extend pardons and clemencies for federal crimes, except in cases of impeachment.
With these powers come several responsibilities, among them a constitutional requirement to "from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." Although the President may fulfill this requirement in any way he or she chooses, Presidents have traditionally given a State of the Union address to a joint session of Congress each January (except in inaugural years) outlining their agenda for the coming year.
The Constitution lists only three qualifications for the Presidency — the President must be 35 years of age, be a natural born citizen, and must have lived in the United States for at least 14 years. And though millions of Americans vote in a presidential election every four years, the President is not, in fact, directly elected by the people. Instead, on the first Tuesday in November of every fourth year, the people elect the members of the Electoral College. Apportioned by population to the 50 states — one for each member of their congressional delegation (with the District of Columbia receiving 3 votes) — these Electors then cast the votes for President. There are currently 538 electors in the Electoral College.
President Barack Obama is the 44th President of the United States. He is, however, only the 43rd person ever to serve as President; President Grover Cleveland served two nonconsecutive terms, and thus is recognized as both the 22nd and the 24th President. Today, the President is limited to two four-year terms, but until the 22nd Amendment to the Constitution, ratified in 1951, a President could serve an unlimited number of terms. Franklin Delano Roosevelt was elected President four times, serving from 1932 until his death in 1945; he is the only President ever to have served more than two terms.
By tradition, the President and the First Family live in the White House in Washington, D.C., also the location of the President's Oval Office and the offices of the his senior staff. When the President travels by plane, his aircraft is designated Air Force One; he may also use a Marine Corps helicopter, known as Marine One while the President is on board. For ground travel, the President uses an armored Presidential limousine.
The Vice President
The primary responsibility of the Vice President of the United States is to be ready at a moment's notice to assume the Presidency if the President is unable to perform his duties. This can be because of the President's death, resignation, or temporary incapacitation, or if the Vice President and a majority of the Cabinet judge that the President is no longer able to discharge the duties of the presidency.
The Vice President is elected along with the President by the Electoral College — each elector casts one vote for President and another for Vice President. Before the ratification of the 12th Amendment in 1804, electors only voted for President, and the person who received the second greatest number of votes became Vice President.
The Vice President also serves as the President of the United States Senate, where he or she casts the deciding vote in the case of a tie. Except in the case of tiebreaking votes, the Vice President rarely actually presides over the Senate. Instead, the Senate selects one of their own members, usually junior members of the majority party, to preside over the Senate each day.
Joseph R. Biden is the 47th Vice President of the United States. Of the 45 previous Vice Presidents, nine have succeeded to the Presidency, and four have been elected to the Presidency in their own right. The duties of the Vice President, outside of those enumerated in the Constitution, are at the discretion of the current President. Each Vice President approaches the role differently — some take on a specific policy portfolio, others serve simply as a top adviser to the President.
The Vice President has an office in the West Wing of the White House, as well as in the nearby Eisenhower Executive Office Building. Like the President, he also maintains an official residence, at the United States Naval Observatory in Northwest Washington, D.C. This peaceful mansion, has been the official home of the Vice President since 1974 — previously, Vice Presidents had lived in their own private residences. The Vice President also has his own limousine, operated by the United States Secret Service, and flies on the same aircraft the President uses — but when the Vice President is aboard, the craft are referred to as Air Force Two and Marine Two.
Executive Office of the President
Every day, the President of the United States is faced with scores of decisions, each with important consequences for America's future. To provide the President with the support that he or she needs to govern effectively, the Executive Office of the President (EOP) was created in 1939 by President Franklin D. Roosevelt. The EOP has responsibility for tasks ranging from communicating the President's message to the American people to promoting our trade interests abroad.
The EOP, overseen by the White House Chief of Staff, has traditionally been home to many of the President's closest advisers. While Senate confirmation is required for some advisers, such as the Director of the Office of Management and Budget, most are appointed with full Presidential discretion. The individual offices that these advisors oversee have grown in size and number since the EOP was created. Some were formed by Congress, others as the President has needed them — they are constantly shifting as each President identifies his needs and priorities, with the current EOP employing over 1,800 people.
Perhaps the most visible parts of the EOP are the White House Communications Office and Press Secretary's Office. The Press Secretary provides daily briefings for the media on the President's activities and agenda. Less visible to most Americans is the National Security Council, which advises the President on foreign policy, intelligence, and national security.
There are also a number of offices responsible for the practicalities of maintaining the White House and providing logistical support for the President. These include the White House Military Office, which is responsible for services ranging from Air Force One to the dining facilities, and the Office of Presidential Advance, which prepares sites remote from the White House for the President's arrival.
Many senior advisors in the EOP work near the President in the West Wing of the White House. However, the majority of the staff is housed in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building, just a few steps away and part of the White House compound.
The Cabinet
The Cabinet is an advisory body made up of the heads of the 15 executive departments. Appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate, the members of the Cabinet are often the President's closest confidants. In addition to running major federal agencies, they play an important role in the Presidential line of succession — after the Vice President, Speaker of the House, and Senate President pro tempore, the line of succession continues with the Cabinet offices in the order in which the departments were created. All the members of the Cabinet take the title Secretary, excepting the head of the Justice Department, who is styled Attorney General.
Department of Agriculture
The U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) develops and executes policy on farming, agriculture, and food. Its aims include meeting the needs of farmers and ranchers, promoting agricultural trade and production, assuring food safety, protecting natural resources, fostering rural communities, and ending hunger in America and abroad.
The USDA employs more than 100,000 employees and has an annual budget of approximately $95 billion. It consists of 17 agencies, including the Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service, the Food and Nutrition Service, and the Forest Service. The bulk of the department's budget goes towards mandatory programs that provide services required by law, such as programs designed to provide nutrition assistance, promote agricultural exports, and conserve our environment. The USDA also plays an important role in overseas aid programs by providing surplus foods to developing countries.
The United States Secretary of Agriculture administers the USDA.
Department of Commerce
The Department of Commerce is the government agency tasked with improving living standards for all Americans by promoting economic development and technological innovation.
The department supports U.S. business and industry through a number of services, including gathering economic and demographic data, issuing patents and trademarks, improving understanding of the environment and oceanic life, and ensuring the effective use of scientific and technical resources. The agency also formulates telecommunications and technology policy, and promotes U.S. exports by assisting and enforcing international trade agreements.
The Secretary of Commerce oversees a $6.5 billion budget and approximately 38,000 employees.
Department of Defense
The mission of the Department of Defense (DOD) is to provide the military forces needed to deter war and to protect the security of our country. The department's headquarters is at the Pentagon.
The DOD consists of the Departments of the Army, Navy, and Air Force, as well as many agencies, offices, and commands, including the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Pentagon Force Protection Agency, the National Security Agency, and the Defense Intelligence Agency. The DOD occupies the vast majority of the Pentagon building in Arlington, VA.
The Department of Defense is the largest government agency, with more than 1.3 million men and women on active duty, nearly 700,000 civilian personnel, and 1.1 million citizens who serve in the National Guard and Reserve forces. Together, the military and civilian arms of DOD protect national interests through war-fighting, providing humanitarian aid, and performing peacekeeping and disaster relief services.
Department of Education
The mission of the Department of Education is to promote student achievement and preparation for competition in a global economy by fostering educational excellence and ensuring equal access to educational opportunity.
The Department administers federal financial aid for education, collects data on America's schools to guide improvements in education quality, and works to complement the efforts of state and local governments, parents, and students.
The U.S. Secretary of Education oversees the Department's 4,200 employees and $68.6 billion budget.
Department of Energy
The mission of the Department of Energy (DOE) is to advance the national, economic, and energy security of the United States.
The DOE promotes America's energy security by encouraging the development of reliable, clean, and affordable energy. It administers federal funding for scientific research to further the goal of discovery and innovation — ensuring American economic competitiveness and improving the quality of life for Americans.
The DOE is also tasked with ensuring America's nuclear security, and with protecting the environment by providing a responsible resolution to the legacy of nuclear weapons production.
The United States Secretary of Energy oversees a budget of approximately $23 billion and more than 100,000 federal and contract employees.
Department of Health and Human Services
The Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) is the United States government's principal agency for protecting the health of all Americans and providing essential human services, especially for those who are least able to help themselves. Agencies of HHS conduct health and social science research, work to prevent disease outbreaks, assure food and drug safety, and provide health insurance.
In addition to administering Medicare and Medicaid, which together provide health insurance to one in four Americans, HHS also oversees the National Institutes of Health, the Food and Drug Administration, and the Centers for Disease Control.
The Secretary of Health and Human Services oversees a budget of approximately $700 billion and approximately 65,000 employees. The Department's programs are administered by 11 operating divisions, including 8 agencies in the U.S. Public Health Service and 3 human services agencies.
Department of Homeland Security
The missions of the Department of Homeland Security are to prevent and disrupt terrorist attacks; protect the American people, our critical infrastructure, and key resources; and respond to and recover from incidents that do occur. The third largest Cabinet department, DHS was established by the Homeland Security Act of 2002, largely in response to the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. The new department consolidated 22 executive branch agencies, including the U.S. Customs Service, the U.S. Coast Guard, the U.S. Secret Service, the Transportation Security Administration, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency.
DHS employs 216,000 people in its mission to patrol borders, protect travelers and our transportation infrastructure, enforce immigration laws, and respond to disasters and emergencies. The agency also promotes preparedness and emergency prevention among citizens. Policy is coordinated by the Homeland Security Council at the White House, in cooperation with other defense and intelligence agencies, and led by the Assistant to the President for Homeland Security.
Department of Housing and Urban Development
The Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) is the federal agency responsible for national policies and programs that address America's housing needs, that improve and develop the nation's communities, and that enforce fair housing laws. The Department plays a major role in supporting homeownership for lower- and moderate-income families through its mortgage insurance and rent subsidy programs.
Offices within HUD include the Federal Housing Administration, which provides mortgage and loan insurance; the Office of Fair Housing and Equal Opportunity, which ensures all Americans equal access to the housing of their choice; and the Community Development Block Grant Program, which helps communities with economic development, job opportunities, and housing rehabilitation. HUD also administers public housing and homeless assistance.
The Secretary of Housing and Urban Development oversees approximately 9,000 employees on a budget of approximately $40 billion.
Department of the Interior
The Department of the Interior (DOI) is the nation's principal conservation agency. Its mission is to protect America's natural resources, offer recreation opportunities, conduct scientific research, conserve and protect fish and wildlife, and honor our trust responsibilities to American Indians, Alaskan Natives, and our responsibilities to island communities.
DOI manages 500 million acres of surface land, or about one-fifth of the land in the United States, and manages hundreds of dams and reservoirs. Agencies within the DOI include the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the Minerals Management Service, and the U.S. Geological Survey. The DOI manages the national parks and is tasked with protecting endangered species.
The Secretary of the Interior oversees about 70,000 employees and 200,000 volunteers on a budget of approximately $16 billion. Every year it raises billions in revenue from energy, mineral, grazing, and timber leases, as well as recreational permits and land sales.
Department of Justice
The mission of the Department of Justice (DOJ) is to enforce the law and defend the interests of the United States according to the law; to ensure public safety against threats foreign and domestic; to provide federal leadership in preventing and controlling crime; to seek just punishment for those guilty of unlawful behavior; and to ensure fair and impartial administration of justice for all Americans.
The DOJ is comprised of 40 component organizations, including the Drug Enforcement Administration, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the U.S. Marshals, and the Federal Bureau of Prisons. The Attorney General is the head of the DOJ and chief law enforcement officer of the federal government. The Attorney General represents the United States in legal matters, advises the President and the heads of the executive departments of the government, and occasionally appears in person before the Supreme Court.
With a budget of approximately $25 billion, the DOJ is the world's largest law office and the central agency for the enforcement of federal laws.
Department of Labor
The Department of Labor oversees federal programs for ensuring a strong American workforce. These programs address job training, safe working conditions, minimum hourly wage and overtime pay, employment discrimination, and unemployment insurance.
The Department of Labor's mission is to foster and promote the welfare of the job seekers, wage earners, and retirees of the United States by improving their working conditions, advancing their opportunities for profitable employment, protecting their retirement and health care benefits, helping employers find workers, strengthening free collective bargaining, and tracking changes in employment, prices, and other national economic measurements.
Offices within the Department of Labor include the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the federal government's principal statistics agency for labor economics, and the Occupational Safety & Health Administration, which promotes the safety and health of America's working men and women.
The Secretary of Labor oversees 15,000 employees on a budget of approximately $50 billion.
Department of State
The Department of State plays the lead role in developing and implementing the President's foreign policy. Major responsibilities include United States representation abroad, foreign assistance, foreign military training programs, countering international crime, and a wide assortment of services to U.S. citizens and foreign nationals seeking entrance to the U.S.
The U.S. maintains diplomatic relations with approximately 180 countries — each posted by civilian U.S. Foreign Service employees — as well as with international organizations. At home, more than 5,000 civil employees carry out the mission of the Department.
The Secretary of State serves as the President's top foreign policy adviser, and oversees 30,000 employees and a budget of approximately $35 billion.
Department of Transportation
The mission of the Department of Transportation (DOT) is to ensure a fast, safe, efficient, accessible and convenient transportation system that meets our vital national interests and enhances the quality of life of the American people.
Organizations within the DOT include the Federal Highway Administration, the Federal Aviation Administration, the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, the Federal Transit Administration, the Federal Railroad Administration and the Maritime Administration.
The U.S. Secretary of Transportation oversees approximately 55,000 employees and a budget of approximately $70 billion.
Department of the Treasury
The Department of the Treasury is responsible for promoting economic prosperity and ensuring the soundness and security of the U.S. and international financial systems.
The Department operates and maintains systems that are critical to the nation's financial infrastructure, such as the production of coin and currency, the disbursement of payments to the American public, the collection of taxes, and the borrowing of funds necessary to run the federal government. The Department works with other federal agencies, foreign governments, and international financial institutions to encourage global economic growth, raise standards of living, and, to the extent possible, predict and prevent economic and financial crises. The Treasury Department also performs a critical and far-reaching role in enhancing national security by improving the safeguards of our financial systems, implementing economic sanctions against foreign threats to the U.S., and identifying and targeting the financial support networks of national security threats.
The Secretary of the Treasury oversees a budget of approximately $13 billion and a staff of more than 100,000 employees.
Department of Veterans Affairs
The Department of Veterans Affairs is responsible for administering benefit programs for veterans, their families, and their survivors. These benefits include pension, education, disability compensation, home loans, life insurance, vocational rehabilitation, survivor support, medical care, and burial benefits. Veterans Affairs became a cabinet-level department in 1989.
Of the 25 million veterans currently alive, nearly three of every four served during a war or an official period of hostility. About a quarter of the nation's population — approximately 70 million people — are potentially eligible for V.A. benefits and services because they are veterans, family members, or survivors of veterans.
The Secretary of Veterans Affairs oversees a budget of approximately $90 billion and a staff of approximately 235,000 employees.
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Association of State and Territorial Health Officials
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View from Washington
Join members of ASTHO's Federal Government Affairs team as they break down public health policy on Public Health Review Morning Edition.
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Philippine government agency
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https://www.usasean.org/article/president-ferdinand-marcos-jr-names-new-defense-and-health-secretaries
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President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. Names New Defense and Health Secretaries
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https://www.usasean.org/article/president-ferdinand-marcos-jr-names-new-defense-and-health-secretaries
|
On June 5, President Marcos appointed Gilbert Teodoro as the Secretary of the Department of National Defense (DND) and Dr. Teodoro Herbosa as Secretary of the Department of Health (DOH). As returning officials of the agencies they now head, both Teodora and Herbosa are expected to provide policy stability and continuity. The DND and DOH were previously led by acting secretaries Carlito Galvez Jr. and Rosario Vergerie, respectively. President Marcos himself remains the concurrent Secretary of the Department of Agriculture, while Vice President Sarah Duterte remains the concurrent Secretary of the Department of Education.
Teodoro, a lawyer and mining firm executive, previously served as DND secretary under President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s administration from August 2007 to November 2009. In his tenure as secretary, he assumed the role of Chairman of the National Disaster Coordinating Council (NDCC). Teodoro was also a former congressman, representing the first district of Tarlac for three terms. Teodoro was a previous presidential candidate in 2010 and ran for senator under the ticket of President Marcos and Vice President Duterte, where he lost both bids. In his current appointment as Secretary of the DND, Teodoro is expected to navigate the Southeast Asian nation’s deepening alliance with the US amid rising tensions with China. Among Teodoro’s early priorities include (i) pension settlement for military and uniform personnel, (ii) DND modernization, and (iii) budget settlement.
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en
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Acceptability of self-administered antigen test for COVID-19 in the Philippines
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"Faisal H. Jackarain",
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Acceptability of self-administered antigen test for COVID-19 in the Philippines - Volume 40 Issue 1
|
en
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/core/cambridge-core/public/images/favicon.ico
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Cambridge Core
|
https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/international-journal-of-technology-assessment-in-health-care/article/acceptability-of-selfadministered-antigen-test-for-covid19-in-the-philippines/2FF7BAB07511C1C1FA7556A25B886F40
|
A. Data collection and sampling
Four FGDs were conducted from 15–24 February 2022 by the HTA Philippines (HTA Council–Joint Subcommittee on Self-Administered Antigen Test and support staff from the HTA Division) via online platforms to reduce the risk of COVID-19 transmission. These included HCWs, at-risk groups, economic frontliners, and employers and managers of micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs) and/or academic institutions. These groups were chosen because they were deemed to have diverse perspectives in health care which can be generalized to the wider context of acceptability in the local health system.
FGD 1: HCWs—Nine participants consisting of one barangay health worker and eight leaders of organizations representing physicians, pharmacists, nurses, caregivers, and dentists were included.
FGD 2: At-risk groups—Seven formal organizations for chronic illnesses, lung diseases, cancer, kidney transplantation, and HIV/AIDS were secured.
FGD 3: Economic frontliners—Six workers composed of a cab driver, a jeepney driver, delivery riders, a fieldworker, and a public school teacher were included in the FGD.
FGD 4: MSMEs and academic institutions—A total of seven representatives were included in the FGD, five of which are managers or administrative officers of an MSME in the field of human resources, air conditioning, pharmaceutical industry, and sugar industry, while there are two decision makers in their respective private schools.
Due to the urgency of the assessment of SAAgT, snowball sampling was used to invite the participants. Some of the participants from previous FGDs conducted by HTA Philippines were invited and/or asked for referrals.
Both Filipino and English were used as primary media of instruction for the first and last FGDs, while Filipino was the main medium for the second and third FGDs. Each FGD was facilitated by two to three representatives from the HTA Council. FGDs were conducted to have in-depth discussions and exchange of ideas and to observe the patterns of interaction among the participants [Reference Neuman9].
B. Data analysis
The preset codes were used to register the responses of the participants. All FGD responses were encoded using Google Docs.
In order to analyze the raw data obtained from FGDs, both open and axial analyses were performed. For the open analysis, the codes were analyzed inductively and subsumed under preset codes that represent key decision points. New codes were included when responses did not fit any of the preset codes. The frequency of codes determined the number of times that participants mentioned or discussed the concept. If a code has been interpreted for at least three times in one FGD, then that code is considered as significant and is included in the analysis. Following the open analysis, axial analysis was performed by clustering first-level codes and recognizing patterns or relationships between the codes to generate themes from the users and implementers.
C. Instrument
A semi-structured questionnaire was created by the HTA Philippines to guide the discussion of the participants’ perspectives, acceptability, and willingness to self-report. See Table 1 for the complete instrument used per FGD. Initial questions were added to capture the baseline knowledge and perception of the participants. The instrument also contained a brief context on SAAgT after every few questions to assess how the level of knowledge can affect their perception. The participants would then be asked whether they will change their previous answers given this new information. Context slides were not presented until after the sixth question. Members of the HTA Council validated the content of the questions and context slides based on the objectives of the FGDs. The tool was tailored to match the interest of subgroups with respect to COVID-19 testing.
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https://knowledgesuccess.org/2023/02/28/10-years-10-lessons-implementing-the-reproductive-health-law-in-the-philippines/
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en
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10 Years, 10 Lessons: Implementing the Reproductive Health Law in the Philippines
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Reproductive health advocates in the Philippines faced a tough 14-year long battle to turn the Responsible Parenthood and Reproductive Health Act into a landmark law.
|
en
|
Knowledge SUCCESS
|
https://knowledgesuccess.org/2023/02/28/10-years-10-lessons-implementing-the-reproductive-health-law-in-the-philippines/
|
On December 17, 2022, RH champions, advocates, and other stakeholders gathered once again to mark the 10th year anniversary of the RH Law. Various government officials, lawmakers, and representatives from civil society organizations reminisced about their struggles, reflecting on the challenges and lessons a decade after the law’s enactment and calling on government and key partners for additional commitments moving forward. There have been noteworthy successes, with public support and demand for FP/RH remaining strong and with other FP/RH-related bills becoming laws. Yet, challenges still exist, including declining budgets and finding ways to integrate the law into local government units. As the former Executive Director of the Commission on Population and Development (POPCOM) Dr. Juan Antonio Perez III said, “After the first decade of the RH Law, there is still work to do.”
Since the enactment of the RH Law in 2012, what lessons have RH champions and advocates learned? Here are 10 lessons from 10 years of implementing the RH Law in the Philippines.
1. It is not enough to make an RH bill a law—it is important to give it teeth.
Giving the law “teeth” means ensuring that it has clear implementing rules and regulations backed by a sufficient budget to move it forward. It also means having joint oversight meetings of various agencies and stakeholders to consistently monitor its implementation and resource mobilization.
“It is not just about crafting a bill, legislating it, and putting it into a law. What is more important is implementing it,” emphasized former Department of Health (DOH) Secretary and now Iloilo 1st District Representative Janette Garin.
2. An RH law is nothing without consistent, adequate funding.
Government leaders, both at the national and local levels, may verbally support a law, but there needs to be funding for implementation. The national government should give clear instructions to the Ministry of Budget or Finance to allocate, on an annual basis, adequate funding for the law and if possible, create a multi-year costed implementation plan for FP/RH initiatives. At the local government level, ensure that FP/RH program implementation is included in annual budget plans.
Walden Bello, one of the principal sponsors of the Philippines’ RH Bill, also shared his thoughts on this: “A major step to address the funding issue would be for the law’s implementation being designated by Congress as a ‘priority medical concern,’ which would entitle it to the level of funding such a designation mandates.”
3. Wisely spending the budget allocated for FP/RH provides indisputable evidence to continue funding and implementing the law.
Spend the bigger percentage of the government’s allocated budget for FP/RH on services, not on administrative costs. Most of the time, the government spends a large portion of its FP/RH program budget on training and seminars and less on procuring commodities or improving services. Spending on administrative matters is necessary, but an FP/RH program should not be purely administrative in nature because people also need support and services—both of which are essential components.
According to former DOH Secretary Garin, “If the budget is spent mostly on administrative costs and there are no services provided, surely, it will be a big stone against the law…I amended things so that the budget for reproductive health will really be spent on people. That is why, when the law was challenged in the Supreme Court, we did not have difficulty showing that ‘Here we are, already implementing the law that will actually transcend to services for women.’”
4. Political will is key and priceless to successful implementation.
Clichéd as it may seem, it is political will that propels government leaders to find ways to fund and speed up implementation within their respective jurisdictions. Political will moves leaders to purchase and distribute contraceptives, to provide comprehensive FP/RH services, and to implement comprehensive sexuality education (CSE) programs despite opposition from influential anti-RH groups at both the national and local levels.
“Local governments have access to the resources. It is really a matter of prioritizing…We have a very small budget in our city but if you know that you need to put your heart and your funds where it should be, it is possible,” shared Isabela City Mayor Djalia Hataman of Basilan, a province in the southernmost part of the Philippines.
Most importantly, lead implementing agencies, such as the Ministry of Health, must be at the forefront of having the political will to advocate for sufficient funds, provide support, and enforce the RH law.
5. Mobilize the most relevant government agencies to implement the law.
It seems logical and easy to understand, yet the importance of relevance is sometimes overlooked. Beyond the Ministry of Health, determine which government agency is best placed to implement the law. Engage the agency focused on population and development. Involve the agency responsible for appropriating the budget for the RH law. Work with the Ministry of Education to integrate CSE into the basic curriculum. Most importantly, ensure that the law and its implementing rules and regulations clearly state the roles and responsibilities of these relevant government agencies.
6. In a decentralized form of government, the power is with local government leaders. Make them your allies.
The devolution of the health system in the Philippines puts the power and the money to implement the RH Law in the hands of local chief executives. Advocates helped them become allies by regularly supporting them and educating them on how prioritizing FP/RH is an effective use of scarce resources that ultimately translates to material cost savings, which can then be reinvested in other priority sectors.
As Mayor Hataman shared, “It was Likhaan* who molded me to be who I am right now. They introduced me to reproductive health and it was my experience working on RH that developed me on how to prioritize and operate FP/RH programs in my city.” (*Likhaan is a non-government, nonprofit organization in the Philippines established in 1995 to respond to the sexual and reproductive health needs of women experiencing poverty.)
Consequently, her city is the only local government unit in the southern Philippines’ Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) region that has lowered its teenage pregnancy rates.
Another way to make local government an ally is to make it easy and simple for them to implement the RH law and integrate FP/RH activities within their development plans. As the Philippines Legislators’ Committee on Population and Development (PLCPD) put it, “Integration and streamlining of RH activities into a comprehensive set of services that local government units can adopt…is crucial given the…devolution of governance.”
7. Relentlessly educate national and local governments on the cost effectiveness of funding and implementing FP/RH initiatives.
RH advocates and champions must continuously sensitize the national government, especially economic managers, to the idea that providing FP/RH services is one of the most effective ways to develop a country.
According to Dr. Ernesto Pernia, former secretary of the Philippines’ National Economic Development Authority (NEDA), international trade and providing FP/RH services are the most important ways of boosting a country’s development. However, the former is dependent on external factors, whereas the latter is well within local leadership’s control.
In addition, Congressman Edcel Lagman, one of the primary authors and a staunch advocate of the RH Law, emphasized that RH advocates must continuously make government leaders understand that more budget for RH means more savings on healthcare: “We should be able to tell government that when we are budgeting for infrastructure projects, the beneficiaries are lesser. We should be able to give an adequate budget to RH, which requires a lesser budget, but has limitless beneficiaries…this is very important to attaining sustainable human development. The government does not see this. I think the government should be able to know that and that should come for us.”
8. Use public sentiment to one’s advantage.
Instead of simply clashing with unyielding opposition during hours-long debates on the passage of the RH bill happening within the Congress’ plenary hall, advocates brought the issue to the public. Legislators and activists in the Philippines came together and learned from each other on the best ways to increase popular attention to this landmark legislation. Once the public’s consciousness was raised, support for the issue increased, further putting pressure on the government and the opposition.
Senator Pia Cayetano, one of the proponents of the RH bill, said, “Strong political will and a solid partnership with civil society are vital in propelling progressive legislation.”
9. Know who is for you and against you.
Work with those who are for you: Make them your ally, learn from each other, share resources, and strategize together to make a breakthrough. Do not underestimate the opposition. They will always find loopholes to subvert the new law. Know them well. Always be prepared by doing research and creating solid, evidence-based arguments in favor of your position. Present your stance to legislators willing to listen, not to unyielding, dogmatic opposition. In the case of the Philippines, the most challenging opposition is the Catholic hierarchy and its surrogates in Congress.
Ateneo de Manila University Professor Mary Racelis shared, “Legislators will never read a 17-page [document] so we put together a four-page statement declaration sent to Congress…We never have to influence the bishops, they would not listen to us anyway.”
10. A strong, determined, and persistent RH movement, composed of different sectors, is crucial to move forward and sustain the gains of RH law implementation.
The RH bill became a law because of the vibrant and dedicated RH movement—composed of advocates and champions from the grassroots, civil society organizations, non-government organizations, academia, and the private sector—that came together to ensure its full implementation after long years of hard-fought battle. Adding to the movement’s strength is the support from dedicated, passionate, and committed advocates at the executive and legislative branches of the government. The ardent support of former President Noynoy Aquino has been pivotal in enacting the law.
According to former POPCOM Executive Director Perez, FP/RH initiatives saw success in increasing family planning use from 4 million users of modern FP in 2013 to 7.9 million users in 2021, even with reduced budgets for RH law implementation. This improvement is thanks to the dedication of health workers, volunteers, population workers, local government partners, and civil society partners who remained committed to RH work despite these challenges.
“It is not just a fight of one group, there is a need to help each other… persistent and consistent efforts are needed to get where we want,” said attorney Elizabeth Aguiling-Pangalangan, Director of the Institute of Human Rights at the University of the Philippines Law Center.
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How to Avail Free Anti Rabies in Philippines
|
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[
""
] | null |
[
"pisceanrat",
"Visit profile",
"Email Post"
] |
2020-09-05T21:39:00+08:00
|
Hello po! Here is a guide in availing the free anti rabies vax here in the capital of the Philippines, Manila's San Lazaro Hospital. I had c...
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en
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https://pisceanrat.blogspot.com/favicon.ico
|
https://pisceanrat.blogspot.com/2020/09/how-to-avail-free-anti-rabies-in.html
|
Hello po! Here is a guide in availing the free anti rabies vax here in the capital of the Philippines, Manila's San Lazaro Hospital.
I had come here years before and indeed there was a multitude of people back then. But now due to Covid-19 pandemic, there are way less patients availing the anti-rabies shot for animal bites, scratches.
As a preventative measure, most city/ provincial vets (in the City Hall) offer free anti-rabies shots for pets. Just bring the animal to their office.
Getting a vaccine is important as this virus is really scary. There are private clinics that offer anti-rabies but they cost a pretty penny. Those who are trying to save choose to go to SLH.
These are the steps as I can remember. Note that it may change from time to time.
FIRST VISIT
1. Assessment 1 as you enter. Fill up form and get weight taken.
2. Records.
3. Dr tent, interview.
4. Table 2 room, Pharmacy, letter.
5. Cashier.
6. Table 2 room, Pharma, syringe.
7. Assessment area 2. List names, signature, address.
8. Table 2 room, Injection (3 turok? One of the syringe was BIG).
SECOND VISIT
1. Blotter area. Get number.
2. Doctor table, PPRV paper.
3. Assessment 2 (address).
4. Table 2 room, Injection (Both forearms).
*You can always ask the guards and staff about where to next.
First visit, it took me about a total of one hour to finish. Succeeding visits were faster.
During the third visit, the physician asked where the cat that scratched me was. When I told him that she went missing, he recommended an additional shot, skin test and ERIG. But he took it back when I told him I already got ERIG a couple of years ago. He then allowed me to proceed with the regular shot.
Fourth visit, they gave PVRV (2 sites) and toxoid shot (felt heavy), and was advised to return April next year for third tetanus shot (offers 5 years protection).
FEES
1st visit, paid a total of 130 Pesos (I think Php 50 registration fee, then Php 70 for syringes). 2nd and 3rd visit, no payment. 4th visit, I paid Php 37.50 for a big syringe (there was one small syringe left from my first visit).
The site of injection felt a bit painful, heavy for about 3 days.
Important is NOT to eat prohibited malansa foods. You can take a bath when you get home.
Do's:
Bring face mask and face shield.
Bring a fan (pamaypay), food and drinks in case you feel famished. Otherwise, there are many stores you can buy from around the vicinity. There is also free Wi-Fi in the area that kept me entertained.
Bring money as this is not entirely zero fee.
Latest you can come is 2 PM because if you arrive at 3:01 it is already past their posted schedule and you will not be allowed inside (usually, there's fewer people in the afternoon than in the morning).
San Lazaro Hospital is located at the Department of Health Compound, Quiricada St., Sta. Cruz, Manila. If you came from Tayuman LRT, just walk straight southwards Avenida. First you will reach is Kagawaran ng Kalusugan (DOH), then Jose Reyes Hospital. When you reach Quiricada, you will see a fire station. Turn right and there is SLH. Go to the OPD.
Disclaimer:
This blog post is from my experience, made for the purpose of helping other Filipinos, especially the first timers or those who traveled from provinces just to avail the free anti rabies vaccination from this government hospital. It is not intended to malign anybody. Please contact them directly for more information.
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2877
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dbpedia
|
1
| 31 |
https://politiko.com.ph/2024/07/03/from-doh-to-dohw-herbosa-wants-to-include-wellness-inagencys-name/politiko-lokal/
|
en
|
From DOH to DOHW: Herbosa wants to include ‘wellness’ inagency’s name
|
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[
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] | null |
[
"Ariel Tolentino"
] |
2024-07-03T00:00:00
|
Health Secretary Ted Herbosa is toying with the idea of renaming the Department of Health (DOH) to the Department of Health and Wellness in recognition of its role in public health. - Health Secretary Ted Herbosa is toying with the idea of renaming the Department of Health (DOH) to the Department of Health and Wellness in recognition of its role in public health. DOH Assistant Secretary Albert Domingo shared Herbosa’s plan in a message to reporters. “The proposal to rename the Department is a sound idea floated
|
en
|
POLITIKO - News Philippine Politics
|
https://politiko.com.ph/2024/07/03/from-doh-to-dohw-herbosa-wants-to-include-wellness-inagencys-name/politiko-lokal/
|
Health Secretary Ted Herbosa is toying with the idea of renaming the Department of Health (DOH) to the Department of Health and Wellness in recognition of its role in public health.
DOH Assistant Secretary Albert Domingo shared Herbosa’s plan in a message to reporters.
“The proposal to rename the Department is a sound idea floated by the Secretary, anchored on a broad understanding of the ultimate goal of public health,” he said.
Herbosa said his renaming proposal takes into account the goal of keeping Filipinos healthy and free of illness.
“Kasi dito sa Universal Health Care, pinu-push naming ang primary care, yung ime-maintain mo yung wellness mo, hindi yung maysakit ka pupunta ka emergency room. So ang idea nito is ma-promote yung being healthy and wealth.Kasi pag wealth tayo, illness lagi ang pinag-iisipan,” he said.
Herbosa clarified that the proposal is still under study since its approval will entail an overhaul of the DOH’s logo, letter head, and emblems on vehicles and buildings.
“Inaaral ko pa rin, baka may benefit pa rin pero ang important maintindihan ng tao na ako sa kagawaran ng kalusugan, yung wellness ma-promote nating sa mga kababayan natin. Hindi enough na wala kang sakit, kailangan healthy ka,” he said.
|
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2877
|
dbpedia
|
1
| 8 |
https://www2.pardot.health.nyc.gov/
|
en
|
NYC Health
|
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Vaccines protect the health of your child and the other children at their school.
Learn more about vaccination requirements for students.
Anyone can lead a healthier, longer life — regardless of who they are, where they live or where they are from
Learn more about healthy lifestyles and tips to improve your overall health and well-being.
|
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2877
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 12 |
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10941603/
|
en
|
Health information sources and health‐seeking behaviours of Filipinos living in medically underserved communities: Empirical quantitative research
|
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Jennifer Kawi",
"Miguel Fudolig",
"Reimund Serafica",
"Andrew T. Reyes",
"Francisco Sy",
"Erwin William A. Leyva",
"Lorraine S. Evangelista"
] |
2024-03-12T00:00:00
|
To describe sources of health information and health‐seeking behaviours of adults (aged ≥18) living in medically underserved communities in the Philippines.This is a secondary, quantitative analysis from a cross‐sectional parent ...
|
en
|
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/coreutils/nwds/img/favicons/favicon.ico
|
PubMed Central (PMC)
|
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10941603/
|
Nurs Open. 2024 Mar; 11(3): e2140.
PMCID: PMC10941603
PMID: 38488390
Health information sources and health‐seeking behaviours of Filipinos living in medically underserved communities: Empirical quantitative research
, 1 , 2 , 1 , 1 , 2 , 3 and 1
Jennifer Kawi
1 School of Nursing, University of Nevada Las Vegas, Las Vegas Nevada, USA
Find articles by Jennifer Kawi
Miguel Fudolig
2 School of Public Health, University of Nevada Las Vegas, Las Vegas Nevada, USA
Find articles by Miguel Fudolig
Reimund Serafica
1 School of Nursing, University of Nevada Las Vegas, Las Vegas Nevada, USA
Find articles by Reimund Serafica
Andrew T. Reyes
1 School of Nursing, University of Nevada Las Vegas, Las Vegas Nevada, USA
Find articles by Andrew T. Reyes
Francisco Sy
2 School of Public Health, University of Nevada Las Vegas, Las Vegas Nevada, USA
Find articles by Francisco Sy
Erwin William A. Leyva
3 College of Nursing, University of the Philippines, Manila Philippines
Find articles by Erwin William A. Leyva
Lorraine S. Evangelista
1 School of Nursing, University of Nevada Las Vegas, Las Vegas Nevada, USA
Find articles by Lorraine S. Evangelista
1 School of Nursing, University of Nevada Las Vegas, Las Vegas Nevada, USA
2 School of Public Health, University of Nevada Las Vegas, Las Vegas Nevada, USA
3 College of Nursing, University of the Philippines, Manila Philippines
Jennifer Kawi, Email: ude.cmt.htu@iwak.refinnej.
Corresponding author.
* Correspondence
Jennifer Kawi, Cizik School of Nursing at UTHealth Houston, Houston, Texas, USA.
Email: ude.cmt.htu@iwak.refinnej
Copyright © 2024 The Authors. Nursing Open published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
This is an open access article under the terms of the http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Associated Data
Data Availability Statement
The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author, (Jennifer Kawi), upon reasonable request
Abstract
Aims
To describe sources of health information and health‐seeking behaviours of adults (aged ≥18) living in medically underserved communities in the Philippines.
Design
This is a secondary, quantitative analysis from a cross‐sectional parent study. Participants completed a 10‐item, self‐report survey on their sources of health information, healthcare providers sought for health and wellness and health‐seeking behaviours when ill. Responses were evaluated across two age groups (<60 vs. ≥60 years) and genders using generalized linear mixed models.
Results
Surveys were completed by 1202 participants in rural settings (64.6% female, mean age 49.5 ± 17.6). Friends and/or family were their key source of health information (59.6%), followed by traditional media (37%) and healthcare professionals (12.2%). For health promotion, participants went to healthcare professionals (60.9%), informal healthcare providers (17.2%) or others (7.2%). When ill, they visited a healthcare professional 69.1% of the time, self‐medicated (43.9%), prayed (39.5%) or sought treatment from a rural health clinic (31.5%). We also found differences in health‐seeking behaviours based on age and gender.
Conclusions
Our findings highlight the need to organize programs that explicitly deliver accurate health information and adequate care for wellness and illness. Study findings emphasize the importance of integrating family, friends, media and healthcare professionals, including public health nurses, to deliver evidence‐based health information, health promotion and sufficient treatment to medically underserved Filipinos.
Implications
New knowledge provides valuable information to healthcare providers, including public health nurses, in addressing health disparities among medically underserved Filipinos.
Impact
This study addresses the current knowledge gap in a medically vulnerable population. Healthcare professionals are not the primary sources of health information. Approximately one‐third of participants do not seek them for health promotion or treatment even when ill, exacerbating health inequities. More work is necessary to support initiatives in low‐ and middle‐income countries such as the Philippines to reduce health disparities.
Reporting Method
We adhered to the reporting guidelines of STrengthening the Reporting of OBservational studies in Epidemiology (STROBE) for cross‐sectional studies.
Patient or Public Contribution
There was no patient or public contribution as our study design and methodology do not make this necessary.
Keywords: Filipinos, health behaviours, health disparities, health information, health promotion, low‐ and middle‐income countries, underserved
Researchers and policymakers need additional data to understand the potential benefits of expanding access to high‐quality health information using modern technology (i.e., the Internet) in rural communities.
When community health professionals with the appropriate education deliver health education programs, the public may have better access to information on various health topics and advice for improving their health.
Lack of access to healthcare professionals, healthcare inequalities, lack of investment in healthcare infrastructure and the inaccessibility of clinics in rural areas are all issues that require prompt attention to ensure equitable healthcare for all.
1. INTRODUCTION
The 2030 Sustainable Development Goals agenda urges all countries to update and implement their national development policies with an integrated focus on economic, social and environmental development (General Assembly of the United Nations, 2015). This initiative aims to improve the lives of all nations and peoples by 2030, “leaving no one behind.” The primary objective is eradicating poverty and inequality, which affect numerous regions, primarily low‐ and middle‐income countries (LMICs). The promotion of health and wellness is one of the sustainable development goals. It aims to provide a service coverage dimension to ensure that all individuals who benefit from promotive, preventative, curative, rehabilitative or palliative healthcare have access to these services and are of sufficient quality (Bayarsaikhan et al., 2022). For some countries, this would gradually expand the current service coverage and availability level to accommodate epidemiological and demographic changes, such as ageing (The World Bank, 2020). Included are safe, effective, high‐quality and reasonably priced healthcare services (Department of Health, 2020). Yet, the lack of readily available healthcare resources, infrastructure and personnel and inadequate insurance coverage for medical emergencies continue to be obstacles to receiving adequate healthcare in LMICs, including the Philippines. Specifically, the shortage of healthcare resources is exacerbated by the limited understanding of health information sources and health‐seeking behaviours among disadvantaged Filipinos residing in medically underserved areas in the Philippines, which impacts equity in healthcare and limits the goal of “leaving no one behind.”
2. BACKGROUND
Over the past few decades, the Philippine population has become healthier. Life expectancy at birth is 70 years, up from 55 years five decades ago. In addition, the number of children who survive to age five has increased. In the 1970s, there were 84 child deaths for every 1000 births. At the start of the century, mortality among children under five was reduced nearly threefold (The World Bank, 2020). These improvements are related to the government's efforts toward universal healthcare (Department of Health, 2020). Yet, the Philippines continues to lag behind other countries in its income bracket in several health outcomes, and considerable provincial and local inequities exist. Moreover, the country receives a low score of 60 out of 100 on the universal health service coverage index, a measure of access to critical services for maternal and child health, infectious conditions and non‐communicable diseases (e.g., heart disease, diabetes, cancer) (World Health Organization, 2022).
Access to credible health information and adequate health‐seeking behaviours are necessary for optimizing health and wellness and managing illness (e.g., initiating care at the proper time and with the appropriate provider; continuing a regular health‐seeking pattern) (Maneze et al., 2015). Seeking out health information or relevant information about one's health through various sources (such as reliable media and evidence‐based printed materials) has long been seen as enhancing patients' understanding of treatment and lifestyle modifications. It is the acquisition of data to clarify or confirm knowledge about a specific subject. Approaches and sources for collecting health information, such as consulting professional healthcare providers, conversing with family/friends and browsing the Internet, can influence the accuracy of information obtained. Individuals with greater knowledge are more likely to maintain control over their condition than those without reliable health information. Moreover, well‐informed individuals are better suited to deal with the uncertainty of disease and the necessary treatments (Teo et al., 2021). Although health information is insufficient to motivate behaviour modification, it is essential and foundational to healthcare.
Over a billion people worldwide, particularly in LMICs, lack access to quality healthcare services (World Health Organization, 2022). The poor performance on access coverage reflects the current state of the country's health system components including service delivery, health financing, human resources, governance and information technology. Likewise, in LMICs, information‐seeking practices and health‐seeking behaviours may differ from those in industrialized countries due to cultural, economic and social variations (Teo et al., 2021). To accommodate for and address the health requirements of individuals in any population, it is crucial to comprehend their health‐ and information‐seeking preferences as these can be reasonably complex. Health information sources and health‐seeking behaviours are important to healthcare, but little is known about these among LMICs, particularly medically underserved populations in the Philippines.
Many barriers exist to accessing and providing healthcare in LMICs like the Philippines. These include a lack of trained professional healthcare providers, inadequate resources for health promotion, a lack of reliable health information sources and the need to seek healthcare advice from various providers (Evangelista & Lorenzo, 2021). Based on data from a report on health and healthcare equity in the Philippines, it is possible to conclude that the poor bear a disproportionate amount of the disease burden and that there are significant disparities in health outcomes between socioeconomic groups (Banaag et al., 2019). A person's propensity to use the healthcare system is influenced by cultural norms and practices and the nature of those norms and practices. Availability, accessibility, affordability and quality of service are also critical, but not always ideal, factors to consider (Maneze et al., 2015). In addition, the individual's socioeconomic status, age, gender, financial resources, how they feel about their health, the nature of their illness and the type of illness are also important considerations (Palafox et al., 2021). As a result, healthcare for individuals residing in medically underserved communities is often substandard because a lack of understanding of their specific needs causes inequities in access to healthcare (Evangelista & Lorenzo, 2021).
While efforts to lessen the health disparities have received constant support from governments worldwide, research on the dynamics and sources of health information and patterns of health‐seeking behaviours among individuals residing in medically underserved communities in LMICs, like the Philippines, is still lacking (Abera Abaerei et al., 2017). For example, there is a paucity of data regarding the information sources most utilized and trusted by individuals from medically underserved communities in LMICs. Likewise, there is a lack of information on the health‐seeking behaviours of this vulnerable population. Lastly, in contrast to the Western setting, where primary healthcare services have been the subject of extensive research, most healthcare systems in LMICs have limited access to and use quality data to help improve care and shape policy (Bitton et al., 2019).
In light of this, our research objectives offer novel information for understanding the sources of health information and health‐seeking behaviours of individuals residing in medically underserved communities in the Philippines with limited access to basic healthcare services. We evaluated health‐seeking preferences for health promotion and behaviours in the context of illness. In addition, we investigated the effects of gender and age on preferred health information sources and health‐seeking behaviours. Gender and age are key variables that are of particular significance among Filipinos given their sociocultural norms and values, particularly in relation to deference to elders and gender roles that influence health and health care (Badana & Andel, 2018; Guerrero, 2022).
In this study among vulnerable Filipinos residing in the Philippines, we define health‐seeking behaviours as the individual's courses of action for health promotion needs and treatment when they are ill. We describe providers as either professional healthcare providers (called healthcare professionals from this point) who obtained formal training and education, thereby receiving an academic degree or licensure or informal healthcare providers who have no professional education and training, such as faith healers (espiritistas), herbalists (albularyos), quack doctors or massage therapists without formal education (hilots) (Rebuya et al., 2020).
3. METHODS
A secondary analysis was conducted using ordinal data from a nationally representative cohort of Filipinos living in medically underserved communities in the Philippines. A convenience sample of 1202 adults ≥18 years old was recruited from rural health clinics in the barangays (i.e., villages), with only one adult member in the household eligible to participate. Additional details related to the cross‐sectional, quantitative and descriptive parent study conducted according to ethical guidelines, including informed consent, are described elsewhere (Cacciata et al., 2021). Data specific to sources of health information and health‐seeking behaviours are the foci of this current article. The Institutional Review Boards at a western university in the United States (#REDACTED) and a northern university in the Philippines (Research Ethics Board, #REDACTED) approved this study.
3.1. Measures
Tagalog (the local language) and English versions of a 10‐item (excluding demographics), self‐report survey were used for data collection. This is a standardized and validated form developed for the parent study (Cacciata et al., 2021). This measure was adapted from a survey developed specifically for the Filipino community (National Heart Lung and Blood Institute et al., 2003). All the participants chose to complete the questionnaire in English. Trained research assistants were available to help participants respond to the survey when needed. Participants can respond to multiple options when it applied.
3.1.1. Demographics
The survey started with questions on sociodemographic characteristics, including age, gender, marital status, health insurance, education, employment and income.
3.1.2. Sources of health information
Participants were asked where they found and received helpful health and wellness information. Options included friends and/or family, providers, traditional media such as radio or television and print media such as the local English paper, native‐language newspaper or magazines, flyers or community outreach materials and brochures or educational materials in their doctor's office. Participants rated their options from 1 (most often) to 4 (never).
3.1.3. Provider sought for health promotion
Participants were asked whom they go to for their health and wellness checks. Options were either healthcare professionals (e.g., physicians, nurses, acupuncturists), informal healthcare providers (e.g., herbalists, quack doctors) or others (participants were advised to specify).
3.1.4. Health‐Seeking Behaviours for illness treatment
Participants were asked about what they do to treat themselves when they are sick or ill. Options included self‐medicating (i.e., herbal medicines), using medications or home remedies from friends, going to a doctor, seeking traditional healers, praying, going to a rural health centre, seeking advice from a trusted person or nothing. Participants were also advised to check all that applied to them.
3.2. Data analyses
Comparisons were conducted on demographics, sources of health information, providers sought for health promotion and health‐seeking behaviours when ill by young and older groups and by male and female participants. Data were analysed and presented, based on the variable measured, as means, standard deviations, ranges, percentages and odds ratios, with a 95% confidence interval.
A generalized linear mixed model approach using the binomial distribution, with random effect to account for variability between each participant, was used to estimate the probabilities for the data on seeking providers for health promotion and treatment for illness. In addition, the Tukey–Kramer adjustment was implemented for multiple comparisons, i.e., between health‐seeking behaviours for illness. Data were analysed using the GLIMMIX procedure in SAS/STAT software, Version 9.4 of the SAS System for Windows. Copyright © (2016) SAS Institute Inc. SAS and all other SAS Institute Inc. product or service names are registered trademarks or trademarks of SAS Institute Inc. (SAS Institute Inc, 2016). A significance level of 0.05 was used in the statistical tests performed in these exploratory analyses.
4. RESULTS
Table displays the demographic and social make‐up of the sample (N = 1202) according to age group (younger Filipinos were those 18–59 years of age [65.7%] and older Filipinos were those 60 and above [34.3%]). The mean age was 49.5 ± 17.6 years (range 18–83). The majority of participants were female (64.6%), married (58.6%), without insurance (92.6%), high school graduates or higher (96%), with an average annual income less than or equal to PHP 75,000 (58%) and unemployed (51%). Any missing data were not accounted for in the means for the sociodemographics. There were no missing data with respect to the other variables.
TABLE 1
DemographicYounger Filipinos (ages 18–59)Older Filipinos (age ≥60)Total N % N % N %Marital statusSingle24430.93297.0627322.75Married48461.3421953.2870358.58Separated222.79724.14292.42Widowed374.6915637.9619316.08Co‐habitate20.250020.17Education LevelDid not finish High School81.01409.71483.99High School Graduate or Above78298.9937290.29115496.01InsuranceYes7211.8420.51747.39No53688.1639199.4992792.61GenderMale27935.3214735.6842635.44Female51164.6826564.3277664.56EmploymentEmployed50385.988214.0258548.67Unemployed28746.5233053.4861751.33Annual IncomeNo income00.0030.7630.30<PHP 25,000528.576917.5612112.10PHP 25,000–PHP 50,00016927.8414536.9031431.40PHP 50,000–PHP 75,0006310.387519.0813813.80>PHP 75,00132353.2110125.7042442.40
4.1. Sources of health information
Table shows a summary of the responses given by the participants on where they get their health‐related information. Among all participants, friends and/or family were the most common source of health information (59.6%), followed by traditional media such as television and radio (37%), print media (18.3%) and healthcare professionals (12.2%). Table shows the frequency of these responses according to gender and age group. There were no significant differences in information sources between men and women. However, a significant interaction was found between information source and age group (p < 0.0001). For example, (a) information from television is as likely to be used by both age groups and is significantly more preferred compared to other media (p < 0.001) and (b) younger people are more likely to receive healthcare information from healthcare professionals (p < 0.001) and the radio (p = 0.03) compared to the older people.
TABLE 2
Source of informationTotal N %Friends/Family71459.6Healthcare Professionals14712.2TV/Radio44337.0Print Media22018.3
TABLE 3
Source of informationYounger Filipinos (ages 18–59)Older Filipinos (age ≥60)Friends/Family**Male1.83 (1.06)1.73 (2.30)Female1.77 (1.09)1.40 (0.77)Healthcare Professionals**Male2.70 (1.03)2.86 (1.10)Female2.57 (0.99)2.85 (1.05)TelevisionMale2.31 (1.75)2.21 (0.78)Female2.21 (0.84)2.41 (2.55)Radio*Male2.52 (0.97)2.83 (0.98)Female2.75 (2.04)2.76 (1.00)Local English Newspapers**Male2.92 (0.86)3.35 (3.24)Female2.88 (1.02)3.18 (0.94)Native Language Newspaper**Male3.02 (0.89)3.22 (0.84)Female2.96 (0.92)3.25 (0.92)FlyersMale3.06 (0.93)3.03 (0.97)Female2.81 (0.94)3.02 (1.01)
4.2. Provider sought for health promotion
Tables presents a summary of the responses regarding the providers sought to promote health. Participants indicated that they sought healthcare for wellness advice and support mostly from healthcare professionals (60.9%), followed by informal healthcare providers (17.2%) or others (e.g., a combination of both providers) at 7.2%. Table shows the frequency of these responses according to gender and age group. The three‐way interactions (provider, age group, gender) and all two‐way interactions, e.g., age group and gender (p = 0.8958), gender and provider (p = 0.9399), and age group and provider (p = 0.3218) were not significant. However, there was a significant overall effect on the type of provider sought for health promotion (healthcare professionals vs. informal healthcare providers, p < 0.0001). Overall, Filipinos tend to go to healthcare professionals over informal healthcare providers. Specifically, a Filipino from this sample is estimated to be 27.43 (95% CI: 19.55, 38.48) times more likely to go to a doctor, nurse or acupuncturist than an herbalist or a quack doctor.
TABLE 4
Health promotion providerTotal N %Formal Healthcare Professionals73260.90Informal Healthcare Professionals20717.22Both Formal and Informal877.24
TABLE 5
Health promotion providerYounger Filipinos (ages 18–59)Older Filipinos (age ≥ 60)Total N % N % N %Formal healthcare professionalsMale18064.56342.924357.0Female35168.713852.148963.0Informal Healthcare ProfessionalsMale5319.02013.67317.1Female9117.84316.213417.2Both Formal and InformalMale248.653.4296.81Female428.2166.0587.47
4.3. Health‐seeking behaviours for illness treatment
Table displays a summary of how the participants responded when asked about how they treat their illnesses. When sick, 69.1% primarily saw a doctor. Participants also reported using home remedies with herbal medicines (43.9%), turning to prayer (39.5%) or visiting a rural health clinic (31.5%). Table shows the frequency of these responses according to gender and age group. The three‐way interaction between age group, gender and health‐seeking behaviour for illness treatment was not significant (p = 0.1689), but the two‐way interactions between age group and behaviour (p < 0.0001) as well as gender and behaviour (p < 0.0343) were significant as follows:
TABLE 6
Health seeking behaviourTotal N %No Treatment292.4Herbal Medicine52843.9Friends675.6Doctor83169.1Traditional Healers342.8Prayer47539.5Rural Health Centre37831.5Other trusted people1159.6
TABLE 7
Source of informationYounger Filipinos (ages 18–59)Older Filipinos (age ≥60)Total N % N % N %No treatmentMale103.610.7112.6Female142.841.5182.3Herbal MedicineMale11440.96443.517841.8Female23145.211944.935045.1FriendsMale186.596.1276.4Female305.9103.8405.2DoctorMale17964.210772.828667.1Female34767.919874.754570.2Traditional HealersMale72.553.4122.8Female142.783.0222.8PrayerMale10738.44631.315335.9Female19538.212747.932241.5Rural Health CentreMale7727.67450.315135.5Female10220.012547.222729.3Other Trusted PeopleMale3211.5128.24410.3Female5811.4134.9719.2
4.3.1. Age and health‐seeking behaviours for illness treatment (Tables and )
TABLE 8
Provider soughtEstimated odds ratioDoctor0.69 (1.44)**Self‐Medication with Herbal Medicine0.95 (1.05)Medication from Friends1.30 (0.77)Rural Health Centre0.32 (3.09)**No Treatment3.13 (0.32)Prayer0.96 (1.04)Traditional Healers0.81 (1.23)Trusted People1.90 (0.526)**
At the 0.05 significance level, both younger and older Filipinos sought help from doctors more than all the other options, with respective, estimated probabilities of 66.13% (95% CI: 62.59, 69.49) and 73.77% (95% CI: 69.10, 77.95). This indicates that older Filipinos are 1.44 (95% CI: 1.09, 1.90) times more likely to seek a doctor than younger Filipinos (p = 0.0096).
Among younger Filipinos, their next choice for illness treatment after doctors is herbal medicine estimated at 43.02% (95% CI: 39.43%, 46.68%), followed by prayer at 38.25% (95% CI: 34.77%, 41.87%). Among older Filipinos, their next choice for treatment is the rural health centre estimated at 48.75% (95% CI: 43.73%, 53.81%), herbal medicine at 44.23% (95% CI: 39.27%, 49.29%) and prayer at 39.30% (95% CI: 34.36%, 44.47%). Older Filipinos are estimated to be 3.09 (95% CI: 2.37, 4.02) times more likely to go to the rural health centre for treatment than younger Filipinos.
4.3.2. Gender and health‐seeking behaviours for illness treatment (Tables and )
TABLE 9
Provider soughtEstimated odds ratioDoctor1.15 (0.87)Self‐Medication with Herbal Medicine1.12 (0.89)Medication from Friends0.74 (1.35)Rural Health Centre0.76 (1.32)**No Treatment1.31 (0.76)Prayer1.42 (0.70)**Traditional Healers0.98 (1.02)
At the 0.05 significance level, Filipino males and females sought help from doctors more than all the other options, with respective, estimated probabilities of 68.64% (95% CI: 63.73%, 73.16%) and 71.50% (95% CI: 67.97%, 74.78%). The next choice for illness treatment among females is herbal medicine at 45.05% (95% CI: 41.38%, 48.78%) and prayer at 42.97% (95% CI: 39.33%, 46.69%). The odds of a Filipino female seeking treatment through prayer is 1.42 times (95% CI: 1.09, 1.84) higher than that of a Filipino male.
The next choice of illness treatment for males after doctors is also herbal medicine estimated at 42.19% (95% CI: 37.34%, 47.20%), followed by the rural health centre at 38.33% (95% CI: 33.53%, 43.37%), and prayer at 34.74% (95% CI: 30.08%, 39.70%). The odds of a Filipino male going to a rural health centre for treatment is 1.32 times (95% CI: 1.01, 1.72) higher than that of a Filipino female.
5. DISCUSSION
Our findings provide new information for elucidating the sources of health information and health‐seeking behaviours of individuals living in medically underserved communities in the Philippines. We assessed the participants' health‐seeking behaviours for health promotion and treatment of an illness. Furthermore, our research compared and contrasted the information‐gathering practices and health‐seeking behaviours of both genders and age groups.
Our demographic data reflects the socioeconomic and medical vulnerability of our participants. Although there was a high number of high school graduates, most were unemployed, the majority were without insurance and most had low‐annual income (PHP 75,000 is equivalent to about $1300). The Philippines reports a high‐basic literacy rate (ability to read and write). However, many Filipinos are uninsured, with almost 1 in 5 living in poverty and having an average annual income of about $6000 (Republic of the Philippines, 2022).
5.1. Sources of health information
Most Filipinos in our sample relied on recommendations from family and friends to improve their health and avoid getting sick. Previous studies have also demonstrated reliance on family and friends for health information, especially among older adults (Onuegbu et al., 2021). Similarly, older adults in rural Taiwan also resorted to seeking health support from family and friends (Chen, 2020). Younger women from Senegal listed their teachers, parents or friends as their primary resources for learning about general health concerns and healthy lifestyle behaviours (Adams et al., 2017). It has been postulated that those in one's immediate social network, the people one sees and interacts with most frequently, are considered the most reliable sources of information (Teo et al., 2021). Social networks allow opportunities to exchange health information, disclose and receive treatment recommendations from those they are comfortable with, without the fear of being judged (Fiolet et al., 2021). This study supports the widespread belief that persons who live in economically and medically underserved areas are less likely to use healthcare professionals as their key source of health information, possibly due to structural barriers (such as cost or distance) and lack of access to more extensive networks beyond their immediate environment. Thus, seeking health information from family and friends is common in LIMCs. It is a way for individuals to obtain health information and practical resources to aid their health‐seeking decisions (Onuegbu et al., 2021). Our findings also support and further characterize the impact of social relationships on the health and healthcare‐seeking behaviours of people from other ethnic minority groups (Eley et al., 2019).
The second most common source of health information for the participants in our study was traditional media, a form of mass communication before the rise of digital media or the Internet. It is well established that the Internet and other social media play a significant role in spreading awareness about health issues, especially among the younger generation. However, unlike other studies that describe social media users online, our participants reported that they gathered information about health issues from traditional broadcast media such as television and radio, particularly our younger participants. Research indicates that persons in LMICs are more likely to get health‐related information traditionally without actively seeking it on online platforms, suggesting that this may be the case for our participants who do not have internet access that allows for actively searching out health information. Our findings confirm that a lack of resources and infrastructure makes it challenging for Filipinos living in medically underserved areas to obtain health‐related information to support self‐management.
A small percentage of our participants reported receiving health information from healthcare professionals, and younger participants were more likely to fall into this category than older participants. These findings align with reports that more healthcare consumers rely on other sources for health information, particularly older adults. Since the participants in our study were treated inside a public healthcare system with considerable time constraints, they may have had limited time for one‐on‐one interactions with their healthcare professionals. In addition, many people may not have had access to a healthcare professional requiring them to seek health information elsewhere. This may result in inaccurate health information being communicated by untrained individuals and the inability of patients to receive scientifically factual and evidence‐based answers to health concerns (Bitton et al., 2019). Similarly, we might hypothesize that the prevalence of a public's need for health‐related information is influenced by the attitude of consumers about healthcare professionals' training, education and skills. As a result of a potential lack of confidence in the trustworthiness of their healthcare professionals, it is typical for individuals to seek information elsewhere for their healthcare needs (Lodenstein et al., 2017).
5.2. Provider sought for health promotion
Health promotion is a process that enables individuals to take greater responsibility for and improve their health. The fundamental goals of health promotion are disease prevention and enhancing an individual's ability for self‐care (Mehri et al., 2016). Participating in health‐improving behaviours is one of the most crucial parts of disease prevention. These efforts not only lower the likelihood of disease but also enhance the health and longevity of patients. In contrast, failure to adopt these habits is connected with the development of diseases and higher mortality (Buse et al., 2017).
One of the aims of the current study was to examine the health‐seeking behaviours of Filipinos living in medically underserved regions of the country related to health promotion. Our findings showed that about 61% of the participants sought help for health promotion from healthcare professionals. This number may reflect health promotion services being increasingly free in local government and rural health clinics. However, this still leaves a good number of the population who are not seeking health professionals for health promotion, even when free in some circumstances, which is likely related to our prior finding that participants minimally received health information from healthcare professionals as their primary source.
Less than a fifth of our participants sought help from informal healthcare providers. In other studies, such as those conducted among Korean immigrants in the United States, fear of American doctors and western medicine led some to seek alternative treatments. Some people also felt that asking for assistance was useless because of bad luck, sin, karma or fate (Chung et al., 2018). Thus, appealing to traditional customs and indigenous knowledge by seeking health information from informal healthcare providers is not unusual in these cases. Researchers urge that such acceptable health promotion methods be examined to satisfy the health information needs of adults in medically underserved communities in light of issues including lack of infrastructure, poverty and high‐illiteracy rates.
In the Philippines, there are several types of informal healthcare providers. For example, the herbalist, also known as an albularyo, is an unlicensed general practitioner experienced in providing folkloric medicines and well‐versed in treating their clients with medical herbal remedies. In addition, manghihilots or hilots provide treatments for sprains, fractures and any musculoskeletal concerns, similar to massage therapists or chiropractors, except they do not receive formal or professional training (Rebuya et al., 2020). Finally, faith healers or espiritistas, use spiritual energies through religion, supernatural interventions or faith to treat their clients' physical, mental and spiritual concerns. Our findings indicate that about 1 in 5 still seek informal healthcare providers for health promotion. Effectively integrating these providers into the healthcare system and providing them with adequate training and education regarding health promotion is important because such providers allow access to healthcare that would not have been possible otherwise, and they remain an integral part of the Philippine culture, especially in areas far from urban regions (Rebuya et al., 2020).
Almost 1 in 10 of our participants sought a combination of providers (professionals and informal providers) while others may not have accessed health promotion services until the need arises for illness treatment. Although we did not find any gender or age interaction in our research, previous studies of older women in LMICs showed that in comparison to younger women and men, older women were less likely to be proactive in participating in prevention screening and health promotion programs (Debesay et al., 2022). Lack of time and energy to focus on one's health due to a combination of family and local obligations and potentially opposing viewpoints on the severity of various health conditions and the importance of preventive healthcare is likely to account for these findings. Efforts to recognize potential health disparities should support health promotion and healthy lifestyle behaviours.
Health promotion initiatives should encourage multiple sources of evidence‐based health information and healthcare professionals, including public health nurses and trained barangay health workers, targeted to the needs and concerns of medically underserved individuals. For instance, health clinics could help provide necessary information through brochures, barangay health sessions or health fairs that detail disease prevention and wellness promotion activities and symptoms and treatment options for various diseases. Health education programs delivered by well‐trained barangay health workers may be an efficient and accessible source of knowledge regarding general health topics and health promotion practices supported and maintained by public health nurses in rural health centres. Having wellness checks and regular check‐ups from healthcare professionals are encouraged for health promotion and disease prevention while allowing for individualized and targeted health information based on specific needs, particularly those having more specialized needs beyond general health information.
5.3. Health‐seeking behaviours for illness treatment
Only at least two‐thirds of our participants reported seeing a doctor when they recognized symptoms of being sick, while much less (almost one‐third) visited the rural health clinic. Research shows that individuals from LMICs reported experiencing multiple barriers when seeking healthcare professionals. The key challenges to care in these studies were lack of insurance, transportation, the expense of care, lack of information on available services, long wait times for appointments and limited hours of operation (Maneze et al., 2015). Because our participants resided in medically underserved communities, it is reasonable to presume that these barriers also existed. Almost half of our participants used self‐medication (i.e., herbal medicines) as home remedies while others turned to prayer when ill. These could also be related to preferences for spirituality, self‐management and resilience despite an illness, commonly reported among many Asians (Kawi et al., 2019).
Our findings also confer that older Filipino adults were more likely to visit a doctor when sick; some needed medical attention and went to the nearest health clinic compared to younger adults. This difference in health‐seeking behaviour by age corroborates findings from other research on age‐related differences in health‐related behaviour. Older persons, for example, have been found to have a higher level of consciousness and awareness, a greater sense of responsibility for their health and, inevitably, a greater level of concern regarding their health. However, a recent scoping review of 52 studies on the health‐seeking behaviours of older adults showed contrasting findings; that older adults often failed to ask for help when ill (Teo et al., 2021). In addition, the review reported that older adults would commonly self‐assess their health first to determine whether seeking help was necessary; they often indicated that health‐seeking was viewed as a threat to their independence.
Not rated highly in our study findings were participants seeking illness treatment from informal healthcare providers (i.e., traditional healers). However, in other LMIC studies, seeking treatment from traditional healers was not unusual because causal beliefs influenced the use of informal healthcare providers regarding symptoms, family pressure to see an informal healthcare provider, convenience, price and a desire to shun conventional healthcare (McCutchan et al., 2021).
Concerning age and health‐seeking behaviours for illness treatment, apart from seeing doctors, our findings did not show significant differences in age in using other modalities such as herbal medicines or prayer. In other studies, older adults were more likely to use nonprescribed therapies to treat or prevent illness (Arcury et al., 2015). Another study that measured non‐prescribed therapy for managing an illness showed that over 65% of older adults reported utilizing at least one non‐prescribed therapy specifically for illness prevention. The most popular treatment was prayer (80.7%), followed by over‐the‐counter drugs (54.3%), vitamins solely (49.3%), herbs and supplements (40.5%), physical activity (31.9%) and home cures (5.2%) (Altizer et al., 2014).
In relation to gender and health‐seeking behaviours for treatment, we did not find significant differences in using other modalities other than seeking doctors such as herbal medicines. However, we found that Filipino women are more likely to use prayer than men, while men are more likely to seek the rural health centre for treatment than women. Previous research showed that men were more likely to seek healthcare services from healthcare professionals (e.g., in health centres), while women tended to favour alternative treatment (Das et al., 2018). For example, women of Hispanic and Asian ancestry were more likely to utilize nonprescribed therapies to treat or prevent illness (Arcury et al., 2015). Women in our study may have faced more social barriers to seeking formal healthcare support, which may explain why they were more likely to turn to prayer or alternative remedies. Healthcare is one area where women's traditionally lower social status has led to disadvantages (Das et al., 2018). Women also experience more burdens of cultural expectations, social obligations and financial load than men. In contrast to men, women report a greater variety of reasons for adopting therapeutic alternatives associated with adjusting to these circumstances (Patra & Bandyopadhyay, 2020). This may be crucial when determining whether women receive adequate healthcare relative to men. The underlying causes of the seemingly contradictory or, at the very least, misconstrued complementary nature of healthcare professionals and alternative healthcare services require additional exploration (Das et al., 2018).
A contrasting finding was reported in a study involving African American and Latino men with type 2 diabetes revealing that men's ideas about manhood and the need to maintain control over their health (e.g., maintaining a “strong image” and being reluctant to heed health advice) inhibited their health‐seeking behaviours (Eley et al., 2019). The effects of these beliefs can be seen in reduced use of healthcare services, delayed response to symptoms, nonadherence to prescribed medications and reluctance to discuss health problems openly.
Given the differences in study designs and samples analysed in existing literature, it is not surprising that the current state of science exhibits variable findings (Alegana et al., 2017). Nonetheless, disparities in healthcare‐seeking behaviours by age and gender are likely to affect overall wellness. For instance, they might be responsible for a sizable amount of the continuing gap in life expectancy between the genders. Consequently, everyone would benefit from an efficient strategy to advance age and gender parity in healthcare for easier access to healthcare professionals before making important healthcare decisions for medical treatment. Therefore, public health initiatives and treatments must be age‐ and gender‐sensitive and consider various approaches (Fareed et al., 2021), particularly to help address the needs of medically underserved populations.
6. STRENGTHS AND LIMITATIONS
Little research has been conducted in the Philippines on where people access and receive health information or what they do when they require healthcare services for health promotion and treatment. The key strength of this study is the use of a very large population‐based representative sample to examine health information sources and health‐seeking behaviours, thereby maximizing the study's ability to detect significant age and gender disparities. Moreover, because so little is known about how medically underserved individuals utilize healthcare, we focused on this vulnerable population in our research. This study also investigated the impact of age and gender on health‐seeking behaviours.
Our study has limitations. Participants were selected from their communities, some of which lacked access to a rural health facility within 30 min of their location. As a result, they may not be representative of those who live in areas with better access to local, provincial or regional healthcare facilities, where access to health information may be higher. However, the high proportion of unemployed and uninsured participants suggests that our study may have captured those most at risk of experiencing health disparities. In addition, the daily stress experienced by those in low‐income communities likely leads to delays in seeking healthcare.
Likewise, specific healthcare services were not evaluated, including maternity and paediatric healthcare utilization. Further, we did not collect information on how individuals utilized the received health‐related information, so we do not know if seeking health‐related information improved decision‐making. Finally, as a cross‐sectional study, we are limited in the conclusions we can draw regarding causation. Although there were some limitations with the study's methodology, they were deemed to be outweighed by the significance of investigating a topic where few studies have been conducted, particularly among a large number of individuals in underserved communities in a developing country.
7. PRACTICE AND RESEARCH IMPLICATIONS
Some of our results were consistent with previous studies, while others were contrasting. Either way, most countries must fight to make healthcare more accessible and widespread in underserved communities specific to their needs. Increased internet penetration and the availability of cable and satellite television services are altering the media landscape in previously medically underserved areas of LMICs, raising new questions about how certain populations in the Philippines consume and react to news and other forms of media. People from marginalized groups need to be able to pursue and gain access to information actively. In addition, academics and policymakers should investigate how rural communities can benefit from broader access to credible health information and better target activities to offer such information. Additional key factors include age, gender, income, distance to the rural health centre, medical conditions and perceived disease severity.
Our findings showed that only 61% of individuals in medically underserved areas of the Philippines sought healthcare professionals for wellness, and only 69% visited a physician when they were ill. This leaves about one‐third of individuals who do not utilize healthcare professionals when needed. Many resort to alternative modalities such as herbal medicines and prayer and rely on their social networks as their key source for health information instead of healthcare professionals. In addition, we did not see a high utilization of informal healthcare providers (e.g., traditional healers). Investigation of sources of health information and health‐seeking behaviours continue to require further examination for better clarity to inform health programs and policy.
Similarly, the hurdles that prevent this vulnerable population from obtaining professional healthcare require additional investigation. Age and gender were also significantly associated with health‐seeking behaviours; researchers and clinicians must intricately examine particular subgroups and their risks of receiving suboptimal healthcare services. The outcomes of this study emphasize the necessity for addressing health‐seeking behaviours as well as age and gender when designing health promotion campaigns, activities and intervention programs. Public health nurses figure prominently in these strategies.
Finally, our findings suggest that more national research should be done. Meanwhile, local government units in the nation's medically underserved regions should continue to address issues such as access to healthcare professionals, including public health nurses, healthcare inequality, lack of investment in healthcare infrastructure and the inaccessibility of clinics in remote places. By focusing on and overcoming these concerns, healthcare could be enhanced. Likewise, Filipinos in medically underserved areas' health literacy and collaborative decision‐making practices should be studied in the future. Additional research is warranted to discover whether individuals have conducted an information search related to their health, the channels used, the appraisal of information gained and how they acted on the health information they received.
8. CONCLUSION
Understanding sources of health information and health‐seeking behaviours is essential for developing healthcare policies and programs, as it identifies potential barriers to early diagnosis, facilitates implementation of effective interventions and can facilitate successful treatment. It is possible to improve adherence to plans of care, including proper medications, and reduce morbidity and mortality through accurate information as well as early diagnosis and treatment by healthcare professionals. Policymakers in LMICs, like in the Philippines, need to consider the medically underserved population's health‐seeking behaviours and access to health‐related information from the most credible sources when designing health education and disease prevention programs. Increasing internet access in developing countries presents a window of opportunity for online initiatives, but other approaches may be needed to reach specific populations. Health information should be shared using multiple platforms, including more popular and accessible sources such as television and radio. These may also include gender‐ and age‐specific approaches that address the unique interests and concerns of people in medically underserved areas.
AUTHOR CONTRIBUTIONS
Jennifer Kawi: Conceptualization (co‐lead), data curation, methodology (co‐lead), validation, writing, review and editing. Miguel Fudolig: Conceptualization, data curation, formal analysis, methodology, writing, review and editing. Reimund Serafica: Conceptualization, writing, review and editing. Andrew Reyes: Conceptualization, writing, review and editing. Francisco Sy: Conceptualization, validation, writing, review and editing. Erwin Leyva: Conceptualization, investigation, resources. Lorraine Evangelista: Conceptualization (lead), data curation, formal analysis, investigation, methodology (lead), resources, supervision, validation, writing, review and editing.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We extend our deepest gratitude to our participants and hardworking individuals particularly in the Philippines who helped in one way or the other to help facilitate the completion of our parent study.
FUNDING INFORMATION
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not‐for‐profit sectors.
CONFLICT OF INTEREST STATEMENT
The authors have no conflict of interest to declare.
ETHICS STATEMENT
The Institutional Review Boards at a western university in the United States and a northern university in the Philippines (Research Ethics Board) approved the study. Informed consents were completed.
STATISTICS
There is a statistician in the author team (Miguel Fudolig).
Notes
Kawi, J. , Fudolig, M. , Serafica, R. , Reyes, A. T. , Sy, F. , Leyva, E. W. A. , & Evangelista, L. S. (2024). Health information sources and health‐seeking behaviours of Filipinos living in medically underserved communities: Empirical quantitative research. Nursing Open, 11, e2140. 10.1002/nop2.2140 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
DATA AVAILABILITY STATEMENT
The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author, (Jennifer Kawi), upon reasonable request
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Articles from Nursing Open are provided here courtesy of Wiley
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Foreign Surgical and Medical Mission (FSMM) to the Philippines
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Foreign Surgical and Medical Mission (FSMM) to the Philippines
Foreign medical professionals must apply for Special Temporary Permits to practice their professions while conducting the medical mission in the Philippines. Any foreign organization intending to bring medicines and/or medical equipment to be donated or used during the conduct of medical missions must also comply with the requirements of the Philippines’ Department of Health – Bureau of International Health Cooperation (DOH-BIHC).
All applications for FSMM shall be submitted to the Philippine Medical Association who shall forward it to appropriate professional groups and the Department of Health (DOH).
Read the full guidelines on FSMM: Joint A.O. No. 2009-0030 – Revised Policies and Guidelines in the Conduct of Foreign Surgical and Medical Missions (FSMM in the country) | A.O. No. 2012-0030 – Guidelines on Foreign Surgical and Medical Mission Program in Support of Universal Health Care/ Kalusugan Pangkalahatan
View the Checklist of Requirements: 2023-01-18 Checklist for Foreign Surgical and Medical Missions
Download the Application Form: 2021-09-22 Application Form Authority to Practice by a Foreigner
For Donations of Health- and Health-Related Products: 2023-01-18 Checklist for Foreign Donations
APPLICATION PROCEDURE
STEP 1: Each member of the foreign medical team must submit the following documents in applying for temporary license to practice during the duration of the mission. All documents must be in English or with English translation:
Valid/current license from country of origin, authenticated by the Embassy/Consulate (please refer to Authentication procedures and requirements in the list of Consular Services)
Board certification (specialty), authenticated by the Embassy/Consulate (please refer to Authentication procedures and requirements in the list of Consular Services)
Curriculum vitae, acknowledged by the Philippine Embassy/Consulate (please refer to Authentication procedures and requirements in the list of Consular Services)
Passport sized picture in four copies (taken within one year)
Application letter addressed to
ANNA CELINA MARIE G. GARFIN, MD, MM
Director IV
Bureau of International Health Cooperation
Building 3, San Lazaro Compound, Sta. Cruz
Manila, Philippines
Telephone No. (63 2) 8651 7800 local 1315-1316
The Letter must contain the following information:
Type of mission (medical, surgical or both)
Duration of the mission and inclusive dates
Activities and list of areas where the activities will be conducted
The following are additional requirements if the foreign mission team members intend to bring drugs, and/or medicines, medical supplies and medical equipment to be donated or used during the mission:
Itemized list of the items together with the quantity and the expiration dates for drugs and medicines
Written consent from the host local government executive (governor/mayor) and/or of the health facility where the mission will be conducted
Names and specialties of the mission team members
Flight details
Deed of donation authenticated at the country of origin (please refer to Authentication procedures and requirements in the list of Consular Services)
Deed of acceptance from the host hospital/Local Government Unit (LGU)
Drugs and medicines to be donated should have a shelf life of at least 12 months upon arrival in the country and the said medicine shall be used solely for the scheduled mission.
Application must be submitted 60 days before the date of mission to facilitate clearance/s from DOH and other agencies.
Letter of certification from the sponsoring host organization (LGU or Non-Government Organization (NGO)) certifying the need and type of mission to be conducted. Cost of post-care mission of morbidities/mortalities arising from the mission will be shouldered as well by the host organization.
Proof of juridical entity (certified true copy of the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) registration must be submitted.
Notarized letter of guarantee from both the medical mission group and the host organization assuming full responsibility for the outcome of the missions.
STEP 2: The PMA, upon receipt of all requirements, will forward the application to the concerned specialty societies for evaluation of credentials. The DOH will be informed immediately of the presence of drugs, medical supplies and medical equipment.
STEP 3: The DOH shall facilitate issuance of clearance by its Food and Drug Administration (FDA) and Bureau of Health Devices and Technology (BHDT) for the above mentioned goods.
STEP 4: After the evaluation of the missioner’s credentials by the concerned Specialty Society, the PMA shall send a letter of endorsement to DOH.
STEP 5: The DOH shall then endorse the documents to Professional Regulation Commission (PRC).
STEP 6: The Professional Regulation Commission (PRC), after final review, shall issue the Special Temporary Permit to Practice to concerned foreign missioners. The lead time for the processing of the application are as follows:
PMA – 2 weeks before the mission date
DOH – 1 week before the mission date
PRC – 3 weeks before the mission date
POST-MISSION REQUIREMENTS
A Post-mission report shall be submitted by the head of the foreign surgical and/or medical missions, concurred/noted by the President of the local component society of PMA, and/or specialty society and the LGU concerned, to the oversight agencies (DOH, PMA, PRC) 15 days after the completion of the mission. All records and audio-visual documents must also be submitted in triplicate form. The post-mission report should contain the following minimum basic information:
Number and age of cases seen
Diagnosis of patients
List of medicines distributed and surgical interventions done
Endorsements to the necessary health facilities (follow-up, further evaluation and management)
Morbidities and mortalities, if any
All materials submitted to the oversight agencies shall be the property of the Philippine counterpart and may not be used for advertisement, solicitation or medical publication without the written and expressed approval of the local medical society and/or specialty society of the PMA and the local counterpart. Any intellectual output as journal or publication must include the local physicians as senior authors.
OTHER INFORMATION
Former Filipino Registered Health Professionals who are part of a Medical/Surgical Mission Team may practice their profession in the Philippines upon presentation of proof of valid and current PRC licenses. Otherwise, they have to renew their licenses upon submission of the following requirements (Presidential Decree No. 541):
Photocopy of current/valid passport (page 1 and the page showing the date of arrival in the Philippines)
Photocopy of PRC license and valid certificate of registration
License/Certificate of Registration in the adopted country or Certification of employment with letterhead indicating the job description within the definition of the applicant’s profession
Four pieces of recent passport size pictures (taken within one year)
Payment of prescribed fees at PRC
Certificated of training and board certification (for specialists)
Application for Temporary Special Permit (PRC form 103-A)
Foreign Religious groups/missionaries practicing medicine in the country shall abide by the same requirements and adhere to the guidelines. These missioners who serve for longer period of time shall signify their intention to continue living in the Philippines to pursue missionary works. They shall secure Special Temporary Permit, which is to be renewed annually. The following must be submitted:
Certification for their congregation that the medical works are purely for charity purposes and with no remuneration involved whatsoever.
A certification from the congregation assuming the responsibility for any action of the said physician
The missionary should submit to PMA an annual mission report including a list of patients treated
The missionary is required to attend PMA or component societies’ Continuing Medical Education (CME) related activities once a year to update their medical knowledge.
The missionary who conducted his missionary works in the province must coordinate with the PMA component society for proper identification and monitoring.
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Philippine Media Wiki
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[
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The English wiki at this URL has been closed, but here are related wikis in other languages
This is the list of communities under this domain
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_pandemic_in_the_Philippines
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19 pandemic in the Philippines
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2020-02-14T23:34:17+00:00
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_pandemic_in_the_Philippines
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COVID-19 pandemic in the Philippines
Clockwise, starting from top:
A medical worker attending to a patient in Manila
Unloading of aid packages donated by China at Villamor Air Base
Police checkpoint in Valenzuela, Metro Manila
Ninoy Aquino Stadium quarantine facility at Rizal Memorial Sports Complex
A person undergoing a swab test at Palacio de Maynila
DiseaseCOVID-19Virus strainSARS-CoV-2LocationPhilippinesFirst outbreakWuhan, Hubei, ChinaIndex caseManilaDateFirst case of COVID-19: January 30, 2020[a]
(4 years, 6 months, 3 weeks and 6 days) ago State of public health emergency: March 9, 2020 – July 22, 2023 (3 years, 4 months, 1 week and 6 days)Confirmed cases4,140,383[1]Active cases7,037[2]Severe cases24,474[3]Critical cases12,118[3]Recovered48,021,987[2]
Deaths
66,864[1]Fatality rate 1.61%Vaccinations
78,484,848[1] (total vaccinated)
74,044,290[1] (fully vaccinated)
170,638,379[1] (doses administered)
Government website
The COVID-19 pandemic in the Philippines was a part of the worldwide pandemic of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) caused by severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2).[4] As of August 17, 2024, there have been 4,140,383[1] reported cases, and 66,864[1] reported deaths, the fifth highest in Southeast Asia, behind Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand. The first case in the Philippines was identified on January 30, 2020, and involved a 38-year-old Chinese woman who was confined at San Lazaro Hospital in Metro Manila.[a] On February 1, 2020, a posthumous test result from a 44-year-old Chinese man turned out positive for the virus, making the Philippines the first country outside China to record a confirmed death from the disease.[7][8][9]
After over a month without recording any cases, the Philippines confirmed its first local transmission on March 7, 2020.[10][11] Since then, the virus has spread to the country's 81 provinces.[12] National and local governments have been imposing community quarantines since March 15, 2020, as a measure to limit the spread of the virus.[13] These include the Luzon-wide enhanced community quarantine (ECQ) that was implemented in March–May 2020.[b][14] On March 24, President Rodrigo Duterte signed the Bayanihan to Heal as One Act, a law that granted him additional powers to handle the pandemic. This was repealed by a follow-up law, the Bayanihan to Recover as One Act, which he signed on September 11.[15]
The Philippines had a slightly lower testing capacity than its neighbors in Southeast Asia during the first months of the pandemic in the country.[16][17] COVID-19 tests had to be taken in Australia, as the Philippines lacked testing kits.[18][19] By the end of January 2020, the Research Institute for Tropical Medicine (RITM) in Muntinlupa, Metro Manila began its testing operations and became the country's first testing laboratory.[20] The DOH has since then accredited 279 laboratories that are capable of detecting the SARS-CoV-2 virus.[21] As of September 10, 2021, 277 of these have conducted 19,742,325 tests from more than 18,551,810 unique individuals.[2][3]
COVID-19 cases throughout the country started declining in February 2022,[22] and by May 2022, the health department noted that the country was at "minimal-risk case classification" with an average of only 159 cases per day recorded from May 3 to 9.[23] As of early June 2022, 69.4 million Filipinos have been fully vaccinated, while 14.3 million individuals received their booster shots.[24] In August 2022, Filipino public schools reopened for in person learning for the first time in two years.[25] As of 23 February 2023, a total of 170,545,638 vaccine doses have been administered.[26]
On July 22, 2023, President Bongbong Marcos lifted COVID-19 pandemic as state of public health emergency.[27]
On June 14, 2024, a Reuters expose revealed that the United States allegedly launched a clandestine campaign against China in the Philippines at the height of the pandemic, causing economic damage and putting innocent lives at risk. It was meant to undermine China's inoculation ― vaccine, face masks, and testing kits. Its purpose is to counter China's growing sphere of influence in the country since the Duterte administration has a good relationship with China.[28] The Philippines' Department of Health wants to investigate the matter.[29]
Timeline
[edit]
January to February 2020
[edit]
The Philippines reported its first suspected case of COVID-19 in January 2020. It involved a 5-year-old boy in Cebu, who arrived in the country on January 12 with his mother.[30] At that time, the Philippines had no capability to conduct COVID-19 tests.[31][32] The boy tested positive for "non-specific pancoronavirus assay" in the RITM. Samples from the boy were also sent to the Victorian Infectious Disease Reference Laboratory in Melbourne, Australia to determine the specific coronavirus strain.[30] The boy tested negative for COVID-19 but several suspected cases were already reported in various parts of the country.[33]
The RITM developed capability to conduct confirmatory tests for COVID-19 in response to the emergence of suspected COVID-19 cases. It started conducting confirmatory tests on January 30.[31][32]
The first case of COVID-19 in the Philippines was confirmed on the same day. The diagnosed patient was a 38-year-old Chinese woman from Wuhan, who had arrived in Manila from Hong Kong on January 21.[5] She was admitted to the San Lazaro Hospital in Manila[34] on January 25 after she sought a consultation due to a mild cough. At the time of the confirmation announcement, the Chinese woman was already asymptomatic.[6]
The second case was confirmed on February 2, a 44-year-old Chinese male who was the companion of the first case. His death on February 1 was the first recorded outside China. He was coinfected with influenza and Streptococcus pneumoniae.[35]
On February 5, the DOH confirmed a third case in a 60-year-old Chinese woman who flew into Cebu City from Hong Kong on January 20 before she traveled to Bohol where she consulted a doctor at a private hospital on January 22, due to fever and rhinitis. Samples taken from the patient on January 24 returned a negative result, but the DOH was notified on February 3 that samples taken from the patient on January 23 tested positive for the virus. The patient upon recovery on January 31 was allowed to go home to China.[36]
March 2020
[edit]
After a month of reporting no new cases, on March 6, the DOH announced two cases consisting of two Filipinos. One was a 48-year-old man with a travel history in Japan that returned on February 25 and reported symptoms on March 3.[37] The other was a 60-year-old man with a history of hypertension and diabetes who experienced symptoms on February 25 and was admitted to a hospital on March 1 when he experienced pneumonia. He had last visited a Muslim prayer hall in San Juan.[37] The DOH confirmed that the fifth case had no travel history outside the Philippines and is, therefore, the first case of local transmission. A sixth case was later confirmed, that of a 59-year-old woman who is the wife of the fifth case.[38] Since then, the Department of Health recorded a continuous increase in the number of COVID-19 cases in the country.[39]
Cases abroad involving foreigners with travel history in the Philippines were reported in early March 2020. The first three recorded cases involving an Australian, a Japanese, and a Taiwanese national had a history of visiting the Philippines in February 2020. Though it was unconfirmed whether or not they had contracted the virus while in the Philippines, speculations arose on undetected local transmissions in the country due to prior confirmation of the Philippines' first case of local transmission.[40][41][42]
Retrospective studies have been made to determine the strain of virus responsible for causing the community outbreak of COVID-19 in the Philippines since March 2020. In May 2020, Edsel Salvaña, director of the Institute of Molecular Biology and Biotechnology and member of the IATF-EID, said that the strain responsible for the COVID-19 outbreak in the country that started in March 2020 is closely related to the strain affecting India at the time. The virus strain's family tree is said by Salvaña to have appeared in China and Australia.[43] In a July 2020 webinar led by Cynthia Saloma, executive director of the UP Philippine Genome Center two hypotheses was presented regarding the source of the March 2020 outbreak in the Philippines. Genetic sequence analysis of samples collected from Philippine General Hospital patients from March 22–28 suggest that there are at least two sources of viral transmission in the Philippines; China, mainly from Shanghai and from Japan specifically through repatriated Filipino seafarers of the Diamond Princess cruise ship.[43]
Several measures were imposed to mitigate the spread of the disease in the country, including bans on travel to mainland China, Hong Kong, Macau, and South Korea. On March 7, 2020, the Department of Health (DOH) raised its "Code Red Sub-Level 1," with a recommendation to the President of the Philippines to impose a "public health emergency" authorizing the DOH to mobilize resources for the procurement of safety gear and the imposition of preventive quarantine measures.[6] On March 9, President Rodrigo Duterte issued Proclamation No. 922, declaring the country under a state of public health emergency.[44]
On March 12, President Duterte declared "Code Red Sub-Level 2," issuing a partial lockdown on Metro Manila for 30 days to prevent a nationwide spread of COVID-19.[45][46] The lockdowns were expanded on March 16, placing the entirety of Luzon under an "enhanced community quarantine" (ECQ).[47] Other local governments outside Luzon followed in implementing similar lockdowns. On March 17, President Duterte issued Proclamation No. 929, declaring the Philippines under a state of calamity for a tentative period of six months.[48]
Additional facilities started to conduct confirmatory testing. On March 20, four facilities, namely the Southern Philippines Medical Center in Davao City, Vicente Sotto Memorial Medical Center in Cebu City, Baguio General Hospital and Medical Center in Benguet, and the San Lazaro Hospital in Manila (where the first case was admitted to), began conducting tests as well augmenting the RITM.[49] Other facilities began operations as well in the following days.[2]
On March 25, the President signed the Bayanihan to Heal as One Act, which gave him additional powers to handle the outbreak.[50][51]
April to May 2020
[edit]
By April, COVID-19 had spread to all 17 regions of the Philippines,[53] with the confirmation of a case in April 6 of a patient confined at a hospital in Surigao City who had been in the Caraga region since March 12 after traveling from Manila.[54][55]
President Duterte on April 7 accepted the recommendation of the Inter-Agency Task Force for the Management of Emerging Infectious Diseases (IATF-EID) to extend the ECQ in Luzon until April 30.[56]
On April 17, it was reported that the country had been able to bring down the viral disease' reproduction number to 0.65 from 1.5, which meant that the average number of people a person could infect decreased from more than one to less than one.[57] Recent data at the time suggested that the country was doing better in "flattening the curve",[58] but was warned of a "resurgence" and must ramp up mass testing in order to isolate cases and avoid further transmission of COVID-19.[57]
Sometime in late April, local government units (LGUs) were no longer authorized to impose quarantine measures without the consent of the IATF-EID. Prior to that period, LGUs could impose such measures in coordination with the Department of the Interior and Local Government.[59]
The ECQ in Luzon was extended until May 15 in some areas. This included Metro Manila, Calabarzon, Central Luzon (except Aurora), Pangasinan, and Benguet. ECQ measures were also extended in the provinces of Iloilo and Cebu as well as in Davao City.[60][61][62][63] Other areas were downgraded or placed under general community quarantine (GCQ).[64]
On May 14, Typhoon Vongfong (local name: Ambo) landed on Samar Island. In the Philippines, tens of thousands of people who were locked out due to lockdowns were faced with the dual threat of typhoons and viruses, forcing complex and dangerous evacuation.[65][66][67] At each shelter in the central part of the Philippines, in order to prevent the spread of coronavirus infection, only half of the capacity was accepted, and a mask was required when evacuating.[66] Typhoon Vongfong killed five people in the Philippines. By the time Vongfong landed, the number of confirmed infections was 11,618 and the number of deaths (due to infectious diseases) was 772 in the Philippines.[65] Vongfong also approached Manila, but due to severe restrictions on going out of Manila, most people, including low-income people living in simple houses, could not go to shelters and were forced to wait at home.[68][69]
After May 15, the Philippine government revised its quarantine classifications in correspondence to an earlier announcement that "Science and Economics will be considered for any changes of the lockdown measures."[70] A modified enhanced community quarantine (MECQ) was applied to Metro Manila, Laguna and Cebu City, while a GCQ was raised to 41 provinces and 10 cities with moderate risk.[71][72] Meanwhile, 40 provinces and 11 cities that were considered "low-risk areas" were supposed to be released from community quarantine measures, but were eventually upgraded to a "modified general community quarantine" (MGCQ) after a reportedly "honest mistake" from the national government and requests from respective LGUs.[73]
Once again, the Philippine government revised its announcements and declared the entire country under GCQ, while Metro Manila, Laguna and Cebu City continued to implement an MECQ. This was temporary until guidelines of MGCQ for low-risk areas were finalized.[74] The IATF-EID also reportedly considered the reclassification of provinces and cities in Central Luzon as "high-risk areas" under MECQ.[75]
After receiving petitions from LGUs, the IATF-EID revised its quarantine policies yet again. Cebu City and Mandaue were placed under ECQ, while Metro Manila, Laguna, and Central Luzon (except for Aurora and Tarlac) were all under MECQ. The remaining parts of the country were placed under GCQ.[76]
June to July 2020
[edit]
Quarantine measures raised throughout the country started to loosen up on June 1, with areas formerly under ECQ transitioning to a less strict quarantine. This led to a significant rise in the number of confirmed cases, as more areas implemented a GCQ.[citation needed]
The official start of classes in the elementary and secondary schools which customarily begin on June was postponed.[77]
The Bayanihan to Heal as One Act expired within this month. According to the national government, the law expired on June 25, due to its sunset provision although there were interpretations that the law expired as early as June 5. Senator Sonny Angara argued that per the Constitution "emergency powers cease upon the next adjournment of Congress" and that he considers the Bayanihan Act as an emergency measure. The national government maintains that the law was to expire on June 25. Upon expiration of the law, the national government is not anymore obliged to hand out cash subsidies to families affected by community quarantine measures.[78]
The DOH reported an overwhelmingly high number of recoveries on July 30, as the department began its "Oplan Recovery" to clear out its discrepancies with LGU counts. Under the data reconciliation of the DOH, starting from July 15, mild cases and asymptomatic cases will be recorded as recovered after 14 days from swab collection for testing. The first set of "mass recovery" was recorded on July 30 with 37,180 recoveries. From July 30, recovery reconciliations will be reported every 15 days.[79]
August 2020
[edit]
On August 2, the Philippines surpassed the 100,000 cases mark as the country continues to report around 2,000–3,000 cases a day.[80] The country eventually had the most COVID-19 cases in Southeast Asia when it finally breached Indonesia's total number of confirmed COVID-19 cases.
A modified enhanced community quarantine (MECQ) was placed in Metro Manila, Bulacan, Cavite, Laguna, and Rizal from August 4 to 18 as a response to the petition of medical front liners requesting an ECQ in Metro Manila.
In early August, the Philippine Health Insurance Corporation (PhilHealth) became involved in a corruption scandal, and its executives were alleged to have used the pandemic as a cover-up to steal billions of pesos.[81]
The Philippine Genome Center (PGC) had detected a new variant of the SARS-CoV-2 virus originating in the Philippines. The new variant is said to be globally dominant variant than other variants of the virus at the time of detection and has been associated with the sudden increase of new cases in July.[82]
By August 18, the DOH has identified 1,302 COVID-19 clusters throughout the country with the majority being located in Metro Manila.[83]
September to November 2020
[edit]
On September 11, President Duterte signed Republic Act No. 11494 or the Bayanihan to Recover as One Act into law.[84] President Duterte then extended the period of the state of calamity until September 2021, through his Proclamation No. 1021 filed on September 18.[85]
The IATF-EID also announced on September 18 that all cemeteries, columbariums, and memorial parks nationwide will be closed from October 29 to November 4 to prevent social gatherings traditionally conducted as part of the All Saints' Day observance.[86] This is similar to the proposal made by Metro Manila mayors few days prior.[87]
COVID-19 has spread to all provinces in the Philippines[88] by September 28,[89] when Batanes recorded its first case.[88]
December 2020
[edit]
In mid-December, a new variant of SARS-CoV-2 known as Lineage B.1.1.7 was identified in the United Kingdom and is reportedly more contagious than earlier variants of the virus.[90] This has led to several countries to restrict or ban travel from the United Kingdom, including the Philippines.[91] The Philippines also banned travel from 19 other nations which has reported cases of more-infectious variants of SARS-CoV-2.[92]
The DOH announced in a briefing held in January 2021 that the U.K. variant is already in the Philippines as early as December 2020. One of the samples collected by the health department on December 10 tested positive for the variant on January 21, 2021.[93]
January 2021
[edit]
By January 2021, the DOH was already monitoring at least two other noted mutations aside from the U.K. variant, namely the 501.V2 variant which originated from South Africa and another variant from Malaysia.[94]
On January 5, 2021, Hong Kong reported that they detected the U.K. variant from a 30-year-old woman who arrived in the city from the Philippines on December 22, 2020, raising concerns that the strain may already be in the Philippines.[95] The following day, a joint DOH–PGC study said that it has not detected the U.K. variant among 305 samples collected from November to December hospital admissions involving inbound travellers who have tested positive for COVID-19 upon arrival in the country.
Epidemiologist John Wong, who is part of DOH's technical advisory working group, said in a press briefing on January 6 that if Lineage B.1.1.7 establishes itself in the Philippines, the total number of cases could rise about fifteen-fold. Wong provided two scenarios which assumed there are 20,000 cases at the beginning of the month. In the first scenario, COVID-19 has a r rate of 1.1 and the U.K. variant does not reach the Philippines which project an increase of cases to 32,000 by the end of the month. In the second scenario where Lineage B.1.1.7 does indeed establish itself in the country, the projected rise of cases could go as high as 300,000 in the same time period.[96]
On January 13, the DOH announced that the U.K. variant has been detected in the country when a 29-year-old man from Quezon City, who arrived in the country from the United Arab Emirates on January 7, tested positive for COVID-19.[97] 13 individuals who came in contact with the man also tested positive for COVID-19 days later.[98] On January 22, 16 new cases associated with the U.K. variant has been confirmed in several places in country including Benguet, Laguna, and Mountain Province. A case each in Benguet and Laguna had no known contact with a confirmed case or a travel history outside the country.[99]
The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has issued emergency use authorizations (EUA) to the Pfizer–BioNTech and the Oxford–AstraZeneca COVID-19 vaccines on January 14 and 28, respectively.[100]
February 2021
[edit]
On February 18, the DOH in Central Visayas announced that two mutations of SARS-CoV-2 were discovered in Cebu. The mutations were classified as "mutations under investigation" and were tagged as E484K and N501Y.[101]
March to April 2021
[edit]
The DOH announced the detection of the South African variant of SARS-CoV-2 in Pasay on March 2.[102] On March 12, Lineage P.1, commonly known as the Brazilian variant, was detected in the country, along with a "unique" variant originating from the Philippines which was designated as the P.3 variant, which in turn related to the aforementioned variant.[103] Japan also detected the P.3 variant on a man who traveled from the Philippines.[104][105]
As a response to the recent spike in cases, the Greater Manila Area, which the government called "NCR Plus", was placed under general community quarantine (GCQ) on March 22 and was originally set to expire on April 4.[106] It was further intensified to the stricter enhanced community quarantine (ECQ) from March 29 to April 11, when the positivity rate of the area remained high.[107][108]
On March 17, the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) reported that there have been at least 27,967 deaths caused by, or associated with, COVID-19 by the end of 2020. 19,758 of these were tagged "COVID-19 virus not identified", while 8,209 were tagged "COVID-19 virus identified". The discrepancy between the tallies of the DOH and the PSA is due to the inclusion of probable and suspect cases in the PSA's tally.[109] On April 26, the country surpassed 1 million cases.[110]
May to June 2021
[edit]
On May 11, the country detected its first two cases of Delta variant from India. The variant had been confirmed in two Filipino seafarers who returned in April.[111] While the infections on Metro Manila is slowing down, COVID-19 infections is surging on other regions. Mindanao accounted for a quarter of new cases, higher than Metro Manila, showing that the pandemic has shifted to the regions far outside of the metropolitan areas. A former mayor and his brother from a nearby town were also admitted at a government hospital in the same city, as dozens of people were being treated for coronavirus outside in makeshift tents, or hooked up to oxygen tanks while sitting in their vehicles, due to the lack of hospital beds.[112]
July 2021
[edit]
As COVID-19 surges in Indonesia, the Philippines banned travels from Indonesia amid Delta variant threat. Roque said travelers from Indonesia will be barred from entering the country from July 16 to July 31.[113]
On July 16, the country detected 16 new cases of the highly-transmissible COVID-19 Delta variant, which has become the dominant variant in several countries. Of these, 11 are local cases. In a press briefing, Health Undersecretary Maria Rosario Vergeire said that 15 of the new detected cases had recovered while another died. Of these, 10 are females aged 14 to 79.[114] Due to rising cases and local transmission of the Delta variant, Metro Manila, Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, Davao de Oro, and Davao del Norte were placed under general community quarantine with heightened restrictions starting on July 23.[115][116]
On July 29, the Department of Health (DOH) detected 97 new cases of Delta variant bringing the total number of Delta variant cases to 216. Of the newly reported cases, 88 were local cases, six are returning overseas Filipinos, while three other cases are still under verification.[117]
August 2021
[edit]
On July 30, the government placed Metro Manila under Enhanced Community Quarantine (ECQ) starting August 6 until August 20 due to rising cases of Delta variant.[118]
On August 5, the DOH detected 116 new cases of Delta variant bringing the total number of cases to 331. Of the additional Delta variant cases, 95 were local cases, one is a Returning Overseas Filipino (ROF) while the remaining 20 cases are being verified if they are local or ROF cses. The DOH said that among the 216 Delta variant cases reported last July 29, one case was verified to have been tested in two different laboratories so the DOH amended the previous total Delta variant cases from 216 to 215.[119]
On the same day, President Rodrigo Duterte approved the recommendation of the IATF to place some provinces under ECQ and MECQ. Laguna, Cagayan de Oro, and Iloilo City will be under ECQ from August 6 to 15, while Lucena and the provinces of Cavite, Rizal, and Iloilo will be placed under modified enhanced community quarantine (MECQ). Batangas and Quezon, on the other hand, will be under general community quarantine (GCQ) with heightened restrictions from August 6 to 15.[120]
On August 15, the DOH detected the country's first case of the Lambda variant. The patient is a 35-year-old female and is currently being validated as to whether she is a local or returning overseas Filipino case. The DOH said the patient was asymptomatic and tagged as recovered after undergoing the 10-day isolation period. Meanwhile, the DOH also detected 182 new cases of the Delta variant, as well as 41 new cases of the Alpha variant, 66 new cases of the Beta variant and 40 new cases of the Theta variant. Of the newly reported cases of the Delta variant, 112 cases are local, 36 are returning overseas Filipinos, and 34 are still undergoing verification. Among the 41 new Alpha cases, 38 are local, one is an ROF, and two are still being verified. Out of the 66 additional Beta cases, 56 are local and 10 cases are still undergoing verification. Among the 40 new Theta variant cases, 37 are local cases and three cases are still being verified.[121]
On August 19, the IATF-EID approved to place Metro Manila and the province of Laguna under MECQ from August 21 to 31.[122]
The World Health Organization released a statement on August 28, that the Delta variant is already the dominant variant of SARS-CoV-2 in the Philippines.[123]
September 2021
[edit]
On September 1, the COVID-19 cases in the country surpassed 2 million.[124]
On September 3, the Philippines Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approved the emergency use of Moderna's COVID-19 vaccine for minors aged 12 to 17.[125]
The alert level system (ALS) was introduced by the government with pilot implementation of the system in Metro Manila beginning on September 16, 2021. The IATF intends to phase out the old quarantine system, which still remains in use outside Metro Manila pending the nationwide adoption of the ALS.[126] The coverage of the ALS was expanded to include LGUs in Calabarzon, Central Visayas, and Davao regions on October 20, 2021.[127]
October 2021
[edit]
On October 25, the DOH confirmed the presence of the B.1.1.318 variant in the country with one case reported. Along with the detection of the B.1.1.318 variant, the DOH also detected 380 more cases of the Delta variant, as well as 104 cases of Alpha variant, and 166 cases of Beta variant.[128]
The vaccination of minors under the Philippine national vaccination also began within the month.[129]
November 2021
[edit]
On November 8, the country detected its first ever case of the B.1.617.1 variant, formerly called Kappa variant. The patient is a 32-year-old male from Floridablanca, Pampanga who experienced a mild case and has since recovered.[130] The alert level system's nationwide adoption was completely realized on November 22.[131][132]
December 2021
[edit]
The Omicron variant was first detected in the Philippines on December 15. The cases involved two travelers from Nigeria and Japan who arrived in the Philippines on November 30 and December 1 respectively.[133] By December 28, there are four Omicron, all international travellers.[134]
January 2022
[edit]
On January 15, the DOH has confirmed that there is already a community transmission of the Omicron variant in Metro Manila, which was the cause of a spike in cases that started in late December 2021 and continued throughout the first half of January 2022.[135] A shortage on paracetamol, other analgesic, and other drugs for flu-like symptoms was reported.[136][137] The DOH and DTI maintained there is no shortage, but the latter admitted that there are some areas in the country temporarily ran out of stock due to logistical issues.[138]
October 2022
[edit]
The first confirmed cases of the Omicron XBB subvariant and XBC variant were detected in the Philippines on October 17.[139][140][141]
Medical response
[edit]
Hospital admission policy
[edit]
The DOH has issued a reminder, that Level 2 and 3 hospitals cannot deny admittance of people suspected or confirmed to have COVID-19 infection and refusal of admission is a "violation of the signed Performance Commitment and shall be dealt with by the PhilHealth accordingly". The department said that Level 2 and 3 hospitals can accommodate individuals with mild COVID-19 symptoms while individuals in a serious or critical condition may be transferred to one of the DOH's three main referral hospitals,[142] which was increased over time to 75 designated hospitals as of April 13 with a combined bed capacity of 3,194.[143]
On March 16, 2020, the DOH announced a revision on their protocol on hospital admission for COVID-19 positive patients. A week prior, the DOH began sending both asymptomatic patients and individuals with mild symptoms back to their homes for quarantine and continued health monitoring until they have been deemed recovered. Priority was given to high-risk patients or those with severe symptoms for hospital admission.[145][146]
In mid-2021, the city of Makati initiated a program to aim to treat mild cases at home, to reduce pressure on hospitals.[147][148]
Drug therapy and vaccine development
[edit]
Vaccine trial participation
[edit]
The Philippines, with at least 45 other countries, joined the World Health Organization (WHO)'s Solidarity trial to study the effectivity of certain drugs in treating COVID-19 patients. Dr. Marissa Alejandria of the Philippine Society of Microbiology and Infectious Disease is the Philippines' representative in the study with Health Undersecretary Maria Rosario Vergeire as the official liaison of the DOH in the multinational study.[149][150]
The Department of Science and Technology (DOST) announced that it is seeking bilateral collaboration with other countries such as China, Russia, South Korea, Taiwan, and the United Kingdom on endeavors related to the vaccine development for COVID-19.[151][152] President Rodrigo Duterte declared a bounty for anyone who could produce a vaccine against COVID-19, an amount later increased to ₱50 million (around $1 million).[153]
Research on other treatments
[edit]
The Philippine Council on Health Research and Development at the DOST plans to distribute an undisclosed "functional food," while Presidential Spokesman Harry Roque also revealed that the DOST, Philippine General Hospital, and the Ateneo de Manila University, are collaborating with the Duke–NUS Medical School in Singapore to evaluate the feasibility of lauric acid from virgin coconut oil, Vitex negundo (known locally as Lagundi), and Euphorbia hirta (known locally as Tawa-tawa) as a "dietary regimen supplement" to help COVID-19 patients combat the disease. A "functional food" or "dietary regimen supplement" is described as similar to how tawa-tawa is also used as a remedy against dengue by incorporating it to the diet of diagnosed patients.[154][155][156]
Vaccination
[edit]
Supply
[edit]
The Philippine government has been negotiating with various foreign vaccine manufacturers to secure the country's COVID-19 vaccine supply. These manufacturers include Sinovac Biotech (China), Gamaleya Research Institute (Russia), Moderna (United States), and Pfizer (United States).[157] The private sector, with government sanction, has secured at least 2.6 million vaccine doses from British-Swedish manufacturer AstraZeneca.[158] Negotiations are also ongoing with American firm Novavax which would supply at least 10 million doses from the Serum Institute of India. The country is projected to at least 164 million doses from various manufacturers in 2021.[159]
The procurement efforts of the national government has been a subject of various controversies. Health Secretary Francisco Duque has been alleged to "dropped the ball" in a deal with Pfizer vaccine deal which could have secured 10 million doses by as early as January 2021.[157] Plans to secure 26 million doses from China's Sinovac has also been put into scrutiny in the Congress due to its reported efficacy rate. Late-stage trials of Sinovac's vaccine in Brazil reported an efficacy rate of only 50 percent. There were concerns within the Senate that the reported 50 percent efficacy rate of Sinovac's vaccine would not garner public trust and would be a waste of government funds. The Department of Health said that Sinovac's vaccine satisfy the World Health Organization standards of at least 50 percent efficacy rate while the FDA pointed out that Sinovac is yet to publish an official and published scientific report on their vaccines efficacy rate and that the clinical trial for the vaccine is conducted in different countries and the efficacy rate per country will vary; as low as 50 percent in Brazil and as high as above 90 percent in Turkey.[158][160][161]
Authorization and usage
[edit]
On December 2, 2020, President Rodrigo Duterte signed an executive order allowing the Food and Drug Administration to grant emergency-use authorization (EUA) to COVID-19 vaccines and treatments. Under certain conditions, vaccines and drugs could be approved within a month instead of undergoing the usual six-month review process.[162] Among the conditions is for a vaccine manufacturer to obtain prior EUA in its country of origin or other countries with a "mature" regulator. The FDA announced that three vaccine manufactures namely Pfizer, AstraZeneca, and Sinovac have inquired on the process of obtaining an EUA in the Philippines.[163] On December 23, Pfizer has applied for an EUA for its vaccine.[164]
Duterte also said in December 2020 that some members of the military already received COVID-19 vaccine from Chinese manufacturer, Sinopharm despite the vaccine not yet officially approved by the country's health authorities.[165] A few days later, it was reported that some members of the Presidential Security Group had also received vaccine from unknown manufacturer.[166][167]
Testing
[edit]
Further information: COVID-19 testing
Early COVID-19 testing in the Philippines was limited to persons with a history of travel to countries with cases of local transmission and those with exposure to individuals confirmed to have COVID-19. The testing protocols were revised sometime in mid-March 2020 to give priority to the testing of any individual with severe symptoms as well as to the elderly, pregnant and immunocompromised persons with at least mild symptoms.[168][169] On March 30, symptomatic healthcare workers were also considered priority for testing.[170]
During his press briefing on May 19, Presidential Spokesperson Harry Roque said that the government's "expanded targeted testing" would target the following: "(1) all symptomatic cases, (2) all of those coming from abroad, (3) all close contacts of confirmed cases that were found through contact tracing, and (4) all of those who tested positive on rapid antibody tests." The government is also opting to test through benchmarks, by testing 1–2% of the Philippines' entire population and 10–12% of the worst affected region in the country, which is Metro Manila.[171][172]
In late March 2020, some politicians and their relatives were reportedly tested for the disease despite not showing any symptoms, causing public backlash amidst a shortage of testing kits since it was against DOH guidelines to test asymptomatic individuals.[173] The DOH responded to the public criticism by clarifying that, while there is "no policy for VIP treatment" with regard to testing for COVID-19 and that "all specimens are being processed on a first-in, first-out basis," it "extends courtesy" to front line government officials, specifically those involved in national security and public health.[174] Some senators who were tested claim that they used rapid antibody tests not accredited by the DOH at that time.[175]
On January 24, 2021, after receiving a go-signal from the national government, the Philippine Red Cross announced that they will start conducting COVID-19 tests using saliva samples on January 25.[176]
Capacity
[edit]
In July 2020, there were currently 85 testing laboratories nationwide with 25,000 tests conducted daily.[177] The country has conducted over 3 million tests as of September 2020.[178]
On March 9, 2020, a total of 2,000 tests has been conducted at a rate of 200 to 250 people accommodated by tests per day.[179] The testing capacity of the Philippine government has been expanded by late March 2020. As of March 23, the Research Institute for Tropical Medicine (RITM) in Muntinlupa alone can test 600 people per day, other laboratories except for the facility of San Lazaro Hospital, Manila, can do 100 tests, while the said hospital can do 50 tests per day.[180] By March 27, the release of test results conducted at the RITM takes five to seven days due to backlog, but the institute is committed to reducing the turnaround to two to three days.[181] The DOH announced that the country will conduct targeted mass testing on April 14, which will be administered strictly for susceptible, probable, and high-risk patients, such as health workers, expectant mothers, and patients with other medical conditions.[182][183] The country's testing continuously increased, except when RITM temporarily scaled down its operations from April 20–24 after 43 of its staffs tested positive for the virus.[184]
The Philippines has the capability to conduct mass testing, either through reverse transcription polymerase chain reaction (RT-PCR) or rapid antibody testing, given the increased number and improving capacity of the country's accredited laboratories and the procurement of more testing kits.[182][183][185] The first localized targeted mass testing began in Valenzuela, Metro Manila on April 11.[186] Other local government units followed suit shortly after the Inter-Agency Task Force for the Management of Emerging Infectious Diseases (IATF-EID) adopted a resolution that commences 'a national government-enabled, local government unit-led, and people-centered response' to COVID-19.[187]
Testing kits
[edit]
The Food and Drug Administration has approved the usage of 75 PCR test kits (including one locally developed kit),[188] 79 rapid antibody testing kits,[189] 53 immunoassay testing kits,[190] and 7 other testing kits[191] as of July 30.
A locally developed PCR testing kit has been made by the National Institutes of Health at the University of the Philippines Manila.[192] It is reportedly six times cheaper than its foreign counterparts.[193][194] It was first approved for commercial use in April 2020 by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA)[195] but some kits were recalled in May by its manufacturer, after it was found out that testing using the kits yields indeterminate results 30 percent at the time.[196] A month later, the testing kit were re-approved after its defects were fixed.[195]
Facilities
[edit]
Before January 30, there were no medical facilities in the country that can confirm cases of the virus.[31][32] Before that date, the RITM conducted preliminary tests on suspected cases to determine if they are infected with a coronavirus but could not detect the new strain on patients.[197] Samples from suspected cases with confirmed coronavirus infection had to be sent abroad to the Victorian Infectious Diseases Reference Laboratory in Melbourne, Australia, for confirmatory testing specifically for SARS-CoV-2.[198]
The National Task Force for COVID-19 created the Task Force T3 (Test, Trace, and Treat) to establish public-private partnerships that would conduct mass testings.[199] The task force cited the San Miguel Corporation as a pioneer in the move to open its COVID-19 testing laboratory to initially test all of its 70,000 employees. As of August 24, the country has 110 subnational laboratories capable of detecting SARS-CoV-2.[3]
Backlogs
[edit]
From May 29 to June 17, 2020, the DOH had included testing backlogs on their daily case bulletin. These backlogs were referred to as "late cases" and were validated by the DOH's Epidemiology Bureau after more than four days of the release of test results. Late cases were reported alongside new cases or "fresh cases", which corresponded to the cases that were validated three days within the release of test results. This change was implemented by the health department to clarify the sudden increase of cases in the country.[200][201] The then-largest single-day increase on the number of confirmed cases in the country has been accounted to the backlog in late June 2020, when 2,434 new cases were announced. 1,147 out of these cases were fresh cases and the remaining 1,287 were late cases.[202] It surpassed the backlog in late May 2020, where 1,000 out of 1,046 cases were reported to be late cases.[203]
Government response
[edit]
Nationwide measures
[edit]
The national government declared a state of calamity over all of the Philippines on March 16, 2020, by virtue of Proclamation No. 929 signed by President Rodrigo Duterte. The declaration brings into effect for six months the following:[204][205]
price control of basic needs and commodities,
granting interest-free loans,
distribution of calamity funds,
authorization of importation and receipt of donations, and
hazard allowance for public health workers and government personnel in the fields of science and technology.[206]
Legislative response
[edit]
Following the sharp increase of confirmed cases, President Duterte called on Congress to hold special sessions on March 23 to enact the Bayanihan to Heal as One Act upon his request, which would authorize Duterte to "reallocate, realign, and reprogram" a budget of almost ₱275 billion ($5.37 billion) from the estimated ₱438 billion ($8.55 billion) national budget approved for 2020, in response to the pandemic.[207][208]
In the House of Representatives, the bill was introduced as House Bill No. 6616 with House Speaker Alan Peter Cayetano of Pateros–Taguig as its principal sponsor and was defended on the floor by Deputy Speaker Luis Raymund Villafuerte of Camarines Sur's 2nd district. In the Senate of the Philippines, the bill was introduced as Senate Bill No. 1418 with Senate President Tito Sotto and Senator Pia Cayetano as its principal sponsors.[209]
The House version of the bill passed the House of Representatives in a 284–9 vote without abstentions,[210] while its Senate version unanimously passed the Senate.[211] President Duterte signed the bill into law on March 25.[212] The law was effective for three months until June 25, owing to its sunset provision.[78]
A legislation was proposed to replace the Bayanihan Act, dubbed as the Bayanihan to Recover as One Act or Bayanihan 2. On August 20, the bicameral committee approved a reconciled version of the bill.[213] It was signed into law by Duterte on September 11.[214]
Lockdowns
[edit]
The government has implemented varying levels of lockdown and/or stay-at-home orders across all the country's local government units (LGUs) characterized as "community quarantines". The strictest of these measures is designated as enhanced community quarantine (ECQ). Restrictions were imposed on various aspects of society such as mass public transportation, mass gathering, and operation of businesses.[citation needed]
In September 2021 the alert level system (ALS) was introduced by the government with pilot implementation of the system in Metro Manila beginning on September 16, 2021. The ALS is intended to replace the old quarantine system, which still remains in use outside Metro Manila pending the nationwide adoption of the ALS. Measures in a certain area will depend on the prevailing alert level. The ALS has five tiers with alert level 1 being the most lenient and alert level 5 being the most stringent.[126] The coverage of the ALS was expanded to include LGUs in Calabarzon, Central Visayas, and Davao regions on October 20, 2021.[127] By November 22, the ALS was already adopted for all LGUs.[131]
Travel restrictions
[edit]
Travel of foreign nationals to the Philippines is banned with few exceptions since March 2020. The issuance of visas to all foreign national on March 19 was stopped and all visas already issued are voided except to those issued to families of Filipino nationals would remain valid.[215] Three days later a travel ban was imposed on all foreign nationals, except spouses of Filipino citizens (and their children), and workers for international organizations and non-governmental organizations accredited in the country.[216]
Foreign aid
[edit]
The governments of China and the United States pledged support to the Philippine government response against COVID-19. China announced that it would be donating medical supplies including 100,000 testing kits, 100,000 surgical masks, 10,000 N95 masks, and 10,000 sets of personal protective equipment.[217] The United States Agency for International Development also pledged $2.7 million worth of aid to help the Philippines develop adequate testing capabilities, and ensure the availability of medical supplies through the agency's "on-the-ground partners".[218] China's aid was received on March 21, 2020.[219]
On March 22, 2020, the DFA said that the Philippines would be receiving a donation from Singapore consisting of 3,000 testing kits and a polymerase chain reaction machine.[220][221] In early April 2020, the DFA announced it received 20 units of testing kits, capable of 1,000 tests, from Brunei.[222] The United Arab Emirates also donated medical supplies in May 2020.[223]
On March 28, 2020, it was disclosed that some of the test kits made in China were only 40% accurate in testing for signs of the COVID-19 on an individual suspected to be infected with the disease.[224] The test kits were donated by a private foundation.[225][226]
On July 20, 2021, it was reported that the United States delivered a total of 3,240,850 one-shot Johnson & Johnson vaccines to the Philippines as part of its worldwide effort to help end COVID-19. This is the first time the Philippines has received the Johnson & Johnson vaccine—a safe, trusted and easy-to-store shot widely used in the US. Prior to the US delivery of the Johnson & Johnson vaccines, the Philippines has received more than seven million vaccine doses through the COVAX Advance Market Commitment, a global initiative run by Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance to support equitable access to COVID-19 vaccines. To date, total US government COVID-19 assistance to the Philippines amounts to over ₱1.38 billion ($27.5 million).[227]
Transition to endemic phase
[edit]
See also: Endemic phase of COVID-19
In February 2022, the Philippines Department of Health began shifting towards the endemic phase of COVID-19, despite caution from the WHO that it may be too early to declare. During a media briefing, Health Undersecretary Maria Rosario Vergeire said that the "transition to an endemic state for COVID-19 does not mean that the government would stop its interventions or even remove minimum health protocols such as masking, physical distancing and hand sanitation." WHO Acting Philippine Representative Rajendra Yadav said that while the continued drop in the number of new cases is "encouraging," the country should be careful in moving from the "acute phase" of the pandemic.[228]
The Philippines lifted its outdoor mask mandate in September 2022, and its indoor mask mandate the following month, leaving it in place only in healthcare facilities and on public transportation and medical transport.[229][230]
Economic impact
[edit]
See also: 2020 stock market crash and COVID-19 recession
Economic indicators
[edit]
GDP growth and recession
[edit]
The National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) revised its economic growth outlook for the Philippines in 2020 from a 6.5% to 7.5% gross domestic product (GDP) growth registered in late 2019 to a 5.5% to 6.5% GDP growth, following the pandemic. The NEDA cited the decline in service exports, especially tourism. Moody's Analytics also reduced their GDP growth outlook for the country, from 5.9% in 2019 to 4.9% following the pandemic.[231] Meanwhile, Nomura gave a bitter prediction of 1.6%,[232] while the International Monetary Fund (IMF) gave an almost flat growth of 0.6% for this year before rebounding to 7.6% in 2021.[233]
Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) Governor Benjamin Diokno and then-NEDA Director-General Ernesto Pernia forecast that the Philippine economy would likely enter a recession in 2020 due to the effect of the pandemic. Diokno stated that, although the first quarter is likely to grow by 3% since the Luzon-wide enhanced community quarantine only took effect near the end of the quarter, the second and third quarters would likely experience contractions in economic growth.[234]
The Philippines' real GDP contracted by 0.2% in the first quarter of 2020, the first contraction since the fourth quarter of 1998, a year after the Asian financial crisis.[235] The Philippines entered a technical recession, after the country's GDP contracted in by 16.5 percent in the second quarter.[236] The country's GDP continued to contract in the following quarter periods.[237]
The Philippines' GDP saw its worst contraction since World War II posting a growth of −9.5% for 2020 according to the Philippine Statistics Authority records from 1947. The last full-year contraction was in 1998 amidst the Asian financial crisis where the GDP grew by −0.5%. The 2020 contraction was also worse than the 7% contraction in 1984.[238]
The Philippine economy exited recession in the second quarter of 2021, posting a GDP growth of 11.8%.[237]
In terms of the amount of economic loss that the Philippines is projected to suffer, NEDA gave a value of up to ₱2.0 trillion, or equivalent to about 9.4% of 2020 nominal GDP,[239] while the Philippine Institute for Development Studies estimates at a maximum of ₱2.5 trillion.[240] International organizations also gave their predictions, with the Friedrich Naumann Foundation envisioning a ₱273 billion loss and the Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières envisioning a combined loss of more than ₱1 trillion just in the month of April.[241][242]
Other indices
[edit]
The pandemic also affected the goal of the Philippines to be among the countries with upper-middle-income country status by nominal GNI per capita. Before his resignation, Pernia said that the country will still achieve this goal by 2020,[243] while his replacement, acting NEDA Director-General Karl Kendrick Chua, said in May 2020 that this goal will be achieved in 2022.[244] Daniel Ross of Bloomberg also stated that the Philippines, which is "an economic star poised to outpace long-time regional winners such as China, Indonesia and India," will face hindrances amid the COVID-19 pandemic.[245]
On the other hand, the BSP recorded an inflation rate of 2.2% in April and 2.5% in March 2020 from 2.6% in February and 2.9% in January. The average rate of 2.6% for the period of January to April 2020 is also 1% lower compared to the inflation rate from the same period in the previous year. The event was primarily and hugely caused by lower oil prices and transportation costs, even if the prices of food supplies and alcoholic beverages and tobacco slightly rose.[246][247][248]
On March 9, 2020, the Philippine Stock Exchange (PSE) index lost 457.77 points or 6.76%, its steepest decline since the financial crisis of 2007–08.[249] The following day, shares plunged by 6.23% to ₱5,957.35 (US$117.54), settling below the 6,000 level benchmark and entering the bear market territory. The mining and oil industries were the most affected with a 9.05% drop, followed by holding companies with a 6.93% drop. The PSE's circuit breaker mechanism was invoked for the second time since the measure's introduction in 2008 halting trade for 15 minutes.[250]
Economist Bernardo Villegas noted that pandemic has created a situation where the Philippine government "is getting overborrowed," and that the Philippines needs more foreign direct investments in order to fund capital-intensive industries, including telecommunications and media.[251]
Employment
[edit]
In terms of unemployment rate, the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) records an estimated unemployment rate of 5.3% in January 2020, which is the same with January 2019.[252][253] Moody's Analytics puts its estimate at 5.3% for the first quarter of 2020, while Nomura expects 7.5% for Q1 and a 13-year high of 8% in Q2 of this year.[254][255] Meanwhile, the IMF stated that the unemployment rate in the country would be 6.2% in 2020 compared to 5.1% in 2019.[233] A higher rate of 6.8% for 2020 was also predicted by S&P Global Ratings.[256]
The Trade Union Congress of the Philippines estimated that around 7,000 people may lose jobs within the first half of 2020 due to the pandemic.[257] Economists from the Ateneo de Manila University estimated that 57% of the country's workforce may be displaced within the end of the first quarter of 2020. It comprises around 15 million workers in Luzon that were laid off due to the enhanced community quarantine, around four million of whom are based in Metro Manila, as well as an estimated 4.3 million workers in Visayas and another 4.3 million in Mindanao that were laid off due to quarantine restrictions.[258]
In March 2020, the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) stated that 1.05 million workers were displaced due to the pandemic,[259] even after they released guidelines for employers in handling the impact of COVID-19.[260]
Philippine aviation services were heavily affected after travel, both locally and internationally, was restricted to contain the spread of the virus.[261][262]
Some German businesses were reported to reduce investments in the Philippines, but will continue to maintain their employees.[263]
In early 2021, there were reports that some employers are requiring its workers to get vaccinated before allowing them to physically report for work, with some workers threatened to be placed on floating status if they are not able to comply. DOLE released a statement that such practice is illegal and workers should be only vaccinated on a voluntary basis.[264]
The onset of the COVID-19 pandemic disproportionately impacted female employment, but the Philippines' past efforts to reduce gender inequalities mitigated the negative impact of female employment and educational opportunities.[265]
Homelessness
[edit]
Further information: Squatting in the Philippines
The number of homeless people increased during the pandemic, in part due to poverty resulting from the rise in joblessness.[266][267] In 2021, the House of Representatives declared a housing emergency in the country.[268]
Food service and supply
[edit]
Services
[edit]
Following directives from the Philippine government, several fast food and restaurant chains suspended dine-in services and restricted operations to take-out and delivery. Online food ordering services such as GrabFood and Foodpanda temporarily halted during the enhanced community quarantine but eventually resumed operations in Luzon during the quarantine period.[269]
Several restaurants and coffee shops across the country offered free food and beverages to front line professionals involved in the pandemic, especially health care workers.[270][271]
Production and distribution
[edit]
Food production and distribution slowed down during the pandemic, especially in Luzon, primarily due to the lack of financial assistance and inaccessibility of transportation resulting from community quarantine measures being implemented across numerous local governments. The delivery of fresh vegetables from the province of Benguet, which supplies the country with over 80 percent of the country's highland vegetable requirements, was halted due to the implementation of an "extreme enhanced" community quarantine in La Trinidad.[272] Local government officials advised local rice farmers to sell their harvests to them, assuring them that they would help distribute it to their respective communities amid the border restrictions.[273]
On March 27, Vietnam announced that it would reduce its production and exportation of rice due to food security amid the pandemic. The Philippines, the largest importer of rice in the world, imports 25% of its rice from Vietnam. Agriculture Secretary William Dar assured that there would be "no shortage of the staple during the duration of the enhanced community quarantine and beyond" as "harvest [is] already coming in." Dar also stated the Department of Agriculture's plans to initiate early planting in the Cagayan Valley and Central Luzon, two of the largest rice producers in the country, ahead of the third quarter of 2020.[274]
Production of canned fish in the country was adversely affected with Zamboanga City, which accounts for 85% of the country's canned fish industry, announcing it would reduce the production of canned fish in the Philippines by 50–60% due to difficulties encountered following the implementation of a city-wide lockdown.[275]
Gambling
[edit]
The Philippine Amusement and Gaming Corporation (PAGCOR) ordered the suspension of all gaming operations in the country, including the land-based casinos in Entertainment City and Newport City, on March 15. The gaming regulator also announced that they were limiting the operations of Philippine offshore gaming operations in the region.[276]
Illegal gambling activities conducted online, including online cockfighting or e-sabong, through social media has proliferated amidst the pandemic. PAGCOR has aimed to regulate online cockfighting, as part of efforts to expand the source of funds for the government.[277]
Medical supply
[edit]
A shortage of medical masks was reported in various parts of the country due to concerns over the pandemic.[278][279] RITM director Celia Carlos urged the public against hoarding masks to ensure ample supply for medical workers directly dealing with patients suspected or confirmed to have COVID-19 infection.[280] The Department of Trade and Industry (DTI), in cooperation with the Philippine National Police, are acting against reports of traders hoarding face masks and selling said item at an overpriced rate.[281] The DTI has also directed its Philippine International Trading Corp. to import 5 million masks from overseas. Medtecs International Corp. Ltd., the sole manufacturer of medical mask in the country, has committed to supply the government through the DTI.[282] However, due to the Philippine procurement law, local manufacturers are having difficulty competing with foreign suppliers that have a lower cost but may have substandard quality.[283]
Doctors in the Philippines have deplored the shortages in personal protective equipment amid the pandemic, and was even cited as the cause of high infection rate and death rate of healthcare workers in the country.[284][285][286] To address this issue, the Philippine government continues to procure and stockpile such equipment, as the pandemic is expected to last until 2021.[287][288][289]
According to Health Undersecretary Maria Rosario Vergeire, the country also issued requests for ventilators and respirators that will be used for severe or critical COVID-19 patients, as there are reported shortages of these equipment.[146][290]
Retail
[edit]
According to the Philippine Retailers Association, the "total retail environment" saw a decline of 30–50%. SM Investments, the country's largest retailer, saw a decline of 10–20% in domestic sales.[291] Despite the decline, most retail stores that provide essential services, including supermarkets, convenience stores, hardware stores, and pharmacies, remained open across the country to sustain consumers while other establishments at malls closed down.[292] Such retail stores, however, imposed strict social distancing measures with some supermarkets only allowing 50 customers inside at a time and placing stickers on the floor to indicate that customers must stand one meter apart from each other. Stores were also regularly disinfected and customers were required to undergo a temperature check before entering.[293] In the Greater Manila Area, several online grocers continued to operate, but with limited delivery slots.[294] After most industries in the country being closed for two months, many stores in the retail sector are already allowed to open under revised guidelines of eased community quarantines.[295]
Panic buying and hoarding became rampant across the country, especially with essential goods such as food and sanitation products.[296] The Philippine Amalgamated Supermarkets Association reported that the purchases of masks, alcohol, and other personal hygiene products in supermarkets across the country had already surged, urging the public against panic buying.[297]
Economic think-tank Fitch Solutions forecasts that the consumer and retail sector, especially non-essential businesses, would be one of the hardest-hit sectors in the Philippines as it loses sales revenue for an entire month due to the Luzon enhanced community quarantine (Luzon accounts for 73% of the country's GDP). Fitch Solutions forecasts the household final consumption expenditure for the country in 2020 to expand by 6.7% year-over-year, which was adjusted from a "pre-coronavirus projection" for 2020 of 7% growth year-over-year.[298]
Mall operators across the country, such as Ayala, Megaworld, SM, Robinsons, and Vista, initially shortened the operating hours of its malls to comply with government quarantine measures.[299] While doing so, malls were asked to implement social distancing measures; for example, several malls implemented a "single-seat gap" policy in cinemas, in which moviegoers were required to sit one seat apart from each other.[300] However, most malls in the country have since limited its operations to establishments providing essential services, particularly groceries, banks, and hardware stores.[301]
Travel
[edit]
Local airlines AirAsia, Philippine Airlines, and Cebu Pacific suspended flights in response to the imposition of travel bans by the Philippine government and some foreign governments. The airlines have suspended flights as early as February 2, 2020, covering routes involving destinations in China, Hong Kong, and Macau.[302] At least Philippine Airlines has suspended all of its flights by March 2020,[303][304] although the airline has announced plans to resume selected flights by June 1, 2020.[305]
Social impact
[edit]
Census
[edit]
The 2020 census of population and housing in the Philippines was originally scheduled in May but was postponed indefinitely due to the increasing number of cases in the country.[306] As the quarantine measures began to ease, the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) started to conduct the census in September, despite the risk of spreading the virus.[307]
Education
[edit]
2019–20 academic year
[edit]
Suspension of classes began as early as March 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic.[308][309] On March 16, the Department of Education (DepEd) issued guidelines prohibiting public schools in areas with suspended classes from administering the final examinations of students and instead compute the students' final grades for the 2019–20 academic year based on "their current academic standing." and directed schools in other areas to administer final examinations within that week on a "staggered basis" and for teachers and students to observe social distancing measures.[310]
Some universities resorted to implementing online learning alternatives.[311][312] The Commission on Higher Education (CHED) also advised institutions of higher education to implement distance education methods of learning for its classes, such as the use of educational technology, to maximize the academic term despite the suspensions;[313] However, following the announcement of the enhanced community quarantine in Luzon and other areas, colleges and universities suspended mandatory online classes in consideration of the welfare of its students, faculty, and staff. Academic administration offices continued to operate with a skeleton crew, while other offices in colleges and universities operated via remote work arrangements.[314] Some schools, however, continued to hold online classes,[315] and in response, several student groups appealed to CHED to suspend mandatory online classes in consideration of the logistical limitations and well-being of a majority of students.[316]
Live classes in all levels across the country were eventually suspended due to the pandemic.[317] Graduation rites in Philippine schools were also either canceled, postponed, or held virtually.[318][319]
The procedure for automatic class suspensions in connection to the typhoon warning signals by PAGASA remained in effect even as classes were held in distance learning setup.[320][321]
2020–21 academic year
[edit]
The official start of classes for the 2020–21 school year could only be legally set as late as the last day of August. However, Republic Act No. 11480 was signed into law to allow the start of classes to be set beyond August. The Department of Education has moved the opening of classes to October 5, 2020.[77] Earlier in June, officials reported that schools will not open until a vaccine is available, though remote learning should resume at the end of August.[322] A group of UP experts has proposed the start of classes to be pushed back to December in order to limit the spread of the disease.[323]
CHED left the decision of starting semesters to college administrators, although urged them to shift into the new semestral calendar and start 'flexible classes' in August and face-to-face classes in September as well.[324][325] Certain measures have been proposed to be implemented during the opening of classes, such as the airing of lectures on television and radio, a "mandatory face mask policy," maintaining physical distancing, and limiting class sizes.[326][327]
Re-allowing of face-to-face classes
[edit]
According to the UNICEF, the Philippines is among the last countries to re-allow the conduct of face-to-face classes with the only other country to yet allow live classes being Venezuela as of September 2021.[328] On November 5, 2021, CHED allowed colleges to conduct face-to-face classes at 50 percent capacity in campuses in localities under alert level 2 under certain conditions, such as a high vaccination rate among students and faculty and classrooms retrofitted.[329][330] The DepEd will also be conducting a pilot run of face-to-face classes in 100 public schools starting November 15, 2021.[331] Also the DepEd will be conducting a pilot run of face-to-face classes in 20 private schools starting November 22, 2021.[332] After two years of school closure, schools reopened in-person class with the blended learning on August 22, 2022.[333][334] In-person class resumed in full blast on November 2, 2022.[335]
Learning loss
[edit]
Students in the Philippines experienced learning loss and increased incidence of mental health issues during the pandemic, according to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization.[336]
Tourism
[edit]
The NEDA reported that the coronavirus pandemic would incur a ₱22.7 billion ($448 million) monthly loss of tourism revenue for the Philippines and the impact of the pandemic could last around five to six months based from past experiences from the SARS, H1N1, and the MERS outbreaks. Over 5,200 flights covering two months, which was to be serviced by member airlines of the Air-Carriers Association of the Philippines, were canceled.[337] Meanwhile, the Asian Development Bank predicts a ₱111 billion ($2.2 billion) loss in the tourism sector,[338] while the Tourism Congress of the Philippines estimates the figures at around ₱20 billion ($395 million), considering that 12.7% of the Philippines' GDP is generated through tourism.[339] Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières also reported potential damage in Philippine tourism.[242]
The National Museum of the Philippines temporarily closed its complex in Manila and all branch museums throughout the country.[340]
The Philippine Shopping Festival, a nationwide mall sale event backed by the Department of Tourism originally scheduled on March 1–31, 2020, was postponed due to the COVID-19 pandemic.[341] Several local festivals across the country were also either canceled or postponed due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic.[342]
Prisons
[edit]
The impact of COVID-19 in prisons in the Philippines is projected to be "dangerous," since its jails have the highest occupancy rate in the world that stands at 534%.[343] The Bureau of Jail Management and Penology has temporarily suspended the acceptance of visitors in prisons it manages as early as March 2020, encouraging would-be visitors to avail the e-dalaw service which would allow inmates to communicate with relatives online.[344]
Certain human rights groups raised their concerns on the issue. Human Rights Watch flagged the cases of dying inmates in prison cells and called for the freedom of minor offenders, the elderly, and the ill.[345][346] Karapatan and KAPATID both called for the release of political prisoners that belongs to vulnerable sector as a way to decongest Philippine jails amidst COVID-19 pandemic.[347][348]
A group of 22 high-risk prisoners (either of old age, immunocompromised, or pregnant) also asked for temporary liberty due to 'humanitarian grounds' since "hellish prison conditions in the Philippines make the detainees vulnerable to COVID-19." All of the 22 prisoners, five of which are consultants of New Peoples' Army (NPA), are asking to be allowed to post bail or to be released under personal recognizance. They are represented by Public Interest Law Center (PILC) and the National Union of People's Lawyers (NUPL).[349] Similarly, one of the suspects in the death of Horacio "Atio" Castillo III pleaded for freedom under the guise of the COVID-19's threat.[350]
In mid-April, the Supreme Court (SC) reiterated its 2014 circular, which allows the temporary freedom of "persons deprived of liberty" who were able to serve their minimum penalty during an ongoing trial or those whose trial are paused due to lack of witnesses.[351] Chief Justice Diosdado Peralta and Justice Secretary Menardo Guevarra also signed resolutions that relaxes bail prices for indigent inmates and requirements to avail parole and executive clemency. On May 2, Associate Justice Mario Victor Leonen announced that there were 9,731 detainees released temporarily by the SC from March 17 to April 29 as a way to alleviate the country's overcrowding prisons.[352]
Entertainment and media
[edit]
The DOH issued an advisory for the cancellation of large public events and mass gatherings, such as concerts, until further notice to minimize the risk of spreading the disease.[353] This prompted several local and international artists to either cancel or postpone their scheduled concerts and fan meets.[354][355][356]
Local television networks temporarily stopped admitting live audiences for their television shows, including variety shows Eat Bulaga! and All-Out Sundays on GMA Network as well as It's Showtime and ASAP on ABS-CBN.[357] On March 13, both ABS-CBN and GMA announced that they would suspend productions on their entertainment programs by March 15, replacing affected programs with reruns of previous series or extended newscast runs.[358][359]
Broadcast radio companies are also curtailing their operations during the quarantine period, either by shortening their broadcast hours and/or suspending regular programming in favor of "special broadcasts".[360]
Media watchdogs noted that during the COVID-19 pandemic in the Philippines, free speech and press freedom were subject to increased legal and administrative restrictions.[361][362] In 2021, during the commemoration of World Press Freedom Day, the Committee to Protect Journalists said that harassment, arrests, and killings of journalists by agents of the state continued during the pandemic.[363]
Religion
[edit]
The Roman Catholic Church in the Philippines issued preventive guidelines against the pandemic through the Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines (CBCP). In January 2020, the CBCP issued a liturgical guideline which urges Mass attendees to "practice ordinarily" the receiving of communion by hand, and avoid holding hands while praying the Lord's Prayer during Mass. As a spiritual measure against the spread of the disease, the CBCP also composed an oratio imperata (obligatory prayer) which is to be recited during Mass. In February 2020, the CBCP issued a second liturgical guideline in anticipation of the Lenten season. The bishops suggested that during Ash Wednesday, ashes would be sprinkled on the faithfuls' head instead of the customary marking of the forehead with a cross to minimize body contact. The CBCP also urged people to refrain from kissing or touching the cross for veneration during Good Friday, particularly the celebration of the Passion of Jesus. They suggested genuflection or bowing as an alternative to the practice.[364] Dioceses across the country have suspended the public celebration of Masses.[365] On April 8, Holy Wednesday, the CBCP organized an interfaith prayer service against the spread of the coronavirus, which was televised nationwide.[366]
Other Christian denominations and organizations, such as the Iglesia ni Cristo[367][368] and the Jehovah's Witnesses,[369] have suspended live worship services and resorted to organizing worship services through online platforms. The Philippine Council of Evangelical Churches, an organization composed of Evangelical and Protestant church member organizations in the country, also adopted similar measures.[370]
The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints directed missionaries assigned in the Philippines who are not native to the country to move out for temporary reassignment to another country. They were ordered to self-quarantine in their new homes for 14 days.[371]
The Islamic community in the Philippines has also adopted measures against COVID-19. The Regional Darul Ifta' of Bangsamoro suspended all congregational prayers in the Bangsamoro region from March 19 to April 10.[372]
Sports
[edit]
Several ongoing or scheduled seasons of sports leagues in the Philippines, such as the ASEAN Basketball League, Maharlika Pilipinas Basketball League, Philippine Basketball Association,[373] National Basketball League, Philippines Football League,[374] and Philippine Super Liga, were suspended.[375] Upcoming sporting competitions hosted by the country, specifically the Badminton Asia Championships (initially scheduled to be hosted in Wuhan but was moved to Manila)[376] and the AFF Women's Championship, were postponed.[377] Regional qualification games involving Philippine national teams were likewise postponed.[378][379]
On April 29, 2020, the Philippine Sports Commission have announced that they will cancel all of their sporting events until December 2020 to comply with government directives that prohibit mass gathering events. This meant that the Palarong Pambansa in Marikina, the Philippine National Games,[380] and the ASEAN Para Games[381] were all cancelled.
Elections
[edit]
The Commission on Elections has suspended the nationwide voter registration on March 10 until the end of the month due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The registration period began on January 20, 2020, and is scheduled to run until September 30, 2021.[382] The suspension was later extended to last until the end of April. The issuance of voter's certification is also suspended until further notice. The next national elections scheduled in the Philippines are in May 2022.[383] The plebiscite to ratify legislation that proposes the partition of Palawan into three smaller provinces scheduled for May 2020 was also delayed due to the pandemic.[384]
Misinformation and hoaxes
[edit]
After the initial outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in the Philippines, conspiracy theories, misinformation, and disinformation emerged online regarding the origin, scale, prevention, treatment, and various other aspects of the disease.[citation needed]
The DOH has advised against spreading misinformation and unverified claims concerning the pandemic.[385] The Philippine National Police on their part has taken action against the spread of misinformation related to the pandemic and has warned the public that misinformation purveyors could be charged for violating Presidential Decree no. 90 for "declaring local rumor, mongering and spreading false information". In the case of misinformation circulated online, violators could be charged for violating the Cybercrime Prevention Act which has a maximum penalty of imprisonment for 12 years.[386] The Bayanihan to Heal as One Act also punishes fake news peddlers of two months jail time or fine of up to ₱1 million.[387]
According to a report by Reuters, the United States ran a propaganda campaign to spread disinformation about the Sinovac Chinese COVID-19 vaccine, including using fake social media accounts to spread the disinformation that the Sinovac vaccine contained pork-derived ingredients and was therefore haram under Islamic law.[388] The campaign primarily targeted people in the Philippines and used a social media hashtag for "China is the virus" in Tagalog.[388] The campaign ran from the spring of 2020 to mid-2021.[388]
Statistics
[edit]
The DOH publishes official numbers through its daily case bulletins at 4:00 pm (PhST).[389]
By region
[edit]
By demographic
[edit]
In the table below, the general lethality of COVID-19 in the Philippines is presently given around 1.6%, implying around 2 deaths and 98 potential survivors per 100 cases.[2] To compare the three well-known coronavirus diseases, the case fatality rate of the 2002 severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) outbreak was higher at 11%,[390] while that of the 2012 Middle East respiratory syndrome (MERS) outbreak was much higher at 36%.[391]
Progression charts
[edit]
Notes
[edit]
See also
[edit]
2009 swine flu pandemic in the Philippines
2019–2021 polio outbreak in the Philippines
2019 measles outbreak in the Philippines
References
[edit]
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https://www.passporthealthusa.com/destination-advice/philippines/
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en
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Travel Vaccines and Advice for Philippines
|
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] |
[] |
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[
""
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[] | null |
Headed to Manila or Quezon City? Passport Health has all the vaccines and advice you need for your trip including JE and rabies. Click or tap for more.
|
en
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https://www.passporthealthusa.com/destination-advice/philippines/
|
The Philippines is made up of over 7,000 islands, with views and activities to suit every traveler’s preferences. There are beaches perfect for sun tanning, diving, boating, kayaking, surfing or even kite-boarding.
More inland, there is rock climbing and tons of zip-lines to explore. In the cities, travelers will be able to appreciate the Spanish-Filipino architecture, historical buildings and welcoming people.
On This Page:
Do I Need Vaccines for Philippines?
Other Ways to Stay Healthy in Philippines
Do I Need a Visa or Passport for Philippines?
What Is the Climate Like in Philippines?
Is It Safe to Travel to Philippines?
Visiting Cebu Island
What Should I Pack for Philippines?
U.S. Embassy to Philippines
Do I Need Vaccines for Philippines?
Other Ways to Stay Healthy in Philippines
Do I Need a Visa or Passport for Philippines?
What Is the Climate Like in Philippines?
Is It Safe to Travel to Philippines?
Visiting Cebu Island
What Should I Pack for Philippines?
U.S. Embassy to Philippines
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https://www.philstar.com/nation/2024/03/21/2342121/p761-billion-covid-19-allowance-health-workers-released
|
en
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P76.1 billion COVID-19 allowance for health workers released
|
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[
"allowance",
"covid -19"
] | null |
[
"Louise Maureen Simeon, Mayen Jaymalin",
"Louise Maureen Simeon",
"Mayen Jaymalin"
] |
2024-03-21T00:00:00
|
The health emergency allowance of health workers who served during the COVID pandemic amounting to P76.1 billion has been released.
|
https://www.philstar.com/images/Home/favicon.ico
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Philstar.com
|
https://www.philstar.com/nation/2024/03/21/2342121/p761-billion-covid-19-allowance-health-workers-released
|
MANILA, Philippines — The health emergency allowance (HEA) of health workers who served during the COVID pandemic amounting to P76.1 billion has been released.
In a statement released on Tuesday night, the Department of Health (DOH) said more than 8.5 million claims from July 2021 to July 20, 2023 have been settled.
The DOH said P19.9 billion has been allotted for HEA under the programmed appropriation for this year, of which 99 percent or P19.7 billion was distributed to eligible health facilities.
“The DOH still requires an estimated P27 billion to pay for arrears filed by health facilities,” the department said.
Additional funds can be released only after signing of memorandums of agreement as well as liquidation by concerned local government units and private hospitals of HEA funds that had been paid.
The DOH gave assurance that it continues to coordinate with the Department of Budget and Management (DBM) for the payment of HEA.
“We are ready to release the funds as soon as concerned private and local government unit hospitals comply with the law that requires liquidation,” it said.
The DBM said it has released a total of P91.2 billion to cover the benefits of healthcare workers since 2021.
It called on the DOH to finalize the computation of pending HEA claims to determine if additional funding is required.
The grant of HEA to eligible health care workers is provided under the Public Health Emergency Benefits and Allowance for Health Care Workers Act.
Under the law, health care workers are entitled to HEAs for every month of service while the country is under a state of public health emergency.
Meanwhile, DOH employees defended the department against criticisms over the delay in the release of HEA as well as COVID sickness and death compensation.
The Unyon ng mga Kawani ng Kagawaran ng Kalusugan Sentral said the DOH observes and follows government accountring rules and regulations to ensure judicious and accountable utilization of funds.
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2877
|
dbpedia
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3
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https://www.usaid.gov/
|
en
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U.S. Agency for International Development
|
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[
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2024-08-07T08:16:00
|
USAID is the world's premier international development agency and a catalytic actor driving development results. USAID's work advances U.S. national security and economic prosperity, demonstrates American generosity, and promotes a path to recipient self-reliance and resilience.
|
en
|
/themes/custom/uswds_usaid/favicon.ico
|
U.S. Agency for International Development
|
https://www.usaid.gov/
|
Partner with USAID
Access WorkwithUSAID.gov in Spanish, French, and Arabic
WorkwithUSAID.gov is now available in Spanish, French, and Arabic! Click on "English" in the top right corner to change languages. By providing access to important and informative content in other languages, we aim to provide local organizations in partner countries with an orientation to USAID and the partnership process. WorkwithUSAID.gov is a great place to learn about USAID, and now Spanish-, French-, and Arabic-speaking partners can benefit from the knowledge and tools contained on the platform. In addition to the website translations, WorkwithUSAID.gov hosts more than 150 resource documents in eight languages—Arabic, Burmese, French, Portuguese, Spanish, Swahili, Ukrainian, and Vietnamese.
|
||||
2877
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 68 |
https://bmchealthservres.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s12913-020-05699-0
|
en
|
Connecting communities to primary care: a qualitative study on the roles, motivations and lived experiences of community health workers in the Philippines
|
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[
"Don Jervis",
"Arianna Maever L",
"Palileo-Villanueva"
] |
2020-09-11T00:00:00
|
Community health workers (CHWs) are an important cadre of the primary health care (PHC) workforce in many low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). The Philippines was an early adopter of the CHW model for the delivery of PHC, launching the Barangay (village) Health Worker (BHW) programme in the early 1980s, yet little is known about the factors that motivate and sustain BHWs’ largely voluntary involvement. This study aims to address this gap by examining the lived experiences and roles of BHWs in urban and rural sites in the Philippines. This cross-sectional qualitative study draws on 23 semi-structured interviews held with BHWs from barangays in Valenzuela City (urban) and Quezon province (rural). A mixed inductive/ deductive approach was taken to generate themes, which were interpreted according to a theoretical framework of community mobilisation to understand how characteristics of the social context in which the BHW programme operates act as facilitators or barriers for community members to volunteer as BHWs. Interviewees identified a range of motivating factors to seek and sustain their BHW roles, including a variety of financial and non-financial incentives, gaining technical knowledge and skill, improving the health and wellbeing of community members, and increasing one’s social position. Furthermore, ensuring BHWs have adequate support and resources (e.g. allowances, medicine stocks) to execute their duties, and can contribute to decisions on their role in delivering community health services could increase both community participation and the overall impact of the BHW programme. These findings underscore the importance of the symbolic, material and relational factors that influence community members to participate in CHW programmes. The lessons drawn could help to improve the impact and sustainability of similar programmes in other parts of the Philippines and that are currently being developed or strengthened in other LMICs.
|
en
|
/static/img/favicons/bmc/apple-touch-icon-582ef1d0f5.png
|
BioMed Central
|
https://bmchealthservres.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s12913-020-05699-0
|
Community health workers (CHWs) are an important cadre on the frontline of health systems in many low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). The 1979 Alma Ata Declaration on Primary Health Care (PHC), with its call for both more health workers and greater community participation [1], paved the way for CHWs to assume a greater range of functions, from health promotion to case management, with growing evidence of their increasing role which they have been shown to execute effectively and with good value for money [2].
In many parts of the world, CHWs are seen as a means to deliver culturally appropriate health services to the community, serving as liaisons between community members and health care providers [3]. To achieve this, health systems and programmes typically enlist lay individuals with in-depth understanding of the culture and language of the communities from which they are drawn, with the expectation that they will require only minimal education and in-service training, although this will depend on their scope of work [4]. In 1981, the Philippines was one of the first countries to implement at scale the Alma Alta recommendation of PHC based on community participation (Fig. 1) [5].
Operating at the level of barangays or villages, the smallest unit of governance in the Philippines, volunteer Barangay Health Workers (BHWs) have evolved to become an essential component of the nation’s healthcare workforce [6,7,8] and have been key to the success of PHC in the country [5, 8]. In recognition of their contribution, the Philippine Congress passed the BHWs’ Benefits and Incentives Act (Republic Act 7883) in 1995 (Fig. 1), which is the most recent major reform to the BHW role. The law aimed to empower BHWs to self-organise, to strengthen and systematise their services to communities, and to create a forum for sharing experiences and recommending policies and guidelines [9]. The law also required local governments to offer benefits and allowances to BHWs, as well as scholarships for their children. The only constraint imposed by the law was that the number of BHWs could not exceed 1% of the community’s population. In practice, however, the number of BHWs, along with the scope of their responsibilities and the size of their allowances, are determined by the budget of the decentralised local government health board covering the barangay to which BHWs are assigned.
BHWs have now existed in the Philippines for almost four decades and have often been commended in evaluations of local health systems and community participation [6, 10, 11]. Yet, we lack a good understanding of what motivates and sustains their involvement on a largely voluntary basis. This understanding is crucial as the programme’s continued success and sustainability relies on its ability to motivate and mobilise community members to act as peer health advocates – and the difficulty of realising such community mobilisation has been noted [12]. The longevity of the Philippine BHW programme, especially when compared with more recent CHW models elsewhere, provides an excellent case study to explore these topics in depth.
This study aims to address this gap by documenting the experiences and roles of BHWs in selected urban and rural sites in the Philippines. We follow Campbell and Cornish’s approach that draws attention to relational and material aspects of the social context of participation, enhancing understanding of facilitators to community mobilisation to improve health [12]. This helps identify contextual dimensions often neglected in the literature that undermine or support community members’ motivation to participate in the BHW programme and sustain their involvement over time [12, 13]. As many countries are in the process of implementing new CHW programmes or strengthening existing ones, the findings from this study could inform ‘task shifting’ programmes and policies that seek to empower and mobilise communities to take more control over their health by means of CHWs [14], both in the Philippines and in other LMICs.
This study was conducted as part of the Responsive and Equitable Health Systems-Partnership on Non-Communicable Disease (RESPOND) project, which uses longitudinal mixed-methods to better understand health system barriers to care for hypertension as a tracer condition for non-communicable diseases (NCD) in the Philippines [15]. The study was conducted in purposefully selected urban barangays in the City of Valenzuela and rural barangays in Quezon province, and data for this analysis was collected via semi-structured interviews with BHWs as part of the facilities assessment component of the RESPOND project.
Data collection and management
A senior in-country, bilingual, social scientist researcher led the data collection and supervised two in-country, bilingual, trained research assistants (one male, one female) with relevant experience and backgrounds in communication and public health in administering semi-structured interviews in pairs in Filipino. A total of 23 BHWs were purposefully recruited, 13 from Valenzuela City and 10 from Quezon province, to maximize diversity of experience in terms of length of service, education and age, across the participating barangays. All BHWs in the study sites were women and those agreeing to participate in the study varied in age from 35 to 75 years. All but one were married. Their lengths of service ranged from 1 to 38 years, with 8 possessing 11 or more years of experience. Two participants reported recently returning to their duties following periods undertaking parental and household duties. The educational background of participants ranged from primary school to undergraduate degree. None received formal training as a health professional prior to starting their roles as BHWs.
The interview guide focused on their motivations for becoming a BHW, their day-to-day experiences of developing their role and responsibilities in the community, and their understanding of hypertension (Supplementary File 1). As BHWs in RESPOND project communities were engaged in the sampling of the household survey component, they were approached directly and oriented to the nature of the BHW study. Written informed consent was acquired from those who wished to participate, and interviews with each were arranged and conducted by the two research assistants in Filipino as the mutually shared language. Because all interviewees were women, it was considered important to include a female and male interviewer who could work flexibly to minimise response bias. Interviews were conducted and audio recorded in a secure place selected by participants between September 2018 and October 2019, lasting 30–60 min. After 15 interviews, data saturation was reached and subsequent interviews were conducted to ensure no new data was generated and to maximise sampling diversity.
Following each interview, written notes were reviewed jointly by the research assistants and BHWs to ensure accurate representation and interpretation. The two research assistants transcribed each interview recording verbatim in Filipino, and the fidelity transcriptions was assessed by the senior researcher against the recording. Anonymised transcripts were produced by removing all personal identifiers and attributes, and participants were assigned a pseudonym, which have been applied throughout this report. Research notes and signed consent forms were stored in locked cabinets accessible only to the research team. All digital audio recordings, digitised research notes, and original and anonymised transcript files were stored separately on secure, encrypted and password protected servers or laptops. All non-anonymised research material (e.g. audio recordings, original transcripts, notes) will be destroyed at project end, while consent forms and anonymised transcripts will be kept securely for 7 years thereafter.
Data analysis and rigour
Verbatim transcriptions in Filipino were analysed using NVivo 12 software [16]. The senior social scientist led the open reading of the Filipino transcripts and several rounds of coding using a thematic approach [17] with the research assistants. The coding frame emerged, in part, inductively through multiple, iterative readings of the interview transcripts, but was also informed from our a priori interest in motivations and experiences of BHWs, drawing on Campbell and Cornish’s approach to examining how a “health enabling social environment” affects community mobilisation and participation [12]. After several rounds of coding, analytical memos of emerging and recurring themes were shared with the broader research team, who have expertise in primary health care, health system strengthening in LMICs and the local context, to conduct interpretation and contextualisation via regular discussions in English, ensuring the relevance and transferability of the results both locally and globally. This also included critical assessments of the findings’ plausibility, consistency with other research of findings, and in light of researchers’ own biases, preconceptions, preferences, and dynamic with the respondent (i.e. researchers were health professionals and/or staff of well-known universities) to ensure validity. Key themes, supporting quotations and statements included in memos (and subsequently in the manuscript) were extracted from interview transcripts and translated to English by the bilingual research assistants; and the quality of translations was assessed by bilingual senior researchers by checking and rechecking transcripts against the translated interpretations [18].
Informed consent and ethical approval
Ethical approval for the research was obtained from the local research ethics board of the University of the Philippines Manila Panel 1. We obtained written informed consent from BHWs prior to the interview, ensuring that their anonymity, privacy and confidentiality would be maintained. BHWs were advised of their right to withdraw their participation at any time, although none of the participating BHWs did so.
In this section, we summarise the lived experiences of community members who volunteer as BHWs in our urban and rural study locations. We also describe the salient themes from these accounts that relate to factors that influenced their initial motivation to volunteer and that determine their continuing involvement.
Becoming a BHW: the role of socio-political positioning and technical knowledge
The social relationships and political positioning of BHWs played an important role in their pathway to participation in the local health system (i.e. recruitment, appointment, and continuing inclusion). Recruitment was largely dependent on having these socio-political connections rather than on having the right skills or technical knowledge to deliver health services. The barangay captain, the leader of the village administration, holds the power to appoint BHWs, and with no formal guidelines to follow, appointments are arbitrary. Some BHWs recalled that they or their peers were appointed by the captain as a result of personal or political relationships, or following a recommendation from other barangay officials, including current BHWs or health staff. Some of the reasons cited for these endorsements included a history of active involvement in barangay activities, such as programmes on feeding, family planning, and fitness. For example, Amy (1 year in service) shared:
I volunteered myself and I said to [the barangay councillor] that if he wins, [allot me a position]. I’ve been applying since before, but I was not given the opportunity. I only volunteer. When he won a seat, I finally got a position at the [health] centre. [The councillor] is my husband’s buddy.
Importantly, however, there need not be any reason for the endorsement other than the prospective BHW’s need for a job, as Ellen (2 years in service) recalled:
My livelihood then was to wash and iron clothes and take to care of children. But when I had a grandchild I could no longer do those tasks, so I asked the barangay treasurer (who happens to be my co-godmother) for any available jobs in the barangay. She told me that they can make me a BHW, so I suddenly became one.
Ellen’s example points to the informality of the application process to become a BHW, something supported by most respondents’ accounts. Cea (11 years in service) recalled that she was interviewed by the local doctor and simply asked (not assessed) about her capacity to work in health centre: “I was interviewed and she asked, ‘Can you do community area activities? Can you do duties in the health centre? Can you do all of this?’” Skills and professional qualification, while useful, are largely secondary to personal connections.
Given that barangay captains are elected every 3 years and their power to appoint (or remove) BHWs, one’s position may not be secure when administrations change. Many BHWs recalled instances when they or their former peers were dismissed because they were not allied politically with the newly elected captain’s party. Luisa (5 years in service) shared that she was dismissed because her religious values did not permit her to vote; while Catherine (6 years in service) recalled that she was dismissed unexpectedly at an earlier point in her career:
We thought that they would not remove anyone, including BHW positions. I was confident. I did not even vote and had no involvement in the political system. After the election on July 1, I went to the barangay office and my name was not included on the list of BHWs.
While a connection to barangay officials appears to be a common route to becoming a BHW, involvement with the wrong politician or non-involvement in politics can also be liability, underscoring the political nature of the position. However, several examples of more merit-based appointments were noted, such as where applicants had previously volunteered for other community activities or programmes (e.g. in the barangay day care centre) or assisted existing BHWs.
Mediating health: bridging and linking community members to services
In general, the activities performed by BHWs involved two roles: serving as frontline health centre staff and acting as community health mobilisers. However, the balance of activities depended on the priorities of the health centre manager to which the BHW was assigned. BHWs were commonly involved in various health centre programmes, including immunisation, maternal care, family planning and hypertension management. Their weekly schedules varied from barangay to barangay, but they typically spent the whole day in health centres 2–3 times a week.
As frontline staff at local health centres, BHWs are often the first point of contact for patients. They welcome patients and perform a range of specific tasks, including admitting and interviewing patients and recording patient information and/or vital signs (e.g. blood pressure), before being seen by a doctor or nurse, if available. BHWs confirmed that their role did not involve diagnosing or prescribing.
As community health mobilisers, BHWs serve as a bridge between the community and their local health centre, promoting health and engagement with existing services, often working house-to-house. They particularly encourage uptake of programmes such as child feeding and NCD prevention and screening at health centres. While they are not allowed to dispense medicines, administer vaccines, or provide direct patient care, they play a supportive role, which includes assisting midwives, blood pressure monitoring, and talking to and motivating patients to adopt appropriate health behaviours. Gina (38 years in service) shared:
We encourage them. This is our job: to encourage them that we have a health centre and to seek help if they feel something.
BHWs also assist patients in the community with self-management of their chronic conditions. For instance, they measure the blood pressure of those with hypertension at both the health centre and during house-to-house visits, take the opportunity to remind patients of upcoming follow-up appointments, advise them if medicines are available at the health centre for prescription refills, and educate community members. Ruby (22 years in service) shared:
I remind them that they should not be confident if they don’t feel anything [symptoms]. We don’t know if we have hypertension.
BHWs’ role as community health mobilisers also includes a public health surveillance component, following up on non-adherence and surveying prevailing health conditions in the community. April (8 years in service) described:
If we are not in the health centre, we visit our assigned area. We ask who is pregnant. We ask who is sick. We ask who has tuberculosis. We also do lectures on tuberculosis.
Denden (10 years in service) also described:
We visit them. We knock on their doors and ask why they don’t visit the centre. We remind them to finish the programme. If they give us a chance, we explain the need to continue the programme. It’s like the patient and I are a tandem.
BHWs’ local knowledge and position in the community are useful assets in their role as health mediators, helping them to identify health needs and engage with community members to link them to services. Maria (2 years in service) talked about using her local knowledge and position in the community to achieve this:
We know for example in our community who has tuberculosis. We always research them, so that we encourage them to undergo treatment. During immunisation, we notify parents to bring their child to the health centre.
BHWs also mentioned that they are often approached by patients before they have reached the health centre, which suggests that they enjoy a high level of trust among community members as intermediaries of the health system. Lili (11 years in service) told us about being contacted often by patients asking for medicines and using this opportunity to remind then about the importance of engaging with services to “consult the doctor before taking medicine. It’s just not about taking medicine.”
Contracting arrangements and compensation
BHWs are considered part-time, volunteer workers and not government employees. Hence, they do not receive a regular salary. However, BHWs from rural areas reported being given honoraria and allowances of PhP 1150 (USD24) each month; in urban communities honoraria were also paid but their size, and that of any other allowances, varied depending on whether they were contracted by city or barangay administrations, with the latter having smaller budgets. Although urban BHWs all perform similar duties and report to local health centres, the financial incentives, in the form of honoraria to acknowledge their voluntary contributions and allowances to cover the incidental costs of carrying out their assignments (e.g. transport), varied by location. For barangay-funded BHWs, the combined lump sum was reported as PhP 2300 (USD 50) per month distributed in cash by barangay offices, and PhP 3000 (USD 60) for city-funded BHWs paid through a designated local bank. In addition to honoraria and allowances, city-funded BHWs are provided with PhilHealth membership, the national social health insurance programme.
Other non-monetary incentives that BHWs reported receiving included free medicines from the health centre, free health services, and groceries at Christmas from local or barangay administrations. Since the honoraria received by both rural and urban BHWs is insufficient to support themselves and their families, most respondents reported also having part-time jobs, mostly in the service industry, alongside their BHW duties.
Beyond economic empowerment: social positioning and common good
We now describe how relational dimensions of BHWs’ work play an important role in their initial motivations and in sustaining participation over time. Interviewees described a range of motivations for volunteering as BHWs, with the desire to serve the community and improve its health as the most frequently mentioned factor. Gina (38 years in service) described this motivation to contribute to the common good of the community:
I observed the lack of health [knowledge] in our barangay. Parents are not aware of what to do for their child’s fever. They only cover them with [wet towels]. It's just like a cold. I want to know why, why they lack attention and knowledge.
Sisa (1 year in service) cited similar motivation and particularly wanted to improve health-seeking behaviour of the community: “I want the community to be aware that if they are sick, they should consult a doctor. I advise them to go to the doctor.” Jhoanne (4 years in service) derived pleasure from serving the community: “I’m happy to serve my fellow community members. You will be happy if you do it with you heart. You will learn a lot [from being a BHW].”
Supporting the community required some BHWs to contribute their own money, for example to purchase medicines for patients who could not afford them, and to cover costs to travel to their assigned areas. April (8 years in service) described the honorarium and allowances provided as insufficient to shoulder such expenses:
During our areas of assignment, it’s our own-pocket expenses. It’s fortunate if the barangay can provide a transportation service. What if none? We will walk and of course, we will eat and drink. Not all households can provide drinks. Our PhP 3000 honorarium [and allowance] is really not enough.
Gina (38 years in service), said that it was inevitable that she would use her own funds:
I visited a patient and he had no food. I gave my own money. I also arrived when he was sick. He had no money for medicine and I gave him money. I accompanied a patient to the hospital. It’s my own pocket expense.
Mell (5 years in service) described how a provincial governor promised to increase the financial incentives given to BHWs.
Our governor’s term is about to end, but he promised that we, the BHWs, will become counterparts of nurses, doctors and midwives. We need salary. We need honorarium.
Although some BHWs reported struggling financially as a consequence of the low honorarium and allowances, they still expressed contentment with what they were doing. The opportunity to serve the community gave them a sense of fulfilment, through the relational aspects of their involvement in the programme. Their relationships with other BHWs, patients, and the wider community, as well as the new knowledge they gained, compensated for the relative lack of financial and non-financial incentives. Denden (10 years in service) expressed that it was not about how high her compensation was:
If feels good to help. Sometimes [patients] comfortably share their stories. That’s the best part. After they are treated, they go again to you and say thank you. That’s the best part to us. A simple thank you means a lot and it makes us smile. It’s not about how high is our compensation. If you enjoy your work, it’s the best feeling. It’s feels good to give service to the community.
Enhancing one’s social position, particularly through establishing new relationships in the community, gaining respect, and acquiring technical knowledge, played an important role in sustaining participation. Amy (1 year in service) echoed: “Patients trust us. One of my neighbours visited my house and asked if I can take her blood pressure or when I will next be on duty. [I feel] they trust me. They wait for me to be on duty.”
Cherry (12 years in service) shared that she gained respect (‘respeto’) from being a BHW:
Interviewer: What do you feel being a BHW? Are you happy?
Cherry: “I’m happy that they address me as ‘Ma’am’. If I was not a BHW, they would not address me as ‘Ma’am’. I’m happy with that. They respect me. I gain respect.”
Many BHWs spoke of the opportunities to travel outside of their localities, develop camaraderie with fellow BHWs, and acquire health knowledge as rewards in themselves, pointing to the role conferring a multiplicity of benefits. As Lili (11 years in service) said:
Being a BHW is difficult, but fun, because you are able to visit places you don't get to visit for seminars, out of town activities, and the like. And then of course the ‘bonding’ here in the health centre. It’s also fun because we learn a lot.
This camaraderie also appeared to be developed and reinforced through the model of BHW training, which was similar in both urban and rural study locations. New recruits typically shadowed more experienced BHWs and other health workers to familiarise themselves with health centre workflows. This was followed by brief training on basic procedures, such as blood pressure monitoring and first-aid. BHWs gained further knowledge and skills through participating in occasional activities organised by national and/or local government agencies, including workshops on immunisation, tuberculosis management and monitoring, and basic life support, among others. While BHWs found such activities useful, many claimed that the most valuable sources of knowledge and skills came from their interactions with experienced BHWs and from their own experiences on the job.
Finally, since the BHWs interviewed were typically mothers and wives, they also found the additional income and, as mentioned above, the opportunity to gain health knowledge and skills as attractive incentives. As Sisa (1 year in service) recalled:
I’m a mother and for my children, it’s good that I have [health] knowledge. I have no husband and I mainly guide my children. I need [health] knowledge in case of emergency. I can use what [I learn] as a BHW and apply it to my family.
This paper examines the experiences of local women in urban and rural locations of the Philippines involved in the delivery of primary care as part of the national BHW programme, a four-decade-long experiment in community participation. By focussing on the socio-political and material conditions that facilitate and sustain their involvement in the programme, as advocated by Campbell and Cornish [12], the findings from this case study identify factors that contribute to the continued success and longevity the BHW programme in these settings. Such findings may improve the impact and sustainability of similar programmes in other parts of the Philippines and other LMICs. Below, we use the concepts suggested by Campbell and Cornish to contextualise our results [12].
Symbolic context
Regarding the symbolic context, which refers to relevant meanings, ideologies or worldviews that shape community perceptions of the BHW programme, the participants’ accounts indicate that the BHW role is respected by community members and confers social status, which are two widely recognised factors known to motivate individual CHWs [19]. Those interviewed in both rural and urban locations noted that community members valued them as resource persons for health, and as peer supporters who assisted others to navigate the health system and manage their health conditions. These symbolic meanings attached to the BHW role are also formally acknowledged and reinforced in several ways. First, the BHW role is defined in national law, which recognises them as essential components of the national health workforce with specific rights and responsibilities [9]. Also, the value of BHW contributions to primary care service delivery is embodied in the monetary compensation (i.e. honorarium) mandated by the law and the various non-monetary incentives provided to them. That many of the interviewees became BHWs through appointment by community officials further signals the perceived status attached to the role.
While the respect conferred by each of the symbolic factors noted above motivated many participants to initially seek and maintain their BHW appointment, the same factors were also found to have certain stigmas attached, which could discourage community members from becoming BHWs. The commonly held view that BHW appointments are politicised or require personal connections to local officials poses a barrier to wider community participation, leading to an inequitable distribution throughout the community of the health and social benefits derived from the BHW programme. The resulting turnover of BHW staff at each electoral cycle also negatively affects the sustainability and effectiveness of the programme, as resources invested into training BHWs and building rapport within the community are lost with each new round of appointments. This also negatively impacts the ‘embeddedness’ of BHWs in the community and their integration into local health systems, which are recognised enablers to CHW programme success [2]. It is notable that reforming the BHW appointment process was recommended as far back as the early 1990s [20]. Furthermore, the national BHW law codifies the role as ‘voluntary’, despite the recognition of the essential contributions that they make to the health system [9]. While not explicitly mentioned by any participants during interviews, some may question why such an essential role is only voluntary, rather than salaried.
Our observation that the BHWs engaged in all of our study sites were exclusively female points to yet another symbolic factor that may limit wider participation and the impact of the programme: the persistent effect of cultural patriarchy on women’s labour force participation in the Philippines. Despite the country’s world-leading performance on several key indicators of gender equality, the most recent figures for 2019 indicate that just under half of all Filipinas above 15 years of age are economically active, placing them in bottom third of over 180 nations [21]. Moreover, these women’s jobs are largely restricted to those considered as extensions of the mothering, caring and educating roles defined by a patriarchal worldview [22, 23]. The descriptions of the BHW role and factors motivating women to seek BHW appointments are consistent with this worldview, which likely explains the absence of male participation and the role’s categorisation as voluntary, as has been observed in numerous CHW programmes in both lower and higher income country settings [24]. While BHWs felt respected by community members, those who adhere to patriarchal views may not consider BHWs as sufficiently authoritative to trust or follow any health advice given, further eroding BHW’s embeddedness in the community and their impact of community health [2].
Material context
Participants in both rural and urban communities unanimously valued the various resources they were able to access as BHWs. These resources comprise Campbell and Cornish’s material context, which empowers community members to put themselves forward for appointment as BHWs [12]. Several described how the health knowledge and skills acquired as BHWs not only allowed them to perform their assigned tasks effectively, but also enhanced their roles as the carers and educators of family and friends. And while many protested the paltry level of monthly honorarium and allowances given to BHWs, this financial benefit was still considered a useful source of primary or secondary income; however, we acknowledge that this may be due to the fact that our participants were assigned to and drawn from low-income communities. These findings align closely with existing evidence, which also demonstrates clear positive links between incentive levels (both monetary and non-monetary) and CHW motivation, performance and retention [2, 19, 25].
The decentralisation of decision-making powers for the delivery of health care from national down to provincial, city/municipal and even barangay administrative levels [26] also appears to influence the material context of the BHW’s daily working conditions. This is most evident in the incentive packages that varied depending on the governance level to which the BHW was attached. Such decentralisation means that the amounts of local government budgets allocated to health, and primary care specifically, depends largely on the priorities of locally elected officials, which likely varies from jurisdiction to jurisdiction and administration to administration. This, in turn, is known to directly affect CHW’s scopes of work, remuneration and incentive levels, training and supervision, and logistical and material support (e.g. transport, medicines, equipment, etc.) needed for them to perform their duties – all of which impact their motivation, performance and retention, ultimately determining the effectiveness of CHW programmes [2, 7, 20, 27, 28]. Our findings suggest that BHW monetary incentives should be reviewed periodically by decentralised decision-makers to ensure that their levels are appropriate for their specific contexts and scopes of work, as has been advocated by several studies [29, 30]. Also, ensuring health centres are continuously stocked with medicines and supplies will support BHW activities and foster the trust and confidence that community members have both in BHWs and in local health services.
Finally, while it is acknowledged that CHWs in LMICs can effectively support a range community-based programmes targeting NCDs, including tobacco cessation, diabetes and hypertension control [31], evidence emerging from mainly high-income settings also suggests that, with sufficient training, supervision and definition in roles, they may also be effectively integrated into the provision of other primary care services, including mental health and drug rehabilitation [2, 32]. These issues have been prioritised by national government as reflected in several key reforms since 2012 that have mandated the involvement of BHWs in community services for mental health, hypertension, diabetes and addiction (Fig. 1) [33,34,35]. However, CHWs should not be used as a remedy for reducing the burden of other health workers or other symptoms of a weak health system [36]. Also, when broadening CHW responsibilities, careful consideration must be given to the education, training, remuneration and commitment required from CHWs to deliver such services, as such parameters vary from programme to programme, even within countries as described above. Importantly, programmes must ensure that such expansion does not result in task overload, which could reduce productivity and worsen health population health outcomes [37].
Relational context
Perhaps the factors that have contributed most to the success and longevity of the BHW programme in the Philippines pertain to the Campbell and Cornish’s relational context, which are the features that encourage community participation through the prospect of being involved in leadership, decision-making, and the building of social capital [12]. As above, the respect from community members that the BHW role confers is derived not only from the symbolic, but also from other features that mark out these individuals as community leaders. In our study communities, BHWs viewed themselves as ‘local’ health experts, peer mentors and trainers, and brokers and facilitators of patient care and access to the local health system, particularly for the underserved and marginalised in their communities, all of which are well documented nonmonetary CHW incentives [19]. These functions appeared to underlay the profound satisfaction they derived from their position, despite the perceived inadequacy of material remuneration. It is also evident that these leadership functions succeed by fostering the development of social capital in both its bonding form (by helping community members to “get by” and benefit from existing health services), and its bridging form (by helping other BHWs to “get ahead” and succeed in the role) [38].
Recent research has, indeed, clarified the significance of social capital for the CHW role. One review concludes that the CHW’s ability to affect positive health behaviour change rests largely on the bonding and bridging social capital existing between them and community members [39]. Others have discussed how the social capital wielded by CHWs in these forms is crucial to facilitating access to care in poor and marginalised communities [40]. Again, these notions resonate clearly with the experiences and motivations mentioned by respondents in both rural and urban study locations. With continuing urban migration, the rising burden of NCDs, and the immense strain these trends are placing on the health system both in the Philippines and beyond, the value CHWs and the social capital that they bring is only likely to grow in importance [41].
However, our findings suggest that more attention could be given to BHW involvement in decision-making about their role and primary care more generally, which itself constitutes a form of linking social capital as a means of spanning power divisions between community members and those who design and fund community health services [38]. Despite being explicitly mandated by Republic Act 7883 [9], the participant accounts from our study locations provided little evidence that such involvement occurred in any institutionalised form. Meaningful participation of BHWs in decision making represents yet another means of integrating and embedding them further into the local health system [2, 40]. In the decentralised Philippine context, this could be readily achieved, for example, through the inclusion of BHWs as ‘local’ health experts in multi-stakeholder consultations administered by local governments on the planning, financing, implementation, management and monitoring of community health services [42]. With the ongoing implementation of the Universal Health Care Act in the Philippines [43], and the renewed commitment to strengthen primary health care [44], a formidable cadre of BHWs stand ready to dedicate their time, energy and expertise to help realise these goals for the nation.
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File:Kagawaran ng Kalusugan.jpg
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The work depicted in this photograph or illustration is in the public domain in the Philippines and possibly other jurisdictions because it is a work created by an officer or employee of the Government of the Philippines or any of its subdivisions and instrumentalities, including government-owned and/or controlled corporations, as part of his regularly prescribed official duties; and consequently any work is ineligible for copyright under the terms of Part IV, Chapter I, Section 171.11 and Part IV, Chapter IV, Section 176 of Republic Act No. 8293 and Republic Act No. 10372, as amended, unless otherwise noted. However, in some instances, the use of this work in the Philippines or elsewhere may be regulated by this law or other laws.
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https://www.prometric.com/test-takers/search/mohkw
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en
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Ministry of Health Kuwait Medical Licensing Department
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https://www.prometric.com/test-takers/search/mohkw
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The Health Licensing Department was established based on Ministerial Resolution No. (176) dated 17/6/1993. The department is affiliated to the Assistant Undersecretary for Private Medical Services Affairs. It is responsible for Issuing of health licenses of all kinds in Kuwait (professional & institutions) except pharmacy since it has its own department.
The department regulate the process of licensing and the practice in the private sector. It consists of the following sections:
Professional Evaluation office
Licensing section
Inspection section
Legal office
Committee section
*Seniors Prometric Exams should be applied to by the following levels:
Consultant
Senior Specialist
Specialist
Senior Registrar
*Register Prometric exams should be applied to by level-registrar only.
All sections and offices in the department work simultaneously together for the final approval to release a license.
To visit the department website, please go to https://medlic.moh.gov.kw/OnlineMedicalLicense/preLogin.jsp
or to the Kuwait MOH site: https://www.moh.gov.kw
You can contact our department via email: license@moh.gov.kw during working hours from Sunday- Thursday from 8am-2pm
The exams of the Kuwait Medical Licensing Department are available at Prometric Testing Centers globally.
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Schedule your Exam at a Prometric Testing Center
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Americas
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Contact
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United States
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1-800-853-6764
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EMEA - Europe, Middle East, Africa
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https://health.hawaii.gov/
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en
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Hawaii State Department of Health
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Promoting Lifelong Health & Wellness
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en
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https://health.hawaii.gov/wp-content/themes/hic_state_template_parent/favicon.ico
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https://health.hawaii.gov/
|
To request language or accessibility for HDOH programs or public meetings, please contact the HDOH Non-Discrimination Coordinator, at (808) 586-4400 or email: [email protected]. Please allow sufficient time for HDOH to meet accommodation requests.
如欲針對在 HDOH 計劃或公開會議中提出語言或無障礙便利方面的要求,請聯絡 HDOH 非歧視協調員,致電 (808) 586-4400 或發送電子郵件至: [email protected]。請為 HDOH 留出足夠的時間來滿足您的便利要求。
Ren eom kopwe tungor fosun fonu ika atotongeni ren HDOH programs kena ika mwichen aramas meinisin kena, kose mochen kori ewe HDOH Non-Discrimination Coordinator, non (808)586-4400 ika email: [email protected]. Kose mochen mut ngenitamenon fansoun ren an HDOH epwe tori anenian tungor kena.
No ke noi ‘ana i kōkua ma ka māhele ‘ōlelo a i ‘ole ka lawelawe kīnānā ‘ana no nā papa hana a ka HDOH a i ‘ole nā hālāwai no ka lehulehu, e kūkā me ka Luna Ho‘okae o ka HDOH ma ka helu (808) 586-4400 a i ‘ole e leka uila i ka [email protected]. E ‘ae aku i ka manawa lō‘ihi kūpono e ho‘oponopono ai ka HDOH i kāu noi.
Tapno agkiddaw ti lenggwahe wenno pannaka-access ti programa ti HDOH wenno pampubliko nga miting, pangaasim ta kontakem ti non-discrimination nga coordinator ti HDOH sadjay (808) 586-4400 wenno email: [email protected]. Pangaasim ta ipaayam tiHDOH ti undas a tiempo a mangasikaso dagiti kiddaw ti pagdagusan.
HDOHのプログラムまたはオープンな会議における言語やアクセシビリティのリクエストは、HDOH無差別コーディネーター(電話:(808) 586-4400、またはメール: [email protected])までご連絡ください。HDOHがご要望にお応えできるよう、十分な時間をお取りください。
HDOH 프로그램 또는 공개 회의에 대한 언어 지원 또는 장애인 편의를 요청하시려면 HDOH 차별금지 조정관에게 (808) 5864400으로 전화하거나 이메일( [email protected])로 연락해 주십시오. HDOH에서 요청된 편의 사항을 마련할 수 있도록 충분한 시간을 주시기 바랍니다.
如需申请针对 HDOH 计划或公开会议的语言或无障碍服务,请致电 (808) 586-4400,或发送电子邮件至: :[email protected] 联系 HDOH 非歧视协调员。请留出足够的时间,以便 HDOH 有充足的时间来满足便利安排请求。
Ñan kajjitõk am maron bõk melele ikijen kajin ak lale melele ko ñan burokraam ko an HDOH ak kwelok ko aoleb armij remaron etal ñane, jouj im kebaak Rikõlaajrak eo ej lale Ejellok Kalijeklok an HDOH, ilo (808) 586-4400 ñe ejab email: [email protected]. Jouj im lelok ien ñan an HDOH kõtõbrak kajjitõk ko ikijen mennin jibañ.
Ina ia talosagaina le gagana po o le mauaina o polokalama o le HDOH po o fonotaga lautele, faamolemole faafesootai le Taitai Faamaopoopo o le HDOH e Le FaailogaLanu, i le (808) 586-4400 po o le imeli: [email protected]. Faamolemole ia faʻaavanoa se taimi talafeagai mo le HDOH e faataunuʻu ai ia talosaga.
Si desea solicitar servicios lingüísticos o accesibilidad para los programas o reuniones públicas del HDOH, contáctese con la coordinadora de actos de no discriminación del HDOH al (808) 586-4400 o por correo electrónico: [email protected]. Le pedimos que nosconceda tiempo suficiente para que el HDOH pueda satisfacer sus solicitudes de ayuda.
Para humiling ng wika o pagiging magagamit para sa mga programa o mga pampublikong pagpupulong ng HDOH, pakikontak ang Koordinador ng Walang Diskriminasyon ng HDOH, sa (808)586-4400 o mag-email sa: [email protected]. Mangyaring bigyan ngsapat na oras ang HDOH para makatugon sa mga kahilingan sa akomodasyon.
Ke kole ʻa e lea fakafonua pe lava ʻo ngāue ʻaki ʻa e ngaahi polokalama HDOH pe ngaahi fakataha fakapuleʻangá, kātaki ʻo fetuʻutaki ki he Kōʻotineita ʻIkai-Filifilimānako ʻa e HDOH, ʻi he (808) 586-4400 pe ʻīmeili: [email protected]. Kātaki ʻo ʻoange ha taimi feʻunga maʻá e HDOH ke fakakakao ʻa e ngaahi kole ki he nofoʻangá.
หากต้องการขอภาษาอื่นเพิ่มเติมหรือการเข้าถึงโปรแกรม HDOH หรือการประชุมสาธารณะ โปรดติดต่อผู้ประสานงานด้านการไม่เลือกปฏิบัติของ HDOH ที่หมายเลข (808) 586-4400 หรืออีเมล: [email protected] โปรดให้เวลาอย่างเพียงพอเพื่อให้ทาง HDOH สามารถตอบสนองต่อคาขอที่พ ักได้
Để yêu cầu ngôn ngữ hoặc quyền tiếp cận các chương trình HDOH hoặc các cuộc họp công khai, vui lòng liên hệ với Điều phối viên Phụ trách về Không phân biệt Đối xử của HDOH theo số (808)586-4400 hoặc gửi email tới: [email protected]. Vui lòng choHDOH đủ thời gian để đáp ứng các yêu cầu về biện pháp trợ giúp đặc biệt.
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https://www.facebook.com/DOHgovPH/
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Facebook
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Sieh dir auf Facebook Beiträge, Fotos und vieles mehr an.
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https://static.xx.fbcdn.net/rsrc.php/yb/r/hLRJ1GG_y0J.ico
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https://www.facebook.com/login/
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https://academic.oup.com/book/10044/chapter/157474472
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https://www.britannica.com/place/Philippines/Local-government
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en
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Philippines - Local Govt, Provinces, Municipalities
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[
"Philippines",
"encyclopedia",
"encyclopeadia",
"britannica",
"article"
] | null |
[
"Gregorio C. Borlaza",
"Michael Cullinane"
] |
1999-07-26T00:00:00+00:00
|
Philippines - Local Govt, Provinces, Municipalities: Before the arrival of the Spanish in the 16th century, most people lived in small independent villages called barangays, each ruled by a local paramount ruler called a datu. The Spanish later founded many small towns, which they called poblaciones, and from those centres roads or trails were built in four to six directions, like the spokes of a wheel. Along the roadsides arose numerous new villages, designated barrios under the Spanish, that were further subdivided into smaller neighbourhood units called sitios. Elements of both Spanish and indigenous local settlement structures have persisted into the early 21st century. The country
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en
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/favicon.png
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/place/Philippines/Local-government
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Before the arrival of the Spanish in the 16th century, most people lived in small independent villages called barangays, each ruled by a local paramount ruler called a datu. The Spanish later founded many small towns, which they called poblaciones, and from those centres roads or trails were built in four to six directions, like the spokes of a wheel. Along the roadsides arose numerous new villages, designated barrios under the Spanish, that were further subdivided into smaller neighbourhood units called sitios.
Audio File: National anthem of the Philippines
Head Of State And Government:
President: Ferdinand (“Bongbong”) Marcos, Jr.
Population:
(2024 est.) 116,628,000
Currency Exchange Rate:
1 USD equals 57.806 Philippine peso
Form Of Government:
unitary republic with two legislative houses (Senate [24]; House of Representatives [291])
Elements of both Spanish and indigenous local settlement structures have persisted into the early 21st century. The country is divided administratively into several dozen provinces, which are grouped into a number of larger regions. The National Capital Region (Metro Manila) has special status, as does the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao in the far south. Each province is headed by an elected governor. The provinces collectively embrace more than 100 cities and some 1,500 municipalities. The poblaciones are now the central business and administrative districts of larger municipalities. Although contemporary rural and urban settlement revolves around the poblaciones, the population is typically concentrated in the surrounding barangays, reinstated during the Marcos regime as the basic units of government (replacing the barrios). The barangays, which number in the tens of thousands, consist of communities of fewer than 1,000 residents that fall within the boundaries of a larger municipality or city. Cities, municipalities, and barangays all have elected officials.
Justice
The constitution of 1987, which reestablished the independence of the judiciary after the Marcos regime, provides for a Supreme Court with a chief justice and 14 associate justices. Supreme Court justices are appointed by the president from a list submitted by the Judicial and Bar Council and serve until they reach the age of 70. Lower courts include the Court of Appeals; regional, metropolitan, and municipal trial courts; and special courts, including the Court of Tax Appeals, Shariʿa (Sharīʿah) district and circuit courts of Islamic law, and the Sandiganbayan, a court for trying cases of corruption. Because justices and judges enjoy fixed tenure and moderate compensation, the judiciary has generally been less criticized than other branches of the government. However, the system remains challenged by lack of fiscal autonomy and an extremely low budget that long has amounted to just a tiny fraction of total government spending.
In order to reduce the load of the lower courts, local committees of citizens called Pacification Committees (Lupon Tagapamayapa) have been organized to effect extrajudicial settlement of minor cases between barangay residents. In each lupon (committee) there is a Conciliation Body (Pangkat Tagapagkasundo), the main function of which is to bring opposing parties together and effect amicable settlement of differences. The committee cannot impose punishment, but otherwise its decisions are binding.
Political process
Partisan political activity was vigorous until 1972, when martial law restrictions under Marcos all but eliminated partisan politics. Where the principal rivals had been the Nacionalista and Liberal parties, Marcos’s New Society Movement (Kilusan Bagong Lipunan; KBL), an organization created from elements of the Nacionalista Party and other supporters, emerged as predominant. Organized political opposition was revived for legislative elections held in 1978, and, since the downfall of Marcos, partisan politics has returned to its pre-1972 level, with a large number of political parties emerging.
The Filipino political scene is marked by parties constantly forming, re-forming, merging, and splintering into factions. Among the most prominent parties in the early decades of the 21st century were the Liberal Party and the Lakas Kampi Christian Muslim Democrats, the latter coming into being after the merger—completed in 2009—between the National Union of Christian Democrats (known as Lakas) and the Alliance of Free Filipinos (known as Kampi). Other parties included the Nacionalista Party, the Nationalist People’s Coalition, and the Force of the Filipino Masses (Pwersa ng Masang Pilipino; PMP). Many smaller parties are splinters from the larger organizations or are associated with particular regional interests. In addition, political victories are often achieved through party coalition, such as the United National Alliance, a coalition between the PMP and the Filipino Democratic Party–Laban that elected boxer Manny Pacquiao to the lower house in 2013.
Certain armed political organizations also operate within the country. The two main ones are the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), a Muslim separatist group that officially accepted Mindanao’s status as an autonomous region in the late 20th century but, in so doing, spawned splinter groups that remain committed to achieving a separate Islamic state; and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), which split from the MNLF in the late 1970s and more aggressively sought an independent Islamic state for Muslim Filipinos (Moros). In 2012 Pres. Benigno S. Aquino III and the MILF concluded a framework agreement to establish an autonomous Islamic region on the southern island of Mindanao, but breakaway factions within the MILF rejected the deal. Other groups included the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), a local fundamentalist Muslim organization that gained notoriety though its kidnap-for-ransom activities and alleged links with international terrorism, and the National Democratic Front (NDF), a communist-led insurgency movement.
The Philippines has universal suffrage for citizens who are at least 18 years old and have lived in the country for at least one year. Suffrage was granted to women in 1937. Since that time women have become prominent leaders at all levels of government, including the presidency.
Security
The Department of National Defense is divided into three services: the army, the navy, and the air force. The army is the largest division. Service in the military is voluntary and is open to both men and women. The commander in chief of the armed forces (the president of the Philippines) is a civilian.
The armed forces are responsible for external defense. However, they also work with the Philippine National Police (PNP) to contain the antigovernment military actions of the NDF, the MILF, the MNLF, and other domestic militant organizations. Both the military and the police participate in international peacekeeping efforts of the United Nations; Philippine forces have been deployed in such a capacity to Afghanistan, East Timor (Timor-Leste), Sudan, and other sites of conflict. The armed forces additionally engage in nonmilitary activities, such as providing disaster relief, constructing roads and bridges, and participating in literacy campaigns.
Under a series of agreements reached in 1947, shortly after Philippine independence, the United States continued to maintain several bases in the Philippines and to provide the Philippines with military equipment and training. Revision of the agreements in 1978 recognized Philippine sovereignty over the bases. All installations subsequently raised the Philippine flag and were placed under Filipino command.
When the revised treaties expired in 1991, the U.S. military presence on the bases ended. However, the two countries remained military allies, carrying out joint military exercises and engaging in mutual military assistance. Following the September 11 terrorist attacks against the United States in 2001, the Philippines joined the U.S.-led global coalition against terrorism. In so doing, the Philippines aimed to upgrade the effectiveness of its armed forces in combating terrorist activity, not only in the international arena but also within its own borders. In 2014 the two countries signed a new 10-year agreement that gave the U.S. military access to several of the bases.
The PNP falls under the supervision of the Department of the Interior and Local Government and is organized into regional and provincial commands. There are also numerous private armies organized by landowners and local politicians. Unsuccessful attempts have been made by various administrations to disband these civilian forces.
Health and welfare
Health and welfare are the responsibilities of the Department of Health (DOH) and the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD). The DOH maintains general, specialized, and research hospitals in urban centres throughout the country. There are also government-operated regional health centres and rural units, as well as private hospitals. Incorporated into the DSWD are several government agencies that address the needs of children, youths, women, families, and people with disabilities. A number of nongovernmental organizations and private social welfare agencies also cooperate with the department.
The rate of mortality in the early 21st century was considerably lower than it had been a few decades earlier in the latter part of the 20th century, particularly among infants, children under the age of five years, and mothers. There was also a generally steady increase in average life expectancy. The improvement in health is credited to better prenatal care and the services of more trained midwives, doctors, and nurses; improved housing, sanitation, and social security benefits; the provision of health services to government employees; the increasing number of medical and nursing school graduates; and the requirement that a medical graduate render rural service. Nonetheless, the demand for health care continues to outstrip available resources; a large number of trained medical professionals emigrate, particularly to the United States, and many of the poorest people still rely on the services of practitioners of traditional medicine and unlicensed midwives.
Housing
There is a serious housing shortage everywhere, although it is especially acute in Manila. In many places, people live in their own dwellings, but the houses are often substandard and lack elementary facilities for health and sanitation. To help meet this problem, the government has relocated thousands of “informal settlers” (i.e., squatters) in Manila to resettlement areas in nearby provinces. Assorted housing plans also have been instituted by various administrations since the Marcos era. Such projects generally consisted of model communities that provided residents with hygienic dwellings, a number of amenities, and facilities for raising livestock and for pursuing cottage industries and other means of making a living. Other important programs have included converting vacant government lands into housing sites for low-income individuals, as well as providing mortgage programs that allow needy families to acquire tracts of land for housing construction and improvement through membership in a specific development community.
Education
The Department of Education ensures that all school-age children and youths receive a basic high-quality education that will allow them to function as productive, socially responsible citizens. Elementary education in the Philippines is compulsory; it starts at age five and lasts for seven years (one year of kindergarten and six years of primary education). Secondary education begins at age 12 and lasts for an additional six years; undergraduate college instruction typically is four years. Vocational schools offer specialized training for one to three years, some in collaboration with the Technical Education and Skills Development Authority, an organization formed through the merger of several government agencies in the mid-1990s. The Bureau of Alternative Learning System offers opportunities to attain a basic education outside of the formal school system.
There are dozens of state-run universities and colleges, a large portion of them in Metro Manila, as well as a number of private institutions. The University of Santo Tomas, the oldest university in the Philippines, was founded in 1611. Other prominent tertiary institutions include the University of the Philippines (1908), which has numerous campuses and is the only national university in the country; the Polytechnic University of the Philippines (1904), another public institution, with its main campus in Manila and numerous affiliated campuses on Luzon; and the Philippine Women’s University (1932), a private institution (coeducational since the late 20th century) that has campuses in Manila, Quezon City, and Davao. Many technical institutions and community colleges serve the provinces.
Pilipino (Filipino) is the medium of instruction in all elementary-school subjects except science, mathematics, and the English language, which are taught in English. The medium of instruction at the secondary and tertiary levels typically is English. A chronic shortage of supplies and facilities was partially remedied by a textbook program begun in the mid-1970s and by the large-scale manufacture of prefabricated classrooms.
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3
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https://doh.wa.gov/community-and-environment/shellfish/recreational-shellfish/illness-prevention/identification
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en
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Identifying Bivalve Shellfish
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Manila Littleneck Clam Size and Shape: Up to 2.5 inches. Oblong (similar to Native Littlenecks but more oval). Shell: Concentric rings with radiating line ridges. Siphon tips are split. Color can vary – typically grey, brown, or mottled. Some purple on the inside. Depth: 2-4 inches. Habitat: Gravel, mud, sand. Above the half-tide level.
|
en
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/sites/default/files/DOH-logo_favicon_16x16.png
|
Washington State Department of Health
|
https://doh.wa.gov/community-and-environment/shellfish/recreational-shellfish/illness-prevention/identification
|
Manila Littleneck Clam
Size and Shape: Up to 2.5 inches. Oblong (similar to Native Littlenecks but more oval).
Shell: Concentric rings with radiating line ridges. Siphon tips are split. Color can vary – typically grey, brown, or mottled. Some purple on the inside.
Depth: 2-4 inches.
Habitat: Gravel, mud, sand. Above the half-tide level.
Native Littleneck Clam
Size and Shape: Up to 3.5 inches. Rounded (similar to Manila Clams but more round).
Shell: Concentric rings with radiating ridge lines. Siphon tips are fused. Color can vary – typically cream, grey, brown, or mottled. White inside shell.
Depth: 6-10 inches.
Habitat: Gravel, mud. Normally mid-tide level, sometimes lower intertidal or subtidal zone (up to 60 feet).
Butter Clam
Size and Shape: Up to 5 inches. Heavy for size. Oval to square.
Shell: Concentric rings. No radiating ridge lines. Yellow to grey/white colored.
Depth: 12-18 inches.
Habitat: Sand, gravel, cobble. Lower intertidal or shallow subtidal zone (up to 60 feet).
Warning! Butter clams retain marine biotoxins longer than other clams.
Varnish Clam
Size and Shape: Up to 3 inches. Oval, flat.
Shell: Concentric rings and shiny brown coating. Purple inside the shell.
Depth: 1-2 inches.
Habitat: Gravel, cobble, mud, sand. Upper one-third of the intertidal zone but can range into lower tidal level. Most abundant near freshwater inputs.
Warning! Varnish clams retain marine biotoxins longer and at higher levels than other clams. They are often found near fresh water sources, which makes them more susceptible to runoff pollution. They are also bi-modal feeders (they filter feed and bottom feed) which may account for the higher toxin levels typically found in this species.
Cockle Clam
Size and Shape: Up to 5 inches. Round, somewhat triangular (pointed hinge).
Shell: Prominent evenly spaced radiating ridges which fan out from the hinge. Mottled, light brown colored.
Depth: 1-2 inches.
Habitat: Sand, mud. Intertidal or subtidal (up to 50-60 feet).
Macoma Clam
Size and Shape: Up to 4 inches. Oval to square, to somewhat triangular.
Shell: Wafer-thin, chalky-white shell may be bent at siphon end.
Depth: 4-6 inches.
Habitat: Sand, mud. Middle intertidal zone.
Horse Clam
Size and Shape: Up to 8 inches. Oval.
Shell: Chalky-white with yellow/brown patches of "skin" on the shell. Shell flares around siphon. Siphon can't be fully pulled into shell and has a leather-like flap on the tip.
Depth: 1-2 feet.
Habitat: Sand, mud, gravel. Lower intertidal zone (up to 50-60 feet).
Eastern Softshell Clam
Size and Shape: Up to 6 inches. Oval to square.
Shell: Brittle, thin shells with rough irregular surface and uneven concentric rings. Chalky-white to grey with brown/yellow skin on the edges. Rounded at foot, pointed at siphon end. Siphon doesn't have leather-like flap on the tip like the Horse Clam.
Depth: 8-18 inches.
Habitat: Sand, mud. Upper half-tide level near river mouths (low salinity).
Geoduck
Size and Shape: Shell up to 10 inches. Weighs an average of 2.5 pounds and up to 10 pounds. Oblong (appears rounded at one end and cut-off at the other end).
Shell: Gaping oblong shell with concentric rings. White shell with flaky brown skin. Siphon and mantle are too large to withdraw into shell.
Depth: 2-3 feet.
Habitat: Mud, sand, gravel. Subtidal zone (some intertidal, accessible only on extreme low tides).
Razor Clam
Size Shape: Up to 6 inches. Oblong.
Shell: Gaping oblong shell with concentric rings. Brown shell. Siphon is too large to withdraw into shell.
Depth: 6 inches or more (moves rapidly downward when dug).
Habitat: Sand. Intertidal coastal zone (ocean beaches).
Mussels
Size and Shape: Blue mussel up to 3 inches. California mussel up to 6 inches. Oblong shape.
Shell: Blue-black or brown shell.
Habitat: Attaches to rocks, pilings, boats, gravel, or other hard surfaces in the intertidal zone.
Oysters
Size and Shape: Up to 12 inches for some species. Oblong with irregular, wavy edges.
Shell: Chalky white or grey.
Habitat: Rocky beaches in the intertidal zone.
Fresh Water Clams and Mussels
Freshwater clams and mussels, like their marine counterparts, are filter feeders. There are no water quality standards that apply to freshwater clams and mussels, and they are not tested. Because they can live close to sources of contamination and can concentrate toxins, chemicals, pathogenic bacteria, and viruses from their environment, they are not considered safe to eat. The Department of Fish and Wildlife prohibits the harvest of freshwater clams and mussels from all Washington fresh water sources – see Shellfish/Seaweed Species Rules in WDFW's Sportfishing Rules Pamphlet.
More Resources
Bivalve Shellfish Identification Handout (PDF)
Oyster Consumer Identification Guide for Foodborne Illness Investigations (PDF)
Recreational Shellfishing, WDFW
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1
| 21 |
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9281405/
|
en
|
Predictors of mortality among inpatients with COVID-19 infection in a tertiary referral center in the Philippines
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Anna Flor G. Malundo",
"Cybele Lara R. Abad",
"Maria Sonia S. Salamat",
"Joanne Carmela M. Sandejas",
"Jonnel B. Poblete",
"Jose Eladio G. Planta",
"Shayne Julieane L. Morales",
"Ron Rafael W. Gabunada",
"Agnes Lorrainne M. Evasan",
"Johanna Patricia A. Cañal"
] |
2022-09-27T00:00:00
|
The aim of this study was to determine the predictors of mortality and describe laboratory trends among adults with confirmed COVID-19.The medical records of adult patients admitted to a referral hospital with COVID-19 were retrospectively reviewed. Demographic ...
|
en
|
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/coreutils/nwds/img/favicons/favicon.ico
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PubMed Central (PMC)
|
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9281405/
|
INTRODUCTION
Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) has led to more than 547 million confirmed cases and 6.3 million deaths worldwide (World Health Organization, 2022). The Philippines is one of the COVID-19 hotspots in the Western Pacific Region, having the highest number of cumulative deaths, at 60 610, out of the 3 710 145 cumulative cases of COVID-19 (World Health Organization, 2022). The highest number of cases in the Philippines was documented in early January 2022, at 212 508, with a gradual decline in cases thereafter (Department of Health, 2022).
The University of the Philippines – Philippine General Hospital (UP-PGH) is a tertiary referral hospital located within the National Capital Region (NCR), which admits the most COVID-19 cases in the Philippines (Department of Health, 2022). More than 5000 patients with COVID-19 have been admitted to UP-PGH since it was designated as a COVID-19 referral center in 2020.
Early in the pandemic, when information on COVID-19 was limited, a clinical pathway for COVID-19 was created in our institution to alleviate uncertainty about COVID-19 management among healthcare workers and hospital administrators. The pathway is continuously updated as new information is published. Unfortunately, the majority of published data on COVID-19 are from middle–high-income countries, and many of the diagnostic tests and medications used are unavailable or unaffordable in low–middle-income countries (LMIC). It is therefore important to establish the experience in these LMIC countries to better tailor the approach to COVID-19 based on available resources. This is particularly relevant in our setting, as most patients hospitalized in our institution belong to the lower socioeconomic strata, pay healthcare costs out-of-pocket, and suffer loss of income and limited job opportunities as a result of the stringent COVID-19 pandemic containment measures (Ditte Fallesen, 2021).
Our study aimed to determine the predictors of mortality among adult inpatients with confirmed COVID-19 in the context of providing recommendations for resource-limited settings.
METHODS
Study design and setting
This was an analytic retrospective cohort study conducted at the UP-PGH. UP-PGH is a tertiary teaching COVID-19 referral center in the NCR, Philippines. The study was conducted with regulatory approval by the Institutional Review Board of UP-Manila.
Study sample
Patients diagnosed with COVID-19 infection were identified using the UP-PGH Registry of Admissions and Discharges (RADISH). Adults aged 19 years and above with confirmed COVID-19 infection were included in the study. Patients who died or were discharged within 24 hours of admission, were transferred to another hospital, whose medical records could not be retrieved, or with asymptomatic COVID-19 infection were excluded. From 1773 patients, a cohort of 1215 adult patients with confirmed COVID-19 infection, admitted between March 12 and September 9, 2021, was selected for the analysis ( ).
Data collection
Clinical and outcome data were extracted from written and electronic medical records and encoded into a Microsoft Excel worksheet. Data were extracted by a team of trained physicians from UP-PGH, while radiographic images were reviewed by the three radiologists in the team. Two study authors (AGM, JMS) reviewed the data for completeness, accuracy, and consistency. Conflicting data were resolved by consensus.
Study variables included age, sex, comorbid illnesses, symptoms, clinical findings on admission, diagnostic test results, clinical events or complications, therapeutic interventions, clinical outcome, and length of hospital stay. For specific interventions, data on antibiotic use anytime during hospitalization, and use of corticosteroids regardless of route and dose of administration, were collected.
Definitions
A patient with confirmed COVID-19 is anyone with a positive reverse transcription polymerase chain reaction (RT-PCR) test for severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2). Illness severity was assessed on admission as follows: mild – symptoms consistent with COVID-19 but without evidence of pneumonia; moderate – symptoms consistent with COVID-19 and comorbid conditions such as hypertension, cardiovascular disease, diabetes mellitus (DM), chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), asthma, immunocompromising condition such as human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection, chronic steroid use, and active malignancy; or clinical and radiographic evidence of pneumonia but not requiring oxygen support; severe – clinical and radiographic evidence of pneumonia, with oxygen saturation ≤ 92% on room air and requiring oxygen support; and critical – presence of acute respiratory distress syndrome (ARDS), septic shock, requiring mechanical ventilation, or admission to the ICU.
Complications were determined using the following criteria: acute respiratory distress syndrome (ARDS) as per the 2012 Berlin Definitions for ARDS (ARDS Definition Task Force, 2012); acute kidney injury (AKI) as per the KDIGO Clinical Practice Guideline for Acute Kidney Injury (International Society of Nephrology, 2012); acute myocardial infarction (AMI) as per the Fourth Universal Definition of Myocardial Infarction (Thygesen et al., 2018); pulmonary embolism (PE) – clinical findings compatible with pulmonary embolism and documented by CT pulmonary angiogram; acute venous thrombosis – clinical findings compatible with deep venous thrombosis and confirmed by Duplex ultrasonography; sepsis and septic shock as per the Clinical Practice Guidelines for the Diagnosis and Management of Sepsis and Septic Shock in the Philippines (Clinical Practice Guidelines for Sepsis and Septic Shock Task Force, 2020). Healthcare-associated infections included hospital-acquired pneumonia (HAP) and ventilator-associated pneumonia (VAP), catheter-associated urinary tract infection (CAUTI), and catheter-related bloodstream infection (CRBSI), which were not initially present during admission. HAP and VAP were diagnosed as per the IDSA criteria (Kalil et al., 2016), CAUTI as per the Philippine Clinical Practice Guidelines for UTI in Adults criteria (Philippine CPG for UTI Task Force, 2015), and CRBSI as per the IDSA criteria (Mermel et al., 2009).
The need for supportive therapies was determined as follows: (1) need for ICU admission – presence of any of the following: respiratory distress requiring at least 6 lpm of oxygen support to maintain peripheral oxygen saturation (SpO2) > 92%; rapid escalation of oxygen requirements or significant work of breathing; hemodynamic instability with systolic blood pressure (SBP) < 90 mmHg, mean arterial pressure (MAP) < 65, or heart rate (HR) > 120 beats/minute; acidosis with arterial blood pH < 7.3 or pCO2 > 50, and/or lactate > 2; or any physician concern or need for closer monitoring in the ICU; and (2) need for renal replacement therapy (RRT) – occurrence of any indications for renal replacement therapy, such as uremia, refractory acidosis, severe hyperkalemia or hypercalcemia, oliguria/anuria, or volume overload unresponsive to diuretic therapy.
In-hospital mortality was defined as death from any cause during the hospital stay. Survivors included patients who remained alive until hospital discharge, while non-survivors included those who died during the hospital stay
Statistical analysis
Descriptive statistics were used and frequency distributions of demographic and clinical characteristics determined. The Shapiro-Wilk test was used to assess the normality of continuous data, and values were expressed as median and interquartile range (IQR). Univariate analyses using chi-square for categorial variables and the Mann-Whitney test for continuous variables were performed to compare the clinical characteristics of survivors and non-survivors on hospital admission.
Multivariate analyses were performed to determine the predictors of in-hospital mortality in our cohort, using variables obtained on admission. Variables commonly associated with mortality were selected, based on published data (Izcovich et al., 2020; Mesas et al., 2020). Variables with more than 15% missing data, namely procalcitonin and D-dimer, were excluded. All 20 variables selected were assessed for missingness, with the proportion missing for each variable outlined in Supplementary Table 1. Missingness was assumed to be missing at random (MAR), with missing variables imputed using multiple imputation by chained equations (MICE) to allow for flexibility, given that the predictors were a mix of continuous and dichotomous measures. In total, 15 imputations with 10 iterations each were created. The imputation model included the following covariates due to biological correlations with one or more of the 20 variables of interest: illness severity on admission, creatinine, hemoglobin, SpO2, cancer, and chronic liver disease (CLD). Imputation was performed using Stata/IC 15.1. No interaction terms were assumed or included in the imputation model. The multiply imputed data sets were then dichotomized for clinical interpretability and then analyzed using a multiple logistic regression model. The magnitude of association was expressed as odds ratio (OR) with 95% confidence interval (CI). For laboratory parameters found to be associated with mortality, mean values between survivors and non-survivors were plotted and compared throughout the first 4 weeks of illness from symptom onset. Post hoc analysis that included tuberculosis in the multivariable regression was also performed.
Frequencies of clinical events and complications observed in the cohort were determined; these included need for oxygen support, need for invasive ventilation, need for ICU admission, ARDS, AKI, need for RRT, acute stroke, AMI, PE, DVT, sepsis, septic shock, HAI, nosocomial pneumonia, CAUTI, and CRBSI. The risks of death associated with these events were analyzed using chi-square, and the magnitude of association expressed as OR with 95% CI.
All tests were two-tailed, with p-values less than 0.05 considered statistically significant. Analyses were conducted using Stata/IC 15.1 and MedCalc.
DISCUSSION
Our report provides important epidemiological data from a large cohort of confirmed COVID-19 patients in the Philippines, an LMIC, before the emergence of SARS-CoV-2 variants. Our reported in-hospital mortality rate of 18.2% was comparable with those in local studies conducted during the same period. A 200-patient cohort from the same institution reported a 17.5% mortality rate (Salamat et al., 2021), while a nationwide multicenter study that included 10 881 patients reported a 15.6% mortality rate (Espiritu et al., 2021). A government and a private tertiary hospital in NCR reported mortality rates that closely approximated our data at 21% and 15%, respectively (Abad et al., 2021; Salva et al., 2020).
During the same period, in-hospital mortality rates abroad were slightly higher, ranging from 21.7% to 29.7% (Bellan et al., 2020; Mikami et al., 2021; Zhou et al., 2020). This was attributed to the large proportion of patients with severe disease. In contrast, the in-hospital mortality rate in South Korea was low, at 1.1%, because the majority (91%) had mild disease (Sung et al., 2020). In our cohort, nearly half (43.1%) presented with severe-to-critical disease. The differences in mortality among regions may be explained by the underlying health infrastructures and policies in place. For example, the Philippines implemented the longest and strictest lockdown in the world (Aie Balagtas See, 2021) which could have mitigated the rise in cases. However, other factors could have influenced the mortality rates, such as poor healthcare-seeking behavior, undertesting, underreporting, and limited access to COVID-19 services (Bajo, 2022).
The result of the multivariate analysis of the predictors of mortality supported the findings of systematic reviews and meta-analyses (Katzenschlager et al., 2021; Shi et al., 2021). Age has always been identified as an independent predictor of mortality, with immunosenescence, age-related physiological changes, and preexisting illnesses cited as reasons for increased vulnerability (Shi et al., 2021). Individuals with COPD have an inherent pulmonary risk because of poor lung function and immune modulation of the airways. A population-based study in South Korea showed an independent association of COPD with mortality (Lee et al., 2021). However, our study found no association with other commonly cited predictors of mortality – male sex, smoking, DM, CKD, cerebrovascular disease, and cardiovascular disease. Although beyond the scope of our study, it is possible that the patients in our cohort had comorbid illnesses that were either newly diagnosed or well controlled. Other studies have reported that the level of control and the presence of complications are determinants of increased mortality. In England, for example, hyperglycemia, HbA1c > 7.6%, obesity, and the presence of cardiovascular and renal complications were found to be independently associated with mortality among diabetics who had COVID-19 infection (Holman et al., 2020). Unfortunately, in our study, data required for calculating body mass index (BMI) or assessing DM control could not be obtained.
Renal status was estimated by calculating eGFR using serum creatinine levels obtained on admission. An eGFR < 90 mL/min/1.73 m2 indicated renal dysfunction; however, whether this was acute or chronic could not be determined in all cases. Nevertheless, studies have shown increased mortality risk among those with acute renal complications, as well as those with CKD (Alenezi et al., 2021; Mohamed et al., 2021; Pecly et al., 2021). In our study, mortality was predicted by an eGFR < 90 mL/min/1.73 m2 but not by CKD. It is possible that some of those with an eGFR < 90 mL/min/1.73 m2 may have had undiagnosed CKD; the majority of patients admitted to our institution are from the marginalized sector, and are less likely to seek medical consultation. This can result in the underreporting of CKD.
Our mortality estimates were adjusted to consider age, which possibly explains the lack of association detected among those with cerebro- and cardiovascular diseases. These diseases are more prevalent among the elderly and are usually complications of an underlying condition (hypertension and DM). For men, genetic and hormonal predisposition are still being explored, but the higher prevalence of cardiovascular comorbidities in this group could have contributed to the increased mortality observed in other studies (Bienvenu et al., 2020; Penna et al., 2020). For smokers, our data may have suggested a lower rate than reality due to possible underreporting, i.e. physicians not completing all information on the clinical pathway form.
Non-survivors exhibited lymphopenia, which became evident during the second week of illness. A significant reduction in lymphocyte count has been reported as a marker of severe disease and in-hospital mortality in other systematic reviews and meta-analyses (Henry et al., 2020; Malik et al., 2021). Lymphocyte counts of < 1500/μL carry a threefold higher risk of poor outcomes (pooled OR 3.47; 95% CI 2.77–4.36; p < 0.01) (Malik et al., 2021). In COVID-19, both effector and memory lymphocytes are greatly diminished, with the latter potentially resulting in poor immunity against future infection (Delshad et al., 2021). Proposed mechanisms leading to lymphopenia include cytokine storm, which upregulates substances that induce T cell apoptosis, direct infection of lymphatic organs, with atrophy and destruction of germinal centers, bone marrow suppression, lactic acidemia, causing inhibition of lymphocyte proliferation, and alteration in gene expression, which affects lymphocyte proliferation and activity (Delshad et al., 2021).
Non-survivors also showed signs of marked inflammation, manifesting as leukocytosis, neutrophilia, and elevated LDH or CRP. Some exhibited signs of organ dysfunction (decreased eGFR, hypoxemia) and sepsis (qSOFA > 2). Intense inflammation can drive acute lung injury and ARDS, and can also lead to multiple organ failure (Hu et al., 2021). The odds of dying were more than 10 times higher for patients who developed sepsis and septic shock, ARDS, AKI, and AMI ( ). This was also observed among the patients who required ICU care, oxygen therapy, invasive mechanical ventilation, and RRT. Our data reflected findings in the current literature – that development of ARDS, need for invasive ventilation, ICU admission, and RRT are associated with higher mortality (Potere et al., 2020).
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https://wwwnc.cdc.gov/travel/destinations/traveler/none/philippines
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en
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Philippines - Traveler view
|
[
"https://wwwnc.cdc.gov/travel/images/map-philippines.png"
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[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
Official U.S. government health recommendations for traveling. Provided by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC).
|
en
|
https://wwwnc.cdc.gov/travel/destinations/traveler/none/philippines
|
Use the Healthy Travel Packing List for Philippines for a list of health-related items to consider packing for your trip. Talk to your doctor about which items are most important for you.
Why does CDC recommend packing these health-related items?
It’s best to be prepared to prevent and treat common illnesses and injuries. Some supplies and medicines may be difficult to find at your destination, may have different names, or may have different ingredients than what you normally use.
If you are not feeling well after your trip, you may need to see a doctor. If you need help finding a travel medicine specialist, see Find a Clinic. Be sure to tell your doctor about your travel, including where you went and what you did on your trip. Also tell your doctor if you were bitten or scratched by an animal while traveling.
If your doctor prescribed antimalarial medicine for your trip, keep taking the rest of your pills after you return home. If you stop taking your medicine too soon, you could still get sick.
Malaria is always a serious disease and may be a deadly illness. If you become ill with a fever either while traveling in a malaria-risk area or after you return home (for up to 1 year), you should seek immediate medical attention and should tell the doctor about your travel history.
For more information on what to do if you are sick after your trip, see Getting Sick after Travel.
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https://www.azdhs.gov/preparedness/epidemiology-disease-control/food-safety-environmental-services/index.php
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en
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ADHS
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http://azdhs.gov/assets/images/social-media-share/epidemiology-disease-control.jpg
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program description
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https://azdhs.gov/favicon.ico
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Arizona Department of Health Services
|
http://www.azdhs.gov/preparedness/epidemiology-disease-control/food-safety-environmental-services/index.php
|
Any documents contained on this website that are translations from original text written in English are unofficial and not binding on this state or a political subdivision of this state. To learn about how the Arizona Department of Health Services collects information about website users, please review our Website Privacy Policy. Los documentos que son traducciones al Español y que se encuentran en esta página Web no tienen validez oficial ni legal en este Estado o en alguna entidad politica del mismo. © 2009 to 2024, Arizona Department of Health Services.
The Arizona Department of Health Services' public meeting notices and agendas are posted in the lobby of the Department and on the public meeting notices page.
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| 5 |
https://www.apollo.io/companies/Department-of-Health--Philippines-/5da3ea8329ef830001f584aa
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en
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Department of Health (Philippines) Financial Overview, Employee Count, and Competitors
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View Department of Health (Philippines) (http://www.doh.gov.ph) location in Metro Manila, Philippines, revenue, competitors and contact information. Find and reach Department of Health (Philippines)'s employees by department, seniority, title, and much more.
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Apollo.io
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https://www.apollo.io/companies/Department-of-Health--Philippines-/5da3ea8329ef830001f584aa
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Apollo gives you all the company insights you need
Free to get started, easy to add your whole sales team, commit to monthly or annual plans. We make it easy to get started.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philippine_Health_Insurance_Corporation
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en
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Philippine Health Insurance Corporation
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2011-07-06T07:53:51+00:00
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/static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philippine_Health_Insurance_Corporation
|
State-owned health insurance company of the Philippines
The Philippine Health Insurance Corporation (PhilHealth) was created in 1995 to implement universal health coverage in the Philippines. It is a tax-exempt, government-owned and controlled corporation (GOCC) of the Philippines, and is attached to the Department of Health. On August 4, 1969, Republic Act 6111 or the Philippine Medical Care Act of 1969 was signed by President Ferdinand E. Marcos which was eventually implemented in August 1971.
Its stated goal is to "ensure a sustainable national health insurance program for all", according to the company.[1] In 2010, it claimed to have achieved "universal" coverage at 86% of the population, although the 2008 National Demographic Health Survey showed that only 38 percent of respondents were aware of at least one household member being enrolled in PhilHealth.[2] Nevertheless, this social insurance program provides a means for the healthy to pay for the care of the sick and for those who can afford medical care to subsidize those who cannot. Both local[3] and national governments allocate funds to subsidize the indigent.[4]
History
[edit]
The Philippine Medical Care Program began in 1971 following the Philippine Medical Care Act of 1969.[5] It mandated creation of the Philippine Medical Care Commission (PMCC). In 1990, bills were passed that led to significant improvement of public health care insurance. House Bill 14225 and Senate Bill 01738 became Republic Act 7875, known as "The National Health Insurance Act of 1995". Approved by President Fidel Ramos on February 14, 1995, this become the basis of the Philippine Health Insurance Corporation.[6] On its 16th anniversary, the song "PhilHealth: Tapat na Serbisyo, Tapat na Benepisyo, Lahat Panalo" was introduced .[7]
PhilHealth has six major membership categories covering nearly the entire population. Those who count under the (1) "Formal" sector are workers employed by public and private companies and other institutions. (2) "Indigents" (also called "PhilHealth Ng Masa") are subsidized by national government through the National Household Targeting System for Poverty Reduction. (3) "Sponsored Members" are subsidized by their respective Local Governments (LGU). (4) "Lifetime" (non-paying) members are retirees and pensioners which have already paid premiums for 120 months of membership. (5) "Senior Citizen" (under RA 10645) allows all Filipino citizens 60 years old and above are eligible to have free PhilHealth coverage. (6) The "Informal Economy" is composed of Informal Sectors, Self-Earning Individuals, Organized Group, Filipino with Dual Citizenship, Natural-Born Citizen. Although treated separately, the Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) program or Migrant Workers are a part of the Informal Economy. Migrant Workers are sub-categorized; whether if they are land-based or sea-based (for seafarers).
Since 1996, the benefits package and delivery system have improved. PhilHealth now has an Outpatient and Diagnostic Package limited to indigent beneficiaries. This addition creates nearly comprehensive coverage for indigents. In 2011, 23 Case Rates was introduced and in 2013, All Case Rates was fully implemented. All other beneficiaries have access to nearly all comprehensive services, excluding some outpatient care. PhilHealth has an accreditation program for private hospitals.[8]
Some key reform indicators to date include:
Estimated coverage is 100% as of June 2013
Average period for payment of providers is estimated at 70 to 75 days. The law requires PhilHealth to reimburse providers and/or members within 60 days. A recent move as of December 1, 2009 , implemented a "simplified reimbursement scheme" wherein 95% of the amount of the claim is reimbursed after a rapid assessment of member and provider eligibility and the remaining 25% follows after detailed review of the claims.
On average, 90 out of every 100 claims are paid, 3 to 4 are denied, and 6 to 7 are returned to health care providers for more information. 28% of claims were submitted by public providers and 72% by private providers.[9]
Funding and Revenues
[edit]
Membership Categories
[edit]
Program summary[10][failed verification] Group Premiums Enrollment Payment Formal Employer and worker each pay half, up to 2.5% (maximum of 3%) of income up to 10,500 pesos As of hire date 3 months Indigent (NHTS) 2,400 pesos annually National Government None Sponsored 2,400 pesos annually Local Government a fully subsidizes enrollment annually. None Lifetime Free lifetime coverage Retirees and Pensioners Senior Citizen Non Paying (RA 10645), Free Lifetime coverage Age 60 years and up None Informal 2,400 pesos annually for members earning P25,000 and below
3,600 pesos annually for members earning more than P25,000 Enrollment date. OFW (Landbased) 2,400 pesos annually Emigration date No subsidy. Payment is on emigration date then annually. OFW (sea-based) Employer and worker each pay half, up to 2.5% (maximum of 3%) of income up to 10,500 pesos As of hire date 3 months
All premiums are pooled nationally and in effect, there is cross-subsidization across districts. The national government payment is dependent on the availability of funds.
Coverage
[edit]
The benefits package is essentially the same for each membership category, PhilHealth deduction will depend upon the final diagnosis. The exception is for indigents and Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) who have additional outpatient primary care benefits (with the providers paid by capitation) however these benefits are available only through public providers.
Benefits
[edit]
PhilHealth and beneficiaries have access to a comprehensive package of services, including inpatient care, catastrophic coverage, ambulatory surgeries, deliveries, and outpatient treatment for malaria and tuberculosis. Those identified as indigent and OFW are also entitled to outpatient primary care benefits (PCB1) or TSEKAP.[citation needed]
Inpatient care includes room and board, medicines, diagnostic and other services, professional fees and operating room services under the "all case rate" payment scheme. The case rate amount will depend upon the final diagnosis and each diagnosis has a corresponding fixed amount or package. The case rate amount shall be deducted by the HCI from the member's total bill, which shall include professional fees of attending physicians, prior to discharge. Catastrophic conditions, ambulatory surgeries including ambulatory dialysis, deliveries and outpatient malaria and TB-DOTS care.
Outpatient benefits include day surgeries, radiotherapy, dialysis, outpatient blood transfusion, TB-DOTS, malaria treatment, HIV/AIDS treatment, animal bite treatment, cataract operations and vasectomy and tubal ligation.
Except for the outpatient primary care benefits (PCB1) that the indigents and OFWs are entitled to via public providers, patients have free choice of providers, both public and private.
Annual or lifetime coverage limits exist. These limits are expressed in terms of volumes of services (e.g., days) rather than a peso coverage limit. For example, principal member are eligible for 45 days of inpatient admission and also outpatient, and another 45 days to share among its qualified dependents. Each day of ambulatory surgery counts as a day of admission.
Providers are allowed to charge the patient the difference between the total cost of care and what PhilHealth pays (i.e., balance billing).
Indigent and sponsored members, lifetime members, senior citizen members and household members are entitled to avail the free hospitalization under the no-balance billing scheme (NBB) when they are admitted in a non-private room of public or government hospitals. NBB are not applicable under private rooms and private hospitals so members have to pay the excess or balance after the case rate amount has been deducted. Atty. Thorrsson Montes Keith is considered as "HERO" by the OFWs when he sacrificed his personal security for their protection.[11]
Service delivery system
[edit]
The service delivery system includes both public and private centers; on average, 61% of the network's providers are private and 39% are public. In order to achieve accreditation, all in-network hospitals and day-surgery centers must be licensed by the Department of Health.
The network includes hospitals, day surgery centers, maternity care clinics, midwife-operated clinics, freestanding dialysis centers, physician clinics, dentists doing procedures in hospitals and day surgeries, government-run health centers for primary care benefits, TB-DOTS and malaria, and private TB-DOTS clinics.
Non-hospitals and day-surgery centers are not required to be licensed by the DOH; however, all facilities are evaluated by an accreditation team from PhilHealth.
Structure
[edit]
The scheme is entirely administered by PhilHealth, a government corporation attached to the Department of Health. PhilHealth collects premiums, accredits providers, sets the benefits packages and provider payment mechanisms, processes claims, and reimburses providers for their services.
PhilHealth is responsible for oversight and administration of public sector insurance schemes. It has a governing board chaired by the Secretary of Health with representation from other government departments (ministries) and agencies, and the private sector including the OFW sector.
PhilHealth has a governing board of 13 individuals, chaired by the Secretary of Health, with the President and CEO of PhilHealth as vice-chair. While the law, RA 7875, that created the National Health Insurance Program provides that the President and CEO has a fixed term of 6 years, with the passage Republic Act 10149 or the "GOCC Governance Act of 2011,[12] Salaries and other operating expenses are derived from premium payments and the income of the funds under management. PhilHealth can use up to 12% of the previous year's premium and 3% of the income of the fund it manages towards operating expenses.
Congress mandated that the National Institutes of Health (based at the University of the Philippines Manila) to conduct studies to verify and validate performance.
Provider payment mechanism
[edit]
Provider payment methods differ based on the illness or diagnosis. Case Rates are used for inpatient care, most day surgeries, and ambulatory procedures, TB-DOTS treatment, malaria care, deliveries, surgical contraception, and cataract surgeries, while primary care benefits providers are reimbursed based on a capitation system.
No formal system sets deductibles or co-payments for beneficiaries, but health care providers are allowed to "balance bill", charging patients the balance between what PhilHealth pays and the total cost of care. This is atypical of most government health programs around the world and can lead to abuse by providers (e.g., overcharging) and thus limited access for the poorest. At the same time, balance billing allows providers additional cost recovery in the case that the reimbursement for services does not cover their cost.
Quality
[edit]
PhilHealth currently leverages internally developed quality standards. A new set of standards called the "PhilHealth Benchbook" was implemented starting January 1, 2010. The Benchbook was developed by PhilHealth with the assistance of various international health partners and several rounds of consultations with health providers.
The previous and new quality standards are overseen by PhilHealth. The new quality standards focus on patient rights, organizational ethics, patient care, leadership and management, human resource management, information management, safe practice and environment and mechanisms of improving performance. As of 2011, hospital accreditation is valid for up to 3 years. PhilHealth accreditation staff physically check and verify compliance. PhilHealth has peer review committees mostly composed of health care providers who review specific cases.
PhilHealth planned to implement quality-based purchasing but had not executed on this plan as of December 2009 .
Performance-based payment
[edit]
PhilHealth has been developing incentives focused on payment to health care professionals. Doctors are usually independent practitioners who 'practice' in hospitals. Salaried government physicians are allowed to also engage in private practice. Efforts to implement case payments essentially focus on bundling the payment for the health facilities.
Among PhilHealth's work in incentive-based payments is a scheme that has been piloted in 30 local government hospitals since 2002 but has not spread. The scheme is called the Quality Improvement Demonstration Study (QIDS). It utilizes clinical vignettes to measure quality of care. If a hospital meets a set quality of care index score, physician payments are increased. Clinical vignettes focus on the illnesses of children less than six years of age.
Another incentive scheme is increased payment for health professionals practicing in areas where there is a lack of doctors.
Claims processing
[edit]
Claims processing and availability in accredited hospitals has been improved. Hospitals have installed the ICHP Portal System. It is established to provide a link between accredited institutional health care providers and Philhealth through online connections that shall ensure verification of eligibility information.[13] Members don't need to fill out forms if they have updated premium contributions and PhilHealth records, but they may have to present their PhilHealth IDs. Members also don't need to submit their member data records.[14] Claims are submitted to 17 regional claims processing centers. These centers initially review claims for eligibility. Review is input manually with data encoded into the claims processing information system. Once the claim is approved for payment, checks are prepared for the signature of regional heads. Electronic reimbursements are planned but has yet to be implemented.
Monitoring and evaluation
[edit]
PhilHealth conducts its own Monitoring and Evaluation, though the law mandates that University of the Philippines National Institutes of Health engages in monitoring of the scheme. Evaluations on the PhilHealth program are ongoing.
The Department of Health (to which PhilHealth is an attached agency) monitors and analyses data, including number and value of claims, number of accredited providers, number and value of premiums paid, number of members, etc.
Frauds and controversies
[edit]
In 2013, fraudulent claims Juan Miguel of Regional 1 started fire with against the state-health insurer were estimated at 4 billion pesos. However, the state failed to prosecute erring doctors, private and public hospitals, and public officials. AFP Medical Center, St. Luke's Hospital, Philippine Orthopedic Hospital, University of Santo Tomas Hospital, East Avenue Medical Center, Cardinal Santos Medical Center, Medical City, National Kidney and Transplant Institute, General Santos Doctors Hospital (GSDH) were investigated for health insurance fraud.[15] In Iloilo, eye-doctor claims for 2,071 operations in 2006 amounting to PHP16 million in professional fees were also investigated. A hospital in Davao City also noticed that a janitor, not a PhilHealth member, had been lying in bed to claim benefits as a PhilHealth-accredited patient.[16] Also in 2006, PhilHealth revoked the accreditation of Sara Medical Clinic in Midsayap for admitting ghost patients.[16] 2018, A lawmaker was shocked to find out that Philhealth interim president Celestina Dela Serna spent one year living at a hotel worth P3,800 per night instead of renting a condominium unit or apartment in Metro Manila. Negros Oriental Rep. Arnulfo Teves said he and House Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez had the chance to talk to Dela Serna during an event at the House of Representatives, and they were appalled at her extravagant lifestyle. "She admitted to staying in the hotel for one year or more… More or less one year sa hotel siya nakatira charged to Philhealth and she said she thought it was okay, that's why she did it," he said. Teves said Dela Serna told him and Alvarez that she stayed at Legend Villas, where rooms are worth at least P3,800 a night.[17]
A Change.org petition was made by a group of overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) to scrap the agency's directive to increase the mandatory contribution collection to 3%.[18] The petition refers to PhilHealth Circular 2020-0014,[19] dated April 2, 2020, in which the current OFW salaries are affected especially in the ongoing pandemic.[18] President Rodrigo Duterte then suspends the collections, and the agency is looking at a longer payment period following backlash.[20]
On July 24, 2020, anti-fraud legal officer Thorrsson Montes Keith resigned due to rampant corruption and anomalies within the agency.[21] His salary and hazard pay have been delayed from the time he started and his resignation would be effective August 31. According to Presidential Spokesman Harry Roque, it would be looking into the alleged overpricing of the proposed IT system supposedly costing around PHP 2 billion[citation needed], with one laptop allegedly bought at a staggering cost of 115.32 million pesos[citation needed].[21][22] PhilHealth has yet to receive the resignation letter and a statement in response. The Senate is looking to investigate the allegation.[23][24]
On August 25, 2021, Senator Richard Gordon presented the Senate blue ribbon committee report containing the findings of its 2019 investigation into the alleged fraud and corruption within the state-run health insurer. Video footage inside the report included a PhilHealth Regional Vice President receiving a gift which turned out to be a girl wearing a bra and underwear dancing in front of the RVP, and employees shouting as one could expect a show from a nightclub.[25]
On August 26, 2021, the President and chief executive officer of PhilHealth, Ricardo Morales resigned from his post over anomalies in the agency. Morales said that he will submit his resignation letter to the Malacanang Palace.[11][26] PhilHealth SVP for Legal Sector Rodolfo del Rosario Jr. also resigned.[27]
On September 2023, Philheatlh was hacked with the Medusa ransomware. Multiple employee and other internal data were breached, with a possibility of member data as well. The hackers responsible for the ransomware demanded $300,000 or around PHP 17 million.[28] Philheatlh refused to pay the ransom, thus the hacker group published all the stolen data in the dark web. Multiple sensitive data became available publicly such as hospital billing, internal memos, and identification documents. Philhealth has said that member data has not been compromised as it is located in a separate server. The National Privacy Commission has begun investigating in regards to the true extent of the leak.[29]
On August 2, 2024, the Senator Koko Pimentel public health advocates group filed certiorari and prohibition with restraining order to stop the transfer of P89.9 billion PhilHealth funds to the national budget. The petitioners challenged the constitutionality of DOF Circular No. 003-2024. Secretary Ralph Recto, however, defended the remittance of unused government subsidies to the national treasury. He explained that the Circular merely implements of a Congressional order under Section XLIII (1)(d) Republic Act No. 11975, the General Appropriations Act 2024.[30]
PhilHealth to implement new contribution rate starting June
[edit]
According to the Philippine Health Insurance Corporation (PhilHealth), the increase in contributions would be retroactive to January. This means that, in addition to the increased payments that will be collected from an employee's wage beginning next month, PhilHealth members will have to pay an extra 1% premium from January to May. The public health insurer previously declared that starting in June, premium rates will be collected at a rate of 4%. PhilHealth said in its Advisory No. 2022-0010 that members and employers who paid their contributions at 3% in the months before the premium rate hike starting next month "are advised to generate the corresponding Statement of Premium Account for the paid periods so they can settle the 1 percent differential payments/remittances until December 31, 2022." The rise in contributions is mandated by the Universal Health Care Act, which states that the premium rate will grow by 0.5 percent every year beginning in 2020 and continuing until it reaches 5%. The increase in premium contribution from 3% to 3.5 percent was scheduled to take effect in January 2021, but was postponed because to the COVID-19 epidemic.
References
[edit]
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3
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https://data.hrsa.gov/tools/shortage-area/hpsa-find
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HPSA Find
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Find areas designated areas by HRSA as having shortages of primary care, dental care, or mental health providers.
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Find data on the geographic, population, and facility HPSA designations throughout the United States.
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2877
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https://rocketreach.co/department-of-health-philippines-profile_b5db14dff42e5090
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Department of Health (Philippines) Information
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The Philippine Department of Health (abbreviated as DOH; Filipino: Kagawaran ng Kalusugan) is the executive department of the Philippine government responsible for ensuring access to basic public health services by all Filipinos through the provision of quality health care and the regulation of all health services and products. It is the government's over-all technical authority on health. It has its headquarters at the San Lazaro Compound, along Rizal Avenue in Manila. The department is led by the Secretary of Health, nominated by the President of the Philippines and confirmed by the Commission on Appointments. The Secretary is a member of the Cabinet. The current Secretary of Health is Francisco Duque.
View Top Employees from Department of Health (Philippines)
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https://ijms.info/IJMS/article/view/849
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Folk Medicine in the Philippines: A Phenomenological Study of Health-Seeking Individuals
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2024-08-01T00:00:00
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Authors
Nadine Angela O. Rondilla School of Medicine, Centro Escolar University, Manila, Philippines
Ian Christopher N. Rocha School of Medicine, Centro Escolar University, Manila, Philippines https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8775-6876
Shannon Jean R. Roque School of Medicine, Centro Escolar University, Manila, Philippines
Ricardo Martin S. Lu School of Medicine, Centro Escolar University, Manila, Philippines
Nica Lois B. Apolinar School of Medicine, Centro Escolar University, Manila, Philippines
Alyssa A. Solaiman-Balt School of Medicine, Centro Escolar University, Manila, Philippines
Theorell Joshua J. Abion School of Medicine, Centro Escolar University, Manila, Philippines
Pauline Bianca P. Banatin School of Medicine, Centro Escolar University, Manila, Philippines
Carina Viktoria M. Javier School of Medicine, Centro Escolar University, Manila, Philippines
DOI:
https://doi.org/10.5195/ijms.2021.849
Keywords:
medical anthropology, folk medicine, traditional medicine, indigenous medicine, health-seeking behavior, Philippines
Abstract
Background: Folk medicine refers to traditional healing practices anchored on cultural beliefs of body physiology and health preservation. Reflective of indigenous heritage, it fosters a better understanding of health and disease, healthcare systems, and biocultural adaptation. In the Philippines, Quiapo is a well-known site for folk medicine services, cultural diversity, religious practices, and economic activities.
Methods: This study utilized a phenomenological approach to comprehend the lived experiences of health-seeking individuals and the meaning behind their acquisition of folk medicine products. Using convenience sampling, seven participants acquiring folk medicine products in Quiapo on the day of data collection were approached and interviewed on separate instances. The collected data subsequently underwent thematic analysis.
Results: Analysis revealed three emergent themes: health-seeking behavior, sources of knowledge, and folk medicine utilization. Health-seeking behavior was linked with the participants’ purpose of going to Quiapo, reasons for utilizing folk medicine, experiences in using folk medicine, and beliefs associated with the product bought. Sources of knowledge tackled the participants’ sources of information about Quiapo and its products. Folk medicine utilization relates to the type of product bought, its perceived medicinal use, and its history of usage.
Conclusion: Folk medicine is perceived to be effective alleviating health concerns. The acquisition of such products is attributed to satisfaction from prior experience, distrust in the current healthcare system, family tradition, and intention to supplement existing medical treatment. This study provides health professionals a better understanding of patients who patronize folk medicine, subsequently aiding them in providing a holistic approach to treatment.
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Author Biographies
Nadine Angela O. Rondilla, School of Medicine, Centro Escolar University, Manila, Philippines
Nadine Angela O. Rondilla is a graduate of Bachelor of Science in Biology from the University of Santo Tomas. She is currently studying Doctor of Medicine at Centro Escolar University.
Ian Christopher N. Rocha, School of Medicine, Centro Escolar University, Manila, Philippines
Ian Christopher N. Rocha is a registered nurse and licensed professional teacher. He obtained his Master of Health Social Science degree from De La Salle University, his Master in Business Administration degree from National College of Business and Arts, and his Bachelor of Science in Nursing and Associate in Health Science Education degrees from Far Eastern University. He is currently studying Doctor of Medicine at Centro Escolar University.
Shannon Jean R. Roque, School of Medicine, Centro Escolar University, Manila, Philippines
Shannon Jean R. Roque is a graduate of Bachelor of Science in Biology from the Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila (University of the City of Manila). She is currently studying Doctor of Medicine at Centro Escolar University.
Ricardo Martin S. Lu, School of Medicine, Centro Escolar University, Manila, Philippines
Ricardo Martin S. Lu is a graduate of Bachelor of Science in Biology from the University of Santo Tomas. He is currently studying Doctor of Medicine at Centro Escolar University.
Nica Lois B. Apolinar, School of Medicine, Centro Escolar University, Manila, Philippines
Nica Lois B. Apolinar is a registered medical technologist. She took her Bachelor of Science in Medical Technology degree from Centro Escolar University. She is currently studying Doctor of Medicine at the same university.
Alyssa A. Solaiman-Balt, School of Medicine, Centro Escolar University, Manila, Philippines
Alyssa A. Solaiman-Balt is a registered pharmacist. She earned her Bachelor of Science in Pharmacy degree from the University of San Carlos. She is currently studying Doctor of Medicine at Centro Escolar University.
Theorell Joshua J. Abion, School of Medicine, Centro Escolar University, Manila, Philippines
Theorell Joshua J. Abion is a graduate of Bachelor of Science in Biochemistry from the University of Santo Tomas. He is currently studying Doctor of Medicine at Centro Escolar University.
Pauline Bianca P. Banatin, School of Medicine, Centro Escolar University, Manila, Philippines
Pauline Bianca P. Banatin is a graduate of Bachelor of Science in Biology from De La Salle University. She is currently studying Doctor of Medicine at Centro Escolar University.
Carina Viktoria M. Javier, School of Medicine, Centro Escolar University, Manila, Philippines
Carina Viktoria M. Javier is a graduate of Bachelor of Science in Psychology degree from Trinity University of Asia. She is currently studying Doctor of Medicine at Centro Escolar University.
References
Abion TJ, Apolinar NL, Atutubo MJ, Banatin PB, Javier CV, Lu RM, Rocha IC, Rondilla NA, Roque SJ, Solaiman-Balt A. Experiences of health-seeking individuals acquiring folk medicine services from Quiapo. Proceedings of the 17th National Health Research Forum for Action; 2018 Sep 19-20; Mandaluyong City, Philippines. Manila: Department of Health; 2018. p. 127-8.
Bhasin V. Medical anthropology: a review. Stud Ethnomed. 2007;1(1):1-20.
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2021-04-29
How to Cite
Rondilla, N. A., Rocha, I. C. N., Roque, S. J., Lu, R. M., Apolinar, N. L. B., Solaiman-Balt, A. A., Abion, T. J., Banatin, P. B., & Javier, C. V. (2021). Folk Medicine in the Philippines: A Phenomenological Study of Health-Seeking Individuals. International Journal of Medical Students, 9(1), 25–32. https://doi.org/10.5195/ijms.2021.849
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Most read articles by the same author(s)
Trisha Denise D. Cedeño, Ian Christopher N. Rocha, Kimberly G. Ramos, Noreen Marielle C. Uy, Learning Strategies and Innovations among Medical Students in the Philippines during the COVID-19 Pandemic , International Journal of Medical Students: Vol. 9 No. 1 (2021)
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Department of Health (Philippines)
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Department of Health Kagawaran ng Kalusugan Department overview Formed September 29, 1898 Headquarters San Lazaro
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Academic Dictionaries and Encyclopedias
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The Philippines’ Department of Health (DOH) (Filipino: Kagawaran ng Kalusugan) is the principal health agency in the Philippines. It is the executive department of the Philippine Government responsible for ensuring access to basic public health services to all Filipinos through the provision of quality health care and the regulation of providers of health goods and services.
Contents
1 History
2 List of Secretaries of Health
3 References
4 External links
History
On September 29, 1898, the Americans established a military Board of Health with Dr. Frank S. Bourns as president. The purpose of this Board of Health was to care for injured American troops but as the hostilities between Filipinos and Americans waned in 1901, a civilian Board of Health was now deemed appropriate with Dr. L. M. Maus as the first health commissioner.
In the early 1900s, 200,222 lives including 66,000 children were lost; three percent of the population was decimated in the worst epidemic in Philippine health history. In view of this, the Americans organized and erected several institutions, including the Bureau of Governmental Laboratories, which was built in 1901 for medical research and vaccine production.
The Americans, led by Dean Worcester built the UP College of Medicine and Surgery in 1905, with Johns Hopkins University serving as a blueprint, at the time, one of the best medical schools in the world. By 1909, nursing instruction was also begun at the Philippine Normal School. In terms of public health, the Americans improved on the sewer system and provided a safer water supply.
In 1915, the Bureau of Health was reorganized and renamed into the Philippine Health Service. During the succeeding years leadership and a number of health institutions were already being given to Filipinos, in accordance with the Organic Act of 1916. On January 1, 1919, Dr. Vicente De Jesus became the first Filipino to head the Health portfolio.
In 1933, after a reorganization, the Philippine Health Service reverted to being known as the Bureau of Health. It was during this time that it pursued its official journal, The Health Messenger and established Community Health and Social Centers, precursors to today's Barangay Health Centers.
By 1936, as Governor-General Frank Murphy was assuming the post of United States High Commissioner, he would remark that the Philippines led all oriental countries in terms of health status.[1]
When the Commonwealth of the Philippines was inaugurated, Dr. Jose Fabella was named chief of the Bureau of Health. In 1936, Dr. Fabella reviewed the Bureau of Health’s organization and made an inventory of its existing facilities, which consisted of 11 community and social health centers, 38 hospitals, 215 puericulture centers, 374 sanitary divisions, 1,535 dispensaries and 72 laboratories.
In the 1940s, the Bureau of Health was reorganized into the Department of Health and Public Welfare, still under Fabella. During this time, the major priorities of the agency were tuberculosis, malnutrition, malaria, leprosy, gastrointestinal disease, and the high infant mortality rate.
When the Japanese occupied the Philippines, they dissolved the National Government and replaced it with the Central Administrative Organization of the Japanese Army. Health was relegated to the Department of Education, Health and Public Welfare under Commissioner Claro M. Recto.
In 1947, President Manuel Roxas signed Executive Order (E.O.) No. 94 into law, calling for the creation of the Department of Health. Dr. Antonio C. Villarama as appointed Secretary. A new Bureau of Hospitals and a Bureau of Quarantine was created under DOH. Under E.O. 94, the Institute of Nutrition was created in 1948 to coordinate various nutrition activities of the different agencies.
On February 20, 1958, Executive Order 288 provided for the reorganization of the Department of Health. This entailed a partial decentralization of powers and created eight Regional Health Offices. Under this setup, the Secretary of Health passed on some of responsibilities to the regional offices and directors.
One of the priorities of the Marcos administration was health maintenance. From 1975 to the mid-eighties, four specialty hospitals were built in succession. The first three institutions were spearheaded by First Lady Imelda Marcos. The Philippine Heart Center was established on February 14, 1975 with Dr. Avelino Aventura as director. Second, the Philippine Children’s Medical Center was built in 1979. Then in 1983, the National Kidney and Transplant Institute was set up. This was soon followed by the Lung Center of the Philippines, which was constructed under the guidance of Health Minister Dr. Enrique Garcia.
With a shift to a parliamentary form of government, the Department of Health was transformed into the Ministry of Health on June 2, 1978 with Dr. Clemente S. Gatmaitan as the first health minister. On April 13, 1987, the Department of Health was created from the previous Ministry of Health with Dr. Alfredo R. A. Bengzon as secretary of health.
List of Secretaries of Health
Name Term Began Term Ended President Fifth Republic of the Philippines Alfredo Bengzon 1987 1991 Corazon Aquino Antonio Periquet 1991 June 30, 1992 Corazon Aquino Juan Flavier June 30, 1992 1995 Fidel Ramos Jaime Galvez-Tan 1995 1995 Fidel Ramos Hilarion Ramiro, Jr. 1995 1996 Fidel Ramos Carmencita Reodica 1996 1998 Fidel Ramos Felipe Estrella 1998 1998 Joseph Estrada Alberto Romualdez 1998 January 20, 2001 Joseph Estrada Manuel Dayrit January 20, 2001 June 1, 2005 Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo Francisco Duque III June 1, 2005 January 2010 Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo Esperanza Cabral January 2010 June 30, 2010 Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo Enrique Ona June 30, 2010 Present Benigno Aquino III
References
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Philippine Media Wiki
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The English wiki at this URL has been closed, but here are related wikis in other languages
This is the list of communities under this domain
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https://www.ruralhealthinfo.org/topics/healthcare-access
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Healthcare Access in Rural Communities Overview
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Provides resources and answers frequently asked questions related to healthcare access. Discusses the importance of primary care for rural residents and covers barriers to healthcare access in rural areas, such as transportation, insurance, and workforce issues. Highlights strategies to improve access to care for rural residents.
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Access to healthcare services is critical to good health, yet rural residents face a variety of access barriers. A 1993 National Academies report, Access to Healthcare in America, defined access as “the timely use of personal health services to achieve the best possible health outcomes.” A 2014 RUPRI Health Panel report on rural healthcare access summarizes additional definitions of access with examples of measures that can be used to determine access.
Ideally, residents should be able to conveniently and confidently access services such as primary care, dental care, behavioral health, emergency care, and public health services. Access to healthcare is important for:
Overall physical, social, and mental health status
Disease prevention
Detection, diagnosis, and treatment of illness
Quality of life
Avoiding preventable deaths
Life expectancy
Rural residents often encounter barriers to healthcare that limit their ability to obtain the care they need. Access to healthcare implies that healthcare services are available and obtainable in a timely manner. Yet rural residents often encounter barriers to healthcare access. Even when an adequate supply of healthcare services exists in the community, there are other factors that may impede healthcare access. For instance, to have healthcare access, rural residents must also have:
Financial means to pay for services, such as health or dental insurance that is accepted by the provider
Means to reach and use services, such as transportation to services that may be located at a distance, and the ability to take paid time off of work to use such services
Confidence in their ability to communicate with healthcare providers, particularly if the patient is not fluent in English or has limited health literacy
Trust that they can use services without compromising privacy
Confidence that they will receive quality care
This guide provides an overview of healthcare access in rural America, including discussion of the importance and benefits of healthcare access and the barriers that rural residents experience. The guide includes information regarding:
Barriers to care, including workforce shortages, health insurance status, transportation issues, health literacy, and stigma in rural communities
Access issues for specific populations and healthcare services
Strategies and resources to improve access
For information on access to public health services in rural communities, see the Rural Public Health Agencies topic guide.
Frequently Asked Questions
How does the lack of healthcare access affect population health and patient well-being in a community?
What are barriers to healthcare access in rural areas?
Why is primary care access important for rural residents?
What types of healthcare services are frequently difficult to access in rural areas?
How do rural healthcare facility and service closures impact access to care?
What are some strategies to improve access to care in rural communities?
What can be done to help rural veterans access healthcare?
What is different about healthcare access for American Indians and Alaska Natives?
What organizations work to improve rural healthcare access?
How are private foundations working to improve healthcare access and the related reimbursement issues?
How does the lack of healthcare access affect population health and patient well-being in a community?
The supply of primary care providers per capita is lower in rural areas compared to urban areas, according to Supply and Distribution of the Primary Care Workforce in Rural America: 2019. Travel to reach a primary care provider may be costly and burdensome for patients living in remote rural areas, with subspecialty care often even farther away. These patients may substitute local primary care providers for subspecialists or they may decide to postpone or forego care. Access in Brief: Rural and Urban Health Care compares access to care and use of services for rural and urban adults and children with Medicaid coverage and shows that from 2013-2015 34% of urban adults utilized the emergency room (ER) for care compared to 43.5% of rural adults who utilized the ER. The high number of ER visits can be an indicator that the patient lacks a usual source of care or has developed emergent health problems due to foregone care.
According to the 2014 RUPRI Health Panel report, Access to Rural Health Care - A Literature Review and New Synthesis, barriers to healthcare result in unmet healthcare needs, including a lack of preventive and screening services and treatment of illnesses. A vital rural community is dependent on the health of its population. While access to medical care does not guarantee good health, access to healthcare is critical for a population's well-being and optimal health.
The challenges that rural residents face in accessing healthcare services contribute to health disparities. To learn more about disparities in health outcomes, see RHIhub's Rural Health Disparities topic guide.
What are barriers to healthcare access in rural areas?
Distance and Transportation
Rural populations are more likely to have to travel long distances to access healthcare services, particularly subspecialist services. This can be a significant burden in terms of travel time, cost, and time away from the workplace. In addition, the lack of reliable transportation is a barrier to care. In urban areas, public transit is generally an option for patients to get to medical appointments; however, these transportation services are often lacking in rural areas. Rural communities often have more elderly residents who have chronic conditions requiring multiple visits to outpatient healthcare facilities. This becomes challenging without available public or private transportation. RHIhub's Transportation to Support Rural Healthcare topic guide provides resources and information about transportation and related issues for rural communities.
Workforce Shortages
Healthcare workforce shortages impact healthcare access in rural communities. One measure of healthcare access is having a regular source of care, which is dependent on having an adequate healthcare workforce. Some health services researchers argue that evaluating healthcare access by simply measuring provider availability is not an adequate measure to fully understand healthcare access. Measures of nonuse, such as counting rural residents who could not find an appropriate care provider, can help provide a fuller picture of whether a sufficient healthcare workforce is available to rural residents. See What state-level policies and programs can help address the problem of shortages in the rural healthcare workforce? on RHIhub's Rural Health Workforce topic guide, for more information.
A shortage of healthcare professionals in rural areas of the U.S. can restrict access to healthcare by limiting the supply of available services. As of September 2022, 65.6% of Primary Care Health Professional Shortage Areas (HPSAs) were located in rural areas. For the most current numbers, see the Health Resource and Services Administration (HRSA's) Designated Health Professional Shortage Areas Statistics. HRSA also includes statistics on mental health and dental HPSAs.
Primary Care HPSAs are scored 0-25, with higher scores indicating a greater need for primary care providers. This July 2024 map highlights nonmetropolitan areas with primary care workforce shortages, with areas in darker green indicating higher nonmetro HPSA scores:
For more information on healthcare workforce challenges in rural areas, resources, and strategies used to address rural healthcare workforce shortages, see RHIhub's Rural Healthcare Workforce topic guide.
Health Insurance Coverage
Individuals without health insurance have less access to healthcare services. According to Geographic Variation in Health Insurance Coverage: United States, 2022, nonmetropolitan children and adults under 65 were more likely than their metropolitan peers to be uninsured.
The June 2016 issue brief from the Office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation, Impact of the Affordable Care Act Coverage Expansion on Rural and Urban Populations, found that 43.4% of uninsured rural residents reported not having a usual source of care, which was less than the 52.6% of uninsured urban residents reporting not having a usual source of care. Yet, the brief reports that 26.5% of uninsured rural residents delayed receiving healthcare in the past year due to cost. The Affordable Care Act and Insurance Coverage in Rural Areas, a 2014 Kaiser Family Foundation issue brief, points out that uninsured rural residents face greater difficulty accessing care due to the limited supply of rural healthcare providers who offer low-cost or charity healthcare, when compared to their urban counterparts.
Health insurance affordability is a concern for rural areas. A RUPRI Center for Rural Health Policy Analysis policy brief, Health Insurance Marketplaces: Issuer Participation and Premium Trends in Rural Places, 2018, evaluated changes in average health insurance marketplace (HIM) plan premiums from 2014 to 2018. Average premiums were higher in rural counties than in urban counties. In addition, rural counties were more likely to have only one insurance issuer participating in the HIM. Medicare Advantage plan co-pays and deductibles are higher in rural, and no-cost benefits like health clubs and transportation are less frequently offered in rural areas.
Broadband Access
While the use of telehealth services was already becoming more popular and widespread at the beginning of 2020, measures implemented in response to the COVID-19 pandemic accelerated this growth. Unfortunately, many areas lack access to broadband internet and experience slow internet speeds, both of which are barriers to accessing telehealth services. Compared to their urban counterparts, rural individuals are nearly two times more likely to lack broadband access. A Peterson Center on Healthcare and Kaiser Family Foundation report, How Might Internet Connectivity Affect Health Care Access?, stated that 7% of people in metropolitan areas did not have access to internet at home in 2019, while 13% of people in nonmetropolitan areas lacked access. To learn about additional challenges for rural telehealth use, see What are the challenges related to providing telehealth services in rural communities? on RHIhub's Telehealth and Health Information Technology in Rural Healthcare topic guide.
Poor Health Literacy
Health literacy can also be a barrier to accessing healthcare. Health literacy impacts a patient's ability to understand health information and instructions from their healthcare providers. This can be especially concerning in rural communities, where lower educational levels and higher incidence of poverty often impact residents. Low health literacy can make residents reluctant to seek healthcare due to fear or frustration related to communicating with a healthcare professional. Additionally, navigating the healthcare system can be difficult without health literacy skills. To learn more about low health literacy in rural America, see the Rural Health Literacy Toolkit in RHIhub's evidence-based toolkits. The Rural Monitor's 2017 two-part series on rural health literacy, Understanding Skills and Demands is Key to Improvement and Who's Delivering Health Information? explores connections between health and health literacy and how health information is being delivered to rural populations. The Rural Monitor's 2022 two-part series, A New Era of Health Literacy? Expanded Definitions, Digital Influences, and Rural Inequities and Educating Future Healthcare Providers: Health Literacy Opportunities for Webside Manners explores health literacy in the digital era.
Social Stigma and Privacy Issues
In rural areas, because there is little anonymity, social stigma and privacy concerns are more likely to act as barriers to healthcare access. Rural residents can have concerns about seeking care for mental health, substance use, sexual health, pregnancy, or even common chronic illnesses due to unease or privacy concerns. Patients' feelings may be caused by personal relationships with their healthcare provider or others working in the healthcare facility. Additionally, patients can feel fear or concerns about other residents, who are often friends, family members, or co-workers, who may notice them utilizing services for health conditions that are typically not openly discussed, such as counseling or HIV testing services. Co-location or the integration of behavioral health services with primary care healthcare services in the same building can help ease patient concerns. Understanding Rural Communities, a 2018 podcast from the Hogg Foundation for Mental Health, features an interview with Dennis Mohatt, the Vice President for Behavioral Health at the Western Interstate Commission for Higher Education (WICHE), discussing rural health and the stigma surrounding mental healthcare in rural communities.
Why is primary care access important for rural residents?
Primary care, in addition to emergency and public health care, are essential rural healthcare services. Primary care providers offer a broad range of services and treat a wide spectrum of medical issues. The American Academy of Family Physicians characterizes primary care as follows:
“A primary care practice serves as the patient's first point of entry into the health care system and as the continuing focal point for all needed health care services…Primary care practices provide health promotion, disease prevention, health maintenance, counseling, patient education, diagnosis and treatment of acute and chronic illnesses in a variety of health care settings.”
A 2005 Milbank Quarterly article, Contribution of Primary Care to Health Systems and Health, identifies the key roles primary care access plays in preventing disease and improving health. Primary care serves as a first entry point into the health system, which can be particularly important for groups, such as rural residents and racial/ethnic minorities, who might otherwise face barriers to accessing healthcare. Some benefits of primary care access are:
Preventive services, including early disease detection
Care coordination
Lower all-cause, cancer, and heart disease mortality rates
Reduction in low birth weight
Improved health behaviors
Improved overall health
Lower healthcare costs
Access to Quality Health Services in Rural Areas – Primary Care: A Literature Review, a section of the 2015 report Rural Healthy People 2020: A Companion Document to Healthy People 2020, Volume 1, provides an overview of the impact primary care access has on rural health. Rural residents with limited primary care access may not receive preventive screenings that can lead to early detection and treatment of disease. A North Carolina Rural Health Research Program 2018 findings brief, Access to Care: Populations in Counties with No FQHC, RHC, or Acute Care Hospital, describes the scope of limited primary care access in rural areas in the U.S. and covers three facility types that provide primary care services to rural communities, including Federally Qualified Health Centers (FQHCs), Rural Health Clinics (RHCs), and acute care hospital outpatient departments. The findings brief reports that there are 660,893 U.S. residents who live in rural counties without an FQHC, RHC, or acute care hospital. A 2019 Rural & Minority Health Research Center Findings Brief states that 279 rural counties did not have an FQHC or RHC and 72 of those counties were isolated from primary care safety net providers. For more information on primary care in rural and urban areas, see Primary Care in the United States: A Chartbook of Facts and Statistics from the Robert Graham Center.
To learn more about FQHCs, see RHIhub's Federally Qualified Health Centers (FQHCs) topic guide. Additionally, RHIhub's Rural Health Clinics (RHCs) topic guide answers frequently asked questions on these types of facilities and provides information and resources.
What types of healthcare services are frequently difficult to access in rural areas?
Home Health
Home health services in rural America are a growing need, but may be difficult to access for some rural residents. A 2022 Rural & Minority Health Research Center findings brief indicates that 10.3% of all rural ZIP Code Tabulation Areas (ZCTAs) were not served by any home health agency, with frontier and remote areas having the least access to home health care. Home is Where the Heart Is: Insights on the Coordination and Delivery of Home Health Services in Rural America, an August 2017 Rural Health Reform Policy Research Center policy brief, covers many barriers and challenges facing rural home health agencies that affect their ability to provide access in rural areas, including:
Reimbursement and insurance coverage
Face-to-face requirement
Homebound status requirement
Changing rules and regulations
Workforce
Time and resources required to serve patients located at a distance
Discharge process and referral difficulties
See To what extent are home health services available in rural communities? on the Rural Home Health Services topic guide for more information.
Hospice and Palliative Care
Hospice and palliative care agencies often face barriers and challenges similar to other healthcare services in rural areas. These challenges can include workforce shortages; recruitment and retention programs; reimbursement issues; limited access to broadband; and others.
RHIhub's Rural Hospice and Palliative Care topic guide answers frequently asked questions and provides resources on hospice and palliative care in rural areas. Community-based Palliative Care: Scaling Access for Rural Populations, an October 2018 Rural Monitor article, describes the role palliative care plays in meeting the needs of patients who are chronically and seriously ill and covers challenges to accessing palliative care in rural areas.
Mental Health Services
Access to mental health providers and services is a challenge in rural areas. As a result, primary care providers often fill the gap and provide mental health services. However, primary care providers may face challenges that may limit their ability to provide mental health care access, such as inadequate financial reimbursement or lack of time with patients.
As of September 2022, 60.58% of Mental Health Professional Shortage Areas were located in rural areas. For the most current figures, see HRSA's Designated Health Professional Shortage Areas Statistics.
Mental Health HPSAs are scored 0-25, with higher scores indicating a greater need for mental health providers. The July 2024 map below highlights mental health HPSAs for both metro areas, in multiple shades of purple, and nonmetro areas, in various shades of green.
Due to the lack of mental health providers in rural communities, the use of telehealth to deliver mental health services is increasing. The June 2016 Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality technical brief, Telehealth: Mapping the Evidence for Patient Outcomes from Systematic Reviews, found that mental health services can be effectively delivered via telehealth. By using telehealth delivery systems, mental health services can be provided in a variety of rural settings, including rural clinics, schools, residential programs, long-term care facilities, and individual patient homes. Additionally, the Calendar Year (CY) 2022 Medicare Physician Fee Schedule Final Rule made permanent the ability for FQHCs and RHCs to be reimbursed by Medicare for telemental health appointments. RHIhub's Telehealth and Health Information Technology in Rural Healthcare topic guide has many more resources on how telehealth can improve access to care. For additional resources on access to mental health services in rural areas, see RHIhub's Rural Mental Health topic guide.
For more information, see the 2016 WWAMI Rural Health Research Center data brief, Supply and Distribution of the Behavioral Health Workforce in Rural America. The brief discusses and compares the provider to population ratios of the behavioral health workforce in metropolitan and nonmetropolitan U.S. counties, including micropolitan and noncore areas. A state-level analysis of the study is also available with information for all states.
Substance Use Disorder Services
Despite a growing need, there is a shortage of substance use disorder services offered in many rural communities across America.
A 2015 American Journal of Drug and Alcohol Abuse article, Rural Substance Use Treatment Centers in the United States: An Assessment of Treatment Quality by Location, reports that rural substance use disorder treatment centers had a lower proportion of highly educated counselors, compared to urban centers. Rural treatment centers were found to offer fewer wraparound services and specialized treatment tracks.
Detoxification is an initial step of substance use disorder treatment that involves managing acute intoxication, withdrawal, and minimizing medical complications. A 2009 Maine Rural Health Research Center research and policy brief, Few and Far Away: Detoxification Services in Rural Areas, found that 82% of rural residents live in a county without a detox provider. The lack of detox providers in rural areas creates a barrier to care that could result in patients forgoing or delaying needed treatment. In lieu of a detox provider in a rural community, the local emergency room or county jail, although not the most appropriate location for detoxification services, must often serve as a substitute.
Access to medication for opioid use disorder (MOUD) is also limited in rural communities. What's MAT Got to Do with It? Medication-Assisted Treatment for Opioid Use Disorder in Rural America provides an overview of MOUD — previously referred to as MAT — an evidence-based treatment for opioid use disorder, with information on the science behind the disorder and how three medications for opioid use disorder work. According to Practical Tools for Prescribing and Promoting Buprenorphine in Primary Care Settings, rural areas benefit from using the drug buprenorphine for MOUD treatment, but often face staffing, transportation, and technology constraints that prevent making MOUD a viable option in rural communities. This source recommends leveraging non-physician staff for treatment, prescribing buprenorphine for at-home treatment, and engaging the local community to build service locations as strategies to overcome barriers. See our Rural Medication for Opioid Use Disorder (MOUD) Toolkit for more information.
A shortage of mental health and substance use disorder clinicians in rural communities led to the development of new models to bridge the gap and provide needed mental health and substance use disorder services using allied behavioral health workers, such as:
Nurse Navigator and Recovery Specialist Outreach Program
ASPIN Network's Community Health Worker Program
RHIhub's Substance Use and Misuse in Rural Areas and Rural Response to the Opioid Crisis topic guides provide information and resources, answer frequently asked questions, and list model programs to address substance use disorder and model programs to address opioid use in rural areas.
Reproductive, Obstetric, and Maternal Health Services
Reproductive healthcare is typically more difficult to access in rural areas. According to the Kaiser Family Foundation's (KFF) issue brief, Women's Sexual and Reproductive Health Services: Key Findings from the 2020 KFF Women's Health Survey, rural women are less likely to have had a recent pap test and less likely to have access to a provider who discussed reproductive health issues with them, such as contraception, sexual and relationship history, sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and other transmissible diseases, pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP), and menopause.
Access to obstetric services is a persistent, but growing concern in rural areas. A 2022 Center for Economic Analysis of Rural Health policy brief, County-Level Availability of Obstetric Care and Economic Implications of Hospital Closures on Obstetric Care, reports that out of 148 counties that lost obstetric services between 2012 and 2019 due to hospital or unit closures/conversions, 113 of the counties were rural. A June 2020 University of Minnesota Rural Health Research Center (UMN RHRC) infographic, Loss of Hospital-based Obstetric Services in Rural Counties in the United States, 2004-2018, displays similar data. According to the document, only 27% of non-core counties had hospital-based OB services as of 2018. A 2022 report from March of Dimes states that 911 rural U.S. counties are maternity care deserts. Additionally, a 2020 action plan from the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Healthy Women, Healthy Pregnancies, Healthy Futures: Action Plan to Improve Maternal Health in America, points out that, although 15% of people in the U.S. live in rural communities, only 6% of OB/GYNs serve these areas. However, many rural family physicians provide broad OB/GYN services to their patients.
A 2014 committee opinion from the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG), Health Disparities in Rural Women, reports that “prenatal care initiation in the first trimester was lower for mothers in more rural areas compared with suburban areas.” Access to labor and delivery, prenatal, and related services is also a concern of ACOG, reporting that “less than one half of rural women live within a 30-minute drive to the nearest hospital offering perinatal services.”
A 2020 case study Making it Work: Models of Success in Rural Maternity Care discusses 3 rural obstetric service providers, highlighting the importance of strong partnerships, collaboration, and community support to maintaining successful rural maternity care. The RHIhub Rural Maternal Health Toolkit also discusses access to maternity care in rural areas.
The 2019 National Rural Health Association (NRHA) policy brief, Access to Rural Maternity Care, provides an overview of the decline in access to maternity care in rural areas and factors contributing to the decline in access. The brief offers policy considerations to support maternity care services and address barriers to access in the rural U.S., such as increasing research funding, rural OB practice challenges, workforce issues, and quality of OB care. The report Restoring Access to Maternity Care in Rural America discusses strategies to improve maternal care, such as creating maternity care networks, promoting visibility for care, helping rural providers care for patients with high-risk pregnancies, utilizing telemedicine, expanding and training the rural healthcare workforce, enlisting nonclinical partners, and more.
Oral Health Services
Oral health can affect overall physical and emotional health. For example, oral health needs that are not addressed can lead to pain, cosmetic concerns, and can affect academic or professional success. Despite the importance of oral health, access to dental care is either very limited or difficult to access in many rural and remote communities.
Traditionally, health insurance plans have not covered oral health services. A separate dental insurance plan is needed to cover oral health services and procedures. According to the 2021 National Institutes of Health report Oral Health in America, fewer rural residents have dental insurance compared to urban residents.
Another factor limiting access to dental services is the lack of dental health professionals in rural and underserved areas. As of September 2022, 67.06% of Dental Health Professional Shortage Areas were located in rural areas. For the most current numbers, see HRSA's Designated Health Professional Shortage Areas Statistics. A June 2015 WWAMI Rural Health Research Center report, Dentist Supply, Dental Care Utilization, and Oral Health Among Rural and Urban U.S. Residents, found that rural adults used dental services less and had more permanent tooth loss compared to urban adults, which could be related to the scarcity of dentists in rural areas. According to 2020-2021 HRSA Area Health Resource Files, there are 7.5 dentists per 10,000 citizens in metropolitan areas and 4.7 dentists per 10,000 citizens in nonmetropolitan areas.
A May 2018 NRHA policy brief, Improving Rural Oral Healthcare Access, offers recommendations to address dental workforce shortages and to ultimately improve access to oral health services, including:
Providing rural training tracks during dental education
Admitting dental students from rural areas who would be more likely to practice in a rural community
Providing dental students opportunities to obtain a broad range of dental skills which will be needed in a rural practice
Helping rural communities recruit and retain oral health providers through local community development programs
For more information, see What oral health disparities are present in rural America? on RHIhub's Oral Health in Rural Communities topic guide.
How do rural healthcare facility and service closures impact access to care?
The closure of rural healthcare facilities or the discontinuation of services can have a negative impact on access to healthcare in rural communities.
Local rural healthcare systems are fragile; when one facility closes or a provider leaves, it can impact care and access across the community. For example, if a surgeon leaves, C-section access declines and obstetric care is jeopardized. If a hospital closes, it may be harder to recruit physicians.
There are multiple factors that can affect the severity and impact of a hospital or healthcare facility closure on healthcare access, including:
Distance to the next closest provider
Availability of alternative services
Transportation services
Community members' socioeconomic and health status
Traveling to receive healthcare services places the burden on patients. For individuals with low incomes, no paid time off from their jobs, physical limitations, acute conditions, or no personal transportation, these burdens can significantly affect their ability to access healthcare services.
A significant concern for rural communities losing their hospital is the loss of emergency services. In emergency situations, care delays can have serious adverse consequences on patient outcomes.
A 2015 findings brief from the North Carolina Rural Health Research Program, A Comparison of Closed Rural Hospitals and Perceived Impact, identifies the following potential impacts on healthcare access due to hospital closure:
Unstable health services, particularly diagnostic and lab tests, obstetrics, rehabilitation, and emergency medical care
Rising EMS costs
Residents not receiving needed care or services due to lack of transportation
Greater impact on access for the elderly, racial/ethnic minorities, the poor, and people with disabilities
The North Carolina Rural Health Research Program maintains an interactive map, which displays locations of rural hospital closures in the U.S. from January 2005 to present. According to the map, 183 rural hospitals had closed as of July 2022. Unfortunately, rural health experts believe rural hospital closures are likely to continue because many rural hospitals have minimal operating margins with little room for financial loss. According to the 2022 findings brief Since 1990, Rural Hospital Closures Have Increasingly Occurred in Counties that Are More Urbanized, Diverse, and Economically Unequal, closures disproportionately impact communities of color, impoverished areas, and rural counties in the South.
Alternative models and provider types may be needed to meet access needs in rural areas in the event of closures. A 2016 Medicare Payment Advisory Commission presentation, Improving Efficiency and Preserving Access to Emergency Care in Rural Areas, describes policies and strategies to ensure access to emergency department services in rural areas. The presentation provides discussion on alternative healthcare delivery models. The 2020 research brief Alternatives to Hospital Closure: Findings from a National Survey of CAH Executives explores options to maintain access in rural communities whose hospitals are encountering negative profit margins.
Additional closures impacting rural areas can be seen in nursing homes in nonmetropolitan counties. Trends in Nursing Home Closures in Nonmetropolitan and Metropolitan Counties in the United States, 2008-2018 shows that in this time span 472 nursing homes closed in 400 nonmetropolitan counties and as of 2018, 10.1% of rural counties in the U.S. were considered nursing home deserts.
Maintaining pharmacy services in rural towns can also be a challenge, particularly when the only pharmacist in town nears retirement. When a community's only pharmacy closes, it creates a void and residents must adapt to find new ways to meet their medication needs. According to Causes and Consequences of Rural Pharmacy Closures: A Multi-Case Study:
“Rural residents rely on local pharmacies to provide pharmacy and clinical care management and coordination. The absence of a pharmacy may be disproportionately felt by the rural elderly, who often have a greater need for access to medications and medication management services.”
A 2015 rural policy brief from RUPRI Center for Rural Health Policy Analysis, Characteristics of Rural Communities with a Sole, Independently Owned Pharmacy, analyzed data to describe characteristics of vulnerable rural communities served by a sole, independently owned rural pharmacy. Average characteristics of communities include:
19% of the population was aged 65 and older
Unemployment at 8%
Uninsured rates were 15%
28% had incomes below 150% of the federal poverty level
A 2022 RUPRI Center for Rural Health Policy Analysis Brief states: “Between 2003 and 2021, the number of retail pharmacies declined in noncore rural areas by 9.8 percent, and in rural micropolitan areas by 4.4 percent, while the number in metropolitan areas increased by 15.1 percent during the same period.” For more information on rural pharmacy access or challenges rural pharmacies face, see RHIhub's Rural Pharmacy and Prescription Drugs topic guide.
What are some strategies to improve access to care in rural communities?
There are multiple strategies being used to improve access to healthcare in rural areas. Examples include:
Delivery Models
In 2023, a new Medicare provider type will be implemented, the Rural Emergency Hospital, which is designed to maintain access to emergency and outpatient care in rural areas. For more information, see the RHIhub Rural Emergency Hospital topic guide.
Freestanding Emergency Departments (FSEDs) are defined by the American College of Emergency Physicians (ACEP) as a “facility that is structurally separate and distinct from a hospital and provides emergency care.” ACEP provides FSED operational and staffing recommendations. A November 2016 Rural Monitor article, Freestanding Emergency Departments: An Alternative Model for Rural Communities, further defines an FSED and describes the two types, while discussing the financial sustainability of the model. After Hospital Closure: Pursuing High Performance Rural Health Systems without Inpatient Care, a June 2017 RUPRI Health Panel report, discusses case studies from 3 rural communities that transitioned to new models of care, including freestanding emergency department services, increased telemedicine capacity, and specialty care. The report also describes a range of different delivery options for communities that lack hospital inpatient care.
Community Paramedicine is a model of care where paramedics and emergency medical technicians (EMTs) operate in expanded roles to assist with healthcare services for those in need without duplicating available services existing within the community. RHIhub's Community Paramedicine topic guide describes how this model of care can benefit rural communities and covers steps to starting a rural community paramedicine program. Rural communities looking to develop community paramedicine or mobile integrated health programs can also view RHIhub's Rural Community Paramedicine Toolkit for emerging practices and resources.
The Community Health Worker (CHW) model facilitates healthcare access by using CHWs as a liaison between healthcare providers and rural residents to ensure their healthcare needs are met. RHIhub's Community Health Workers in Rural Settings topic guide offers information and resources on CHWs and covers CHW education, training, and certification.
Care coordination and team-based care models, such as Accountable Care Organizations and Patient-Centered Medical Homes (PCMHs), can also extend access to primary care services in rural communities. A variety of rural medical home and care coordination programs are highlighted in RHIhub's Rural Health Models and Innovations section.
Affiliation with Larger Systems or Networks
Local rural healthcare facilities may choose to join healthcare networks or affiliate themselves with larger healthcare systems as a strategic move to maintain or improve healthcare access in their communities. These affiliations or joining of healthcare networks may improve the financial viability of the rural facility, provide additional resources and infrastructure for the facility, and allow the rural healthcare facility to offer new or expanded healthcare services they could not otherwise provide. However, the benefits of an affiliation with a larger healthcare system may come at the expense of local control.
A 2018 RUPRI Center for Rural Health Policy Analysis policy brief, Trends in Hospital System Affiliation, 2007-2016, notes that rural hospitals do follow the general trend and show an increase in hospital system affiliation. The brief found nonmetropolitan CAHs had the lowest rate of increase in hospital system affiliation. The 2018 RUPRI Center for Rural Health Policy Analysis report, The Rural Hospital and Health System Affiliation Landscape – A Brief Review, discusses the various types of hospital affiliations that rural hospitals might consider and factors that might affect which option rural hospitals choose, such as maintaining local decision-making authority and meeting the demands of the hospital system affiliation. The report covers some benefits hospital system affiliation can afford a rural hospital, including access to:
Technology
Staff recruitment and retention
Group purchasing
Increased access to healthcare and operational services
Ability to adapt to value-based payment models
Improved performance
Efforts to Improve the Workforce
An adequate workforce is necessary for maintaining healthcare access in a community. In order to increase access to healthcare, rural communities must use their healthcare professionals in the most efficient and strategic ways. This might include allowing each professional to work at the top of their license, using new types of providers, working in interprofessional teams, and creative scheduling to offer clinic time outside of regular work hours.
RHIhub's Rural Healthcare Workforce topic guide discusses how rural areas can address workforce shortages, such as partnering with other healthcare facilities; increasing pay for staff; adding flexibility and incentives to improve recruitment and retention of healthcare providers; and using telehealth services. The guide also discusses state and federal policies and programs to improve the supply of rural health professionals, such as loan repayment programs and visa waivers.
Telehealth
Telehealth is considered to be a key tool to help address rural healthcare access issues. Through telehealth, rural patients can see specialists in a timely manner while staying in the comfort of their home or local facility. Local healthcare providers can also benefit from subspecialists' expertise provided via telehealth. However, the temporary changes to telehealth policy in response to the COVID-19 pandemic has made visible potential for unequal access to these services due to a lack of broadband internet access in some rural areas. According to the Federal Communications Commission 2020 Broadband Deployment Report, 22.3% of rural Americans and 27.7% of Americans living in tribal areas lack fixed terrestrial broadband coverage, compared to 1.5% of Americans who lack coverage in urban areas.
For more information on telehealth policy, including broadband capacity, see the Rural Policy Research Institute's 2020 report The Evolving Landscape of National Telehealth Policies during a Public Health Emergency: Responsiveness to Rural Needs. The report notes the RUPRI Health Panel's recommendation that telehealth should support rather than supplant local healthcare services. Additionally, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services has a telehealth guide that is specific to rural areas.
RHIhub's Telehealth and Health Information Technology in Rural Healthcare topic guide provides a broad overview of how telehealth is being used in rural communities to improve healthcare access. The guide covers specific programs currently in use in rural areas, as well as providing resources and a listing of funding and opportunities that can be used to support telehealth solutions.
What can be done to help rural veterans access healthcare?
One of the primary barriers that rural veterans face when accessing healthcare services is the significant travel distance to the nearest Veterans Affairs (VA) healthcare facility. A 2018 study found that rural veterans' access to healthcare is not necessarily an issue of eligibility for purchased care from non-VA providers, as most VA healthcare facility deserts are also underserved by non-VA providers.
According to the 2019 research brief Access to Care Among Rural Veterans, 56% of rural veterans enrolled in the VA health system are over 65 years of age and are more likely to experience diabetes, heart conditions, and high blood pressure compared to urban veterans. Moreover, suicide rates are higher for rural compared to urban veterans. It is important that populations with complex medical needs have access to support programs.
To address access issues for rural veterans, the VA has created community-based outpatient clinics in many rural areas, in addition to using mobile clinics and telehealth services. To learn more about VA services for rural veterans or the VA's efforts to address veterans' healthcare access, see RHIhub's Rural Veterans and Access to Healthcare topic guide.
What is different about healthcare access for American Indians and Alaska Natives?
Health and Health Care for American Indians and Alaska Natives (AI/ANs), a 2018 publication from the Kaiser Family Foundation, reports that nonelderly AI/AN adults are more likely to be uninsured compared to nonelderly White adults, 25% and 8% respectively, and that there are higher uninsured rates of AI/AN children (14%) compared to White children (4%).
The federal Indian Health Service (IHS) provides healthcare and prevention services to AI/AN people. Broken Promises: Continuing Federal Funding Shortfall for Native Americans, a 2018 report, states that federal funding for Native American programs in the past 15 years has been severely inadequate and does not meet the basic needs and services of the federal government's obligations to the populations they serve, which in itself is a barrier to accessing healthcare for AI/AN people. IHS provides direct healthcare services at an IHS facility or Purchase/Referred Care (PRC) provided by a non-IHS facility or provider through a contractual agreement, and these services are not considered healthcare insurance coverage. This is explained further in RHIhub's Rural Tribal Health topic guide question Is access to Indian Health Service (IHS) resources considered health insurance?
RHIhub's Rural Tribal Health topic guide answers frequently asked questions on tribal health and provides resources on rural AI/AN populations.
What organizations work to improve rural healthcare access?
Many organizations work to meet the needs of rural communities and help ensure the availability of essential healthcare services.
The Federal Office of Rural Health Policy (FORHP) focuses on rural healthcare issues and is part of HRSA.
Rural Health Research Centers are funded by the Federal Office of Rural Health Policy to produce policy-relevant research and analysis on healthcare and issues impacting healthcare in rural areas.
The National Rural Health Association (NRHA) provides leadership and resources on rural health issues for healthcare providers and organizations working to improve the health of rural communities.
The National Association of Rural Health Clinics (NARHC) works to improve the delivery of quality, cost-effective healthcare in rural underserved areas through the RHC Program.
The American Hospital Association (AHA) Section for Rural Health Services represents the interests of small and rural hospitals and works to ensure that the unique needs of this segment of AHA's membership are a national priority.
State Offices of Rural Health (SORHs) and State Rural Health Associations (SRHAs) help rural communities build healthcare delivery systems by coordinating rural healthcare activities in the state, collecting and disseminating information, and providing technical assistance to public and non-profit entities.
The National Organization of State Offices of Rural Health (NOSORH) works to foster and promote legislation, resources, and education with the SORHs, the Federal Office of Rural Health Policy, NRHA, and other organizations promoting and supporting rural healthcare access.
The National Rural Recruitment and Retention Network (3RNET) is a national recruitment organization for healthcare professional jobs in rural and underserved communities.
How are private foundations working to improve healthcare access and the related reimbursement issues?
Many private foundations work to improve healthcare access by funding transportation services, improving workforce, and addressing other factors that affect rural healthcare access. Investing in existing safety net providers and programs, offering grants to develop and implement innovative healthcare delivery models, and funding research to study policy implications as they relate to rural healthcare access are all examples of actions foundations can take to support rural healthcare access.
A November 2017 article published in Health Affairs, Foundations' Efforts to Improve Rural Health Care, covers private foundation projects focused on improving access to rural healthcare.
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Certify and Manage Patient Claims
If your patient or their caregiver are eligible for State Disability Insurance (SDI), they may be covered by one of two benefits: Disability Insurance (DI) or Paid Family Leave (PFL).
The quality, accuracy, and timeliness of your medical certifications are important to the processing of their DI or PFL claim.
Who Can Certify
We review claims to ensure that all eligibility requirements are met; this includes verification of your health professional’s license which must be active and in good standing.
The following licensed health professionals can certify claims:
Licensed medical or osteopathic physician/practitioners
Authorized medical officer of a U.S. Government facility
Chiropractor
Podiatrist
Optometrist
Dentist
Psychologist
Nurse practitioner or physician assistant
Licensed midwife, nurse-midwife, or nurse practitioner for pregnancy, childbirth, or postpartum conditions consistent with the scope of their professional licensing.
Accredited religious practitioner
Important: Effective January 1, 2024, Senate Bill 667 changes the scope of nurse midwife certification authorization.
How to Certify Claims
If your patient or their caregiver asks you for a medical certification for their SDI claim, you can fill out and submit the form using SDI Online. For more information, visit the Certify and Manage Claims - Basics for Licensed Health Professionals page.
Note: You will need to complete an identity and medical license verification through ID.me to register an account and use SDI Online.
Independent Medical Examiner Information
The State Disability Insurance (SDI) program has a panel of Independent Medical Examiners. These are licensed health professionals responsible for the supplemental examinations that verify a disability status by providing a second medical opinion when the original certification is in question. Examinations by the SDI program follow the guidelines listed in Section 2627(c)-1(b) of Title 22 of the California Code of Regulations.
For example, SDI may request an examination if a licensed health professional lists the claimant’s disability as lasting longer than what is considered normal for the diagnosis but doesn’t provide a medically justified reason.
Independent medical examinations assist SDI in preserving the Disability Fund for the benefit of workers who are insured through SDI.
How to Become an Independent Medical Examiner
If you are a licensed health professional and would like to become an Independent Medical Examiner, contact us by emailing DIBMedical@edd.ca.gov or at the mailing address below. Please provide us with a contact phone number, email, and mailing address. We will contact you and provide you with the appropriate forms to complete.
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[
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2012-06-17T08:38:04+00:00
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en
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/static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Secretary_of_Health_(Philippines)
|
Member of the Cabinet of the Philippines
Secretary of HealthKalihim ng Kalusugan
Incumbent
Ted Herbosa
since June 5, 2023
StyleThe HonorableAppointerThe President with the consent of the Commission on AppointmentsTerm lengthNo fixed termInaugural holderSergio OsmeñaFormationDecember 24, 1941Websitewww .doh .gov .ph
The secretary of health (Filipino: Kalihim ng Kalusugan) is the Cabinet of the Philippines member who is in charge of the Department of Health. The secretary of health is also the ex-officio chairperson of the Philippine Health Insurance Corporation (PhilHealth).[1][2]
List of secretaries of health
[edit]
# Portrait Name Term Began Term Ended President Secretary of Public Instruction, Health, and Public Welfare 1 Juan Nolasco November 15, 1935 December 24, 1941 Manuel Quezon 2 Sergio Osmeña[A] December 24, 1941 August 1, 1944 Manuel Quezon Secretary of Health and Public Welfare 3 Basilio J. Valdes February 27, 1945 April 1945 Sergio Osmeña 4 Jose Locsin June 29, 1945 May 27, 1946 5 Antonio Villarama May 28, 1946 October 3, 1947 Manuel Roxas Secretary of Health (5) Antonio Villarama October 3, 1947 April 15, 1948 Manuel Roxas April 17, 1948 December 31, 1949 Elpidio Quirino 6 Juan S. Salcedo December 14, 1950 December 30, 1953 December 30, 1953 May 1954 Ramon Magsaysay 7 Paulino Garcia June 1954 March 17, 1957 March 17, 1957 June 1958 Carlos P. Garcia 8 Elpidio Valencia July 1958 December 30, 1961 9 Francisco Q. Duque Jr. December 30, 1961 July 1963 Diosdado Macapagal 10 Floro Dabu July 1963 December 1964 11 Manuel Cuenco December 1964 December 30, 1965 12 Paulino Garcia December 30, 1965 August 2, 1968 Ferdinand Marcos 13 Amadeo H. Cruz August 2, 1968 December 25, 1971 14 Clemente S. Gatmaitan December 25, 1971 June 30, 1978 Minister of Health (14) Clemente S. Gatmaitan June 30, 1978 July 23, 1979 Ferdinand Marcos 15 Enrique Garcia July 24, 1979 June 30, 1981 16 Jesus Azurin July 25, 1981 February 25, 1986 Secretary of Health 17 Alfredo Bengzon March 25, 1986 February 7, 1992 Corazon Aquino 18 Antonio Periquet February 10, 1992 June 30, 1992 19 Juan Flavier July 1, 1992 January 30, 1995 Fidel V. Ramos 20 Jaime Galvez-Tan January 30, 1995 July 5, 1995 21 Hilarion Ramiro Jr. July 10, 1995 March 22, 1996 22 Carmencita Reodica April 8, 1996 June 29, 1998 23 Felipe Estrella June 30, 1998 September 13, 1998 Joseph Ejercito Estrada 24 Alberto Romualdez September 14, 1998 January 20, 2001 25 Manuel Dayrit January 20, 2001 June 1, 2005 Gloria Macapagal Arroyo 26 Francisco Duque III June 1, 2005 September 1, 2009 27 Esperanza Cabral September 1, 2009 June 30, 2010 28 Enrique Ona June 30, 2010 December 19, 2014 Benigno Aquino III 29 Janette Garin February 17, 2015 June 30, 2016 Act Paulyn Ubial June 30, 2016 October 10, 2017 Rodrigo Duterte Act Herminigildo Valle October 12, 2017 October 25, 2017 (26) Francisco Duque III October 26, 2017 June 30, 2022 OIC Maria Rosario Vergeire July 14, 2022 June 5, 2023 Bongbong Marcos 30 Teodoro “Ted” J. Herbosa June 5, 2023 present
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https://health.gov/healthypeople/about/healthy-people-2030-framework
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Healthy People 2030 Framework - Healthy People 2030
|
https://health.gov/themes/custom/hp2030/favicon.ico
|
https://health.gov/themes/custom/hp2030/favicon.ico
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[
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"https://www.youtube-nocookie.com/embed/ACEgRgycwIk"
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The Healthy People 2030 framework provides context and rationale for Healthy People 2030’s approach, communicates the principles that underlie decisions about the initiative, and situates the 2030 initiative in Healthy People’s history. Learn about the co
|
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/themes/custom/hp2030/favicon.ico
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https://health.gov/healthypeople/about/healthy-people-2030-framework
|
Watch the Healthy People 2030 framework video to learn about 5 key areas to address in your work in support of the Healthy People 2030 vision.
What is the Healthy People 2030 Framework?
The framework encompasses the central ideas and function of Healthy People 2030. The purpose of the framework is to:
Provide context and rationale for Healthy People 2030’s approach
Communicate the principles that underlie decisions about the initiative
Situate the 2030 initiative in Healthy People’s history
In addition to the Healthy People 2030 vision and mission, the framework includes:
Foundational principles
Overarching goals
Plan of action
History and context
The framework was based on recommendations made by the Secretary's Advisory Committee on National Health Promotion and Disease Prevention Objectives for 2030.
Learn how Healthy People 2030 and the framework were developed.
Vision
A society in which all people can achieve their full potential for health and well-being across the lifespan.
Mission
To promote, strengthen, and evaluate the nation’s efforts to improve the health and well-being of all people.
Foundational Principles
The following foundational principles guide decisions about Healthy People 2030:
The health and well-being of all people and communities is essential to a thriving, equitable society.
Promoting health and well-being and preventing disease are linked efforts that encompass physical, mental, and social health dimensions.
Investing to achieve the full potential for health and well-being for all provides valuable benefits to society.
Achieving health and well-being requires eliminating health disparities, achieving health equity, and attaining health literacy.
Healthy physical, social, and economic environments strengthen the potential to achieve health and well-being.
Promoting and achieving health and well-being nationwide is a shared responsibility that is distributed across the national, state, tribal, and community levels, including the public, private, and not-for-profit sectors.
Working to attain the full potential for health and well-being of the population is a component of decision-making and policy formulation across all sectors.
Overarching Goals
Achieving these broad and ambitious goals requires setting, working toward, and achieving a wide variety of much more specific goals. Healthy People 2030’s overarching goals are to:
Attain healthy, thriving lives and well-being free of preventable disease, disability, injury, and premature death.
Eliminate health disparities, achieve health equity, and attain health literacy to improve the health and well-being of all.
Create social, physical, and economic environments that promote attaining the full potential for health and well-being for all.
Promote healthy development, healthy behaviors, and well-being across all life stages.
Engage leadership, key constituents, and the public across multiple sectors to take action and design policies that improve the health and well-being of all.
Plan of Action
It’s important to provide information and tools to help communities, states, and organizations use Healthy People. The Healthy People 2030 plan of action is to:
Set national goals and measurable objectives to guide evidence-based policies, programs, and other actions to improve health and well-being.
Provide accurate, timely, and accessible data that can drive targeted actions to address regions and populations that have poor health or are at high risk for poor health.
Foster impact through public and private efforts to improve health and well-being for people of all ages and the communities in which they live.
Provide tools for the public, programs, policymakers, and others to evaluate progress toward improving health and well-being.
Share and support the implementation of evidence-based programs and policies that are replicable, scalable, and sustainable.
Report biennially on progress throughout the decade from 2020 to 2030.
Stimulate research and innovation toward meeting Healthy People 2030 goals and highlight critical research, data, and evaluation needs.
Facilitate the development and availability of affordable means of health promotion, disease prevention, and treatment.
History and Context
The Healthy People initiative began in 1979 when Surgeon General Julius Richmond issued a landmark report titled “Healthy People: The Surgeon General’s Report on Health Promotion and Disease Prevention.” Healthy People 2030 is the fifth iteration of the initiative. It builds on knowledge gained and lessons learned to address the latest public health priorities.
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https://leadiq.com/c/department-of-health-philippines/5e9de48060fe562750b2f757
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en
|
Department of Health (Philippines) Company Overview, Contact Details & Competitors
|
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Learn more about Department of Health (Philippines)'s company details, contact information, competitors, and more. Find accurate contact data easily with LeadIQ. Book a demo today.
|
en
| null |
Community Health Initiatives The Department of Health (Philippines) has launched multiple community health campaigns like the National Dengue Prevention and Control Program and the Vax-Baby-Vax campaign. These initiatives present opportunities for collaboration with healthcare providers and suppliers of vaccines and medical supplies.
Government Partnerships By partnering with organizations like the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and Suffolk County Water Authority, the DOH demonstrates a commitment to public health collaborations. This opens avenues for solution providers offering technology, research, and services in the healthcare sector to work on joint projects.
Technology Adoption The use of tech tools like Drupal, MySQL, and Shopify within the DOH infrastructure signifies a readiness to leverage digital solutions. Tech companies providing healthcare software, data management systems, and IT services can explore opportunities to offer tailored solutions to enhance the department's efficiency.
Executive Leadership Under the leadership of Secretary Francisco Duque, the DOH emphasizes quality healthcare provision and regulatory excellence. Solution providers can engage with key decision-makers in the department to align their offerings with the strategic vision set by leadership for improved health services.
|
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https://www.nyc.gov/site/idnyc/frequently-asked-questions/frequently-asked-questions.page
|
en
|
Frequently Asked Questions
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Click a topic, or press the enter key on a topic, to reveal its answer.
General Questions
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https://www.who.int/philippines/news/detail/12-10-2023-doh--who-launch-philippine-council-for-mental-health-strategic-framework-2024-2028
|
en
|
DOH, WHO launch Philippine Council for Mental Health Strategic Framework 2024-2028
|
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The Department of Health (DOH), in collaboration with the World Health Organization (WHO), today launched the 2024-2028 Philippine Council for Mental Health (PCMH) Strategic Framework to guide the development and implementation of mental health policies, programs, and services to address the significant burden of mental illness and improve mental health and well-being in the country.In line with “Ginhawa ng Isip at Damdamin,” one of the Health Sector’s 8-Point Action Agenda Para sa Healthy Pilipinas officially adopted through DOH Administrative Order No. 2023-0115, various government agencies and key stakeholders worked together in formulating the five-year strategic plan, which aims to reduce premature mortality, prevent and treat substance abuse effectively, and reduce the vulnerability of individuals and communities to mental, neurological, and substance use disorders.“Today, as we launch the 2024-2028 PCMH Mental Health Strategic Framework, I am confident that we can address more mental health concerns in the country. With the contributions of all partner agencies under the PCMH and the guidance of WHO, we can achieve all the strategies we are set to do as laid out in the new five-year strategic framework,” said Health Secretary Teodoro J. Herbosa.WHO Representative to the Philippines Dr Rui Paulo de Jesus hands over the Philippine Council for Mental Health Strategic Framework 2024-2028 to DOH Secretary Dr Teodoro Herbosa, together with the PCMH members composed of government agencies, civil society organizations, non-government organizations, academic institutions, and mental health professionals.Supported by the WHO Special Initiative for Mental Health, the PCMH promotes the basic right of Filipinos to mental health by implementing mental health policies, strengthening patient navigation and referral pathways, creating the Mental Health Internal Review Board, and training media groups on ethical and responsible reporting and portrayal of suicide.Since the passage of the Mental Health Act in 2018, the Philippines has scaled up mental health services and quality essential medicines with 362 access sites nationwide dispensing 30 mental health medicines serving 124,246 service users in 2022. The DOH has also capacitated health and non-health personnel on mental health to further advance the protection of service users at the primary care level through the continuous implementation of the Mental Health Gap Action Programme (mhGAP) in local government units. The National Center for Mental Health’s 24/7 crisis hotlines were also established.Ms Kyra Camille Ballesteros, a Person With Lived Experience (PWLE) of mental health conditions, emphasized how the PCMH Strategic Framework is a huge step in addressing mental health care inequities.“We commit to implementing pro-equity strategies to ensure access to universal health care and develop resilient health systems in the country that respond to the mental health and well-being needs of every citizen,” WHO Representative to the Philippines Dr Rui Paulo De Jesus said. To further transform mental health responsive communities, the government implemented strategies across different agencies and educational institutions, which resulted in 78,449 private establishments with mental health workplace policies to ensure the safety and well-being of employees; 54 hospitals providing ‘behavioral nudges’ to help health workers cope with stress; and 273 last-mile elementary schools serving as implementing sites of a comprehensive range of mental health measures under the Healthy Learning Institutions (HLI) Framework.Health Secretary Dr Teodoro Herbosa and PhilHealth President Emmanuel Ledesma Jr led the signing of the PhilHealth Mental Health Benefit Package with PhilHealth NCR Regional Office Vice President Dr Bernadette Lico, NCMH National Center Chief Dr Noel Reyes, NCMH Hospital Services Chief Medical and Professional Staff II Dr Beverly Azucena, and PhilHealth Benefits Administration Section Head Dr Cynthia P. Camacho.The event also featured the expansion of the PhilHealth Mental Health Benefit Package, which provides mental health benefits for outpatient services. The primary care package includes 12 consultations, diagnostic follow-up, psychoeducation, and psychosocial support provided by mental health outpatient facilities for medicine access sites. The launch was attended by PCMH Council Members from different agencies including DOH, Department of Education (DepEd), Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE), and Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG).
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en
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/favicon.ico
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https://www.who.int/philippines/news/detail/12-10-2023-doh--who-launch-philippine-council-for-mental-health-strategic-framework-2024-2028
|
The Department of Health (DOH), in collaboration with the World Health Organization (WHO), today launched the 2024-2028 Philippine Council for Mental Health (PCMH) Strategic Framework to guide the development and implementation of mental health policies, programs, and services to address the significant burden of mental illness and improve mental health and well-being in the country.
In line with “Ginhawa ng Isip at Damdamin,” one of the Health Sector’s 8-Point Action Agenda Para sa Healthy Pilipinas officially adopted through DOH Administrative Order No. 2023-0115, various government agencies and key stakeholders worked together in formulating the five-year strategic plan, which aims to reduce premature mortality, prevent and treat substance abuse effectively, and reduce the vulnerability of individuals and communities to mental, neurological, and substance use disorders.
“Today, as we launch the 2024-2028 PCMH Mental Health Strategic Framework, I am confident that we can address more mental health concerns in the country. With the contributions of all partner agencies under the PCMH and the guidance of WHO, we can achieve all the strategies we are set to do as laid out in the new five-year strategic framework,” said Health Secretary Teodoro J. Herbosa.
WHO Representative to the Philippines Dr Rui Paulo de Jesus hands over the Philippine Council for Mental Health Strategic Framework 2024-2028 to DOH Secretary Dr Teodoro Herbosa, together with the PCMH members composed of government agencies, civil society organizations, non-government organizations, academic institutions, and mental health professionals.
Supported by the WHO Special Initiative for Mental Health, the PCMH promotes the basic right of Filipinos to mental health by implementing mental health policies, strengthening patient navigation and referral pathways, creating the Mental Health Internal Review Board, and training media groups on ethical and responsible reporting and portrayal of suicide.
Since the passage of the Mental Health Act in 2018, the Philippines has scaled up mental health services and quality essential medicines with 362 access sites nationwide dispensing 30 mental health medicines serving 124,246 service users in 2022. The DOH has also capacitated health and non-health personnel on mental health to further advance the protection of service users at the primary care level through the continuous implementation of the Mental Health Gap Action Programme (mhGAP) in local government units. The National Center for Mental Health’s 24/7 crisis hotlines were also established.
Ms Kyra Camille Ballesteros, a Person With Lived Experience (PWLE) of mental health conditions, emphasized how the PCMH Strategic Framework is a huge step in addressing mental health care inequities.
“We commit to implementing pro-equity strategies to ensure access to universal health care and develop resilient health systems in the country that respond to the mental health and well-being needs of every citizen,” WHO Representative to the Philippines Dr Rui Paulo De Jesus said.
To further transform mental health responsive communities, the government implemented strategies across different agencies and educational institutions, which resulted in 78,449 private establishments with mental health workplace policies to ensure the safety and well-being of employees; 54 hospitals providing ‘behavioral nudges’ to help health workers cope with stress; and 273 last-mile elementary schools serving as implementing sites of a comprehensive range of mental health measures under the Healthy Learning Institutions (HLI) Framework.
Health Secretary Dr Teodoro Herbosa and PhilHealth President Emmanuel Ledesma Jr led the signing of the PhilHealth Mental Health Benefit Package with PhilHealth NCR Regional Office Vice President Dr Bernadette Lico, NCMH National Center Chief Dr Noel Reyes, NCMH Hospital Services Chief Medical and Professional Staff II Dr Beverly Azucena, and PhilHealth Benefits Administration Section Head Dr Cynthia P. Camacho.
The event also featured the expansion of the PhilHealth Mental Health Benefit Package, which provides mental health benefits for outpatient services. The primary care package includes 12 consultations, diagnostic follow-up, psychoeducation, and psychosocial support provided by mental health outpatient facilities for medicine access sites.
|
|||||
correct_foundationPlace_00033
|
FactBench
|
2
| 7 |
https://www.oxygenxml.com/forum/common-problems/topic5264.html
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en
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Connection to MarkLogic Database
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2010-09-30T11:44:51+00:00
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en
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https://www.oxygenxml.com/forum/common-problems/topic5264.html
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Oxygen XML Developer
The Required Tools for Designing XML Schemas and Transformation Pipelines
Oxygen Publishing Engine
The Complete DITA Publishing Solution for WebHelp and PDF Output
Oxygen Styles Basket
Customize the Look and Feel of Your PDF and WebHelp Output
Oxygen XML Web Author
Engage Your Whole Organization In Content Creation
Oxygen Scripting
Automate and Run Oxygen Utilities from the Command-Line Interface
Oxygen License Server
Easily Manage a Large Number of Oxygen Licenses for Your Organization
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correct_foundationPlace_00033
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FactBench
|
1
| 58 |
https://www.slideshare.net/slideshow/mark-logic-corporate-overview-16721286/16721286
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en
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Mark logic Corporate Overview
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Mark logic Corporate Overview - Download as a PDF or view online for free
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•Download as PPTX, PDF•
0 likes•3,084 views
The document summarizes MarkLogic's enterprise NoSQL database capabilities. It highlights several use cases from organizations like Fairfax County, Warner Bros., CMS, Global Oil Co., BBC, and others that leveraged MarkLogic to power applications, gain insights from data, and adapt to changing needs. The document also provides an overview of MarkLogic's features, APIs, analytics functions, and integration with Hadoop to handle large volumes of diverse data sources.
Mark logic Corporate Overview
1. MarkLogic The Only Enterprise NoSQL Database February, 2013
2. We are the New Generation Database Unstructured Era “For all your data!” • Schema-agnostic Relational Era • Massive scale “For all your structured data!” • Query and search • Normalized, tabular model • Analytics • Application-independent query • Application services • User control • Faster time-to-results Hierarchical Era “For your application data!” • Application- and hardware- specific Slide 2 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
3. Big Data Infrastructure Slide 3 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
4. Real Value From Big Data Create New Revenue Streams Gain Insights to Increase Market Share Reduce Bottom Line Expense Make The World More Secure Provide Access To Valuable Information Slide 4 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
5. The County of Fairfax makes it easy for residents and businesses to grow and improve the community, and delivers on the promise of open government.
6. The County of Fairfax delivers on their promise of open government. Goals Make it easier to access real-time information about zoning changes, land ordinances & property history. Solution UNIFIED DATA Transformation, Fairfax County uses MarkLogic as its Human & secure, all-source repository with easy-to-use Machine Enrichment search, including a self-service web portal. Benefits Load data “as is” Fast development process – live in 2 months. Lower system costs – shut down mainframes. PDF Better information faster. Word CAD 30,000 Mainframe Oracle documents Slide 6 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
7. Warner Bros. revolutionized the way their media assets are discovered and delivered… and created new revenue from content already in its archives.
8. Warner Bros. created new revenue streams from existing assets. Search & preview Goals a complete view Warner Bros. looked to modernize their of all assets digital asset distribution system to enable METADATA STORE business growth. Solution Warner Bros. uses MarkLogic to store and Retrieve all search metadata for over 6 million assets required stored in 4 different systems. assets via automated Load metadata for all file types workflows Benefits movie movie s movie s The new system allows them to search across s all assets, then link and repackage assets stills stills according to business needs. First application stills was launched in 8 weeks. Slide 8 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
9. Medicare and Medicaid (CMS) helps customers easily research, select and enroll in the right insurance plan... while ensuring that the systems are future-proof and can adapt to change.
10. CMS has a future-proof system that can easily adapt to change. Goals Citizens, providers, Create the first-ever Health Insurance payers can identify, verify Exchange that can handle information in any and enroll in selected insurance plan format. Solution UNIFIED DATA CMS uses MarkLogic as the unified data store to accept insurance plan and eligibility information in real-time, without requiring schema updates. Benefits Load data “as is” Speed and ease for data load process. Enables rapid prototyping and application delivery early in development cycle to ensure requirements were met. Slide 10 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
11. “Global Oil Co.” makes real-time trading decisions based on real-time, global information.
12. We help “Global Oil Co.” maximize their price advantage when buying or selling oil. Goals Get a complete picture of oil and gas market influencers to maximize profits. Solution Challenges System pulls in real-time political, weather, vessel data, location, terminal data and trading data, and sends alerts to traders to notify them of noteworthy issues, so they can make fastest decisions possible. Notify me if….. Benefits More than “mmm” barrels of crude Traders use the system to ensure they are are in transit in the Gulf of Arabia able to get the best price on the market. Severe weather in excess of force Reduced Total Cost of Ownership (TCO) by 8 scheduled to hit Gulf of Mexico 75% Slide 12 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
13. The BBC lets you connect to your favorite team – even from thousands of miles away.
14. We help the BBC team achieve and celebrate their summer of success. Goals Make the London 2012 the “most social” Olympics on record. Solution Challenges The system flexibly stores all data in a single repository from scores, to player bios to team history & tweets and makes all new data available in real-time. Benefits BBC Sports data systems have been re-launched in just a few months earning critical praise for innovative features and the speed to add new sources. Slide 14 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
15. BBC Olympics Video Supply Chain Slide 15 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
16. Some Numbers Behind the Olympics 55 Million Global browsers across the games 9.5 Million Record of global browsers in single day 106 Million Requests for BBC Olympic video content 9.2 Million UK browsers from Mobile Devices 12 Million Requests for Mobile Video 2.8 Petabytes Data delivered in the busiest day 45 Billion Data requests over the 2 Olympics 2,160,000,000 Daily average queries against web and mobile services 25,000 Average transactions PER SECOND Slide 16 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
17. MarkLogic: Powerful. Accessible. Trusted. 100’s of Use Cases in Production and Development Competitive Intelligence Compliance Content Delivery Counterterrorism Digital Asset Management Fraud Detection Reference Data Management Search & Discovery Social Media Analysis Slide 17 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
18. The MarkLogic Advantage Only Enterprise NoSQL Database ACID compliant Big data search High availability Replication Point in-time recovery Government-grade security Real-time your Hadoop Proven customer success Slide 18 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
19. MarkLogic 6 Features Flexible Full Text Schema- Analytic Scalable Powerful Indexes Search Agnostic Functions Everything you need to deliver Alerting In- business value Hadoop Geospatial Visualization & Event database Distribution Query Widgets Processing MapReduce REST & JSON Application Information Hadoop Accessible Java APIs Storage Builder Studio Connector Leverage existing tools, knowledge, skills Content BI SQL Monitoring OS Pump Integration Support & Support Management Role-based Automated Journal Transactions Replication Trusted Security Failover Archiving Enterprise- ready for mission-critical Point-in- Database Backup/ Distributed Super- apps time Rollback Restore Transactions clusters Recovery Slide 19 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
20. REST & JAVA APIs MarkLogic is Now a REST Server REST interface to MarkLogic Server Foundation for language-specific API’s Full-text and faceted search Access to value indexes and aggregates Document management for XML, text, binary, and JSON Separate read, write, and administrative access Benefits Administrative services for Leverage existing skills managing API configuration Speed application development Extensibility with custom URL Address your application backlog endpoints Reduce development costs Scriptable and UI bootstrapping Improved reuse and efficiency Pure Java API to MarkLogic Slide 20 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
21. JSON Storage Simplify web application development New JSON library to consume, store and convert JSON to/from MarkLogic Generate any JSON format from MarkLogic Pre-configured mappings between JSON and SML for common patterns Benefits Superset of any JSON Better integration with browser applications database Better integration into other languages Easier-to-maintain application code Slide 21 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
22. Visualization Widgets Quick Development of Visual Interfaces Easily build or enhance web applications using MarkLogic widgets Simplify front-end architectures with pre-configured visualizations and data access helpers Explore New Ways to Look at Data Benefits Gain more insights from data Simplifies development sets with visual representations Speeds time-to-deployment Charts, Maps, Search, Results, Easy access to powerful geospatial and aggregation capabilities Sidebar with facets Scalable, event-driven, encapsulated Slide 22 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
23. BI Tools Support Big Data Analysis for mere mortals Perform sophisticated analytics on ALL your data, in real-time Leverage existing tools avoids added expenditures No additional training Reuse existing report templates No custom integration or code required Simplify IT infrastructure Integrated through ODBC – tested on IBM Cognos & Tableau Benefits No need to spend resources on Makes your data more accessible extracting data to a data across your business warehouse Real-time access to your Faster results operational database – gain Faster ROI competitive advantage Slide 23 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
24. In-database Analytic Functions Leverage ready-made analytic built-ins for common used numeric applications Variance Covariance Correlation Standard deviation Linear model Benefits Median Faster analytics-based application development Mode Supports more users & more data Percentile Eliminates costs associated with writing custom code Rank Percent-rank Slide 24 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
25. Content Pump Simplifies moving data into, out of, and between MarkLogic databases Greater reliability from commercialized code Leverage existing infrastructure to import new data Enables loading of large Benefits data sets in parallel Less custom code = lower costs Available to leverage Hadoop Lowers cost and complexity to parallelize loading Speed time to deployment Faster performance Bypass bottlenecks, load directly to data nodes Slide 25 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
26. Hadoop Distribution Certified bundle of the Hortonworks Data Platform and MarkLogic Connector for Hadoop Essential components to run Hadoop in production Built-in installation and provisioning tools Benefits First-line technical support Easy interoperability with Hadoop from MarkLogic (second-line tools from Hortonworks) Reduced development costs Run Hadoop MapReduce on Eliminates integration costs MarkLogic data More speed World-class support Slide 26 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
27. Welcome Hadoop into the Enterprise: MarkLogic now runs on HDFS
28. MarkLogic Company Summary CEO Gary Bloom Oracle Veritas eMeter Technical MIT InfoSeek Inktomi Microsoft Oracle Chordiant Endeca Verity Staff Investors Sequoia Capital Tenaya Capital Products Database Search Application Development Tools Markets Financial Services Government Information & Media Healthcare Customers 350+ Enterprise Customers Employees 250+ Silicon Valley New York Washington D.C. London Tokyo Locations Frankfurt Chicago Austin Utrecht Slide 28 Copyright © 2012 MarkLogic® Corporation. All rights reserved.
|
||||
correct_foundationPlace_00033
|
FactBench
|
1
| 19 |
https://docs.marklogic.com/guide/search-dev/searchdev
|
en
|
Developing Search Applications in MarkLogic Server (Search Developer's Guide) — MarkLogic Server 11.0 Product Documentation
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MarkLogic is the only Enterprise NoSQL Database
|
en
| null |
Overview of Search Features in MarkLogic Server
MarkLogic Server includes rich full-text search features. All of the search features are implemented as extension functions available in XQuery, and most of them are also available through the REST and Java interfaces. This section provides a brief overview some of the main search features in MarkLogic Server and includes the following parts:
|
||||||
correct_foundationPlace_00033
|
FactBench
|
1
| 35 |
https://blog.nashtechglobal.com/marklogic-server-the-promising-future-of-database-technology/
|
en
|
MarkLogic Server: The Promising Future of Database Technology
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[
"Khalid Ahmed"
] |
2022-10-31T04:00:00+00:00
|
Marklogic: Databases are the foundation of modern applications and many companies rely on them to power their most important processes. Poor database performance can result in a business losing money, compromising customer data, or both. Introduction of MarkLogic MarkLogic Server is a powerful, yet underutilized, database technology with a promising future. Despite its many features […]
|
en
|
NashTech Insights
|
https://blog.nashtechglobal.com/marklogic-server-the-promising-future-of-database-technology/
|
Marklogic: Databases are the foundation of modern applications and many companies rely on them to power their most important processes. Poor database performance can result in a business losing money, compromising customer data, or both.
Introduction of MarkLogic
MarkLogic Server is a powerful, yet underutilized, database technology with a promising future. Despite its many features and benefits, MarkLogic Server has been largely overshadowed by other database technologies in recent years. However, there are signs that this is beginning to change.
As the world becomes increasingly data-driven, the need for powerful and reliable database technologies is only going to grow. MarkLogic Server is well-positioned to meet this demand, thanks to its unique combination of features and capabilities. In particular, MarkLogic Server’s ability to handle both structured and unstructured data makes it ideal for today’s complex data environments.MarkLogic Server is The Promising Future of Database Technology
With the right support and investment, MarkLogic Server has the potential to become a major player in the database market. It is time for businesses and organizations to take notice of this promising technology and give it the attention it deserves.
The business value of MarkLogicServer
As the world of data continues to grow and evolve, organizations are faced with the challenge of how to effectively manage and leverage this data to drive business value. MarkLogic Server is a powerful database platform that enables organizations to easily integrate and manage data from multiple sources, including structured, unstructured and semi-structured data. With MarkLogic Server, organizations can quickly and easily gain insights from their data to drive better decision-making.
MarkLogic Server provides a number of benefits that can help organizations drive business value, including:
Easy data integration: MarkLogicServer makes it easy to integrate data from multiple sources, including structured, unstructured, and semi-structured data. This enables organizations to get a complete view of their data, which can then be used to drive better decision-making.
Flexible deployment options: MarkLogicServer can be deployed on-premises or in the cloud, giving organizations the flexibility to choose the deployment option that best meets their needs.
Enterprise-grade security: MarkLogicServer includes built-in security features that help ensure sensitive data is protected. This includes features such as role-based access control and encryption.
Scalability: As organizations’ data needs grow, MarkLogic Server scales seamlessly to meet those needs. This helps ensure that organizations can continue to get the most out of their investment in MarkLogicServer as their data
What is MarkLogicServer?
MarkLogicServer is a new kind of database technology that promises to revolutionize the way we store and query data. It is designed to handle structured and unstructured data equally well, making it ideal for use in a wide range of applications. MarkLogicServer is also highly scalable and can be deployed on-premises or in the cloud.
How does it work?
MarkLogicServer is a new kind of database technology that promises to revolutionize the way we store and query data. Rather than storing data in traditional table-based structures, MarkLogic Server uses a document-oriented approach that enables it to natively store and index JSON and XML documents. This gives it a major advantage over relational databases when it comes to working with complex, hierarchical data.
MarkLogicServer also has a powerful search engine built in, which makes it easy to find the information you need quickly and efficiently. And because MarkLogicServer is built on top of a scalable, distributed architecture, it can easily handle large volumes of data without sacrificing performance.
So how does all this work? Let’s take a closer look at some of the key features that make MarkLogic Server so powerful.
Benefits of using MarkLogicServer
MarkLogicServer is a powerful database technology that offers many benefits for businesses and organizations. Perhaps the most significant benefit of using MarkLogicServer is its ability to handle large amounts of data quickly and efficiently. MarkLogicServer is also highly scalable, meaning it can easily accommodate increases in data volume and complexity. Additionally, MarkLogicServer provides superior security features, making it an ideal choice for businesses with sensitive data. Finally, MarkLogicServer’s flexible data model makes it easy to integrate with other systems and technologies.
Conclusion
MarkLogicServer is a powerful database technology that has the potential to revolutionize the way we store and query data. With its unique features and scalability, MarkLogicServer is poised to become the leading database technology of the future. If you are looking for a powerful and scalable database solution, MarkLogicServer is definitely worth considering.
Please look into more blogs from Knoldus:
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|||||
correct_foundationPlace_00033
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FactBench
|
1
| 62 |
https://www.mapquest.com/us/california/marklogic-corporation-277043499
|
en
|
[] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
en
|
/favicon.ico
| null | ||||||||
correct_foundationPlace_00033
|
FactBench
|
2
| 37 |
https://www.forbes.com/sites/benkepes/2015/05/12/marklogic-secures-pre-ipo-102m-funding-round/
|
en
|
MarkLogic Secures Pre-IPO $102M Funding Round
|
[
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[] |
[] |
[
"CIO Network",
"On Demand",
"Tech",
"Techonomy",
"Cloud Computing"
] | null |
[
"Ben Kepes"
] |
2015-05-12T00:00:00
|
More news of massive cash influxes as MarkLogic, a database vendor, announces another $102 million in growth funding. MarkLogic has been in existence for over a decade and delivers a NoSQL database platform. NoSQL, as opposed to regular relational databases, are better suited to unstructured data. The NoSQL approach has come [...]
|
en
|
Forbes
|
https://www.forbes.com/sites/benkepes/2015/05/12/marklogic-secures-pre-ipo-102m-funding-round/
|
More news of massive cash influxes as MarkLogic, a database vendor, announces another $102 million in growth funding. MarkLogic has been in existence for over a decade and delivers a NoSQL database platform. NoSQL, as opposed to regular relational databases, are better suited to unstructured data. The NoSQL approach has come to prominence with the rise of social networks and the increasing amount of unstructured data needing to be stored and processes.
MarkLogic has built up a good sized business - it is headquartered in Silicon Valley but has offices globally - in Europe, across the US and in APAC. The company isn't particularly well known but has grown revenues to beyond $100 million. For such a large company, MarkLogic has only raised a modest $71 million to date.
This new funding was led by Wellington Management Company LLP and included participation from new investor Arrowpoint Partners, existing investors Northgate Capital, Sequoia Capital, Tenaya Capital, and Gary Bloom, the Company’s president and CEO. According to MarkLogic, this funding round had a target raise of $70 million but the round was oversubscribed hence the extension up to $102 million.
It terms of business performance, MarkLogic saw bookings growth of 50 percent in the last year while the customer base grew by close to 20 percent. Much of that growth was outside of the US - European business nearly doubled and APAC business set a new company record. Reference customers include FAA, Elsevier, Harvard Business Publications, and the BBC.
MarkLogic sees itself as being the natural progression for customers with Oracle databases - 80 percent of the company's business comes from Oracle migrations. CEO Gary Bloom states his company's unique selling points as the ability to integrate, manage and operationalize both structured and unstructured data. As the company states:
Traditional database management systems were not designed to manage the dynamic nature of new data nor integrate and access heterogeneous data that has become the norm in almost every global organization. In recent years, many open source NoSQL technologies have attempted to resolve the data integration issue and while developers liked the flexibility of these solutions, they ignored the needs of the enterprise. The lack of essential enterprise features like data reliability, transactional consistency, security and availability have kept open source technologies from being a viable alternative to traditional relational databases for mission-critical applications.
There's a lot of competition in the NoSQL space, but with this pool of money, not to mention the leverage that some 550 enterprise customers brings, MarkLogic looks set to execute upon its very real opportunity.
|
|||||
correct_foundationPlace_00033
|
FactBench
|
2
| 21 |
https://www.progress.com/
|
en
|
Develop, Deploy & Manage High-Impact Business Apps
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Progress products speed business app development, automate processes to configure, deploy & scale apps, and make critical data more accessible and secure.
|
en
|
/favicon.ico?v=2
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Progress.com
|
https://www.progress.com/
|
Progress, Telerik, Ipswitch, Chef, Kemp, Flowmon, MarkLogic, Semaphore and certain product names used herein are trademarks or registered trademarks of Progress Software Corporation and/or one of its subsidiaries or affiliates in the U.S. and/or other countries. Any other trademarks contained herein are the property of their respective owners. See Trademarks for appropriate markings.
|
||||
correct_foundationPlace_00033
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FactBench
|
1
| 23 |
https://www.ncsi.com/event/ciosummit/industry/marklogic/
|
en
|
MarkLogic – DIA CIO Virtual Summit
|
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2021-04-14T19:39:07-04:00
|
en
|
NCSI - Government Event Planner - Government Conferences, Government Events, Military Expos
|
https://www.ncsi.com/event/ciosummit/industry/marklogic/
|
Presented by: Dr. Matthew Johnson, CDAO; CDR Michael Hanna, ONI
The Deputy Secretary of Defense has said that Responsible AI is how we will win with regard to strategic competition, ‘not in spite of our values, but because of them’…but what does this actually mean? This presentation introduces the DoD’s work to operationalize this approach, showing how Responsible AI sustains our tactical edge. The presentation provides a deep dive into a key piece of the DoD’s approach to Responsible AI: the Responsible AI Toolkit. The Toolkit is a voluntary process through which AI projects can identify, track, and mitigate RAI-related issues (and capitalize on RAI-related opportunities for innovation) via the use of tailorable and modular assessments, tools, and artifacts. The Toolkit rests on the twin pillars of the SHIELD Assessment and the Defense AI Guide on Risk (DAGR), which holistically address AI risk. The Toolkit enables risk management, traceability, and assurance of responsible AI practice, development, and use.
Moderator: Mr. Peter Teague, CDAO
Panelists: Mr. Jon Elliott, CDAO; Dr. Shannon Gallagher, CMU SEI; Dr. Catherine Crawford, IBM, Mr. Shiraz Zaman, Nand AI
A key problem with leveraging AI is understanding how it will integrate with existing workflows. I push this notion of understanding human parity in a given task so that we know what to expect when the model is deployed – i.e., we have performance parameters determined. However, with comprehensive capabilities, like LLMs, there may be multiple steps in a workflow that get replaced and we need to understand the impact of this.
Moderator: LtCol Jeffrey Wong, CDAO
Panelists: Dr. Kathleen Fisher, DARPA; Dr. Andrew Moore, Lovelace AI; Mr. Peter Guerra, Oracle
The rise of LLMs over the past year has accelerated the development of AI and educated the public about the potential of this powerful technology. It has also flagged some of the problems inherent in complex, data-centric systems, to the point where many noted data scientists have questioned the wisdom of progressing too fast. What have LLMs taught us about the future of AI? How does this technology change the trajectory or expectation of new technology development?
Moderator: Dr. Diana Gehlhaus, Special Competitive Studies Project
Panelists: Ms. Jennifer Schofield, DAIM; Rear Adm. Alexis Walker, NRC; MajGen William Bowers, MCRC
The question is not whether DoD needs digital talent, but rather how to get it, grow it, keep it—and how to use it most effectively. We’ll discuss the challenges facing DoD, including those systemic to the entire tech ecosystem, as well as those unique to DoD. We’ll explore ideas for addressing these challenges, and debate their pros, cons, and feasibility. There is no easy answer, but we’ll come away with a better sense of the options and trade space available to DoD.
Moderator: Mr. David Jin, CDAO
Panelists: Dr. Beat Buesser, IBM; Dr. Nathan VanHoudnos, CMU SEI; Mr. Alvaro Velasquez, DARPA
As DoD systems become integrated with AI and autonomy capabilities, the question of novel attack surfaces and vulnerabilities arises. While adversarial AI has become a topic of great interest in recent years, much of the existing work within the field of adversarial AI has been done within academia and research.
This panel discussion will bring together DoD adversarial AI experts to discuss the realistic application of adversarial AI on the DoD’s AI-enabled capabilities.
Moderator: Dr. Robert Houston, CDAO
Panelists: Mr. Evan Jones, UMD ARLIS ; Mr. Yosef Razin, IDA; Ms. Amber Mills, JHU-APL
This panel emphasizes the importance of Human Systems Integration (HSI) Test and Evaluation (T&E) throughout the lifecycle of an AI-enabled system, advocating for its implementation early, often, and always. Traditional HSI T&E data is usually captured through discrete experiments, an approach not well-suited for the automated, continuous testing required for AI/ML models. The panel will discuss (1) the challenges in instrumenting HSI-relevant data capture, (2) strategies and methodologies for integrating HSI into automated, real-time testing environments, and (3) innovative measures that utilize real-time user inputs such as search queries, tone of voice, response latency, and sentiment analysis.
Moderator: Ms. Margie Palmieri, CDAO
Panelists: Dr. Michael Horowitz, OSD Policy; Lieutenant Colonel Kangmin Kim, ROK Army; Commodore Rachel Singleton, UK, Head, Defence AI Centre; Military Expert 6 Wilson Zhang, Singapore, Deputy Future Systems & Technology Architect
The United States works closely with allies and partners to apply existing international rules and norms and develop a common set of understandings among nations guiding the responsible use of AI in defense. This panel provides the opportunity to promote order and stability in the midst of global technological change. The United States has been a global leader in responsible military use of AI and autonomy, with the Department of Defense championing ethical principles and policies on AI and autonomy for over a decade. Among various national and international efforts, the United States, together with 46 nations, endorsed the Political Declaration on Responsible Military Use of Artificial Intelligence and Autonomy in November 2023, providing a normative framework addressing the use of these capabilities in the military domain. Given the significance of responsible AI in defense and the importance of addressing risks and concerns globally, the internationally focused session at the Symposium will be focused on these critical global efforts to adopt and implement responsible AI in defense. This panel will provide various country perspectives on the development, adoption, and implementation of principles and good practices on responsible AI, including multilateral efforts related to the Political Declaration on the Responsible Military Use of Artificial Intelligence and Autonomy.
Presenter: Ricky Clark, NIH
In May 2021, President Biden issued an executive order to strengthen and improve America’s cybersecurity. Known as “Zero Trust” the order called for federal agencies to wall off information technology (IT) systems behind a secure network perimeter. Two years later, federal agencies are “on the clock” and actively working to integrate Zero Trust architecture into their existing IT environment.
According to a recent report from General Dynamics Information Technology (GDIT), the “Agency Guide to Zero Trust Maturity,” civilian and federal agencies are making progress toward meeting zero trust but continue to face significant challenges in implementation, such as lack of IT expertise, identifying and prioritizing needs and concerns around repairing or rebuilding existing legacy infrastructure.
With a September 2024 deadline looming for compliance, what can agencies do to ensure they are compliant in 2024.
During this session, NIH Information Technology Acquisition and Assessment Center (NITAAC) will explore the barriers agencies face in realizing zero trust and identify solutions that exist within the confines of the NITAAC Government-wide Acquisition Contracts (GWAC)s.
The session will discuss the following:
• Overview of Zero Trust
• Common barriers agencies face
• Practical solutions within the NITAAC GWACs to help overcome them
Presenter: John Lee, NGA
Software is key to almost every NGA mission, which means NGA must provide its developers with the best tools to build, release, and operate software securely at the speed of mission. NGA’s Common Operations Release Environment (CORE) seeks to answer that requirement by providing a shared environment with a collection of integrated development and operational services for teams inside and outside of NGA. The beginning of CORE dates back to 2016, when NGA first delivered a modern Platform-as-a-Service for teams to build on. The capabilities grew over the years. Today’s version of CORE gives software development teams a common toolset to build software more reliably, efficiently, and securely on all domains. CORE currently has seven service offerings—DevSecOps, Platform-as-a-Service, API Management, Developer Experience, Continuous Monitoring, Workflow Orchestration, and Messaging—with ML Ops coming soon. This presentation will provide an overview of CORE services and how adoption of the CORE is facilitating fulfillment of the NGA Software Way strategy, as well as give some examples of mission capabilities delivered to operations through the CORE.
Presenter: Graig Baker, DISA
DISA SD43 National Gateway Branch provides a range of assured messaging and directory services to a customer community that includes the Military Services, DoD Agencies, Combatant Commands (CCMD), and Other U.S. Government Agencies (OGA) and the Intelligence Community (IC). DISA is preparing to field the Organizational Messaging Service Java Messaging Service (OMS-JMS), a cutting-edge messaging and directory support solutions and services implementing the IC Message Service (ICMS) XML standard for hi-fidelity message formatting while continuing to support legacy ACP-127/128 gateway connections to provide seamless interoperability across our customer community for the preservation of National Defense. This presentation provides the messaging community an overview of the new DISA OMS-JMS solutions and services which are to begin fielding during FY24.
Presenters: Katie Kalthoff, DIA; Jonathan Abolins, DIA; Joshua Burke, DIA
DIA Platform-as-a-Service (DPaaS) is an enterprise container management platform that provides an open ecosystem to build, integrate, and enhance applications and services to meet requirements for production mission capabilities. Containerized applications hosted on DPaaS environments benefit from scalability, built-in security, hybrid-IT capabilities, and infrastructure-agnostic deployments. DPaaS enhances a developer’s ability to focus on functionality, enabling mission applications to be rapidly prototyped, deployed, and moved at the speed of mission while reducing technical overhead. DPaaS is also a leading force in DIA’s effort to provide compute and storage services at Edge locations. DPaaS enables application developers to build once and deploy everywhere, meaning to multiple networks as well as to the Edge. Edge deployments are a necessity in the era of strategic competition where warfighters and decision-makers must be able to quickly access data and applications in low-bandwidth or disconnected areas. DPaaS is pushing deployments to regional and edge locations to enable mission support while making applications easier to manage. Edge deployments allow for fewer service disruptions to forward deployed intelligence personnel and continued operations during disconnected events. This greater flexibility and ability to meet mission need will be a driving factor for greater innovation within IC application development.
Presenter: Charles Bellinger, NGA
As part of NGA’s greater multi-tiered edge strategy, Joint Regional Edge Nodes (JREN) and Odyssey systems—designed to facilitate the movement of critical intelligence and data sharing—are being deployed to combatant commands. JREN is an innovative, highly scalable, next-generation edge node capability providing the foundation to support Sensor to Effect (S2E) and future ground architecture with multiple cloudlike layers to enable seamless interoperability and collaboration in both connected and disconnected states. Deployed in January 2022, JREN provides significant storage, computing power, transport bandwidth, and applications closer to the tactical edge. JREN will support expanding DoD, IC, and coalition customer requirements with AOR-specific content, GEOINT/partner applications, and high-performance computing. Odyssey is a forward-deployed system that provides access to applications and theater GEOINT data hosted on local servers to support users at the edge in the event of disconnected ops. Using a combination of hardware, apps, data, and products, Odyssey deployments are available via a web browser established on theater users’ networks and connected back to NGA. This presentation will focus on design considerations such as increased resiliency in Denied, Degraded, Intermittent, and limited bandwidth (DDIL) environments via direct satellite downlink; reduced transport latency; and use of NGA’s Common Operations Release Environment to develop, deploy, and operate modern GEOINT software. This presentation will also highlight how automation, artificial intelligence, and other JREN and Odyssey services are prepared for the exponential growth in intelligence sensors and collection capabilities.
Presenter: Vanessa Hill, DIA
In today’s digital age, websites and applications have become an integral part of our daily lives and the digital landscape has transformed the way we interact with the world. However, not all users have the same abilities, and it is crucial to ensure that digital experiences are inclusive and accessible to everyone, including those with disabilities. DIA’s first-ever 508 IT Accessibility lab promotes a more inclusive and diverse digital environment, where everyone can participate and benefit from digital experiences by ensuring products are usable and accessible to all users. Come join us to learn how DIA is developing and testing capabilities, such as improved closed captioning on multiple platforms (VTC, SVTC, and DVTC) to leveraging virtual desktop to host a lightweight application that provides translation capabilities to support DIA’s multilingual Deaf and Hard of Hearing (DHH) members, and more. Incorporating accessibility testing into your digital product development process, and embracing the power of accessibility testing and training, unleashes the full potential of your digital products and creates a more inclusive digital environment for all users.
Presenters: Jonathan Abolins, DIA; Katie Kalthoff, DIA; Joshua Burke, DIA
Hybrid IT provides a solution that combines the capabilities of commercial cloud, government-owned data centers, and edge devices into one single capability. By using Hybrid IT, the Defense Intelligence Enterprise gains the flexibility to leverage the advantages of each service model to address the needs of different mission sets. A mix of cloud and on-prem provides improved disaster recovery capabilities, higher availability, and the ability to access mission-critical applications and data from anywhere, even in disconnected locations. However, hybrid and multi-cloud architectures pose unique security challenges and require a different approach than what solely on-prem environments or single clouds require. Without additional protections, we face the risk of fragmented security solutions and a decrease in threat visibility. The Defense Intelligence Agency protects enterprise and customer applications with a security service mesh which provides zero-trust enabled capabilities such as authorization and access control, network segmentation, end-to-end encryption, and continuous monitoring. The application networking layer provides baked-in security from development to production and enables threat monitoring across fragmented application networks and clouds.
Presenters: Kevin Shaw, Guidehouse; Christine Owen, Guidehouse
The Executive Order on Improving the Nation’s Cybersecurity (EO-14028) was released over two and a half years ago. While the EO rapidly accelerated programs across the federal government, we are now in a position to reflect and look to the future of Zero Trust. We will share lessons learned from real-life Zero Trust deployments (including what has worked, what hasn’t) and how organizations can and should continually evolve and adapt their program.
Presenter: Bailey Bickley, NSA
Defense Industrial Base (DIB) companies are relentlessly targeted by our adversaries, who seek to steal U.S. intellectual property, sensitive DoD information and DIB proprietary information to undermine our national security advantage and economy. NSA is working to contest these efforts by providing no-cost cybersecurity services to qualifying DIB companies. NSA’s services are designed to help protect sensitive, but unclassified, DoD information that resides on private sector networks by hardening the top exploitation vectors that foreign malicious actors are using to compromise networks.
Eradicating cybersecurity threats to the DIB is an NSA priority. NSA’s Cybersecurity Collaboration Center (CCC) provides no-cost cybersecurity solutions for qualifying DIB companies. These solutions are easily implemented and scalable to protect against the most common nation-state exploitation vectors and are designed to help protect DoD information and reduce the risk of compromise. These services include Protective DNS, attack surface management, and access to NSA non-public, DIB-specific threat intelligence. Our pilot program is evaluating additional services for release.
Hundreds of industry partners of all sizes and complexities have already signed up for NSA’s cybersecurity services, which has helped protect these networks against malicious cyber activity. The no-cost cybersecurity services have also assisted with the early identification, exposure, and remediation of multiple nation-state campaigns targeting the DIB.
Presenter: Andrew Heifetz, NGA
With the rise of Commercial Cloud Environment (C2E), programs have the potential to use services from multiple Cloud Service Providers (CSPs). Multiple CSPs can decrease cost through competition and increase innovation by providing exquisite and unique services. However, developing for a multiple cloud environment is fraught with challenges including data gravity/portability, lack of interoperability standards, multiple cloud knowledge gaps, and security accreditation. In order to address these challenges and prepare for C2E, NGA conducted several multiple cloud pilots and will share the lessons learned as well as recommendations to prepare for multiple cloud development. This presentation is important for anyone considering multiple clouds and hybrid environments.
Moderator: Bob Crawford
Panelists: Randy Resnick, DoD; David Voelker, DoN; Jennifer Kron, NSA; Ben Phelps, ODNI; Evan Kehayias, NGA
This session is essential for attendees responsible for or in roles related to defending against the growing, sophisticated Cyber threats the DoD and IC face. To strengthen our defenses, a Zero Trust Architecture (ZTA) will be implemented across the DoD and IC. To enable this, sound strategies with support from a ZT Architecture (ZTA) will help to guide the DoD and IC to accomplish Zero Trust maturity from basic, to intermediate, to ultimately advanced levels over the next five years.
The Office of the Intelligence Community Chief Information Officer (OIC CIO) developed a comprehensive Zero Trust (ZT) strategy and framework. The framework was developed by the IC ZT Steering Committee (ZTSC) and approved by all 18 IC elements. This session will focus on the tenets of the framework to include 31 capabilities, 4 maturity models, 7 pillars, and the IC ZT Architecture.
DoD has developed their own robust Zero Trust framework. Working collaboratively the IC and DoD must implement Zero Trust, improving overall Cybersecurity while maintaining interoperability and data sharing capabilities.
In this panel discussion, cybersecurity experts from the DoD and IC will discuss both the challenges and opportunities to significantly improve information protection capabilities and implementations by adopting the Zero Trust approach — “never trust, always verify, assume breach” — to protect U.S. national security assets.
Presenters: Marissa Snyder, DIA; Lauren Hix, DIA; Lisa Schrenk, DIA
Vintage is in, but not when it comes to payroll and benefits. Operating in a 20+ year-old IT system, DIA’s Office of Human Resources (OHR) current processes are overly complex, manual, and siloed. This resulted in incomplete, inconsistent datasets and slow reaction times to pivot the HR apparatus to mission needs. Even more importantly, this has taken DIA employees away from mission by burdening them with mundane administrative tasks. Soon, all of this will fade into history (like disco)!
Propelled through the HR Modernization investment, we’ve taken revolutionary steps to transform DIA’s HR infrastructure to strengthen DIA’s mission posture for strategic competition. We invite you to learn more about our efforts and how we’ve gleaned helpful, data-driven insights from various studies of our workforce, networking with Department of Defense (DoD) and Intelligence Community (IC) partners, and engaging with commercial entities.
This transformative shift requires a whole-of-agency cultural change to scale our capabilities for future needs. The modernization and overhaul of DIA’s HR is centered around creating exceptional employee experiences, reducing process timelines, increasing data quality and transparency. Cutting through the chaos created by a constrained and outdated infrastructure, HR Modernization is enabling DIA to put the right people in the right place, with the right skills needed to execute the mission.
Presenter: John Boska, DIA
Many government processes are lengthy and time-consuming, including the process of taking an application from development to production on government hosted networks. This poses a problem for mission-critical applications for which speed and efficiency is essential for getting information to intelligence personnel in the era of strategic competition. DIA’s Capability Delivery Pipeline (CDP) was created to simplify and modernize application development in the IC. CDP is a streamlined software development pipeline which embraces the DevSecOps methodology and industry standards. CDP will streamline the Authority to Operate (ATO) process, incentivize continuous integration and delivery (CI/CD), and abstract much of the overhead that comes with developing and deploying applications – including built-in security, governance, and hosting. CDP’s strategic goal is to provide one ecosystem used for secure software, hardware, service development, testing, and deployment spanning DIA’s Unclassified (IL5), Secret (IL6), and Sensitive Compartmented Information (SCI) networks. CDP also aims to bring in more cloud service providers to DIA to allow for infrastructure-agnostic development and reduce costs of development by eliminating duplicate services and capabilities. This pipeline will enable max capability for DIA customers and stakeholders and increase information sharing with agency partners and foreign allies. Ultimately, CDP empowers DIA to accelerate the delivery of capabilities and services to obtain a competitive advantage against our adversaries.
Moderator: Ramesh Menon
Panelists: Robert Lawton, ODNI; Dr. Abby Fanlo, CDAO; Elham Tabassi, NIST
As AI becomes increasingly more prevalent and advanced, the potential to positively impact every sector of our society has become apparent. While AI technologies have created tremendous efficiencies in how we live, think, and choose to invest our time and energy, it also has the potential to harm those that use it if not properly managed. The risks can become especially high when AI is used for critical national security missions. As the Department of Defense (DoD) and Intelligence Community (IC) continue to adopt AI as a disruptive technology used to advance warfighting and intelligence gathering capabilities, it is imperative that we trust AI that is being used for these critical national security missions. On this panel, you will hear from experts spearheading the AI Ethics initiatives that will affect industry, DoD, and IC. Topics discussed will include the new AI Risk Management Framework, DoD Ethical AI Principles, and how these will affect how we use and create trustworthy AI systems. Panelists include AI Ethics experts from the Chief Digital and Artificial Intelligence Office and National Institute of Standards and Technology. This panel will be moderated by DIA’s Chief Technology Officer, Mr. Ramesh Menon.
Moderator: Sudhir Marreddy
Panelists: James Long, NGA; Ben Davis, ODNI; Amy Heald, CIA; Dylon Young, OUSD (I&S)
This session will be a must-attend breakout for attendees to gain an understanding and perspective of the emerging technologies that present both threats and opportunities for U.S. national security. The panelists will include participants from both the DD and IC covering rapidly emerging technology areas such as AI/ML, Cloud, Cybersecurity/Zero Trust, Data, Digital Foundations, Interoperability, Networks, and more.
With adversaries on the cusp of surpassing the U.S. in the near future, challenging our technological leadership, this panel will discuss the existential threat of rapidly emerging technologies. We will explore how we can both protect U.S. national security and prevent our adversaries from gaining access to, acquiring, developing and advancing their capabilities while we leverage those same capabilities.
Presenters: Col Michael Medgyessy, USAF
DAF CLOUDworks provides Enterprise and Security Services (IaaS), Platform as a Service (PaaS) and Collaboration tools (SaaS) to the DoD and AF IC. Partnered with Platform One, we provide DevSecOps pipelines across the Unclass, Secret and Top Secret cloud environments. Using our Operational DevSecOps for ISR NEXGEN (ODIN) platform enables your developers to focus on your application instead of underlying infrastructure. Our enterprise services reflect the security guardrails our Authorizing Official set forth. We are constantly iterating and adding common services to bring max value to our customers across the DoD and IC.
Presenter: Dan Hetrick, ODNI
Building clarity into a shared vision by defining the chaos. What does DEIA have to do with aligning a workforce? Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, Accessibility. Regardless of how one sees the message of DEIA, amazing potential rises by aligning organizational mission with DEIA principles.
This presentation will highlight 10 ways to begin building a mindset under the Universal Principles within DEIA that will create a vision that drives mission to produce these benefits (at minimum), including better informed leaders in tune with the workforce, effective decision making, a shared vision that everyone supports, better products usable by everyone, Innovation, Security, Risk Mitigation, effective succession planning, and finally… A model of excellence for everyone to follow!
Moderator: Shannon Paschel
Panelists: Elciedes Dinch-Mcknight, DIA; Katie Lipps, DIA; Dr. Rosemary Speers, DIA ; Lori Wade, DIA
CIO is trying to foster a growth mindset to drive organizational change in culture and structure by making a concerted effort to develop and promote leaders from within and to fully utilize the talents of executive women for more diverse leadership. Addressing barriers and challenges experienced from various types of discrimination and bias based on the intersection of gender, race, and other personal characteristics. CIO Women in Leadership Program showcases a panel of women leaders who share their experiences and successful strategies to advance their careers at DIA-CIO. A key to success for women to achieve Senior Executive Levels at CIO is allyship and advocacy. According to research and organizational best practices, inclusive behaviors and communication patterns from all employees and leaders create inclusive organizational cultural change.
Presenters: Sonny Hashmi, GSA; Brian Shipley, Navy; Chris Hamm, GSA
Government procurement is often a complicated business. Between budget issues, Federal Acquisition regulations (FAR), and mission-critical needs, getting the products and services you need in a timely and straightforward manner is challenging at best.
Hear from customers and users who balance these requirements every day and help make it easier to get technology to the mission at the speed of need. The discussion will focus on the acquisition space and how partnerships between federal agencies can make it easier to rapidly field emerging technologies and do business with and across government.
Presenter: Stephen Kensinger, DIA
DIA is taking a holistic approach in reviewing and modernizing all of its provided services for Zero Trust to support the demands for its future data-centric architecture. This discussion will include how the agency is approaching Zero Trust to be a mission enabler for the Enterprise. This DIA vision includes efforts to streamline the Risk Management Framework (RMF) by integrating results through Zero Trust enabled technology/services and modernized processes. Although focus has been for near term maturity requirements, the team has started to explore the integration of machine learning to contribute to this streamlining effort. It will also delve into the planning and prototype efforts that the DIA Zero Trust team has led for development and integration of core cyber services to provide entitlements access to properly tagged data objects. The DIA Zero Trust team has partnered with DIA mission stakeholders and our Chief Data Office to begin to address these challenges and to convey to the workforce the new value these modernized DoDIIS services will offer to mission.
Presenter: Robert Williams, DIA
The Defense Intelligence Agency’s Analytic Innovation Office will discuss the AI Roadmap for All-source Analysis, which adds clarity and cohesiveness to the all-source analytic modernization process. The Roadmap provides a comprehensive and applied approach to artificial intelligence (AI) that spans experimentation, quality and tradecraft assurance, AI skills and digital literacy development, and business process improvements – aspects that were largely fragmented until now. The Roadmap achieves clarity from chaos by tightly aligning six key objectives that address the application of applied AI methods to mission, building an AI-ready analytic workforce, and equipping AI practitioners with a framework for ensuring compliance with analytic tradecraft standards. Hear about the critical challenges such as systematically upskilling an analytic workforce, accelerating the development of an AI-ready workforce by reducing the skills gap with low code solutions, and assessing analytic workflows at-scale to identify optimal human-machine-teaming opportunities. Other challenges include accessing data in ways that enables the leveraging of machine learning methods at-scale, and pivoting from reactionary to predictive analytics. You will hear about aspects of AI adoption through the lens of an organization responsible for leading analytic modernization, that will leave the audience and industry participants with an appreciation for the unique challenges of achieving AI-readiness within an all-source analytic organization.
Presenters: Peter Guerra, Oracle; Josh Tatum, Oracle
Tactical edge capabilities enable organizations to extend cloud services and applications to the edge. This allows for improved performance, security, and availability of applications and services, as well as to collect and analyze data at the edge, which can provide real-time insights and decision-making capabilities in connected and disconnected environments. Tactical edge capabilities, across classification boundaries, allow the warfighter to obtain situational awareness through edge compute, AI, and security where needed. This talk will walk through the use of tactical edge within the DoD and IC to present real world use cases.
Presenters: Theresa Kinney, NASA; Kanitra Tyler, NASA; Jeanette McMillian, ODNI; Lisa Egan, DIA
US Government Employees Only. Welcome to “The Exchange”; an internal, selective government-only community of intelligence and non-Title 50 agencies dedicated to initiating practices that help secure government-wide supply chains. It is where agencies and programs demonstrate and share their best practices towards mobilizing unique agency missions and authorities to mitigate risk. This panel of community members will inform and educate USG participants of opportunities and resources to help them secure IT supply chains at their agencies; moving from the Chaos of Risks and Threats to the Clarity of Actions that help address active management of supply chain risk.
Presenters: Ben Davis, ODNI; Ron Ripper, ODNI; Colonel Christian Lewis, ODNI
The Intelligence Community Information Environment (IC IE) and the Department of Defense Information Network (DoDIN) underpin IC and DoD missions. Today, we are more dependent on and also more vulnerable to attacks on assets in cyberspace than we have ever been. The benefits of emerging and over-the-horizon technologies are immense, but also introduce new attack vectors for malicious cyber actors. The partnership between the IC Security Coordination Center (IC SCC) and Joint Forces Headquarters DoDIN (JFHQ-DoDIN) is vital to defending the Nation’s most secure networks and critical national security information. Both organizations will discuss their mission, their partnership, and seek opportunities to extend the partnership to the broader USG, and harness the power and expertise our industry partners bring to bear.
Looking to increase your data sharing and help your data find a new mission user base? Do you have limited data acquisition resources and want to take advantage of what the DoD and IC already have to offer? Explore how IC Data Services can assist your Agency/Organization to make your data discoverable, accessible, usable, and interoperable. IC Data Services, an ODNI Service of Common Concern, is foundational to enabling IC organizations to move forward on IC Data Strategy and component data strategy, gaining organizational efficiencies and mission outcomes in the process.
Presenters: Katie Lipps, DIA; Marlene Kovacic, DIA
Are you an industry provider of hardware, software, and/or services? Come learn how you can partner with DIA to protect yourselves from threats posed by adversaries in order to become a stronger and more secure partner supporting Agency and CIO top initiatives. This session will focus on what elements of your organization you need to be focusing on, high level concepts you can implement, and how your improved security posture benefits your partnership with DIA.
As part of the DoDIIS Conference this year, NASA SEWP has been authorized to offer attendees an exclusive, in-person training session bringing Government agencies and industry providers together to dig into the world of SEWP. Pre-registration is required and is only available to participants of the DoDIIS Conference.
During this training you will be able to explore emerging federal acquisition trends and gain valuable insights about our diverse range of products and services directly from the SEWP Program Management Office (PMO). We are delighted to offer a comprehensive demonstration of our cutting-edge web tools. This engaging session will equip you with the most up-to-date knowledge and ensure you are fully proficient in utilizing our advanced online resources. We want to empower you with the tools you need to succeed and stay ahead of the curve.
This training is designed for both newcomers to SEWP and those seeking a refresher. Don’t worry if you’re unfamiliar with SEWP; we’ll guide you every step of the way. Plus, your attendance will earn you 4.0 Continuous Learning Points (CLPs) It’s an opportunity you definitely don’t want to miss!
10:00am – 12:30pm: Training Session (please arrive a few minutes early to be checked in prior to the training)
Pre-Registration is required and limited to 100 participants! Reserve your space here.
In this fireside chat we are going to have a conversation with two of the DoD’s premier R&D organization’s senior leaders. We will be covering topics such as SAP IT, cybersecurity, risk, mission, and policy. You are going to want to come to this chat to understand how well we are communicating at the most senior levels, where our community can do better, what keeps them up at night, and the challenges imposed by R&D.
Derek Claiborne, Chainalysis
Jackie Koven, Chainalysis
Web3 is all about innovation and collaboration – but with that comes heightened risks. Chainalysis has a commitment to creating a safer environment for all who enter the world of Web3. In this discussion, we will explore blockchain’s potential in addressing challenges faced by our warfighters. The evolving threat landscape involving strategic competitors, rogue nations, and terrorist groups is examined, with a particular emphasis on their exploitation of cryptocurrencies for illicit activities. The role of blockchain technology in countering these threats is then elucidated, showcasing its characteristics like decentralization and transparency.
This includes a deep dive into using blockchain for geolocating threat actors and tracking illicit activities. International collaboration and the integration of blockchain-based intelligence into defense strategies are discussed as well. Challenges, considerations, future prospects, and recommendations for blockchain adoption in cybersecurity and defense form vital segments of the discourse, ultimately underlining the significance of embracing emerging technologies like blockchain to empower warfighters and enhance national security in an ever-evolving digital landscape.
Audiences will gain a comprehensive understanding of how blockchain technology can effectively address blockchain-enabled threats and enable the geolocation of threat actors in the realm of cybersecurity and defense. They will also recognize the pivotal role of international collaboration and blockchain integration in bolstering national security efforts across evolving global challenges.
Harry Cornwell, Palo Alto Networks
Delivering zero trust at an enterprise level begins with a fundamental change in how the DoD builds its cyber security architecture to prioritize both security and performance. Zero trust is built upon the foundation that there is already a malicious actor or compromised data or devices within the enterprise. This assumption creates a need for a process of continuous validation of users, devices, applications, and data in an entirely controlled and visible manner. With Palo Alto Networks’s Zero Trust Network Access 2.0 (ZTNA 2.0), coarse-grained access controls based on an “allow and ignore” model is left behind to introduce a consistent least-privilege access control model focusing on application layer security inspection.
Josef Allen, USAF
Adam Gruber, Applied Insight
Those defending our nation depend on access to accurate, timely information – and must manage large amounts of data from more sources now than at any other point in history. Disparate data sources, networks, and classification levels currently make it impossible for users in SAP and CAP environments to view data within a single standardized and normalized lens, limiting mission agility and increasing the time between data ingest and incorporation into command decisions.
To overcome these limitations, mission teams must currently develop custom tools and rely on manual processing of information to aggregate data and inform decisions. Feature gaps in pre-existing cloud capabilities within SAP environments further inhibit Guardians and other teams from efficiently leveraging cutting-edge technological capabilities to satisfy mission requirements, such as real-time data streaming, access to native cloud resources, and multi-cloud capabilities.
Providing holistic data processing in SAP environments presents three major challenges: data transfer across and between classification fabrics, data access governance, and multi-tenancy. Additionally, implementing a fully comprehensive Zero Trust Architecture is paramount.
This problem is complex, but with the right tools it is solvable.
To accelerate data sharing to mission teams in a Common SAP across classification fabrics and disparate networks, USSF built a highly scalable, multi-tenant, ATO’d environment – empowering program teams to migrate critical mission workloads to the cloud while maintaining logical separation of those workloads. Additionally, the USSF team designed and implemented a cutting-edge data management capability that enforces Zero Trust access to data assets leveraging a cloud-based architecture.
Douglas Gourlay, Arista Networks
In this presentation, we delve into the challenges and possible solutions when designing a unified, multi-domain network architecture that seamlessly integrates a diverse range of platforms: GEO & LEO satellites, airborne platforms, terrestrial networks, GovCloud transit, and trans-oceanic cables. This architecture not only ensures dynamic, encrypted, and secure multi-access networks, but also incorporates a self-healing fabric that can adapt to signal-denied environments while reducing operational load.
Complementing this vision, we will explore the paradigm shift from legacy network operating models towards a software-centric ‘modern operating model’. Here, configurations are procedurally generated by automation that incorporate variables from multiple discrete systems-of-record. We also simulate network changes in a virtual twin environment, deploy to the network upon completion, and generate comprehensive documentation of the change.
The National Institute of Standards (NIST) has released several Post Quantum Cryptographic Algorithms planned for standardization in 2024. The National Security Agency has announced the Commercial National Security Algorithm (CNSA) Suite 2.0. The executive branch has released NSM-10. What does this mean for the SAP community?
Dr. Whitfield Diffie, Dr. Robert Campbell, and Mr. Charles Robinson will discuss what this means for SAP program managers and how they can effectively plan for the upcoming migration to post quantum cryptography. The Panel will discuss current and past cryptography role outs.. The panel will discuss process, landscape, and do a deep dive of the underlying cryptography. The panel will explore past cryptographic migrations best practices and discuss what’s different now. A discussion on what government organizations should be aware of when migrating to the new Post Quantum Cryptography Algorithms. We will discuss of best practices guidelines that NIST NcCOE program is developing to support implementation and transformation of government IT environments. Finally, some consideration of the strategy and a tactical construct SAP program managers should consider when migrating to a Quantum Safe enterprise.
In this session, we will delve into the transformative impact of Infrastructure as Code (IaC) models on modernizing network operations within the Department of Defense and Intelligence Community. The focus will be on leveraging procedural generation and IaC models for creating networking configurations, coverage-guided automated testing, and self-generating documentation. These techniques, integrated across a next-generation WAN, Campus, and Data Center reduce the complexity inherent in traditional networking configuration. This approach fosters the creation of repeatable design patterns that automate efficiently at scale and facilitate the generation of digital twin environments for functional testing and staging deployments.
Then we will discuss and demonstrate a practical application of these models and technologies in deploying and operating a global WAN, encrypted with quantum-safe/secure cryptography, with trusted and measured/attested secure booting of each router, and utilizing a combination of networks including geostationary and commercial low-earth orbital satellites, LTE/5G, free-space photonics, public and private MPLS services, dark fiber and wavelength services, submarine transoceanic cables, and cloud provider backbones.
Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning (AI/ML) applications in cybersecurity sensing are heavily focused on threat detection by identifying abnormal indicators and eliminating false positives. The mathematical techniques used to achieve this have converged, with most applications still focused on perfecting existing algorithms. However, there are many aspects of human cognition which are not captured by AI/ML algorithms as they are applied today. Creativity, intuition, contextualization, topology, and even the special theory of relativity are emerging perspectives for AI/ML. New approaches are critical to “level up” our current sensing tools, and create the next generation of advanced artificial intelligence-driven cybersecurity.
In most discussions about the digital divide, we’re referring to the fact that approximately one-third of the world’s population lacks access to the internet. We often associate it with developing countries and attribute it to factors such as economics and infrastructure. The negative consequence of this digital divide in the information age is that we leave behind individuals and entire communities. As cloud technologies become central to everyday life, that divide grows wider. Ironically, although the SAP community works on the most bleeding-edge technologies for our warfighters, it also suffers from being on the wrong side of a similar digital divide. In this session, we’ll look at how we can close the digital divide for the SAP community.
Scott Devitt, General Dynamics Mission Systems
Brian Newson, General Dynamics Mission Systems
The GDMS Chief Engineer for Multilevel Security, Scott Devitt, will demonstrate and explore real-world SAP use cases with MLS containers for DE Environments. During his 37 years with General Dynamics, Scott has designed, built, installed, and maintained classified capabilities for the DoD and IC including operational mission cells supporting forward locations with multiple stove piped networks at different classification levels. His presentation will highlight the value of a DE polyinstantiated or containerized framework in safeguarding SAP data and the benefits of leveraging a multilevel file share when working across multiple connected classified environments. It will also discuss the challenges faced in integrating the innovative capability into legacy stovepipe SAP networks with existing applications and explore potential solutions.
In summary, these three leading edge MLS DE design patterns present a robust set of solutions to the growing challenge of collaborating and working effectively in the ever-complex SAP community. By leveraging this capability, organizations can bolster security, consolidate costly licenses across networks and safeguard their most valuable data while also dramatically improving user operational efficiency on their primary network. By employing containerized applications, data transfers between networks are eliminated, reducing the risk of information leakage through unauthorized channels.
Operational Technology (OT) plays a crucial role in controlling industrial processes and our critical infrastructure. However, with the rise of the Internet of Things (IoT) and increased connectivity, OT systems face amplified cyber risks. Historically isolated, these systems now often intersect with IT networks, making them vulnerable to threats, especially given their outdated software and the difficulty in patching them. The stakes are high: cyber-attacks on OT can disrupt power grids, halt manufacturing, and pose significant safety threats. Addressing these concerns requires a holistic strategy, integrating both OT and IT cybersecurity measures. As we advance in this digital age, it’s imperative that we prioritize and invest in the protection of these vital systems.
In the presentation “Breaking Barriers with Generative AI: Enhancing Systems Security and Data Sharing for the Warfighter,” we will explore the transformative potential of Generative AI in the context of emerging technologies to support the warfighter. This presentation directly addresses the theme of the conference, which focuses on the intersection of systems security, access management, and data sharing.
The Department of Defense (DoD) should care about the application of Generative AI because it offers a unique opportunity to overcome existing barriers and enhance the DoD’s systems security and data sharing capabilities. Generative AI has the power to revolutionize the way the DoD operates by enabling the creation of synthetic data, generating realistic scenarios, and simulating complex environments. This technology can significantly improve training, testing, and decision-making processes, leading to more effective and efficient warfighter operations.
By leveraging Generative AI, the DoD can enhance systems security by simulating and identifying potential vulnerabilities, predicting and countering cyber threats, and developing robust defense mechanisms. Additionally, Generative AI enables secure and controlled data sharing, allowing the DoD to collaborate with partners, share information across agencies, and leverage collective intelligence while maintaining data privacy and integrity.
The impact of embracing Generative AI in the DoD environment is significant. It empowers the warfighter with advanced tools and capabilities, enabling them to make informed decisions, respond rapidly to evolving threats, and achieve mission success. By breaking barriers with Generative AI, the DoD can enhance its operational effectiveness, improve situational awareness, and ultimately ensure the safety and security of the nation.
Leveraging AI to augment our information forces gives us massive new capabilities. Adversaries know the same thing and are trying to do the same thing. A small amount of high-performance computing (HPC) in the right places will solve many problems of AI relating to deployment, engagement, and data ingestion in environments where data security and access controls are paramount.
Using AI in secure, reliable, resilient, rapidly updated ways will give us an edge. Relying on commercial cloud providers for all computing, R&D, and services for machine intelligence is a risky way to get that edge. Relying on commercial cloud for the foundations and using in-house HPC expertise and resources to deliver the last mile of machine intelligence will reduce risk and accelerate the adoption of secure, reliable, robust, and repeatable AI inside the enterprise.
Today’s warfighter is more connected than ever before to a streaming vector of actionable intelligence. Platforms, systems, and data – all traversing an ever-increasing number of endpoints. As we look to events around the world as leading examples of how the battleground continues to change, we are called to action to improve both the offensive and defensive digital capabilities of our military. To win, our priorities must clearly align to automating heterogeneous environments at a moment’s notice, delivering consolidated AI-infused digital experiences to each warfighter, and leverage Automation and AI to protect our digital advantage.
Scaling quantum computers will eventually break the digital security used in virtually all modern data networks. For decades, our adversaries have been collecting encrypted communications with the intention of decrypting and operationalizing it when larger quantum computers become available. This Cold War technique is known as “harvest now, decrypt later” (HNDL); it makes headlines today because quantum computers can break our existing algorithms by brute force. The transition to Post Quantum Cryptography (PQC) does not solve the HNDL problem because the new algorithms have no mathematical proof of hardness. As such, NIST advised developers to be “crypto-agile” and prepared to replace PQC at any time in the future.
For decades, implementation errors, weak encryption keys, poor randomness, corrupted software libraries and a variety of attacks resulted in the total exploitation of stored HNDL data. The issue is fundamental to the single-points-of-failure in public key infrastructure (PKI) which is based on a 1970s architecture predating the internet, cloud, virtualization, and containerization used in modern information systems. Qrypt leverages multiple quantum entropy hardware sources and distributed software algorithms to enable end-to-end-encryption (EE2E) with simultaneous key generation at any endpoint. This mechanism decouples the data from the decryption keys, eliminates key distribution and is unaffected by multiple weaknesses in the system, including the potential failure of the PQC algorithms and insider threats.
The modern warfighter will operate in converged PKI environments on 5G/6G networks, using autonomous systems, in smart cities, built on technology under adversarial control. Secure communications will need much higher levels of assurance than currently possible. Incremental improvements to classical techniques will be insufficient in the quantum era.
Kelly Dalton, AFRL
Jonathan Thompson, AFRL
This is an update to last year’s presentation regarding an effort to provide DoD funded, shared supercomputing to the acquisition engineering, research, development, and test & evaluation communities. Large scale supercomputers are funded by the DoD High Performance Computing Modernization Program for the purpose of providing no-cost computing to scientists and engineers working on DoD problems. Contractors can also access these resources under a DoD contract involving an RDT&E project. This unclassified/CUI presentation will provide information regarding current status and future plans by the Department of Defense to provide continued access to free supercomputing resources to government and contractors supporting special programs and/or SCI-related projects in the research, development, acquisition, and test & evaluation mission areas. Specifically, the large-scale computing resources provided by the DoD High Performance Computing Modernization Program (HPCMP) will be discussed as well as how to access these resources. The supercomputing systems undergo a recurring technical refresh funded by the DoD HPCMP. The individuals/organizations do not pay for compute time or storage on the DoD supercomputers as these are funded through the DoD HPC Modernization Program.
USG has prohibited acquisition of hardware from sanctioned entities and excluded those companies from doing business in the United States. But most program managers don’t realize that those same sanctioned entities and foreign adversaries actively develop, maintain and control software dependencies used by classified military programs. While these dependencies can theoretically be code-reviewed before approval, they’re almost never reviewed beyond a one-time check for viruses or known vulnerabilities – with little to no monitoring of upstream risks. And even if their source code is reviewed, there’s no chain of trust between repositories and published packages.
This talk will illustrate how Chinese and Russian developers are positioning in the upstream software supply chain, how that risk can be detected and how it can be managed in an automated way, at scale, in the absence of any known or detectable vulnerabilities in the code. Single-maintainer projects belonging to Russian government employees have been identified in federal APIs that handle highly sensitive data at high scale. The ecosystems in which adversarial entities are active include AI/ML used in defense, which was the subject of a year-long analytic project that Ion Channel (recently acquired by Exiger) executed for DTRA. The data backplane for identifying adversarial FOCI in upstream software dependencies has both defensive and offensive value in software-intensive programs and missions.
Kathleen Featheringham, Maximus
Michael Sieber, Maximus
Frank Reyes, Maximus
As the Defense Department (DoD) continues its cloud modernization journey with the Joint Warfighting Cloud Capability (JWCC) and other programs, managing sensitive data in the cloud is a top priority and cybersecurity challenge.
Emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence (AI) offer novel strategies to fortify cryptographic practices, enhance data encryption, and bolster cloud security.
Reaping the benefits of AI-powered cloud security requires good data practices and data governance as well as proper configuration management and modern encryption strategies to ensure data security.
This session aims to address common cloud security concerns and outline use cases for comprehensive cybersecurity and encryption practices powered by AI to properly manage sensitive data in the cloud.
Rob Case, DON SAP CISO
An examination of the Risk Management Framework as a dynamic cybersecurity program featuring Cyber Hygiene, Cyber Readiness, and Continuous Compliance as prime disciplines. The end in mind is to finally mature beyond checklists and firefighting, develop locally relevant threat intelligence programs, prepare for continuous ATOs with fully developed ConMon programs, and generate feedback loops between the monitors and responders. This presentation explores the Risk Management Framework and JSIG control families as features of Cyber Hygiene (management of the authorized) and Cyber Readiness (management of the unauthorized) and encourages RMF practitioners to go beyond the ATO. The concept of outprocessing the checklist is encapsulated in a change of mindset; completing a task is not compliance and compliance is not security. Narrative-based bodies of evidence authored and informed by ISSOs are insufficient. Cybersecurity practitioners must seek system-based artifacts as their proof of configuration and ISSOs must be informed by the system.
Chad Steed, ORNL
Visual analytics is a viable approach for enabling human-machine collaboration in today’s most challenging data analysis scenarios. While the increasing volume and complexity of modern data sets severely limits the viability of purely manual, human-centered strategies, most data analysis tasks are inherently exploratory (meaning the user doesn’t know all the questions they may ask of the data beforehand) and require interactive query capabilities. Visual analytics solutions that balance human and machine strengths are ideal, but achieving such a balance is not trivial. It requires judicious orchestration of human strengths, namely creativity, intuition, visual perception, and cognition, with the computational power of machines and the automated algorithms that run on them. In this talk, I will discuss modern data analysis challenges and how visual analytics tools can help solve them. To illustrate these ideas, several visual analytics systems will be described with an emphasis on the integration of human interaction, data visualization, and algorithmic guidance into flexible tools. I will also highlight the application of these tools to real-world applications in explainable AI, sensitivity analysis, multivariate analysis, and text mining. I will conclude with an overview of active and future visual analytics work.
Caleb Snow, WWT
Kimberly Haines, WWT
AIDN leverages state-of-the-art machine learning and artificial intelligence algorithms to detect and respond to even the most advanced and elusive threats. It identifies malicious activities in real-time, minimizing the potential impact of attacks. Through continuous monitoring through AIDN, your organization enjoys 24/7 monitoring of your digital infrastructure. AIDN provides immediate alerts and proactive threat remediation to prevent breaches before they occur.
Through our User-Friendly Interface, our intuitive, user-friendly dashboard simplifies the complexities of cybersecurity management. It offers real-time insights into your network’s security posture, allowing for informed decision-making. AIDN is designed to grow with your organization. AIDNs threat intelligence integrates threat intelligence feeds from multiple sources, ensuring you stay ahead of emerging threats. This knowledge helps AIDN adapt its defenses and protect your organization from new attack vectors.
Kenny Bowen, Microsoft
Rebeka Melber, Microsoft
Historically, the DoD SAP Community has faced a glaring challenge – one of disconnection. Over the past decade, a remarkable transformation has taken place. Thanks to a roll out of enterprise-level SAP capabilities over the past decade, connectivity has surged to unprecedented levels. These advancements have become the backbone of an entirely new era, opening doors to a consolidated stream of data that is poised to reshape the landscape of national defense. The proliferation of Cloud Service Providers (CSPs) authorized for SAP data further signals the dawning of this transformative era. In the midst of this technological evolution, it’s crucial not to overlook the basics. While the buzzwords of Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning are reshaping our technological landscape, the foundation for these innovations must be steadfastly established. Our success hinges on getting the fundamentals right, ensuring that the most fundamental functions are in place. Collaboration emerges as the cornerstone that will pave the way towards a truly robust and effective national defense strategy. This talk will delve into the narratives of the past, the dynamic landscape of the present, and the exciting potential of the future. It encompasses communication between Defense Industrial Base (DIB) and Government, Enterprise and Mission Users, and General and Privileged Users. As we stand on the precipice of unparalleled technological advancements, it is our responsibility to steer this transformation with clarity, unity, and a shared vision. Through collaboration and convergence, we shall not only bridge past disconnects but also construct a foundation for a stronger, safer, and more technologically empowered future.
John Loucaides, Eclypsium
Not a month goes by without another deep vulnerability in CPUs, memory, BIOS, BMCs, or some other component buried inside nearly every piece of IT equipment. While these issues sound serious, the very premise of these components is to abstract away hardware details. With adversaries known to be exploiting these bugs, how can we assess vulnerabilities not mitigated by traditional endpoint security solutions?
In this talk, John will explore some of the technical issues related to cyber security of the supply chain. He will explain the most common issues, how to check for them, and how to avoid being taken by surprise. Having personally been involved in research into and coordinated disclosure of serious platform-level vulnerabilities, John will speak from personal experience (both within USG and outside) to suggest practical solutions involving both open source and commercial tools to help with this evolving problem. After discussing issues that affect firmware updates, end of life, component vulnerability scanning, integrity checks, and sanitization/destruction, attendees will discover that even though perfection is impossible, all is not lost.
Andrew “AJ” Forysiak, Varonis
Chad Mason, Varonis
The United States faces persistent and increasingly sophisticated malicious cyber campaigns that threaten the public, private sector, and ultimately, the American people’s security and privacy. By implementing Zero Trust (ZT) across all agency systems, the U.S. government seeks to protect high-value assets, but without first building a solid foundation, any zero-trust architecture will be largely ineffective and unwieldy. Agencies must now strive to provide best-in-class zero trust-based security while satisfying compliance requirements such as EO 14028, DOE O 471.1, and OMB 22-09. Zero Trust represents a paradigm shift in how we think about protecting our assets and requires a multi-phased process to deploy successfully.
David Metcalf, UCF
AI, Blockchain, and Cybersecurity (ABC) advances are reshaping the enterprise solutions that support the warfighter. This session provides a survey to explore use cases under development at University of Central Florida’s Institute for Simulation and Training including the ARO sponsored Blockchain and Quantum Defense Simulator for multi-protocol prototyping, modeling, and testing, Army TRACRChain Blockchain for automated range data from TRACR2, and Navy Project AI Avenger analysis of AI media scrubbing tools. A review of design, standards, early results, and scalability opportunities and issues will be shared. Synergy with other projects and next steps in ABC solutions to meet emerging requirements for cross-warfighter solutions will be presented. Tangible examples include a digital twin prototype to combine operational readiness and trusted career-spanning data from recruit to retire and a quantum computing cyber awareness and AI Assurance simulation platform. Using platforms like digital twins, quantum-as-a-service, large language models-as-a-service, and advanced simulations allow Commands to explore specialized use case, protocols, standards, and scalability before committing vital resources – leveraging modeling, simulation and analysis techniques such as NSF ICorps and Hacking for Defense. Concluding remarks include discussion of methods of collaboration between military, industry, and academia to leverage public university research and other nonprofit entities.
Caden Bradbury, NetApp
AI models are only effective if they can be utilized in the most extreme tactic edge scenarios. (Think: in the back of a Humvee, on a Naval Ship, in a remotely operated drone, etc.) While the training of accurate models is vital, the biggest challenge in these edge environments is moving data and models to and from the tactical edge to core data center.
Models must be continuously improved to be used effectively. They must perform at the highest level possible for the DoD. This is especially true in life-or-death scenarios, like automated target acquisition models. To optimize models, new data must be continuously fed to the algorithm.
In order to face the challenges posed by great power competition in the digital age, the Defense Intelligence Enterprise (DIE) must adapt its mindset and approach by embracing digital transformation. The DIE must accelerate digital transformation efforts to efficiently and effectively share data, information, and intelligence among Military Services, Defense Agencies, and Combatant Commands. A critical enabler of digital transformation is a seamless digital foundation. The Digital Foundation includes the services comprising the digital substructure that enables rapid deployment, scaling, testing, and optimization of intelligence software as an enduring capability. A digital foundation will achieve a simplified, synchronized, and integrated multi-cloud environment that can adopt innovation at scale and promote good cloud hygiene. The delivery of a Digital Foundation ensures DIE data, architecture, and infrastructure are integrated and ready to enable: Joint Warfighting Concepts, Innovation at Scale, AI, Augmentation, and Automation, and Zero Trust.
As the agency has begun its journey to transitioning to Zero Trust, we have been meeting with industry partners to discuss best practices in order to support the objectives identified in National Security Memorandum 8; Improving the Cybersecurity of National Security, Department of Defense, and Intelligence Community Systems. We have initiated a prototype effort exploring innovation opportunities in order to enhance core service offerings contributing to the Zero Trust journey. This brief will highlight areas we are collaborating with community and industry partners to adapt our environments to be positioned for supporting future mission requirements with a secure data-centric enterprise.
The ability to access data necessary to make battlefield decisions at the speed of relevance is critical to the Nation’s defense and tactical advantage. The Common Data Fabric (CDF) fast data broker is an evolution in data sharing across silos, organizational and mission boundaries making data available to any consumer machine that can enforce data policy. The CDF is a cloud-based commercial software data brokering capability that functions anywhere a connection can be established and easily integrates with existing and legacy architectures to make data available to U.S., Joint Taskforce Warfighters, US Allies and Mission Partners. CDF is deployed by the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) and is a foundational pillar of the data sharing vision of the Secretary of Defense as we transform the digital ecosystem towards an Enterprise Construct.
CIO has applied Service Delivery Modernization to improve the customer experience. We have implemented large efforts to stand up In Person Service Centers, integrated Live Chat on the desktop, ensured our Knowledge Articles and IT Equipment Catalog are 508 compliant, Service Central automated workflows, @CIOTechTips, and small initiatives to improve IT training/lab sessions for our new officers, and play jazz music for our listeners as they wait for a technician to answer their questions. This presentation will be an opportunity to share the advanced services that have been implemented, share our journey map, and to hear from our customers in a question and answer session about what improvements they would like to see. We’ll introduce the 13 December 2021 Executive Order on Transforming Federal Customer Experience and Service to Rebuild Trust in the Government and time permitting, explore self-help options that are available (Self-service-password-reset, go words, cross domain dialing, extension mobility, virtual desktops, etc.)
In 2018, there were more than 31,000 cybersecurity incidents affecting government agencies. In 2019, the U.S. government accounted for 5.6 percent of data breaches and 2.1 percent of all exposed records. It is imperative the US Government secures citizens’ information and federal agencies must continue to deliver services, regardless of cyber-attacks seeking disruption of those services. Fortunately, significant strides have been made to ensure just that. The Biden Administration’s budget request includes roughly $10.9 billion for civilian cybersecurity-related activities, which represents an 11% increase compared to 2022. To date, over a billion dollars has been awarded through NITAAC for cybersecurity solutions including training and awareness programs, professional and technical support services, and IT modernization for the Department of Defense, Department of Veterans Affairs, Department of Agriculture, Department of Justice, and more. In fact, all aspects of cybersecurity products, services, and commoditized services are readily available under the three Best in Class GWACs that NITAAC administers: CIO-SP3, CIO-SP3 Small Business, and CIO-CS. NITAAC’s federal customers can quickly obtain cybersecurity solutions without the tedious processes under FAR Part 15; instead using FAR Part 16.5 to issue task and delivery orders quickly and easily for mission requirements. Customers also have access to NITAAC’s secure electronic government ordering system (e-GOS) to further streamline competition, management, and award. During this session, NITAAC Deputy Director Ricky Clark will provide an overview of the NITAAC GWACs and discuss how as the U.S. government continues to roll out mandatory cybersecurity standards for government agencies, NITAAC can help agency partners raise the bar for cybersecurity beyond the first line of defense.
The DIA Platform-as-a-Service (DPaaS) is an enterprise container management platform enabling application developers to build to a single standard that provides advanced and commonly used technical enterprise services necessary to decrease development time while achieving strategic competition goals.
DPaaS enhances a developer’s ability to focus on functionality, enabling mission applications to be rapidly prototyped and move at the speed of mission by reducing technical overhead.
This functionality coupled with DevSecOps and the Capability Delivery Pipeline (CDP) enables applications to be developed and deployed securely, quickly, and easily no matter the location or infrastructure, freeing up development teams from tedious and complicated deployments.
The DoD and the US more generally is increasingly dependent on commercial products that provide crucial elements of our cybersecurity. Located in NSA’s Cybersecurity Collaboration Center (CCC), Standards and Certifications plays a significant role in shaping the marketplace for these products across the lifecycle of development. Through its leadership in standards bodies (ensuring that critical security requirements are built into the standards that commercial products implement) and its leadership of the National Information Assurance Partnership (which sets the testing requirements for commercial products that will protect classified information and systems), Standards and Certifications establishes a baseline that products will be built to and tested against. The placement of Standards and Certifications in the CCC enables it to bring to bear relationships with Defense Industrial Base companies as well as NSA’s enormous capacity for threat intelligence to inform and strengthen the standards and certifications mission. This talk will provide the audience with an overview of NSA’s standards and certifications programs, give examples of how the programs raise the level of security in commercial products that protect DoD systems and describe how our DoD customers can help us by providing concrete requirements that strengthen our bargaining position in standards development organizations.
Develop Network Infrastructure More Rapidly, and Operate It More Securely and Effectively.
Using model-driven DevOps and the Infrastructure as Code (IaC) paradigm, teams can develop and operate network infrastructure more quickly, consistently, and securely–growing agility, getting to market sooner, and delivering more value. This is a pragmatic talk about implementing model-driven
DevOps for infrastructure. It contains insight in to lessons learned and illuminates key differences between DevOps for infrastructure and conventional application-based DevOps.
Whether you are a network or cybersecurity engineer, architect, manager, or leader, this talk will help you suffuse all your network operations with greater efficiency, security, responsiveness, and resilience.
This session will describe how to leverage graph database technology to enhance analysts’ ability to fuse together and interact with extensive volumes of data from disparate intelligence feeds, both controlled/protected and publicly available/open source. These disruptive graph-based views can be integrated into most existing analysis platforms, extending and providing more immersive views and experiences with data and the ability to extract meaningful and actionable insights as data volumes increase in size and complexity.
Through these new graph database views, analysts interact with data represented by nodes and edges. This flexible data architecture allows for rapid filtering of data layers, producing a truly immersive environment filled with color, highlighting, line thickness, borders, icons, badges, and more, allowing the analyst to fully leverage graph database node and edge methodology. These visual cues help the analyst to find and link critical pieces of data together, providing highly reliable information that the analyst uses to see data more clearly, make more accurate predictions, and be confident in their decision-making.
Join the DIA Chief Information Officer, Mr. Doug Cossa, as he moderates a discussion on the future of CIO considering the ever-evolving landscape of Information Technology. Panel members will feature junior civilian personnel across DIA CIO—the forces on the ground implementing DIA CIO’s key initiatives and riding the waves of the latest technological advancements. Through this session, attendees will gain a better understanding of DIA CIO’s current successes and challenges from the action officer viewpoint. Further, attendees will gain insight into how the Intelligence Community and Department of Defense must continue to evolve to enable mission.
The IC treats data and software as strategic assets. The IC transcends strategic competitors through innovation, adaptation, and collaboration by facilitating a shared environment for software modernization. We set the foundation for success via common software environments, which provides a mature, versatile DevSecOps environment for internal and external teams. This game-changing tool suite and associated approach provides the fastest way to deliver mission-specific software — independent of the underlying data and infrastructure. It enables teams to have quick delivery to operations, security early on, and the benefit of code sharing and reuse. This presentation will provide an overview of that ecosystem and will focus on how:
Internal and external DoD and IC teams are provided with:
Industry leading DevSecOps capabilities.
Parity of tools on all security domains.
Low to high automated movement of code and artifacts.
Maturity of capabilities
How to onboard:
Completion of the external team questionnaire hosted on Intelink at https://go.intelink.gov/ku5ZQH2
Coordination of a service agreement and funding.
Challenges
Reciprocity
People/Process
The ongoing strategic power competition along with the adversarial implementation of innovative technology, such as Artificial intelligence (AI), has emphasized the need for increased awareness and strategic warning in nearly every warfighting domain. Increased use of this technology provides a unique challenge and strategic avenue for the U.S. Intelligence Community and its partners as they seek to maintain their competitive edge in the era of near-peer adversary competition.
This research project addresses Edge AI technology affecting the U.S. strategic defense posture in the Space Domain. The use of this dynamic technology in one of the most influential and uncharted mission spaces lends an insightful discussion on the cascading effects of AI advancement. This project has the potential to lend itself to further engagement with the private sector, as well as future substantive research projects.
To address our methodology, we will divide this research into a discussion on the existing technologies that would be impacted given the event of a flash war in space. Discussion on the interconnectivity and vulnerabilities of these systems, the way Edge AI would be able to potentially augment or damage the intended functionality of these systems, as well as the legal ramifications for the use of edge AI in the space domain. It would include communications satellites, GEOINT constellations, ground nodes, and cloud data storage.
It is important to note that though policy capabilities and funding specific to each military branch are important considerations regarding AI employment within the Joint All Domain Command and Control (JADC2) architecture, expanding these topics in detail would extend beyond the scope of our project.
For a number of years, strategic competitors have exploited and subverted vulnerabilities in the DoD/IC supply chain. These adversarial efforts, which includes stealing U.S. intellectual property, results in decreased confidence in securing critical solutions, services and products delivered to the DoD. Contractor facilities supporting hardware/software design, development, and integration are frequently targeted as cyber pathways to access, steal, alter, or destroy system functionality. Since malfeasant activities can compromise government programs or fielded systems, DIA continues to evaluate and implement efforts to harden its supply chain commensurate with the risk to national security. Within DIA’s implementation of the Risk Management Framework, DIA has aligned cyber supply chain risk management with the acquisition process and engineering strategies. These efforts enable DIA to create a framework for cybersecurity due diligence – influencing the Intelligence Advantage.
This session will describe and clarify DIA’s implementation of the DoD/IC supply chain risk management program. Specifically, the briefers will discuss how Cyber supply chain risk management has been integrated within cybersecurity, engineering, and DIA’s acquisition strategy. Both internal and external customers will also obtain knowledge of: (1) How to obtain DIA’s SCRM Services, and (2) best practices to actively and pre-emptively address supply chain threats.
While detailed information would normally be provided on a need-to-know basis at classified levels, our session will not cover any details that would expose classified information. Since this conference is unclassified, we are only going to speak to large trends, concepts, and generic activities. There will not be any details provided to attendees about any particular agency’s status, and we will not be discussing vulnerabilities that could be exploited by adversaries.
Service mesh can play an important role providing a zero-trust networking foundation, however, it also poses a few operational and security challenges. First, in current implementations, a service mesh is opt-in by deploying a sidecar process with the secured resource. Second, tying infrastructure components into application deployments makes it more difficult to patch and upgrade when vulnerabilities are discovered. Lastly, current service mesh implementations can be difficult to extend to existing workloads. In this talk, we dive into an “ambient” service mesh that runs without sidecars and addresses these previous issues without trading off zero-trust properties.
The Public Sector must deliver on ever-expanding missions while battling against siloed legacy applications and vast, untold volumes of information. This session will explore how Defense Logistics Agency, a 26,000-person combat support agency for the U.S. Department of Defense, has treated AI-powered content management as a strategic tool to save time and energy to supply the warfighter. Learn how DLA has gained an information advantage in supplying the U.S. military with its equipment needs.
Topics covered will include military moves, supply chain and audit readiness, content services, intelligent capture, password complexities, and unstructured content.
Enabling classified communications and situational awareness can be difficult and expensive for deployed, remote, collaborative, and contingency use cases.
Following guidelines from NSA’s Commercial Solutions for Classified (CSfC) program can overcome many challenges associated with legacy systems for classified communications and can help organizations benefit from the fast pace of commercial innovation in mobile devices.
Using CSfC, organizations have options for enabling executive mobility and remote work (e.g., using laptops and smartphones), site-to-site extensions of classified networks (e.g., for remote tactical teams, branch offices, home offices, or multi-building campuses), and classified campus-area Wi-Fi networks.
This session covers how to design and deploy systems conformant to the CSfC program and illustrates specific real-world examples of systems in use today for federal enterprise and tactical use cases. This session also covers emerging technologies and solutions that address the newly updated CSfC requirements such as continuous monitoring, as well as complexity challenges inherent in these solutions.
The session will provide insight into the Intelligence Community’s IT and mission needs. Industry attendees will learn how to utilize the Joint Architecture Reference Model (JARM) to address requirements on IC elements acquisitions. IC attendees will learn how to align priorities into mission resource needs across the Doctrine, Organization, Training, Materiel, Leadership and Education, Personnel, Facilities, and Policy (DOTMLPF-P) moving down from their strategy to define capabilities and their enabling technical services. The session will demonstrate how the JARM can be utilized to make invest/divest decisions, develop IC Service Provider catalogs, and discover IC services. JARM supported capability gap analysis will also be demonstrated by using heat maps to align investment to capability and service needs. DoD attendees will learn how to define their architecture to integrate with the IC.
The US Army National Ground Intelligence Center (NGIC) is exercising a portfolio-based approach to transition its mission capabilities to the cloud through rationalization, integration, and modernization. A key strategic focus is human capital and talent management that holistically invests in its workforce shifting from declining IT responsibilities to focus on emerging skills and disciplines such as cloud computing, data engineering and modern application development. This briefing will describe the human capital and talent management strategy and implementation plan to drive operational readiness of its IT workforce to meet the current and future demands of the NGIC mission. This will also include a demonstration of the tooling used to visualize the IT workforce’s skills and disciplines mapped to mission needs and capacity.
The space domain requires analysis in four dimensions (x, y, z, t). Unlike the other warfighting domains, space planning, wargaming, and decision making must be done using tools capable of multi-dimensional visualization and simulation of near-Earth orbits (e.g., Analytical Graphics/Ansys Incorporated Systems Tool Kit, or STK). Such tools have proliferated over the last decade across a vast array of government and non-government space users. Much like the Microsoft Office 365 suite of productivity tools, or Adobe’s Acrobat/Creative Suite, Systems Tool Kit has become the modeling and simulation software of choice for those involved in the national security space arena. In the area of orbital warfare training specifically, STK is used an instructional aid to make tangible the realities of space flight, systems engineering, astrodynamics, and orbit propagation. Organizations like the US Space Force’s National Security Space Institute, US Space Command, rely on STK to perform computations and analyses to inform real-world decision making during critical moments of space launch, orbit maneuver determination, and other activities in space. In this regard, modeling and simulation technologies for the space domain have become as ubiquitous as Microsoft-type productivity software deployed on a standard desktop configuration. Therefore, STK or other software tools like it, must be treated as a productivity tool and not as a special-use case to be found in a high-performance computational center or battle lab. Licensing arrangements, deployable efficiency, and proliferation must continue to be made advantageous to the average space user.
As part of NGA’s greater multi-tier Edge Strategy, the JREN is being deployed to Combatant Commands. This highly scalable capability is designed to position significant storage, compute, transport bandwidth, and applications closer to the Tactical edge. JREN will support expanding Department of Defense, Intelligence Community and Coalition customer requirements with content specific to their area of operations, GEOINT/partner applications and high-performance compute. Design considerations include: increased resiliency in Denied, Degraded, Intermittent, Limited (DDIL) communications environments via direct satellite downlink, reduced transport latency, and the use of the NGA CORE software development method to develop, deploy, and sustain modern GEOINT software. All designed to facilitate the movement of critical intelligence and data sharing.
Deployment has started at USINDOPACOM with additional COCOMs receiving delivery in the upcoming outyears.
With more than 15% of the world’s population experiencing some form of disability, DIA understands accessibility is more than an adherence to Section 508 standards. It’s about inclusive design – developing digital solutions to meet a broad spectrum of intersectional needs, perspectives, and behaviors, rather than solely creating accommodations for specific disabilities. This presentation will describe resourceful ways DIA is expanding its IT accessibility expertise across the Enterprise and how to utilize collaborations with Industry to develop innovative solutions like a speech recognition application for its Deaf and Hard of Hearing community. This presentation will share DIA’s plan to integrate accessibility and inclusivity into its software development lifecycle rather than adding it on as an afterthought.
The IC Security Coordination Center (SCC) is the Federal Cybersecurity Center for the IC and coordinates the integrated defense of the IC Information Environment (IC IE) with IC elements, DoD, and other U.S. Government departments and agencies. Working with the other defense-oriented Federal Cyber Centers—the Joint Force Headquarters (JFHQ) Department of Defense Intranet Information Network (DoDIIN) and the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA)—the IC SCC facilitates accelerated detection and mitigation of security threats and vulnerabilities across the IC by providing situational awareness and incident case management within the shared IT environment.
In FY ’23 the IC SCC is enabling a better IC cyber defense posture through the procurement of IC-wide enterprise licenses of commercial Cyber Threat Intelligence from multiple vendors, an Endpoint Detection and Response (EDR) pilot program for IC-wide adoption, and an enhanced patch repository for prioritizing patch management and driving down shared risk across the enterprise. Join us as we detail these initiatives and how they can help secure your environment!
The session will provide an opportunity to hear from Chief Architects from NRO, NSA, NGA, DHS Coast Guard, DNI, and DoD. The panel will be hosted by the Intelligence Community Chief Information Office (IC CIO), Architecture and Integration Group (AIG). The panelists will respond to questions on how they are shaping their agency’s technology roadmap and how they coordinate and drive mission integration within their element and across the IC and DoD. Attendees will gain understanding of programs and initiatives across the IC that are modernizing systems that support the intelligence lifecycle and improve integration. The panel will leave the attendees with a better understanding of the role of the Chief Architect within each represented organization.
At DoDIIS 2021, the Army Military Intelligence (MI) Cloud Computing Service Provider (AC2SP) briefed the mission outcomes realized by leveraging its cloud-based Data Science Environment (DSE) to rapidly respond to a mission requirement in less than two weeks from problem to solution. This briefing will build upon the prior successes and describe the AC2SP Data Science Product Line to include its core product offerings and underlying cloud services supporting Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning (AIML) to enable multi-tenancy and respond to the variability in data science requirements across the Army Intelligence and Security Enterprise and multiple operational networks.
We hear that promoting and maintaining a healthy work environment is important. Cyber and physical security threats from trusted insiders are on the rise and there is evidence that what happens in the workplace impacts motivation for and mitigation of possible attacks. This interactive presentation introduces research and case studies to highlight the complex role the work environment and the resulting work culture play in deterring and mitigating risks that can lead to attacks that harm national security and result in loss or degradation of vital resources and capabilities. The presentation includes promising practices for those who want to improve their respective work environments and reminders for those already doing the work. The topic offers an opportunity to engage, reflect and specific examples of ways to innovate, adapt and collaborate to improve and protect work settings that are increasingly targeted by our adversaries.
Technological innovation is disrupting societies with serious implications for the era of Strategic Competition. AI is rapidly emerging as a powerful technology with the ability to illuminate tactical and strategic advantages against our competitors. Federal mandates, such as the National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence’s mandate that all Intelligence Community (IC) and Department of Defense (DoD) entities be AI-Ready by 2025, reinforce the urgency and imperative of leveraging AI.
In response to this mandate, DIA’s Chief Technology Office (CTO) was named as the office of primary responsibility for DIA Strategy Line of Effort (LOE) 2.9 – AI Readiness, outlining how the Agency can reach AI readiness, AI competitiveness, and AI maturity. The purpose of LOE 2.9 Is to transform culture and capabilities, creating an AI ready workforce that enables DIA officers and organizations to innovate, incorporate and advance AI throughout Agency missions and processes to meet the demands of Strategic Competition and obtain data driven dominance. CTO is collaborating with partners across industry, academia, IC, DoD, and Five Eye (FVEY) to create a strategy that will ensure we meet this purpose.
Learn about the DIA AI Strategy goals and objectives and the key pillars for transforming DIA into an AI Ready organization.
The DIA Data Hub’s (DDH) objective is to offer an Agency data platform that ensures easy discovery of and secure, automated access to DIA data assets. The DDH concept will modernize the DIA’s data handling, storage, and delivery by using best-of-breed technology and treating data as an enterprise-wide asset. DDH will both provide a place for new data to reside, as well as free existing data from process and technologically driven silos. By treating data as an enterprise-wide asset, it will give mission and business analysts the full range of information necessary to provide insights to stakeholders ranging from the warfighter all the way to congress. DDH’s strategy is to meet customers where they are, enabling customers to keep data and services where they need it. This capability will allow data scientists to comingle data to derive new insights, and let developers quickly build applications by leveraging DDH as their data store. When data is treated as an asset, it opens the door to new efficiencies, insights, and capabilities. By providing all DIA users the data they need, DDH creates a foundational capability that will be key to maintaining a strategic and competitive advantage over our adversaries.
The Transport Services Directorate Senior Technologist at the Defense Information Systems Agency (DISA) provides a strategic outlay of future enabling technologies, initiatives and capabilities that will deliver the next generation of global resilient communications capabilities to the warfighter. He will provide a strategic roadmap on the DISN core global transport evolution – from the barriers, to modernization areas, and information sharing approaches – to deliver a no-fail long haul transport architecture for DoD, Intelligence Community, US and Allied Government capabilities. Additional discussion on the need for joint mission integration to ensure the operational status of the underlying environments can be seamlessly integrated with the different domain owners, such as DIA, to assure end-to-end mission delivery and performance.
Understanding Artificial Intelligence in IT Operations (AIOps) can be a daunting task given the various definitions of the term. IT Operations teams are seeking the advantages of Machine Learning (ML) and Artificial Intelligence (AI) to unlock better decision-making and to drive automation and self-healing to support mission essential applications. AIOps is not a single product, rather a journey where key components intersect and leverage machine intelligence and speed to drive outcomes. Join Lee Koepping from ScienceLogic as he de-constructs the essential elements of AIOps and how context driven observability and automated workflows can accelerate mission results to optimize IT service delivery.
For years, operations squadrons across the globe used whiteboards and printed crew binders to execute global missions. A handful of aircrew members teamed up with Platform One to revolutionize the way crew management and distributed operations are done using a commercial-off-the-shelf (COTS) solution hardened and hosted on government servers. We discovered a fast and secure way to pass mission data from operations centers to crew members enhancing safety and mission velocity. This collaborative command and control flow enabled the early recognition of issues allowing us to maximize crew effectiveness on the road. The team used a Small Business Innovation Research (SBIR) grant to work with Mattermost to make defense enhancements focused on Air Operations Center workflows and needs. We realized that these types of collaborative capabilities allowed us to build a shared reality outside of our silos and solve issues before they occurred. This capability was demonstrated during the Kabul evac where stage managers took full advantage of the ability to self-organize and collaborate during the Kabul evac enabling the largest Noncombatant Evacuation Operations (NEO) in U.S. history. This talk gives an in-depth look at how innovation and technology laid the ground work for success.
This talk will present an overview of DNS cyber attacks over the past several years by Advanced Persistent Threats (APTs) and how the types of attacks and mitigations have evolved over time. It will discuss why DNS continues to be a commonly used vector for adversaries and how cyber defenders can innovative to strategically defend against the most sophisticated APT using complex DNS techniques for malicious activity.
As strategic competitors continue to adopt AI as a disruptive technology used to advance warfighting and intelligence gathering capabilities, it is imperative that the defense community come together to develop solutions for leveraging human-machine teaming to achieve decision advantage and dominate our strategic competitors. This panel will address how the Intelligence Community (IC) and Department of Defense (DoD) utilizes AI to continue to revolutionize the way we maintain strategic and tactical advantage in an era of Strategic Competition. Attendees will hear from AI experts spearheading efforts within their agencies to adopt AI as a means to outpace our strategic competitors and ultimately prevent and decisively win wars. Agencies include: the National Security Agency, the Central Intelligence Agency, and the Chief Digital and Artificial Intelligence Office. This panel will be moderated by DIA’s Chief Technology Officer and AI Champion.
Many compliance officers inherit the negative reputation of, “wearing the black hat,” generating fear of involving them early and often in discussing current architecture, planning new infrastructure, or establishing programs. Strategic competition requires compliance officers and programs to participate early in the planning processes to streamline development and thereby ensure a reduction in incidents. Compliance officers must pursue opportunities to evolve their reputation and work with innovation leaders in a collaborative relationship that shifts outcomes to the benefit of the community, government, foreign partners, and taxpayers.
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|
FactBench
|
2
| 76 |
https://www.infoworld.com/article/2918998/review-marklogic-8-stretches-nosql.html
|
en
|
Review: Stretch your NoSQL database with MarkLogic 8
|
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[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Rick Grehan",
"Rick Grehan Contributing Editor",
"Serdar Yegulalp Senior",
"Nick Hodges Contributing"
] |
2015-05-06T06:00:00-04:00
|
Enterprise-oriented document database brings powerful indexing and flexible querying to a broad range of data types
|
en
|
https://www.infoworld.com/wp-content/themes/iw-b2b-child-theme/src/static/img/favicon.ico
|
InfoWorld
|
https://www.infoworld.com/article/2239884/review-marklogic-8-stretches-nosql-2.html
|
MarkLogic is a document-oriented, distributed NoSQL database from the company of the same name. In the world of MarkLogic, a document is principally an XML file, though MarkLogic can also handle JSON documents, text files, image files, audio files, and more. If you can put it in a file, you can put it in a MarkLogic database. The system’s ability to ingest JSON and manipulate it with the same ease as XML is new with the latest release, MarkLogic 8.
MarkLogic describes itself as schema-less, in that two documents in the same database can be composed of completely different structures. In addition to easy manipulation of text, MarkLogic’s querying system also recognizes RDF (Resource Description Framework) and geospatial data.
Designed to run on commodity hardware, a single-instance MarkLogic server needs only 512MB of RAM (though at least 2GB is recommended). Versions exist for 64-bit Windows Server 2008 and Windows Server 2012, Solaris 10, Mac OS X, and various Linux distributions, including Suse, Red Hat, and CentOS. In addition, it can be deployed to Amazon EC2.
MarkLogic offers several licensing options. The developer license is free, and its features are pretty much identical to those available through the paid license editions. The exceptions: You cannot use the database in a commercial product, there’s no support, and you must renew the license every six months. (For license and feature details, see the MarkLogic website.)
MarkLogic is a very flexible database, both in the types of data natively supported and in the ways that data can be indexed and queried. Not surprisingly, the price you pay for that flexibility is a good deal of complexity. For example, administrators must determine which among 30-plus indexes best suits the intended application.
Forests and stands
As stated above, MarkLogic can natively store XML, JSON, RDF, text, geospatial data, and binary data. Here, “natively store” means that applications accessing the data need not perform conversion operations to query or extract the various data types.
On the metal, MarkLogic persists data in one of two forms: compressed text or binary. XML and JSON (which is transformed into XML) are stored as compressed text. RDF and geospatial data are represented in their constituent documents as XML. Text documents are stored as parentless XML text nodes. Binary data is stored as separate files (described further below).
Of course, the text data types (XML and JSON) have both structure and content, and both must be persisted in the database. MarkLogic employs a compressed tree representation for such data, thereby conserving disk space while preserving the hierarchical internals of the original documents.
The outermost container on a MarkLogic cluster is a database, which is effectively identical to the database of the RDBMS world. A single cluster can manage multiple databases. Queries and transactions are confined to databases; they cannot reach across database boundaries.
Look inside a database, and you’ll find one or more forests. A forest is a collection, roughly (very roughly) analogous to an RDBMS table. Aside from serving as containers, forests enhance performance, as they can be queried in parallel. A forest is empty until you start putting documents in it. When you do that, MarkLogic creates a “stand.”
A stand is a storage structure that can reside in memory or on disk. Typically, a stand begins life in memory, and is moved to disk as it grows (i.e., as documents are added). The contents of the stand are the database’s actual data (XML, text, binary) and indexes, which have been converted into a compressed binary form and stored in files (when the stand is written to disk).
Memory and storage
When a document is initially written to a MarkLogic cluster, it is written first into an in-memory stand. At the same time a record of the write operation is written to a journal on disk, so the operation can be recovered in the even of a hardware failure. As more writes take place, the in-memory stand fills and must ultimately be flushed to disk. Over time, as more and more stands are written to disk, the system must search through more and more files to satisfy query operations. Naturally, this hampers performance. MarkLogic will periodically merge on-disk stands to reduce fragmentation. Because this is a CPU-intensive operation, MarkLogic allows the admin to configure its frequency.
This mechanism of writing in-memory stands to disk is more or less identical to the memory-to-disk flow of a log-structured merge tree (commonly used in key-value database systems). One of the main advantages is that the disk I/O is primarily a series of sequential write operations, which makes it particularly suitable for use on solid-state drives (SSDs).
In that vein, MarkLogic supports a capability known as “tiered storage,” which amounts to its migrating data onto the persistent storage type (hard disk or SSD) that best suits the access patterns of that data. You can specify a “fast data directory” for a forest, and point that directory to an SSD. MarkLogic will write smaller stands and more frequent stand merges, as well as journals, of that forest to that SSD-resident fast data directory. More frequently updated documents tend to reside in smaller stands, so they are natural fits for SSDs, where they can be retrieved more promptly.
You can even define a Document Assignment Policy, which specifies the forest a document is placed in, based on document criteria spelled out in the policy. For example, a financial services company might keep its most recent trade documents in a forest that has been pointed to an SSD. Past trades can be stored in a forest that has been assigned to slower, spinning media. Once you’ve created your Document Assignment Policy, MarkLogic handles the migration of documents automatically.
Concurrency control
MarkLogic is fully ACID compliant and supports XA transactions via the Java Transaction API. Thus a database transaction can span multiple statements, multiple MarkLogic databases, and a mixture of MarkLogic and other XA-compliant databases. Update transactions to the database are isolated not only from each other but from themselves. That is, an update will not actually “see” the updated data until the transaction commits. (You can think of updates like queued I/O requests; they are submitted at commit time.)
System integrity is maintained via read/write locks, which are granted on a first-come, first-served basis. Locks are automatically released when the I/O request completes. Naturally, deadlock detection is built into MarkLogic. If a deadlock is discovered, the transaction that has proceeded the furthest in its database requests is allowed to proceed, while other “entangled” transactions are restarted.
Cluster member roles
Each member of a MarkLogic cluster runs identical software. As a result, a cluster’s health does not depend on a single “master” member. Replication of cluster data is automatic, so transactions can be satisfied even if a cluster member is lost. Those components of the transaction headed for the missing member will be redirected to the members replicating the otherwise lost data.
Nevertheless, you can assign “roles” to each cluster member. Specifically, a member can act as either a D-node or an E-node. (Actually, a member can act as both, which is required in a single-member cluster. In multimember clusters, it is recommended that each member be assigned only one role.) A cluster member acting as a D-node is a “data manager node.” A D-node handles the storage and retrieval of a subset of the cluster’s data. Meanwhile, an E-node member is an “evaluator node.” E-nodes handle database queries. They federate the queries around the cluster, sending requests to the D-node members and aggregating the returned results.
MarkLogic allows the administrator to assign D-node and E-node roles, so you can tune the performance of a cluster to its anticipated work profile. In a nutshell, more E-nodes permit the cluster to support more clients, while more D-nodes permit the cluster to support more data.
A forest of indexes
The key to using MarkLogic effectively is a good understanding of its indexing capabilities, which are extensive. MarkLogic employs numerous, specialized indexes that it deftly choreographs to resolve queries and accelerate data access.
The most important member of MarkLogic’s panoply of indexes is the “universal index.” This index tracks words in a document, as well as pairings of document elements (or properties) and the words contained in those elements. If a document contained <title>Star Wars</title>, the universal index would have entries for Star, Wars, title/'Star’, and title/'Wars'. This index not only supports simple text searches, but also helps MarkLogic satisfy Xpath queries.
Other available indexes:
The range index, which is useful for sorting data, creating efficient ORDER BY queries, and performing what might be called “document joins” (queries that involve retrieving information from multiple documents that share linking data).
The triple index, which allows querying of RDF triples (subject, predicate, object). MarkLogic actually supports SPARQL (SPARQL Protocol and RDF Query Language) for querying RDF data.
The geospatial index, with which MarkLogic handle queries for points, circles, boxes, complex polygons, and other geospatial objects. MarkLogic’s geospatial capabilities enable it to integrate with products like Google Maps, Bing Maps, and others. Furthermore, MarkLogic supports both WGS84 (World Geodetic System) and raw coordinate systems, and it provides a variety of built-in geospatial functions. For example, it can determine if two regions intersect, or whether a polygon contains a region, and more.
For multiword searches, you can configure MarkLogic to enable word positions, which means it will index not only words, but their positions in documents as well. This allows MarkLogic to quickly determine word adjacency. There are many more indexing capabilities in MarkLogic. You’ll find a thorough discussion of them in Inside MarkLogic Server, a downloadable PDF.
Working with MarkLogic
You manipulate data in MarkLogic primarily using XQuery (and XPath), XSLT, or JavaScript. (JavaScript support is new in MarkLogic 8.) MarkLogic’s built-in Web server (protected via SSL) lets you invoke server-side JavaScript, XQuery, or XSLT in much the same way you would invoke PHP code on a typical Web server. Because the code executes on the server, the arrangement is somewhat analogous to the RDBMS world’s stored procedures.
You can also access a database using MarkLogic’s REST API, with which you can perform all the standard CRUD operations, as well as execute queries and management operations. MarkLogic provides client libraries for Java and Node.js. Of course, because access is through a straightforward REST API, you’re free to call the database with any language that provides a RESTful client library.
MarkLogic’s query console — accessible via your Web browser — lets you write and execute queries in XQuery, SPARQL, JavaScript, and even SQL. (Note that MarkLogic supports SQL in a not-so-obvious fashion. Rows and columns are abstractions, based on the contents of range indexes. You can read about MarkLogic’s SQL support here.) The console also provides a database explorer with which you can browse database documents. For the ultimate in document browsing convenience, however, you’ll want to use MarkLogic’s WebDAV interface. The WebDAV UI presents the documents in your database as files in a file system and lets you access them with drag-and-drop ease.
Because MarkLogic supports server-side JavaScript (thanks to the Google V8 JavaScript engine), JavaScript code that you submit from the console is actually executed on the server. The JavaScript API includes a number of built-in objects for simplifying the manipulation of database document entities (for example, Node and Document objects).
Of course, before you can do all this querying, you have to get data into the database. That’s the job of Information Studio, a browser-based XQuery API. Information Studio employs connectors that read data from an external data source, which might be as simple as a file or as complex as another database. A connector is effectively a software module plug-in. MarkLogic provides some connectors out of the box, and you can write your own as needed. One of the supplied connectors reads files from a specified directory for importing into the database. Incoming data is processed with XSLT, transforming it into whatever structure is suitable for the target database.
MarkLogic’s role-based security permits the DBA to define specific privileges, associate those with roles, and assign users to the defined roles. The system recognizes two kinds of privileges: URI privileges and execute privileges. In a nutshell, URI privileges control which documents the user can access (every document in a MarkLogic database is identified by a URI), while execute privileges control what the user can do with those documents. A special database on a MarkLogic system, the security database, stores user, role, and privilege information.
Understanding MarkLogic
MarkLogic’s online documentation is extensive. Reference guides for the various language APIs, as well as installation and “getting started” guides, can be found at docs.marklogic.com. On the documentation website, you’ll also find the Reference Application Architecture Guide, which will be of particular interest to application developers. It is effectively a detailed template for a three-tiered application, and it includes a list of best practices for architects, developers, and administrators.
The document outlines what is fundamentally an MVC system using JSON, REST over HTTP, Java, and JavaScript. JSON and REST over HTTP are used to move data between all tiers, which means that data fetched from the database (model) can be passed directly to the browser (view). MarkLogic hosts the community developed source for an implementation of the reference architecture. Called SampleStack, it mimics the popular question-and-answer website Stack Overflow.
MarkLogic has evolved from a mere XML database to a database that seamlessly integrates many kinds of data — JSON documents, RDF triples, text, geospatial data, and more — into a persistence engine that behaves as if all that disparate data is encapsulated in XML. It does this while retaining the structure and semantics of the original data types, so you can issue XQuery or SPARQL or SQL or run-of-the-mill word searches against your data.
The key to making good use of MarkLogic is understanding the different indexes you can enable and how each index type benefits a specific dimension of data access. Given that MarkLogic is principally an XML document database, you’ll want to develop a good command of XML syntax. You’ll also need a clear understanding of the structure of the documents you put into your database (which is really no different than saying you need a good grasp of the columns in the tables of your RDBMS).
For developers who find XQuery and XSLT a bit esoteric, there’s always JavaScript. MarkLogic 8 supports JavaScript end to end. You can write client-side code using the Node.js API, and you can write server-side code against MarkLogic’s extensive collection of server-based data manipulation APIs.
Finally, MarkLogic integrates with that granddaddy of all big data frameworks: Apache Hadoop. MarkLogic’s Hadoop connector allows Hadoop map-reduce tasks to fetch and store data in a MarkLogic database, rather than in HDFS. Not only can Hadoop retrieve data from a MarkLogic database for processing, but the results of a map-reduce operation can be stored as MarkLogic documents.
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