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4,500	Similar types of modernity could be observed at the time in ¶ certain cities and regions of southern Brazil and the central valley of ¶ Chile, but not in Peru, Ecuador and Bolivia, where changes in land ¶ tenure, race relations, and political culture were slower to develop and ¶ more limited in scope. One must acknowledge, though, that among ¶ these effects there was a cultural amnesia about indigenous peoples and ¶ a marginalization of Creole subjects. The peoples inhabiting the interior ¶ or the backlands of these modern nations were racialized and construed ¶ as incapable of self-government and civilized sociability. Nonetheless, it ¶ would not be inaccurate to argue that the colonial was less evident in ¶ the terrain of the social and in cultural forms in Argentina than it was in ¶ Bolivia, Peru, or Ecuador. In the first decades of the 20th century, as ¶ foreign observers (business prospectors, scholars, missionaries, and ¶ tourists) pointed out, the Andean nations had retained more visible ¶ marks of “coloniality” than the countries of the Southern Cone. The ¶ persistence of aristocratic privilege, landlord despotism, labor servitude, ¶ and open forms of racism in the highlands of Bolivia, Peru, and Ecuador ¶ were a constant and sad reminder that these places had been the ¶ experimental workshops of Spanish colonialism. It was in these ¶ territories where foreign observers found that the wars of ¶ independence, liberalism, and later positivism had produced almost no ¶ change in the condition, life style, and self-awareness of indigenous peoples. ¶ Thus, from a historical point of view, the term “coloniality” appears as describing an undifferentiated continuity of forms of ¶ governmentality, subalternity, and marginalization of native knowledges proper of Spanish and Portuguese colonization in the ¶ Americas. (Many historians have referred to this persistence of the colonial past in the present with the term “the colonial heritage.”) We need to challenge this homogeneization of a long-term persistence of ¶ the colonial. It is better to speak of different degrees of coloniality, in ¶ order to take into account the profound transformations experienced by ¶ certain regions and cities within the most progressive republics of South ¶ America. At the time of the first Centenary of independence, South ¶ America appeared as highly differentiated in terms of economic ¶ achievement, democratic sociability, political stability, and educational ¶ progress. Maybe in the Argentine northwest (Salta, Jujuy, Tucuman, ¶ Santiago del Estero, Catamarca), the degree of residual coloniality was ¶ similar or comparable to that of regions in Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia, ¶ but this was certainly not the case for the Argentine Litoral (Buenos ¶ Aires, Santa Fe, Entre Ríos, and southern Córdoba)	Salvatore 10 [Ricardo D. Salvatore, History professor, Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, The Postcolonial in Latin America and the Concept of Coloniality: A Historian’s Point of View, Vol. 8, No. 1, Fall 2010, 332-348, www.ncsu.edu/project/acontracorriente, Pgs. 341-342]	Similar types of modernity could be observed at the time in ¶ certain cities and regions of Brazil but not in Peru, Ecuador and Bolivia, where changes in land ¶ tenure, race relations, and political culture were slower to develop and ¶ more limited in scope the colonial was less evident in ¶ the terrain of the social and in cultural forms in Argentina than it was in ¶ Bolivia the Andean nations had retained more visible ¶ marks of “coloniality” than the countries of the Southern Cone the term “coloniality” appears as describing an undifferentiated continuity of forms of ¶ governmentality, subalternity, and marginalization of native knowledges We need to challenge this homogeneization It is better to speak of different degrees of coloniality, in ¶ order to take into account the profound transformations experienced by ¶ certain regions and cities	Multiple modernities exist within Latin America. There’s a stark difference between the violence towards the Andean nations and the violence towards countries of the Southern Cone. Homogenization doesn’t take into account unique cultural differences.	2,821	251	856	450	34	141	0.075556	0.313333	Decoloniality Kritik - UTNIF 2013.html5	Texas (UTNIF)	Kritiks	2013
4,501	Michigan-Dearborn, “The Effects of Rising Food Prices on Poverty in Mexico”, August 22, 2008 ,http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/10221/1/MPRA_paper_10221.pdf) The recent food price crisis is worrisome because of its potential impact on the well-being of the poor The increase in international food prices will pass through to the domestic economies. Mundlak and Larson (1992) show that most of the variation in the world agricultural prices is transmitted to the domestic economies, and that the variation constitutes a dominant component in the variation of domestic prices The results of these estimations are presented in Table 6, where in Panel A we report the effect on poverty and in Panel B the effect on extreme poverty. When considering only the effect of higher prices on spending, the poverty rate increases from 25% of the population to 27.83% of the population – an increase in the poverty rate of 2.83%. When considering only the effect of higher food prices on the income from 5 The farming and livestock sector income that we consider is that where individuals report income from this source related to their own business and we do not consider the farming/livestock income of corporations. We do this because of our interest in the effects on poverty. 11farming/livestock activities of rural households, there is a reduction on the poverty rate of 0.10%. The total effect of increased food prices on poverty is presented in the last two columns of the table. The 2006-2007 food price increases have the overall effect of increasing poverty by 2.77%, or from 6.64 million households to 7.37 million households. The government has not been inactive in front of the food price situation. It has taken several actions that aim at reliving some of the household’s pressure because of food price inflation. In this section we evaluate the effects that some of these policies will have in the combat against increasing poverty rates Being Mexico a net consumer of food, at the higher prices we would expect more important effects on the poverty rate of the country Without any adjustments or government intervention, the international food crisis could potentially have a very strong detrimental effect on the poor. The poverty rate could increase from 25% to 34.94%, or by 39.77% due to increased food prices. The impact on the extremely poor is even more daunting. The extreme poverty rate could increase from 10.58% to 17.56% or by 66% due to increased food prices This paper studies the consequences that the world food crisis will have on the poverty rates in Mexico. We use the price change of 11 staple foods consumed by the 20poor along with an overall food price index over the period2006-2007 and 2006-2008, and use detailed data on household consumption for 2006, to evaluate changes in spending due to increased food prices. We find that the old household consumption cannot be sustained at the new world food prices. Inparticular, the food price changes of 2006-2007 generate an increase in the poverty rate, as measured through consumption, from 25% to 27.77%;and an increase in extreme poverty from 10.58% to 12.11%. When measured using the food price changes from 2006 to 2008, the poverty rate jumps from 25% to 34.94% and the extreme poverty rate from10.58% to 17.56%. Public policy programs, such as subsidies to the extremely poor and the reduction of tariffs on milk and maize have a small impact on poverty, of less than a two percentage point reduction in the poverty rate for both policies combined. Our analysis suggests that policy should be geared first towards lowering prices of eggs, vegetable oil, milk and chicken, beforeturning to the more commonly targeted tortillas or beans, if the goal is to aid the consumption of the poor. The study provides a snapshot of the impact that rising international food prices could have on poverty once these prices pass-through to the domestic economy.	Valero-Gil and Valero 8 (Jorge N. Valero-Gil and Magali Valero Universidad Autonoma de Nuevo Leon, University of	The recent food price crisis is worrisome because of its potential impact on the well-being of the poor most of the variation in the world agricultural prices is transmitted to the domestic economies that the variation constitutes a dominant component in the variation of domestic prices When considering the effect of higher prices on spending the poverty rate increases from 25% to 27.83% The 2006-2007 food price increases have the overall effect of increasing poverty by 2.77%, or from 6.64 million households to 7.37 million households. Without any adjustments or government intervention, the international food crisis could potentially have a very strong detrimental effect on the poor. The poverty rate could increase from 25% to 34.94%, or by 39.77% due to increased food prices. The extreme poverty rate could increase by 66% due to increased food prices	D. Rising Food prices devastate poor of Mexico	3,927	46	863	643	8	137	0.012442	0.213064	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,502	Implementation of NAFTA has opened Mexico’s agricultural sector to the forces of globalization and competition while exposing many of the structural inefficiencies that have existed for decades. It is estimated that half of Mexico’s producers are subsistence farmers and over 60 percent produce corn or beans with the majority of these farmers cultivating five hectares (a little over 12 acres) or less. The number of Mexican farmers has been declining, from 4.3 million (with an additional 5.5 million agricultural workers) in 1991 to 3.4 million (with an additional 4.7 million agricultural workers) in 2002.	USDA 9 (United States Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agricultural Service, “Mexico Agricultural Economy and Policy Report”, February 2009, http://www.fas.usda.gov/country/Mexico/Mexico%20Agricultural%20Economy%20and%20Policy%20Report.pdf) BC	NAFTA has opened Mexico’s agricultural sector to the forces of globalization and competition while exposing many of the structural inefficiencies that have existed for decades half of Mexico’s producers are subsistence farmers and over 60 percent produce corn or beans with the majority of these farmers cultivating a little over 12 acres The number of Mexican farmers has been declining, from 4.3 million 3.4 million	Mexico ag industry inefficient	610	30	417	94	4	65	0.042553	0.691489	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,503	2World Conservation Union—IUCN 1196 Gland, Switzerland“Biodiversity conservation and agricultural sustainability: towards a new paradigm of ‘ecoagriculture’ landscapes”, http://rstb.royalsocietypublishing.org/content/363/1491/477.full#sec-2) BC The dominant late twentieth century model of land use segregated agricultural production from areas managed for biodiversity conservation. This module is no longer adequate in much of the world. The Millennium Ecosystem Assessment confirmed that agriculture has dramatically increased its ecological footprint. Rural communities depend on key components of biodiversity and ecosystem services that are found in non-domestic habitats. Fortunately, agricultural landscapes can be designed and managed to host wild biodiversity of many types, with neutral or even positive effects on agricultural production and livelihoods. Innovative practitioners, scientists and indigenous land managers are adapting, designing and managing diverse types of ‘ecoagriculture’ landscapes to generate positive co-benefits for production, biodiversity and local people. We assess the potentials and limitations for successful conservation of biodiversity in productive agricultural landscapes, the feasibility of making such approaches financially viable, and the organizational, governance and policy frameworks needed to enable ecoagriculture planning and implementation at a globally significant scale. We conclude that effectively conserving wild biodiversity in agricultural landscapes will require increased research, policy coordination and strategic support to agricultural communities and conservationists. Current trends suggest that, during the twenty-first century a continuing and growing demand for agricultural and wild products and ecosystem services will require farmers, agricultural planners and conservationists to reconsider the relationship between production agriculture and conservation of biodiversity. In such regions, agriculture can be managed to maintain critical watershed functions, such as maintaining water quality, regulating water flow, recharging underground aquifers, mitigating flood risks, moderating sediment flows, and sustaining freshwater species and ecosystems. Well-managed agricultural landscapes can also provide protection against extreme natural events. With increased water scarcity and more frequent extreme weather events predicted in coming decades, the capacity of agricultural systems to sustain watershed functions is likely to be a priority consideration in agricultural investment and management. Agriculture can protect green spaces for aesthetic and recreation values, and help to finance the maintenance of green space for wildlife habitat and ecosystem services. Overall positive outcomes for human habitat and aesthetics require adequate management of crop and livestock wastes, air pollution (smoke, dust and odours) and polluting run-off. Contrary to common assumptions, farmers and their communities often have strong economic and social rationales for supporting biodiversity conservation: to reduce production costs, raise or stabilize yields; improve product quality; protect their right to farm/herd/harvest wild products in and around protected areas; comply cost-effectively with environmental regulations; conserve biodiversity and ecosystem services critical to their own livelihoods; access product markets that require biodiversity-friendly production systems; earn payments for ecosystem services; or conserve species and landscapes of special cultural, spiritual or aesthetic significance to them.	Scherr and McNeely 8 (Sara J Scherr and Jeffrey A McNeely, Ecoagriculture Partners Washington, DC 20001USA	The dominant late twentieth century model of land use segregated agricultural production from areas managed for biodiversity conservation. This module is no longer adequate in much of the world agriculture has dramatically increased its ecological footprint Rural communities depend on key components of biodiversity and ecosystem services that are found in non-domestic habitats a continuing and growing demand for agricultural and wild products and ecosystem services will require farmers, agricultural planners and conservationists to reconsider the relationship between production agriculture and conservation of biodiversity agriculture can be managed to maintain critical watershed functions, such as maintaining water quality, regulating water flow, recharging underground aquifers, mitigating flood risks, moderating sediment flows, and sustaining freshwater species and ecosystems. Well-managed agricultural landscapes can provide protection against natural events. With increased water scarcity and more frequent extreme weather events predicted in coming decades, the capacity of agricultural systems to sustain watershed functions is a priority consideration in agricultural investment and management. Agriculture can protect green spaces for aesthetic and recreation values, and help to finance the maintenance of green space for wildlife habitat and ecosystem services. positive outcomes for human habitat and aesthetics require adequate management of crop and livestock wastes, air pollution and run-off. farmers and their communities have strong economic and social rationales for supporting biodiversity conservation: to reduce production costs, raise or stabilize yields; improve product quality; protect their right to farm/herd/harvest wild products in and around protected areas; comply cost-effectively with environmental regulations; conserve biodiversity and ecosystem services critical to their own livelihoods; access product markets that require biodiversity-friendly production systems; earn payments for ecosystem services; or conserve species and landscapes of special cultural, spiritual or aesthetic significance to them.	Sustainable Agriculture is imperative- multiple warrants	3,600	56	2,153	451	6	280	0.013304	0.620843	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,504	http://www.lexisnexis.com.turing.library.northwestern.edu/hottopics/lnacademic/) Soaring food prices, which the World Bank says have hit "dangerous levels," have thrust the issue of food security sharply into the global spotlight over the past week. From Asia to the Middle East and to Latin America, the trends of food prices have aroused widespread public concerns globally and in the developing world in particular. World Bank Group President Robert B. Zoellick warned on Tuesday: "Global food prices are rising to dangerous levels and threaten tens of millions of poor people around the world." Rising food prices have driven an estimated 44 million people into poverty in developing countries since last June, as food costs continue to rise to near 2008 levels. The latest edition of Food Price Watch, a research publication by the World Bank, showed that its food price index rose by 15 percent between October 2010 and January 2011. It is 29 percent above its level a year earlier and only 3 percent below its 2008 peak. Then what are the main factors behind the food price spikes? The answer lies in the ultra-loose monetary policy of the United States, the financialization of the global farm produce market, the development of biofuels and the extreme weather events affecting harvests in the world's main grain-producing areas. The U.S. Federal Reserve is driving up food prices by cranking up its dollar printing presses and devaluing its own currency. As the U.S. website of Business Insider puts it: "The food crisis is a dollar crisis." Several years ago, a study by the World Bank concluded that biofuel development in the United States and the European Union were directly responsible for the explosion in grain and food prices worldwide. The study, once confidential, was revealed by the London-based Guardian newspaper in 2008 and caused a worldwide sensation. And the increasing financialization of global agricultural product markets in recent years has also made food prices more volatile as investor prediction and panic could expand the range of food price fluctuations. It must be pointed out that when prices of staple foods soar, its impact varies greatly between poor and rich countries -- from distressing to almost minimal. In some of the poorest countries in the world, people spend a significant portion of their household expenses on food and will feel the pinch as soon as food prices rise. In efforts to stem spiralling food prices, the international community should strengthen coordination and measures should be taken to urge the developed countries to adopt responsible monetary polices and tighten supervision over staple commodities markets. As for the developing world, the best way out of the food crisis is to increase agricultural inputs and improve productivity to boost agricultural production and grain supply.	Xinhua 11 News Service (The Xinhua News Agency is the official press agency of the People's Republic of China and the biggest center for collecting information and press conferences in China. It is the largest news agency in China, ahead of the China News Service. February 20, 2011)	Soaring food prices, which the World Bank says have hit "dangerous levels thrust the issue of food security into the potlight From Asia to Latin America trends of food prices have aroused widespread public concerns globally World Bank President Zoellick warned Global food prices are rising to dangerous levels and threaten tens of millions of poor people around the world. prices have driven an estimated 44 million people into poverty in developing countries since last June, as food costs continue to rise to near 2008 levels. the international community should strengthen coordination and measures should be taken to urge the developed countries to adopt responsible monetary polices and tighten supervision over staple commodities markets.	Higher Food prices increase poverty	2,864	35	750	451	5	114	0.011086	0.252772	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,505	World Resources Institute No Date (The World Resources Institute is an independent, non-partisan, non-profit organization founded in 1982 with offices in the United States and China, “The environmental and social impacts of small-scale mining operations”, http://www.wri.org/publication/content/8306) BCSmall-scale mining can result in a range of negative environmental and social impacts (see Table 4: Potential Environmental and Social Impacts from Small-Scale and Industrial Mining). Soil and Water Damage Although underground mining generally has less dramatic environmental impacts than other forms of small-scale mining, it carries the potential for a collapse of the underground shaft. In addition, the movement of large amounts of waste rock and vegetation can lead to the same pollution problems as an industrial mine, such as acid mine drainage which is discussed further in this section. Most small-scale mining operations increase sedimentation in rivers, especially through the use of hydraulic pumps and suction dredges. By blasting hillsides with water under high pressure, hydraulic pumps leave scars on the landscape, which may take years to develop even the lightest covering of vegetation. [79] According to a study published by the local electric company in Bolivar state, EDELCA, in 1991, small-scale mining using both suction dredges and hydraulic pumps increased the sediment load in the Caroni River ten times over what could be considered normal. [80] Deforestation, contributing to erosion and loss of fauna, is also associated with small-scale mining. The same EDELCA study found that small-scale mining had eliminated over 60 percent of the vegetation in an 8,000 square kilometer area, most of which had been forested. [81]Since most small-scale miners do not preserve the topsoil removed before excavation begins, this topsoil is often washed away into surface water, carrying with it ecologically valuable seed banks that are necessary for the regeneration of vegetation. In addition, few small-scale miners engage in reclamation or post-mining recovery practices.	Katrina Brandon 5 (Conservation International, Washington, DC, USA, “Reconciling biodiversity conservation, people, protected areas, and agricultural suitability in Mexico”, September 2005, http://www.sciencedirect.com.turing.library.northwestern.edu/science/article/pii/S0305750X05000938) Analysis of georeferenced datasets for breeding birds, mammals, and amphibians in Mexico indicates that only 94 of 3 040 areas are needed to include all unprotected species within a reserve system. An examination of socioeconomic data reveals that in most of these 94 areas, opportunities exist to develop reserve networks that conserve biodiversity without adversely affecting existing human settlement, land use, or agricultural productivity. Planning that simultaneously considers infrastructure development, agricultural suitability, and protected areas can conserve biodiversity, increase agricultural production, and support rural livelihoods.¶ As we enter the 21st century, much of the world’s remaining biological diversity is in danger of disappearing (Pimm et al., 2001). Globally, no less than 25% of all mammals, 12% of birds, and 20–30% of reptiles and amphibians are threatened (Hilton-Taylor, 2000). Pressure to convert an additional one-third of global land area from natural habitat within the next 100 years will lead to competition among rural land uses (United Nations, 1999 and World Resources Institute, 2000). Amidst this pressure, improved management of existing protected areas (reserves) and the creation of new reserves are essential to avoid major species losses. Reserves maintain the array of environmental services upon which humans depend while maintaining biodiversity (Balmford et al., 2002 and Balvanera et al., 2001). Loss of ecosystem services may disproportionately affect the poor, since they lack the means to compensate or replace these services in other ways. However, creating reserves to stop or reduce land conversion and extractive uses can also adversely affect rural residents (Brandon et al., 1998, Bruner et al., 2001, Sánchez-Azofeifa et al., 2003 and Wells and Brandon, 1992).1¶ Delegates to the most recent (2003) World Parks Congress in Durban, South Africa, generally agreed that although the global reserve system must be expanded to avoid plant and animal extinctions, reserve benefits and costs are not equally distributed. Global benefits are often greater than local ones, and within countries, reserves may impose higher opportunity costs on the poor, although in some cases, the benefits that the poor derive from these areas exceed the limitations imposed on local livelihoods. The designation of new reserves that halt habitat conversion and species extinction must be based on sound information on the ecological, socioeconomic, institutional, and financial context (Brandon et al., 1998 and Cowling and Pressey, 2003). Building on such information, it is possible to design reserves that are integrated into the landscape and that support, rather than detract from, local lives and livelihoods.¶ The following paper describes a method for conservation planning that considers both biodiversity protection and agricultural suitability using data on Mexico. The study demonstrates that it is possible to include all species of breeding birds, mammals, and amphibians that remain unprotected by the existing reserve system into a relatively small number of reserves with low agricultural productivity. In both forested and unforested settings, such methodologies demonstrate that focused, strategic planning for conservation and development can maintain biodiversity and ecosystem services without imposing serious restrictions on agricultural production.¶ 2. The context of conservation in Mexico¶ Mexico is a priority region for global conservation, ranking among the top five countries of the world for endemism of both vascular plants and vertebrate species (Mittermeier, Myers, Thomsen, da Fonseca, & Olivieri, 1998). Approximately 31–33% of mammals, 60–62% of amphibians, 49% of freshwater fish, and 40–50% of species of flowering plants occurring in Mexico are endemic (US Agency for International Development, 2002). This high endemism is related to the wide-ranging topography, numerous climatic zones, and Mexico’s location bridging tropical and temperate zones. Despite more than 10 000 years of human habitation, rich biodiversity has persisted in Mexico into the 21st century. However, Mexico’s biodiversity is highly threatened due to forest fragmentation, natural habitat loss and degradation, pollution, unsustainable and illegal land and resource use, collection and trade of plants and wildlife, and global climate change (US Agency for International Development, 2002).¶ Mexico’s population is 25% rural, with this subsection of society being highly dependent on agriculture. Poverty (24% of the total population living under US$2 per day) is skewed toward certain regions and coincides with land scarcity, often leading to colonization of intact forest, including both protected areas and lands recognized as belonging to indigenous peoples (Human Development Index, 2003). Forested areas contain approximately 11% of Mexico’s population (10 million people). More than 8 400 rural communities own forest resources (Segura, 2000) and Mexico contains a large number of communal forest enterprises (Bray et al., 2003). Unlike most other countries in the world, 80% of forests are owned at the community level (Klooster and Masera, 2000 and Segura, 2000). However, forestry represents the major economic activity in only 421 communities concentrated in two states. Despite years of deforestation, a considerable amount of forest area remains in Mexico, and annual deforestation rates over the final quarter of the 20th century were less than 0.5% (Velázquez et al., 2002 and Velázquez et al., 2002).¶ The extent of Mexico’s terrestrial reserve network (6.9% of total land area) is about half of the global average (11.5%) and well below that of its neighbors Belize (36.6%), Guatemala (22.1%), and the United States (24.7%) (World Database on Protected Areas Consortium, 2003). Most of Mexico’s reserve system is managed mainly for sustainable uses (8.7 million ha) compared with 1.2 million ha managed principally for conservation (World Database on Protected Areas Consortium, 2003). Although many of these areas maintain high levels of biodiversity when they are actively managed, external impacts can undermine local management, resulting in biodiversity losses.¶ The country’s existing reserve network falls short of adequately protecting its extraordinary species diversity and endemism (Cantu, Wright, Scott, & Strand, 2004). Fully 12.7% of all species of mammals, amphibians, turtles, and birds that occur in Mexico are not protected—marking them as gap species. Moreover, the national reserve network does not cover 32.6% of the endemic species and 48.5% of the globally threatened species occurring in Mexico, with 55.5% of all globally threatened species endemic to Mexico (117 species) not covered in any part of their ranges. The extinction of any such species would diminish not only global biodiversity, but represents a significant loss to Mexico’s historical and cultural patrimony as well.	mining can result in a range of negative environmental and social impacts , it carries the potential for a collapse of the underground shaft the movement of large amounts of waste rock and vegetation lead to pollution such as acid mine drainage small-scale mining increase sedimentation in rivers in 1991, small-scale mining using both suction dredges and hydraulic pumps increased the sediment load in the Caroni River ten times over what could be considered normal. few small-scale miners engage in reclamation or post-mining recovery practices.	Mexico biodiversity not adequately protected	2,095	44	547	306	5	85	0.01634	0.277778	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,506	The use of mercury in small-scale mining techniques has health and environmental consequences. Mercury is discharged into the environment when miners fail to recover mercury tailings, either by dumping waste directly into rivers or by releasing mercury vapors into the atmosphere when the mercury-gold compound is burned. Small-scale miners use inorganic mercury, which is often converted through natural processes into toxic organic and inorganic compounds. Of greatest concern is the highly toxic organic compound, methyl mercury, which forms in rivers and lakes when micro-organisms metabolize metallic mercury. This toxic form of mercury then accumulates in fish and when ingested causes mercury poisoning in humans. Metallic or inorganic mercury can also be hazardous if it is transformed into gas from its liquid state; in a recent case, teenagers in the United States who handled liquid mercury were hospitalized for mercury poisoning after samples of the silvery substance formed a hazardous vapor [82] Although symptoms differ for poisoning by inorganic and organic mercury, both kinds may result in nervous system disorders, birth defects, or death. Estimates for the amount of mercury released into the environment as a result of small-scale mining vary from 1-4 kilograms per kilogram of gold extracted.83 In the Amazon Basin alone, between 90-120 tonnes of mercury are discharged annually into local rivers.84 In Venezuela, the amount of mercury lost in the environment is estimated to exceed 10 tonnes per year.85 While the impact of mercury pollution may be severe at the site of mining activity, it is by no means restricted to that area and can affect communities many kilometers away. [86] In Venezuela, substantial metallic mercury deposits have been found to exist in the bottom of the river where mining is occurring, and as of 1989, fish were beginning to show evidence of mercury contamination. [87] Nonetheless, without baseline data on the water quality and composition of the river bottom materials before mining began, it is difficult to determine with any certainty how much mercury has been deposited in local riverbeds as a result of small-scale mining operations.	World Resources Institute No Date (The World Resources Institute is an independent, non-partisan, non-profit organization founded in 1982 with offices in the United States and China, “The environmental and social impacts of small-scale mining operations”, http://www.wri.org/publication/content/8306) BC	mercury in small-scale mining techniques has health and environmental consequences Mercury is discharged into the environment when miners dump waste directly into rivers or by releasing mercury vapors when the mercury-gold compound is burned This toxic form of mercury then accumulates in fish and when ingested causes mercury poisoning in humans Metallic or inorganic mercury can also be hazardous if it is transformed into gas from its liquid state both kinds may result in nervous system disorders, birth defects, or death In Venezuela, substantial metallic mercury deposits have been found to exist in the bottom of the river where mining is occurring, and as of 1989, fish were beginning to show evidence of mercury contamination	Mining in Venezuela releases Mercury, bad for health and ecosystems	2,194	67	734	341	10	115	0.029326	0.337243	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,507	(Millennium Ecosystem Assessment. “Ecosystems and human well-being: Biodiversity synthesis. ” World Resources Institute, Washington, DC. 2005. www.millennuimassessment.org/documents/document.354.aspx.pdf) ■ Biodiversity is essential for ecosystem services and hence for human well-being. Biodiversity goes beyond the provisioning for material welfare and livelihoods to include security, resiliency, social relations, health, and freedoms and choices. Some people have beneﬁted over the last century from the conversion of natural ecosystems to human-dominated ecosystems and from the exploitation of biodiversity. At the same time, however, these losses in biodiversity and associated changes in ecosystem services have caused other people to experience declining well-being, with some social groups being pushed into poverty. Main Links among Biodiversity, Ecosystem Services, and Various Constituents of Human Well-being The MA identiﬁes biodiversity and the many ecosystem services that it provides as a key instrumental and constitutive factor determining human well-being. The MA ﬁndings support, with high certainty, that biodiversity loss and deteriorating ecosystem services contribute—directly or indirectly—to worsening health, higher food insecurity, increasing vulnerability, lower material wealth, worsening social relations, and less freedom for choice and action. ¶ Food Security Biological diversity is used by many rural communities directly as an insurance and coping mechanism to increase ﬂexibility and spread or reduce risk in the face of increasing uncertainty, shocks, and surprises. The availability of this biological “safety net” has increased the security and resilience of some local communities to external economic and ecological perturbations, shocks, or surprises (C6.2.2, C8.2). In a world where ﬂuctuating commodity prices are more the norm than the exception, economic entitlements of the poor are increasingly becoming precarious. The availability of an ecosystem-based food security net during times when economic entitlements are insufﬁcient to purchase adequate nourishment in the market provides an important insurance program (C8.1, C6.7). Coping mechanisms based on indigenous plants are particularly important for the most vulnerable people, who have little access to formal employment, land, or market opportunities (C6). For example, investigations of two dryland sites in Kenya and Tanzania report local communities using wild indigenous plants to provide alternative sources of food when harvests failed or when sudden expenses had to be met (such as a hospital bill). (See Table 2.1.) Another pathway through which biodiversity can improve food security is the adoption of farming practices that maintain and make use of agricultural biodiversity. Biodiversity is important to maintaining agricultural production. Wild relatives of domestic crops provide genetic variability that can be crucial for overcoming outbreaks of pests and pathogens and new environmental stresses. Many agricultural communities consider increased local diversity a critical factor for the long-term productivity and viability of their agricultural systems. For example, interweaving multiple varieties of rice in the same paddy has been shown to increase productivity by lowering the loss from pests and pathogens.¶ Vulnerability The world is experiencing an increase in human suffering and economic losses from natural disasters over the past several decades. Mangrove forests and coral reefs—a rich source of biodiversity—are excellent natural buffers against ﬂoods and storms. Their loss or reduction in coverage has increased the severity of ﬂooding on coastal communities. Floods affect more people (140 million per year on average) than all other natural or technological disasters put together. Over the past four decades, the number of “great” disasters has increased by a factor of four, while economic losses have increased by a factor of ten. During the 1990s, countries low on the Human Development Index experienced about 20% of the hazard events and reported over 50% of the deaths and just 5% of economic losses. Those with high rankings on the index accounted for over 50% of the total economic losses and less than 2% of the deaths (C6, R11, C16). A common ﬁnding from the various subglobal assessments was that many people living in rural areas cherish and promote ecosystem variability and diversity as a risk management strategy against shocks and surprises (SG11). They maintain a diversity of ecosystem services and are skeptical about solutions that reduce their options. The sub-global assessments found that diversity of species, food, and landscapes serve as “savings banks” that rural communities use to cope with change and ensure sustainable livelihoods (see Peruvian, Portuguese, Costa Rican, and India sub-global assessments).¶ Health An important component of health is a balanced diet. About 7,000 species of plants and several hundred species of animals have been used for human food consumption at one time or another. Some indigenous and traditional communities currently consume 200 or more species. Wild sources of food remain particularly important for the poor and landless to provide a somewhat balanced diet (C6, C8.2.2). Overexploitation of marine ﬁsheries worldwide, and of bushmeat in many areas of the tropics, has lead to a reduction in the availability of wild-caught animal protein, with serious consequences in many countries for human health (C4.3.4). Human health, particularly risk of exposure to many infectious diseases, may depend on the maintenance of biodiversity in natural ecosystems. On the one hand, a greater diversity of wildlife species might be expected to sustain a greater diversity of pathogens that can infect humans. However, evidence is accumulating that greater wildlife diversity may decrease thespread of many wildlife pathogens to humans. The spread of Lyme disease, the best-studied case, seems to be decreased by the maintenance of the biotic integrity of natural ecosystems (C11, C14).¶ Energy Security Wood fuel provides more than half the energy used in developing countries. Even in industrial countries such as Sweden and the United States, wood supplies 17% and 3% of total energy consumption respectively. In some African countries, such as Tanzania, Uganda, and Rwanda, wood fuel accounts for 80% of total energy consumption (SG-SAfMA). In rural areas, 95% is consumed in the form of ﬁrewood, while in urban areas 85% is in the form of charcoal. Shortage of wood fuel occurs in areas with high population density without access to alternative and affordable energy sources. In some provinces of Zambia where population densities exceed the national average of 13.7 persons per square kilometer, the demand for wood has already surpassed local supply. In such areas, people are vulnerable to illness and malnutrition because of the lack of resources to heat homes, cook food, and boil water. Women and children in rural poor communities are the ones most affected by wood fuel scarcity. They must walk long distances searching for ﬁrewood and therefore have less time for tending crops and school (C9.4).¶ Provision of Clean Water The continued loss of cloud forests and the destruction of watersheds reduce the quality and availability of water supplied to household use and agriculture. The availability of clean drinking water is a concern in dozens of the world’s largest cities (C27). In one of the best documented cases, New York City took steps to protect the integrity of watersheds in the Catskills to ensure continued provision of clean drinking water to 9 million people. Protecting the ecosystem was shown to be far more cost effective than building and operating a water ﬁltration plant. New York City avoided $6–8 billion in expenses by protecting its watersheds (C7, R17).¶ Social Relations Many cultures attach spiritual and religious values to ecosystems or their components such as a tree, hill, river, or grove (C17). Thus loss or damage to these components can harm social relations—for example, by impeding religious and social ceremonies that normally bind people. (See Box 2.1.) Damage to ecosystems, highly valued for their aesthetic, recreational, or spiritual values can damage social relations, both by reducing the bonding value of shared experience as well as by causing resentment toward groups that proﬁt from their damage (S11, SG10).¶ Freedom of Choice and Action Freedom of choice and action within the MA context refers to individuals having control over what happens and being able to achieve what they value (CF3). Loss of biodiversity often means a loss of choices. Local ﬁshers depend on mangroves as breeding grounds for local ﬁsh populations. Loss of mangroves translates to a loss in control over the local ﬁsh stock and a livelihood they have been pursuing for many generations and that they value. Another example is high-diversity agricultural systems. These systems normally produce less cash than monoculture cash crops, but farmers have some control over their entitlements because of spreading risk through diversity. High diversity of genotypes, populations, species, functional types, and spatial patches decreases the negative effects of pests and pathogens on crops and keeps open possibilities for agrarian communities to develop crops suited to future environmental challenges and to increase their resilience to climate variability and market ﬂuctuations (C11).Another dimension of choices relates to the future. The loss of biodiversity in some instances is irreversible, and the value individuals place on keeping biodiversity for future generations—the option value—can be signiﬁcant (CF6, C2). The notion of having choices available irrespective of whether any of them will be actually picked is an essential constituent of the freedom aspect of well-being. However, putting a monetary ﬁgure on option values is notoriously difﬁcult. We can only postulate on the needs and desires of future generations, some of which can be very different from today’s aspirations. ¶ Basic Materials for a Good Life and Sustainable Livelihoods Biodiversity offers directly the various goods—often plants, animals, and fungi—that individuals need in order to earn an income and secure sustainable livelihoods. In addition, it also contributes to livelihoods through the support it provides for ecosystem services: the agricultural labor force currently contains approximately 22% of the world’s population and accounts for 46% of its total labor force (C26.5.1). For example, apples are a major cash crop in the Himalayan region in India, accounting for 60–80% of total household income (SG3). The region is also rich in honeybee diversity, which played a signiﬁcant role in pollinating ﬁeld crops and wild plants, thereby increasing productivity and sustaining ecosystem functions. In the early 1980s, market demand for particular types of apples led farmers to uproot pollinated varieties and plant new, sterile cultivars. The pollinator populations were also negatively affected by excessive use of pesticides. The result was a reduction in overall apple productivity and the extinction of many natural pollinator species (SG3). Nature-based tourism (“ecotourism”)—one of the fastest growing segments of tourism worldwide—is a particularly important economic sector in a number of countries and a potential income source for many rural communities (C17.2.6). The aggregate revenue generated by nature-based tourism in Southern Africa was estimated to be $3.6 billion in 2000, roughly 50% of total tourism revenue (SG-SAfMA). Botswana, Kenya, Namibia, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zimbabwe each generated over $100 million in revenue annually from nature-based tourism in 2000. In Tanzania, tourism contributed 30% of the total GDP of the country. Biodiversity also contributes to a range of other industries, including pharmaceuticals, cosmetics, and horticulture. Market trends vary widely according to the industry and country involved but many bio-prospecting activities and revenues are expected to increase over the next decades (C10). The current economic climate suggests that pharmaceutical bio-prospecting will increase, especially as new methods use evolutionary and ecological knowledge. Losses of biodiversity can impose substantial costs at local and national scales. For example, the collapse of the Newfoundland cod ﬁshery in the early 1990s cost tens of thousands of jobs, as well as at least $2 billion in income support and retraining. Recent evidence suggests that the preservation of the integrity of local biological communities, both in terms of the identity and the number of species, is important for the maintenance of plant and animal productivity, soil fertility, and their stability in the face of a changing environment (C11). Recent estimates from the MA Portugal sub-global assessment indicate that environmental expenses in that country are increasing at a rate of 3% a year and are presently 0.7% of GDP (SG-Portugal).¶	MEA 2005	Biodiversity is essential for ecosystem services and hence for human well-being. Biodiversity goes beyond the provisioning for material welfare and livelihoods to include security, resiliency, social relations, health, and freedoms and choices The MA identiﬁes biodiversity and the many ecosystem services that it provides as a key instrumental and constitutive factor determining human well-being. The MA ﬁndings support, with high certainty, that biodiversity loss and deteriorating ecosystem services contribute—directly or indirectly—to worsening health, higher food insecurity, increasing vulnerability, lower material wealth, worsening social relations, and less freedom for choice and action. Food Security Biological diversity is used by many rural communities directly as an insurance and coping mechanism to increase ﬂexibility and spread or reduce risk in the face of increasing uncertainty, shocks, and surprises. The availability of this biological “safety net” has increased the security and resilience of some local communities to external economic and ecological perturbations, shocks, or surprises economic entitlements of the poor are increasingly becoming precarious. The availability of an ecosystem-based food security net during times when economic entitlements are insufﬁcient to purchase adequate nourishment in the market provides an important insurance program Coping mechanisms based on indigenous plants are particularly important for the most vulnerable people, who have little access to formal employment, land, or market opportunities Another pathway through which biodiversity can improve food security is the adoption of farming practices that maintain and make use of agricultural biodiversity. Biodiversity is important to maintaining agricultural production. Wild relatives of domestic crops provide genetic variability that can be crucial for overcoming outbreaks of pests and pathogens and new environmental stresses. Many agricultural communities consider increased local diversity a critical factor for the long-term productivity and viability of their agricultural systems. Vulnerability The world is experiencing an increase in human suffering and economic losses from natural disasters over the past several decades Mangrove forests and coral reefs—a rich source of biodiversity—are excellent natural buffers against ﬂoods and storms. Their loss or reduction in coverage has increased the severity of ﬂooding on coastal communities. Floods affect more people (140 million per year on average) than all other natural or technological disasters put together. Over the past four decades, the number of “great” disasters has increased by a factor of four A common ﬁnding from the various subglobal assessments was that many people living in rural areas cherish and promote ecosystem variability and diversity as a risk management strategy against shocks and surprises ). They maintain a diversity of ecosystem services and are skeptical about solutions that reduce their options. The sub-global assessments found that diversity of species, food, and landscapes serve as “savings banks” that rural communities use to cope with change and ensure sustainable livelihoods Health An important component of health is a balanced diet. About 7,000 species of plants and several hundred species of animals have been used for human food consumption at one time or another. Some indigenous and traditional communities currently consume 200 or more species. Wild sources of food remain particularly important for the poor and landless Overexploitation of marine ﬁsheries worldwide, and of bushmeat in many areas of the tropics, has lead to a reduction in the availability of wild-caught animal protein, with serious consequences in many countries for human health Human health, particularly risk of exposure to many infectious diseases, may depend on the maintenance of biodiversity in natural ecosystems. evidence is accumulating that greater wildlife diversity may decrease thespread of many wildlife pathogens to humans. Energy Security Wood fuel provides more than half the energy used in developing countries Even in industrial countries such as Sweden and the United States, . In some African countries, such as Tanzania, Uganda, and Rwanda, wood fuel accounts for 80% of total energy consumption (SG-SAfMA). In rural areas, 95% is consumed in the form of ﬁrewood, Shortage of wood fuel occurs in areas with high population density without access to alternative and affordable energy sources. In some provinces of Zambia the demand for wood has already surpassed local supply. In such areas, people are vulnerable to illness and malnutrition because of the lack of resources to heat homes, cook food, and boil water. Provision of Clean Water The continued loss of cloud forests and the destruction of watersheds reduce the quality and availability of water supplied to household use and agriculture. The availability of clean drinking water is a concern in dozens of the world’s largest cities New York City took steps to protect the integrity of watersheds in the Catskills to ensure continued provision of clean drinking water to 9 million people. Protecting the ecosystem was shown to be far more cost effective than building and operating a water ﬁltration plant. Social Relations Many cultures attach spiritual and religious values to ecosystems or their components such as a tree, hill, river, or grove Thus loss or damage to these components can harm social relations—for example, by impeding religious and social ceremonies that normally bind people. Damage to ecosystems, can damage social relations, both by reducing the bonding value of shared experience as well as by causing resentment toward groups that proﬁt from their damage Freedom of Choice and Action Freedom of choice and action within the MA context refers to individuals having control over what happens and being able to achieve what they value Loss of biodiversity often means a loss of choices. translates to a loss in control over the local ﬁsh stock and a livelihood they have been pursuing for many generations and that they value. but farmers have some control over their entitlements because of spreading risk through diversity. High diversity of genotypes, populations, species, functional types, and spatial patches decreases the negative effects of pests and pathogens on crops and keeps open possibilities for agrarian communities to develop crops suited to future environmental challenges and to increase their resilience to climate variability and market ﬂuctuations Another dimension of choices relates to the future. The loss of biodiversity in some instances is irreversible, and the value individuals place on keeping biodiversity for future generations—the option value—can be signiﬁcant (CF6, C2). The notion of having choices available irrespective of whether any of them will be actually picked is an essential constituent of the freedom aspect of well-being. However, putting a monetary ﬁgure on option values is notoriously difﬁcult. Basic Materials for a Good Life and Sustainable Livelihoods Biodiversity offers directly the various goods—often plants, animals, and fungi—that individuals need in order to earn an income and secure sustainable livelihoods. In addition, it also contributes to livelihoods through the support it provides for ecosystem services: the agricultural labor force currently contains approximately 22% of the world’s population and accounts for 46% of its total labor force Nature-based tourism (“ecotourism”)—one of the fastest growing segments of tourism worldwide—is a particularly important economic sector in a number of countries and a potential income source for many rural communities Biodiversity also contributes to a range of other industries, including pharmaceuticals, cosmetics, and horticulture. Market trends vary widely according to the industry and country involved but many bio-prospecting activities and revenues are expected to increase over the next decades ). The current economic climate suggests that pharmaceutical bio-prospecting will increase, especially as new methods use evolutionary and ecological knowledge. Losses of biodiversity can impose substantial costs at local and national scales. For example, the collapse of the Newfoundland cod ﬁshery in the early 1990s cost tens of thousands of jobs, as well as at least $2 billion in income support and retraining. the preservation of the integrity of local biological communities, both in terms of the identity and the number of species, is important for the maintenance of plant and animal productivity, soil fertility, and their stability in the face of a changing environment	BioD key to laundry list of impacts	13,118	35	8,719	1,952	7	1,289	0.003586	0.660348	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,508	Different species within ecosystems fill particular roles, they all have a function, they all have a niche. They interact with each other and the physical environment to provide ecosystem services that are vital for our survival. For example plant species convert carbon dioxide (CO2) from the atmosphere and energy from the sun into useful things such as food, medicines and timber. Pollination carried out by insects such as bees enables the production of ⅓ of our food crops. Diverse mangrove and coral reef ecosystems provide a wide variety of habitats that are essential for many fishery species. To make it simpler for economists to comprehend the magnitude of services offered by biodiversity, a team of researchers estimated their value – it amounted to $US33 trillion per year. “By protecting biodiversity we maintain ecosystem services” Certain species play a “keystone” role in maintaining ecosystem services. Similar to the removal of a keystone from an arch, the removal of these species can result in the collapse of an ecosystem and the subsequent removal of ecosystem services. The most well known example of this occurred during the 19th century when sea otters were almost hunted to extinction by fur traders along the west coast of the USA. This led to a population explosion in the sea otters’ main source of prey, sea urchins. Because the urchins graze on kelp their booming population decimated the underwater kelp forests. This loss of habitat led to declines in local fish populations. Eventually a treaty protecting sea otters allowed the numbers of otters to increase which in turn controlled the urchin population, leading to the recovery of the kelp forests and fish stocks. In other cases, ecosystem services are maintained by entire functional groups, such as apex predators (See Jeremy Hance’s post at Mongabay). During the last 35 years, over fishing of large shark species along the US Atlantic coast has led to a population explosion of skates and rays. These skates and rays eat bay scallops and their out of control population has led to the closure of a century long scallop fishery. These are just two examples demonstrating how biodiversity can maintain the services that ecosystems provide for us, such as fisheries. One could argue that to maintain ecosystem services we don’t need to protect biodiversity but rather, we only need to protect the species and functional groups that fill the keystone roles. However, there are a couple of problems with this idea. First of all, for most ecosystems we don’t know which species are the keystones! Ecosystems are so complex that we are still discovering which species play vital roles in maintaining them. In some cases its groups of species not just one species that are vital for the ecosystem. Second, even if we did complete the enormous task of identifying and protecting all keystone species, what back-up plan would we have if an unforseen event (e.g. pollution or disease) led to the demise of these ‘keystone’ species? Would there be another species to save the day and take over this role? Classifying some species as ‘keystone’ implies that the others are not important. This may lead to the non-keystone species being considered ecologically worthless and subsequently over-exploited. Sometimes we may not even know which species are likely to fill the keystone roles. An example of this was discovered on Australia’s Great Barrier Reef. This research examined what would happen to a coral reef if it were over-fished. The “over-fishing” was simulated by fencing off coral bommies thereby excluding and removing fish from them for three years. By the end of the experiment, the reefs had changed from a coral to an algae dominated ecosystem – the coral became overgrown with algae. When the time came to remove the fences the researchers expected herbivorous species of fish like the parrot fish (Scarus spp.) to eat the algae and enable the reef to switch back to a coral dominated ecosystem. But, surprisingly, the shift back to coral was driven by a supposed ‘unimportant’ species – the bat fish (Platax pinnatus). The bat fish was previously thought to feed on invertebrates – small crabs and shrimp, but when offered a big patch of algae it turned into a hungry herbivore – a cow of the sea – grazing the algae in no time. So a fish previously thought to be ‘unimportant’ is actually a keystone species in the recovery of coral reefs overgrown by algae! Who knows how many other species are out there with unknown ecosystem roles! In some cases it’s easy to see who the keystone species are but in many ecosystems seemingly unimportant or redundant species are also capable of changing niches and maintaining ecosystems. The more biodiverse an ecosystem is, the more likely these species will be present and the more resilient an ecosystem is to future impacts. Presently we’re only scratching the surface of understanding the full importance of biodiversity and how it helps maintain ecosystem function. The scope of this task is immense. In the meantime, a wise insurance policy for maintaining ecosystem services would be to conserve biodiversity. In doing so, we increase the chance of maintaining our ecosystem services in the event of future impacts such as disease, invasive species and of course, climate change. This is the international year of biodiversity – a time to recognize that biodiversity makes our survival on this planet possible and that our protection of biodiversity maintains this service.	Young 10 – Ruth, PhD Coastal Marine Ecology (“Biodiversity: what it is and why it’s important”, 2-9-10, http://www.talkingnature.com/2010/02/biodiversity/biodiversity-what-and-why/)	Different species within ecosystems fill particular roles, they all have a function, they all have a niche. They interact with each other and the physical environment to provide ecosystem services that are vital for our survival. By protecting biodiversity we maintain ecosystem services” Certain species play a “keystone” role in maintaining ecosystem services. Similar to the removal of a keystone from an arch, the removal of these species can result in the collapse of an ecosystem and the subsequent removal of ecosystem services for most ecosystems we don’t know which species are the keystones! Ecosystems are so complex that we are still discovering which species play vital roles in maintaining them. In some cases its groups of species not just one species that are vital for the ecosystem. The more biodiverse an ecosystem is, the more likely these species will be present and the more resilient an ecosystem is to future impacts. Presently we’re only scratching the surface of understanding the full importance of biodiversity and how it helps maintain ecosystem function. The scope of this task is immense. In the meantime, a wise insurance policy for maintaining ecosystem services would be to conserve biodiversity.	Keystone species are key to biodiversity which is key to survival	5,517	65	1,230	907	11	195	0.012128	0.214994	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,509	Wallis et. al. 12 (June 2012, Bernardo Wallis, Arminio Luis Borjas, Gustavo A. Mata M. “Venezuela enacts new Environmental Criminal Law,” http://www.nortonrosefulbright.com/knowledge/publications/67734/venezuela-enacts-new-environmental-criminal-law, Bernardo Wallis has considerable experience in all types of domestic and international, civil and commercial litigation, and domestic and international commercial arbitration. He combines this expertise with his experience in environmental law research. Before joining our Caracas office in 2004, Mr. Wallis worked at two major local law firms and interned as a corporate legal consultant at an important environmental agency. He was also a research assistant to the Dean of Research and Development at Universidad Simón Bolívar. Mr. Wallis has obtained the title of Head Advocate, specializing in systems for environmental management ISO 14000, granted by the Bureau Veritas Quality International in 2001.) On May 2, 2012, the new Venezuelan Environmental Criminal Law (the New Law) was published in Official Gazette No. 39.913, repealing the 1992 Environmental Criminal Law (the Repealed Law). We will summarize below the changes incorporated by the New Law and its effects on the environmental regulations already in place in Venezuela. General aspects The Environmental Criminal Law specifies and sanctions all crimes that adversely affect the environment and natural resources. The New Law is applicable to individuals and legal persons and provides for different sanctions depending on whether the crimes against the environment are committed by natural or legal persons. This distinction between criminal subjects and their separate regulation is one of the innovations of the New Law that was not included in the Repealed Law. One interesting feature of the New Law, which the Repealed Law also included, is the fact that it allows prosecution in Venezuela for crimes committed extraterritorially (i.e., committed outside Venezuelan territory), provided the damages and risks of the specified act take place in Venezuela. The investigation is initiated by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and no legal action can be instituted twice for the same cause of action (ne bis in idem). Probably one of the most relevant changes of the New Law is that it modifies and significantly toughens the sanctions that were included in the Repealed Law. For example, the Repealed Law included community work as a sanction applicable to individuals; however, under the New Law the commission of crimes against the environment by individuals is punishable only by fines or imprisonment. Similarly, new sanctions imposable against legal persons have been included in the New Law, such as the dismantling of the facility, establishment or construction, or the dissolution of the legal entity. Such sanctions may be accompanied by accessory sanctions such as permanent or temporary closing of the establishment. Furthermore, aside from the criminal sanctions that may be imposed on violators, judges will also analyze the civil liability arising from actions that damage the environment, and may order the payment of damages or any other reparatory measures that the judge may deem appropriate.	CIA 12 (14 June 2012, Central Intelligence Agency, “Venezuela,” http://www.eoearth.org/view/article/156840/) Its major environmental issues: include sewage pollution of Lago de Valencia; oil and urban pollution of Lago de Maracaibo; deforestation; soil degradation; overfishing; urban and industrial pollution, especially along the Caribbean coast; and, the threat to the rainforest ecosystem from irresponsible mining operations. Venezuela was one of three countries that emerged from the collapse of Gran Colombia in 1830 (the others being Ecuador and New Granada, which became Colombia). For most of the first half of the 20th century, Venezuela was ruled by generally benevolent military strongmen, who promoted the oil industry and allowed for some social reforms. Democratically elected governments have held sway since 1959. Hugo Chavez, president since 1999, seeks to implement his "21st Century Socialism," which purports to alleviate social ills while at the same time attacking globalization and undermining regional stability. Current concerns include: a weakening of democratic institutions; political polarization; a politicized military; drug-related violence along the Colombian border; increasing internal drug consumption; overdependence on the petroleum industry with its price fluctuations; and, irresponsible mining operations that are endangering the rainforest and indigenous peoples. Venezuela is on major sea and air routes linking North and South America. Angel Falls in the Guiana Highlands is the world's highest waterfall.	On May 2, 2012, the new Venezuelan Environmental Criminal Law (the New Law) was published in Official Gazette No. 39.913 One interesting feature of the New Law, which the Repealed Law also included, is the fact that it allows prosecution in Venezuela for crimes committed extraterritorially (i.e., committed outside Venezuelan territory), provided the damages and risks of the specified act take place in Venezuela. Probably one of the most relevant changes of the New Law is that it modifies and significantly toughens the sanctions that were included in the Repealed Law. Furthermore, aside from the criminal sanctions that may be imposed on violators, judges will also analyze the civil liability arising from actions that damage the environment, and may order the payment of damages or any other reparatory measures that the judge may deem appropriate.	Today’s Venezuela is moving towards environmental irresponsibility	3,231	67	856	478	7	135	0.014644	0.282427	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,510	Baynard 11 (Chris Banyard, Dept. of Economics and Geography, University of North Florida, “The landscape infrastructure footprint of oil development: Venezuela's heavy oil belt”, May 2011, http://www.sciencedirect.com.turing.library.northwestern.edu/science/article/pii/S1470160X10001767)Oil exploration and production activities (OEPA) and other extractive endeavors can create large-scale and permanent landscape alterations through the establishment of infrastructure features such as roads, well pads, pipelines and production facilities. These structures can lead to or increase landscape fragmentation and degradation, reduce biodiversity, disrupt important ecosystem services and attract informal settlements that further alter the landscape, deplete area resources and lead to social conflict. Aside from regulatory standards, many energy (oil and gas) companies include voluntary environmental performance as part of their sustainability reporting. However, they do not account for these site-specific alterations in a systematic, quantifiable and transparent way. This paper proposes a calculation of a modified Landscape Infrastructure Footprint (LIF) of OEPA based on landscape ecology metrics measured via GIS and remote sensing techniques. Three Venezuelan heavy oil belt (HOB) operations were examined with reference to the years 1990 and 2000. Results indicate that Ameriven displayed the smallest LIF. Newer technologies, best practices, land cover, competing economic interests and type of management may explain observed alterations.¶ LIF methods provide four important benefits. First, they can help to reduce surface disturbances by informing planning practices in current as well as in new projects. Second, they fortify environmental reporting by providing objective measures of environmental performance tied to extractive activities. Third, by including LIF in their sustainability practices, extractive industries can improve their competitive advantage. Finally, the LIF helps create a set of transparent environmental performance standards that industry and regulators can adopt in order to measure and monitor landscape alterations resulting from extractive activities. the development of infrastructure features related to extractive industries such as oil and gas, mining and logging can lead to large-scale and permanent land-use land-cover changes (LUCC). These include habitat fragmentation, land degradation, soil erosion, loss of wildlife; the introduction of invasive species; river siltation; large water draw-downs; air, soil and water pollution; increased greenhouse gas emissions and the opening of corridors for disease vectors (Nelleman and Cameron, 1996, Schneider et al., 2003, Morton et al., 2004, Lee and Boutin, 2006, Boletta et al., 2006, Lawrence et al., 2007, Turner et al., 2007 and Fischer and Lindenmayer, 2007). The accessibility created by roads built to extract natural resources can draw new settlers to previously inaccessible areas if government policies and enforcement do not dissuade them, or to contrary, attract them (Hiraoka and Yamamoto, 1980, Southgate, 1990, Pelache, 2001 and Brandão and Souza, 2006). Colonization can lead to further land clearing and degradation, increased demand on natural resources, conflicts among competing interests (including indigenous groups) and population growth spurred by a service sector meeting the needs of the new “boom” economy (Musinsky et al., 1998, Schmink and Wood, 1992, Laurance et al., 2001, Forman et al., 2003, Lee and Boutin, 2006, Wilderness Society, 2006 and Brandão and Souza, 2006).¶ In addition to complying with regulatory standards, multinational oil companies (MNOCs) are increasingly engaged in minimizing and monitoring both environmental and social impacts as part of their corporate social responsibility (CSR) and environmental stewardship efforts (Moser, 2001 and Curlee, 2007). After all, implementing environmental best practices can have several positive business benefits. These include: securing and maintaining operating licenses; preventing costly environmental disasters, project terminations, work stoppages, lawsuits, negative press coverage, political protests, sabotage and hostage taking (Anderson, 1994, Orlitzky et al., 2003, Diamond, 2005, Lawrence, 2007, Kakabadse, 2007, IPIECA, 2007, Edoho, 2008 and GRI, 2010). They can also increase employee and customer loyalty, attract investors (Morhardt, 2002 and IPIECA, 2007), offset actual or impending government regulation (Dashwood, 2007), improve community relations and help stabilize long-term costs (Reinhardt, 2000).¶ Monitoring and quantifying the size and pattern of LIF is a tangible implementation of environmental best business practices that reduce surface disturbances and lessen accessibility to new lands. While land change science (LCS) uses geospatial technologies to monitor LUCC (Boletta et al., 2006, Rindfuss et al., 2007, Turner et al., 2007 and Verburg et al., 2009), these efforts are currently not part of sustainability planning or reporting by energy companies despite the fact that “oil, natural gas, and pipeline industries manage infrastructure and operations as meticulously as possible by using geographic information system (GIS) technology” (Wyland, 2010).¶ Even the US Bureau of Land Management (BLM) “is already recognizing the potential for using GIS analysis to evaluate development impacts” (Wilbert et al., 2008; see also BLM, 2010). The main problem is that there are currently no codified standards in either government or industry on what the metrics should be used to quantify surface alterations related to extractive industries (Ellis, 2010).¶ The Landscape Infrastructure Footprint (LIF) presented by Baynard (2009) attempted to address this deficiency. It considered the type and pattern of visible infrastructure features (roads and well pads) and measured surface disturbances using GIS and remote sensing techniques. It consisted of 5 measures: Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) change detection, OEPA density, edge-effect zones, core areas and number of rivers crossed. The change detection component drew from LCS methods; the others from the landscape matrix model of landscape ecology. The latter acknowledges that infrastructure features slice the landscape into patches, thus increasing human transportation connectivity while disturbing ecosystem goods and services and wildlife habitats (Forman et al., 2003 and Coffin, 2007).¶ This paper expands work by Baynard (2009) by examining the relationship between NDVI change and oil roads and wellpads, non-oil roads, and agriculture. Roads are an important metric for measuring landscape alteration because they are the leading cause of landscape fragmentation (Jaarsma and Willems, 2002, Coffin, 2007 and Frair et al., 2008) and strongly influence the spatial distribution of human activities in forest frontier regions (Soares-Filho et al., 2004). Agriculture is the main driver of LUCC in dry tropical forests and savannas (Daniels et al., 2008, Romero-Duque et al., 2007, Fajardo et al., 2005, Jepson, 2005, Southworth et al., 2004 and Trejo and Dirzo, 2000) and a central activity and cause of land conversion in the Venezuelan llanos (Hernández-A et al., 2000, Barnola and Cedeño, 2000, Castel et al., 2002, Dumith, 2004, Mauricio et al., 2005 and Thielen et al., 2008).¶ Meanwhile, “The NDVI represents a continuous variable related to productivity of land cover or vegetation biomass, which varies both in space and time,” note Southworth et al. (2006, 410). This makes it an alternative choice to traditional land classification schemes, and a preferred one in semi-arid environments (Funk and Brown, 2006) and in the Orinoco llanos of Venezuela (Chacón-Moreno, 2004).¶ While the methodology presented here provides a necessary evaluation of environmental performance, measuring total ecological impacts would require complete ecological and socioeconomic analyses (Wilbert et al., 2008) that are beyond the scope of this work.¶ The study area comprises three of the four heavy oil operations in Venezuela's heavy oil belt (HOB), an area with vast reserves where OEPA are projected to expand by 600% in the next two decades (Petroguía, 2006 and PDVSA, 2005a). The methods implemented utilize Landsat imagery that is readily available to NGOs, government, academia and industry. Furthermore, the methodology can be readily replicated and easily understood (Wilbert et al., 2008), since the aim is to create a set of standardized and transparent procedures that industry and regulators can adopt as part of their environmental performance standards.	Wallis et. al. 12 (June 2012, Bernardo Wallis, Arminio Luis Borjas, Gustavo A. Mata M. “Venezuela enacts new Environmental Criminal Law,” http://www.nortonrosefulbright.com/knowledge/publications/67734/venezuela-enacts-new-environmental-criminal-law, Bernardo Wallis has considerable experience in all types of domestic and international, civil and commercial litigation, and domestic and international commercial arbitration. He combines this expertise with his experience in environmental law research. Before joining our Caracas office in 2004, Mr. Wallis worked at two major local law firms and interned as a corporate legal consultant at an important environmental agency. He was also a research assistant to the Dean of Research and Development at Universidad Simón Bolívar. Mr. Wallis has obtained the title of Head Advocate, specializing in systems for environmental management ISO 14000, granted by the Bureau Veritas Quality International in 2001.) On May 2, 2012, the new Venezuelan Environmental Criminal Law (the New Law) was published in Official Gazette No. 39.913, repealing the 1992 Environmental Criminal Law (the Repealed Law). We will summarize below the changes incorporated by the New Law and its effects on the environmental regulations already in place in Venezuela. General aspects The Environmental Criminal Law specifies and sanctions all crimes that adversely affect the environment and natural resources. The New Law is applicable to individuals and legal persons and provides for different sanctions depending on whether the crimes against the environment are committed by natural or legal persons. This distinction between criminal subjects and their separate regulation is one of the innovations of the New Law that was not included in the Repealed Law. One interesting feature of the New Law, which the Repealed Law also included, is the fact that it allows prosecution in Venezuela for crimes committed extraterritorially (i.e., committed outside Venezuelan territory), provided the damages and risks of the specified act take place in Venezuela. The investigation is initiated by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and no legal action can be instituted twice for the same cause of action (ne bis in idem). Probably one of the most relevant changes of the New Law is that it modifies and significantly toughens the sanctions that were included in the Repealed Law. For example, the Repealed Law included community work as a sanction applicable to individuals; however, under the New Law the commission of crimes against the environment by individuals is punishable only by fines or imprisonment. Similarly, new sanctions imposable against legal persons have been included in the New Law, such as the dismantling of the facility, establishment or construction, or the dissolution of the legal entity. Such sanctions may be accompanied by accessory sanctions such as permanent or temporary closing of the establishment. Furthermore, aside from the criminal sanctions that may be imposed on violators, judges will also analyze the civil liability arising from actions that damage the environment, and may order the payment of damages or any other reparatory measures that the judge may deem appropriate.	reduce biodiversity, However, they do not account for these site-specific alterations in a systematic, quantifiable and transparent way. LIF methods provide four important benefits. First, they can help to reduce surface disturbances by informing planning practices in current as well as in new projects. Second, they fortify environmental reporting by providing objective measures of environmental performance tied to extractive activities. Third, by including LIF in their sustainability practices, extractive industries can improve their competitive advantage. Finally, the LIF helps create a set of transparent environmental performance standards that industry and regulators can adopt in order to measure and monitor landscape alterations resulting from extractive activities. In addition to complying with regulatory standards MNOCs) are increasingly engaged in minimizing and monitoring both environmental and social impacts as part of their CSR) and environmental stewardship efforts implementing environmental best practices can have several positive business benefits. securing and maintaining operating licenses; preventing costly environmental disasters, project terminations, work stoppages, lawsuits, negative press coverage, political protests, sabotage and hostage taking Monitoring and quantifying the size and pattern of LIF is a tangible implementation of environmental best business practices that reduce surface disturbances and lessen accessibility to new lands. ).¶ Even the US Bureau of Land Management “is already recognizing the potential for using GIS analysis to evaluate development impacts”	Venezuela just passed the Environmental Criminal Law – tougher regulations that also apply to foreign nations	8,668	110	1,620	1,222	16	216	0.013093	0.176759	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,511	Manzanillo 13 (Jesús, Venezuela’s National Director of Biological Diversity, “Venezuela is Protecting Biodiversity”, 1/18, http://venezuela-us.org/2013/01/18/venezuela-is-protecting-biodiversity/) Venezuela’s National Director of Biological Diversity, Jesús Manzanillo, said yesterday that the country’s strategic conservation plan is paying special attention to endangered species and threatened ecosystems.¶ “This plan is constructed on the basis of a very exhaustive analysis of what should be done in the country and in the world and it takes up precise elements of conservation,” he said.¶ During an interview on Venezolana de Televisión, Manzanillo explained that an example of the implementation of this plan are the actions being carried out in the Cuare National Reserve, which is located south of Morrocoy National Park in Venezuela’s western state of Falcón.¶ In the reserve,”within the Bolivarian process, we have been working not just on releasing caimanes [the Orinoco crocodile], but also collaborating with the authorities of the state of Falcón, the governor, the local powers and entities of the people’s power to relocate people that were in those spaces and in this way guarantee the life of the species,” he said.¶ Manzanillo pointed out that Venezuela was the first country to make a presentation before the Convention on Biodiversity, a United Nations entity for environmental protection. Goal number 17 of the Convention states that countries should have an efficient and participatory national conservation strategy ready for implementation by 2015.¶ “We, in a way that is responsible and committed to defending life on the planet, have achieved five years ahead of time the component of drafting a strategy… In 2012, at the Venezuelan Congress on Biological Diversity, we had already elaborated the strategic plan and the 10-year action plan, and that plan will be connected with the Second Socialist Plan of the Nation for 2013 to 2019,” he said.	Baynard 11 (Chris Banyard, Dept. of Economics and Geography, University of North Florida, “The landscape infrastructure footprint of oil development: Venezuela's heavy oil belt”, May 2011, http://www.sciencedirect.com.turing.library.northwestern.edu/science/article/pii/S1470160X10001767)Oil exploration and production activities (OEPA) and other extractive endeavors can create large-scale and permanent landscape alterations through the establishment of infrastructure features such as roads, well pads, pipelines and production facilities. These structures can lead to or increase landscape fragmentation and degradation, reduce biodiversity, disrupt important ecosystem services and attract informal settlements that further alter the landscape, deplete area resources and lead to social conflict. Aside from regulatory standards, many energy (oil and gas) companies include voluntary environmental performance as part of their sustainability reporting. However, they do not account for these site-specific alterations in a systematic, quantifiable and transparent way. This paper proposes a calculation of a modified Landscape Infrastructure Footprint (LIF) of OEPA based on landscape ecology metrics measured via GIS and remote sensing techniques. Three Venezuelan heavy oil belt (HOB) operations were examined with reference to the years 1990 and 2000. Results indicate that Ameriven displayed the smallest LIF. Newer technologies, best practices, land cover, competing economic interests and type of management may explain observed alterations.¶ LIF methods provide four important benefits. First, they can help to reduce surface disturbances by informing planning practices in current as well as in new projects. Second, they fortify environmental reporting by providing objective measures of environmental performance tied to extractive activities. Third, by including LIF in their sustainability practices, extractive industries can improve their competitive advantage. Finally, the LIF helps create a set of transparent environmental performance standards that industry and regulators can adopt in order to measure and monitor landscape alterations resulting from extractive activities. the development of infrastructure features related to extractive industries such as oil and gas, mining and logging can lead to large-scale and permanent land-use land-cover changes (LUCC). These include habitat fragmentation, land degradation, soil erosion, loss of wildlife; the introduction of invasive species; river siltation; large water draw-downs; air, soil and water pollution; increased greenhouse gas emissions and the opening of corridors for disease vectors (Nelleman and Cameron, 1996, Schneider et al., 2003, Morton et al., 2004, Lee and Boutin, 2006, Boletta et al., 2006, Lawrence et al., 2007, Turner et al., 2007 and Fischer and Lindenmayer, 2007). The accessibility created by roads built to extract natural resources can draw new settlers to previously inaccessible areas if government policies and enforcement do not dissuade them, or to contrary, attract them (Hiraoka and Yamamoto, 1980, Southgate, 1990, Pelache, 2001 and Brandão and Souza, 2006). Colonization can lead to further land clearing and degradation, increased demand on natural resources, conflicts among competing interests (including indigenous groups) and population growth spurred by a service sector meeting the needs of the new “boom” economy (Musinsky et al., 1998, Schmink and Wood, 1992, Laurance et al., 2001, Forman et al., 2003, Lee and Boutin, 2006, Wilderness Society, 2006 and Brandão and Souza, 2006).¶ In addition to complying with regulatory standards, multinational oil companies (MNOCs) are increasingly engaged in minimizing and monitoring both environmental and social impacts as part of their corporate social responsibility (CSR) and environmental stewardship efforts (Moser, 2001 and Curlee, 2007). After all, implementing environmental best practices can have several positive business benefits. These include: securing and maintaining operating licenses; preventing costly environmental disasters, project terminations, work stoppages, lawsuits, negative press coverage, political protests, sabotage and hostage taking (Anderson, 1994, Orlitzky et al., 2003, Diamond, 2005, Lawrence, 2007, Kakabadse, 2007, IPIECA, 2007, Edoho, 2008 and GRI, 2010). They can also increase employee and customer loyalty, attract investors (Morhardt, 2002 and IPIECA, 2007), offset actual or impending government regulation (Dashwood, 2007), improve community relations and help stabilize long-term costs (Reinhardt, 2000).¶ Monitoring and quantifying the size and pattern of LIF is a tangible implementation of environmental best business practices that reduce surface disturbances and lessen accessibility to new lands. While land change science (LCS) uses geospatial technologies to monitor LUCC (Boletta et al., 2006, Rindfuss et al., 2007, Turner et al., 2007 and Verburg et al., 2009), these efforts are currently not part of sustainability planning or reporting by energy companies despite the fact that “oil, natural gas, and pipeline industries manage infrastructure and operations as meticulously as possible by using geographic information system (GIS) technology” (Wyland, 2010).¶ Even the US Bureau of Land Management (BLM) “is already recognizing the potential for using GIS analysis to evaluate development impacts” (Wilbert et al., 2008; see also BLM, 2010). The main problem is that there are currently no codified standards in either government or industry on what the metrics should be used to quantify surface alterations related to extractive industries (Ellis, 2010).¶ The Landscape Infrastructure Footprint (LIF) presented by Baynard (2009) attempted to address this deficiency. It considered the type and pattern of visible infrastructure features (roads and well pads) and measured surface disturbances using GIS and remote sensing techniques. It consisted of 5 measures: Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) change detection, OEPA density, edge-effect zones, core areas and number of rivers crossed. The change detection component drew from LCS methods; the others from the landscape matrix model of landscape ecology. The latter acknowledges that infrastructure features slice the landscape into patches, thus increasing human transportation connectivity while disturbing ecosystem goods and services and wildlife habitats (Forman et al., 2003 and Coffin, 2007).¶ This paper expands work by Baynard (2009) by examining the relationship between NDVI change and oil roads and wellpads, non-oil roads, and agriculture. Roads are an important metric for measuring landscape alteration because they are the leading cause of landscape fragmentation (Jaarsma and Willems, 2002, Coffin, 2007 and Frair et al., 2008) and strongly influence the spatial distribution of human activities in forest frontier regions (Soares-Filho et al., 2004). Agriculture is the main driver of LUCC in dry tropical forests and savannas (Daniels et al., 2008, Romero-Duque et al., 2007, Fajardo et al., 2005, Jepson, 2005, Southworth et al., 2004 and Trejo and Dirzo, 2000) and a central activity and cause of land conversion in the Venezuelan llanos (Hernández-A et al., 2000, Barnola and Cedeño, 2000, Castel et al., 2002, Dumith, 2004, Mauricio et al., 2005 and Thielen et al., 2008).¶ Meanwhile, “The NDVI represents a continuous variable related to productivity of land cover or vegetation biomass, which varies both in space and time,” note Southworth et al. (2006, 410). This makes it an alternative choice to traditional land classification schemes, and a preferred one in semi-arid environments (Funk and Brown, 2006) and in the Orinoco llanos of Venezuela (Chacón-Moreno, 2004).¶ While the methodology presented here provides a necessary evaluation of environmental performance, measuring total ecological impacts would require complete ecological and socioeconomic analyses (Wilbert et al., 2008) that are beyond the scope of this work.¶ The study area comprises three of the four heavy oil operations in Venezuela's heavy oil belt (HOB), an area with vast reserves where OEPA are projected to expand by 600% in the next two decades (Petroguía, 2006 and PDVSA, 2005a). The methods implemented utilize Landsat imagery that is readily available to NGOs, government, academia and industry. Furthermore, the methodology can be readily replicated and easily understood (Wilbert et al., 2008), since the aim is to create a set of standardized and transparent procedures that industry and regulators can adopt as part of their environmental performance standards.	Venezuela’s National Director of Biological Diversity, Jesús Manzanillo, said yesterday that the country’s strategic conservation plan is paying special attention to endangered species and threatened ecosystems Venezuela was the first country to make a presentation before the Convention on Biodiversity, a United Nations entity for environmental protection. We, in a way that is responsible and committed to defending life on the planet, have achieved five years ahead of time the component of drafting a strategy… In 2012, at the Venezuelan Congress on Biological Diversity, we had already elaborated the strategic plan and the 10-year action plan, and that plan will be connected with the Second Socialist Plan of the Nation for 2013 to 2019,” he said.	Venezuela oil exploration lessening environmental impact with LIFs	1,973	66	755	295	8	116	0.027119	0.39322	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,512	The ecological impacts of the British Petroleum (BP) Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill are rapidly escalating as BP’s oil well leaks between 5,000 – 60,000 barrels (210, 000 – 2,520,000 gallons) of crude oil each day into Gulf of Mexico. The spill, which is estimated to be more than 130 miles long and 70 miles wide, will impact the coastlines of Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida, and threaten hundreds of species in the Gulf of Mexico, including endangered and rare species. THE FRAGILE GULF ECOSYSTEM Unfortunately, the fragile Gulf of Mexico ecosystem is no stranger to oil spills. After Hurricanes Katrina and Rita, several oil rigs sunk into Gulf waters, were damaged, or lost at sea. In the Gulf region, oil spills have proven to be a regular consequence of the nation’s continued reliance on fossil fuels. No one knows the cumulative impact that repeated oil spills will have on the Gulf ecosystem, but experts predict that the effects of BP’s Deepwater Horizon disaster will be pervasive. For example, a recent study of the Exxon Valdez spill reported that Alaska wildlife are still ingesting oil from the Exxon Valdez spill over twenty years later. The timing of BP’s oil spill is particularly devastating to the Gulf ecosystem because it is peak spawning and nesting season for many species of fish, birds, turtles and marine mammals. Many species remain in long-established breeding areas during this time, some of which are in the direct path of the oil spill. Similarly, the gulf coast provides millions of acres of coastal wetlands and marshes that are critical habitat for migrating birds, including the brown pelican, Louisiana’s state bird, and numerous designated “Important Bird Areas” where endangered birds are known to take refuge. Although no one can predict the full impact of the spill on the Gulf, Gulf coast beaches, marshes, and bayous, the sheer number of rare and endangered species in the area create an urgent need to protect the fragile Gulf ecosystem from further damage from fossil fuel pollution. As the oil slick spreads, and pollution travels up the food chain, several important and endangered species will be at risk.	Greenpeace 10 (Greenpeace, 5/7/10, “Offshore Disaster: Ecological Impacts of the BP Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill,”http://www.usclimatenetwork.org/resource-database/offshore-disaster-ecological-impacts-of-the-bp-deepwater-horizon-oil-spill)	The ecological impacts of the British Petroleum (BP) Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill are rapidly escalating and threaten hundreds of species in the Gulf of Mexico, including endangered and rare species. experts predict that the effects of BP’s Deepwater Horizon disaster will be pervasive. For example, a recent study of the Exxon Valdez spill reported that Alaska wildlife are still ingesting oil from the Exxon Valdez spill over twenty years later. BP’s oil spill is particularly devastating to the Gulf ecosystem because it is peak spawning and nesting season for many species of fish, birds, turtles and marine mammals. Many species remain in long-established breeding areas during this time, some of which are in the direct path of the oil spill. Similarly, the gulf coast provides millions of acres of coastal wetlands and marshes that are critical habitat for migrating birds As the oil slick spreads, and pollution travels up the food chain, several important and endangered species will be at risk	Mexican biodiversity is decreasing- oil spills to blame	2,164	55	1,002	356	8	161	0.022472	0.452247	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,513	World Resources Institute 6 (The World Resources Institute is an independent, non-partisan, non-profit organization founded in 1982 with offices in the United States and China,“Mexican Industry Takes Voluntary Action Against Climate Change; Government Gives Public Recognition” ,February 22, 2006,http://www.wri.org/press/2007/10/mexican-industry-takes-voluntary-action-against-climate-change-government-gives-public)BC Mexico’s environment ministry (SEMARNAT) recognized fifteen major companies today for publicly reporting their greenhouse gas emissions through a voluntary public-private initiative known as the Mexico Greenhouse Gas (GHG) Program. Mexico’s environment ministry (SEMARNAT) recognized fifteen major companies today for publicly reporting their greenhouse gas emissions through a voluntary public-private initiative known as the Mexico Greenhouse Gas (GHG) Program.“Mexico is committed to fight global warming,” said Secretary of Environment Jose Luis Luege Tamargo. “Collaborating with industry is a key part of our strategy.” The Mexico GHG Program, the first of its kind in a developing country, is a voluntary program established in 2004 through an agreement between the Mexican Secretariat of Environment and Natural Resources, the World Resources Institute (WRI) and the World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD). Mexico-based CESPEDES is also involved as a program administrator. The companies being recognized are: Altos Hornos de Mexico, Grupo Cementos Chihuahua, Cooperativa La Cruz Azul, CEMEX, Cementos Portland Moctezuma, Ford de Mexico, Grupo Modelo, Grupo Porcicola Mexicano, Holcim Apasco, Mittal Steel Lazaro Cardenas, NHUMO, PEMEX, SICARTSA/Villacero, Siderurgica Tultitlan, and Sumitomo Corporativo de Mexico. The GHG emissions reported by this group represent roughly 25 percent of total national emissions generated by stationary combustion (heat and electricity generation) and industrial processes. The Mexico GHG Program provides technical tools and training to develop inventories of corporate GHG emissions based on the accounting and reporting principles of the WRI/WBCSD Greenhouse Gas Protocol. Companies that participate in the program can identify opportunities to improve their energy efficiency and develop effective strategies to participate in carbon markets and reduce GHG emissions. Twenty-seven companies in Mexico are currently participating in the program, including those from the most-energy intensive sectors. The entire cement and petroleum sectors are engaged, as well as major representatives of the iron and steel sector. Besides the companies being recognized, twelve more are currently in the process of developing GHG inventories. “Mexico has recognized the significant business opportunities that are available from strategic management of GHG emissions,” said WRI president Jonathan Lash. “This is important leadership by the Mexican government and industry leaders that will produce both environmental and business benefits.” On August 25, 2004, Mexico became the first country to adopt the GHG Protocol Corporate Standard, published three years earlier by the World Resources Institute (WRI) and the World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD). “We’re proud to be part of this initiative,” said Bjorn Stigson, president of WBCSD. “We commend the Mexican companies who are being recognized today for setting an example and getting ahead of the curve.” The activities of the Mexico GHG Program are supported by SEMARNAT, WRI, WBCSD, the US Agency for International Development, and the Global Opportunities Fund of the British Embassy in Mexico. For further information, visit the Mexico GHG Program at www.geimexico.org and the GHG Protocol at www.ghgprotocol.org.	Suppen et. al. 6 (Nydia Suppen Computer Controlled Mechanical Systems, Graduate School of Engineering, Osaka University, Mario Carranza Research Center for Environmental Quality, State of Mexico Campus, Monterrey Tech Mario Huerta Pen˜oles Industries, Mario A. Herna´ndezb Research Center for Environmental Quality, State of Mexico Campus, Monterrey Tech “Environmental management and life cycle approaches in the Mexican mining industry”, Journal of Cleaner Production 14 (2006) 1101e1115, http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0959652605000557) BC A broad review of the discussions of mines, minerals and sustainable development has been carried out by Hilson and Murck [13], who argue that for a mine to contribute to sustainable development, several issues must be taken into account, including improved planning, implementation of sound environmental management tools and cleaner technologies, extended social responsibility to stakeholder groups, the formation of sustainability partnerships, and improved training. Integration of these strategies has been achieved to a recognizable degree by the Mexican-based Peñoles Industries. Since its founding in 1887, Peñoles has been one of the most important industrial groups in Mexico, oriented toward making beneficial use of non-renewable natural resources. The company was originally dedicated to exploration, mining, smelting, refining, and marketing of non-ferrous metallic minerals, and later developed the industrial chemical sector. Today, the company comprises 18 operating units, has 6539 employees, and is the world's top producer of refined silver, metallic bismuth, and sodium sulfate. In Latin America, Peñoles is the leading producer of refined gold, lead, and zinc, and is one of the largest net exporters in the private sector. For Peñoles, sustainable development means “…a commitment to the space, culture and traditions of the surrounding communities, acting in strict compliance with the law, without jeopardizing future generations' access to the natural wealth of the area”. Peñoles has embraced sustainable development in the following ways identified below. Under the National Voluntary Environmental Auditing Program, the following 12 operating units in the Group have received Clean Industry Certification: Fertirey, Bermejillo, Proaño, Naica, El Monte, Bismark, Las Torres, La Herradura, La Ciénega, Tizapa, Sabinas and Francisco I. Madero, and four others (the zinc plant, the lead–silver smelter, the lead–silver refinery, and Química del Rey) are in the process of being certified. The company has also guaranteed its environmental management systems through ISO 14000. As of December 2003, 14 of Peñoles's operating units have been ISO 14001 certified, two more units are in the process of being certified, and another two are working toward implementation of the standards. 6.2. Cleaner production technologies Peñoles has different cleaner production technologies in place, such as the Real – Time Automatic Monitoring Network to check air quality, and several key dust collection installations. This section describes some of the company's achievements in the area of cleaner production technologies. At Química del Rey, a bag house was adapted to clean combustion gases. To accomplish this task, it was necessary to reduce the temperature of outgoing gases by 200 °C with the use of a heat exchanger that preheats the water supplied to boilers. This project allowed savings of 1.0 m3 of fuel per ton of steam, while achieving a cleaner and more profitable operation. In the Mining Division, the adoption of new technologies, like the SAG semi-autogenous grinding system—developed with a wet grinding process—has eliminated emissions of solid particles to the air entirely. In addition, the Mining Division acquired the Alpine continuous mining system for the Proaño unit in Fresnillo, Zacatecas, which has completely eliminated the emission of nitrous gas and improved personnel safety conditions by eliminating the need for using explosives. The group also treats wastewater. In 2003, intake of virgin water supplies accounted for less than 10% of the total amount of water used, and 100 % of the water used in industrial processes was recycled water. In the field of soils, the group's laboratory and field research was completed regarding the reduction of the bioavailability of lead in the soil with the application of a phosphate that reduces its reactivity. These treatments, which have yielded very favorable results, are presently being administered in areas surrounding the complex of Met-Mex. There are also technological improvements that have been made to increase efficiency at the mixing process stage and, therefore, reduce the volume of neutralized jarosite—a non-hazardous stable complex of iron hydroxy-sulphate and ammonium neutralized with lime, which is the main by-product from the zinc refining process. 6.3. Social responsibility The group carries out different projects and funds in order to create more meaningful relationships in the communities where the group operates. For example, it partnered with the United Way (a renowned public assistance organization based in U.S.) to create the Peñoles United Fund. There were also projects carried out by Met-Mex in coordination with the Association for Innovation in the Teaching of Sciences (Innovec) and the state government of Coahuila, in order to incorporate a program called System of Experiential and Investigative Teaching of the Sciences into elementary schools near the metallurgical complex. Several awards in the field of social responsibility have been awarded to the group, including:Recognition for Best Practices in Corporate Social Responsibility, first distinction of its kind in Latin America; Industrial Ethics and Values Award in the category of Major National Industry for exemplary and productive performance; Socially Responsible Company; and Award for continual improvement in self-management.6.4. Sustainable partnershipPeñoles aims to protect and promote biodiversity through continued restoration, reforestation, and forestation works, with the participation of various civic organizations and community members in different parts of the country where the company has operations. Sustainable partnerships and biodiversity protection activities up to year 2003 included: As a vanguard sustainability initiative, an agreement was signed in 2003 among Mexico's National Research Institute of Forestry, Agriculture and Livestock, Peñoles, and the Produce Foundation in the state of Durango, to begin work on the sustainable forest project at the La Ciénega mining unit, in the municipality of Santiago Papasquiaro, Durango. The Proaño Ecological Park and Tourist Mine in the city of Fresnillo, Zacatecas. Protection of the Sonoran pronghorn (Antilocapra americana sonoriensis), a 6 year project at La Herradura, in Caborca, Sonora. In a joint effort carried out by the local office of Mexico's Ministry of the Environment and Natural Resources (SEMARNAT – Secretaría de Medio Ambiente y Recursos Naturales), the Pinacate Biosphere Reserve, and the Institute of the Environment and Sustainable Development. Finance of updated land monitoring in Mexico to complement the aerial surveys taken by the Arizona Game and Fish Department and the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service.6.5. Improved training Personnel training in environmental education, safety, community development and occupational health, as well as the promotion of environmental culture among employees, are priorities for the company. The company counts with Sinergia ambiental (Environmental Synergy), a newsletter geared towards providing environmental education in order to create value in a sustainable manner. The newsletter covers important events and timely national and international news related to sustainable development, as well as to the mining, metallurgical and water treatment industries. In 2003, the program “To your health” was introduced, which consists of the periodic publication of a web site containing information and educational material oriented towards improving quality of life and health. The 259,806 man-hours of instruction provided during the year 2003 represented a 46% increase over 2002 levels. Fig. 5 provides an overview of the company's training program [17].	Mexico’s environment ministry recognized fifteen major companies for publicly reporting their greenhouse gas emissions through a voluntary public-private initiative known as the Mexico Greenhouse Gas Program Mexico is committed to fight global warming,” said Secretary of Environment Tamargo. “Collaborating with industry is a key part of our strategy.” Twenty-seven companies in Mexico are currently participating in the program, including those from the most-energy intensive sectors Mexico has recognized the significant business opportunities that are available from strategic management of GHG emissions Mexico became the first country to adopt the GHG Protocol Corporate Standard, published three years earlier by the World Resources Institute and the World Business Council for Sustainable Development	Sustainable development now by Peñoles, sets LA standard	3,767	56	808	509	8	110	0.015717	0.21611	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,514	Wisner and Epstein 6 (Priscilla Wisner and Marc Epstein, February 2006, ““Push” and “Pull” Impacts of NAFTA on Environmental Responsiveness and Performance in Mexican Industry,” http://www.cec.org/Storage/58/5071_Final-Wisner-T-E-Symposium05-Paper_en.pdf, Pricilla S. Wisner is professor at Montana State University and Marc J. Esptein is professor at Rice University) The purpose of this study was to conceptually and empirically link NAFTA to manufacturing facility practices in Mexican industry that would impact environmental performance. The NAFTA agreements exerted both a “push” and a “pull” pressure on Mexican firms – “pushing” regulation onto firms which causes them to respond through managerial actions, and “pulling” their responsiveness through the desire to sell to trading partners who demand better environmental performance. As a consequence of firms’ responsiveness to environmental management concerns, environmental performance at the firm level would be improved. Empirical support was found for each of our three hypotheses (Table 2). Our first hypothesis, that facilities reporting stronger regulatory pressure would be more responsive toward managing environmental performance, was strongly supported by the data (χ2 = 12.78, pvalue =0.0004). The data also strongly supported our second hypothesis that facilities exporting to the U.S. and Canada would be more responsive to environmental management issues (χ2 = 8.03, p-value = 0.0046). Our hypothesis that the degree of environmental responsiveness would be positively associated with the degree of environmental performance was again very strongly supported by the data (χ2 = 32.40, p-value = 0.0001). The post hoc regression results (Table 3) show us that the regression model was significant, with an F-value of 14.72. Furthermore, both regulatory influence and exporting were significant variables in the model. An interpretation of the beta coefficients tells us that regulatory influence impacted the responsiveness of exporting firms by 0.098 and that market influence impacted responsiveness by 0.427 (each on a 1 – 3 scale). Furthermore, the market variable is more highly significant than the regulatory influence variable (t = 3.833 versus t = 2.495). These results demonstrate that the “pull” influence of the U.S. and Canadian marketplace was significantly stronger and impacted industrial planning more than the “push” pressure created by regulatory influences.	World Resources Institute 6 (The World Resources Institute is an independent, non-partisan, non-profit organization founded in 1982 with offices in the United States and China,“Mexican Industry Takes Voluntary Action Against Climate Change; Government Gives Public Recognition” ,February 22, 2006,http://www.wri.org/press/2007/10/mexican-industry-takes-voluntary-action-against-climate-change-government-gives-public)BC Mexico’s environment ministry (SEMARNAT) recognized fifteen major companies today for publicly reporting their greenhouse gas emissions through a voluntary public-private initiative known as the Mexico Greenhouse Gas (GHG) Program. Mexico’s environment ministry (SEMARNAT) recognized fifteen major companies today for publicly reporting their greenhouse gas emissions through a voluntary public-private initiative known as the Mexico Greenhouse Gas (GHG) Program.“Mexico is committed to fight global warming,” said Secretary of Environment Jose Luis Luege Tamargo. “Collaborating with industry is a key part of our strategy.” The Mexico GHG Program, the first of its kind in a developing country, is a voluntary program established in 2004 through an agreement between the Mexican Secretariat of Environment and Natural Resources, the World Resources Institute (WRI) and the World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD). Mexico-based CESPEDES is also involved as a program administrator. The companies being recognized are: Altos Hornos de Mexico, Grupo Cementos Chihuahua, Cooperativa La Cruz Azul, CEMEX, Cementos Portland Moctezuma, Ford de Mexico, Grupo Modelo, Grupo Porcicola Mexicano, Holcim Apasco, Mittal Steel Lazaro Cardenas, NHUMO, PEMEX, SICARTSA/Villacero, Siderurgica Tultitlan, and Sumitomo Corporativo de Mexico. The GHG emissions reported by this group represent roughly 25 percent of total national emissions generated by stationary combustion (heat and electricity generation) and industrial processes. The Mexico GHG Program provides technical tools and training to develop inventories of corporate GHG emissions based on the accounting and reporting principles of the WRI/WBCSD Greenhouse Gas Protocol. Companies that participate in the program can identify opportunities to improve their energy efficiency and develop effective strategies to participate in carbon markets and reduce GHG emissions. Twenty-seven companies in Mexico are currently participating in the program, including those from the most-energy intensive sectors. The entire cement and petroleum sectors are engaged, as well as major representatives of the iron and steel sector. Besides the companies being recognized, twelve more are currently in the process of developing GHG inventories. “Mexico has recognized the significant business opportunities that are available from strategic management of GHG emissions,” said WRI president Jonathan Lash. “This is important leadership by the Mexican government and industry leaders that will produce both environmental and business benefits.” On August 25, 2004, Mexico became the first country to adopt the GHG Protocol Corporate Standard, published three years earlier by the World Resources Institute (WRI) and the World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD). “We’re proud to be part of this initiative,” said Bjorn Stigson, president of WBCSD. “We commend the Mexican companies who are being recognized today for setting an example and getting ahead of the curve.” The activities of the Mexico GHG Program are supported by SEMARNAT, WRI, WBCSD, the US Agency for International Development, and the Global Opportunities Fund of the British Embassy in Mexico. For further information, visit the Mexico GHG Program at www.geimexico.org and the GHG Protocol at www.ghgprotocol.org.	The NAFTA agreements exerted both a “push” and a “pull” pressure on Mexican firms – “pushing” regulation onto firms which causes them to respond through managerial actions, and “pulling” their responsiveness through the desire to sell to trading partners who demand better environmental performance As a consequence of firms’ responsiveness to environmental management concerns, environmental performance at the firm level would be improved. Empirical support was found facilities reporting stronger regulatory pressure would be more responsive toward managing environmental performance, was strongly supported by the data Our hypothesis that the degree of environmental responsiveness would be positively associated with the degree of environmental performance was again very strongly supported by the data	Mexico Government and Companies committed to environmental protection: Voluntary Programs	2,452	89	807	348	10	112	0.028736	0.321839	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,515	Thornley 9 (Drew Thornley, April 2009, “Energy and the Environment: Myths and Facts,” http://www.manhattan-institute.org/energymyths/myth8.htm, 2002 graduate of The University of Alabama (B.A., economics, summa cum laude) and a 2005 graduate of Harvard Law School (J.D.)) Since 1975, offshore drilling in the Exclusive Economic Zone (within 200 miles of U.S. coasts) has a safety record of 99.999 percent, meaning that only 0.0001 percent of the oil produced has been spilled.[103] With regard to the Outer Continental Shelf (U.S. waters under federal, rather than state, jurisdiction),[104] between 1993 and 2007 there were 651 oil spills, releasing 47,800 barrels of oil. Given 7.5 billion barrels of oil produced during that period, one barrel of oil has been spilled in the OCS per 156,900 barrels produced.[105] Research published in 2000 by the U.S. Minerals Management Service (MMS)[106] documents the decreasing occurrence of crude-oil spills in the OCS. Revising previous estimates first published in 1994, the authors analyzed data through 1999 and concluded that oil-spill rates for OCS platforms, tankers, and barges continued to decline.[107] Additionally, the number of oil spills from platforms, tankers, and pipelines is small, relative to the amount of oil extracted and transported. Even so, oil spills remain an unpleasant reality of offshore oil drilling. Certainly, any amount of oil spilled into the ocean is undesirable, but offshore oil operations contribute relatively little of the oil that enters ocean waters each year. For example, ocean floors naturally seep more oil into the ocean than do oil-drilling accidents and oil-tanker spills combined. (However, such seepage generally does not rise to the surface or reach the coastlines and, thus, is not as apparent as oil-drilling spills.) According to the National Academies’ National Research Council, natural processes are responsible for over 60 percent of the petroleum that enters North American ocean waters and over 45 percent of the petroleum that enters ocean waters worldwide.[108] Thus, in percentage terms, North America’s oil-drilling activities spill less oil into the ocean than the global average, suggesting that our drilling is comparatively safe for the environment. Ironically, research shows that drilling can actually reduce natural seepage, as it relieves the pressure that drives oil and gas up from ocean floors and into ocean waters. In 1999, two peer-reviewed studies found that natural seepage in the northern Santa Barbara Channel was significantly reduced by oil production. The researchers documented that natural seepage declined 50 percent around Platform Holly over a twenty-two-year period, concluding that, as oil was pumped from the reservoir, the pressure that drives natural seepage dropped.[109] Offshore oil drilling is carefully monitored for environmental safety. Using state-of-the-art technology and employing a range of procedural safeguards, U.S. offshore drilling has a track record of minimal environmental impact. Modern oil drilling is even designed to withstand hurricanes and tropical storms. According to the MMS, 3,050 of the Gulf of Mexico’s 4,000 platforms and 22,000 of the 33,000 miles of the Gulf’s pipelines were in the direct path of either Hurricane Katrina or Hurricane Rita. The hurricanes destroyed 115 drilling platforms, damaged 52 others, and damaged 535 pipeline segments, yet “there was no loss of life and no major oil spills attributed to either storm.”[110]	Wisner and Epstein 6 (Priscilla Wisner and Marc Epstein, February 2006, ““Push” and “Pull” Impacts of NAFTA on Environmental Responsiveness and Performance in Mexican Industry,” http://www.cec.org/Storage/58/5071_Final-Wisner-T-E-Symposium05-Paper_en.pdf, Pricilla S. Wisner is professor at Montana State University and Marc J. Esptein is professor at Rice University) The purpose of this study was to conceptually and empirically link NAFTA to manufacturing facility practices in Mexican industry that would impact environmental performance. The NAFTA agreements exerted both a “push” and a “pull” pressure on Mexican firms – “pushing” regulation onto firms which causes them to respond through managerial actions, and “pulling” their responsiveness through the desire to sell to trading partners who demand better environmental performance. As a consequence of firms’ responsiveness to environmental management concerns, environmental performance at the firm level would be improved. Empirical support was found for each of our three hypotheses (Table 2). Our first hypothesis, that facilities reporting stronger regulatory pressure would be more responsive toward managing environmental performance, was strongly supported by the data (χ2 = 12.78, pvalue =0.0004). The data also strongly supported our second hypothesis that facilities exporting to the U.S. and Canada would be more responsive to environmental management issues (χ2 = 8.03, p-value = 0.0046). Our hypothesis that the degree of environmental responsiveness would be positively associated with the degree of environmental performance was again very strongly supported by the data (χ2 = 32.40, p-value = 0.0001). The post hoc regression results (Table 3) show us that the regression model was significant, with an F-value of 14.72. Furthermore, both regulatory influence and exporting were significant variables in the model. An interpretation of the beta coefficients tells us that regulatory influence impacted the responsiveness of exporting firms by 0.098 and that market influence impacted responsiveness by 0.427 (each on a 1 – 3 scale). Furthermore, the market variable is more highly significant than the regulatory influence variable (t = 3.833 versus t = 2.495). These results demonstrate that the “pull” influence of the U.S. and Canadian marketplace was significantly stronger and impacted industrial planning more than the “push” pressure created by regulatory influences.	only 0.0001 percent of the oil produced has been spilled one barrel of oil has been spilled in the OCS per 156,900 barrels produced Research documents the decreasing occurrence of crude-oil spills in the OCS authors analyzed data through 1999 and concluded that oil-spill rates for OCS platforms, tankers, and barges continued to decline Additionally, the number of oil spills from platforms, tankers, and pipelines is small offshore oil operations contribute relatively little of the oil that enters ocean waters each year. For example, ocean floors naturally seep more oil into the ocean than do oil-drilling accidents and oil-tanker spills combined , natural processes are responsible for over 60 percent of the petroleum that enters North American ocean waters and over 45 percent of the petroleum that enters ocean waters worldwide Thus, in percentage terms, North America’s oil-drilling activities spill less oil into the ocean than the global average, suggesting that our drilling is comparatively safe for the environment Ironically, research shows that drilling can actually reduce natural seepage, as it relieves the pressure that drives oil and gas up from ocean floors and into ocean waters natural seepage in the northern Santa Barbara Channel was significantly reduced by oil production. Offshore oil drilling is carefully monitored for environmental safety.	Previous economic engagement with Mexico has actually helped the environment (i.e. NAFTA)	3,509	89	1,372	525	12	210	0.022857	0.4	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,516	Reuters 12 (Macieh Onoszko, Reuters, 3/2/12, “Polish fracking well probe shows no harm to environment,” http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/03/02/poland-shale-idUSL5E8E21GH20120302)Drilling at Poland's first shale gas exploration well using the controversial technique known as fracking has not harmed the environment, according to a government study published on Friday. Hydraulic cracking, or fracking, performed at a site in northern Poland operated by 3Legs Resources did not pollute groundwater or the atmoshphere, said the study by the Polish Geological Institute. Fracking involves injecting water mixed with sand and chemicals into shale formations at high pressures to extract gas, a technique some fear pollutes underground acquifiers and harms the environment. "Fluids were under constant control and their uncontrolled leakage to the environment was not possible," the study found. "The impact of drilling related to hydraulic cracking on the quality of surface water was not observed. Underground drilling has not affected hydrological conditions around the well." Poland is eager to exploit Europe's biggest estimated deposits of shale gas, an unconventional resource that has transformed the U.S. gas market and which Warsaw hopes will ease the European Union nation's reliance on Russian supplies. The U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA) estimates Poland has some 5.3 trillion cubic metres of recoverable reserves of gas - enough to supply it with more than 300 years of its domestic energy needs. Poland is working on its own report on shale gas reserves and its results are expected to be released on March 21. A deputy environment minister Piotr Wozniak confirmed this week the Polish report would show less reserves than the IEA one. The torrid pace of shale development has also sparked a public backlash in the United States and in Europe over fears that fracking pollutes groundwater and may cause earthquakes. Similar worries have led to a ban in France and Bulgaria and suspension in Britain. Fracking is also the subject of public debate in Germany. A European Union study found in January that EU law was enough for now to regulate shale gas exploration, although changes might be needed once Europe enters the development phase. The report ordered by Poland's Environment Ministry did not provide a general conclusion but rather investigated all aspects of the fracking process. "What it shows is that if all procedures are adhered to, there is nothing to worry about," a researcher involved in the study told Reuters. "The pressure from ecologists and society as a whole on the drilling firms is so great that they are very careful about regulations." Prime Minister Donald Tusk's wants shale gas to flow as early as 2014 and his centrist cabinet has required several state-owned companies to make shale gas investment a key priority. Poland's gas monopoly PGNiG said in January it would work with the country's largest copper miner KGHM and two top utilities PGE and Tauron , all state-owned, exploring for shale gas. Global oil majors such as Chevron, Exxon Mobil, Conoco and Marathon have also set up shop in Poland in hopes of tapping Poland's vast estimated reserves.	Thornley 9 (Drew Thornley, April 2009, “Energy and the Environment: Myths and Facts,” http://www.manhattan-institute.org/energymyths/myth8.htm, 2002 graduate of The University of Alabama (B.A., economics, summa cum laude) and a 2005 graduate of Harvard Law School (J.D.)) Since 1975, offshore drilling in the Exclusive Economic Zone (within 200 miles of U.S. coasts) has a safety record of 99.999 percent, meaning that only 0.0001 percent of the oil produced has been spilled.[103] With regard to the Outer Continental Shelf (U.S. waters under federal, rather than state, jurisdiction),[104] between 1993 and 2007 there were 651 oil spills, releasing 47,800 barrels of oil. Given 7.5 billion barrels of oil produced during that period, one barrel of oil has been spilled in the OCS per 156,900 barrels produced.[105] Research published in 2000 by the U.S. Minerals Management Service (MMS)[106] documents the decreasing occurrence of crude-oil spills in the OCS. Revising previous estimates first published in 1994, the authors analyzed data through 1999 and concluded that oil-spill rates for OCS platforms, tankers, and barges continued to decline.[107] Additionally, the number of oil spills from platforms, tankers, and pipelines is small, relative to the amount of oil extracted and transported. Even so, oil spills remain an unpleasant reality of offshore oil drilling. Certainly, any amount of oil spilled into the ocean is undesirable, but offshore oil operations contribute relatively little of the oil that enters ocean waters each year. For example, ocean floors naturally seep more oil into the ocean than do oil-drilling accidents and oil-tanker spills combined. (However, such seepage generally does not rise to the surface or reach the coastlines and, thus, is not as apparent as oil-drilling spills.) According to the National Academies’ National Research Council, natural processes are responsible for over 60 percent of the petroleum that enters North American ocean waters and over 45 percent of the petroleum that enters ocean waters worldwide.[108] Thus, in percentage terms, North America’s oil-drilling activities spill less oil into the ocean than the global average, suggesting that our drilling is comparatively safe for the environment. Ironically, research shows that drilling can actually reduce natural seepage, as it relieves the pressure that drives oil and gas up from ocean floors and into ocean waters. In 1999, two peer-reviewed studies found that natural seepage in the northern Santa Barbara Channel was significantly reduced by oil production. The researchers documented that natural seepage declined 50 percent around Platform Holly over a twenty-two-year period, concluding that, as oil was pumped from the reservoir, the pressure that drives natural seepage dropped.[109] Offshore oil drilling is carefully monitored for environmental safety. Using state-of-the-art technology and employing a range of procedural safeguards, U.S. offshore drilling has a track record of minimal environmental impact. Modern oil drilling is even designed to withstand hurricanes and tropical storms. According to the MMS, 3,050 of the Gulf of Mexico’s 4,000 platforms and 22,000 of the 33,000 miles of the Gulf’s pipelines were in the direct path of either Hurricane Katrina or Hurricane Rita. The hurricanes destroyed 115 drilling platforms, damaged 52 others, and damaged 535 pipeline segments, yet “there was no loss of life and no major oil spills attributed to either storm.”[110]	the controversial technique known as fracking has not harmed the environment, according to a government study published on Friday. Hydraulic cracking, or fracking, performed at a site in northern Poland did not pollute groundwater or the atmoshphere, Fracking involves injecting water mixed with sand and chemicals into shale formations at high pressures to extract gas Fluids were under constant control and their uncontrolled leakage to the environment was not possible," Underground drilling has not affected hydrological conditions around the well. it shows that if all procedures are adhered to, there is nothing to worry about The pressure from ecologists and society as a whole on the drilling firms is so great that they are very careful about regulations Global oil majors such as Chevron, Exxon Mobil, Conoco and Marathon have also set up shop in Poland in hopes of tapping Poland's vast estimated reserves.	Environmental risks from oil drilling are small	3,210	47	917	500	7	144	0.014	0.288	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,517	"Stopping Offshore Drilling Is Good for the Environment." Not in the United States, it isn't. When BP's Deepwater Horizon oil rig exploded in the Gulf of Mexico on April 20, it began what is certainly the biggest environmental disaster in U.S. history. Four months later, the spill has finally been contained, but the political fallout has not, and many Americans would like President Barack Obama's six-month moratorium on offshore drilling in the gulf made permanent. Yet bad as the spill certainly was, such a move would actually do more harm than good. If U.S. fields closed down, oil companies would simply take their business elsewhere, mostly to countries with much weaker environmental standards. Of course, the harm wouldn't be as visible to Americans. But protecting the U.S. coastline at the expense of other countries is hardly environmentally friendly. With the exception of Canada, the major oil suppliers to the United States -- Saudi Arabia, Nigeria, Venezuela, Mexico, and Russia -- all have autocratic governments that can get away with damaging their environment without any political repercussions. And they know that protecting the environment costs money and reduces profits. So, by and large, they don't do it. Some of the resulting disasters remain local. Take Nigeria, which has about 2,000 active oil spills and spills an amount of crude equal to the Exxon Valdez each year. Oil fouls fields, rivers, and Nigeria's coast. It destroys ecosystems and sickens people, but it doesn't affect Americans. Other environmental injuries have worldwide effects. Methane, a common byproduct of oil production, is a powerful greenhouse gas. In the United States, methane is typically captured and pumped into the natural gas system or reinjected into oil wells. Relatively little escapes. In many other countries, however, methane is simply vented into the air, where it contributes to global warming. Mexico produces less than half the oil the United States does every year, but it vents six times more methane into the atmosphere.	Smith 10 (30 August 2010, ERIC R.A.N. SMITH , “Think Again: Offshore Drilling,” http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2010/08/30/think_again_offshore_drilling, Project: Public Perceptions of Risk Associ ated with Offshore Oil Development Education: A.B. University of Ca lifornia, Berkeley 1975 M.A. University of Ca lifornia, Berkeley 1976 Ph.D. University of Ca lifornia, Berkeley 1982 Positions: 2003-Present Professor, Department of Political Science, University of California, Santa Barbara 1996-97 Director, University of California, Santa Barbara – Washington Center 1990-2003 Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of California, Santa Barbara 1986-90 Assistant Professor, Department of Po litical Science, University of California, Santa Barbara 1982-86 Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Columbia University 1982 Lecturer in Politics, Brandeis University)	many Americans would like President Barack Obama's six-month moratorium on offshore drilling in the gulf made permanent. Yet bad as the spill certainly was, such a move would actually do more harm than good. If U.S. fields closed down, oil companies would simply take their business elsewhere, mostly to countries with much weaker environmental standards. protecting Saudi Arabia, Nigeria, Venezuela, Mexico, and Russia -- all have autocratic governments that can get away with damaging their environment without any political repercussions.	If the US doesn’t drill in the Gulf, less environmentally responsible countries will	2,045	85	541	325	13	80	0.04	0.246154	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,518	Approximately 1 in 5 U.S. adults reports using an herbal product within the past year. Unfortunately, for most of the roughly 20,000 herbal products available in this country, there is little evidence regarding safety or efficacy. However, as one third to one half of all pharmaceutical drugs were originally derived from plants, there is clearly a potential to find effective therapies from the natural environment. The current regulation of herbs does not ensure that available products are safe, and false and illegal marketing claims are common. Several simple changes to the regulation of these products could dramatically improve the appropriate use of herbs. Future research will be best served by the creation of national standards for the constituents of specific herbs, greater incentives for research, and the development of study designs that reduce costs and study duration.	Bent 8 (June 2008, Stephen Bent, “Herbal Medicine in the United States: Review of Efficacy, Safety, and Regulation,” http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2517879/, Stephen Bent, MD, is Assistant Professor of Medicine at UCSF. He received his MD from Vanderbilt University. His primary research interest is the evaluation of alternative therapies, with a focus on the safety and efficacy of herbal remedies and other supplements.)	Approximately 1 in 5 U.S. adults reports using an herbal product within the past year. Unfortunately, for most of the roughly 20,000 herbal products available in this country, there is little evidence regarding safety or efficacy. The current regulation of herbs does not ensure that available products are safe, and false and illegal marketing claims are common.	No link – natural medicines have no effectiveness	887	50	363	137	8	57	0.058394	0.416058	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,519	Traditional drugs and traditional medicine in general represent a still poorly explored field of research in terms of therapeutic potential or clinical evaluation. There is a current preoccupation about this, since it is well-established that all sorts of vegetable, animal and mineral remedies used in a traditional setting are capable of producing serious adverse reactions. It is essential, however, that traditional drug therapies be submitted to an appropriate benefit/risk analysis [85]. Plants have an advantage in this area based on their long-term use by humans (often hundreds or thousands of years). One might expect any bioactive compounds obtained from such plants to have low human toxicity. Obviously, some of these plants may be toxic within a given endemic culture that has no reporting system to document these effects. It is unlikely, however, that acute toxic effects following the use of a plant in these cultures would not be noticed, and the plant would then be used cautiously or not at all. Chronic toxic effects would be less likely to signal that the plant should not be used. In addition, chemical diversity of secondary plant metabolites resulting from plant evolution may be equal or superior to that found in synthetic combinatorial chemical libraries [86]. Numerous case reports and case series of heavy metal poisoning associated with the use of traditional Chinese medicines (TCMs) have been published [87]. WHO has emphasized the importance of scientific investigations into indigenous herbal medicines [88], and many source countries look upon native medicinal plants as possible additions to the WHO list of "essential drugs", once their value has been clinically proven. It is known, however, that numerous infectious diseases can be transmitted from animals to humans (i.e. zoonoses). In this context, the possibility of transmitting infections or ailments from animal preparations to the patient should be seriously considered [89]. Several organs and tissues including bones and bile can be a source of Salmonella infection causing chronic diarrhoea and endotoxic shock. The possibility of transmission of other serious and widespread zoonoses such as tuberculosis or rabies should be considered whenever animal tissues from unknown sources are handled and used as remedies [90]. The possibility of toxic or allergic reactions to animal products should also be considered.	Alves and Rosa 7(21 March 2007, Rômulo RN Alves and Ierecê ML Rosa, “Biodiversity, traditional medicine and public health: where do they meet?,” http://www.ethnobiomed.com/content/3/1/14/, Dr. Rômulo Romeu Nóbrega Alves is a professor at the Universidade Estadual da Paraíba, Brazil, where he teaches undergraduate and graduate courses in Biological Sciences and Ecology. His Ph.D. (Zoology) was completed in 2006, at the University Federal da Paraíba. In addition, He is a member of the Brazilian Society of Ethnobiology and Ethnoecology and of the Editorial Board of the Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine. Prof. Rômulo R. N. Alves holds a Productivity scholarship, provided by the National Council of Science and Technology (CNPq).	Traditional drugs and traditional medicine in general represent a still poorly explored field of research in terms of therapeutic potential or clinical evaluation. There is a current preoccupation about this, since it is well-established that all sorts of vegetable, animal and mineral remedies used in a traditional setting are capable of producing serious adverse reactions. One might expect any bioactive compounds obtained from such plants to have low human toxicity. . It is known, however, that numerous infectious diseases can be transmitted from animals to humans (i.e. zoonoses). In this context, the possibility of transmitting infections or ailments from animal preparations to the patient should be seriously considered [89]. Several organs and tissues including bones and bile can be a source of Salmonella infection causing chronic diarrhoea and endotoxic shock. The possibility of transmission of other serious and widespread zoonoses such as tuberculosis or rabies should be considered whenever animal tissues from unknown sources are handled and used as remedies [90].	Using animals for medicine causes widespread disease	2,413	53	1,085	369	7	161	0.01897	0.436314	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,520	Bioprospecting - the exploration and exploitation of chemical compounds from natural sources - can represent a valuable tool for both conservation and economic development. However, unsustainable patterns of exploitation which impact biodiversity can jeopardize these resources. The livelihoods and health of indigenous communities in many regions may also be threatened where traditional knowledge systems are exploited without respect for the owners of that knowledge and without due consideration for the principles of equitable access and benefit sharing.	Cohab Initiative 9 (21 June 2009, “Natural Products & Medicinal Resources,” Cohab Initiative, http://www.cohabnet.org/en_issue4.htm, The COHAB Initiative was established in response to the outputs of the First International Conference on Health and Biodiversity (COHAB 2005), The COHAB Initiative operates through Partnership arrangements with a growing network of organisations worldwide, representing government and multi-lateral agencies, academic institutes, NGOs, indigenous communities and the private sector. These organisations share a common interest - to enhance co-operation between the health and biodiversity sectors, working together for a healthy planet with healthy people.)	Bioprospecting - the exploration and exploitation of chemical compounds from natural sources - valuable unsustainable patterns of exploitation which impact biodiversity can jeopardize these resources. The livelihoods and health of indigenous communities in many regions may also be threatened where traditional knowledge systems are exploited without respect for the owners of that knowledge and without due consideration for the principles of equitable access and benefit sharing.	Using biodiversity for medicinal purposes causes uncontrolled exploitation of resources	559	88	481	77	10	66	0.12987	0.857143	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,521	Dire scenarios like these may sound convincing, but they are misleading. Even worse, they are irresponsible, for they shift liability for wars and human rights abuses away from oppressive, corrupt governments. Additionally, focusing on climate change as a security threat that requires a military response diverts attention away from prudent adaptation mechanisms and new technologies that can prevent the worst catastrophes. First, aside from a few anecdotes, there is little systematic empirical evidence that resource scarcity and changing environmental conditions lead to conflict. In fact, several studies have shown that an abundance of natural resources is more likely to contribute to conflict. Moreover, even as the planet has warmed, the number of civil wars and insurgencies has decreased dramatically. Data collected by researchers at Uppsala University and the International Peace Research Institute, Oslo shows a steep decline in the number of armed conflicts around the world. Between 1989 and 2002, some 100 armed conflicts came to an end, including the wars in Mozambique, Nicaragua, and Cambodia. If global warming causes conflict, we should not be witnessing this downward trend. Furthermore, if famine and drought led to the crisis in Darfur, why have scores of environmental catastrophes failed to set off armed conflict elsewhere? For instance, the U.N. World Food Programme warns that 5 million people in Malawi have been experiencing chronic food shortages for several years. But famine-wracked Malawi has yet to experience a major civil war. Similarly, the Asian tsunami in 2004 killed hundreds of thousands of people, generated millions of environmental refugees, and led to severe shortages of shelter, food, clean water, and electricity. Yet the tsunami, one of the most extreme catastrophes in recent history, did not lead to an outbreak of resource wars. Clearly then, there is much more to armed conflict than resource scarcity and natural disasters. Second, arguing that climate change is a root cause of conflict lets tyrannical governments off the hook. If the environment drives conflict, then governments bear little responsibility for bad outcomes. Thats why Ban Ki-moons case about Darfur was music to Khartoums ears. The Sudanese government would love to blame the West for creating the climate change problem in the first place. True, desertification is a serious concern, but its preposterous to suggest that poor rainfallrather than deliberate actions taken by the Sudanese government and the various combatant factionsultimately caused the genocidal violence in Sudan. Yet by Moons perverse logic, consumers in Chicago and Paris are at least as culpable for Darfur as the regime in Khartoum. To be sure, resource scarcity and environmental degradation can lead to social frictions. Responsible, accountable governments, however, can prevent local squabbles from spiraling into broader violence, while mitigating the risk of some severe environmental calamities. As Nobel laureate Amartya Sen has observed, no democracy has ever experienced a famine. Politicians who fear the wrath of voters usually do their utmost to prevent foreseeable disasters and food shortages. Accountable leaders are also better at providing public goods such as clean air and water to their citizens. Third, dire predictions about the coming environmental wars imply that climate change requires military solutionsa readiness to forcibly secure ones own resources, prevent conflict spillovers, and perhaps gain control of additional resources. But focusing on a military response diverts attention from simpler, and far cheaper, adaptation mechanisms. Technological improvements in agriculture, which have yet to make their way to many poor farmers, have dramatically increased food output in the United States without significantly raising the amount of land under cultivation. Sharing simple technologies with developing countries, such as improved irrigation techniques and better seeds and fertilizers, along with finding alternative energy supplies and new freshwater sources, is likely to be far more effective and cost saving in the long run than arms and fortifications. States affected by climate change can move people out of flood plains and desert areas, promote better urban planning, and adopt more efficient resource-management systems. Yes, climate change is a serious problem that must be addressed, and unchecked environmental degradation may lead to intensified competition over scarce resources in certain regions. The good news is that the future is not written in stone. How governments respond to the challenge is at least as important as climate change itself, if not more so. Well-managed, transparent political systems that are accountable to their publics can take appropriate measures to prevent armed conflict. If the grimmest scenarios come to pass and environmental change contributes to war, human rights abuse, and even genocide, it will be reckless political leaders who deserve much of the blame.	Salehyan 7(14 August 2007, IDEAN SALEHYAN, “The New Myth About Climate Change,” http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2007/08/13/the_new_myth_about_climate_change, Idean Salehyan is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of North Texas and the co-Director of the Social Conflict in Africa Database project. He is also affiliated with the Robert S. Strauss Center for International Security and Law at UT Austin, the International Peace Research Institute, Oslo, and the John Goodwin Tower Center for Political Studies at Southern Methodist University. He is the author of, Rebels Without Borders: Transnational Insurgencies in World Politics (Cornell University Press, 2009). He received my PhD from UC San Diego in 2006)	Dire scenarios like these may sound convincing, but they are misleading. Even worse, they are irresponsible, for they shift liability for wars and human rights abuses away from oppressive, corrupt governments. there is little systematic empirical evidence that resource scarcity and changing environmental conditions lead to conflict. as the planet has warmed, the number of civil wars and insurgencies has decreased dramatically. if famine and drought led to the crisis in Darfur, why have scores of environmental catastrophes failed to set off armed conflict elsewhere? the Asian tsunami in 2004 one of the most extreme catastrophes in recent history, did not lead to an outbreak of resource wars. Clearly then, there is much more to armed conflict than resource scarcity and natural disasters. To be sure, resource scarcity and environmental degradation can lead to social frictions. Responsible, accountable governments, however, can prevent local squabbles from spiraling into broader violence, while mitigating the risk of some severe environmental calamities. Technological improvements in agriculture, which have yet to make their way to many poor farmers, have dramatically increased food output in the United States without significantly raising the amount of land under cultivation. the future is not written in stone. Well-managed, transparent political systems that are accountable to their publics can take appropriate measures to prevent armed conflict.	Data shows resource scarcity has no correlation with armed conflict, and that governments can prevent resource wars	5,050	116	1,468	758	17	216	0.022427	0.28496	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,522	FAO’s ‘twin-track approach’ for fighting hunger combines sustainable agricultural and rural development with targeted programmes for enhancing direct access to food for the most needy. As outlined in Figure 2 , the first track addresses recovery measures for establishing resilient food systems. Factors that affect food system resilience include the structure of the food economy as a whole, as well as its components such as agricultural production, technology, the diversification of food processing, markets and consumption. Track 2 assesses the options for providing support to vulnerable groups. Vulnerability analysis offers a forward looking way of understanding food security dynamics, calling for explicit attention to risk and the options for managing it. Both tracks are intended to be mutually reinforcing, and the positive interaction between them should reinforce the path to recovery 1 . For example, managing risks goes beyond assisting those affected by a particular shock in addressing their immediate food needs. A range of options are available for addressing longer term food security through sustainable agricultural and rural development aimed at preventing or mitigating risk.	FAO 6 (Food and Agriculture Organization, June 2006, “Food Security,” ftp://ftp.fao.org/es/ESA/policybriefs/pb_02.pdf, FAO is a specialized agency of the United Nations that leads international efforts to defeat hunger. Serving both developed and developing countries, FAO acts as a neutral forum where all nations meet as equals to negotiate agreements and debate policy. FAO is also a source of knowledge and information, and helps developing countries and countries in transition modernize and improve agriculture, forestry, and fisheries practices, ensuring good nutrition and food security for all.)	FAO’s ‘twin-track approach’ for fighting hunger combines sustainable agricultural and rural development with targeted programmes for enhancing direct access to food for the most needy. the first track addresses recovery measures for establishing resilient food systems. Factors that affect food system resilience include the structure of the food economy as a whole, as well as its components . Track 2 assesses vulnerable groups. Vulnerability analysis offers a forward looking way of understanding food security dynamics and the options for managing it. Both tracks are intended to be mutually reinforcing, and the positive interaction between them should reinforce the path to recovery 1 . A range of options are available for addressing longer term food security through sustainable agricultural and rural development aimed at preventing or mitigating risk.	The FAO has a ‘twin track approach’ in place that mitigates food security risks	1,201	80	861	176	14	127	0.079545	0.721591	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,523	An important policy intervention that can be made to alleviate the trade-offs that are embodied in the competing demands for land area to produce the necessary food , feed, fibre and even fuel needs is that of technology – especially in the form of productivity-boosting technologies. Enhancing the yield of food, feed or fib re products per unit area of land, has the effect of not only increasing overall availability of these products (a nd lowering their market prices, as a result) – but also increasing the availability of land that is available for non-agricultural uses, such as forestry or wildlife habitat, or even for the provision of fuel, in the form of plantation-style biofuel systems. Conversely, increasing the yield of biofuel production systems, through improvements in the productivity and energy yield of the underlying conversion technologies could also have a land-saving effect that increases the area available for growing food and feed products, or other non-agricultural uses. In some of the global assessments that have been carried out, in the recent past, to assess the future trade-offs between food, feed, and energy needs, and the health of the environment and the ecosystems it supports, some of these very same effects have been noted. In the Mi llennium Ecosystem Assessment (MA 2005), the scenario that had the highest levels of technology adoption and high income growth (the “Global Orchestration” scenario), also had the highest levels of biofuels production. This arose from the fact that greater investments in increasing agricultural productivity reduced the competition with food-producing land, thereby making more land available for biofuel plantations – and result ing in lower prices for both food and biofuel produ cts. Conversely, the scenario with the lowest levels of income growth and technology adoption – the “Order from Strength” scenario – also had the greatest competit ion for land under food production (due to lower agricultural productivity and investments), and less biofuels pr oduction – resulting in higher food and energy pric es. The assessment scenario results also showed that forest land decreased due to the higher levels biofuels – whereas under more extensive agricultural land use patterns, a similar encroachment on forest land would also exist. Both of these results underscore the persistent trade-off s that exist between maintaining ecosystem health and meeting the demands for food, feed, and fuel that e xist in all of the scenarios that are considered. Even though there is a difference in the way in which various drivers of change evolve under these scenarios – act ing either through increased demand for food, feed, fibre or fuel – there is competition in land uses, and some encroachment upon land that would otherwise remain unmanaged.	Msangi and Rosegrant 9 (26 June 2009, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations Economic and Social Development Department, Siwa Msangi and Mark Rosegrant, “WORLD AGRICULTURE IN A DYNAMICALLY-CHANGING ENVIRONMENT: IFPRI’S LONG-TERM OUTLOOK FOR FOOD AND AGRICULTURE UNDER ADDITIONAL DEMAND AND CONSTRAINTS,” ftp://ftp.fao.org/docrep/fao/012/ak970e/ak970e00.pdf, Siwa joined IFPRI in August 2004 as a post-doctoral fellow, after obtaining his degree in Agricultural & Resource Economics at the University of California at Davis. He earned a Masters degree in International Development Policy at the Food Policy Research Institute at Stanford University, where he also received an undergraduate degree in Chemical Engineering.)	An important policy intervention that can be made to alleviate the trade-offs that are embodied in the competing demands for land area to produce the necessary food , feed, fibre and even fuel needs is that of technology – especially in the form of productivity-boosting technologies. conversion technologies could also have a land-saving effect that increases the area available for growing food and feed products, or other non-agricultural uses. the scenario that had the highest levels of technology adoption and high income growth (the “Global Orchestration” scenario), also had the highest levels of biofuels production. This arose from the fact that greater investments in increasing agricultural productivity reduced the competition with food-producing land, thereby making more land available for biofuel plantations	FAO research shows tech solves and has a positively converse relationship	2,824	73	824	448	11	121	0.024554	0.270089	Environment Disadvantage Supplement - Northwestern 2013 4WeekJuniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Disadvantages	2013
4,524	[Maduro] has been and will continue to be forced to take all the unpopular macroeconomic steps and corrections that are painful, but Chavez never took," Farah says. "There is going to be, I would guess, a great temptation to turn to [the elites] for money."¶ "Most criminalized elements of the Boliavarian structure will gain more power because he needs them," he says, adding "it won't be as chummy a relationship" as they enjoyed with the ever-charismatic Chavez.¶ U.S. officials might try to engage the new Venezuelan president first in the hopes of improving the strained ties between the two countries.¶ But Maduro has never been close with the senior military class in his home country, and will likely adopt a more confrontational approach to the United States to prove his credentials to these Bolivarian elites.¶ "Maybe if he were operating in different circumstances, he could be a pragmatist," Farah says. "I don't think he can be a pragmatist right now."	Paul – National Security Reporter at U.S. News & World Report – internally quoting Doug Farah, a former Washington Post investigative reporter who is now a senior fellow at the Virginia-based International Assessment and Strategy Center. “Iranian-Sponsored Narco-Terrorism in Venezuela: How Will Maduro Respond?” – US News and World Report – April 24th – http://www.usnews.com/news/articles/2013/04/24/iranian-sponsored-narco-terrorism-in-venezuela-how-will-maduro-respond?page=2	Most criminal elements of the Boliavarian structure will gain more power because he needs them U.S. officials might try to engage the new Venezuelan president in the hopes of improving the strained ties between the two countries. But Maduro has never been close with the senior military class in his home country, and will likely adopt a more confrontational approach to the U S to prove his credentials to these Bolivarian elites. Maybe if he were operating in different circumstances, he could be a pragmatist don't think he can be a pragmatist right now."	( ) Maduro won’t engage with the US	966	35	558	160	8	94	0.05	0.5875	Cuba Oil Venezuela Advantage - HSS 2013.html5	Hoya-Spartan Scholars	Affirmatives	2013
4,525	6. Psychological Connections The imagery that domesticates nuclear and conventional weapons, natural- izes women, and feminizes nature comes at a high psychological cost. Many feminists claim that patriarchal conceptual frameworks generate what ecofeminist Susan Griffin calls “ideologies of madness” (Griffin 1989). Femi- nist scholarship abounds with discussions of “phallic worship,” or what Helen Caldecott calls “missile envy,” as a significant motivating force in the nuclear buildup (Cohn 1989, 133). Many feminists join psychiatrist R.J. Lifton in critiquing “nuclearism” as an addiction, characterized and maintained by “psychic numbing,” a defense mechanism that enables us to deny the reality and threat of nuclear annihilation. Denial is the psychological process which makes possible the continuation of oppression by otherwise rational beings. Setting aside complicated psychological issues, we can nonetheless ask, “Of what conceptual significance is the alleged psychological data on woman- nature-peace connections? What do feminist philosophers glean from such accounts?” We close our consideration of feminist/peace connections by pro- posing an answer: Such psychological accounts help us understand patriarchy Karen J. Warren and Duane L. Cady 15 as a dysfunctional social system which is grounded in a faulty belief system (or conceptual framework) (Warren 1993). The notion of patriarchy as a socially dysfunctional system enables feminist philosophers to show why conceptual connections are so important and how conceptual connections are linked to the variety of other sorts of woman-nature-peace connections. In addition, the claim that patriarchy is a dysfunctional social system locates what ecofeminists see as various “dys- functionalities” of patriarchy-the empirical invisibility of what women do, sexist-warist-naturist language, violence toward women, other cultures, and nature-in a historical, socioeconomic, cultural, and political context.” To say that patriarchy is a dysfunctional system is to say that the fundamental beliefs, values, attitudes and assumptions (conceptual framework) of patriar- chy give rise to impaired thinking, behaviors, and institutions which are unhealthy for humans, especially women, and the planet. Patriarchy, as an Up-Down system of power-over relationships of domina- tion of women by men, is conceptually grounded in a faulty patriarchal belief and value system, (a), according to which (some) men are rational and women are not rational, or at least not rational in the more highly valued way (some) men are rational; reason and mind are more important than emotion and body; that humans are justified in using female nature simply to satisfy human consumptive needs. The discussion above of patriarchal conceptual frame- works describes the characteristics of this faulty belief system. Patriarchal conceptual frameworks sanction, maintain, and perpetuate impaired thinking, (b): For example, that men can control women’s inner lives, that it is men’s role to determine women’s choices, that human superiority over 16 Hypatia nature justifies human exploitation of nature, that women are closer to nature than men because they are less rational, more emotional, and respond in more instinctual ways than (dominant) men. The discussions above at (4) and (5), are examples of the linguistic and psychological forms such impaired thinking can take. Operationalized, the evidence of patriarchy as a dysfunctional system is found in the behaviors to which it gives rise, (c), and the unmanageability, (d), which results. For example, in the United States, current estimates are that one out of every three or four women will be raped by someone she knows; globally, rape, sexual harassment, spouse-beating, and sado-masochistic por- nography are examples of behaviors practiced, sanctioned, or tolerated within patriarchy. In the realm of environmentally destructive behaviors, strip-min- ing, factory farming, and pollution of the air, water, and soil are instances of behaviors maintained and sanctioned within patriarchy. They, too, rest on the faulty beliefs that it is okay to “rape the earth,” that it is “man’s God-given right” to have dominion (that is, domination) over the earth, that nature has only instrumental value, that environmental destruction is the acceptable price we pay for “progress.” And the presumption of warism, that war is a natural, righteous, and ordinary way to impose dominion on a people or nation, goes hand in hand with patriarchy and leads to dysfunctional behaviors of nations and ultimately to international unmanageability. Much of the current “unmanageability” of contemporary life in patriarchal societies, (d), is then viewed as a consequence of a patriarchal preoccupation with activities, events, and experiences .that reflect historically male-gender- identified beliefs, values, attitudes, and assumptions. Included among these real-life consequences are precisely those concerns with nuclear proliferation, war, environmental destruction, and violence toward women, which many feminists see as the logical outgrowth of patriarchal thinking.	Warren and Cady 94, Karen J. and Duane L., “Feminism and Peace: Seeing Connections”, Volume 9, Issue 2, pages 4–20, May 1994	feminists claim that patriarchal conceptual frameworks generate ideologies of madness Femi- nist scholarship abounds with discussions of “phallic worship,” as a significant motivating force in the nuclear buildup feminists join Lifton in critiquing “nuclearism” as an addiction, characterized and maintained by a defense mechanism that enables us to deny the reality and threat of nuclear annihilation. Denial is the psychological process which makes possible the continuation of oppression by otherwise rational beings psychological accounts help us understand patriarchy as a dysfunctional social system which is grounded in a faulty conceptual framework The notion of patriarchy as a socially dysfunctional system enables feminist philosophers to show how conceptual connections are linked to the variety of other connections the claim locates what ecofeminists see as various “dys- functionalities” of patriarchy-the empirical invisibility of what women do, sexist-warist-naturist language, violence toward women, other cultures, and nature-in a historical, socioeconomic, cultural, and political context.” To say that patriarchy is a dysfunctional system is to say that the fundamental beliefs of patriar- chy give rise to impaired thinking and institutions which are unhealthy for humans , and the planet as an Up-Down system of power-over relationships of domina- tion , is conceptually grounded in a faulty value system, according to which men are rational and women are not rationa that humans are justified in using female nature simply to satisfy consumptive needs The discussion of frame- works describes the characteristics of this faulty belief system Patriarchal frameworks sanction, maintain, and perpetuate impaired thinking that human superiority over nature justifies human exploitation of nature, that women are closer to nature than men because they are less rational, more emotional, and respond in more instinctual ways than (dominant) men evidence is found in the behaviors to which it gives rise and the unmanageability, which results one out of every three or four women will be raped by someone she knows rape, sexual harassment, spouse-beating, and sado-masochistic por- nography are examples of behaviors sanctioned within patriarchy , strip-min- ing, factory farming, and pollution of the air, water, and soil are instances of behaviors sanctioned within patriarchy They rest on the faulty beliefs that it is okay to “rape the earth,” that nature has only instrumental value the presumption that war is a natural way to impose dominion on a people or nation, goes hand in hand with patriarchy and leads to dysfunctional behaviors of nations and ultimately to international unmanageability. Much of the current “unmanageability” of contemporary life in patriarchal societies is viewed as a consequence of a patriarchal preoccupation that reflect historically male-gender- identified attitudes Included among these real-life consequences are precisely those concerns with nuclear proliferation, war, environmental destruction, and violence toward women which feminists see as the logical outgrowth of patriarchal thinking	The pedagogy of patriarchy creates institutions that ensure proliferation, war, destruction of the environment, violence, unmanageable international relations, and extinction	5,159	174	3,152	743	20	457	0.026918	0.615074	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,526	4. Political Connections (Praxis) Francoise d’Eaubonne introduced the term ecofminisme in 1974 to bring attention to women’s potential for bringing about an ecological revolution (d’Eaubonne 1974,2 13-52). Ecofeminism has always been a grassroots political movement motivated by pressing pragmatic concerns (see Lahar 1991). These range from issues of women’s and environmental health, to science, develop- ment, and technology, the treatment of animals, and peace, antinuclear, antimilitarism activism. The Seneca Falls and Greenham Commons Peace Camps, the 1981 Women’s Pentagon Action, the Puget Sound Women’s Peace Camp, FANG (a small all-women’s feminist antinuclear action group), Women’s Strike for Peace (WSP) are just a few of the grassroots feminist peace groups. In addition, hundreds of grassroots environmental organizations and actions initiated by women and low-income minorities have emerged through- out the world. As Cynthia Hamilton claims, “Women often play a primary role in community action because it is about things they know best” (Hamilton 1991,43). Las Mudres de la Plazu de Muyo, women who march every Thursday in the main square in Buenos Aires, Argentina, to commemorate the lives of “the disappeared” in the “Dirty War” (the guerru sucia), certainly illustrate the courageous peace politics of women. Week in and week out they protest the victimization of people, mostly between the ages of 17 and 25, who have been imprisoned, tortured, often shot. Over 30,000 have simply disappeared without a trace. For feminists, it is no wonder that a woman like Rigoberta Mench wins the Nobel Peace Prize for similar activism in Guatemala. A wonderful example of women as political agents of change that clearly shows woman-peace connections is provided by the Chipko movement. In 1974, twenty-seven women of Reni in Northern India tooksimple but effective action to stop tree felling. They threatened to hug the trees if the lumberjacks attempted to fell them. The women’s protest, known as the Chipko (Hindi for “to embrace” or “hug”) movement, saved 12,000 square kilometers of sensitive watershed.8 The grassroots, nonviolent women-initiated Chipko movement was a satyugruha protest movement in the Gandhian tradition of nonviolence. 12 Hypatia It illustrates a peace action initiated by women which gives visibility to women’s objections to the replacement of valuable indigenous forests by teak and eucalyptus monoculture (Center for Science and Environment 1984-85, 94)? Water collection and distribution, food production, and forest management activities are precisely those which women engage in on a daily basis. They are also often “invisible” to mainstream theorists and policy-makers. Concep- tually, this “invisibility” is significant: It accounts for the mistaken assumption that such accounts are not gender-biased. Failure to see these women and what they know-their epistemic privilege-results in misguided technologies, imposed development strategies, and the absence of women from most peace- initiative discussions at high-ranking decision-making levels. As an aside, it is interesting to note that one ecofeminist physicist, Vandana Shiva, a founding member of the Chipko movement, who, until recently, was probably best known for her book Staying Alive: Women, Ecology, and Development (Shiva 1988), has just won the Alternative Nobel Peace Prize for 1993.	Warren and Cady 94, Karen J. and Duane L., “Feminism and Peace: Seeing Connections”, Volume 9, Issue 2, pages 4–20, May 1994	d’Eaubonne introduced ecofminisme to bring attention to women’s potential for bringing about an ecological revolution Ecofeminism has always been a grassroots political movement motivated by pressing pragmatic concerns These range from issues of women’s and environmental health to antimilitarism activism hundreds of grassroots environmental organizations and actions initiated by women and low-income minorities have emerged through- out the world Women often play a primary role in community action because it is about things they know best women march every Thursday to commemorate the lives of “the disappeared” illustrate the courageous peace politics of women. they protest the victimization of people who have been imprisoned, tortured, often shot it is no wonder that a woman like Mench wins the Nobel Prize for activism in Guatemala A wonderful example of women as political agents of change that clearly shows woman-peace connections is provided by the Chipko movement twenty-seven women of Reni in Northern India tooksimple but effective action to stop tree felling. They threatened to hug the trees if the lumberjacks attempted to fell them The women’s protest movement, saved 12,000 square kilometers of sensitive watershed The grassroots, nonviolent women-initiated movement was a protest movement in the Gandhian tradition of nonviolence It illustrates a peace action initiated by women which gives visibility to women’s objections food production, and forest management are precisely those which women engage in on a daily basis. They are also often “invisible” to mainstream policy-makers this “invisibility” is significant: It accounts for the mistaken assumption that such accounts are not gender-biased. Failure to see these women and their epistemic privilege results in misguided technologies, imposed development strategies, and the absence of women from most peace discussions	The alternative is to endorse grassroots ecofeminism as a viable alternative to society’s contemporary patriarchal frame – this is realistic, solvent, and ethically preferable	3,401	175	1,902	504	24	278	0.047619	0.551587	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,527	In fact, it is often only through observing these dysfunctional behaviors-the symptoms of dys- functionality-that one can truly see that and how patriarchy serves to maintain and perpetuate them. When patriarchy is understood as a dysfunc- tional system, this “unmanageability” can be seen for what it is-as a predict- able and thus logical consequence of patriarchy. ” The theme that global environmental crises, war, and violence generally are predictable and logical consequences of sexism and patriarchal culture is pervasive in ecofeminist literature (see Russell 1989,2). Ecofeminist Charlene Spretnak, for instance, argues that “a militarism and warfare are continual features of a patriarchal society because they reflect and instill patriarchal values and fulfill needs of such a system. Acknowledging the context of patriarchal conceptualizations that feed militarism is a first step toward reduc- ing their impact and preserving life on Earth” (Spretnak 1989, 54). Stated in terms of the foregoing model of patriarchy as a dysfunctional social system, the claims by Spretnak and other feminists take on a clearer meaning: Patriarchal conceptual frameworks legitimate impaired thinking (about women, national and regional conflict, the environment) which is manifested in behaviors which, if continued, will make life on earth difficult, if not impossible. It is a stark message, but it is plausible. Its plausibility lies in understanding the conceptual roots of various woman-nature-peace connections in regional, national, and global contexts.	Warren and Cady 94, Karen J. and Duane L., “Feminism and Peace: Seeing Connections”, Volume 9, Issue 2, pages 4–20, May 1994	patriarchy serves to maintain and perpetuate them When patriarchy is understood as a dysfunc- tional system, this “unmanageability” can be seen for what it is-as a predict- able and thus logical consequence The theme that global environmental crises, war, and violence generally are predictable and logical consequences of sexism and patriarchal culture is pervasive in ecofeminist literature Spretnak argues that “a militarism and warfare are continual features of a patriarchal society because they reflect and instill patriarchal values and fulfill needs of such a system. Acknowledging the context of patriarchal conceptualizations that feed militarism is a first step toward reduc- ing their impact and preserving life on Earth the claims by feminists take on a clearer meaning Patriarchal conceptual frameworks legitimate impaired thinking ) which is manifested in behaviors which will make life on earth difficult, if not impossible	Acknowledging and challenging patriarchy as a dysfunctional system is key	1,556	73	939	227	10	139	0.044053	0.612335	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,528	As communication scholars and teachers, we are interested in our location, participation, and involvement within a broader historical cultural pat- tern of intersecting oppressions. Adams (1994) notes that the animal-industrial-com- plex was alarmed at the declining rate of animal consumption from the 1930s to the 1950s, and to respond to this market instability, the meat and dairy industries spent millions of dollars to advertise and promote animal consumption within schools. However, instead of the public being skeptical of corporate propaganda, the govern- ment functioned as a neutral authority, providing expert credibility and legitimacy for meat and dairy industry interests. A primary example of this is the history of the four groups as taught in and through educational institutions. These naturalized hegemonic and large-scale practices are also re-inscribed through micro-level practices, which are tacit, normalized daily interchanges. For in- stance, our focus here is on how communication classes function to re-inscribe the dominant narrative authorizing and sanctioning the assumed separation of humans from animals through re-circulating common definitions of language. Specifically, the study of communication is defined by privileging symbols over substance (Tomp- kins 1987), process over content, and defining humans as the sole participants in the complex symbolic processes that "set humans apart from animals" (Johannesen 1996, 45). Or as Adams (1994) puts it, "We define ourselves over and against what we de- cide animals are" (203). At least since Aristotle's "Great Chain of Being" humans have used their abilities to reason and communicate as distinctions that separate people from and place them above other animals. Levis-Strauss notes that "the emergence of language which ac- companies the shift from animality to humanity, from nature to culture, is also a shift from affectivity to a state of reasoning" (Leach 1974, 37). However, this evolutionary and linear model of human progress marks difference and values that split hierarchi- cally in a divide-and-rule strategy that provides a legitimation for the inferior status of animals and a rationalization used to justify their subordination. In other words, posi- tioning people above animals because of a perceived communicative distinction, ex- cludes animals from culture and reduces them to natural objects. Not only are animals denied agency, but their bodies are viewed instrumentally and treated disposably, as if they were natural resources that have been made for people to use at will. To deny the presence and needs of animals is an ideology that symbolically banishes and confines them to nature, which is perceived as somehow separate from and outside of culture. Humanistic traditions have been bound by a culture-nature dualism that also lim- its communication studies to a pre- and even anti- ecological framework (Jagtenberg and McKie 1997; Toulmin 1990). The transition into an "enlightened"' modern sci- ence lead to an inflated sense of human importance, the "rationalization" and "disen-	Houde and Bullis 99, Lincoln J., Connie, “Ecofeminist Pedagogy: An Exploratory Case”, Ethics & the Environment, Volume 4, Number 2, 1999, pp. 143-174 (Article)	As scholars and teachers, we are interested in our location and involvement within a broader historical cultural pat- tern of intersecting oppressions the animal-industrial-com- plex was alarmed at the declining rate of animal consumption and to respond to instability the industries spent millions of dollars to promote consumption within schools However, instead of the public being skeptical the govern- ment functioned as a neutral authority, providing expert credibility for industry interests These naturalized hegemonic and large-scale practices are also re-inscribed through micro-level practices, which are tacit, normalized daily interchanges classes function to re-inscribe the dominant narrative authorizing the assumed separation of humans from animals through re-circulating common definitions of language. the study of communication is defined by privileging symbols over substance "We define ourselves over and against what we de- cide animals are" humans have used their abilities to reason and communicate as distinctions that separate people from and place them above other animals the emergence of language which ac- companies the shift from animality to humanit , is also a shift from affectivity to a state of reasoning" posi- tioning people above animals because of a perceived communicative distinction, ex- cludes animals from culture and reduces them to natural objects. Not only are animals denied agency, but their bodies are viewed instrumentally and treated disposably, as if they were natural resources that have been made for people to use at will.	Patriarchal society creates the divides that subjugate and disenfranchise animals; ecofeminist pedagogy is key to resolve the human/animal distinction	3,101	150	1,580	464	19	232	0.040948	0.5	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,529	Feminist economists, such as Seguino (2006) and Hoskyns (2006), maintain that gender should be an important macroeconomic variable and that gender relations can affect economic development and growth. The state of gender relations today, which frequently results in the genders experiencing divergent outcomes, is already observable in several economic arenas in the Southeast Asian region, such as (1) job segregation within the paid labour market; (2) the division of labour between paid and unpaid labour; (3) the distribution of income and resources within the household; (4) access to redistribution carried out by the state (e.g. access to education and social safety net programs); and (5) access to credit in the financial markets. In general, therefore, the effect of gendered economic opportunities is that men and women occupy different class positions, with the latter more likely to be poor, malnourished, less educated and more overworked relative to men (Davis, 1981; Beneria & Roldan, 1987).¶ It has become increasingly important to examine the nexus between gender inequalities and trade policies, and to take a broader-than-usual view of development, poverty and wellbeing (Margawati, 2007: 220). Among other things, the politicization of trade policy, the connection being made between trade and development, and the expansion of trade to trade in services have all contributed to the greater impact of international trade issues on the lives of normal citizens, including those of women (Hoskyns, 2006: 2). ¶ Unfortunately, mainstream economics literature, as mentioned earlier, is often gender blind when it comes to assessing the relationship among trade, inequality and poverty. Although economists generally acknowledge that gender bias exists at the microeconomic level, such as in the operation of labour markets or the allocation of resources within households, they tend to see little relevance for gender at a macroeconomic or global level of analysis. Moreover, social reproduction, which is the term associated with the roles that women traditionally play, has been undervalued and not counted in classic economic analysis (Picchio, 1992; Hoskyns, 2006: 3). This is mainly due to the general assumption that macroeconomics is all about aggregates and that both the policy objectives (e.g. price stability, employment generation, growth and external balance) and the traditional policy instruments of macroeconomics (e.g. fiscal and exchange rate policies) are gender neutral.4 Similar views are often held with regard to the analysis of international trade and finance. Gender is, therefore, often ignored in theoretical, empirical and practical terms, thereby perpetuating gender biases in most economies. ¶ Development economists, however, have been investigating the complex relationship between gender inequalities and trade liberalization for several decades. Although the effect of international trade on the gender wage gap and other aspects of discrimination is still unclear, a study conducted by Korinek (2005) finds that trade creates job for women from middle-income developing countries. The question, however, remains as to whether trade liberalization that leads to an increase in women’s share of paid employment in the export sector also generates higher incomes and greater empowerment for women more generally. It has been suggested that women’s role in production becomes progressively less central and less important during capitalist industrialization in developing countries (Momsen, 2004: 173). As industrialization proceeds, the so-called theory of female marginalization also argues that women are pushed out from higher-paid sectors into relatively lower-paid jobs (Scott, 1986). Yet statistical and sectoral indicators show that in many developing countries the expansion of industrialization has indeed led to the growth of women’s share of employment (Margawati, 2007: 221). The prevailing argument today, therefore, is that industrialization does not necessarily marginalize women. On the contrary, from the 1970s onwards, an increase in women’s share of employment seems to go hand in hand with successful industrialization in many Third World economies (Pearson, 1997: 224–25).5¶ There is no doubt that economic openness and the development that follows have generated some positive impacts on women’s daily lives. Despite this, women’s position in society remains unchanged. In many cases, in fact, the economic, social and political positions of women have even deteriorated as a result of economic liberalization (Kabeer, 1994; WHO, 2000). Although trade liberalization allows women to be more integrated into the labour force, a system of gender bias persists that perceives women as inferior to men, which systematically manifests further in the forms of job segregation and wage inequality between the two sexes (Sinaga, 2008). Indeed, the removal of tariffs and quotas as a result of trade liberalization policies pursued by countries and regional groupings around the world has generally exposed the previously protected sectors to competition and opened up new areas for exchanges and commoditization. New trade policies do not only generate changes in employment trends, but also in the patterns of prices, incomes and consumption, all of which affect men and women differently. Overall, suffice it to say that women may be affected by trade liberalization differently from men as a result of (1) their asymmetric rights and responsibilities; (2) their reproductive and motherhood roles; (3) gendered social norms; (4) labour market segregation; (5) consumption patterns; and, finally, (6) time poverty. While these characteristics overlap, they could also reinforce one another. To a large extent, therefore, men and women are confronted with different opportunities and constraints as a result of the liberalization of trade and investment regimes in a society.	Chandra et al. Southeast Asia coordinator of the TKN Lontoh independent researcher working on various sustainable development issues & Margawati lecturer in the Department of Sociology at the University of Diponegoro in Semarang, Indonesia 2010 Alexander, Lucky & Ani “Beyond Barriers: The Gender Implications of Trade Liberalization Southeast Asia” Trade Knowledge Network http://www.iisd.org/tkn/pdf/beyond_barriers_gender_southeast_asia.pdf	gender should be an important macroeconomic variable gender relations can affect economic development and growth. the effect of gendered economic opportunities is that men and women occupy different class positions, with the latter more likely to be poor, malnourished, less educated and more overworked relative to men It has become increasingly important to examine the nexus between gender inequalities and trade policies, and to take a broader-than-usual view of development, poverty and wellbeing mainstream economics literature, is often gender blind when it comes to assessing the relationship among trade, inequality and poverty. economists tend to see little relevance for gender at a macroeconomic or global level of analysis. social reproduction, which is the term associated with the roles that women traditionally play, has been undervalued and not counted in classic economic analysis This is mainly due to the general assumption that macroeconomics is all about aggregates and that both the policy objectives and the traditional policy instruments of macroeconomics are gender neutral. Gender is, often ignored in theoretical, empirical and practical terms, thereby perpetuating gender biases There is no doubt that economic openness and the development that follows have generated some positive impacts on women’s daily lives. Despite this, women’s position in society remains unchanged. In many cases, the economic, social and political positions of women have even deteriorated as a result of economic liberalization Although trade liberalization allows women to be more integrated into the labour force, a system of gender bias persists that perceives women as inferior to men, which systematically manifests further in the forms of job segregation and wage inequality trade liberalization policies exposed the previously protected sectors to competition and opened up new areas for exchanges and commoditization. New trade policies do not only generate changes in employment trends, but also in the patterns of prices, incomes and consumption, all of which affect men and women differently. women may be affected by trade liberalization differently from men as a result of (1) their asymmetric rights and responsibilities; (2) their reproductive and motherhood roles; (3) gendered social norms; (4) labour market segregation; (5) consumption patterns; and, finally, (6) time poverty. men and women are confronted with different opportunities and constraints as a result of the liberalization of trade and investment regimes in a society.	Macro-economics are not gender-neutral: our conception of the market ignores the hidden inequalities of society that leads apparently androgynous economic policy to be female - exploitative	5,937	189	2,557	876	26	378	0.02968	0.431507	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,530	These developments have coalesced into what is a legitimate and coherent sub-field in international relations. A review of the main texts that represent the feminist international relations discourse to date shows two trends. These texts correspond to theoretical issues in international relations and to more “material” foreign policy issues. At both levels, writers point to gender issues and the absence of women’s lives and experiences. Beyond stating the obvious, the analyses have found that, rather than a gender-neutral discipline as some claim, the theoretical foundations of international relations are male-defined and constructed around male-female dichotomies that define female as “other.” Joan Wallach Scott, a leading feminist theorist, locates gender and its power dynamics in international relations theory and practice, arguing that the power relations inherent in international structure and politics are legitimized in terms of relations between men and women, and that the legitimizing of war has been carried out in gendered terms.14 Writers such as J. Ann Tickner, Rebecca Grant, and Christine Sylvester have turned to the theoretical foundations of international relations to understand the absence of women’s and gender issues.15 They argue that these issues shape and are shaped by international forces, although thus far they have been seldom, if ever, considered. Using a “gender lens,” these writers have broken down the discipline into its largely social sciences components, and then built them back into what is now known as international relations. They have discovered by viewing each component individually and as they are brought together, that such a process has resulted in a study entrenched in gender bias. As such, feminist understandings of the state, of war, and of security also differ widely from the androcentric understandings that shape mainstream international relations. Fred Halliday, Rebecca Grant, and Kathleen Newland have suggested areas of inquiry that arise out of the gender bias inherent in international relations theory.16 Halliday delineates three main areas for feminist inquiry in Power relations inherent in inter- national structures are legitimized in terms of relations between men and women.	Thorburn (lecturer in International Relations in the Department of Government at the University of the West Indies, Mona) 2k, Diana, “Feminism Meets International Relations”, SAIS Review, Volume 20, Number 2, Summer-Fall 2000, pp. 1-10 (Article)	writers point to gender issues and the absence of women’s lives and experiences. rather than a gender-neutral discipline as some claim, the theoretical foundations of international relations are male-defined and constructed around male-female dichotomies that define female as “other Scott locates gender and its power dynamics in international relations theory and practice, arguing that the power relations inherent in international structure and politics are legitimized in terms of relations between men and women the legitimizing of war has been carried out in gendered terms feminist understandings of the state, of war, and of security also differ widely from the androcentric understandings that shape mainstream international relations	International relations are fundamentally gendered; a feminist analysis is key to a solvent reconceptualization that accurately describes foreign policy	2,261	152	744	335	19	106	0.056716	0.316418	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,531	The feminist histories that use Foucault are careful not to mystify the operation of discourse or the epistemic power/knowledge systems. Instead, they combine Foucauldian approaches to the technologies and techniques of power with an understanding of the central role of gender ideologies in build- ing social relations. For example, while drawing on Foucault to analyze the disciplinary activities of the experts, specialists, and technocrats who peopled the social welfare agencies and institutions built during the popular front gov- ernments, Rosemblatt also employs Gramscian theories of politics and femi- nist understandings of the role of gender in history to build a sophisticated analysis of state power. Rather than decentered and multiple locations of power, Rosemblatt describes a hegemonic state built on political alliances	Klubock 1, Thomas Miller, “Writing the History of Women and Gender in Twentieth-Century Chile”, Hispanic American Historical Review, 81:3-4, August-November 2001, pp. 493-518 (Article)	feminist histories combine Foucauldian approaches to the technologies of power with an understanding of the central role of gender ideologies in build- ing social relations Rosemblatt employs Gramscian theories of politics and femi- nist understandings of the role of gender in history to build a sophisticated analysis of state power Rosemblatt describes a hegemonic state built on political alliances	False feminism and the soft left have conspired to disguise patriarchy, but it both exists in and defines our society	838	117	402	122	20	59	0.163934	0.483607	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,532	Adopting a feminist post-structuralist approach to the analysis of the State’s role, the research reveals inconsistencies between the discourses and practices of the Mexican State regarding partner violence. By analyzing administrative family violence legislation, I determine whether the Mexican State has in fact made substantively meaningful attempts to challenge patriarchy and to end violence against women in the family realm. The family violence legislation has two often inherently contradictory purposes. On the one hand the objective is to protect the family as a core social institution. The second, which is often in conflict with the first objective, is to protect women from abuse by their partners. This dissertation demonstrates that these conflicting objectives and the embededness of patriarchy throughout the social help explain why certain branches of the Mexican State tend to strengthen patriarchy and reify women’s subordinate position in the family. The way in which the State interprets and implements family violence legislation reveals the inability and/or unwillingness of the State to protect women’s rights and highlights the patriarchal assumptions pervading the State’s actions.	Frias Martinez (presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor in Philosophy) 8, Sonia, The University of Texas at Austin, http://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/bitstream/handle/2152/3878/friasmartinezs72092.pdf?sequence=2	Adopting a feminist approach to the analysis of the State’s role, the research reveals inconsistencies between the discourses and practices of the Mexican State regarding partner violence I determine whether the Mexican State has in fact made substantively meaningful attempts to end violence against women in the family realm. The family violence legislation has two often inherently contradictory purposes. On the one hand the objective is to protect the family as a core social institution. The second is to protect women from abuse by their partners. these conflicting objectives and the embededness of patriarchy throughout the social help explain why certain branches of the Mexican State tend to strengthen patriarchy and reify women’s subordinate position in the family The way in which the State interprets and implements family violence legislation reveals the inability and/or unwillingness of the State to protect women’s rights and highlights the patriarchal assumptions pervading the State’s actions.	Mexican state ensures patriarchy	1,210	32	1,014	175	4	151	0.022857	0.862857	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,533	Patriarchy is a fluid and shifting set of social relations in which men oppress women, in which different men exercise varying degrees of power and con- trol, and in which women resist in diverse ways (Collins 1990; hooks 1984; Kandiyoti 1988; Baca Zinn et al. 1986). Given these variations, patriarchy is perhaps best understood contextually. This article examines family stage mi- gration from Mexico to the United States, whereby husbands precede the migra- tion of their wives and children, and it highlights how patriarchal gender rela- tions organize migration and how the migration process reconstructs patriarchy. In family stage migration, patriarchal gender relations are embedded in normative practices and expectations that allow men and deny women the authority and the resources necessary to migrate independently. Men are expected to serve as good financial providers for their families, which they attempt to do through labor migration; patriarchal authority allows them to act autonomously in planning and carrying out migration. Married women must accept their husbands' migration decisions, remain chaste, and stay behind to care for the children and the daily operation of the domestic sphere. These normative patterns of behavior, however, are renegotiated when the departure of one family member, the husband, prompts rearrangements in conjugal social power and the gender division of labor in the household. The process of family stage migration diminishes patriarchy, but it does not do so uniformly. In this case study, the time period of male migration and settlement distinguishes between two groups. Men who departed prior to 1965 were more likely to live initially in predominantly male communities, to endure a longer period of time in the United States without their wives and families, and eventually to obtain legal status, unlike a later cohort of undocu- mented immigrant men;' this differentially modified the obstacles their wives would face in migration. Women and men do not enter the migration process equally, but given the diverse historical and social contexts m which migra- tion occurs, women in the same culture and in similar circumstances may encounter different types of patriarchal obstacles and, hence, improvise different responses to migration. Distinct migration trajectories culminate in the creation of different types of gender relations once the families settle in the United States. Patriarchy is neither a monolithic nor a static construct, even within a group sharing similar class and racial-ethnic characteristics.	Hondagneu-Sotelo (Professor in the Department of Sociology at the University of Southern California) 92, Pierrette, “Overcoming Patriarchal Constraints: The Reconstruction of Gender Relations among Mexican Immigrant Women and Men”, Gender and Society, Vol. 6, No. 3, This Issue Is Devoted to: Race, Class, and Gender (Sep., 1992), pp. 393-415	Patriarchy is a fluid and shifting set of social relations in which men oppress women patriarchy is perhaps best understood contextually. husbands precede the migra- tion of their wives and children patriarchal gender rela- tions organize migration and the migration process reconstructs patriarchy. patriarchal gender relations are embedded in normative practices and expectations that allow men and deny women the authority and the resources necessary to migrate Men are expected to serve as good financial providers for their families, which they attempt to do through labor migration; patriarchal authority allows them to act autonomously in planning and carrying out migration Married women must accept their husbands' migration decisions, remain chaste, and stay behind to care for the children These normative patterns of behavior, however, are renegotiated when the departure of one family member, the husband, prompts rearrangements in conjugal social power and the gender division of labor in the household. Men who departed prior to 1965 were more likely to live initially in predominantly male communities, unlike a later cohort of undocu- mented immigrant men;' this differentially modified the obstacles their wives would face in migration. Women and men do not enter the migration process equally women in the same culture and in similar circumstances may encounter different types of patriarchal obstacles Distinct migration trajectories culminate in the creation of different types of gender relations Patriarchy is neither a monolithic nor a static construct, even within a group sharing similar class and racial-ethnic characteristics.	Migration is fundamentally patriarchal and reiterates oppressive, gendered conditions	2,578	85	1,655	391	9	244	0.023018	0.624041	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,534	Elizabeth Quay Hutchison’s work also reﬂects the inﬂuence of Foucault in its focus on the history of discourses about women workers and more general systems of knowledge about women and sexuality produced during the early twentieth century. Yet, like Rosemblatt, Zárate, and others, Hutchison also employs a feminist analysis, derived from the work of Scott, to analyze how the politics of social reform, labor, and the Left were shaped by gender ideolo- gies. Hutchison’s study of gender and the social reform in early-twentieth-century Chile follows Kirkwood’s rethinking of the history of the class-based movements of the Left from the perspective of gender and Scott’s by now well-known claim that “gender constructs politics and politics constructs gender,” as well as Scott’s searing critique of labor history for ignoring women and the gendered historical constitution of the male working-class subject.28 Hutchison is interested in revising the political history of the ﬁrst decades of the century by exposing the centrality of gender ideologies and hierarchies in debates about women’s work and women workers to the politics of the labor movement and the discussions of leftists, elites, social reformers, feminists, educators, industrialists, and legislators. Thus, in the article for this special issue she shows that, despite the shift from an early discursive construction of women as agents of both class and human emancipation to a more pessimistic portrayal of women as backward and Catholic, concern with women and sexu- ality was a central element of anarchist rhetoric.29 Hutchison recovers strands of feminist thought in early working-class and leftist politics that critiqued both the class exploitation of women workers and the more general sexual sub- jugation of women and demonstrates how during the 1920s, as in the case of the anarchists, this “worker-feminism” was ultimately marginalized and sup- pressed. Hutchison shows that the politics of the early labor movement were deﬁned by the commitment of socialists, anarchists, and labor militants to a gender division of labor that relegated women to the domestic sphere and deﬁned wage-labor as a masculine domain. Male leftists and labor activists employed the trope of the vicitimized woman worker to exclude women from the labor market and assert their own prerogatives to protect and control women’s labor and sexuality. Similarly mobilized by the image of the sexual and social danger of women’s work, industrialists, elite women, and legislators sought to implement social reforms designed to protect women workers while¶ establishing a gender-segregated labor market. Vocational schools and Cath- olic worker cooperatives and unions were organized to moralize working women, train them in domestic duties, offset the perceived corrupting inﬂu- ence of wage labor, and counter labor radicalism. The ﬁrst legislative debates to promote the social reforms that would be the foundation of the welfare state engineered by the popular fronts were sparked by efforts to protect women workers. This legislation reduced women’s workforce possibilities and consolidated men’s positions as wage laborers and heads of households. These feminist histories of the politics of social reform, inspired by Fou- cault’s and Scott’s redirection of gender history to the realm of representation, move away from women’s history and social history “from below” to histories of politics that focus on the ways in which gender ideology shapes cultural and political discourses and state policies and, by inference, structures the experi- ence and positions the subjectivities of subaltern men and women. Rosem- blatt’s and Hutchison’s examination of the discursive and ideological processes that accompany state formation and constitute the regulation of gender and sexuality render both the category of “women” and subaltern experience and agency historically contingent and constructed. They insightfully demonstrate how the establishment of a sexual division of labor and gendered social hierar- chy were central to the processes of state formation during the ﬁrst half of the twentieth century. While these state-centered analyses reach down to interme- diary actors like union leaders, political activists, professionals, and social reformers, the ways in which women (and men) negotiated the terrain of patri- archy and gender ideology at the level of the day-to-day is less visible. The focus on the importance of gender to the politics of social reform, the Left, and the labor movement leads to analysis of the political rhetoric, and ideolo- gies of party and union leaderships and away from histories below of the everyday lifeways, social practices, and cultural worlds of subaltern women, the main concern of the social-historical literature. As recent histories of state formation have underlined, the hegemony of the state and elites is contingent on their ability to absorb and reshape popular cultures and forms of sociability. This raises the question of the capacity of the state, employers, and private welfare organizations to control “popular” prac- tices and identities around gender and sexuality. An analysis of the hegemony of gender ideologies of female domesticity, for example, would require a sense of the popular cultural worlds of gender and sexuality that the state incorpo- rated, appropriated, and repressed.30 Where social histories from below have¶ tended to neglect the role of the state, the church, the professions, and para- state institutions like hospitals and charities in deﬁning the terms of gender identities and relations, histories of politics and the state have tended to slight the relationship between popular cultural understandings and social practices of gender and sexuality and state projects of reform and regulation. A resolution of this tension between gendered analyses of politics and state formation and social histories of subaltern men and women might be found in the reintroduction of feminist theories of patriarchy and sexuality. If, as for Joan Scott, gender is a form of representing or signifying power rela- tions, the set of ideas that create cultural norms around sexual difference, how do we also understand gender as the historical construction of material social hierarchies? To write about gender as a cause of inequalities between men and women, as a force or ideology that explains inequality between men and women, approaches a tautology in which gender inequality is produced by gender which is, in turn, a product of gender inequality. Gender then appears as an abstract, almost transhistorical, concept, as an ideology or semiotic sys- tem producing social inequality with a historical dynamism and logic of its own. Its material historical origins, the conditions of its production, are left unexplained. A theorization of patriarchy would prompt a historical reconsideration of the nature of men’s subjugation of women. In much of the history of women and gender in Chile, the focus has been on women’s work, the structure of the labor market, and the politics of the labor movement, perhaps because as a his- toriographical project Chilean women’s/gender history has focused on rewrit- ing earlier marxist historical narratives of the Left and labor, which fore- grounded the politics of production. In these histories, gender inequality in and outside the home is rooted in the exclusion of women from the labor mar- ket, the labor movement, and leftist politics. Similarly, in recovering moments of “progressive” feminism, historians have focused on those movements that both critique the exploitation of women as workers and challenge the sexual division of labor and gender ideology of female domesticity. The gender ideol- ogy that deﬁnes women’s appropriate activities as domestic, undervalues their labor as unskilled, nonproductive, or secondary, and limits their possibilities for wage-work may be at the heart of women’s political, social, and economic subordination to men, but, as Heidi Tinsman has argued, why this gender ide- ology has operated in different historical contexts still needs to be explained. A¶ simple focus on production and the division of labor, as in marxist-feminist attempts to unite class and gender analysis, ignores the ways in which patri- archy is rooted in forms of social power and social contests around sexuality and reproduction.	Klubock 1, Thomas Miller, “Writing the History of Women and Gender in Twentieth-Century Chile”, Hispanic American Historical Review, 81:3-4, August-November 2001, pp. 493-518 (Article)	Hutchison employs a feminist analysis to analyze how the politics of social reform, labor, and the Left were shaped by gender ideolo- gies. Hutchison’s study follows Scott’s searing critique of labor history for ignoring women and the gendered historical constitution of the male working-class subject Hutchison is interested in exposing the centrality of gender ideologies and hierarchies in debates about women’s work and women workers to the politics of the labor movement and the discussions of leftists , concern with women and sexu- ality was a central element of anarchist rhetoric this “worker-feminism” was ultimately marginalized and sup- pressed. the politics of the were deﬁned by the commitment of socialists, anarchists, and labor militants to a gender division of labor that relegated women to the domestic sphere and deﬁned wage-labor as a masculine domain Male leftists employed the trope of the vicitimized woman worker to exclude women from the labor market and assert their own prerogatives the welfare state reduced women’s workforce possibilities and consolidated men’s positions as wage laborers and heads of households feminist histories move away from women’s history and social history “from below” to histories of politics that focus on the ways in which gender ideology shapes cultural and political discourses and state policies and structures the experi- ence and positions the subjectivities of subaltern men and women Hutchison’s examination of the discursive and ideological processes that accompany state formation and constitute the regulation of gender render both the category of “women” and subaltern experience and agency historically contingent and constructed They demonstrate how the establishment of a sexual division of labor and gendered social hierar- chy were central to the processes of state formation the hegemony of the state and elites is contingent on their ability to absorb and reshape popular cultures and forms of sociability. This raises the question of the capacity of the state control “popular” prac- tices and identities around gender social histories from below have¶ tended to neglect the role of the state and para- state institutions like hospitals and charities in deﬁning the terms of gender identities and relations A resolution of this tension between gendered analyses of politics and state formation of subaltern men and women might be found in the reintroduction of feminist theories of patriarchy and sexuality. how do we understand gender as the historical construction of material social hierarchies? Gender appears as an abstract transhistorical, concept as an ideology or semiotic sys- tem producing social inequality with a historical dynamism and logic of its own. Its material historical origins, the conditions of its production, are left unexplained. A theorization of patriarchy would prompt a historical reconsideration of the nature of subjugation patri- archy is rooted in forms of social power and social contests around sexuality and reproduction.	Far left and post-colonial movements abandon the subaltern woman – they neglect institutions which reveal the patriarchal frame that drives the episteme of coloniality – an injection of feminism can reconcile de-colonial movements with the state	8,422	245	3,036	1,287	36	460	0.027972	0.35742	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,535	Lest one suppose this sexist-naturist language that informs military and nuclear parlance is an aberration of rational discourse, consider how well- entrenched sexist domination metaphors pervade the way rationality, rational or logical thinking, and rational behavior is described in Western philosophical contexts (Burtt 1969; Cady 1989; Cohn 1989; Cope-Kasten 1989; Warren 1989). Good reasoners knock down arguments; they tear, rip, chew, cut them up; attack them, try to beat, destroy, or annihilate them, preferably by nailing them to the wall. Good arguers are sharp, incisive, cutting, relentless, intimi- dating, brutal; those not good at giving arguments are wimpy, touchy, quarrel- some, irritable, nagging. Good arguments have a thrust to them: They are compelling, binding, air-tight, steel-trap, knock-down, dynamite, smashing and devastating bits of reasoning which lay things out and pin them down, overcoming any resistance. “Bad” arguments are described in metaphors of the dominated and powerless: They “fall flat on their face,” are limp, lame, soft, fuzzy, silly, and “full of holes.”	Warren and Cady 94, Karen J. and Duane L., “Feminism and Peace: Seeing Connections”, Volume 9, Issue 2, pages 4–20, May 1994	consider how well- entrenched sexist domination metaphors pervade the way rational behavior is described in Western philosophical contexts Good reasoners knock down arguments; they tear, rip, chew, cut them up; attack them, try to beat, destroy, or annihilate them, preferably by nailing them to the wall those not good at giving arguments are wimpy, touchy, quarrel- some, irritable, nagging. Good arguments have a thrust to them: They are devastating bits of reasoning which lay things out and pin them down, overcoming any resistance “Bad” arguments are described in metaphors of the dominated and powerless: They “fall flat on their face,” and “full of holes.”	Western philosophy is noticeably gendered	1,104	41	664	162	5	104	0.030864	0.641975	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,536	One glaring example of how the dominant cultural outlook manifests this oppressive conceptual framework is seen in macho, polarized, dichotomized attitudes toward war and peace. Pacifists are dismissed as naive, soft wimps; warriors are realistic, hard heroes. War and peace are seen as opposites. In fact few individual warists or pacifists live up to these exaggerated extremes. This suggests a reconceptualization of values along a continuum which allows degrees of pacifism and degrees of justification for war (Cady 1989). Feminist philosophers regard conceptual considerations to be at the core of peace issues because many of the other women-peace connections can be explained theoretically with an analysis of patriarchal conceptual frameworks in place. The evidence for the existence of such conceptual connections comes from a wide variety of sources: empirical data and history; art, literature, and religion; politics, ethics, and epistemology; language and science. Although we cannot discuss all of these sources here, we do consider several. They are evidence of woman-peace connections that, in turn, help to establish the nature and significance of the conceptual connections. Empirical connections provide concrete data linking women, children, people of color, and the poor, with environmental destruction and various forms of violence, especially war. Military operations such as the Persian Gulf War not only kill humans; they wreak havoc on the environment by releasing toxics, pollutants, and radioactive materials into the air, water, and food. In the Middle East and in large portions of the southern hemisphere women and children bear the responsibilities, determined by gender and age roles, of collecting and distributing water; thus the women and the children are the ones who are disproportionally harmed by the presence of unsafe, or unpotable, water.	Warren and Cady 94, Karen J. and Duane L., “Feminism and Peace: Seeing Connections”, Volume 9, Issue 2, pages 4–20, May 1994	One glaring example of how the dominant cultural outlook manifests this oppressive conceptual framework is seen in macho attitudes toward war and peace Pacifists are dismissed as naive wimps warriors are realistic War and peace are seen as opposites. few individual warists or pacifists live up to these exaggerated extremes This suggests a reconceptualization of values along a continuum which allows degrees of justification for war Feminist philosophers regard conceptual considerations to be at the core of peace issues because many other women-peace connections can be explained theoretically with an analysis of patriarchal conceptual frameworks evidence comes from a wide variety of sources: empirical data and history; art, literature, and religion; politics, ethics, and epistemology; language and science Military operations such as the Persian Gulf War not only kill humans; they wreak havoc on the environment . In the Middle East and in large portions of the southern hemisphere women and children bear responsibilities determined by gender thus the women and the children are the ones who are disproportionally harmed	Their framing of war as an inevitability is precisely the sort of gendered frame that is criticized - war discourse reifies gender inequalities and secures society’s patriarchal frame, where men are considered to be noble warriors and women become pacifists subject to condescension	1,882	282	1,131	281	43	170	0.153025	0.604982	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,537	In fact—my interpretation of the facts—the United States, like every society in the world, remains a patriarchy: they are ruled by men. That is not just because every country (except Rwanda) has a majority-male national parliament, and it is despite the handful of countries with women heads of state. It is a systemic characteristic that combines dynamics at the level of the family, the economy, the culture and the political arena.¶ Top political and economic leaders are the low-hanging fruit of patriarchy statistics. But they probably are in the end the most important—the telling pattern is that the higher you look, the maler it gets. If a society really had a stable, female-dominated power structure for an extended period of time even I would eventually question whether it was really still a patriarchy.In my own area of research things are messier, because families and workplaces differ so much and power is usually jointly held. But I'm confident in describing American families as mostly patriarchal.¶ Maybe the most basic indicator is the apparently quaint custom of wives assuming their husbands' names. This hasn't generated much feminist controversy lately. But to an anthropologist from another planet, this patrilineality would be a major signal that American families are male-dominated.¶ Among U.S.-born married women, only 6 percent had a surname that differed from their husband's in 2004 (it was not until the 1970s that married women could even function legally using their "maiden" names). Among the youngest women the rate is higher, so there is a clear pattern of change—but no end to the tradition in sight.¶ Of course, the proportion of people getting married has fallen, and the number of children born to non-married parents has risen. Single parenthood—and the fact that this usually means single motherhood—reflects both women's growing independence and the burdens of care that fall on them (another piece of the patriarchal puzzle). This is one of many very important changes. But they don't add up to a non-patriarchal society.	COHEN( professor of sociology)NOV 19 2012(PHILIP, “America is still a patriarchy”, The Atlantic, http://www.theatlantic.com/sexes/archive/2012/11/america-is-still-a-patriarchy/265428/)	the United States, like every society in the world, remains a patriarchy: they are ruled by men. That is not just because every country (except Rwanda) has a majority-male national parliament, and it is despite the handful of countries with women heads of state. It is a systemic characteristic that combines dynamics at the level of the family, the economy, the culture and the political arena.¶ Top political and economic leaders are the low-hanging fruit of patriarchy statistics. But they probably are in the end the most important—the telling pattern is that the higher you look, the maler it gets. If a society really had a stable, female-dominated power structure for an extended period of time even I would eventually question whether it was really still a patriarchy	At its very root America and by extention its government are patriarchal	2,067	73	775	330	12	128	0.036364	0.387879	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,538	Consider the actions of the Navy brass in the so-called Tailhook scandal, in which “officers and gentlemen” man-handled female officers at an annual fliers convention. The brass did nothing at first. According to journalist Amanda Smith, this is because “Naval officers knew perfectly well this behavior was quite ordinary” (Smith 1992). Carol Burke, a professor at the Naval Academy at Annapolis for seven years, describes woman-hating as deliberately taught at that tax-supported institution, often in marching songs and the way soldiers are penalized for unsoldier-like behavior. Examples of a marching song sets the stage for the depth and historical reality of this hatred: “My girl is a vegeta- ble . . . my girl ain’t got no eyes, just sockets full of flies.” The song continues to boast of “cutting a woman in two with a chain saw or ramming an ice pick through her ears, then using the pick as a handlebar to ride her like a Harley motorcycle.” Men keep “Hog Logs” of female visitors to the Academy recep- tion office whom they deem unattractive, and “male midshipmen wear Chiquita and Dole banana stickers in their hats to mark each time they have sex with a date on the academy grounds” (Smith 1992).7 As recently as October 4, 1993, Xme magazine reported that “in heterosexual litigation, meanwhile, the Navy withdrew all charges against a pilot in one of the 120 Karen J. Warren and Duane L. Cady 11 sexual harassment cases stemming from the infamous Tailhook Association convention two years ago. Prosecutors abandoned the case against Lieutenant Cole Cowden after determining there wasn’t sufficient evidence to go to court. The Navy has now dropped half of the Tailhook cases” (Erne 1993). The Tailhook scandal is just one more piece of evidence that the historical con- nections between the military and the treatment of women as inferior subor- dinates. Any peace politics which fails to centralize the treatment of women in war and by the military in general will simply be male gender-biased (if not blind) and, hence, grossly inadequate.	Warren and Cady 94, Karen J. and Duane L., “Feminism and Peace: Seeing Connections”, Volume 9, Issue 2, pages 4–20, May 1994	Consider the actions of the Navy brass in which “officers man-handled female officers at an annual fliers convention The brass did nothing this is because “Naval officers knew perfectly well this behavior was quite ordinary” Burke describes woman-hating as deliberately taught at that tax-supported institution, often in marching songs and the way soldiers are penalized for unsoldier-like behavior The song continues to boast of “cutting a woman in two with a chain saw or ramming an ice pick through her ears, then using the pick as a handlebar to ride her like a Harley motorcycle.” male midshipmen wear Chiquita and Dole banana stickers in their hats to mark each time they have sex with a date on the academy grounds” in heterosexual litigation the Navy withdrew all charges against a pilot in one of the 120 sexual harassment cases Prosecutors abandoned the case after determining there wasn’t sufficient evidence The Navy has now dropped half of the cases The Tailhook scandal is just one more piece of evidence that the historical con- nections between the military and the treatment of women as inferior subor- dinates. Any peace politics which fails to centralize the treatment of women in war and by the military in general will simply be male gender-biased and, hence, grossly inadequate.	Commodification is inevitable absent feminism – objectification starts with the subordination of the female body	2,058	112	1,300	341	15	213	0.043988	0.624633	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,539	Consider a different sort of case: In Somalia today, women, children, and the elderly are most in risk of starvation and violent death in part because they are least empowered and are most vulnerable to rape and disease in their war-torn country. Their defenselessness is cultural and political as well as practical. While men and boys are not immune to starvation and suffering, they have greater access to various means of self-defense and military protec- tion. In Bosnia-Herzegovina, women and girls have been raped and molested in horrific numbers in addition to the death, injury, and dislocation they have experienced as the “generic” victims of war. A recent article on war rape (gang rape by soldiers, beatings, and sexual enslavement) reports that victims are largely “being ignored in Croatia, where predominately male, Roman Catho- lic, and conservative health officials are too discomfited by the subject to provide care or compassion (Minneapolis StarlTribune 1992). Most of the 10 Hypatia victims will be ostracized in their tradition-bound societies once the war ends; many already have been cast out of their homes and left to fend for themselves. Their experiences are horrifying and legion. In the same article, according to Zorica Spoljar, a volunteer with the Kareta feminist organization who has been visiting refugee shelters to talk to rape victims, says, “Men rape during war because it is considered an act of the victors. In traditional societies, like those in the occupied areas [of Bosnia], women have always been considered prop- erty, so violating them is a way for the winners to show who now controls that property.’’ Women’s groups and antiwar organizations constantly protest that nothing is done for the innumerable victims of sexual violence which is viewed as a logical, predictable, rightful consequence of war. The Zagreb feminist movement has been making such appeals with virtually no success. 3. Historical Connections Sadly, current reports of huge numbers of war rapes in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Rigoberta Menchti’s recent testimony of rape and sexual violence agaiqst women by military oppressors in Guatemala (Menchti 1983) are just contem- porary extensions of a patriarchal legacy documented by Susan Brownmiller in Against Our Will: Men, Women, and Rape (Brownmiller 1975). The history of rape shows it to be a “natural” part of war. Such empirical data itself establishes important historical connections between how one treats women, the poor, racial minorities, and the nonhuman environment, on the one hand, and engagement in military, war, and other violent conflict resolution strate- gies on the other. But one can look elsewhere as well.	Warren and Cady 94, Karen J. and Duane L., “Feminism and Peace: Seeing Connections”, Volume 9, Issue 2, pages 4–20, May 1994	In Somalia , women are most in risk of starvation and violent death in part because they are least empowered and are most vulnerable to rape and disease in their war-torn country Their defenselessness is cultural and political as well as practical men and boys have greater access to various means of self-defense and military protec- tion In Bosnia-Herzegovina, women and girls have been raped and molested in horrific numbers in addition to the death, injury, and dislocation they have experienced as the “generic” victims of war. A recent article on war rape reports that victims are largely “being ignored where predominately male and conservative health officials are too discomfited by the subject to provide care or compassion Most victims will be ostracized in their tradition-bound societies once the war ends Their experiences are horrifying and legion Men rape during war because it is considered an act of the victors. In traditional societies, like those in the occupied areas women have always been considered prop- erty, so violating them is a way for the winners to show who now controls that property nothing is done for the innumerable victims of sexual violence which is viewed as a logical consequence of war Such empirical data itself establishes important historical connections between how one treats women, the poor, racial minorities, and the nonhuman environment and engagement in military, war, and other violent conflict resolution strate- gies	Patriarchy is responsible for the extreme abuse of those who live in the third world	2,695	84	1,472	423	15	234	0.035461	0.553191	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,540	5. Symbolic/Linguistic Connections Much of feminist critique regarding war and violence focuses on language, particularly the symbolic connections between sexist-naturist-warist language, that is, language which inferiorizes women and nonhuman nature by natural- izing women and feminizing nature, and then gets used in discussions of war and nuclear issues. For example, naturist language describes women as cows, foxes, chicks, serpents, bitches, beavers, old bats, pussycats, cats, bird-brains, hare-brains. Sexist language feminizes and sexualizes nature: Nature is raped, mastered, conquered, controlled, mined. “Her” “secrets” are “penetrated,” and “her” “womb” is put into the service of the “man of science.” “Virgin (not stud) timber” is felled, cut down. “Fertile (not potent) soil” is tilled, and land that lies “fallow” (not cultivated) is “barren,)’ useless. Language which so feminizes nature and so naturalizes women describes, reflects, and perpetuates the domination and inferiorization of both by failing to see the extent to which the twin dominations of women and nature (including animals) are, in fact, culturally (and not merely figuratively) connected (Adams 1988,61).	Warren and Cady 94, Karen J. and Duane L., “Feminism and Peace: Seeing Connections”, Volume 9, Issue 2, pages 4–20, May 1994	Much feminist critique regarding war focuses on symbolic connections between sexist-naturist-warist language, that is, language which inferiorizes women and nonhuman nature by natural- izing women and feminizing nature, and then gets used in discussions of war and nuclear issues naturist language describes women as cows Sexist language feminizes and sexualizes nature: Nature is raped, mastered, conquered, controlled, mined. “Her” “secrets” are “penetrated,” and put into the service of the “man of science.” Virgin timber” is felled land that lies “fallow is “barren,)’ useless Language which so feminizes nature perpetuates the domination and inferiorization of both by failing to see the extent to which the twin dominations of women and nature are culturally connected	Destruction of the environment stems from the same fount of subjugation as the destruction of the female body	1,192	109	775	168	18	113	0.107143	0.672619	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,541	Marquez seems to provide an alternative to the nonsensical violence through the characters of his important women who become the only characters in the novel who make a conscious effort to stop this senseless violence. Clotilde Armenta urges the twins to halt the murder when Santiago passes by her tea-shop –“For the love of God, leave him for later, if only out of respect for his grace the bishop.” .When she sees Bedoya, she asks him to warn Santiago; she also informs the Bishop and the civic authorities. She even makes a physical intervention in holding Pedro Vicario by the collar to prevent the murder. Santiago’s mother closes the door thinking he is already inside so as to prevent the occurrence of the murder. Maria Cervantes is not present at the site of murder. Clotilde’s lamentation about the solitariness of women in the world is thus a critique of the socio-economic system wherein a women’s position denies her any agency and makes resistance to mindless violence and exploitation very difficult for them. Even in the responses of guilt to the collective complicity in the murder, women’s responses are most extreme. Hortensia Borte, ‘whose only participation was having seen two bloody knives that were bloody as yet’ was so disturbed by the whole experience that she was in a state of nervous breakdown and one day, “unable to take in any longer, she ran out naked into the street.” Santiago’s fiancée, ran away ‘out of spite’ with a lieutenant of the border patrol, who then ‘prostituted her amongst the rubber workers of Vicada’. Aura Villeras, the mid-wife suffers a severe bladder spasm. It is hence a comment on how women and women’s body are always the worst and very often amongst the most vulnerable victims in situations of conflict and violence. Another significant aspect is the novel’s end with the heart warming image of Santiago Nasser calling out to the narrator’s aunt Wenefrida Marquez, (another woman character) “They’ve killed me, Wene child” – which, despite its danger of reinstating stereotypes of the feminine as empathetic and loving, does serve an enduring image of human warmth and love, which cannot be subdued by this violence.	Surviving Baenglish 12. . N.p., Web. 28 July 2013, review of The Chronicles of a Death Foretold: Gabriel Garcia Marquez<http://survivingbaenglish.wordpress.com/violence-in-marquezs-chronicles/>.	Clotilde’s lamentation about the solitariness of women in the world is a critique of the socio-economic system wherein a women’s position denies her any agency and makes resistance to mindless violence and exploitation very difficult for them. women and women’s body are always the worst and very often amongst the most vulnerable victims in situations of conflict and violence	Patriarchy eliminates any risk of solidarity: the fascism of this frame ensures damning lonliness	2,179	97	377	363	14	59	0.038567	0.162534	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,542	Hence, the environmental effects of a war such as the Persian Gulf War threaten the lives and livelihood of those humans least able to escape the immediate effects-women, children, and the poor. A feminist perspective- especially an ecofeminist perspective that focuses on the interrelationships between the treatment of women and other subdominants, on the one hand, and the treatment of the nonhuman natural environment. on the other 8 Hypatia hand-shows how and where such effects will be borne disproportionately by women, children, racial minorities, and the poor.6 Consider chemical sensitivity. Persistent toxic chemicals, largely because of their ability to cross the placenta, to bioaccumulate, and to occur as mixtures, pose disproportionate serious health threats to infants, mothers, and the elderly. In the United States this is a crucial issue, for example, for Native Americans living on reservations, recognized by the federal government as “sovereign nations.’’ Navajo Indians are the primary work force in the mining of uranium in the United States. According to a report, “Toxics and Minority Communities” (Center for Third World Organizing 1986), two million tons of radioactive uranium tailings have been dumped on Native American lands. Cancer of the reproductive organs occurs among Navaho teenagers at a rate seventeen times the national average. Indian reservations of the Kaibab Paiutes (Northern Arizona) and other tribes across the United States are targeted sites for hazardous waste incinerators, disposal and storage facilities. Many tribes, “faced with unemployment rates of eighty percent or higher, are desperate for both jobs and capital” (The Christian Science Monitor 1991). The infamous report Toxic Wastes and Race in the United States (Commission for Racial Justice of the United Church of Christ 1987) identified race as the primary factor in the location of uncontrolled, hazardous waste sites in the United States. Three out of every five African Americans and Hispanic Americans and more than half of all Asian Pacific Islanders and Native Americans live in communities with uncontrolled toxic waste sites. Native American women face particular health risks. A survey of house- holds and hospitals on the Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota revealed that in 1979 in one month thirty-eight percent of the pregnant women on the reservation suffered miscarriages, compared to the U.S. population rate of between ten and twenty percent. There were also extremely high rates of cleft palate and other birth defects, as well as hepatitis, jaundice, and serious diarrhea. Health officials confirmed that the Pine Ridge Reservation had higher than average rates of bone and gynecological cancers. What does this have to do with peace? In addition to the obvious point that these toxics maim, harm, and kill their victims, the United States government plays a major role in the proliferation of these wastes. According to Seth Shulman’s The Threat at Home: Confronting the Toxic Legacy ofthe U.S. Military (Shulman 1992), the U.S. military is one of the leading producers of unregu- lated toxic wastes, hidden from public view, control, and knowledge, at military and other installations in every state. For instance, Basin F, a phosphorescent toxic lake on the outskirts of Denver, is believed to be the earth‘s most toxic square mile (Shulman 1992, xi). The liquid filling this 100-acre lagoon contains “nearly 11 million gallons’ worth of wastes, including by-products of the manufacture of nerve gas and mustard gas-chemical weapons whose Karen J. Warren and Duane L. Cady 9 lethality is normally measured in minute quantities such as milligrams” (xi). While most people associate the problem of toxic wastes with corporate industrial giants like Union Carbide, Exxon, or Du Pont. In fact, the Pentagon’s vast enterprise produces well over a ton of toxic wastes every minute, a yearly output that some contend is greater than that of the top five U.S. chemical companies combined. To make matters considerably worse, the military branch of the federal government has for decades operated almost entirely unrestricted by environmental law. Billions of gallons of toxic wastes-a virtual ocean-have been dumped by the US. military directly into the ground at thou- sands of sites across the country over the past decades. (Shul- man 1992, xiii) According to Shulman, the national military toxic burden is “a figurative minefield. The nationwide military toxic waste problem is monumental-a nightmare of almost overwhelming proportion. And like JPG’s Uefferson Proving Ground in Madison, Indiana] bombs, the military’s toxic legacy is sequestered from public view, waiting, politically at least, to explode” (Shul- man 1992,7). . The Pentagon’s own account ranks it “among the worst violators of hazard- ous waste laws in the country” (Shulman 1992,8). The Pentagon has already identified approximately 20,000 sites of suspected toxic contamination on land currently or formerly owned by the military worldwide; to date only 404 have been cleaned up (Shulman 1992,8). The nearly unthinkable worry is whether a real cleanup of this toxic legacy is technically possible. These empirical examples show fundamental feminism/peace connections, namely, those involving the placement of uranium tailings and other toxic wastes, since the military bears primary responsibility for exposure to toxics in the United States.	Warren and Cady 94, Karen J. and Duane L., “Feminism and Peace: Seeing Connections”, Volume 9, Issue 2, pages 4–20, May 1994	A feminist perspective shows how and where such effects will be borne disproportionately by women, children, racial minorities, and the poor Persistent toxic chemicals pose disproportionate serious health threats to mothers . In the United States this is a crucial issue Native Americans living on reservations are the primary work force in the mining of uranium in the United States. two million tons of radioactive uranium tailings have been dumped on Native American lands. Cancer of the reproductive organs occurs among Navaho teenagers at a rate seventeen times the national average Indian reservations are targeted sites for hazardous waste incinerators Many tribes, “faced with unemployment rates of eighty percent or higher, are desperate for both jobs and capital thirty-eight percent of the pregnant women on the reservation suffered miscarriages There were extremely high rates of cleft palate and other birth defects the Reservation had higher than average rates of bone and gynecological cancers What does this have to do with peace? In addition to the obvious point that these toxics maim, harm, and kill their victims, the United States government plays a major role in the proliferation of these wastes the U.S. military is one of the leading producers of unregu- lated toxic wastes, hidden from public view While most people associate the problem of toxic wastes with corporate industrial giants In fact, the Pentagon’s vast enterprise produces well over a ton of toxic wastes every minute the military branch of the federal government has for decades operated almost entirely unrestricted by environmental law the national military toxic burden is “a figurative minefield. The toxic waste problem is monumental a nightmare of almost overwhelming proportion. the military’s toxic legacy is sequestered from public view, waiting, , to explode These empirical examples show fundamental feminism/peace connections, namely, those involving the placement of uranium tailings and other toxic wastes, since the military bears primary responsibility for exposure to toxics in the United States.	Society’s patriarchal frame is responsible for conditions in which radioactive waste from the military can ensure virtual genocide of Native populations	5,451	152	2,103	836	21	321	0.02512	0.383971	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,543	The scholarly literature suggests many that of what we will call “woman-peace connections’’ are relevant to feminism. We discuss six such connections: Concep- tual, empirical/experiential, historical, political, symbolic/linguistic, and psy- chological connections. For our purposes, they provide numerous interrelated sorts of answers to the question “What has feminism to do with peace?” They thereby set the stage for showing something we do not explicitly argue for here, namely, the ethical and theoretical imperatives of including feminism in discussion of peace issues. Of special interest to feminist philosophers are “conceptual frameworks.” A conceptual framework is a set of basic beliefs, values, attitudes, and assumptions that shape and reflect how we view ourselves and others. It is a socially constructed lens through which one views the world. When it explains, justifies, and maintains relationships of domination and subordination, a conceptual framework is oppressive. An oppressive conceptual framework is patriarchal when it explains, justifies, and maintains the subordination of women by men (Warren 1987, 1989,1990,1994). Perhaps the most obvious connection between feminism and peace is that both are structured around the concept and logic of domination (see (5) below). Although there are a great many varieties of feminism, all feminists agree that the domination/subordination of women exists, is morally wrong, 6 Hypatia and must be eliminated. Most feminists agree that the social construction of gender is affected by such multiple factors as race/ethnicity, class, affectional preferences, age, religion, and geographic location. So, in fact, any feminist movement to end the oppression of women will also be a movement, for example, to end the multiple oppressions of racism, classism, heterosexism, ageism, ethnocentrism, anti-Semitism, imperialism, and so on (see Warren 1990). War, the “decision by arms,” the “final arbiter of disputes,” “an act of force which theoretically has no limits’ ” (Clausewiu 1976) amounts to domination pushed to the extreme: Imposition of will by one group onto another by means of threat, injury, and death. Genuine peace (“positive peace”), on the other hand, involves interaction between and among individuals and groups where such behavior is orderly from within, cooperative, and based on agreement. Genuine peace is not a mere absence of war (“negative peace”), where order is imposed from outside by domination (Cady 1989, 1991). It is the process and reality where life-affirming, self-determined, environmentally sustainable ends are sought and accomplished through coalitionary, interactive, coopera- tive means. Feminism and peace share an important conceptual connection: Both are critical of, and committed to the elimination of, coercive power-over privilege systems of domination as a basis of interaction between individuals and groups. A feminist critique and development of any peace politics, therefore, ulti- mately is a critique of systems of unjustified domination. What constitutes such systems of unjustified domination? Warren has explicitly argued elsewhere (Warren 1987, 1988, 1990, 1994, N.d.) that at the conceptual level they consist of at least five oppressive ways of interpreting the world and acting in it. These are five characteristics of an oppressive conceptual framework and the behaviors linked with their implementation: ( 1) value-hierarchical thinking, that is, Up-Down thinking which attributes higher value (status, prestige) to what is “Up” than to what is “Down”; (2) value dualisms, that is, disjunctive pairs in which the disjuncts are seen as oppositional (rather than as complementary) and as exclusive (rather than as inclusive); value dualisms include reason/emotion, mind/body, culture/nature, humanlnature, and man/woman dichotomies; (3) conceptions of power as power-over (in contrast to power-with, power-within, power toward, and power-against p~wer);~ (4) conceptions of privilege which favor the interests of the “Ups”; and (5) a logic of domination, that is, a structure of argumenta- tion which presumes that superiority justifies subordination. In a patriarchal conceptual framework, higher status is attributed to what is male-gender-identified than to what is female-gender-identified. Many femi- nists claim that, at least in Western culture, emotion, body, and nature have been historically female-gender-identified and considered inferior to reason, mind, and culture, which have been male-gender-identified. Karen J. Warren and Duane L. Cady 7 Conceptually, a feminist perspective suggests that patriarchal conceptual frameworks and the behavior they give rise to, are what sanction, maintain, and perpetuate “isms of domination”-sexism, racism, classism, ~arism,~ naturism5 and the coercive power-over institutions and practices necessary to maintain these “isms.” If this is correct, then no account of peace is adequate which does not reveal patriarchal conceptual frameworks; they underlie and sustain war and conflict resolution strategies. (Examples of why we think this is correct are laced throughout the remainder of the paper.)	Warren and Cady 94, Karen J. and Duane L., “Feminism and Peace: Seeing Connections”, Volume 9, Issue 2, pages 4–20, May 1994	many that of what we will call “woman-peace connections’’ are relevant to feminism. What has feminism to do with peace? the ethical and theoretical imperatives of including feminism in discussion of peace issues. An oppressive conceptual framework is patriarchal when it explains and maintains the subordination of women by men the most obvious connection between feminism and peace is that both are structured around the concept and logic of domination all feminists agree that the domination/subordination of women exists, is morally wrong and must be eliminated War amounts to domination pushed to the extreme: Imposition of will by one group onto another by means of threat and death Genuine peace involves interaction between individuals where such behavior is orderly from within and based on agreement. Genuine peace is not a mere absence of war ). It is the process and reality where life-affirming ends are sought and accomplished through coalitionary means Feminism and peace share an important conceptual connection: Both are critical of coercive power-over privilege systems of domination as a basis of interaction A feminist critique ulti- mately is a critique of systems of unjustified domination. These are five characteristics of an oppressive conceptual framework ( 1) Up-Down thinking which attributes higher value ) to what is “Up” than to what is “Down”; (2) value dualisms disjunctive pairs in which the disjuncts are seen as oppositional and exclusive (3) conceptions of power as power-over );~ (4) conceptions of privilege which favor the interests of the “Ups”; and (5) a logic of domination a structure of argumenta- tion which presumes that superiority justifies subordination In a patriarchal framework, higher status is attributed to what is male-gender-identified than to what is female-gender-identified emotion , and nature have been historically female-gender-identified and considered inferior to reason and culture, which have been male-gender-identified patriarchal conceptual frameworks sanction, maintain, and perpetuate “isms of domination sexism, racism, classism and coercive power-over institutions no account of peace is adequate which does not reveal patriarchal conceptual frameworks; they underlie and sustain war and conflict resolution strategies.	Feminism and peace are indistinguishable – the two concepts rest upon a series of largely synonymous premises – strategies of peace that ignore the patriarchal frame of society are doomed to failure	5,177	198	2,296	745	32	339	0.042953	0.455034	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,544	The adoption of sexist-naturist language in military and nuclear parlance carries the inequity to new heights (Warren N.d.). Nuclear missiles are on “farms,” “in silos.” That part of the submarine where twenty-four multiple warhead nuclear missiles are lined up, ready for launching, is called “the Christmas tree farm”; BAMBI is the acronym developed for an early version of an antiballistic missile system (for Ballistic Missile Boost Intercept). In her article “Sex and Death in the Rational World of Defense Intellectuals,” Carol Cohn describes her one-year immersion in a university’s center on defense technology and arms control. She relates a professor’s explanation of why the Karen J. Warren and Duane L. Cady 13 MX missile is to be placed in the silos of the new Minuteman missiles, instead of replacing the older, less accurate ones “because they’re in the nicest hole-you’re not going to take the nicest missile you have and put it in a crummy hole.” Cohn describes a linguistic world of vertical erector launchers, thrust-to-weight ratios, soft lay downs, deep penetration, penetration aids (also known as “penaids”, devices that help bombers of missiles get past the “enemy’s” defensive system), “the comparative advantages ofprotracted versus spasm attacks”- or what one military advisor to the National Security Council has called “releasing 70 to 80 percent of our megatonnage in one orgasmic whump”-where India’s explosion of a nuclear bomb is spoken of as “losing her virginity” and New Zealand’s refusal to allow nuclear-arms or nuclear-pow- ered warships into its ports is described as “nuclear virginity” (Cohn 1989, 133-37). Such language and imagery creates, reinforces, and justifies nuclear weapons as a kind of male sexual dominance of females. There are other examples of how sexist-naturist language in military con- texts is both self-deceptive and symbolic of male-gendered dominance. Ronald Reagan dubbed the MX missile “the Peacekeeper.” ‘Clean bombs” are those which announce that “radioactivity is the only ‘dirty’ part of killing people” (Cohn 1989, 132). Human deaths are only “collateral damage” (since bombs are targeted at buildings, not people). While a member of the Senate Armed Forces Committee, Senator Gary Hart recalled that during military lobbying efforts under the Carter administration, the central image was that of a “size race” which became “a macho issue.” The American decision to drop the first atomic bomb into the centers of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, instead of rural areas, was based on the military’s designation of those cities as “virgin targets,” not to be subjected to conventional bombing (Spretnak 1989,55). As the Tailhook scandal reminded many, traditional military training rein- forces sexist-naturist language and behaviors, with the attendant values of considering women a foul and lowly class (Cook and Woollacott; Ruddick 1993). Recruits and soldiers who fail to perform are addressed as faggot, girl, sissy, cunt, prissy, lays. The ultimate insult of being woman-like has been used throughout history against the vanquished (Spretnak 1989, 57). Even refer- ences to stereotypically female-gender-identified traits of childbearing and mothering are not free from patriarchal co-opting. In December 1942, Ernest Lawrence’s telegram to the physicists at Chicago concerning the new “baby,” the atom bomb, read, “Congratulations to the new parents. Can hardly wait to see the new arrival” (Cohn 1989, 140). As Carol Cohn shows, the idea of male birth with its accompanying belittling of maternity, gets incorporated into the nuclear mentality. The “motherhood role” becomes that of “telemetry, tracking, and control” (Cohn 1989, 141). Once the sexism of the co-opted imagery is revealed, the naming of the bombs that destroyed Hiroshima and Nagasaki-“Little Boy” and “Fat Man”-seems only logical (even if perverse). As Carol Cohn claims, “These ultimate destroyers were . . . not just any 14 Hypatia progeny but male progeny. In early tests, before they were certain that the bombs would work, the scientists expressed their concern by saying that they hoped the baby was a boy, not a girl-that is, not a dud” (Cohn 1989, 141). Cohn concludes: “The entire history of the bomb project, in fact, seems permeated with imagery that confounds man’s overwhelming technological power to destroy nature with the power to create-imagery that inverts men’s destruction and asserts in its place the power to create new life and a new world. It converts men’s destruction into their rebirth” (Cohn 1989, 142).	Warren and Cady 94, Karen J. and Duane L., “Feminism and Peace: Seeing Connections”, Volume 9, Issue 2, pages 4–20, May 1994	The adoption of sexist-naturist language in nuclear parlance carries the inequity to new heights Nuclear missiles are on “farms,” “in silos.” That part of the submarine where twenty-four multiple warhead nuclear missiles are eady for launching, is called “the Christmas tree farm” Cohn relates a professor’s explanation of why the MX missile is to be placed in the silos of the new Minuteman missiles, instead of replacing the older, less accurate ones “because they’re in the nicest hole-you’re not going to take the nicest missile you have and put it in a crummy hole.” Cohn describes a linguistic world of vertical erector launchers, thrust-to-weight ratios, soft lay downs, deep penetration, penetration aids or what one military advisor to the National Security Council has called “releasing 70 to 80 percent of our megatonnage in one orgasmic whump” Such language and imagery creates, reinforces, and justifies nuclear weapons as a kind of male sexual dominance of females. Reagan dubbed the MX missile “the Peacekeeper. Hart recalled that during military lobbying efforts the central image was that of a “size race” which became “a macho issue.” The decision to drop the first atomic bomb into the centers of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, instead of rural areas, was based on the military’s designation of those cities as “virgin targets,” not to be subjected to conventional bombing The ultimate insult of being woman-like has been used throughout history against the vanquished the idea of male birth with its accompanying belittling of maternity, gets incorporated into the nuclear mentality The “motherhood role” becomes that of “telemetry, tracking, and control” These ultimate destroyers were . . . not just any progeny but male progeny The entire history of the bomb project seems permeated with imagery that confounds man’s overwhelming technological power to destroy nature with the power to create-imagery that inverts men’s destruction and asserts in its place the power to create new life and a new world. It converts men’s destruction into their rebirth”	Nuclearism is an extrapolation of the patriarchal frame: proliferation is a machisimo competition, and Hiroshima was the defiling of the pure virgin subject	4,567	156	2,068	707	23	327	0.032532	0.462518	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,545	In just over a decade, gender and international relations, or, as it is also called, feminist international relations, has situated itself in the discipline of international relations at many different levels: from reassessing mainstream theoretical approaches to international relations, to advocating alternative perspectives and conceptuali- zations of international relations, to inserting women into the international relations discourse. Given the recent exponential growth in the theories of feminist international relations, and what appears to be increased interest in the field, one might venture to say that it is in the process of becoming fully established as an accepted and legitimate sub-field of international relations throughout the academy. The term gender, as defined within contemporary discourse, refers to the complex social construction of men’s and women’s identities. One’s gender reflects not simply or necessarily even one’s biological characteristics, but rather culturally specific notions of men’s and women’s behaviors, particularly in relation to each other. Fundamental in the discourse on gender is the notion of power and the power dynamics between genders. A feminist approach, then, aims to reveal the gendered dimensions of theories, structures, and actions; in the context of international relations, this amounts to an epistemological approach of interrogating international relations theory and, in so doing, placing and/or bringing to light women’s and gender issues in foreign policy and in the broader international arena. As Marysia Zalewski put it quite simply, this approach asks two main questions: “What work is gender doing?” and “Where are the women?”4 The ultimate result—or at least the objective—is to bring to the study and practice of international relations a more critical and grounded understanding of the world and the way it works, as well and particularly to better understand the gender dynamics that create inequities of power between men and women.	Thorburn (lecturer in International Relations in the Department of Government at the University of the West Indies, Mona) 2k, Diana, “Feminism Meets International Relations”, SAIS Review, Volume 20, Number 2, Summer-Fall 2000, pp. 1-10 (Article)	feminist international relations has situated itself in the discipline of international relations at many levels: from reassessing mainstream theoretical approaches to international relations, to advocating alternative perspectives and conceptuali- zations of international relations, to inserting women into the international relations discourse it is in the process of becoming fully established as an accepted and legitimate sub-field of international relations throughout the academy gender refers to the complex social construction of men’s and women’s identities One’s gender reflects not simply one’s biological characteristics, but rather culturally specific notions of behaviors, particularly in relation to each other Fundamental in the discourse on gender is the notion of power and power dynamics A feminist approach aims to reveal the gendered dimensions of theories, structures, and actions this amounts to an epistemological approach of interrogating international relations theory and bringing to light women’s and gender issues in foreign policy and in the broader international arena The ultimate result is to bring to the study and practice of international relations a more critical and grounded understanding of the world and the way it works	Feminism is able to interrogate international relations and arrive at preferable, non-gendered solutions	2,016	104	1,264	296	13	179	0.043919	0.60473	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,546	What is ecofeminist pedagogy? We have no authorial and de- finitive answers, but we embrace ecofeminist pedagogy as a way to critique the ani- mal-industrial-complex and interrupt the hegemonic discursive system that enables and sustains meat-eating. Ecofeminist pedagogy can be interpreted as a critical praxis: a theoretical and practical orientation and approach for bringing political concerns and educational practices together. As Weil (1993) explains, "Ecofeminist pedagogy is a perspective which challenges the domination and hierarchical systems of oppres- sion that underlie the patriarchal structures and philosophies of the dominant culture, and a methodology which attempts to untangle and disarm patriarchal indoctrination as it relates to various aspects of our life-styles, beliefs, ideas, and behaviors" (311). This ecofeminist teaching philosophy assumes that pedagogy and politics impli- cate each other within mutually reinforcing moments, and to critique and refigure es- tablished social identities and representations (Giroux 1991, 1994, 1997; hooks 1994a; Said 1983). "We should not forfeit the opportunity of theorizing both teachers and students as historical agents of resistance" (McLaren 1994, 213). Teachers are agents of resistance by working to question and transform hegemonic power relations. For instance, teachers can use tactical interruptions to disrupt the dominant discursive order. An "interruption provides a gap in the narrative in which vegetarianism can be entertained" (Adams, 1990, 137), "the gestalt shift by which vegetarianism can be heard" (136), and "destabilizes the text and the culture it represents" (139). It is in these dissonant ruptures between meanings, values, and identities that simultaneously oppress and resist that students can cultivate a critical-relational consciousness. It is necessary to emphasize that theorizing teachers and students as agents of change does not valorize or romanticize resistance. To define and polarize divergent	Houde and Bullis 99, Lincoln J., Connie, “Ecofeminist Pedagogy: An Exploratory Case”, Ethics & the Environment, Volume 4, Number 2, 1999, pp. 143-174 (Article)	we embrace ecofeminist pedagogy as a way to interrupt the hegemonic discursive system Ecofeminist pedagogy can be interpreted as a critical praxis: a theoretical and practical orientation and approach for bringing political concerns and educational practices together. Ecofeminist pedagogy is a perspective which challenges the domination and hierarchical systems of oppres- sion that underlie the patriarchal structures and philosophies of the dominant culture and a methodology which attempts to untangle and disarm patriarchal indoctrination as it relates to various aspects of our life-styles, beliefs, ideas, and behaviors" ecofeminist teaching assumes that pedagogy and politics impli- cate each other within mutually reinforcing moments "We should not forfeit the opportunity of theorizing both teachers and students as historical agents of resistance Teachers are agents of resistance by working to question and transform hegemonic power relations. teachers can use tactical interruptions to disrupt the dominant discursive order. An "interruption provides a gap in the narrative in which vegetarianism can be entertained" and "destabilizes the text and the culture it represents" It is in these dissonant ruptures between meanings, values, and identities that simultaneously oppress and resist that students can cultivate a critical-relational consciousness theorizing teachers and students as agents of change does not valorize or romanticize resistance. To define and polarize divergent	Ecofeminist pedagogy is a clear challenge to the patriarchal frame – we use the teacher to create structural opposition to the existing order. This is not idealist – the alternative’s pedagogy is a pragmatic and immediate option by which the	2,006	242	1,497	283	40	209	0.141343	0.738516	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,547	Schutte’s particular political-cum-philosophical contribution can be brought into focus by making reference to Sylvia Wynter, another theorist from the Caribbean. Wynter (2000) has argued that the liberatory discourse of both Marxism and liberalism, as these have been taken up in the spheres of anticolo- nialist thought and practice, have been waylaid by their inattention to epistemic and ontological forms of colonization. Marxism’s great weakness was that it neglected a suffi cient attention to the question of epistemology, which resulted in its replication of hierarchical and colonial forms of knowledge production and the distribution of epistemic authority. Marxism’s focus remained fi xed on political sovereignty and economic sovereignty, but because the epistemic violence of traditional modes of knowing were ignored, some of the greatest egalitarian movements were overturned, as the discourses of liberation fell short in their attempt to democratize their societies and reach beyond the concepts and categories of capitalism and colonialism. Wynter further claims that we need to conceptualize an “ontological sovereignty” which will require no less than moving “completely outside our present conception of what it is to be human [that is, in which European “Man” is the subject of progressive human- ism], and therefore outside the ground of the orthodox body of knowledge which institutes and reproduces such a conception” (Wynter 2000, 136). Thus, the aim of ontological sovereignty relies ultimately on achieving epistemic sovereignty: we cannot begin to think beyond colonial categories of human existence until we have made the epistemic turn, to move beyond the episteme, in Foucault’s sense, of the current regime. (For a great introduction to Wynter’s work, see Henry 2000). Schutte’s orientation to questions of emancipation, and the motivation behind her expansive use of Nietzsche, has been her own awareness of this need for an epistemic and ontological turn within the project of liberation. She says we must uproot “any pattern of thinking and acting that takes for granted the cultural and scientific hegemony of procedures and values established in the most powerful nations of the earth” (2000a, 9). To counter this pattern, she says we have an “ethical responsibility to listen to those others whose voices may clash with the sources of epistemic legitimation established in the cen- tral parts of the world” (2000a, 9). Thus, we must pay close attention to the “politics of citation” practiced by even those internal Western critics, such as Heidegger, Nietzsche, Derrida, and Sartre, who have sought to deconstruct the Eurocentric historical project of global domination, even while “the scholarly sources [they] use tend to be European.” The epistemic break between these critics and the generation of postcolonial critics, she says, “involves in part the use of sources, and, in part, the political stance taken by philosophers in view of their life experiences” (2000a, 10). Thus, her Nietzschean inspired feminism and anticolonialism has been motivated by precisely the awareness of what Wynter has called the need for an epistemic and ontological, and not merely a political and economic, conceptualization of sovereignty and democracy. The resources that Schutte finds in a Nietzschean reevaluation of all value is precisely in its ability to free us from the structures of current thought, whether limited by political conservatism or left-wing dogmatisms, and thus to render operative the alternative rationalities and experiential perspectives from those outside, or on the underside, of the West. Schutte’s work on Nietzsche has not only been in what we might think of as “applied Nietzscheanism,” but also, and initially, in contributing substantially to the interpretive debate over Nietzsche’s corpus. Most originally, Schutte’s book Beyond Nihilism: Nietzsche Without Masks, was the fi rst study of Nietzsche to take up the political questions in a serious way, as neither a polemic against him or an apologia, and not so as to overpower Nietzsche’s entire corpus with the political but still to insist on its central relevance (Schutte 1984). I started using the book in my own course on Nietzsche when it fi rst came out because I was disturbed by the way that the recent Nietzsche revival at that time was eliding the serious political elitism in his work, in a manner not unlike the previous generation, where Kaufmann provided only apology without critical analysis of any sort of Nietzsche’s politics. Now, of course, a number of interest- ing analyses of Nietzsche’s politics have appeared, but Beyond Nihilism, coming out in 1984, was really the only book I could fi nd at the time to address the political issues squarely.	Alcoff (Premier feminist philosopher and political activist) 4, Linda Martin, “Schutte's Nietzschean Postcolonial Politics”, Hypatia, Volume 19, Number 3, Summer 2004, pp. 144-156 (Article)	Wynter argued that the liberatory discourse of both Marxism and liberalism have been waylaid by their inattention to epistemic and ontological forms of colonization. Marxism’s great weakness was that it neglected a suffi cient attention to the question of epistemology, which resulted in its replication of hierarchical and colonial forms of knowledge production and the distribution of epistemic authority because the epistemic violence of traditional modes of knowing were ignored, some of the greatest egalitarian movements were overturned as the discourses of liberation fell short in their attempt to democratize societies we need to conceptualize an “ontological sovereignty” which will require no less than moving “completely outside our present conception of what it is to be human , in which European “Man” is the subject of progressive human- ism and therefore outside the ground of the orthodox body of knowledge which institutes and reproduces such a conception the aim of ontological sovereignty relies ultimately on achieving epistemic sovereignty: we cannot begin to think beyond colonial categories of human existence until we have made the epistemic turn Schutte’s orientation to questions of emancipation has been her awareness of this need for an epistemic and ontological turn within the project of liberation. we must uproot “any pattern of thinking and acting that takes for granted the cultural and scientific hegemony of procedures and values established in the most powerful nations of the earth” we have an “ethical responsibility to listen to those others whose voices may clash with the sources of epistemic legitimation established in the cen- tral parts of the world” her Nietzschean inspired feminism has been motivated by precisely the awareness of the need for an epistemic and ontological, and not merely a political and economic conceptualization of sovereignty and democracy The resources that Schutte finds in a Nietzschean reevaluation of all value is in its ability to free us from the structures of current thought, whether limited by political conservatism or left-wing dogmatisms and thus to render operative the alternative rationalities from those on the underside, of the West	This perm is saying “we will free the shit out of you with our bombs” –	4,785	72	2,221	743	16	340	0.021534	0.457604	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,548	Female participation in the job market is a central theme of the books under review. Maler and Hahner describe the changes in women's eco- nomic activities over time. By 1870 in BrazÃ¼, higher education for women was seen as a way to enable them to enter prestigious professions. After the turn of the twentieth century, feminists' conception of female emancipation was strongly attached to work. Bertha Lutz, an important Brazilian activist, believed that the emancipation of women depended on access to paid work. She also saw "woman suffrage as a recognition of women's worth and as a means of ensuring women's future material and moral welfare" (MÃ¼ler, p. 85). By this time, many women were working outside the home, in industry, commerce, teaching, and many other occupations. Between 1850 and 1920, as Hahner points out, technological advance and the growth of rities opened new opportunities and challenges to Brazilian women. In addition, Latin American feminist movements, like their European and North American counterparts, now emphasized issues of importance to working women.11 The first decades of the twentieth century saw important advances toward fuU rights of dtizenship. In 1929, Ecuador became the first nation in Latin America to grant woman suffrage; Paraguay was the last one in 1961. Uruguay was, in theory, the first nation in the western hemisphere to recognize female suffrage by the 1917 constitution. However, the prin- dple of women suffrage required a two-thirds majority in each of the legislative houses to become law.12 In other countries partial suffrage was enacted. In Peru, the 1933 constitution permitted women to vote in local elections but retained the definition of "citizen" to mean propertied males (MÃ¼ler, p. 97, 98, 99). In 1934, Cuba became the fourth Latin American country to extend the franchise to women. As Stoner points out, the struggle for woman suffrage was part of a general defense of democracy against authoritarian presidential regimes. "Unlike divorce and property laws," she writes, "suffrage was passed because feminists made it a cause and a national symbol" (Stoner, p. 126). Despite the importance and visibility of the suffrage movements, their support was largely Umited to a minority of urban upper- and middle- class women. Hahner states that, although some BrazUian feminists of the 1920s and 1930s addressed problems of concern to working class women, such as long hours, low wages, and miserable working conditions, inter- dass Unkages proved difficult. The same problem stiU exists today; Brazil- ian feminists still face the difficult challenge of confronting the inequalities of class and gender simultaneously. As Hahner remarks, beneficial changes always seem to come more slowly to poor women than to better- off women or to men of any class (Hahner, pp. 120-207). The books reviewed here thus provide an overview both of the poUt- ical and economic fadors that have shaped women's movements in each country and of Latin American feminists' struggle to construd a theory and practice of feminism appropriate to their reaUties and not simply copied from other countries. AU three books show the importance of the exchange of experiences and ideas, esperiauy through the international conferences that played such a prominent role in the history of feminist movements. Such international organizations supported women's strug- gles on the national level and gave women an opportunity to discuss common problems and strategies.	Mesquita Samara (Latin American Women’s Historian) 94, Eni de, “Feminism, Social Justice and Citizenship in Latin America”, Journal of Women's History, Volume 6, Number 2, Summer 1994, pp. 135-143 (Article)	Female participation in the job market is a central theme Maler and Hahner describe the changes in women's eco- nomic activities over time By 1870 higher education for women was seen as a way to enable them to enter prestigious professions. After the turn of the twentieth century, feminists' conception of female emancipation was strongly attached to work. Lutz believed that the emancipation of women depended on access to paid work. She saw "woman suffrage as a recognition of women's worth and as a means of ensuring women's future material and moral welfare many women were working outside the home, in industry technological advance and the growth of rities opened new opportunities and challenges to Brazilian women Latin American feminist movements, like their European and North American counterparts, now emphasized issues of importance to working women. the struggle for woman suffrage was part of a general defense of democracy against authoritarian presidential regimes Brazil- ian feminists still face the difficult challenge of confronting the inequalities of class and gender simultaneously.	Capitalism is the wrong argument – feminism itself is a vehicle by which we can uncover classist inequality that would otherwise remain invisible – this is even apparent in the recent history of Latin American feminist literature	3,505	229	1,107	550	37	170	0.067273	0.309091	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,549	Beyond Nihilism is not focused primarily or exclusively on political questions, but provides an overall interpretation and critique of Nietzsche’s philosophy. Schutte is sympathetic to Nietzsche’s approach in the areas of metaphysics, epistemology, and metaphilosophy, and very supportive of his critiques of reli- gion and metaphysics—critiques that have clearly infl uenced all of Schutte’s philosophical work, in which her articulation of criteria for a liberatory phi- losophy opposes all dualist social ontologies and repudiates the possibility of theoretical closure. Schutte emphasizes Nietzsche’s aim to overcome dualism, and she interprets nihilism as a product of the dualist construction of good and evil. The notion of the absolute good is entwined with the notion of an absolute authority, one who has the absolute right to punish, and it is a mistake to think that nihilism simply results from the loss of belief in such a fi gure. In actuality, nihilism results from the value system and psychological condition that desires such a fi gure in the fi rst place. Schutte thus interprets Nietzsche’s project of over- coming nihilism as the project of overcoming the integrated system of dualism and authoritarianism. In this way, Schutte can also put Nietzsche to the service of the project of overcoming patriarchy, which sets up an unchallengeable rule of the father, and put Dionysus to the service of the project of feminism, as an attempt to heal dualism, embrace corporeality, and affi rm life. But ultimately Schutte is also critical of the political content and implica- tions in Nietzsche’s work (see esp. Chapter Seven). She argues that his aim to eradicate the dualism in Western metaphysics and morality and his aim to institute a reversal of values are actually in contradiction, since the project of the reversal of values is implicated in dualism. Moreover, she argues that the radical potential of his Dionysianism, which aims at the deconstruction of cat- egory distinctions and borders of all types, is contradicted by his naturalization of the ranking of human beings. Ultimately, Schutte argues persuasively that the political implications of Nietzsche’s metaphysical critique are incoherent: on the one hand the critique of transcendentalism works against authoritarianism of all kinds, but on the other hand his naturalist account of hierarchies among human beings, his “endorse- ment of an order of rank,” works to replicate the metaphysical orientation and ethical values that he rejects:	Alcoff (Premier feminist philosopher and political activist) 4, Linda Martin, “Schutte's Nietzschean Postcolonial Politics”, Hypatia, Volume 19, Number 3, Summer 2004, pp. 144-156 (Article)	her articulation of criteria for a liberatory phi- losophy opposes all dualist social ontologies and repudiates the possibility of theoretical closure Schutte emphasizes Nietzsche’s aim to overcome dualism and she interprets nihilism as a product of the dualist construction . nihilism results from the value system and psychological condition that desires such a fi gure Schutte interprets Nietzsche’s project of over- coming nihilism as the project of overcoming the integrated system of dualism and authoritarianism Schutte can put Nietzsche to the service of the project of overcoming patriarchy which sets up an unchallengeable rule of the father, and put Dionysus to the service of the project of feminism, as an attempt to heal dualism the project of the reversal of values is implicated in dualism. the radical potential of Dionysianism is contradicted by his naturalization of ranking	Permute – use the plan as a way to interrogate the patriarchal frame of society and encourage new pedagogies	2,524	108	893	392	19	137	0.048469	0.34949	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,550	Although the general field of women's history has produced a vast and diverse body of literature, studies of Latin America, especially those that consider gender relations in the context of social and cultural devel- opment, continue to be rare. As Elizabeth Kusnesof has pointed out, many recent studies suffer from a tendency "to separate women's experience from that of society as a whole, rather than seeing women's legal position, employment, and life chances within the context of social life in general and within the context of class and race relations and a specific historical time and place in PaTUCuIaT."1 Nonetheless, recent publications and research on the history of women in Latin America have raised fundamental questions. Until recently, stereotyped conceptions of the patriarchal family and the seclu- sion of women were taken as representative of Latin America as a whole, regardless of culture and social class. These stereotypes, reinforced by the historiography of the 1950s, had a certain value for the study of the feminine condition. However, Alida Metcalf shows that the research of historians, sociologists, and anthropologists point to another view—that the passive, protected and isolated female suggested by stereotypes of Latin women did not exist.2 In fact, as Muriel Nazzari also points out, Latin women, having equal access to inheritance and family patrimony by the Portuguese law, had more rights than their Anglo-Saxon sisters of the same period.3 Reports of conditions in the Iberian colonies indicate that in some cases women were more powerful than men.4 Stereotyped images of the idle, white upper-class woman, lying in a hammock and screaming at her slaves, must give way to more diverse stories of other women who formerly had no history.5 Accounts of widows who honored the memory of their husbands, of embroidery, sweets, talks with the slaves, the "cafune," and Sunday churchgoing must now be set beside stories of working- class women who were mediators and intermediaries in commercial and business activities. There is dear evidence that, whÃ¼e a representative portion of the female eUte Uved their daÃ¼y Uves in seclusion and were given to sloth, a more energetic type of woman, capable of acting as the head of a household and a business enterprise, also emerged.6 The three books under review attempt to gain a better understanding of women's lives by analyzing changes in their legal and sodal status over time. These books show that many women were involved in the struggle for social justice and citizenship. Francesca MiUer chaUenges conventional stereotypes by emphasizing the diversity of women's historical experi- ence. An important aim of MiUer's book is "to see changes over time, whÃ¼e remaining aware of the nuances of individuaUty" (p. xiv). Diversity and continuity are also central themes of June Hahner and K. Lynn Stoner. Both authors, whÃ¼e emphasizing types of feminism that were distinctive to BrazÃ¼ and Cuba, also explore the main links among the women's move- ment in various Latin American countries and the North American influ- ence.	Mesquita Samara (Latin American Women’s Historian) 94, Eni de, “Feminism, Social Justice and Citizenship in Latin America”, Journal of Women's History, Volume 6, Number 2, Summer 1994, pp. 135-143 (Article)	studies of Latin America that consider gender relations in the context of social devel- opment, continue to be rare many recent studies suffer from a tendency "to separate women's experience from that of society as a whole rather than seeing women's position and chances within the context of social life in general and within the context of class and race relations and a specific historical time and place stereotyped conceptions of the patriarchal family and the seclu- sion of women were taken as representative of Latin America as a whole However Alida Metcalf shows that research point to another view that the passive isolated female suggested by stereotypes of Latin women did not exist Latin women had more rights than their Anglo-Saxon sisters of the same period in some cases women were more powerful than men Stereotyped images of the idle, white upper-class woman screaming at her slaves, must give way to more diverse stories of other women who formerly had no history Sunday churchgoing must now be set beside stories of working- class women who were mediators and intermediaries in commercial and business activities a more energetic type of woman, capable of acting as the head of a household and a business enterprise, also emerged many women were involved in the struggle for social justice and citizenship	The kritik is reductionist and insulting to women – the Latin American matriarch is not a monolithic figure subject to our arbitrary classification and assistance	3,113	162	1,325	493	25	218	0.05071	0.442191	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,551	MUler constructs a general picture of feminist movements based on individual stories of women in different countries and sodal classes. "In examining the history of feminism in Latin America," she writes, "we have seen that women have been most successful in putting forth their pro- grams during periods of general political reform and change: in Uruguay during the Battle reforms, in Cuba during the Machadato 1920-1934,8 in BrazÃ¼ at the faU of the Old Republic in 1932, in Guatemala and Venezuela in the mid-1940s" (MÃ¼ler, p. 187). In many countries, to be sure, women's participation in programs of sodal reform for aU people served to perpet- uate traditional patterns of male leadership. Even among revolutionary	Mesquita Samara (Latin American Women’s Historian) 94, Eni de, “Feminism, Social Justice and Citizenship in Latin America”, Journal of Women's History, Volume 6, Number 2, Summer 1994, pp. 135-143 (Article)	women have been most successful in putting forth their pro- grams during periods of general political reform and change	Gender cannot be separated from questions of class and race – subjugation is essentially tripartite, not monolithic – the K leaves behind those women who have no history	720	169	119	115	28	19	0.243478	0.165217	Fem IR Kritik - DDI 2013 KQ.html5	Dartmouth DDI	Kritiks	2013
4,552	This essay develops a theory about the causes of war -- and thus aims to generate lines of action and critique for peace -- that cuts beneath analyses based either on a given sequence of events, threats, insecurities and political manipulation, or the play of institutional, economic or political interests (the 'military-industrial complex'). Such factors are important to be sure, and should not be discounted, but they flow over a deeper bedrock of modern reason that has not only come to form a powerful structure of common sense but the apparently solid ground of the real itself. In this light, the two 'existential' and 'rationalist' discourses of war-making and justification mobilised in the Lebanon war are more than merely arguments, rhetorics or even discourses. Certainly they mobilise forms of knowledge and power together; providing political leaderships, media, citizens, bureaucracies and military forces with organising systems of belief, action, analysis and rationale. But they run deeper than that. They are truth-systems of the most powerful and fundamental kind that we have in modernity: ontologies, statements about truth and being which claim a rarefied privilege to state what is and how it must be maintained as it is. I am thinking of ontology in both its senses: ontology as both a statement about the nature and ideality of being (in this case political being, that of the nation-state), and as a statement of epistemological truth and certainty, of methods and processes of arriving at certainty (in this case, the development and application of strategic knowledge for the use of armed force, and the creation and maintenance of geopolitical order, security and national survival). These derive from the classical idea of ontology as a speculative or positivistic inquiry into the fundamental nature of truth, of being, or of some phenomenon; the desire for a solid metaphysical account of things inaugurated by Aristotle, an account of 'being qua being and its essential attributes'.17 In contrast, drawing on Foucauldian theorising about truth and power, I see ontology as a particularly powerful claim to truth itself: a claim to the status of an underlying systemic foundation for truth, identity, existence and action; one that is not essential or timeless, but is thoroughly historical and contingent, that is deployed and mobilised in a fraught and conflictual socio-political context of some kind. In short, ontology is the 'politics of truth'18 in its most sweeping and powerful form. I see such a drive for ontological certainty and completion as particularly problematic for a number of reasons. Firstly, when it takes the form of the existential and rationalist ontologies of war, it amounts to a hard and exclusivist claim: a drive for ideational hegemony and closure that limits debate and questioning, that confines it within the boundaries of a particular, closed system of logic, one that is grounded in the truth of being, in the truth of truth as such. The second is its intimate relation with violence: the dual ontologies represent a simultaneously social and conceptual structure that generates violence. Here we are witness to an epistemology of violence (strategy) joined to an ontology of violence (the national security state). When we consider their relation to war, the two ontologies are especially dangerous because each alone (and doubly in combination) tends both to quicken the resort to war and to lead to its escalation either in scale and duration, or in unintended effects. In such a context violence is not so much a tool that can be picked up and used on occasion, at limited cost and with limited impact -- it permeates being. This essay describes firstly the ontology of the national security state (by way of the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes, Carl Schmitt and G. W. F. Hegel) and secondly the rationalist ontology of strategy (by way of the geopolitical thought of Henry Kissinger), showing how they crystallise into a mutually reinforcing system of support and justification, especially in the thought of Clausewitz. This creates both a profound ethical and pragmatic problem. The ethical problem arises because of their militaristic force -- they embody and reinforce a norm of war -- and because they enact what Martin Heidegger calls an 'enframing' image of technology and being in which humans are merely utilitarian instruments for use, control and destruction, and force -- in the words of one famous Cold War strategist -- can be thought of as a 'power to hurt'.19 The pragmatic problem arises because force so often produces neither the linear system of effects imagined in strategic theory nor anything we could meaningfully call security, but rather turns in upon itself in a nihilistic spiral of pain and destruction. In the era of a 'war on terror' dominantly conceived in Schmittian and Clausewitzian terms,20 the arguments of Hannah Arendt (that violence collapses ends into means) and Emmanuel Levinas (that 'every war employs arms that turn against those that wield them') take on added significance. Neither, however, explored what occurs when war and being are made to coincide, other than Levinas' intriguing comment that in war persons 'play roles in which they no longer recognises themselves, making them betray not only commitments but their own substance'. 21 What I am trying to describe in this essay is a complex relation between, and interweaving of, epistemology and ontology. But it is not my view that these are distinct modes of knowledge or levels of truth, because in the social field named by security, statecraft and violence they are made to blur together, continually referring back on each other, like charges darting between electrodes. Rather they are related systems of knowledge with particular systemic roles and intensities of claim about truth, political being and political necessity. Positivistic or scientific claims to epistemological truth supply an air of predictability and reliability to policy and political action, which in turn support larger ontological claims to national being and purpose, drawing them into a common horizon of certainty that is one of the central features of past-Cartesian modernity. Here it may be useful to see ontology as a more totalising and metaphysical set of claims about truth, and epistemology as more pragmatic and instrumental; but while a distinction between epistemology (knowledge as technique) and ontology (knowledge as being) has analytical value, it tends to break down in action. The epistemology of violence I describe here (strategic science and foreign policy doctrine) claims positivistic clarity about techniques of military and geopolitical action which use force and coercion to achieve a desired end, an end that is supplied by the ontological claim to national existence, security, or order. However in practice, technique quickly passes into ontology. This it does in two ways. First, instrumental violence is married to an ontology of insecure national existence which itself admits no questioning. The nation and its identity are known and essential, prior to any conflict, and the resort to violence becomes an equally essential predicate of its perpetuation. In this way knowledge-as-strategy claims, in a positivistic fashion, to achieve a calculability of effects (power) for an ultimate purpose (securing being) that it must always assume. Second, strategy as a technique not merely becomes an instrument of state power but ontologises itself in a technological image of 'man' as a maker and user of things, including other humans, which have no essence or integrity outside their value as objects. In Heidegger's terms, technology becomes being; epistemology immediately becomes technique, immediately being. This combination could be seen in the aftermath of the 2006 Lebanon war, whose obvious strategic failure for Israelis generated fierce attacks on the army and political leadership and forced the resignation of the IDF chief of staff. Yet in its wake neither ontology was rethought. Consider how a reserve soldier, while on brigade-sized manoeuvres in the Golan Heights in early 2007, was quoted as saying: 'we are ready for the next war'. Uri Avnery quoted Israeli commentators explaining the rationale for such a war as being to 'eradicate the shame and restore to the army the "deterrent power" that was lost on the battlefields of that unfortunate war'. In 'Israeli public discourse', he remarked, 'the next war is seen as a natural phenomenon, like tomorrow's sunrise.' 22 The danger obviously raised here is that these dual ontologies of war link being, means, events and decisions into a single, unbroken chain whose very process of construction cannot be examined. As is clear in the work of Carl Schmitt, being implies action, the action that is war. This chain is also obviously at work in the U.S. neoconservative doctrine that argues, as Bush did in his 2002 West Point speech, that 'the only path to safety is the path of action', which begs the question of whether strategic practice and theory can be detached from strong ontologies of the insecure nation-state.23 This is the direction taken by much realist analysis critical of Israel and the Bush administration's 'war on terror'.24 Reframing such concerns in Foucauldian terms, we could argue that obsessive ontological commitments have led to especially disturbing 'problematizations' of truth.25 However such rationalist critiques rely on a one-sided interpretation of Clausewitz that seeks to disentangle strategic from existential reason, and to open up choice in that way. However without interrogating more deeply how they form a conceptual harmony in Clausewitz's thought -- and thus in our dominant understandings of politics and war -- tragically violent 'choices' will continue to be made. The essay concludes by pondering a normative problem that arises out of its analysis: if the divisive ontology of the national security state and the violent and instrumental vision of 'enframing' have, as Heidegger suggests, come to define being and drive 'out every other possibility of revealing being', how can they be escaped?26 How can other choices and alternatives be found and enacted? How is there any scope for agency and resistance in the face of them? Their social and discursive power -- one that aims to take up the entire space of the political -- needs to be respected and understood. However, we are far from powerless in the face of them. The need is to critique dominant images of political being and dominant ways of securing that being at the same time, and to act and choose such that we bring into the world a more sustainable, peaceful and non-violent global rule of the political. Friend and Enemy: Violent Ontologies of the Nation-State In his Politics Among Nations Hans Morgenthau stated that 'the national interest of a peace-loving nation can only be defined in terms of national security, which is the irreducible minimum that diplomacy must defend with adequate power and without compromise'. While Morgenthau defined security relatively narrowly -- as the 'integrity of the national territory and its institutions' -- in a context where security was in practice defined expansively, as synonymous with a state's broadest geopolitical and economic 'interests', what was revealing about his formulation was not merely the ontological centrality it had, but the sense of urgency and priority he accorded to it: it must be defended 'without compromise'.27 Morgenthau was a thoughtful and complex thinker, and understood well the complexities and dangers of using armed force. However his formulation reflected an influential view about the significance of the political good termed 'security'. When this is combined with the way in which security was conceived in modern political thought as an existential condition -- a sine qua non of life and sovereign political existence -- and then married to war and instrumental action, it provides a basic underpinning for either the limitless resort to strategic violence without effective constraint, or the perseverance of limited war (with its inherent tendencies to escalation) as a permanent feature of politics. While he was no militarist, Morgenthau did say elsewhere (in, of all places, a far-reaching critique of nuclear strategy) that the 'quantitative and qualitative competition for conventional weapons is a rational instrument of international politics'.28 The conceptual template for such an image of national security state can be found in the work of Thomas Hobbes, with his influential conception of the political community as a tight unity of sovereign and people in which their bodies meld with his own to form a 'Leviathan', and which must be defended from enemies within and without. His image of effective security and sovereignty was one that was intolerant of internal difference and dissent, legitimating a strong state with coercive and exceptional powers to preserve order and sameness. This was a vision not merely of political order but of existential identity, set off against a range of existential others who were sources of threat, backwardness, instability or incongruity.29 It also, in a way set out with frightening clarity by the theorist Carl Schmitt and the philosopher Georg Hegel, exchanged internal unity, identity and harmony for permanent alienation from other such communities (states). Hegel presaged Schmitt's thought with his argument that individuality and the state are single moments of 'mind in its freedom' which 'has an infinitely negative relation to itself, and hence its essential character from its own point of view is its singleness': Individuality is awareness of one's existence as a unit in sharp distinction from others. It manifests itself here in the state as a relation to other states, each of which is autonomous vis-a-vis the others...this negative relation of the state to itself is embodied in the world as the relation of one state to another and as if the negative were something external.30 Schmitt is important both for understanding the way in which such alienation is seen as a definitive way of imagining and limiting political communities, and for understanding how such a rigid delineation is linked to the inevitability and perpetuation of war. Schmitt argued that the existence of a state 'presupposes the political', which must be understood through 'the specific political distinction...between friend and enemy'. The enemy is 'the other, the stranger; and it sufficient for his nature that he is, in a specially intense way, existentially something different and alien, so that in an extreme case conflicts with him are possible'.31 The figure of the enemy is constitutive of the state as 'the specific entity of a people'.32 Without it society is not political and a people cannot be said to exist: Only the actual participants can correctly recognise, understand and judge the concrete situation and settle the extreme case of conflict...to judge whether the adversary intends to negate his opponent's way of life and therefore must be repulsed or fought in order to preserve one's own form of existence.33 Schmitt links this stark ontology to war when he states that the political is only authentic 'when a fighting collectivity of people confronts a similar collectivity. The enemy is solely the public enemy, because everything that has a relationship to such a collectivity of men, particularly to the whole nation, becomes public by virtue of such a relationship...in its entirety the state as an organised political entity decides for itself the friend-enemy distinction'.34 War, in short, is an existential condition: the entire life of a human being is a struggle and every human being is symbolically a combatant. The friend, enemy and combat concepts receive their real meaning precisely because they refer to the real possibility of physical killing. War follows from enmity. War is the existential negation of the enemy.35 Schmitt claims that his theory is not biased towards war as a choice ('It is by no means as though the political signifies nothing but devastating war and every political deed a military action...it neither favours war nor militarism, neither imperialism nor pacifism') but it is hard to accept his caveat at face value.36 When such a theory takes the form of a social discourse (which it does in a general form) such an ontology can only support, as a kind of originary ground, the basic Clausewitzian assumption that war can be a rational way of resolving political conflicts -- because the import of Schmitt's argument is that such 'political' conflicts are ultimately expressed through the possibility of war. As he says: 'to the enemy concept belongs the ever-present possibility of combat'.37 Where Schmitt meets Clausewitz, as I explain further below, the existential and rationalistic ontologies of war join into a closed circle of mutual support and justification. This closed circle of existential and strategic reason generates a number of dangers. Firstly, the emergence of conflict can generate military action almost automatically simply because the world is conceived in terms of the distinction between friend and enemy; because the very existence of the other constitutes an unacceptable threat, rather than a chain of actions, judgements and decisions. (As the Israelis insisted of Hezbollah, they 'deny our right to exist'.) This effaces agency, causality and responsibility from policy and political discourse: our actions can be conceived as independent of the conflict or quarantined from critical enquiry, as necessities that achieve an instrumental purpose but do not contribute to a new and unpredictable causal chain. Similarly the Clausewitzian idea of force -- which, by transporting a Newtonian category from the natural into the social sciences, assumes the very effect it seeks -- further encourages the resort to military violence. We ignore the complex history of a conflict, and thus the alternative paths to its resolution that such historical analysis might provide, by portraying conflict as fundamental and existential in nature; as possibly containable or exploitable, but always irresolvable. Dominant portrayals of the war on terror, and the Israeli-Arab conflict, are arguably examples of such ontologies in action. Secondly, the militaristic force of such an ontology is visible, in Schmitt, in the absolute sense of vulnerability whereby a people can judge whether their 'adversary intends to negate his opponent's way of life'.38 Evoking the kind of thinking that would become controversial in the Bush doctrine, Hegel similarly argues that: ...a state may regard its infinity and honour as at stake in each of its concerns, however minute, and it is all the more inclined to susceptibility to injury the more its strong individuality is impelled as a result of long domestic peace to seek and create a sphere of activity abroad. ....the state is in essence mind and therefore cannot be prepared to stop at just taking notice of an injury after it has actually occurred. On the contrary, there arises in addition as a cause of strife the idea of such an injury...39 Identity, even more than physical security or autonomy, is put at stake in such thinking and can be defended and redeemed through warfare (or, when taken to a further extreme of an absolute demonisation and dehumanisation of the other, by mass killing, 'ethnic cleansing' or genocide). However anathema to a classical realist like Morgenthau, for whom prudence was a core political virtue, these have been influential ways of defining national security and defence during the twentieth century and persists into the twenty-first. They infused Cold War strategy in the United States (with the key policy document NSC68 stating that 'the Soviet-led assault on free institutions is worldwide now, and ... a defeat of free institutions anywhere is a defeat everywhere')40 and frames dominant Western responses to the threat posed by Al Qaeda and like groups (as Tony Blair admitted in 2006, 'We could have chosen security as the battleground. But we didn't. We chose values.')41 It has also become influential, in a particularly tragic and destructive way, in Israel, where memories of the Holocaust and (all too common) statements by Muslim and Arab leaders rejecting Israel's existence are mobilised by conservatives to justify military adventurism and a rejectionist policy towards the Palestinians. On the reverse side of such ontologies of national insecurity we find pride and hubris, the belief that martial preparedness and action are vital or healthy for the existence of a people. Clausewitz's thought is thoroughly imbued with this conviction. For example, his definition of war as an act of policy does not refer merely to the policy of cabinets, but expresses the objectives and will of peoples: When whole communities go to war -- whole peoples, and especially civilized peoples -- the reason always lies in some political situation and the occasion is always due to some political object. War, therefore, is an act of policy.42 Such a perspective prefigures Schmitt's definition of the 'political' (an earlier translation reads 'war, therefore, is a political act'), and thus creates an inherent tension between its tendency to fuel the escalation of conflict and Clausewitz's declared aim, in defining war as policy, to prevent war becoming 'a complete, untrammelled, absolute manifestation of violence'.43 Likewise his argument that war is a 'trinity' of people (the source of 'primordial violence, hatred and enmity'), the military (who manage the 'play of chance and probability') and government (which achieve war's 'subordination as an instrument of policy, which makes it subject to reason alone') merges the existential and rationalistic conceptions of war into a theoretical unity.44 The idea that national identities could be built and redeemed through war derived from the 'romantic counter-revolution' in philosophy which opposed the cosmopolitanism of Kant with an emphasis on the absolute state -- as expressed by Hegel's Philosophy of Right, Bismarkian Realpolitik and politicians like Wilhelm Von Humbolt. Humbolt, a Prussian minister of Education, wrote that war 'is one of the most wholesome manifestations that plays a role in the education of the human race', and urged the formation of a national army 'to inspire the citizen with the spirit of true war'. He stated that war 'alone gives the total structure the strength and the diversity without which facility would be weakness and unity would be void'.45 In the Phenomenology of Mind Hegel made similar arguments that to for individuals to find their essence 'Government has from time to time to shake them to the very centre by war'.46 The historian Azar Gat points to the similarity of Clausewitz's arguments that 'a people and a nation can hope for a strong position in the world only if national character and familiarity with war fortify each other by continual interaction' to Hegel's vision of the ethical good of war in his Philosophy of Right.47 Likewise Michael Shapiro sees Clausewitz and Hegel as alike in seeing war 'as an ontological investment in both individual and national completion...Clausewitz figures war as passionate ontological commitment rather than cool political reason...war is a major aspect of being.'48 Hegel's text argues that war is 'a work of freedom' in which 'the individual's substantive duty' merges with the 'independence and sovereignty of the state'.49 Through war, he argues, the ethical health of peoples is preserved in their indifference to the stabilization of finite institutions; just as the blowing of the winds preserves the sea from the foulness which would be the result of a prolonged calm, so the corruption in nations would be the product of a prolonged, let alone 'perpetual' peace.50 Hegel indeed argues that 'sacrifice on behalf of the individuality of the state is a substantial tie between the state and all its members and so is a universal duty...if the state as such, if its autonomy, is in jeopardy, all its citizens are duty bound to answer the summons to its defence'.51 Furthermore, this is not simply a duty, but a form of self-realisation in which the individual dissolves into the higher unity of the state: The intrinsic worth of courage as a disposition of mind is to be found in the genuine, absolute, final end, the sovereignty of the state. The work of courage is to actualise this end, and the means to this end is the sacrifice of personal actuality. This form of experience thus contains the harshness of extreme contradictions: a self-sacrifice which yet is the real existence of one's freedom; the maximum self-subsistence of individuality, yet only a cog playing its part in the mechanism of an external organisation; absolute obedience, renunciation of personal opinions and reasonings, in fact complete absence of mind, coupled with the most intense and comprehensive presence of mind and decision in the moment of acting; the most hostile and so most personal action against individuals, coupled with an attitude of complete indifference or even liking towards them as individuals.52 A more frank statement of the potentially lethal consequences of patriotism -- and its simultaneously physical and conceptual annihilation of the individual human being -- is rarely to be found, one that is repeated today in countless national discourses and the strategic world-view in general. (In contrast, one of Kant's fundamental objections to war was that it involved using men 'as mere machines or instruments'.53) Yet however bizarre and contradictory Hegel's argument, it constitutes a powerful social ontology: an apparently irrefutable discourse of being. It actualises the convergence of war and the social contract in the form of the national security state. Strategic Reason and Scientific Truth By itself, such an account of the nationalist ontology of war and security provides only a general insight into the perseverance of military violence as a core element of politics. It does not explain why so many policymakers think military violence works. As I argued earlier, such an ontology is married to a more rationalistic form of strategic thought that claims to link violent means to political ends predictably and controllably, and which, by doing so, combines military action and national purposes into a common -- and thoroughly modern -- horizon of certainty. Given Hegel's desire to decisively distil and control the dynamic potentials of modernity in thought, it is helpful to focus on the modernity of this ontology -- one that is modern in its adherence to modern scientific models of truth, reality and technological progress, and in its insistence on imposing images of scientific truth from the physical sciences (such as mathematics and physics) onto human behaviour, politics and society. For example, the military theorist and historian Martin van Creveld has argued that one of the reasons Clausewitz was so influential was that his 'ideas seemed to have chimed in with the rationalistic, scientific, and technological outlook associated with the industrial revolution'.54 Set into this epistemological matrix, modern politics and government engages in a sweeping project of mastery and control in which all of the world's resources -- mineral, animal, physical, human -- are made part of a machinic process of which war and violence are viewed as normal features. These are the deeper claims and implications of Clausewitzian strategic reason. One of the most revealing contemporary examples comes from the writings (and actions) of Henry Kissinger, a Harvard professor and later U.S. National Security Adviser and Secretary of State. He wrote during the Vietnam war that after 1945 U.S. foreign policy was based 'on the assumption that technology plus managerial skills gave us the ability to reshape the international system and to bring about domestic transformations in emerging countries'. This 'scientific revolution' had 'for all practical purposes, removed technical limits from the exercise of power in foreign policy'.55 Kissinger's conviction was based not merely in his pride in the vast military and bureaucratic apparatus of the United States, but in a particular epistemology (theory of knowledge). Kissinger asserted that the West is 'deeply committed to the notion that the real world is external to the observer, that knowledge consists of recording and classifying data -- the more accurately the better'. This, he claimed, has since the Renaissance set the West apart from an 'undeveloped' world that contains 'cultures that have escaped the early impact of Newtonian thinking' and remain wedded to the 'essentially pre-Newtonian view that the real world is almost entirely internal to the observer'.56 At the same time, Kissinger's hubris and hunger for control was beset by a corrosive anxiety: that, in an era of nuclear weapons proliferation and constant military modernisation, of geopolitical stalemate in Vietnam, and the emergence and militancy of new post-colonial states, order and mastery were harder to define and impose. He worried over the way 'military bipolarity' between the superpowers had 'encouraged political multipolarity', which 'does not guarantee stability. Rigidity is diminished, but so is manageability...equilibrium is difficult to achieve among states widely divergent in values, goals, expectations and previous experience' (emphasis added). He mourned that 'the greatest need of the contemporary international system is an agreed concept of order'.57 Here were the driving obsessions of the modern rational statesman based around a hunger for stasis and certainty that would entrench U.S. hegemony: For the two decades after 1945, our international activities were based on the assumption that technology plus managerial skills gave us the ability to reshape the international system and to bring about domestic transformations in "emerging countries". This direct "operational" concept of international order has proved too simple. Political multipolarity makes it impossible to impose an American design. Our deepest challenge will be to evoke the creativity of a pluralistic world, to base order on political multipolarity even though overwhelming military strength will remain with the two superpowers.58 Kissinger's statement revealed that such cravings for order and certainty continually confront chaos, resistance and uncertainty: clay that won't be worked, flesh that will not yield, enemies that refuse to surrender. This is one of the most powerful lessons of the Indochina wars, which were to continue in a phenomenally destructive fashion for six years after Kissinger wrote these words. Yet as his sinister, Orwellian exhortation to 'evoke the creativity of a pluralistic world' demonstrated, Kissinger's hubris was undiminished. This is a vicious, historic irony: a desire to control nature, technology, society and human beings that is continually frustrated, but never abandoned or rethought. By 1968 U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, the rationalist policymaker par excellence, had already decided that U.S. power and technology could not prevail in Vietnam; Nixon and Kissinger's refusal to accept this conclusion, to abandon their Cartesian illusions, was to condemn hundreds of thousands more to die in Indochina and the people of Cambodia to two more decades of horror and misery.59 In 2003 there would be a powerful sense of déja vu as another Republican Administration crowned more than decade of failed and destructive policy on Iraq with a deeply controversial and divisive war to remove Saddam Hussein from power. In this struggle with the lessons of Vietnam, revolutionary resistance, and rapid geopolitical transformation, we are witness to an enduring political and cultural theme: of a craving for order, control and certainty in the face of continual uncertainty. Closely related to this anxiety was the way that Kissinger's thinking -- and that of McNamara and earlier imperialists like the British Governor of Egypt Cromer -- was embedded in instrumental images of technology and the machine: the machine as both a tool of power and an image of social and political order. In his essay 'The Government of Subject Races' Cromer envisaged effective imperial rule -- over numerous societies and billions of human beings -- as best achieved by a central authority working 'to ensure the harmonious working of the different parts of the machine'.60 Kissinger analogously invoked the virtues of 'equilibrium', 'manageability' and 'stability' yet, writing some six decades later, was anxious that technological progress no longer brought untroubled control: the Westernising 'spread of technology and its associated rationality...does not inevitably produce a similar concept of reality'.61 We sense the rational policymaker's frustrated desire: the world is supposed to work like a machine, ordered by a form of power and governmental reason which deploys machines and whose desires and processes are meant to run along ordered, rational lines like a machine. Kissinger's desire was little different from that of Cromer who, wrote Edward Said: ...envisions a seat of power in the West and radiating out from it towards the East a great embracing machine, sustaining the central authority yet commanded by it. What the machine's branches feed into it from the East -- human material, material wealth, knowledge, what have you -- is processed by the machine, then converted into more power...the immediate translation of mere Oriental matter into useful substance.62 This desire for order in the shadow of chaos and uncertainty -- the constant war with an intractable and volatile matter -- has deep roots in modern thought, and was a major impetus to the development of technological reason and its supporting theories of knowledge. As Kissinger's claims about the West's Newtonian desire for the 'accurate' gathering and classification of 'data' suggest, modern strategy, foreign policy and Realpolitik have been thrust deep into the apparently stable soil of natural science, in the hope of finding immovable and unchallengeable roots there. While this process has origins in ancient Judaic and Greek thought, it crystallised in philosophical terms most powerfully during and after the Renaissance. The key figures in this process were Francis Bacon, Galileo, Isaac Newton, and René Descartes, who all combined a hunger for political and ontological certainty, a positivist epistemology and a naïve faith in the goodness of invention. Bacon sought to create certainty and order, and with it a new human power over the world, through a new empirical methodology based on a harmonious combination of experiment, the senses and the understanding. With this method, he argued, we can 'derive hope from a purer alliance of the faculties (the experimental and rational) than has yet been attempted'.63 In a similar move, Descartes sought to conjure certainty from uncertainty through the application of a new method that moved progressively out from a few basic certainties (the existence of God, the certitude of individual consciousness and a divinely granted faculty of judgement) in a search for pure fixed truths. Mathematics formed the ideal image of this method, with its strict logical reasoning, its quantifiable results and its uncanny insights into the hidden structure of the cosmos.64 Earlier, Galileo had argued that scientists should privilege 'objective', quantifiable qualities over 'merely perceptible' ones; that 'only by means of an exclusively quantitative analysis could science attain certain knowledge of the world'.65 Such doctrines of mathematically verifiable truth were to have powerful echoes in the 20th Century, in the ascendancy of systems analysis, game theory, cybernetics and computing in defense policy and strategic decisions, and in the awesome scientific breakthroughs of nuclear physics, which unlocked the innermost secrets of matter and energy and applied the most advanced applications of mathematics and computing to create the atomic bomb. Yet this new scientific power was marked by a terrible irony: as even Morgenthau understood, the control over matter afforded by the science could never be translated into the control of the weapons themselves, into political utility and rational strategy.66 Bacon thought of the new scientific method not merely as way of achieving a purer access to truth and epistemological certainty, but as liberating a new power that would enable the creation of a new kind of Man. He opened the Novum Organum with the statement that 'knowledge and human power are synonymous', and later wrote of his 'determination...to lay a firmer foundation, and extend to a greater distance the boundaries of human power and dignity'.67 In a revealing and highly negative comparison between 'men's lives in the most polished countries of Europe and in any wild and barbarous region of the new Indies' -- one that echoes in advance Kissinger's distinction between post-and pre-Newtonian cultures -- Bacon set out what was at stake in the advancement of empirical science: anyone making this comparison, he remarked, 'will think it so great, that man may be said to be a god unto man'.68 We may be forgiven for blinking, but in Bacon's thought 'man' was indeed in the process of stealing a new fire from the heavens and seizing God's power over the world for itself. Not only would the new empirical science lead to 'an improvement of mankind's estate, and an increase in their power over nature', but would reverse the primordial humiliation of the Fall of Adam: For man, by the fall, lost at once his state of innocence, and his empire over creation, both of which can be partially recovered even in this life, the first by religion and faith, the second by the arts and sciences. For creation did not become entirely and utterly rebellious by the curse, but in consequence of the Divine decree, 'in the sweat of thy brow thou shalt eat bread'; she is now compelled by our labours (not assuredly by our disputes or magical ceremonies) at length to afford mankind in some degree his bread...69 There is a breathtaking, world-creating hubris in this statement -- one that, in many ways, came to characterise western modernity itself, and which is easily recognisable in a generation of modern technocrats like Kissinger. The Fall of Adam was the Judeo-Christian West's primal creation myth, one that marked humankind as flawed and humbled before God, condemned to hardship and ambivalence. Bacon forecast here a return to Eden, but one of man's own making. This truly was the death of God, of putting man into God's place, and no pious appeals to the continuity or guidance of faith could disguise the awesome epistemological violence which now subordinated creation to man. Bacon indeed argued that inventions are 'new creations and imitations of divine works'. As such, there is nothing but good in science: 'the introduction of great inventions is the most distinguished of human actions...inventions are a blessing and a benefit without injuring or afflicting any'.70 And what would be mankind's 'bread', the rewards of its new 'empire over creation'? If the new method and invention brought modern medicine, social welfare, sanitation, communications, education and comfort, it also enabled the Armenian genocide, the Holocaust and two world wars; napalm, the B52, the hydrogen bomb, the Kalashnikov rifle and military strategy. Indeed some of the 20th Century's most far-reaching inventions -- radar, television, rocketry, computing, communications, jet aircraft, the Internet -- would be the product of drives for national security and militarisation. Even the inventions Bacon thought so marvellous and transformative -- printing, gunpowder and the compass -- brought in their wake upheaval and tragedy: printing, dogma and bureaucracy; gunpowder, the rifle and the artillery battery; navigation, slavery and the genocide of indigenous peoples. In short, the legacy of the new empirical science would be ambivalence as much as certainty; degradation as much as enlightenment; the destruction of nature as much as its utilisation. Doubts and Fears: Technology as Ontology If Bacon could not reasonably be expected to foresee many of these developments, the idea that scientific and technological progress could be destructive did occur to him. However it was an anxiety he summarily dismissed: ...let none be alarmed at the objection of the arts and sciences becoming depraved to malevolent or luxurious purposes and the like, for the same can be said of every worldly good; talent, courage, strength, beauty, riches, light itself...Only let mankind regain their rights over nature, assigned to them by the gift of God, and obtain that power, whose exercise will be governed by right reason and true religion.71 By the mid-Twentieth Century, after the destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, such fears could no longer be so easily wished away, as the physicist and scientific director of the Manhattan Project, J. Robert Oppenheimer recognised. He said in a 1947 lecture: We felt a particularly intimate responsibility for suggesting, for supporting and in the end in large measure achieving the realization of atomic weapons...In some sort of crude sense which no vulgarity, no humor, no over-statement can quite extinguish, the physicists have known sin, and this is a knowledge they cannot lose.72 Adam had fallen once more, but into a world which refused to acknowledge its renewed intimacy with contingency and evil. Man's empire over creation -- his discovery of the innermost secrets of matter and energy, of the fires that fuelled the stars -- had not 'enhanced human power and dignity' as Bacon claimed, but instead brought destruction and horror. Scientific powers that had been consciously applied in the defence of life and in the hope of its betterment now threatened its total and absolute destruction. This would not prevent a legion of scientists, soldiers and national security policymakers later attempting to apply Bacon's faith in invention and Descartes' faith in mathematics to make of the Bomb a rational weapon. Oppenheimer -- who resolutely opposed the development of the hydrogen bomb -- understood what the strategists could not: that the weapons resisted control, resisted utility, that 'with the release of atomic energy quite revolutionary changes had occurred in the techniques of warfare'.73 Yet Bacon's legacy, one deeply imprinted on the strategists, was his view that truth and utility are 'perfectly identical'.74 In 1947 Oppenheimer had clung to the hope that 'knowledge is good...it seems hard to live any other way than thinking it was better to know something than not to know it; and the more you know, the better'; by 1960 he felt that 'terror attaches to new knowledge. It has an unmooring quality; it finds men unprepared to deal with it.'75 Martin Heidegger questioned this mapping of natural science onto the social world in his essays on technology -- which, as 'machine', has been so crucial to modern strategic and geopolitical thought as an image of perfect function and order and a powerful tool of intervention. He commented that, given that modern technology 'employs exact physical science...the deceptive illusion arises that modern technology is applied physical science'.76 Yet as the essays and speeches of Oppenheimer attest, technology and its relation to science, society and war cannot be reduced to a noiseless series of translations of science for politics, knowledge for force, or force for good. Instead, Oppenheimer saw a process frustrated by roadblocks and ruptured by irony; in his view there was no smooth, unproblematic translation of scientific truth into social truth, and technology was not its vehicle. Rather his comments raise profound and painful ethical questions that resonate with terror and uncertainty. Yet this has not prevented technology becoming a potent object of desire, not merely as an instrument of power but as a promise and conduit of certainty itself. In the minds of too many rational soldiers, strategists and policymakers, technology brings with it the truth of its enabling science and spreads it over the world. It turns epistemological certainty into political certainty; it turns control over 'facts' into control over the earth. Heidegger's insights into this phenomena I find especially telling and disturbing -- because they underline the ontological force of the instrumental view of politics. In The Question Concerning Technology, Heidegger's striking argument was that in the modernising West technology is not merely a tool, a 'means to an end'. Rather technology has become a governing image of the modern universe, one that has come to order, limit and define human existence as a 'calculable coherence of forces' and a 'standing reserve' of energy. Heidegger wrote: 'the threat to man does not come in the first instance from the potentially lethal machines and apparatus of technology. The actual threat has already affected man in his essence.'77 This process Heidegger calls 'Enframing' and through it the scientific mind demands that 'nature reports itself in some way or other that is identifiable through calculation and remains orderable as a system of information'. Man is not a being who makes and uses machines as means, choosing and limiting their impact on the world for his ends; rather man has imagined the world as a machine and humanity everywhere becomes trapped within its logic. Man, he writes, 'comes to the very brink of a precipitous fall...where he himself will have to be taken as standing-reserve. Meanwhile Man, precisely as the one so threatened, exalts himself to the posture of lord of the earth.'78 Technological man not only becomes the name for a project of lordship and mastery over the earth, but incorporates humanity within this project as a calculable resource. In strategy, warfare and geopolitics human bodies, actions and aspirations are caught, transformed and perverted by such calculating, enframing reason: human lives are reduced to tools, obstacles, useful or obstinate matter. This tells us much about the enduring power of crude instrumental versions of strategic thought, which relate not merely to the actual use of force but to broader geopolitical strategies that see, as limited war theorists like Robert Osgood did, force as an 'instrument of policy short of war'. It was from within this strategic ontology that figures like the Nobel prize-winning economist Thomas Schelling theorised the strategic role of threats and coercive diplomacy, and spoke of strategy as 'the power to hurt'.79 In the 2006 Lebanon war we can see such thinking in the remark of a U.S. analyst, a former Ambassador to Israel and Syria, who speculated that by targeting civilians and infrastructure Israel aimed 'to create enough pain on the ground so there would be a local political reaction to Hezbollah's adventurism'.80 Similarly a retired Israeli army colonel told the Washington Post that 'Israel is attempting to create a rift between the Lebanese population and Hezbollah supporters by exacting a heavy price from the elite in Beirut. The message is: If you want your air conditioning to work and if you want to be able to fly to Paris for shopping, you must pull your head out of the sand and take action toward shutting down Hezbollah-land.'81 Conclusion: Violent Ontologies or Peaceful Choices? I was motivated to begin the larger project from which this essay derives by a number of concerns. I felt that the available critical, interpretive or performative languages of war -- realist and liberal international relations theories, just war theories, and various Clausewitzian derivations of strategy -- failed us, because they either perform or refuse to place under suspicion the underlying political ontologies that I have sought to unmask and question here. Many realists have quite nuanced and critical attitudes to the use of force, but ultimately affirm strategic thought and remain embedded within the existential framework of the nation-state. Both liberal internationalist and just war doctrines seek mainly to improve the accountability of decision-making in security affairs and to limit some of the worst moral enormities of war, but (apart from the more radical versions of cosmopolitanism) they fail to question the ontological claims of political community or strategic theory.82 In the case of a theorist like Jean Bethke Elshtain, just war doctrine is in fact allied to a softer, liberalised form of the Hegelian-Schmittian ontology. She dismisses Kant's Perpetual Peace as 'a fantasy of at-oneness...a world in which differences have all been rubbed off' and in which 'politics, which is the way human beings have devised for dealing with their differences, gets eliminated.'83 She remains a committed liberal democrat and espouses a moral community that stretches beyond the nation-state, which strongly contrasts with Schmitt's hostility to liberalism and his claustrophobic distinction between friend and enemy. However her image of politics -- which at its limits, she implies, requires the resort to war as the only existentially satisfying way of resolving deep-seated conflicts -- reflects much of Schmitt's idea of the political and Hegel's ontology of a fundamentally alienated world of nation-states, in which war is a performance of being. She categorically states that any effort to dismantle security dilemmas 'also requires the dismantling of human beings as we know them'.84 Whilst this would not be true of all just war advocates, I suspect that even as they are so concerned with the ought, moral theories of violence grant too much unquestioned power to the is. The problem here lies with the confidence in being -- of 'human beings as we know them' -- which ultimately fails to escape a Schmittian architecture and thus eternally exacerbates (indeed reifies) antagonisms. Yet we know from the work of Deleuze and especially William Connolly that exchanging an ontology of being for one of becoming, where the boundaries and nature of the self contain new possibilities through agonistic relation to others, provides a less destructive and violent way of acknowledging and dealing with conflict and difference.85 My argument here, whilst normatively sympathetic to Kant's moral demand for the eventual abolition of war, militates against excessive optimism.86 Even as I am arguing that war is not an enduring historical or anthropological feature, or a neutral and rational instrument of policy -- that it is rather the product of hegemonic forms of knowledge about political action and community -- my analysis does suggest some sobering conclusions about its power as an idea and formation. Neither the progressive flow of history nor the pacific tendencies of an international society of republican states will save us. The violent ontologies I have described here in fact dominate the conceptual and policy frameworks of modern republican states and have come, against everything Kant hoped for, to stand in for progress, modernity and reason. Indeed what Heidegger argues, I think with some credibility, is that the enframing world view has come to stand in for being itself. Enframing, argues Heidegger, 'does not simply endanger man in his relationship to himself and to everything that is...it drives out every other possibility of revealing...the rule of Enframing threatens man with the possibility that it could be denied to him to enter into a more original revealing and hence to experience the call of a more primal truth.'87 What I take from Heidegger's argument -- one that I have sought to extend by analysing the militaristic power of modern ontologies of political existence and security -- is a view that the challenge is posed not merely by a few varieties of weapon, government, technology or policy, but by an overarching system of thinking and understanding that lays claim to our entire space of truth and existence. Many of the most destructive features of contemporary modernity -- militarism, repression, coercive diplomacy, covert intervention, geopolitics, economic exploitation and ecological destruction -- derive not merely from particular choices by policymakers based on their particular interests, but from calculative, 'empirical' discourses of scientific and political truth rooted in powerful enlightenment images of being. Confined within such an epistemological and cultural universe, policymakers' choices become necessities, their actions become inevitabilities, and humans suffer and die. Viewed in this light, 'rationality' is the name we give the chain of reasoning which builds one structure of truth on another until a course of action, however violent or dangerous, becomes preordained through that reasoning's very operation and existence. It creates both discursive constraints -- available choices may simply not be seen as credible or legitimate -- and material constraints that derive from the mutually reinforcing cascade of discourses and events which then preordain militarism and violence as necessary policy responses, however ineffective, dysfunctional or chaotic. The force of my own and Heidegger's analysis does, admittedly, tend towards a deterministic fatalism. On my part this is quite deliberate; it is important to allow this possible conclusion to weigh on us. Large sections of modern societies -- especially parts of the media, political leaderships and national security institutions -- are utterly trapped within the Clausewitzian paradigm, within the instrumental utilitarianism of 'enframing' and the stark ontology of the friend and enemy. They are certainly tremendously aggressive and energetic in continually stating and reinstating its force. But is there a way out? Is there no possibility of agency and choice? Is this not the key normative problem I raised at the outset, of how the modern ontologies of war efface agency, causality and responsibility from decision making; the responsibility that comes with having choices and making decisions, with exercising power? (In this I am much closer to Connolly than Foucault, in Connolly's insistence that, even in the face of the anonymous power of discourse to produce and limit subjects, selves remain capable of agency and thus incur responsibilities.88) There seems no point in following Heidegger in seeking a more 'primal truth' of being -- that is to reinstate ontology and obscure its worldly manifestations and consequences from critique. However we can, while refusing Heidegger's unworldly89 nostalgia, appreciate that he was searching for a way out of the modern system of calculation; that he was searching for a 'questioning', 'free relationship' to technology that would not be immediately recaptured by the strategic, calculating vision of enframing. Yet his path out is somewhat chimerical -- his faith in 'art' and the older Greek attitudes of 'responsibility and indebtedness' offer us valuable clues to the kind of sensibility needed, but little more. When we consider the problem of policy, the force of this analysis suggests that choice and agency can be all too often limited; they can remain confined (sometimes quite wilfully) within the overarching strategic and security paradigms. Or, more hopefully, policy choices could aim to bring into being a more enduringly inclusive, cosmopolitan and peaceful logic of the political. But this cannot be done without seizing alternatives from outside the space of enframing and utilitarian strategic thought, by being aware of its presence and weight and activating a very different concept of existence, security and action.90 This would seem to hinge upon 'questioning' as such -- on the questions we put to the real and our efforts to create and act into it. Do security and strategic policies seek to exploit and direct humans as material, as energy, or do they seek to protect and enlarge human dignity and autonomy? Do they seek to impose by force an unjust status quo (as in Palestine), or to remove one injustice only to replace it with others (the U.S. in Iraq or Afghanistan), or do so at an unacceptable human, economic, and environmental price? Do we see our actions within an instrumental, amoral framework (of 'interests') and a linear chain of causes and effects (the idea of force), or do we see them as folding into a complex interplay of languages, norms, events and consequences which are less predictable and controllable?91 And most fundamentally: Are we seeking to coerce or persuade? Are less violent and more sustainable choices available? Will our actions perpetuate or help to end the global rule of insecurity and violence? Will our thought?	Burke 7 – Associate Professor of Politics and International Relations in the University of New South Wales (Anthony, Theory & Event, Volume 10, Issue 2, 2007, “Ontologies of War: Violence, Existence and Reason,” Project MUSE)	threats, insecurities and political manipulation flow over a deeper bedrock of modern reason that has not only come to form a powerful structure of common sense but the apparently solid ground of the real itself. 'existential' and 'rationalist' discourses of war-making and justification are more than merely discourses. Certainly they mobilise forms of knowledge and power together; providing political leaderships, media, citizens, bureaucracies and military forces with organising systems of belief, action, analysis and rationale. But they run deeper than that. They are truth-systems of the most powerful and fundamental kind that we have in modernity: ontologies, statements about truth and being which claim a rarefied privilege to state what is and how it must be maintained as it is. I am thinking of ontology as both a statement about the nature and ideality of being that of the nation-state and as a statement of epistemological truth and certainty strategic knowledge for use of armed force, and the creation and maintenance of geopolitical order, security and survival These derive from the classical idea of ontology as a speculative or positivistic inquiry into the fundamental nature of truth, of being I see ontology as a particularly powerful claim to truth itself: a claim to the status of an underlying systemic foundation for truth, identity, existence and action; one that is not essential or timeless, but is thoroughly historical and contingent, that is deployed and mobilised in a fraught and conflictual socio-political context of some kind such drive for ontological certainty amounts to a hard and exclusivist claim: a drive for ideational hegemony and closure that limits debate and questioning, that confines it within the boundaries of a particular, closed system of logic, one that is grounded in the truth of being, in the truth of truth as such the dual ontologies represent a social and conceptual structure that generates violence we are witness to an epistemology of violence (strategy) joined to an ontology of violence (the national security state) the two ontologies both quicken the resort to war and to lead to its escalation either in scale and duration In such a context violence is not so much a tool that can be picked up and used on occasion, at limited cost and with limited impact -- it permeates being. the ontology of the national security state and the rationalist ontology of strategy crystallise into a mutually reinforcing system of support and justification they enact an 'enframing' image of technology and being in which humans are merely utilitarian instruments for use, control and destruction, and force force produces neither the linear system of effects imagined in strategic theory nor anything we could meaningfully call security, but rather turns in upon itself in a nihilistic spiral of pain and destruction. statecraft and violence are related systems of knowledge with particular systemic roles and intensities of claim about truth, political being and political necessity. Positivistic or scientific claims to epistemological truth supply an air of predictability and reliability to policy and political action, which in turn support larger ontological claims to national being and purpose, drawing them into a common horizon of certainty that is one of the central features of past-Cartesian modernity The epistemology of violence (strategic science and foreign policy doctrine) claims positivistic clarity about techniques of military and geopolitical action which use force and coercion to achieve a desired end supplied by the ontological claim to national existence, security, or order instrumental violence is married to an ontology of insecure national existence which itself admits no questioning. The nation and its identity are known and essential, prior to any conflict, and the resort to violence becomes an equally essential predicate of its perpetuation. In this way knowledge-as-strategy claims, in a positivistic fashion, to achieve a calculability of effects (power) for an ultimate purpose (securing being) that it must always assume. strategy as a technique not merely becomes an instrument of state power but ontologises itself in a technological image as a maker and user of things, including other humans, which have no essence or integrity outside their value as objects. technology becomes being; epistemology immediately becomes technique, immediately being these dual ontologies of war link being, means, events and decisions into a single, unbroken chain whose very process of construction cannot be examined without interrogating more deeply how they form a conceptual harmony in Clausewitz's thought -- and thus in our dominant understandings of politics and war -- tragically violent 'choices' will continue to be made. if the divisive ontology of the national security state and the violent and instrumental vision of 'enframing' have, as Heidegger suggests, come to define being and drive 'out every other possibility of revealing being', how can they be escaped? we are far from powerless in the face of them. The need is to critique dominant images of political being and dominant ways of securing that being at the same time security conceived in modern political thought as an existential condition -- a sine qua non of life and sovereign political existence -- and then married to war and instrumental action, it provides a basic underpinning for the limitless resort to strategic violence without effective constraint, or limited war (with inherent tendencies to escalation) as a permanent feature of politics When such a theory takes the form of a social discourse (which it does in a general form) such an ontology can only support the basic assumption that war can be a rational way of resolving political conflicts This closed circle of existential and strategic reason generates a number of dangers. Firstly, the emergence of conflict can generate military action almost automatically simply because the world is conceived in terms of the distinction between friend and enemy; because the very existence of the other constitutes an unacceptable threat This effaces agency, causality and responsibility from policy and political discourse: our actions can be conceived as independent of the conflict or quarantined from critical enquiry, as necessities that achieve an instrumental purpose but do not contribute to a new and unpredictable causal chain. the idea of force encourages the resort to military violence. We ignore the complex history of a conflict, and thus the alternative paths to its resolution that such historical analysis might provide, by portraying conflict as fundamental and existential in nature; as possibly containable or exploitable, but always irresolvable. Identity, even more than physical security or autonomy, is put at stake in such thinking and can be defended and redeemed through warfare the nationalist ontology of war and security is married to a more rationalistic form of strategic thought that claims to link violent means to political ends predictably and controllably, and combines military action and national purposes into a common horizon of certainty one of the reasons Clausewitz was so influential was that his 'ideas seemed to have chimed in with the rationalistic, scientific, and technological outlook associated with the industrial revolution' Set into this epistemological matrix, modern politics and government engages in a sweeping project of mastery and control in which all of the world's resources -- mineral, animal, physical, human -- are made part of a machinic process of which war and violence are viewed as normal features. Kissinger's conviction was based not merely in his pride in the military apparatus of the U S but in a particular epistemology (theory of knowledge) Kissinger's statement revealed that such cravings for order and certainty continually confront chaos, resistance and uncertainty: clay that won't be worked, flesh that will not yield, enemies that refuse to surrender This is a vicious, historic irony: a desire to control nature, technology, society and human beings that is continually frustrated, but never abandoned or rethought McNamara had already decided that U.S. power and technology could not prevail in Vietnam; Nixon and Kissinger's refusal to accept this conclusion was to condemn hundreds of thousands more to die we are witness to an enduring political and cultural theme: of a craving for order, control and certainty in the face of continual uncertainty. Closely related to this anxiety was the way that Kissinger's thinking was embedded in instrumental images of technology and the machine: the machine as both a tool of power and an image of social and political order Cromer envisaged imperial rule -- over billions as best achieved by a central authority working 'to ensure the harmonious working of the different parts of the machine' This desire for order in the shadow of chaos and uncertainty -- the constant war with an intractable and volatile matter -- has deep roots in modern thought, and was a major impetus to the development of technological reason and its supporting theories of knowledge modern strategy, foreign policy and Realpolitik have been thrust deep into the apparently stable soil of natural science, in the hope of finding immovable and unchallengeable roots key figures all combined a hunger for political and ontological certainty, a positivist epistemology and a naïve faith in the goodness of invention. Bacon sought to create certainty and order, and with it a new human power over the world, through a new empirical methodology Descartes sought to conjure certainty from uncertainty through the application of a new method that moved progressively out from a few basic certainties in a search for pure fixed truths Galileo had argued that scientists should privilege 'objective', quantifiable qualities over 'merely perceptible' ones what would be the rewards of new 'empire over creation'? the new method and invention enabled the Armenian genocide, the Holocaust and two world wars; napalm, the B52, the hydrogen bomb, the Kalashnikov rifle and military strategy inventions thought so marvellous and transformative brought slavery and genocide the legacy of the new empirical science would be ambivalence as much as certainty; degradation as much as enlightenment; the destruction of nature as much as its utilisation after the destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki empire over creation brought destruction and horror. Scientific powers that had been consciously applied in the defence of life and in the hope of its betterment now threatened its total and absolute destruction technology and its relation to science, society and war cannot be reduced to a noiseless series of translations of science for politics, knowledge for force, or force for good. Oppenheimer saw a process frustrated by roadblocks and ruptured by irony this has not prevented technology becoming a potent object of desire, not merely as an instrument of power but as a promise and conduit of certainty itself. In the minds of too many strategists technology brings the truth of its enabling science and spreads it over the world. It turns epistemological certainty into political certainty; it turns control over 'facts' into control over the earth. Heidegger's insights underline the ontological force of the instrumental view of politics in the modernising West technology is not merely a tool, a 'means to an end'. Rather technology has become a governing image of the modern universe, one that has come to order, limit and define human existence as a 'calculable coherence of forces' and a 'standing reserve' of energy 'the threat does not come in the first instance from the potentially lethal machines and apparatus of technology. The actual threat has already affected man in his essence This process Heidegger calls 'Enframing' and through it the scientific mind demands that 'nature reports itself in some way or other that is identifiable through calculation and remains orderable as a system of information'. Man is not a being who makes and uses machines as means, choosing and limiting their impact on the world for his ends; rather man has imagined the world as a machine and humanity everywhere becomes trapped within its logic. Man 'comes to the very brink of a precipitous fall...where he himself will have to be taken as standing-reserve Technological man not only becomes the name for a project of lordship and mastery over the earth, but incorporates humanity within this project as a calculable resource. In strategy, warfare and geopolitics human bodies, actions and aspirations are caught, transformed and perverted by such calculating, enframing reason: human lives are reduced to tools, obstacles, useful or obstinate matter. within this strategic ontology that figures like Schelling theorised the strategic role of threats and coercive diplomacy the available critical languages of war either perform or refuse to place under suspicion the underlying political ontologies that I have sought to unmask and question here realists have quite nuanced and critical attitudes to the use of force, but ultimately affirm strategic thought and remain embedded within the existential framework of the nation-state liberal internationalist and just war doctrines seek mainly to improve the accountability of decision-making but fail to question the ontological claims of political community or strategic theory The problem here lies with the confidence in being -- of 'human beings as we know them' -- which ultimately fails to escape a Schmittian architecture and thus reifies) antagonisms exchanging an ontology of being for one of becoming, where the boundaries and nature of the self contain new possibilities through agonistic relation to others, provides a less destructive and violent way of acknowledging and dealing with conflict and difference war is the product of hegemonic forms of knowledge about political action and community Neither the progressive flow of history nor the pacific tendencies of an international society of republican states will save us. violent ontologies in fact dominate the conceptual and policy frameworks of modern republican states and have come to stand in for progress, modernity and reason Enframing, drives out every other possibility of revealing the challenge is posed not merely by a few varieties of weapon, government, technology or policy, but by an overarching system of thinking and understanding that lays claim to our entire space of truth and existence militarism, repression, coercive diplomacy, covert intervention, geopolitics, economic exploitation and ecological destruction -- derive not merely from particular choices by policymakers based on their particular interests, but from calculative, 'empirical' discourses of scientific and political truth rooted in powerful enlightenment images of being. Confined within such an epistemological and cultural universe, policymakers' choices become necessities, their actions become inevitabilities, and humans suffer and die 'rationality' is the name we give the chain of reasoning which builds one structure of truth on another until a course of action, however violent or dangerous, becomes preordained through that reasoning's very operation and existence. It creates both discursive constraints -- available choices may simply not be seen as credible or legitimate -- and material constraints that derive from the mutually reinforcing cascade of discourses and events which then preordain militarism and violence as necessary policy responses, however ineffective, dysfunctional or chaotic. Large sections of modern societies are utterly trapped within the Clausewitzian paradigm, within the instrumental utilitarianism of 'enframing' and the stark ontology of the friend and enemy even in the face of the anonymous power of discourse to produce and limit subjects, selves remain capable of agency and thus incur responsibilities There seems no point in following Heidegger in seeking a more 'primal truth' of being we can, while refusing Heidegger's unworldly89 nostalgia, appreciate that he was searching for a way out of the modern system of calculation; that he was searching for a 'questioning', 'free relationship' to technology that would not be immediately recaptured by the strategic, calculating vision of enframing. policy choices cannot be done without seizing alternatives from outside the space of enframing and utilitarian strategic thought, by being aware of its presence and weight and activating a very different concept of existence, security and action This would seem to hinge upon 'questioning' as such Do we see our actions within an instrumental, amoral framework (of 'interests') and a linear chain of causes and effects (the idea of force), or do we see them as folding into a complex interplay of languages, norms, events and consequences which are less predictable and controllable? Are less violent and more sustainable choices available? Will our actions perpetuate or help to end the global rule of insecurity and violence? Will our thought?	Enframing of security makes macro-political violence inevitable	57,091	63	17,229	8,990	7	2,668	0.000779	0.296774	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,553	More specifically, where there is a policy problematic there is expertise, and where there is expertise there, too, a policy problematic will emerge. Such problematics are detailed and elaborated in terms of discrete forms of knowledge as well as interlocking policy domains. Policy domains reify the problematization of life in certain ways by turning these epistemically and politically contestable orderings of life into "problems" that require the continuous attention of policy science and the continuous resolutions of policymakers. Policy "actors" develop and compete on the basis of the expertise that grows up around such problems or clusters of problems and their client populations. Here, too, we may also discover what might be called "epistemic entrepreneurs." Albeit the market for discourse is prescribed and policed in ways that Foucault indicated, bidding to formulate novel problematizations they seek to "sell" these, or otherwise have them officially adopted. In principle, there is no limit to the ways in which the management of population may be problematized. All aspects of human conduct, any encounter with life, is problematizable. Any problematization is capable of becoming a policy problem. Governmentality thereby creates a market for policy, for science and for policy science, in which problematizations go looking for policy sponsors while policy sponsors fiercely compete on behalf of their favored problematizations. Reproblematization of problems is constrained by the institutional and ideological investments surrounding accepted "problems," and by the sheer difficulty of challenging the inescapable ontological and epistemological assumptions that go into their very formation. There is nothing so fiercely contested as an epistemological or ontological assumption. And there is nothing so fiercely ridiculed as the suggestion that the real problem with problematizations exists precisely at the level of such assumptions. Such "paralysis of analysis" is precisely what policymakers seek to avoid since they are compelled constantly to respond to circumstances over which they ordinarily have in fact both more and less control than they proclaim. What they do not have is precisely the control that they want. Yet serial policy failure--the fate and the fuel of all policy--compels them into a continuous search for the new analysis that will extract them from the aporias in which they constantly find themselves enmeshed.[ 35] Serial policy failure is no simple shortcoming that science and policy--and policy science--will ultimately overcome. Serial policy failure is rooted in the ontological and epistemological assumptions that fashion the ways in which global governance encounters and problematizes life as a process of emergence through fitness landscapes that constantly adaptive and changing ensembles have continuously to negotiate. As a particular kind of intervention into life, global governance promotes the very changes and unintended outcomes that it then serially reproblematizes in terms of policy failure. Thus, global liberal governance is not a linear problem-solving process committed to the resolution of objective policy problems simply by bringing better information and knowledge to bear upon them. A nonlinear economy of power/knowledge, it deliberately installs socially specific and radically inequitable distributions of wealth, opportunity, and mortal danger both locally and globally through the very detailed ways in which life is variously (policy) problematized by it.	Dillon and Reid 2k (Michael, Professor of Politics – University of Lancaster, and Julian, Lecturer in International Relations – King’s College, “Global Governance, Liberal Peace, and Complex Emergency”, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, January / March, 25(1))	Policy domains reify problematization by turning contestable orderings of life into "problems" that require continuous attention of policy science and the continuous resolutions of policymakers Policy "actors" develop and compete on the basis of expertise the market for discourse is prescribed and policed Any problematization is capable of becoming a policy problem. Governmentality thereby creates a market for policy and for policy science in which problematizations go looking for policy sponsors Reproblematization is constrained by the institutional and ideological investments surrounding accepted "problems," and by the sheer difficulty of challenging the inescapable ontological and epistemological assumptions that go into their very formation. there is nothing so fiercely ridiculed as the suggestion that the real problem with problematizations exists precisely at the level of assumptions Such "paralysis of analysis" is precisely what policymakers seek to avoid since they are compelled constantly to respond to circumstances over which they ordinarily have in fact both more and less control than they proclaim. What they do not have is precisely the control that they want. Yet serial policy failure--the fate of all policy--compels them into a continuous search for the new analysis that will extract them from the aporias in which they constantly find themselves enmeshed.[ Serial policy failure is no simple shortcoming that science and policy will ultimately overcome. Serial policy failure is rooted in the ontological and epistemological assumptions that fashion the ways in which global governance encounters and problematizes life global liberal governance is not a linear problem-solving process committed to the resolution of objective policy problems simply by bringing better information and knowledge to bear upon them. A nonlinear economy of power/knowledge, it deliberately installs socially specific and radically inequitable distributions of wealth, opportunity, and mortal danger both locally and globally through the very detailed ways in which life is variously (policy) problematized by it	Both their harm and solvency claims are false. Advantages are random factoids politically constructed to make the plan appear to be a good idea. Solvency is a rigged game.	3,548	171	2,127	516	29	305	0.056202	0.591085	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,554	You cannot work for one day with the violent people who fill our prisons and mental hospitals for the criminally insane without being forcibly and constantly reminded of the extreme poverty and discrimination that characterize their lives. Hearing about their lives, and about their families and friends, you are forced to recognize the truth in Gandhi’s observation that the deadliest form of violence is poverty. Not a day goes by without realizing that trying to understand them and their virulent behavior in purely individual terms is impossible and wrong-headed. Any theory of violence, especially a psychological theory, that evolves from the experience of men in maximum security prisons and hospitals for the criminally insane must begin with the recognition that these institutions are only microcosms. They are not where the major violence of our society takes place, and the perpetrators who fill them are far from being the main causes of most violent deaths. Any approach to a theory of violence needs to begin with a look at the structural violence of this country. Focusing merely on those relatively few men who commit what we define as murder could distract us from examining and learning from those structural causes of violent death that are far more significant from a numerical or public health, or human, standpoint By “structural violence” I mean the increased rates of death and disability suffered by those who occupy the bottom rungs of society, as contrasted with the relatively lower death rates experienced by those who are above them. Those excess deaths (or at least a demonstratably large portion of them) are a function of class structure; and that structure is itself a product of society’s collective human choices, concerning how to distribute the collective wealth of the society. These are not acts of God. I am contrasting “structural” with “behavioral violence,” by which I mean the non-natural deaths and injuries that are caused by specific behavioral actions of individuals against individuals, such as the deaths we attribute to homicide, suicide, soldiers in warfare, capital punishment, and so on. Structural violence differs from behavioral violence in at least three major respects The lethal effects of structural violence operate continuously rather than sporadically, whereas murders, suicides, executions, wars, and other forms of behavioral violence occur one at a time. Structural violence operates more or less independently of individual acs; independent of individuals and groups (politicians, political parties, voters) whose decisions may nevertheless have lethal consequences for others. Structural violence is normally invisible, because it may appear to have had other (natural or violent) causes. Neither the existence, the scope and extent, nor the lethal power of structural violence can be discerned until we shift our focus from a clinical or psychological perspective, which looks at one individual at a time, to the epidemiological perspective of public health and preventative medicine. Examples are all around us. [Continues – Page 195] The 14 to 18 million deaths a year caused by structural violence compare with about 100,000 deaths per year from armed conflict. Comparing this frequency of deaths from structural violence to the frequency of those caused by major military and political violence, such as World War II (an estimated 49 million military and civilian deaths, including those caused by genocide---or about eight million per year, 1939-1945), the Indonesian massacre of 1965-66 (perhaps 575,000 deaths), the Vietnam war (possibly two million, 1954-1973), and even a hypothetical nuclear exchange between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. (232 million), it was clear that even war cannot begin to compare with structural violence, which continues year after year. In other words, every fifteen years, on the average, as many people die because of relative poverty as would be killed in a nuclear war that caused 232 deaths, and every single year, two to three times as many people die from poverty throughout the world as were killed by the Nazi genocide of the Jews over a six-year period. This is, in effect, the equivalent of an ongoing, unending, in fact accelerating, thermonuclear war, or genocide, perpetuated on the week and poor every year of every decade, throughout the world. Structural violence is also the main cause of behavioral violence on a socially and epidemiologically significant scale (from homicide and suicide to war and genocide). The question as to which of the two forms of violence—structural or behavioral—is more important, dangerous, or lethal is moot, for they are inextricably related to each other, as cause to effect.	Gilligan 96 (James, Faculty – Department of Psychiatry, Harvard Medical School, Violence: Our Deadly Epidemic and its Causes, p. 191-196)	war cannot begin to compare with structural violence every fifteen years as many people die because of poverty as would be killed in a nuclear war This is the equivalent of an ongoing, unending accelerating, thermonuclear war perpetuated on the week and poor Structural violence is also the main cause of war and genocide violence structural or behavioral are inextricably related to each other, as cause to effect.	Structural violence outweighs – kills more people	4,734	49	418	743	7	68	0.009421	0.091521	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,555	Conventions of security act to suppress rather than confront the fears endemic to life, for ". . . life itself is essentially appropriation, injury, overpowering of what is alien and weaker; suppression, hardness, imposition of one's own forms, incorporation and at least, at its mildest, exploitation--but why should one always use those words in which slanderous intent has been imprinted for ages." 35 Elsewhere Nietzsche establishes the pervasiveness of agonism in life: "life is a consequence of war, society itself a means to war." 36 But the denial of this permanent condition, the effort to disguise it with a consensual rationality or to hide from it with a fictional sovereignty, are all effects of this suppression of fear. The desire for security is manifested as a collective resentment of difference--that which is not us, not certain, not predictable. Complicit with a negative will to power is the fear-driven desire for protection from the unknown. Unlike the positive will to power, which produces an aesthetic affirmation of difference, the search for truth produces a truncated life which conforms to the rationally knowable, to the causally sustainable. In The Gay Science , Nietzsche asks of the reader: "Look, isn't our need for knowledge precisely this need for the familiar, the will to uncover everything strange, unusual, and questionable, something that no longer disturbs us? Is it not the instinct of fear that bids us to know? And is the jubilation of those who obtain knowledge not the jubilation over the restoration of a sense of security?" The fear of the unknown and the desire for certainty combine to produce a domesticated life, in which causality and rationality become the highest sign of a sovereign self, the surest protection against contingent forces. The fear of fate assures a belief that everything reasonable is true, and everything true, reasonable. In short, the security imperative produces, and is sustained by, the strategies of knowledge which seek to explain it. Nietzsche elucidates the nature of this generative relationship in The Twilight of the Idols : The causal instinct is thus conditional upon, and excited by, the feeling of fear. The "why?" shall, if at all possible, not give the cause for its own sake so much as for a particular kind of cause --a cause that is comforting, liberating and relieving. . . . That which is new and strange and has not been experienced before, is excluded as a cause. Thus one not only searches for some kind of explanation, to serve as a cause, but for a particularly selected and preferred kind of explanation--that which most quickly and frequently abolished the feeling of the strange, new and hitherto unexperienced: the most habitual explanations. A safe life requires safe truths. The strange and the alien remain unexamined, the unknown becomes identified as evil, and evil provokes hostility--recycling the desire for security.	Der Derian 98 (James, Professor of Political Science – University of Massachusetts, “The Value of Security: Hobbes, Marx, Nietzsche, and Baudrillard”, On Security, Ed. Lipschitz)	Conventions of security act to suppress rather than confront the fears endemic to life, the denial of this permanent condition, the effort to disguise it with a consensual rationality or to hide from it with a fictional sovereignty, are all effects of this suppression of fear. The desire for security is manifested as a collective resentment of difference--that which is not us, not certain, not predictable. Complicit with a negative will to power is the fear-driven desire for protection from the unknown. Unlike the positive will to power, which produces an aesthetic affirmation of difference, the search for truth produces a truncated life The fear of the unknown and the desire for certainty combine to produce a domesticated life, in which causality and rationality become the highest sign of a sovereign self, the surest protection against contingent forces . In short, the security imperative produces, and is sustained by, the strategies of knowledge which seek to explain it one not only searches for some kind of explanation, to serve as a cause, but for a particularly selected and preferred kind of explanation--that which most quickly and frequently abolished the feeling of the strange, new and hitherto unexperienced: the most habitual explanations. A safe life requires safe truths. The strange and the alien remain unexamined, the unknown becomes identified as evil, and evil provokes hostility--recycling the desire for security	Focus on body counts destroys the value to life. Only voting Neg produces meaningful existence.	2,937	95	1,450	476	15	228	0.031513	0.478992	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,556	Perhaps. But to claim that American culture is at present decisively postnuclear is not to say that the world we inhabit is in any way postapocalyptic. Apocalypse, as I began by saying, changed-it did not go away. And here I want to hazard my second assertion: if, in the nuclear age of yesteryear, apocalypse signified an event threatening everyone and everything with (in Jacques Derrida's suitably menacing phrase) `remainderless and a-symbolic destruction,"6 then in the postnuclear world apocalypse is an affair whose parameters are definitively local. In shape and in substance, apocalypse is defined now by the affliction it brings somewhere else, always to an "other" people whose very presence might then be written as a kind of dangerous contagion, threatening the safety and prosperity of a cherished "general population:' This fact seems to me to stand behind Susan Sontag's incisive observation, from 1989, that, "Apocalypse is now a long-running serial: not `Apocalypse Now' but 'Apocalypse from Now On."" The decisive point here in the perpetuation of the threat of apocalypse (the point Sontag goes on, at length, to miss) is that apocalypse is ever present because, as an element in a vast economy of power, it is ever useful. That is, through the perpetual threat of destruction-through the constant reproduction of the figure of apocalypse-agencies of power ensure their authority to act on and through the bodies of a particular population. No one turns this point more persuasively than Michel Foucault, who in the final chapter of his first volume of The History of Sexuality addresses himself to the problem of a power that is less repressive than productive, less life-threatening than, in his words, "life-administering:' Power, he contends, "exerts a positive influence on life . . . [and] endeavors to administer, optimize, and multiply it, subjecting it to precise controls and comprehensive regulations:' In his brief comments on what he calls "the atomic situation;' however, Foucault insists as well that the productiveness of modern power must not be mistaken for a uniform repudiation of violent or even lethal means. For as "managers of life and survival, of bodies and the race," agencies of modern power presume to act "on the behalf of the existence of everyone:' Whatsoever might be construed as a threat to life and survival in this way serves to authorize any expression of force, no matter how invasive or, indeed, potentially annihilating. "If genocide is indeed the dream of modern power;' Foucault writes, "this is not because of a recent return to the ancient right to kill; it is because power is situated and exercised at the level of life, the species, the race, and the large-scale phenomena of population:'8 For a state that would arm itself not with the power to kill its population, but with a more comprehensive power over the patterns and functioning of its collective life, the threat of an apocalyptic demise, nuclear or otherwise, seems a civic initiative that can scarcely be done without.	Coviello 00 (Peter, Professor of English and Acting Program Director of Africana Studies – Bowdoin College, Queer Frontiers, p. 40-41)	if, in the nuclear age of yesteryear, apocalypse signified an event threatening everyone and everything with destruction then in the postnuclear world apocalypse is an affair whose parameters are definitively local apocalypse is defined now by the affliction it brings somewhere else, always to an "other" people whose very presence might then be written as a kind of dangerous contagion, threatening the safety and prosperity of a cherished "general population:' Apocalypse is now a long-running serial: not `Apocalypse Now' but 'Apocalypse from Now On." apocalypse is ever present because, as an element in a vast economy of power, it is ever useful through the perpetual threat of destruction-through the constant reproduction of the figure of apocalypse-agencies of power ensure their authority to act on and through the bodies of a particular population as "managers of life and survival, of bodies and the race," agencies of modern power presume to act "on the behalf of the existence of everyone:' Whatsoever might be construed as a threat to life and survival in this way serves to authorize any expression of force, no matter how invasive or, indeed, potentially annihilating. "If genocide is indeed the dream of modern power "this is not because of a recent return to the ancient right to kill; it is because power is situated and exercised at the level of life, the species, the race, and the large-scale phenomena of population For a state that would arm itself with a more comprehensive power over the patterns and functioning of its collective life, the threat of an apocalyptic demise seems a civic initiative that can scarcely be done without	Fear of apocalypse causes endless violence in the name of security	3,047	66	1,658	494	11	270	0.022267	0.546559	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,557	Quite the reverse. The subject was never a firm foundation for justice, much less a hospitable vehicle for the reception of the call of another Justice. It was never in possession of that self-possession which was supposed to secure the certainty of itself, of a self-possession that would enable it ultimately to adjudicate everything. The very indexicality required of sovereign subjectivity gave rise rather to a commensurability much more amenable to the expendability required of the political and material economies of mass societies than it did to the singular, invaluable, and uncanny uniqueness of the self. The value of the subject became the standard unit of currency for the political arithmetic of States and the political economies of capitalism. They trade in it still to devastating global effect. The technologisation of the political has become manifest and global. Economies of evaluation necessarily require calculability. Thus no valuation without mensuration and no mensuration without indexation. Once rendered calculable, however, units of account are necessarily submissible not only to valuation but also, of course, to devaluation. Devaluation, logically, can extend to the point of counting as nothing. Hence, no mensuration without demensuration either. There is nothing abstract about this: the declension of economies of value leads to the zero point of holocaust. However liberating and emancipating systems of value-rights-may claim to be, for example, they run the risk of counting out the invaluable. Counted out, the invaluable may then lose its purchase on life. Herewith, then, the necessity of championing the invaluable itself. For we must never forget that, “we are dealing always with whatever exceeds measure.” But how does that necessity present itself? Another Justice answers: as the surplus of the duty to answer to the claim of Justice over rights. That duty, as with the advent of another Justice, is integral to the lack constitutive of the human way of being.	Dillon 99 (Michael, Professor of Politics and International Relations – University of Lancaster, “Another Justice”, Political Theory, 27(2), April, p. 164-165)	The very indexicality required of sovereign subjectivity gave rise to a commensurability amenable to the expendability required of the material economies of mass societies The value of the subject became the standard unit of currency for the political arithmetic of capitalism They trade in it to devastating global effect Economies of evaluation necessarily require calculability Once rendered calculable units of account are necessarily submissible to devaluation Devaluation, logically, can extend to the point of counting as nothing There is nothing abstract about this: the declension of economies of value leads to the zero point of holocaust	Calculability devalues life and make extermination possible	2,010	59	648	311	7	96	0.022508	0.308682	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,558	Everything, for example, has now become possible. But what human being seems most impelled to do with the power of its actions is to turn itself into a species; not merely an animal species, nor even a species of currency or consumption (which amount to the same thing), but a mere species of calculation. For only by reducing itself to an index of calculation does it seem capable of constructing that oplitical arithmetic by which it can secure the security globalised Western thought insists upon, and which a world made uncreasingly unpredictable by the very way human being acts into it now seem to require. Yet, the very rage for calculability which securing security incites is precisely also what reduces human freedom, inducing either despair or the surrender of what is human to the dehumanising calculative logic of what seems to be necessary to secure security. I think, then, that Hannah Arendt was right when she saw late modern humankind caught in a dangerous world-destroying cleft between a belief that everything is possible and a willingness to surender itself to so-called laws of necessity (calculability itself) which would make everything possible. That it was, in short, characterized by a combination of reckless omnipotence and reckless despair. But I also think that things have gone one stage further – the surrender to the necessity of realising everything that is possible- and that this found its paradigmatic expression for example in the deterrent security policies of the Cold War; where everything up to and including self-immolation not only became possible but actually necessary in the interests of (inter)national security. The logic persists in the metaphysical core of modern politics- the axiom of Inter-state security relations, popularized for example, through strategic discourse- even if the details have changed.	Dillon 96 (Michael, Professor of Politics – University of Lancaster, Politics of Security, p. 26)	Everything has now become possible human being seems most impelled to turn itself into a mere species of calculation For only by reducing itself to an index of calculation does it seem capable of constructing that arithmetic by which it can secure the security a world made uncreasingly unpredictable now seem to require Yet, the calculability is what reduces human freedom, inducing despair or the surrender of what is human to dehumanising calculative logic things have gone further – the surrender to its paradigmatic expression in the Cold War; where everything up including self-immolation became actually necessary in the interests of security	Security imposes a calculative logic that destroys the value to life	1,859	68	649	295	11	102	0.037288	0.345763	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,559	Relations between states are, at least in part, constructed upon representations. Representations are interpretative prisms through which decision-makers make sense of a political reality, through which they define and assign a subjective value to the other states and non-state actors of the international system, and through which they determine what are significant international political issues.2 For instance, officials of a given state will represent other states as 'allies', 'rivals', or simply 'insignificant', thus assigning a subjective value to these states. Such subjective categorizations often derive from representations of these states' domestic politics, which can for instance be perceived as 'unstable, 'prosperous', or 'ethnically divided'. It must be clear that representations are not objective or truthful depictions of reality; rather they are subjective and political ways of seeing the world, making certain things 'seen' by and significant for an actor while making other things 'unseen' and 'insignificant'.3 In other words, they are founded on each actor's and group of actors' cognitive, cultural-social, and emotional standpoints. Being fundamentally political, representations are the object of tense struggles and tensions, as some actors or groups of actors can impose on others their own representations of the world, of what they consider to be appropriate political orders, or appropriate economic relations, while others may in turn accept, subvert or contest these representations. Representations of a foreign political reality influence how decision-making actors will act upon that reality. In other words, as subjective and politically infused interpretations of reality, representations constrain and enable the policies that decision-makers will adopt vis-a-vis other states; they limit the courses of action that are politically thinkable and imaginable, making certain policies conceivable while relegating other policies to the realm of the unthinkable.4 Accordingly, identifying how a state represents another state or non-state actor helps to understand how and why certain foreign policies have been adopted while other policies have been excluded. To take a now famous example, if a transnational organization is represented as a group of 'freedom fighters', such as the multi-national mujahideen in Afghanistan in the 1980s, then military cooperation is conceivable with that organization; if on the other hand the same organization is represented as a 'terrorist network', such as Al-Qaida, then military cooperation as a policy is simply not an option. In sum. the way in which one sees, interprets and imagines the 'other delineates the course of action one will adopt in order to deal with this 'other'.	Jourde 6 – Ph.D., Political Science, University of Wisconsin-Madison, M.A., Political Science, University of Wisconsin-Madison, B.Sc., Political Science, Université de Montréal (Cedric, 2006, “1995 Hegemony or Empire?: The redefinition of US Power under George W Bush,” Ed. David and Grondin p. 182-3)	Relations between states are constructed upon representations Representations are interpretative prisms through which decision-makers make sense of a political reality through which they define and assign a subjective value to the other states and non-state actors of the international system, and through which they determine what are significant international political issues It must be clear that representations are not objective or truthful depictions of reality; rather they are subjective and political ways of seeing the world, making certain things 'seen' by and significant for an actor while making other things 'unseen' and 'insignificant' they are founded on each actor's cognitive, cultural-social, and emotional standpoints Being fundamentally political, representations are the object of tense struggles and tensions, as some actors or groups of actors can impose on others their own representations of the world Representations of a foreign political reality influence how decision-making actors will act upon that reality as subjective and politically infused interpretations of reality, representations constrain and enable the policies that decision-makers will adopt vis-a-vis other states they limit the courses of action that are politically thinkable , making certain policies conceivable while relegating other policies to the realm of the unthinkable identifying how a state represents another state helps to understand how and why certain foreign policies have been adopted while other policies have been excluded . the way in which one sees, interprets and imagines the 'other* delineates the course of action one will adopt in order to deal with this 'other'.	Coherence – only incorporation of representations can make sense of political reality	2,764	85	1,689	403	12	246	0.029777	0.610422	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,560	The most serious threat to the ‘intellectual vocation’, he argues, is ‘professionalism’ and mounts a pointed attack on the proliferation of ‘specializations’ and the ‘cult of expertise’ with their focus on ‘relatively narrow areas of knowledge’, ‘technical formalism’, ‘impersonal theories and methodologies’, and most worrisome of all, their ability and willingness to be seduced by power.17 Said mentions in this context the funding of academic programmes and research which came out of the exigencies of the Cold War18, an area in which there was considerable traffic of political scientists (largely trained as IR and comparative politics scholars) with institutions of policy-making. Looking at various influential US academics as ‘organic intellectuals’ involved in a dialectical relationship with foreign policy-makers and examining the institutional relationships at and among numerous think tanks and universities that create convergent perspectives and interests, Christopher Clement has studied US intervention in the Third World both during and after the Cold War made possible and justified through various forms of ‘intellectual articulation’.19 This is not simply a matter of scholars working for the state, but indeed a larger question of intellectual orientation. It is not uncommon for IR scholars to feel the need to formulate their scholarly conclusions in terms of its relevance for global politics, where ‘relevance’ is measured entirely in terms of policy wisdom. Edward Said’s searing indictment of US intellectuals – policy-experts and Middle East experts - in the context of the first Gulf War20 is certainly even more resonant in the contemporary context preceding and following the 2003 invasion of Iraq. The space for a critical appraisal of the motivations and conduct of this war has been considerably diminished by the expertise-framed national debate wherein certain kinds of ethical questions irreducible to formulaic ‘for or against’ and ‘costs and benefits’ analysis can simply not be raised. In effect, what Said argues for, and IR scholars need to pay particular heed to, is an understanding of ‘intellectual relevance’ that is larger and more worthwhile, that is about the posing of critical, historical, ethical and perhaps unanswerable questions rather than the offering of recipes and solutions, that is about politics (rather than techno-expertise) in the most fundamental and important senses of the vocation.21	Biswas 7 (Shampa, Professor of Politics – Whitman College, “Empire and Global Public Intellectuals: Reading Edward Said as an International Relations Theorist”, Millennium, 36(1), p. 117-125)	The most serious threat to the ‘intellectual vocation’ is the ‘cult of expertise’ with their focus on impersonal methodologies’, and willingness to be seduced by power This is a question of intellectual orientation scholars feel the need to formulate their conclusions entirely in terms of policy wisdom ethical questions irreducible to formulaic ‘for or against’ and ‘costs and benefits’ analysis can not be raised intellectual relevance’ is about the posing of critical, historical, ethical questions rather than offering solutions, is about politics (rather than techno-expertise	Supremacy of policy-making crowds out critical questioning – causes serial policy failure	2,466	89	594	367	12	85	0.032698	0.231608	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,561	Actions, as the saying goes, often speak louder than words. There are times, too, when only actions can effectively communicate the message we want to convey, and times when giving a message is a central part of the purpose of action. What our actions say to others depends largely, though not entirely, upon our avowed reasons for acting; and this is a matter for reflective [end page 169] decision, not something we discover later by looking back at what we did and its effects. The decision is important because "the same act" can have very different consequences, depending upon how we choose to justify it. In a sense, acts done for different reasons are not "the same act" even if otherwise similar, and so not merely the consequences but also the moral nature of our acts depend in part on our decisions about the reasons for doing them. Unfortunately, the message actually conveyed by our actions does not depend only on our intentions and reasons, for our acts may have a meaning for others quite at odds with what we hoped to express. Others may misunderstand our intentions, doubt our sincerity, or discern a subtext that undermines the primary message. Even if sincere, well-intended, and successfully conveyed, the message of an act or policy does not by itself justify the means by which it is conveyed; it is almost always a relevant factor, however, in the moral assessment of the act or policy. These remarks may strike you as too obvious to be worth mentioning; for, even if we do not usually express the ideas so abstractly, we are all familiar with them in our daily interactions with our friends, families, and colleagues. Who, for example, does not know the importance of the message expressed in offering money to another person, as well as the dangers of misunderstanding? What is superficially "the same act" can be an offer to buy, an admission of guilt, an expression of gratitude, a contribution to a common cause, a condescending display of superiority, or an outrageous insult. Because all this is so familiar, the extent to which these elementary points are ignored in discussions of the pros and cons of social policies such as affirmative action is surprising. The usual presumption is that social policies can be settled entirely by debating the rights involved or by estimating the consequences, narrowly conceived apart from the messages that we want to give and the messages that are likely to be received.	Hill 91 (Thomas E. Jr., Professor of Philosophy – University of North Carolina, “The Message of Affirmative Action”, The Affirmative Action Debate (1995), Ed. Cahn, p. 169-170)	What our actions say to others depends largely upon our avowed reasons for acting "the same act" can have very different consequences, depending upon how we choose to justify it. In a sense, acts done for different reasons are not "the same act" even if otherwise similar, and so not merely the consequences but also the moral nature of our acts depend in part on our decisions about the reasons for doing them the message of an act or policy is almost always a relevant factor in the moral assessment of the act or policy Who, for example, does not know the importance of the message expressed in offering money to another person, as well as the dangers of misunderstanding? What is superficially "the same act" can be an offer to buy, an admission of guilt, an expression of gratitude, a contribution to a common cause, a condescending display of superiority, or an outrageous insult. Because all this is so familiar, the extent to which these elementary points are ignored in discussions of the pros and cons of social policies is surprising. The usual presumption is that social policies can be settled entirely by debating the rights involved or by estimating the consequences, narrowly conceived apart from the messages that we want to give and the messages that are likely to be received	Form and content are indistinguishable. Plan can’t be divorced from its justifications.	2,443	87	1,294	415	12	223	0.028916	0.537349	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,562	Coherent arguments are unlikely to take place unless and until actors, at least on some level, agree on what they are arguing about. The at least temporary resolution of meta-arguments- regarding the nature of the good (the content of prescriptive norms); what is out there, the way we know the world, how we decide between competing beliefs (ontology and epistemology); and the nature of the situation at hand( the proper frame or representation)- must occur before specific arguments that could lead to decision and action may take place. Meta-arguments over epistemology and ontology, relatively rare, occur in instances where there is a fundamental clash between belief systems and not simply a debate within a belief system. Such arguments over the nature of the world and how we come to know it are particularly rare in politics though they are more frequent in religion and science. Meta-arguments over the “good” are contests over what it is good and right to do, and even how we know the good and the right. They are about the nature of the good, specifically, defining the qualities of “good” so that we know good when we see it and do it. Ethical arguments are about how to do good in a particular situation. More common are meta-arguments over representations or frames- about how we out to understand a particular situation. Sometimes actors agree on how they see a situation. More often there are different possible interpretations. Thomas Homer-Dixon and Roger karapin suggest, “Argument and debate occur when people try to gain acceptance for their interpretation of the world”. For example, “is the war defensive or aggressive?”. Defining and controlling representations and images, or the frame, affects whether one thinks there is an issue at stake and whether a particular argument applies to the case. An actor fighting a defensive war is within international law; an aggressor may legitimately be subject to sanctions. Framing and reframing involve mimesis or putting forward representations of what is going on. In mimetic meta-arguments, actors who are struggling to characterize or frame the situation accomplish their ends by drawing vivid pictures of the “reality” through exaggeration, analogy, or differentiation. Representations of a situation do not re-produce accurately so much as they creatively re-present situations in a way that makes sense. “mimesis is a metaphoric or ‘iconic argumentation of the real.’ Imitating not the effectivity of events but their logical structure and meaning.” Certain features are emphasized and others de-emphasized or completely ignored as their situation is recharacterized or reframed. Representation thus becomes a “constraint on reasoning in that it limits understanding to a specific organization of conceptual knowledge.” The dominant representation delimits which arguments will be considered legitimate, framing how actors see possibities. As Roxanne Doty argues, “the possibility of practices presupposes the ability of an agent to imagine certain courses of action. Certain background meanings, kinds of social actors and relationships, must already be in place.” If, as Donald Sylvan and Stuart Thorson argue, “politics involves the selective privileging of representations, “it may not matter whether one representation or another is true or not. Emphasizing whether frames articulate accurate or inaccurate perceptions misses the rhetorical import of representation- how frames affect what is seen or not seen, and subsequent choices. Meta-arguments over representation are thus crucial elements of political argument because an actor’s arguments about what to do will be more persuasive if their characterization or framing of the situation holds sway. But, as Rodger Payne suggests, “No frame is an omnipotent persuasive tool that can be decisively wielded by norm entrepreneurs without serious political wrangling.” Hence framing is a meta-argument.	Crawford 2 -- Neta,PhD MA MIT, BA Brown, Prof. of poli sci at boston univ. Argument and Change in World Politics, p. 19-21	Coherent arguments are unlikely to take place unless actors, agree on what they are arguing about resolution of meta-arguments- regarding prescriptive norms); the way we know the world, ontology and epistemology); and the proper frame or representation)- must occur before specific arguments that could lead to decision and action may take place. arguments over the nature of the world and how we come to know it are particularly rare in politics More common are meta-arguments over representations about how we out to understand a particular situation. “Argument and debate occur when people try to gain acceptance for their interpretation of the world”. Defining and controlling representations and images affects whether one thinks there is an issue at stake and whether a particular argument applies to the case actors frame the situation accomplish their ends by drawing vivid pictures of the “reality” through exaggeration, analogy, or differentiation Representations of a situation do not re-produce accurately so much as they creatively re-present situations in a way that makes sense Imitating not the effectivity of events but their logical structure and meaning Certain features are emphasized and others de-emphasized or completely ignored as their situation is reframed Representation becomes a “constraint on reasoning in that it limits understanding to a specific organization of conceptual knowledge The dominant representation delimits which arguments will be considered legitimate, framing how actors see possibities the possibility of practices presupposes the ability of an agent to imagine certain courses of action politics involves the selective privileging of representations, “it may not matter whether one representation or another is true or not Emphasizing whether frames articulate accurate or inaccurate perceptions misses the rhetorical import of representation- how frames affect what is seen or not seen, and subsequent choices. Meta-arguments over representation are thus crucial elements of political argument because an actor’s arguments about what to do will be more persuasive if their characterization or framing of the situation holds sway	Representations must precede policy discussion – it determines what is politically thinkable	3,933	92	2,180	602	12	321	0.019934	0.533223	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,563	The only way out of such a dilemma, to escape the fetish, is perhaps to eschew the logic of security altogether - to reject it as so ideologically loaded in favour of the state that any real political thought other than the authoritarian and reactionary should be pressed to give it up. That is clearly something that can not be achieved within the limits of bourgeois thought and thus could never even begin to be imagined by the security intellectual. It is also something that the constant iteration of the refrain 'this is an insecure world' and reiteration of one fear, anxiety and insecurity after another will also make it hard to do. But it is something that the critique of security suggests we may have to consider if we want a political way out of the impasse of security. This impasse exists because security has now become so all-encompassing that it marginalises all else, most notably the constructive conflicts, debates and discussions that animate political life. The constant prioritising of a mythical security as a political end - as the political end constitutes a rejection of politics in any meaningful sense of the term. That is, as a mode of action in which differences can be articulated, in which the conflicts and struggles that arise from such differences can be fought for and negotiated, in which people might come to believe that another world is possible - that they might transform the world and in turn be transformed. Security politics simply removes this; worse, it remoeves it while purportedly addressing it. In so doing it suppresses all issues of power and turns political questions into debates about the most efficient way to achieve 'security', despite the fact that we are never quite told - never could be told - what might count as having achieved it. Security politics is, in this sense, an anti-politics,"' dominating political discourse in much the same manner as the security state tries to dominate human beings, reinforcing security fetishism and the monopolistic character of security on the political imagination. We therefore need to get beyond security politics, not add yet more 'sectors' to it in a way that simply expands the scope of the state and legitimises state intervention in yet more and more areas of our lives. Simon Dalby reports a personal communication with Michael Williams, co-editor of the important text Critical Security Studies, in which the latter asks: if you take away security, what do you put in the hole that's left behind? But I'm inclined to agree with Dalby: maybe there is no hole."' The mistake has been to think that there is a hole and that this hole needs to be filled with a new vision or revision of security in which it is re-mapped or civilised or gendered or humanised or expanded or whatever. All of these ultimately remain within the statist political imaginary, and consequently end up reaffirming the state as the terrain of modern politics, the grounds of security. The real task is not to fill the supposed hole with yet another vision of security, but to fight for an alternative political language which takes us beyond the narrow horizon of bourgeois security and which therefore does not constantly throw us into the arms of the state. That's the point of critical politics: to develop a new political language more adequate to the kind of society we want. Thus while much of what I have said here has been of a negative order, part of the tradition of critical theory is that the negative may be as significant as the positive in setting thought on new paths. For if security really is the supreme concept of bourgeois society and the fundamental thematic of liberalism, then to keep harping on about insecurity and to keep demanding 'more security' (while meekly hoping that this increased security doesn't damage our liberty) is to blind ourselves to the possibility of building real alternatives to the authoritarian tendencies in contemporary politics. To situate ourselves against security politics would allow us to circumvent the debilitating effect achieved through the constant securitising of social and political issues, debilitating in the sense that 'security' helps consolidate the power of the existing forms of social domination and justifies the short-circuiting of even the most democratic forms. It would also allow us to forge another kind of politics centred on a different conception of the good. We need a new way of thinking and talking about social being and politics that moves us beyond security. This would perhaps be emancipatory in the true sense of the word. What this might mean, precisely, must be open to debate. But it certainly requires recognising that security is an illusion that has forgotten it is an illusion; it requires recognising that security is not the same as solidarity; it requires accepting that insecurity is part of the human condition, and thus giving up the search for the certainty of security and instead learning to tolerate the uncertainties, ambiguities and 'insecurities' that come with being human; it requires accepting that 'securitizing' an issue does not mean dealing with it politically, but bracketing it out and handing it to the state; it requires us to be brave enough to return the gift."'	Neocleous 8 – Mark Neocleous, Prof. of Government @ Brunel, 2008 [Critique of Security, 185-6]	The only way out is to eschew the logic of security altogether the constant iteration of the refrain 'this is an insecure world' will make it hard to do. security has become so all-encompassing that it marginalises all else, most notably , debates that animate political life. it suppresses all issues of power and turns political questions into debates about the most efficient way to achieve 'security', if you take away security, what do you put in the hole that's left behind? maybe there is no hole The task is to fight for an alternative political language which does not constantly throw us into the arms of the state. the negative may be as significant as the positive in setting thought on new paths. to keep harping on about insecurity is to blind ourselves to alternatives To situate ourselves against security politics would allow us to forge another kind of politics centred on a different conception of the good. ; it requires accepting that insecurity is part of the human condition, learning to tolerate the uncertainties, that come with being human; 'securitizing' an issue does not mean dealing with it politically, but bracketing it out and handing it to the state; it requires us to be brave enough to return the gift."'	Only resistance to security logic can generate genuine political thought	5,280	73	1,250	880	10	212	0.011364	0.240909	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,564	These frameworks are interrogated at the level both of their theoretical conceptualisation and their practice: in their influence and implementation in specific policy contexts and conflicts in East and Central Asia, the Middle East and the 'war on terror', where their meaning and impact take on greater clarity. This approach is based on a conviction that the meaning of powerful political concepts cannot be abstract or easily universalised: they all have histories, often complex and conflictual; their forms and meanings change over time; and they are developed, refined and deployed in concrete struggles over power, wealth and societal form. While this should not preclude normative debate over how political or ethical concepts should be defined and used, and thus be beneficial or destructive to humanity, it embodies a caution that the meaning of concepts can never be stabilised or unproblematic in practice. Their normative potential must always be considered in relation to their utilisation in systems of political, social and economic power and their consequent worldly effects. Hence this book embodies a caution by Michel Foucault, who warned us about the 'politics of truth . . the battle about the status of truth and the economic and political role it plays', and it is inspired by his call to 'detach the power of truth from the forms of hegemony, social, economic and cultural, within which it operates at the present time'.1 It is clear that traditionally coercive and violent approaches to security and strategy are both still culturally dominant, and politically and ethically suspect. However, the reasons for pursuing a critical analysis relate not only to the most destructive or controversial approaches, such as the war in Iraq, but also to their available (and generally preferable) alternatives. There is a necessity to question not merely extremist versions such as the Bush doctrine, Indonesian militarism or Israeli expansionism, but also their mainstream critiques - whether they take the form of liberal policy approaches in international relations (IR), just war theory, US realism, optimistic accounts of globalisation, rhetorics of sensitivity to cultural difference, or centrist Israeli security discourses based on territorial compromise with the Palestinians. The surface appearance of lively (and often significant) debate masks a deeper agreement about major concepts, forms of political identity and the imperative to secure them. Debates about when and how it may be effective and legitimate to use military force in tandem with other policy options, for example, mask a more fundamental discursive consensus about the meaning of security, the effectiveness of strategic power, the nature of progress, the value of freedom or the promises of national and cultural identity. As a result, political and intellectual debate about insecurity, violent conflict and global injustice can become hostage to a claustrophic structure of political and ethical possibility that systematically wards off critique.	Burke 7 – Associate Professor of Politics and International Relations in the University of New South Wales (Anthony, Beyond Security, Ethics and Violence, p. 3-4)	frameworks are interrogated at the level both of their theoretical conceptualisation and their practice: in their influence and implementation in specific policy contexts and conflicts in East and Central Asia, the Middle East the meaning of powerful political concepts cannot be abstract or easily universalised: they all have histories, often complex and conflictual While this should not preclude normative debate over how political or ethical concepts should be defined and used, and thus be beneficial or destructive to humanity, it embodies a caution that the meaning of concepts can never be stabilised or unproblematic in practice. Their normative potential must always be considered in relation to their utilisation in systems of political, social and economic power and their consequent worldly effects. the reasons for pursuing a critical analysis relate not only to the most destructive approaches, such as the war in Iraq, but also to their available alternatives. There is a necessity to question not merely extremist versions such as the Bush doctrine or Israeli expansionism, but also their mainstream critiques whether they take the form of liberal policy approaches realism sensitivity to cultural difference, or centrist security discourses based on territorial compromise with the Palestinians. The surface appearance of lively debate masks a deeper agreement about major concepts, and the imperative to secure them. Debates mask a more fundamental discursive consensus about the meaning of security the nature of progress or the promises of national identity political debate about insecurity, violent conflict and injustice can become hostage to a claustrophic structure of political and ethical possibility that systematically wards off critique.	The plan cannot be detached from its discursive underpinnings	3,047	62	1,769	465	9	262	0.019355	0.563441	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,565	A poststructuralist approach to international relations reassesses the nature of the political. Indeed, it calls for the repoliticization of practices of world politics that have been treated as if they were not political. For instance, limiting the ontological elements in one’s inquiry to states or great powers is a political choice. As Jenny Edkins puts it, we need to “bring the political back in” (Edkins, 1998: xii). For most analysts of International Relations, the conception of the “political” is narrowly restricted to politics as practiced by politicians. However, from a poststructuralist viewpoint, the “political” acquires a broader meaning, especially since practice is not what most theorists are describing as practice. Poststructuralism sees theoretical discourse not only as discourse, but also as political practice. Theory therefore becomes practice. The political space of poststructuralism is not that of exclusion; it is the political space of postmodernity, a dichotomous one, where one thing always signifies at least one thing and another (Finlayson and Valentine, 2002: 14). Poststructuralism thus gives primacy to the political, since it acts on us, while we act in its name, and leads us to identify and differentiate ourselves from others. This political act is never complete and celebrates undecidability, whereas decisions, when taken, express the political moment. It is a critical attitude which encourages dissidence from traditional approaches (Ashley and Walker, 1990a and 1990b). It does not represent one single philosophical approach or perspective, nor is it an alternative paradigm (Tvathail, 1996: 172). It is a nonplace, a border line falling between international and domestic politics (Ashley, 1989). The poststructuralist analyst questions the borderlines and dichotomies of modernist discourses, such as inside/outside, the constitution of the Self/Other, and so on. In the act of definition, difference – thereby the discourse of otherness – is highlighted, since one always defines an object with regard to what it is not (Knafo, 2004). As Simon Dalby asserts, “It involves the social construction of some other person, group, culture, race, nationality or political system as different from ‘our’ person, group, etc. Specifying difference is a linguistic, epistemological and, most importantly, a political act; it constructs a space for the other distanced and inferior from the vantage point of the person specifying the difference” (Dalby, cited in Tvathail, 1996: 179). Indeed, poststructuralism offers no definitive answers, but leads to new questions and new unexplored grounds. This makes the commitment to the incomplete nature of the political and of political analysis so central to poststructuralism (Finlayson and Valentine, 2002: 15). As Jim George writes, “It is postmodern resistance in the sense that while it is directly (and sometimes violently) engaged with modernity, it seeks to go beyond the repressive, closed aspects of modernist global existence. It is, therefore, not a resistance of traditional grand-scale emancipation or conventional radicalism imbued with authority of one or another sovereign presence. Rather, in opposing the large-scale brutality and inequity in human society, it is a resistance active also at the everyday, com- munity, neighbourhood, and interpersonal levels, where it confronts those processes that systematically exclude people from making decisions about who they are and what they can be” (George, 1994: 215, emphasis in original). In this light, poststructural practices are used critically to investigate how the subject of international relations is constituted in and through the discourses and texts of global politics. Treating theory as discourse opens up the possibility of historicizing it. It is a myth that theory can be abstracted from its socio-historical context, from reality, so to speak, as neorealists and neoclassical realists believe. It is a political practice which needs to be contextualized and stripped of its purportedly neutral status. It must be understood with respect to its role in preserving and reproducing the structures and power relations present in all language forms. Dominant theories are, in this view, dominant discourses that shape our view of the world (the “subject”) and our ways of understanding it.	Grondin 4 [David, master of pol sci and PHD of political studies @ U of Ottowa “(Re)Writing the “National Security State”: How and Why Realists (Re)Built the(ir) Cold War,” http://www.er.uqam.ca/nobel/ieim/IMG/pdf/rewriting_national_security_state.pdf]	A poststructuralist approach reassesses the nature of the political. it calls for the repoliticization of practices of world politics limiting the ontological elements in one’s inquiry to states or great powers is a political choice. we need to “bring the political back in” of International Relations, the conception of the “political” is narrowly restricted to politics as practiced by politicians theorists are describing as practice. Theory therefore becomes practice. The political space of poststructuralism is not that of exclusion; it is the political space of postmodernity, a dichotomous one, where one thing always signifies at least one thing and another Poststructuralism thus gives primacy to the political, since it acts on us, while we act in its name, and leads us to identify and differentiate ourselves from others. It is a critical attitude which encourages dissidence from traditional approaches It does not represent one single philosophical approach or perspective, nor is it an alternative paradigm It is a nonplace, a border line falling between international and domestic politics The poststructuralist analyst questions the borderlines and dichotomies of modernist discourses, such as inside/outside, the constitution of the Self/Other, and so on. In the act of definition, difference – thereby the discourse of otherness – is highlighted, It involves the social construction of some other person, group, culture, race, nationality or political system as different from ‘our’ person, group, etc. Specifying difference is a linguistic, epistemological and, most importantly, a political act; it constructs a space for the other distanced and inferior from the vantage point of the person specifying the difference” , it seeks to go beyond the repressive, closed aspects of modernist global existence. It is not a resistance of traditional grand-scale emancipation or conventional radicalism imbued with authority of one or another sovereign presence. it confronts those processes that systematically exclude people from making decisions about who they are and what they can be” poststructural practices are used critically to investigate how the subject of international relations is constituted in and through the discourses and texts of global politics. Treating theory as discourse opens up the possibility of historicizing it. It is a myth that theory can be abstracted from its socio-historical context, from reality, so to speak, as neorealists and neoclassical realists believe. It is a political practice which must be understood with respect to its role in preserving and reproducing the structures and power relations present in all language forms.	Broadening the scope of politics is key to effective engagement	4,356	63	2,684	651	10	403	0.015361	0.619048	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,566	Morgenthau’s state-centric theory is clearly set, but it is not to say he envisages it as being pre-destined and unchangeable. The political, cultural and strategic environment will largely determine the forms of power a state chooses to exercise, just as the types of power which feature in human relationships change over time. In addition, Realists should not be wedded to a perennial connection between interest and the nation-state which is 'a product of history, and therefore bound to disappear'[19]. Later (in 1970) Morgenthau anticipated that the forces of globalization would render the nation-state no longer valid: “the sovereign nation-state is in the process of becoming obsolete”[20]. He stresses that a final task that a theory of international relations can and must perform is to prepare the ground for a new international order radically different from that which preceded it[21]. Kenneth Waltz's neo-realism is both a critique of traditional realism and a substantial intellectual extension of a theoretical tradition which was in danger of being outflanked by rapid changes in the contours of global politics[22]. The international system (anarchy) is treated as a separate domain which conditions the behavior of all states within it. Paradoxically, with the advent of neo-realism, the scope and flexibility of Realism have significantly diminished. The theory has become deterministic, linear, and culturally poor. For neo-realists, culture and identity are (at best) derivative of the distribution of capabilities and have no independent explanatory power. Actors deploy culture and identity strategically, to further their own self-interests[23]. Nevertheless, it is wrong to assert that neo-realist perspectives do not acknowledge the importance of social facts. Gilpin has developed a compelling argument about war and change[24]. While his book is built on (micro)economic premises, he does not neglect sociological insights as necessary for understanding the context of rational behavior. "Specific interests or objectives that individuals pursue and the appropriateness of the means they employ are dependent on prevailing social norms and material environment…In short, the economic and sociological approaches must be integrated to explain political change"[25]. Waltz was implicitly talking about identity when he argued that anarchic structures tend to produce “like units”[26]. He allows for what he calls ‘socialization’ and ‘imitation’ processes. Stephen Krasner suggested that regimes could change state interests[27]. Regimes are an area where knowledge should be taken seriously. If regimes matter, then cognitive understanding can matter as well[28]. Realism is not necessarily about conflict; material forces may as well lead to cooperation. However, the minimalist treatment of culture and social phenomena increasingly proved neo-realism as losing ground empirically and theoretically. It was the suspicion that the international system is transforming itself culturally faster than would have been predictable from changes in military and economic capabilities that triggered the interest in problems of identity[29]. Reconstruction of the theory was vital in order to save Realism from becoming obsolete. The realization of this fact has triggered a shift in Realist thinking and gave way to the emergence of a 'constructivist' re-incarnation of Realism. Friedrich Kratochwil has once observed that no theory of culture can substitute for a theory of politics[30]. At least, nobody has ventured to accomplish such an enterprise so far. To disregard culture in politics, it seems obvious today, is inappropriate, not to say foolish. There remain opportunity costs incurred by Realism in its asymmetric engagement with cultural phenomena. Thus, Realism, notwithstanding its concern with parsimony, should make a serious commitment to building analytical bridges which link identity- and culture-related phenomena to its explanatory apparatus (like anarchy, sovereignty, the security dilemma, self-help, and balancing)[31]. Alexander Wendt in his seminal article “Anarchy Is What States Make of It” has masterfully shown how power politics is socially constructed[32]. Salus populi supreme lex. This classical metalegal doctrine of necessity is associated with raison d’etat, the right of preservation, and self-help. Wendt is convinced that the self-help corollary to anarchy does enormous work in Realism, generating the inherently competitive dynamics of the security dilemma and collective action problem[33]. What misses the point, however, is that self-help and power politics follow either logically or causally from anarchy. They do not; rather, they are just among other institutions (albeit significant ones) possible under anarchy. Consequently, provided there is relatively stable practice, international institutions can transform state identities and interests. Let me focus on two concrete security issues - the security dilemma and nuclear deterrence - to illustrate the point. A central tenet of Realism, the security dilemma[34], arises for the situation when “one actor’s quest for security through power accumulation ... exacerbates the feelings of insecurity of another actor, who in turn will respond by accumulating power”[35]. As a result of this behavior, a vicious circle or spiral of security develops, with fear and misperception exacerbating the situation[36]. Nevertheless, security dilemmas, as Wendt stresses, are not given by anarchy or nature[37]. Security dilemmas are constructed because identities and interests are constituted by collective meanings which are always in process. This is why concepts of security may differ in the extent to which and the manner in which the self is identified cognitively with the other. Because deterrence is based on ideas about threat systems and conditional commitments to carry out punishment, it has proved particularly congenial to the strategic studies scholarship within the Realist tradition[38]. Deterrence is a conditional commitment to retaliate, or to exact retribution if another party fails to behave in a desired, compliant manner. Thus defined, deterrence has been invoked as the primary explanation for the non-use of nuclear weapons. The nuclear case, in contrast to chemical weapons, for example, is definitely problematic for challenging traditional deterrence theory because it is widely felt that the tremendous destructive power of thermonuclear weapons does render them qualitatively different from other weapons. Yet, the patterns of the non-use of nuclear weapons cannot be fully understood without taking into account the development of norms that shaped these weapons as unacceptable. By applying social constructivist approach, it is possible to emphasize the relationship between norms, identities, and interests and try to provide a causal explanation of how the norms affect outcomes[39]. Norms shape conceptualizations of interests through the social construction of identities. In other words, a constructivist account is necessary to get at 'what deters,' and how and why deterrence 'works' [40]. International relations theory cannot afford to ignore norms. Demonstrating the impact of norms on the interests, beliefs, and behavior of actors in international politics does not and must not invalidate Realism. Rather, it points to analytical blind spots and gaps in traditional accounts. In so doing, it not only casts light into the shadows of existing theory but raises new questions as well.[41] However, with all the 'constructivist' adjustments made (which are absolutely credible), it is important to keep in mind 'pure rationalist' tools as well. Krasner points out that whenever the cost-benefit ratio indicates that breaking its rules will bring a net benefit that is what states will do[42]. Wendt introduces a correction that instrumentalism may be the attitude when states first settle on norms, and "continue(s) to be for poorly organized states down the road"[43]. States obey the law initially because they are forced to or calculate that it is in their self-interest. Some states never get beyond this point. Some do, and then obey the law because they accept its claims on them as legitimate[44]. This is truly an excellent observation. The problem here, however, could be that even when states remove the option of breaking the law from their agenda, this already implies that benefits overweight costs. And even if this is not the case, how can we know where exactly this point is, beyond which states respect law for law’s sake? Furthermore, states that supposedly have stepped over this point might break the law, when it has become least expected, if they consider this of their prime interest. Powerful illustration of this is France, which resumed its nuclear testing to the great surprise of the world[45]. Another interesting example is the case of NATO. Traditional alliance theories based on Realist thinking provide insufficient explanations of the origins, the interaction patterns, and the persistence of NATO. The 'brand new' interpretation is that the Alliance represents an institutionalized pluralistic community of liberal democracies. Democracies not only do not fight each other, they are likely to develop a collective identity facilitating the emergence of cooperative institutions for specific purposes[46]. Thus presented, old questions get revitalized. Why is NATO the strongest among the other post-Cold War security institutions – as compared to, the WEU, not even to mention the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy? Why is not the OSCE given a chance to turn into a truly pluralistic European 'Security Architecture'? Why was NATO so eager to bomb Kosovo, which was a clear breach of international law? Because it is ‘an institutionalized pluralistic community of liberal democracies’? Or yet because it is a predominantly military organization? Why do public opinion polls in Russia[47] repeatedly show that NATO is an aggressive organization (and which can also be observed in official rhetoric, as in the national security conception and the military doctrine[48])? All these questions suggest that to claim that Realist explanation of NATO existence can be thrown into a dustbin is at minimum inappropriate. Social sciences do not evolve via scientific revolutions, as Thomas Kuhn argues is the case for the natural sciences. Not paradigm shifts but rather style and fashion changes are what characterize social science[49]. Thus posed, paradigm development promises Realism a bright future. In this respect, recent success of constructivism has, metaphorically speaking, breathed in a new life into Realism. Realism is in much debt to constructivism for being revitalized. Yet, paying full credit to the contribution of constructivism, it should be noted that to a large extent constructivists take off from the Realist positions.	Niarguinen 1 (Dmitri, Professor of International Relations and European Studies – Central European University, Rubikon, December, http://venus.ci.uw.edu.pl/~rubikon/forum/dmitri.htm)	Paradoxically, with the advent of neo-realism, the scope and flexibility of Realism have significantly diminished. The theory has become deterministic, linear, and culturally poor. economic and sociological approaches must be integrated to explain political change If regimes matter, then cognitive understanding can matter as well Realism is not necessarily about conflict However, the minimalist treatment of culture and social phenomena increasingly proved neo-realism as losing ground empirically and theoretically Reconstruction of the theory was vital in order to save Realism from becoming obsolete To disregard culture in politics is inappropriate, not to say foolish There remain opportunity costs incurred by Realism in its asymmetric engagement with cultural phenomena Realism, should make a serious commitment to building analytical bridges which link identity security dilemmas are not given by anarchy or nature Security dilemmas are constructed because identities and interests are constituted by collective meanings which are always in process Demonstrating the impact of norms does not invalidate Realism. Rather, it points to analytical blind spots in traditional accounts. it not only casts light into the shadows of existing theory but raises new questions Social sciences do not evolve via scientific revolutions Not paradigm shifts but rather style and fashion changes are what characterize social science In this respect, recent success of constructivism has, metaphorically speaking, breathed in a new life into Realism	Realism has gaps that destroys its explanatory ability --- recognizing social influences enriches and sustains the theory	10,939	121	1,545	1,626	17	221	0.010455	0.135916	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,567	At a security conference recently, the moderator asked the panel of distinguished cybersecurity leaders what their nightmare scenario was. The answers were the predictable array of large-scale attacks: against our communications infrastructure, against the power grid, against the financial system, in combination with a physical attack. I didn't get to give my answer until the afternoon, which was: "My nightmare scenario is that people keep talking about their nightmare scenarios." There's a certain blindness that comes from worst-case thinking. An extension of the precautionary principle, it involves imagining the worst possible outcome and then acting as if it were a certainty. It substitutes imagination for thinking, speculation for risk analysis, and fear for reason. It fosters powerlessness and vulnerability and magnifies social paralysis. And it makes us more vulnerable to the effects of terrorism. Worst-case thinking means generally bad decision making for several reasons. First, it's only half of the cost-benefit equation. Every decision has costs and benefits, risks and rewards. By speculating about what can possibly go wrong, and then acting as if that is likely to happen, worst-case thinking focuses only on the extreme but improbable risks and does a poor job at assessing outcomes. Second, it's based on flawed logic. It begs the question by assuming that a proponent of an action must prove that the nightmare scenario is impossible. Third, it can be used to support any position or its opposite. If we build a nuclear power plant, it could melt down. If we don't build it, we will run short of power and society will collapse into anarchy. If we allow flights near Iceland's volcanic ash, planes will crash and people will die. If we don't, organs won’t arrive in time for transplant operations and people will die. If we don't invade Iraq, Saddam Hussein might use the nuclear weapons he might have. If we do, we might destabilize the Middle East, leading to widespread violence and death. Of course, not all fears are equal. Those that we tend to exaggerate are more easily justified by worst-case thinking. So terrorism fears trump privacy fears, and almost everything else; technology is hard to understand and therefore scary; nuclear weapons are worse than conventional weapons; our children need to be protected at all costs; and annihilating the planet is bad. Basically, any fear that would make a good movie plot is amenable to worst-case thinking. Fourth and finally, worst-case thinking validates ignorance. Instead of focusing on what we know, it focuses on what we don't know -- and what we can imagine. Remember Defense Secretary Rumsfeld's quote? "Reports that say that something hasn't happened are always interesting to me, because as we know, there are known knowns; there are things we know we know. We also know there are known unknowns; that is to say we know there are some things we do not know. But there are also unknown unknowns -- the ones we don't know we don't know." And this: "the absence of evidence is not evidence of absence." Ignorance isn't a cause for doubt; when you can fill that ignorance with imagination, it can be a call to action. Even worse, it can lead to hasty and dangerous acts. You can't wait for a smoking gun, so you act as if the gun is about to go off. Rather than making us safer, worst-case thinking has the potential to cause dangerous escalation. The new undercurrent in this is that our society no longer has the ability to calculate probabilities. Risk assessment is devalued. Probabilistic thinking is repudiated in favor of "possibilistic thinking": Since we can't know what's likely to go wrong, let's speculate about what can possibly go wrong. Worst-case thinking leads to bad decisions, bad systems design, and bad security. And we all have direct experience with its effects: airline security and the TSA, which we make fun of when we're not appalled that they're harassing 93-year-old women or keeping first graders off airplanes. You can't be too careful! Actually, you can. You can refuse to fly because of the possibility of plane crashes. You can lock your children in the house because of the possibility of child predators. You can eschew all contact with people because of the possibility of hurt. Steven Hawking wants to avoid trying to communicate with aliens because they might be hostile; does he want to turn off all the planet's television broadcasts because they're radiating into space? It isn't hard to parody worst-case thinking, and at its extreme it's a psychological condition. Frank Furedi, a sociology professor at the University of Kent, writes: "Worst-case thinking encourages society to adopt fear as one of the dominant principles around which the public, the government and institutions should organize their life. It institutionalizes insecurity and fosters a mood of confusion and powerlessness. Through popularizing the belief that worst cases are normal, it incites people to feel defenseless and vulnerable to a wide range of future threats." Even worse, it plays directly into the hands of terrorists, creating a population that is easily terrorized -- even by failed terrorist attacks like the Christmas Day underwear bomber and the Times Square SUV bomber. When someone is proposing a change, the onus should be on them to justify it over the status quo. But worst-case thinking is a way of looking at the world that exaggerates the rare and unusual and gives the rare much more credence than it deserves. It isn't really a principle; it's a cheap trick to justify what you already believe. It lets lazy or biased people make what seem to be cogent arguments without understanding the whole issue. And when people don't need to refute counterarguments, there's no point in listening to them.	Schneier 10 -- American cryptographer, computer security specialist, and writer; author of several books on general security topics; master's degree in computer science @ American University; honorary Ph.D from the University of Westminster (Bruce, 3-13, http://www.schneier.com/blog/archives/2010/05/worst-case_thin.html)	There's a certain blindness that comes from worst-case thinking it involves imagining the worst possible outcome and then acting as if it were a certainty. It substitutes imagination for thinking, speculation for risk analysis, and fear for reason It fosters powerlessness and vulnerability and magnifies social paralysis And it makes us more vulnerable to the effects of terrorism. Worst-case thinking means generally bad decision making it's only half of the cost-benefit equation By speculating about what can possibly go wrong, and then acting as if that is likely to happen, worst-case thinking focuses only on the extreme but improbable risks and does a poor job at assessing outcomes it's based on flawed logic. It begs the question by assuming that a proponent of an action must prove that the nightmare scenario is impossible. can be used to support any position or its opposite. If we build a nuclear power plant, it could melt down. If we don't build it, we will run short of power and society will collapse into anarchy. . If we don't invade Iraq, Saddam Hussein might use the nuclear weapons he might have. If we do, we might destabilize the Middle East Those that we tend to exaggerate are more easily justified by worst-case thinking terrorism fears trump privacy fears, and almost everything else worst-case thinking validates ignorance. Instead of focusing on what we know, it focuses on what we don't know Ignorance isn't a cause for doubt; when you can fill that ignorance with imagination, it can be a call to action it can lead to hasty and dangerous acts You can't wait for a smoking gun, so you act as if the gun is about to go off. Rather than making us safer, worst-case thinking has the potential to cause dangerous escalation The undercurrent is our society no longer has the ability to calculate probabilities Risk assessment is devalued . Probabilistic thinking is repudiated in favor of "possibilistic thinking Worst-case thinking leads to bad decisions, bad systems design, and bad security. Furedi, a sociology professor at the University of Kent, writes: "Worst-case thinking encourages society to adopt fear as one of the dominant principles around which the public should organize their life. It institutionalizes insecurity and fosters a mood of confusion and powerlessness. Through popularizing the belief that worst cases are normal, it incites people to feel defenseless and vulnerable to a wide range of future threats." Even worse, it plays directly into the hands of terrorists, creating a population that is easily terrorized worst-case thinking is a way of looking at the world that exaggerates the rare and unusual and gives the rare much more credence than it deserves. It isn't really a principle; it's a cheap trick to justify what you already believe. It lets lazy or biased people make what seem to be cogent arguments without understanding the whole issue. And when people don't need to refute counterarguments, there's no point in listening to them.	Worst-case scenario planning causes serial policy failure and disables solvency	5,828	79	3,001	955	10	494	0.010471	0.517277	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,568	The effect of deconstructing the power of the author to impose a fixed meaning on the text or offer a continuous narrative is both debilitating and liberating. It is debilitating in that any attempt to say what should be done within even our insular Foucaultian preoccupations may be oppositionalized and deconstructed as an illegitimate privileging of one term, value, perspective or narrative over another. The struggle over meaning might continue ad infinitum. That is, if a deconstructionist is theoretically consistent and sees deconstruction not as a political tool but as a philosophical orientation, political action is impossible, because such action requires a degree of closure that deconstruction, as a theoretical matter, does not permit. Moreover, the approach is debilitating because deconstruction without material rootedness, without goals and vision, creates a political and spiritual void into which the socially real power we theoretically deconstruct steps and steps on the disempowered and dispossessed. [*762] To those dying from AIDS, stifled by poverty, dehumanized by sexism and racism, crippled by drugs and brutalized by the many forms of physical, political and economic violence that characterizes our narcissistic culture, power hardly seems a matter of illegitimate theoretical privileging. When vision, social theory and political struggle do not accompany critique, the void will be filled by the rich, the powerful and the charismatic, those who influence us through their eloquence, prestige, wealth and power.	Cook 92 (Anthony, Associate Professor – Georgetown Law, New England Law Review, Spring, 26 New Eng.L. Rev. 751, Lexis)	deconstructing the power to offer a continuous narrative is debilitating any attempt to say what should be done may be oppositionalized as an illegitimate privileging of one perspective over another if a deconstructionist and sees deconstruction as a philosophical orientation, political action is impossible, because action requires a degree of closure deconstruction without material rootedness creates a political void into which the socially real power steps and steps on the disempowered and dispossessed To those dying dehumanized and brutalized by violence power hardly seems a matter of illegitimate theoretical privileging. When vision, and political struggle do not accompany critique, the void will be filled by the powerful those who influence us through their power	The alt creates a political void filled by elites – locking in oppression	1,548	73	778	229	13	114	0.056769	0.497817	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,569	At that point, something will crack. The nonsuburban electorate will decide that the system has failed and start looking around for a strongman to vote for someone willing to assure them that, once he is elected, the smug bureaucrats, tricky lawyers, overpaid bond salesmen, and postmodernist professors will no longer be calling the shots. A scenario like that of Sinclair Lewis’ novel It Can’t Happen Here may then be played out. For once such a strongman takes office, nobody can predict what will happen. In 1932, most of the predictions made about what would happen if Hindenburg named Hitler chancellor were wildly overoptimistic. One thing that is very likely to happen is that the gains made in the past forty years by black and brown Americans, and by homosexuals, will be wiped out. Jocular contempt for women will come back into fashion. The words "nigger" and "kike" will once again be heard in the workplace. All the sadism which the academic Left has tried to make unacceptable to its students will come flooding back. All the resentment which badly educated Americans feel about having their manners dictated to them by college graduates will find an outlet. But such a renewal of sadism will not alter the effects of selfishness. For after my imagined strongman takes charge, he will quickly make his peace with the international superrich, just as Hitler made his with the German industrialists. He will invoke the glorious memory of the Gulf War to provoke military adventures which will generate short-term prosperity. He will be a disaster for the country and the world. People will wonder why there was so little resistance to his evitable rise. Where, they will ask, was the American Left? Why was it only rightists like Buchanan who spoke to the workers about the consequences of globalization? Why could not the Left channel the mounting rage of the newly dispossessed? It is often said that we Americans, at the end of the twentieth century, no longer have a Left. Since nobody denies the existence of what I have called the cultural Left, this amounts to an admission that that Left is unable to engage in national politics. It is not the sort of Left which can be asked to deal with the consequences of globalization. To get the country to deal with those consequences, the present cultural Left would have to transform itself by opening relations with the residue of the old reformist Left, and in particular with the labor unions. It would have to talk much more about money, even at the cost of talking less about stigma. I have two suggestions about how to effect this transition. The first is that the Left should put a moratorium on theory. It should try to kick its philosophy habit. The second is that the Left should try to mobilize what remains of our pride in being Americans. It should ask the public to consider how the country of Lincoln and Whitman might be achieved. In support of my first suggestion, let me cite a passage from Dewey's Reconstruction in Philosophy in which he expresses his exasperation with the sort of sterile debate now going on under the rubric of "individualism versus communitarianism." Dewey thought that all discussions which took this dichotomy seriously suffer from a common defect. They are all committed to the logic of general notions under which specific situations are to be brought. What we want is light upon this or that group of individuals, this or that concrete human being, this or that special institution or social arrangement. For such a logic of inquiry, the traditionally accepted logic substitutes discussion of the meaning of concepts and their dialectical relationships with one another. Dewey was right to be exasperated by sociopolitical theory conducted at this level of abstraction. He was wrong when he went on to say that ascending to this level is typically a rightist maneuver, one which supplies "the apparatus for intellectual justifications of the established order. "9 For such ascents are now more common on the Left than on the Right. The contemporary academic Left seems to think that the higher your level of abstraction, the more subversive of the established order you can be. The more sweeping and novel your conceptual apparatus, the more radical your critique. When one of today's academic leftists says that some topic has been "inadequately theorized," you can be pretty certain that he or she is going to drag in either philosophy of language, or Lacanian psychoanalysis, or some neo-Marxist version of economic determinism. Theorists of the Left think that dissolving political agents into plays of differential subjectivity, or political initiatives into pursuits of Lacan's impossible object of desire, helps to subvert the established order. Such subversion, they say, is accomplished by "problematizing familiar concepts." Recent attempts to subvert social institutions by problematizing concepts have produced a few very good books. They have also produced many thousands of books which represent scholastic philosophizing at its worst. The authors of these purportedly "subversive" books honestly believe that they are serving human liberty. But it is almost impossible to clamber back down from their books to a level of abstraction on which one might discuss the merits of a law, a treaty, a candidate, or a political strategy. Even though what these authors "theorize" is often something very concrete and near at hand-a current TV show, a media celebrity, a recent scandal-they offer the most abstract and barren explanations imaginable. These futile attempts to philosophize one's way into political relevance are a symptom of what happens when a Left retreats from activism and adopts a spectatorial approach to the problems of its country. Disengagement from practice produces theoretical hallucinations. These result in an intellectual environment which is, as Mark Edmundson says in his book Nightmare on Main Street, Gothic. The cultural Left is haunted by ubiquitous specters, the most frightening of which is called "power." This is the name of what Edmundson calls Foucault's "haunting agency, which is everywhere and nowhere, as evanescent and insistent as a resourceful spook."10	Rorty 98 (Richard, Professor of Comparative Literature – Stanford University, Achieving Our Country: Leftist Thought in Twentieth-Century America, p. 89-94)	At that point, something will crack. The electorate will decide that the system has failed and start looking for someone willing to assure them that the postmodernist professors will no longer be calling the shots once a strongman takes office, nobody can predict what will happen. In 1932 predictions about Hitler were wildly overoptimistic the gains made in the past forty years by black and brown Americans, and homosexuals, will be wiped out contempt for women will come back All the sadism which the Left has tried to make unacceptable will come flooding back my imagined strongman will provoke military adventures which will be a disaster for the world These are a symptom of what happens when a Left retreats from activism and adopts a spectatorial approach to problems Disengagement from practice produces theoretical hallucinations. These result in an intellectual environment which is, Gothic	The impact is extinction	6,243	24	907	1,014	4	144	0.003945	0.142012	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,570	The following section will briefly raise some questions about the rejection of the old security framework as it has been taken up by the most powerful institutions and states. Here we can begin to see the political limits to critical and emancipatory frameworks. In an international system which is marked by great power inequalities between states, the rejection of the old narrow national interest-based security framework by major international institutions, and the adoption of ostensibly emancipatory policies and policy rhetoric, has the consequence of problematising weak or unstable states and allowing international institutions or major states a more interventionary role, yet without establishing mechanisms by which the citizens of states being intervened in might have any control over the agents or agencies of their emancipation. Whatever the problems associated with the pluralist security framework there were at least formal and clear demarcations. This has the consequence of entrenching international power inequalities and allowing for a shift towards a hierarchical international order in which the citizens in weak or unstable states may arguably have even less freedom or power than before. Radical critics of contemporary security policies, such as human security and humanitarian intervention, argue that we see an assertion of Western power and the creation of liberal subjectivities in the developing world. For example, see Mark Duffield’s important and insightful contribution to the ongoing debates about contemporary international security and development. Duffield attempts to provide a coherent empirical engagement with, and theoretical explanation of, these shifts. Whilst these shifts, away from a focus on state security, and the so-called merging of security and development are often portrayed as positive and progressive shifts that have come about because of the end of the Cold War, Duffield argues convincingly that these shifts are highly problematic and unprogressive. For example, the rejection of sovereignty as formal international equality and a presumption of nonintervention has eroded the division between the international and domestic spheres and led to an international environment in which Western NGOs and powerful states have a major role in the governance of third world states. Whilst for supporters of humanitarian intervention this is a good development, Duffield points out the depoliticising implications, drawing on examples in Mozambique and Afghanistan. Duffield also draws out the problems of the retreat from modernisation that is represented by sustainable development. The Western world has moved away from the development policies of the Cold War, which aimed to develop third world states industrially. Duffield describes this in terms of a new division of human life into uninsured and insured life. Whilst we in the West are ‘insured’ – that is we no longer have to be entirely self-reliant, we have welfare systems, a modern division of labour and so on – sustainable development aims to teach populations in poor states how to survive in the absence of any of this. Third world populations must be taught to be self-reliant, they will remain uninsured. Self-reliance of course means the condemnation of millions to a barbarous life of inhuman bare survival. Ironically, although sustainable development is celebrated by many on the left today, by leaving people to fend for themselves rather than developing a society wide system which can support people, sustainable development actually leads to a less human and humane system than that developed in modern capitalist states. Duffield also describes how many of these problematic shifts are embodied in the contemporary concept of human security. For Duffield, we can understand these shifts in terms of Foucauldian biopolitical framework, which can be understood as a regulatory power that seeks to support life through intervening in the biological, social and economic processes that constitute a human population (2007: 16). Sustainable development and human security are for Duffield technologies of security which aim to create self-managing and self-reliant subjectivities in the third world, which can then survive in a situation of serious underdevelopment (or being uninsured as Duffield terms it) without causing security problems for the developed world. For Duffield this is all driven by a neoliberal project which seeks to control and manage uninsured populations globally. Radical critic Costas Douzinas (2007) also criticises new forms of cosmopolitanism such as human rights and interventions for human rights as a triumph of American hegemony. Whilst we are in agreement with critics such as Douzinas and Duffield that these new security frameworks cannot be empowering, and ultimately lead to more power for powerful states, we need to understand why these frameworks have the effect that they do. We can understand that these frameworks have political limitations without having to look for a specific plan on the part of current powerful states. In new security frameworks such as human security we can see the political limits of the framework proposed by critical and emancipatory theoretical approaches.	Tara McCormack, ’10, is Lecturer in International Politics at the University of Leicester and has a PhD in International Relations from the University of Westminster. 2010, (Critique, Security and Power: The political limits to emancipatory approaches, page 127-129)	rejection of the old security framework Here we can begin to see the political limits to critical and emancipatory frameworks rejection of the interest-based security framework and the adoption of emancipatory policies has the consequence of problematising weak or unstable states and allowing international institutions or major states a more interventionary role without establishing mechanisms by which the citizens of states being intervened in might have any control over the agents or agencies of their emancipation Whatever the problems associated with the pluralist security framework there were at least formal and clear demarcations This has the consequence of entrenching international power inequalities and allowing for a shift towards a hierarchical international order in which the citizens in weak or unstable states may arguably have even less freedom or power than before Duffield points out the depoliticising implications, drawing on examples in Mozambique and Afghanistan Duffield also draws out the problems of the retreat from modernisation that is represented by sustainable development Third world populations must be taught to be self-reliant, they will remain uninsured. Self-reliance of course means the condemnation of millions to a barbarous life of inhuman bare survival. sustainable development actually leads to a less human and humane system than that developed in modern capitalist states we can understand these shifts in terms of Foucauldian biopolitical framework a regulatory power that seeks to support life through intervening in the biological, social and economic processes that constitute a human population these new security frameworks cannot be empowering, and ultimately lead to more power for powerful states,	Rejection of securitization causes the state to become more interventionist—turns the K	5,258	87	1,758	794	12	257	0.015113	0.323678	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,571	Because emancipatory political practice is central to the claims of critical theory, one might expect that proponents of a critical approach to the study of international relations would be reflexive about the relationship between theory and practice. Yet their thinking on this issue thus far does not seem to have progressed much beyond grandiose statements of intent. There have been no systematic considerations of how critical international theory can help generate, support, or sustain emancipatory politics beyond the seminar room or conference hotel. Robert Cox, for example, has described the task of critical theorists as providing “a guide to strategic action for bringing about an alternative order” (R. Cox 1981: 130). Although he has also gone on to identify possible agents for change and has outlined the nature and structure of some feasible alternative orders, he has not explicitly indicated whom he regards as the addressee of critical theory (i.e., who is being guided) and thus how the theory can hope to become a part of the political process (see R. Cox 1981, 1983, 1996). Similarly, Andrew Linklater has argued that “a critical theory of international relations must regard the practical project of extending community beyond the nation–state as its most important problem” (Linklater 1990b: 171). However, he has little to say about the role of theory in the realization of this “practical project.” Indeed, his main point is to suggest that the role of critical theory “is not to offer instructions on how to act but to reveal the existence of unrealised possibilities” (Linklater 1990b: 172). But the question still remains, reveal to whom? Is the audience enlightened politicians? Particular social classes? Particular social movements? Or particular (and presumably particularized) communities? In light of Linklater’s primary concern with emancipation, one might expect more guidance as to whom he believes might do the emancipating and how critical theory can impinge upon the emancipatory process. There is, likewise, little enlightenment to be gleaned from Mark Hoffman’s otherwise important contribution. He argues that critical international theory seeks not simply to reproduce society via description, but to understand society and change it. It is both descriptive and constructive in its theoretical intent: it is both an intellectual and a social act. It is not merely an expression of the concrete realities of the historical situation, but also a force for change within those conditions. (M. Hoffman 1987: 233) Despite this very ambitious declaration, once again, Hoffman gives no suggestion as to how this “force for change” should be operationalized and what concrete role critical theorizing might play in changing society. Thus, although the critical international theorists’ critique of the role that more conventional approaches to the study of world politics play in reproducing the contemporary world order may be persuasive, their account of the relationship between their own work and emancipatory political practice is unconvincing. Given the centrality of practice to the claims of critical theory, this is a very significant weakness. Without some plausible account of the mechanisms by which they hope to aid in the achievement of their emancipatory goals, proponents of critical international theory are hardly in a position to justify the assertion that “it represents the next stage in the development of International Relations theory” (M. Hoffman 1987: 244). Indeed, without a more convincing conceptualization of the theory–practice nexus, one can argue that critical international theory, by its own terms, has no way of redeeming some of its central epistemological and methodological claims and thus that it is a fatally flawed enterprise.	Jones 99 (Richard Wyn, Lecturer in the Department of International Politics – University of Wales, Security, Strategy, and Critical Theory, CIAO, http://www.ciaonet.org/book/wynjones/wynjones06.html)	Because emancipatory political practice is central to the claims of critical theory, one might expect that proponents of a critical approach to the study of i r would be reflexive about the relationship between theory and practice. Yet their thinking on this issue does not seem to have progressed beyond grandiose statements of intent. There have been no considerations of how critical theory can help generate emancipatory politics beyond the conference hotel although critical critique may be persuasive their account of the relationship between their work and political practice is unconvincing Given the centrality of practice this is a very significant weakness. Without some plausible account of the mechanisms by which they hope to aid in the achievement of their goals without a more convincing theory–practice nexus, one can argue that critical international theory is a fatally flawed enterprise	Alternative fails – critical theory has no mechanism to translate theory into practice	3,806	86	906	583	13	139	0.022298	0.238422	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,572	As writers such as Niccolo Machiavelli, Max Weber, Reinhold Niebuhr, and Hannah Arendt have taught, an unyielding concern with moral goodness undercuts political responsibility. The concern may be morally laudable, reflecting a kind of personal integrity, but it suffers from three fatal flaws: (1) It fails to see that the purity of one’s intention does not ensure the achievement of what one intends. Abjuring violence or refusing to make common cause with morally compromised parties may seem like the right thing; but if such tactics entail impotence, then it is hard to view them as serving any moral good beyond the clean conscience of their supporters; (2) it fails to see that in a world of real violence and injustice, moral purity is not simply a form of powerlessness; it is often a form of complicity in injustice. This is why, from the standpoint of politics--as opposed to religion--pacifism is always a potentially immoral stand. In categorically repudiating violence, it refuses in principle to oppose certain violent injustices with any effect; and (3) it fails to see that politics is as much about unintended consequences as it is about intentions; it is the effects of action, rather than the motives of action, that is most significant. Just as the alignment with “good” may engender impotence, it is often the pursuit of “good” that generates evil. This is the lesson of communism in the twentieth century: it is not enough that one’s goals be sincere or idealistic; it is equally important, always, to ask about the effects of pursuing these goals and to judge these effects in pragmatic and historically contextualized ways. Moral absolutism inhibits this judgment. It alienates those who are not true believers. It promotes arrogance. And it undermines political effectiveness.	Isaac 2 (Jeffrey C., Professor of Political Science – Indiana-Bloomington, Director – Center for the Study of Democracy and Public Life, Ph.D. – Yale, Dissent Magazine, 49(2), “Ends, Means, and Politics”, Spring, Proquest)	unyielding concern with moral goodness undercuts political responsibility. The concern may be morally laudable, but it suffers from three fatal flaws: (1) It fails to see that purity of intention does not ensure achievement of what one intends. if tactics entail impotence, it is hard to view them as serving any moral good beyond the clean conscience of their supporters; (2) in a world of real violence moral purity is complicity in injustice. categorically repudiating violence refuses to oppose violent injustices with any effect; and (3) politics is as much about unintended consequences as intentions; it is the effects of action, rather than the motives of action, that is most significant. Just as alignment with “good” may engender impotence, it is often pursuit of “good” generates evil. This is the lesson of communism it is not enough that one’s goals be sincere it is equally important to ask about effects of pursuing goals and to judge effects in pragmatic ways. Moral absolutism inhibits this judgment. It alienates those who are not true believers. And it undermines political effectiveness.	-- Evaluate consequences – allowing violence for the sake of moral purity is evil	1,802	81	1,108	292	14	178	0.047945	0.609589	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,573	THE THIRD response to eco-criticism would require critics to acknowledge the ways in which they themselves silence nature and then to respect the sheer otherness of the nonhuman world. Postmodernism prides itself on criticizing the urge toward mastery that characterizes modernity. But isn't mastery exactly what postmodernism is exerting as it captures the nonhuman world within its own conceptual domain? Doesn't postmodern cultural criticism deepen the modernist urge toward mastery by eliminating the ontological weight of the nonhuman world? What else could it mean to assert that there is no such thing as nature? I have already suggested the postmodernist response: yes, recognizing the social construction of "nature" does deny the self-expression of the nonhuman world, but how would we know what such self-expression means? Indeed, nature doesn't speak; rather, some person always speaks on nature's behalf, and whatever that person says is, as we all know, a social construction. All attempts to listen to nature are social constructions-except one. Even the most radical postmodernist must acknowledge the distinction between physical existence and non-existence. As I have said, postmodernists accept that there is a physical substratum to the phenomenal world even if they argue about the different meanings we ascribe to it. This acknowledgment of physical existence is crucial. We can't ascribe meaning to that which doesn't appear. What doesn't exist can manifest no character. Put differently, yes, the postmodernist should rightly worry about interpreting nature's expressions. And all of us should be wary of those who claim to speak on nature's behalf (including environmentalists who do that). But we need not doubt the simple idea that a prerequisite of expression is existence. This in turn suggests that preserving the nonhuman world-in all its diverse embodiments-must be seen by eco-critics as a fundamental good. Eco-critics must be supporters, in some fashion, of environmental preservation. Postmodernists reject the idea of a universal good. They rightly acknowledge the difficulty of identifying a common value given the multiple contexts of our value-producing activity. In fact, if there is one thing they vehemently scorn, it is the idea that there can be a value that stands above the individual contexts of human experience. Such a value would present itself as a metanarrative and, as Jean-François Lyotard has explained, postmodernism is characterized fundamentally by its "incredulity toward meta-narratives." Nonetheless, I can't see how postmodern critics can do otherwise than accept the value of preserving the nonhuman world. The nonhuman is the extreme "other"; it stands in contradistinction to humans as a species. In understanding the constructed quality of human experience and the dangers of reification, postmodernism inherently advances an ethic of respecting the "other." At the very least, respect must involve ensuring that the "other" actually continues to exist. In our day and age, this requires us to take responsibility for protecting the actuality of the nonhuman. Instead, however, we are running roughshod over the earth's diversity of plants, animals, and ecosystems. Postmodern critics should find this particularly disturbing. If they don't, they deny their own intellectual insights and compromise their fundamental moral commitment. NOW, WHAT does this mean for politics and policy, and the future of the environmental movement? Society is constantly being asked to address questions of environmental quality for which there are no easy answers. As we wrestle with challenges of global climate change, ozone depletion, loss of biological diversity, and so forth, we need to consider the economic, political, cultural, and aesthetic values at stake. These considerations have traditionally marked the politics of environmental protection. A sensitivity to eco-criticism requires that we go further and include an ethic of otherness in our deliberations. That is, we need to be moved by our concern to make room for the "other" and hence fold a commitment to the nonhuman world into our policy discussions. I don't mean that this argument should drive all our actions or that respect for the "other" should always carry the day. But it must be a central part of our reflections and calculations. For example, as we estimate the number of people that a certain area can sustain, consider what to do about climate change, debate restrictions on ocean fishing, or otherwise assess the effects of a particular course of action, we must think about the lives of other creatures on the earth-and also the continued existence of the nonliving physical world. We must do so not because we wish to maintain what is "natural" but because we wish to act in a morally respectable manner.	Wapner 3 (Paul, Associate Professor and Director of the Global Environmental Policy Program – American University, “Leftist Criticism of”, Dissent, Winter, http://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/?article=539)	postmodernists accept that there is a physical substratum to the phenomenal world This acknowledgment of physical existence is crucial. We can't ascribe meaning to that which doesn't appear. we need not doubt the simple idea that a prerequisite of expression is existence preserving the world must be seen as a fundamental good critics must be supporters of preservation respect for the "other" must be a central part of our reflections and calculations. For example, as we debate the effects of a particular course of action, we must think about the lives of other creatures and continued existence We must do so because we wish to act in a morally respectable manner	Existence is a pre-requisite to examining ontology	4,842	50	668	748	7	111	0.009358	0.148396	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,574	More is the pity that such irrational and obviously abstruse debate should so occupy us at a time of great global turmoil. That it does and continues to do so reflect our lack of judicious criteria for evaluating theory and, more importantly, the lack of attachment theorists have to the real world. Certainly it is right and proper that we ponder the depths of our theoretical imaginations, engage in epistemological and ontological debate, and analyze the sociology of our knowledge. But to support that this is the only task of international theory, let alone the most important one, smacks of intellectual elitism and displays a certain contempt for those who search for guidance in their daily struggle as actors in international politics. What does Ashley’s project, his deconstructive efforts, or valiant fight against positivism say to the truly marginalized, oppressed, and destitute? How does it help solve the plight of the poor, the displaced refugees, the casualties of war, or the émigrés of death squads? Does it in any way speak to those whose actions and thoughts comprise the policy and practice of international relations? On all these questions one must answer no. This is not to say, of course, that all theory should be judged by its technical rationality and problem-solving capacity as Ashley forcefully argues. But to support that problem-solving technical theory is not necessary—or in some way bad—is a contemptuous position that abrogates any hope of solving some of the nightmarish realities that millions confront daily. As Holsti argues, we need ask of these theorists and their theories the ultimate question, “So what?” To what purpose do they deconstruct, problematize, destabilize, undermine, ridicule, and belittle modernist and rationalist approaches? Does this get us any further, make the world any better, or enhance the human condition? In what sense can this “debate toward [a] bottomless pit of epistemology and metaphysics” be judged pertinent, relevant, helpful, or cogent to anyone other than those foolish enough to be scholastically excited by abstract and recondite debate. Contrary to Ashley’s assertions, then, a poststructural approach fails to empower the marginalized and, in fact, abandons them. Rather than analyze the political economy of power, wealth, oppression, production, or international relations and render and intelligible understanding of these processes, Ashley succeeds in ostracizing those he portends to represent by delivering an obscure and highly convoluted discourse. If Ashley wishes to chastise structural realism for its abstractness and detachment, he must be prepared also to face similar criticism, especially when he so adamantly intends his work to address the real life plight of those who struggle at marginal places.	Jarvis 00 (Darryl, Senior Lecturer in International Relations – University of Sydney, International Relations and the Challenge of Postmodernism, p. 128-9)	More is the pity that irrational and obviously abstruse debate should occupy us at a time of great global turmoil. That it does so reflect the lack of attachment theorists have to the real world Certainly it is right that we engage in epistemological ontological debate But to support that this is the only task of international theory, let alone the most important one, smacks of intellectual elitism and displays contempt for those who search for guidance in their daily struggle What does Ashley’s project say to the truly oppressed How does it help solve the plight of the casualties of war Does it in any way speak to those whose actions comprise policy practice On all these questions one must answer no to support that problem-solving technical theory is in some way bad—is a contemptuous position that abrogates any hope of solving some of the nightmarish realities that millions confront daily we need ask these theorists the ultimate question, “So what?” In what sense can this “debate toward [a] bottomless pit of epistemology metaphysics” be judged pertinent to anyone other than those foolish enough to be scholastically excited by abstract debate a poststructural approach fails to empower the marginalized and, in fact, abandons them	Epistemology must be secondary to the prior question of political practice	2,803	74	1,248	434	11	205	0.025346	0.47235	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,575	While it is not possible to establish many proofs in the verbal world, and it is simultaneously possible to make many uninhibited assertions or word equations in the verbal world, it should be considered that reality is more rigid and does not abide by the artificial flexibility and latitude of the verbal world. The world of words and the world of human experience are very imperfectly correlated. That is, saying something doesn't make it true. A verbal statement in the world of words doesn't mean it will occur as such in the world of consistent human experience I call reality. In the event verbal statements or assertions disagree with consistent human experience, what proof is there that the concoctions created in the world of words should take precedence or be assumed a greater truth than the world of human physical experience that I define as reality? In the event following a verbal assertion in the verbal world produces pain or catastrophe in the world of human physical reality or experience, which of the two can and should be changed? Is it wiser to live with the pain and catastrophe, or to change the arbitrary collection of words whose direction produced that pain and catastrophe? Which do you want to live with? What proven reason is there to assume that when doubtfulness that can be constructed in verbal equations conflicts with human physical experience, human physical experience should be considered doubtful? It becomes a matter of choice and pride in intellectual argument. My personal advice is that when verbal contortions lead to chronic confusion and difficulty, better you should stop the verbal contortions rather than continuing to expect the difficulty to change. Again, it's a matter of choice. Does the outcome of the philosophical question of whether reality or proof exists decide whether we should plant crops or wear clothes in cold weather to protect us from freezing? Har! Are you crazy? How many committed deconstructionist philosophers walk about naked in subzero temperatures or don't eat? Try creating and living in an alternative subjective reality where food is not needed and where you can sit naked on icebergs, and find out what happens. I emphatically encourage people to try it with the stipulation that they don't do it around me, that they don't force me to do it with them, or that they don't come to me complaining about the consequences and demanding to conscript me into paying for the cost of treating frostbite or other consequences. (sounds like there is a parallel to irresponsibility and socialism somewhere in here, doesn't it?). I encourage people to live subjective reality. I also ask them to go off far away from me to try it, where I won't be bothered by them or the consequences. For those who haven't guessed, this encouragement is a clever attempt to bait them into going off to some distant place where they will kill themselves off through the process of social Darwinism — because, let's face it, a society of deconstructionists and counterculturalists filled with people debating what, if any, reality exists would have the productive functionality of a field of diseased rutabagas and would never survive the first frost. The attempt to convince people to create and move to such a society never works, however, because they are not as committed or sincere as they claim to be. Consequently, they stay here to work for left wing causes and promote left wing political candidates where there are people who live productive reality who can be fed upon while they continue their arguments. They ain't going to practice what they profess, and they are smart enough not to leave the availability of people to victimize and steal from while they profess what they pretend to believe in.	Kocher 00 (Robert L., Author of “The American Mind in Denial” and Philosopher, “Discourse on Reality and Sanity”, http://freedom.orlingrabbe.com/lfetimes/reality_sanity1.htm)	reality is rigid and does not abide by the latitude of the verbal world. The world of words and the world of experience are very imperfectly correlated. saying something doesn't make it true. A verbal statement doesn't mean it will occur in the world of reality Does the outcome of the philosophical question of whether reality exists decide whether we should wear clothes in cold weather to protect us from freezing? Try creating an alternative reality where you can sit naked on icebergs, and find out what happens a society of people debating if reality exists would have the productive functionality of a field of diseased rutabagas and would never survive the first frost.	Representations don’t influence reality	3,765	39	677	630	4	114	0.006349	0.180952	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,576	The best starting point for conceptualizing security lies in the real conditions of insecurity suffered by people and collectivities. Look around. What is immediately striking is thatsome degree of insecurity, as a life-determining condition, is universal. To the extent an individualor groupis insecure, to the extent their life choices and changes are taken away; thisis because of the resources and energy they need to invest in seeking safety from domineering threats–whether these are the lack of food for one’s children, or organizing to resist a foreign aggressor.The corollary of the relationship between insecurity and a determined life is that a degree of security creates life possibilities. Security might therefore be conceived as synonymous with opening up space in people’s lives. This allows for individual and collective human becoming–the capacity to have some choice about living differently–consistent with the same but different search by others.Two interrelated conclusion follow from this. First, security can be understood as an instrumental value; it frees its possessors to a greater or lesser extent from life-determining constraints and so allows different life possibilities to be explored. Second,security is not synonymous simply with survival. One can survive without being secure (the experience of refugees in long-term camps in war-torn parts of the world, for example). Security is therefore more than mere animal survival(basic animal existence). It is survival-plus, the plus being the possibility to explore human becoming. As an instrumental value, security is sought because it free people(s)to some degree to do other than deal with threats to their human being. The achievementof a levelof security–and security is always relative –gives to individuals and groups some time, energy, and scope to choose to beor become,other than merely survivingas human biological organisms. Security is an important dimension of the process by which the human species can reinvent itselfbeyond the merely biological.	Ken Booth, visiting researcher - US Naval War College, 2005, Critical Security Studies and World Politics, p. 22	some degree of insecurity is universal. To the extent an individual is insecure, to the extent their life choices and changes are taken away is because of the resources and energy they need to invest in seeking safety from domineering threats The corollary of the relationship between insecurity and a determined life is that a degree of security creates life possibilities. Security might therefore be conceived as synonymous with opening up space in people’s lives. This allows for individual and collective human becoming consistent with the same but different search by others security is not synonymous simply with survival Security is therefore more than mere animal survival It is survival-plus, the plus being the possibility to explore human becoming. As an instrumental value, security is sought because it free people to some degree to do other than deal with threats to their human being. The achievement of security gives to individuals and groups some time, energy, and scope to choose to be other than merely surviving Security is an important dimension of the process by which the human species can reinvent itself	Security allows for emancipation that creates surival	2,044	53	1,130	303	7	182	0.023102	0.60066	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,577	Intrinsic value is very different. Things with intrinsic value are valued for their own sake. They don’t have to achieve any other goal to be valuable. They are goods in themselves. Beauty, pleasure, and virtue are likely examples. Family and friendship are examples. Something that’s intrinsically valuable might also be instrumentally valuable, but even if it loses its instrumental value, its intrinsic value remains. Intrinsic value is what people mean when they use the phrase "the sanctity of life." Now when someone argues that someone doesn’t have "quality of life" they are arguing that life is only valuable as long as it obtains something else with quality, and when it can’t accomplish this, it’s not worth anything anymore. It's only instrumentally valuable. The problem with this view is that it is entirely subjective and changeable with regards to what might give value to life. Value becomes a completely personal matter, and, as we all know, our personal interests change over time. There is no grounding for objective human value and human rights if it’s not intrinsic value. Our legal system is built on the notion that humans have intrinsic value. The Declaration of Independence: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that each person is endowed by his Creator with certain unalienable rights...." If human beings only have instrumental value, then slavery can be justified because there is nothing objectively valuable that requires our respect. There is nothing other than intrinsic value that can ground the unalienable equal rights we recognize because there is nothing about all human beings that is universal and equal. Intrinsic human value is what binds our social contract of rights. So if human life is intrinsically valuable, then it remains valuable even when our capacities are limited. Human life is valuable even with tremendous limitations. Human life remains valuable because its value is not derived from being able to talk, or walk, or feed yourself, or even reason at a certain level. Human beings don’t have value only in virtue of states of being (e.g., happiness) they can experience.	Penner 5 (Melinda, Director of Operations – STR, “End of Life Ethics: A Primer”, Stand to Reason, http://www.str.org/site/News2?page=NewsArticle&id=5223)	Things with intrinsic value are valued for their own sake. They are goods in themselves even if it loses its instrumental value, its intrinsic value remains Intrinsic value is the sanctity of life. There is no grounding for human value if it’s not intrinsic humans have intrinsic value So if human life is intrinsically valuable, then it remains valuable even when our capacities are limited. Human beings don’t have value only in virtue of states of being they can experience	Life has intrinsic value that is unattached to instrumental capacity	2,165	69	476	350	10	80	0.028571	0.228571	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,578	The first criterion that springs to mind regarding the value of life is usually the quality of the life or lives in question: The quality of life ethic puts the emphasis on the type of life being lived, not upon the fact of life. Lives are not all of one kind; some lives are of great value to the person himself and to others while others are not. What the life means to someone is what is important. Keeping this in mind it is not inappropriate to say that some lives are of greater value than others, that the condition or meaning of life does have much to do with the justification for terminating that life.1 Those who choose to reason on this basis hope that if the quality of a life can be measured then the answer to whether that life has value to the individual can be determined easily. This raises special problems, however, because the idea of quality involves a value judgment, and value judgments are, by their essence, subject to indeterminate relative factors such as preferences and dislikes. Hence, quality of life is difficult to measure and will vary according to individual tastes, preferences and aspirations. As a result, no general rules or principles can be asserted that would simplify decisions about the value of a life based on its quality.	Schwartz 2 (Lisa, M.D., Associate Professor of Medicine – Dartmouth College Medical School, et al., Medical Ethics: A Case Based Approach, www.fleshandbones.com/readingroom/pdf/399.pdf)	The quality of life ethic puts the emphasis on the type of life being lived, not upon the fact of life. Those who choose to reason on this basis hope that if the quality of a life can be measured then the answer to whether that life has value to the individual can be determined easily. This raises problems, because the idea of quality involves a value judgment, and value judgments are subject to indeterminate relative factors Hence, quality of life is difficult to measure and will vary according to individual tastes, preferences and aspirations. As a result, no general rules can be asserted that would simplify decisions about the value of a life based on its quality.	Value to life can’t be calculated	1,269	33	675	225	6	118	0.026667	0.524444	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,579	Galtung is very legitimately interested in problems of world poverty and the failure of development of the really poor. He tried to amalga- mate this interest with the peace research interest in the more narrow sense. Unfortunately, he did this by downgrading the study of inter- national peace, labeling it "negative peace" (it should really have been labeled "negative war") and then developing the concept of "structural violence," which initially meant all those social structures and histories which produced an expectation of life less than that of the richest and longest-lived societies. He argued by analogy that if people died before the age, say, of 70 from avoidable causes, that this was a death in "war"' which could only be remedied by something called "positive peace." Unfortunately, the concept of structural violence was broadened, in the word of one slightly unfriendly critic, to include anything that Galtung did not like. Another factor in this situation was the feeling, certainly in the 1960s and early 1970s, that nuclear deterrence was actually succeeding as deterrence and that the problem of nuclear war had receded into the background. This it seems to me is a most dangerous illusion and diverted conflict and peace research for ten years or more away from problems of disarmament and stable peace toward a grand, vague study of world developments, for which most of the peace researchers are not particularly well qualified. To my mind, at least, the quality of the research has suffered severely as a result.' The complex nature of the split within the peace research community is reflected in two international peace research organizations. The official one, the International Peace Research Association (IPRA), tends to be dominated by Europeans somewhat to the political left, is rather, hostile to the United States and to the multinational cor- porations, sympathetic to the New International Economic Order and thinks of itself as being interested in justice rather than in peace. The Peace Science Society (International), which used to be called the Peace Research Society (International), is mainly the creation of Walter Isard of the University of Pennsylvania. It conducts meetings all around the world and represents a more peace-oriented, quantitative, science- based enterprise, without much interest in ideology. COPRED, while officially the North American representative of IPRA, has very little active connection with it and contains within itself the same ideological split which, divides the peace research community in general. It has, however, been able to hold together and at least promote a certain amount of interaction between the two points of view. Again representing the "scientific" rather than the "ideological" point of view, we have SIPRI, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, very generously (by the usual peace research stand- ards) financed by the Swedish government, which has performed an enormously useful service in the collection and publishing of data on such things as the war industry, technological developments, arma- ments, and the arms trade. The Institute is very largely the creation of Alva Myrdal. In spite of the remarkable work which it has done, how- ever, her last book on disarmament (1976) is almost a cry of despair over the folly and hypocrisy of international policies, the overwhelming power of the military, and the inability of mere information, however good, go change the course of events as we head toward ultimate ca- tastrophe. I do not wholly share her pessimism, but it is hard not to be a little disappointed with the results of this first generation of the peace research movement. Myrdal called attention very dramatically to the appalling danger in which Europe stands, as the major battleground between Europe, the United States, and the Soviet Union if war ever should break out. It may perhaps be a subconscious recognition-and psychological denial-of the sword of Damocles hanging over Europe that has made the European peace research movement retreat from the realities of the international system into what I must unkindly describe as fantasies of justice. But the American peace research community, likewise, has retreated into a somewhat niggling scientism, with sophisticated meth- odologies and not very many new ideas. I must confess that when I first became involved with the peace research enterprise 25 years ago I had hopes that it might produce some- thing like the Keynesian revolution in economics, which was the result of some rather simple ideas that had never really been thought out clearly before (though they had been anticipated by Malthus and others), coupled with a substantial improvement in the information system with the development of national income statistics which rein- forced this new theoretical framework. As a result, we have had in a single generation a very massive change in what might be called the "conventional wisdom" of economic policy, and even though this conventional wisdom is not wholly wise, there is a world of difference between Herbert Hoover and his total failure to deal with the Great Depression, simply because of everybody's ignorance, and the moder- ately skillful handling of the depression which followed the change in oil prices in 1-974, which, compared with the period 1929 to 1932, was little more than a bad cold compared with a galloping pneumonia. In the international system, however, there has been only glacial change in the conventional wisdom. There has been some improvement. Kissinger was an improvement on John Foster Dulles. We have had the beginnings of detente, and at least the possibility on the horizon of stable peace between the United States and the Soviet Union, indeed in the whole temperate zone-even though the tropics still remain uneasy and beset with arms races, wars, and revolutions which we cannot really afford. Nor can we pretend that peace around the temper- ate zone is stable enough so that we do not have to worry about it. The qualitative arms race goes on and could easily take us over the cliff. The record of peace research in the last generation, therefore, is one of very partial success. It has created a discipline and that is something of long-run consequence, most certainly for the good. It has made very little dent on the conventional wisdom of the policy makers anywhere in the world. It has not been able to prevent an arms race, any more, I suppose we might say, than the Keynesian economics has been able to prevent inflation. But whereas inflation is an inconvenience, the arms race may well be another catastrophe. Where, then, do we go from here? Can we see new horizons for peace and conflict research to get it out of the doldrums in which it has been now for almost ten years? The challenge is surely great enough. It still remains true that war, the breakdown of Galtung's "negative peace," remains the greatest clear and present danger to the human race, a danger to human survival far greater than poverty, or injustice, or oppression, desirable and necessary as it is to eliminate these things. Up to the present generation, war has been a cost and an inconven- ience to the human race, but it has rarely been fatal to the process of evolutionary development as a whole. It has probably not absorbed more than 5% of human time, effort, and resources. Even in the twenti- eth century, with its two world wars and innumerable smaller ones, it has probably not acounted for more than 5% of deaths, though of course a larger proportion of premature deaths. Now, however, advancing technology is creating a situation where in the first place we are developing a single world system that does not have the redundancy of the many isolated systems of the past and in which therefore if any- thing goes wrong everything goes wrong. The Mayan civilization could collapse in 900 A.D., and collapse almost irretrievably without Europe or China even being aware of the fact. When we had a number of iso- lated systems, the catastrophe in one was ultimately recoverable by migration from the surviving systems. The one-world system, therefore, which science, transportation, and communication are rapidly giving us, is inherently more precarious than the many-world system of the past. It is all the more important, therefore, to make it internally robust and capable only of recoverable catastrophes. The necessity for stable peace, therefore, increases with every improvement in technology, either of war or of peacex	Boulding 78 (Ken, is professor of economics and director, Center for Research on Conflict Resolution, University of Michigan, “Future Directions in Conflict and Peace Studies,” The Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 22, No. 2 (Jun., 1978), pp. 342-354)	Galtung is interested in world poverty he did this by downgrading negative peace and developing the concept of "structural violence A factor was the feeling that the problem of nuclear war had receded This is a dangerous illusion and diverted research away from problems of stable peace toward a grand, vague study of world developments, for which most of the peace researchers are not particularly well qualified the quality of research has suffered as a result war the breakdown of Galtung's "negative peace," remains the greatest clear and present danger to the human race, a danger to human survival far greater than poverty, or injustice, or oppression, desirable and necessary as it is to eliminate these things advancing technology is creating a situation where in the first place we are developing a single world system that does not have the redundancy of the many isolated systems of the past and in which therefore if any- thing goes wrong everything goes wrong The system is inherently more precarious than the past It is all the more important to make it robust and capable only of recoverable catastrophes. The necessity for stable peace, therefore, increases with every improvement in technology, either of war or of peacex	Nuke war outweighs structural violence – prioritizing structural violence makes preventing war impossible	8,562	105	1,238	1,390	13	204	0.009353	0.146763	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,580	First, peace activists face a dilemma in thinking about causes of war and working for peace. Many peace scholars and activists support the approach, “if you want peace, work for justice.” Then, if one believes that sexism contributes to war, one can work for gender justice specifically (perhaps. among others) in order to pursue peace. This approach brings strategic allies to the peace movement (women, labor, minorities), but rests on the assumption that injustices cause war. The evidence in this book suggests that causality runs at least as strongly the other way. War is not a product of capitalism, imperialism, gender, innate aggression, or any other single cause, although all of these influence wars’ outbreaks and outcomes. Rather, war has in part fueled and sustained these and other injustices.9 So, “if you want peace, work for peace.” Indeed, if you want justice (gender and others), work for peace. Causality does not run just upward through the levels of analysis, from types of individuals, societies, and governments up to war. It runs downward too. Enloe suggests that changes in attitudes towards war and the military may be the most important way to “reverse women’s oppression.” The dilemma is that peace work focused on justice brings to the peace movement energy, allies, and moral grounding, yet, in light of this book’s evidence, the emphasis on injustice as the main cause of war seems to be empirically inadequate.	Goldstein 2001 – IR professor at American University (Joshua, War and Gender, p. 412, Google Books)	Many peace scholars support the approach, “if you want peace, work for justice.” Then, if one believes that sexism contributes to war, one can work for gender justice to pursue peace. This approach rests on the assumption that injustices cause war. The evidence in this book suggests that causality runs at least as strongly the other way. War is not a product of capitalism, imperialism, gender, innate aggression, or any other single cause . Rather, war has fueled and sustained these and other injustices 9 So, “if you want peace, work for peace.” Indeed, if you want justice (gender and others), work for peace the emphasis on injustice as the main cause of war seems to be empirically inadequate	War turns structural violence not vice versa	1,445	44	701	235	7	119	0.029787	0.506383	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,581	C. ENGAGE OR ISOLATE? AN EMPIRICAL RESPONSE Both those who favor isolating authoritarian regimes (North Korea, Cuba, etc.) and those who favor engaging them have similar goals--changing these regimes to make more room for autonomy, especially for human rights, although typically other policy goals are also involved, for instance, efforts to stem the proliferation of weapons of mass desecration. (The term engagement is used to refer to fostering travel, trade, cultural exchanges, visits from leaders, and diplomatic relations, while isolation entails curtailing all of these.) Although neither camp sets out to advance the normative synthesis laid out in this essay, the effect of increasing autonomy in these societies would be to move them in the said direction. Both camps argue for the policy approach they favor in the name of normative principles. For instance, those who favor engagement argue that it is more conducive to peace; those who favor isolation claim that it 'generates the needed pressures to advance human rights. The debate would benefit by a greater reliance on empirical evidence, which strongly suggests that under most conditions engagement is much more effective than isolation. It is almost enough to list the regimes that have been isolated and those that have been engaged (or compare the periods they were isolated versus engaged) to document the point, even though there are significant differences among the various societies involved.36 The United States isolated Castro's Cuba for four decades, banning trade with and travel to and from Cuba, as well as exerting pressure on other societies to follow the same course. However, Cuba resisted for more than a generation, granting its people more rights, democratic reforms, and opening markets. Saddam's Iraq and North Korea are two other authoritarian regimes that were isolated; still they persisted for decades. China was first isolated and yielded little, but following Nixon's "opening", the country gradually changed, making much more room for economic autonomy, as well as for some political autonomy. The same holds for North Vietnam. The fifteen Soviet Republics changed even more, including on the political front, largely after they were engaged rather than when they were isolated. The dramatic .change in South Africa from apartheid, in which the overwhelming majority was denied most measures of autonomy, to the current regime also followed a shift from isolation to engagement. However, those who oppose engagement have argued that after years of engagement China is no closer to valuing the freedoms Americans do and that isolation has been effective in wresting concessions out of Beijing.3? Senator Jesse Helms, a strong supporter of the isolation tactic, lists Switzerland, Nigeria, the former Soviet Union, Poland and Guatemala among the countries that have modified their behavior in responset o actual or threatened United Statess anctions.38H owever, a detailed examination of these situations will show that in most cases the isolation measures, and their effects, were limited (for example, getting Switzerland to change its banking laws), while engagement had much more encompassing effects. Moreover, engagement does not mean that no sanctions can be imposed; sanctions are imposed, for instance, by the World Trade Organization when trade agreements are violated. The reasons engagement is often so much more effective, and that it entails neither a violation of principles (for example, our commitments to human rights) nor endangers our security (as we learn to screen those we let in much better), need not be explored here. The only key point relevant to the present analysis is that engagement has, and one must expect will continue to do so, encouraged authoritarian societies to introduce more autonomy-and thus move them toward the global synthesis. The proper measure of progress, though, is not whether they become exact or even close copies of the American regime, but whether they find their own balanced combination of a strong autonomy with social order, largely based on soft power.	Etzioni 4 -- professor of International Relations at the George Washington University (Amitai, 2004, "The Emerging Global Normative Synthesis," The Journal of Political Philosophy, 12(2), http://www.gwu.edu/~ccps/etzioni/A318.pdf)	engagement is more conducive to peace The debate would benefit by a greater reliance on empirical evidence which strongly suggests that engagement is much more effective than isolation The U S isolated Castro's Cuba for four decades Cuba resisted granting its people more rights, democratic reforms, and opening markets Iraq and North Korea are two other authoritarian regimes that were isolated China following Nixon's "opening", gradually changed, making much more room for economic as well as political autonomy The dramatic .change in South Africa from apartheid to the current regime followed a shift from isolation to engagement The reasons engagement is so effective, and entails neither a violation of principles nor endangers our security need not be explored engagement has encouraged authoritarian societies to introduce more autonomy-and move toward global synthesis The proper measure of progress is whether they find their own balanced combination of a strong autonomy with social order	It’s either engagement or isolation – trade creates autonomy and expands rights	4,112	79	1,000	639	12	151	0.018779	0.236307	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,582	I don't think Hu Jintao makes a good Kaiser Wilhelm and I think it is foolhardy to predict what will happen with the kind of thunderous certainty that is Ferguson's stock-in-trade. A superpower clash, whether economic or military, between the U.S. and China is in no one's interest. World War I, of course, wasn't ultimately in anyone's interest either, but Europe seems to have learned from its 20th century mistakes, at least so far, so maybe we can too. I'm with James Fallows; just to assert that a disastrous divorce is inevitable is positively dangerous because it ignores a world of other possibilities, anhd constricts our freedom to move.	Andrew LEONARD Senior Technology Writier @ Salon 8-21-‘9 “Hu Jintao is no Kaiser Wilhelm” http://www.salon.com/tech/htww/2009/08/21/hu_jintao_is_the_new_kaiser_wilhelm/	I think it is foolhardy to predict what will happen with thunderous certainty A superpower clash, whether economic or military, between the U.S. and China is in no one's interest just to assert that a disastrous divorce is inevitable is positively dangerous because it ignores a world of other possibilities, anhd constricts our freedom to move	Recognizing conflict as one possible outcome for U.S. –China relations doesn’t essentialize Chinese behavior—avoids self-fulfilling prophecy.	647	141	344	109	16	56	0.146789	0.513761	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,583	In addition, environmental security's language and findings can benefit conservation and sustainable development."' Much environmental security literature emphasizes the importance of development assistance, sustainable livelihoods, fair and reasonable access to environmental goods, and conservation practices as the vital upstream measures that in the long run will contribute to higher levels of human and state security. The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) are examples of bodies that have been quick to recognize how the language of environmental security can help them. The scarcity/conflict thesis has alerted these groups to prepare for the possibility of working on environmental rescue projects in regions that are likely to exhibit high levels of related violence and conflict. These groups are also aware that an association with security can expand their acceptance and constituencies in some countries in which the military has political control, For the first time in its history; the contemporary environmental movement can regard military and intelligence agencies as potential allies in the struggle to contain or reverse humangenerated environmental change. (In many situations, of course, the political history of the military--as well as its environmental record-raise serious concerns about the viability of this cooperation.) Similarly, the language of security has provided a basis for some fruitful discussions between environmental groups and representatives of extractive industries. In many parts of the world, mining and petroleum companies have become embroiled in conflict. These companies have been accused of destroying traditional economies, cultures, and environments; of political corruption; and of using private militaries to advance their interests. They have also been targets of violence, Work is now underway through the environmental security arm of the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) to address these issues with the support of multinational corporations. Third, the general conditions outlined in much environmental security research can help organizations such as USAID, the World Bank, and IUCN identify priority cases--areas in which investments are likely to have the greatest ecological and social returns. For all these reasons, IUCN elected to integrate environmental security into its general plan at the Amman Congress in 2001. Many other environmental groups and development agencies are taking this perspective seriously (e.g. Dabelko, Lonergan& Matthew, 1999). However, for the most part these efforts remain preliminary.' Conclusions Efforts to dismiss environment and security research and policy activities on the grounds that they have been unsuccessful are premature and misguided. This negative criticism has all too often been based on an excessively simplified account of the research findings of Homer-Dixon and a few others. Homer-Dixon’s scarcity-conflict thesis has made important and highly visible contributions to the literature, but it is only a small part of a larger and very compelling theory. This broader theory has roots in antiquity and speaks to the pervasive conflicts and security implications of complex nature-society relationships. The theory places incidents of violence in larger structural and historical contexts while also specifying contemporarily significant clusters of variables. From this more generalized and inclusive perspective, violence and conflict are revealed rarely as a society’s endpoint and far more often as parts of complicated adaptation processes. The contemporary research on this classical problematic has helped to revive elements of security discourse and analysis that were marginalized during the Cold War. It has also made valuable contributions to our understanding of the requirements of human security, the diverse impacts of globalization, and the nature of contemporary transnational security threats. Finall,y environmental security research has been valuable in myriad ways to a range of academics, policymakers, and activists, although the full extent of these contributions remains uncertain, rather than look for reasons to abandon this research and policy agenda, now is the time to recognize and to build on the remarkable achievements of the entire environmental security field.	Matthew 2, Richard A, associate professor of international relations and environmental political at the University of California at Irvine, Summer (ECSP Report 8:109-124)	environmental security's language can benefit conservation and sustainable development environmental security literature emphasizes the importance of development assistance, sustainable livelihoods and conservation practices as the vital upstream measures that in the long run will contribute to higher levels of human and state security OECD are examples of bodies that have been quick to recognize how the language of environmental security can help them. The scarcity/conflict thesis has alerted these groups to prepare for the possibility of working on environmental rescue projects an association with security can expand their acceptance and constituencies in some countries in which the military has political control, the contemporary environmental movement can regard military and intelligence agencies as allies in the struggle to contain or reverse humangenerated environmental change the language of security has provided a basis for some fruitful discussions between environmental groups and representatives of extractive industries companies have become embroiled in conflict. These companies have been accused of destroying traditional environments They have also been targets of violence, Work is now underway through the environmental security arm of the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) to address these issues conditions outlined in much environmental security research can help organizations identify priority cases--areas in which investments are likely to have the greatest ecological and social returns Efforts to dismiss environment and security research and policy activities on the grounds that they have been unsuccessful are premature and misguided. broader theory has roots in antiquity and speaks to the pervasive conflicts and security implications of complex nature-society relationships. It has also made valuable contributions to our understanding of the requirements of human security, the diverse impacts of globalization, and the nature of contemporary transnational security threats. environmental security research has been valuable in myriad ways to a range of academics, policymakers, and activists rather than look for reasons to abandon this research and policy agenda, now is the time to build on the achievements of the environmental security field.	Securitizing the environment is good – builds public awareness to solve	4,437	71	2,324	632	11	324	0.017405	0.512658	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,584	My preference here is to advocate a forward-leaning, prudential strategy of institutionally governed change. By `forward-leaning', I mean that the progressive realization of cosmopolitan values should be the measure of successful politics in international society. As long as gross violations of basic human rights mar global social life, we, as individuals, and the states that purport to represent us, have obligations to direct what political influence we have to the improvement of the human condition, both at home and abroad. I recommend, however, that our approach be prudent rather than imprudent. Historically, the violence of inter-state warfare and the oppression of imperial rule have been deeply corrosive of basic human rights across the globe. The institutions of international society, along with their constitutive norms, such as sovereignty, non-intervention, self-determination and limits on the use of force, have helped to reduce these corrosive forces dramatically. The incidence of inter-state wars has declined markedly, even though the number of states has multiplied, and imperialism and colonialism have moved from being core institutions of international society to practices beyond the pale. Prudence dictates, therefore, that we lean forward without losing our footing on valuable institutions and norms. This means, in effect, giving priority to institutionally governed change, working with the rules and procedures of international society rather than against them. What does this mean in practice? In general, I take it to mean two things. First, it means recognizing the principal rules of international society, and accepting the obligations they impose on actors, including oneself. These rules fall into two broad categories: procedural and substantive. The most specific procedural rules are embodied in institutions such as the United Nations Security Council, which is empowered to 'determine the existence of any threat to peace, breach of the peace or act of aggression' and the measures that will be taken 'to maintain or restore international peace and security'.28 More general, yet equally crucial, procedural rules include the cardinal principle that states are only bound by rules to which they have consented. Even customary international law, which binds states without their express consent, is based in part on the assumption of their tacit consent. The substantive rules of international society are legion, but perhaps the most important are the rules governing the use of force, both when force is permitted (jus ad bellum) and how it may be used (jus in bello). Second, working with the rules and procedures of international society also means recognizing that the principal modality of innovation and change must be communicative. That is, establishing new rules and mechanisms for achieving cosmopolitan ends and international public goods, or modifying existing ones, should be done through persuasion and negotiation, not ultimatum and coercion. A premium must be placed, therefore, on articulating the case for change, on recognizing the concerns and interests of others as legitimate, on building upon existing rules, and on seeing genuine communication as a process of give and take, not demand and take. Giving priority to institutionally governed change may seem an overly conservative strategy, but it need not be. As explained above, the established procedural and substantive rules of international society have delivered international public goods that actually further cosmopolitan ends, albeit in a partial and inadequate fashion. Eroding these rules would only lead to increases in inter-state violence and imperialism, and this would almost certainly produce a radical deterioration in the protection of basic human rights across the globe. Saying that we ought to preserve these rules is prudent, not conservative. More than this, though, we have learnt that the institutions of international society have transformative potential, even if this is only now being creatively exploited.	Christian REUS-SMIT IR @ Australian Nat’l ‘4 American Power and World Order p. 121-123	My preferenc is a forward-leaning, prudential strategy of institutionally governed change gross violations mar global social life we have obligations to direct what political influence we have to the improvement of the human condition the violence of inter-state warfare and the oppression of imperial rule have been deeply corrosive of basic human rights across the glob The institutions of international society, along with norms, such as sovereignty have helped to reduce these corrosive forces dramatically The incidence of inter-state wars has declined . This means, giving priority to institutionally governed change, Giving priority to institutionally governed change may seem n overly conservative strategy, but it need not be Eroding these rules would only lead to increases in inter-state violence and imperialism, and this would almost certainly produce a radical deterioration in the protection of basic human rights across the globe	Total rejection of hegemony increases imperialism. The plan’s reformation of leadership solves the impact	4,070	105	947	608	14	140	0.023026	0.230263	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,585	The two greatest myths about global warming communications are 1) constant repetition of doomsday messages has been a major, ongoing strategy and 2) that strategy doesn’t work and indeed is actually counterproductive! These myths are so deeply ingrained in the environmental and progressive political community that when we finally had a serious shot at a climate bill, the powers that be decided not to focus on the threat posed by climate change in any serious fashion in their $200 million communications effort (see my 6/10 post “Can you solve global warming without talking about global warming?“). These myths are so deeply ingrained in the mainstream media that such messaging, when it is tried, is routinely attacked and denounced — and the flimsiest studies are interpreted exactly backwards to drive the erroneous message home (see “Dire straits: Media blows the story of UC Berkeley study on climate messaging“) The only time anything approximating this kind of messaging — not “doomsday” but what I’d call blunt, science-based messaging that also makes clear the problem is solvable — was in 2006 and 2007 with the release of An Inconvenient Truth (and the 4 assessment reports of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and media coverage like the April 2006 cover of Time). The data suggest that strategy measurably moved the public to become more concerned about the threat posed by global warming (see recent study here). You’d think it would be pretty obvious that the public is not going to be concerned about an issue unless one explains why they should be concerned about an issue. And the social science literature, including the vast literature on advertising and marketing, could not be clearer that only repeated messages have any chance of sinking in and moving the needle. Because I doubt any serious movement of public opinion or mobilization of political action could possibly occur until these myths are shattered, I’ll do a multipart series on this subject, featuring public opinion analysis, quotes by leading experts, and the latest social science research. Since this is Oscar night, though, it seems appropriate to start by looking at what messages the public are exposed to in popular culture and the media. It ain’t doomsday. Quite the reverse, climate change has been mostly an invisible issue for several years and the message of conspicuous consumption and business-as-usual reigns supreme. The motivation for this post actually came up because I received an e-mail from a journalist commenting that the “constant repetition of doomsday messages” doesn’t work as a messaging strategy. I had to demur, for the reasons noted above. But it did get me thinking about what messages the public are exposed to, especially as I’ve been rushing to see the movies nominated for Best Picture this year. I am a huge movie buff, but as parents of 5-year-olds know, it isn’t easy to stay up with the latest movies. That said, good luck finding a popular movie in recent years that even touches on climate change, let alone one a popular one that would pass for doomsday messaging. Best Picture nominee The Tree of Life has been billed as an environmental movie — and even shown at environmental film festivals — but while it is certainly depressing, climate-related it ain’t. In fact, if that is truly someone’s idea of environmental movie, count me out. The closest to a genuine popular climate movie was the dreadfully unscientific The Day After Tomorrow, which is from 2004 (and arguably set back the messaging effort by putting the absurd “global cooling” notion in people’s heads! Even Avatar, the most successful movie of all time and “the most epic piece of environmental advocacy ever captured on celluloid,” as one producer put it, omits the climate doomsday message. One of my favorite eco-movies, “Wall-E, is an eco-dystopian gem and an anti-consumption movie,” but it isn’t a climate movie. I will be interested to see The Hunger Games, but I’ve read all 3 of the bestselling post-apocalyptic young adult novels — hey, that’s my job! — and they don’t qualify as climate change doomsday messaging (more on that later). So, no, the movies certainly don’t expose the public to constant doomsday messages on climate. Here are the key points about what repeated messages the American public is exposed to: The broad American public is exposed to virtually no doomsday messages, let alone constant ones, on climate change in popular culture (TV and the movies and even online). There is not one single TV show on any network devoted to this subject, which is, arguably, more consequential than any other preventable issue we face. The same goes for the news media, whose coverage of climate change has collapsed (see “Network News Coverage of Climate Change Collapsed in 2011“). When the media do cover climate change in recent years, the overwhelming majority of coverage is devoid of any doomsday messages — and many outlets still feature hard-core deniers. Just imagine what the public’s view of climate would be if it got the same coverage as, say, unemployment, the housing crisis or even the deficit? When was the last time you saw an “employment denier” quoted on TV or in a newspaper? The public is exposed to constant messages promoting business as usual and indeed idolizing conspicuous consumption. See, for instance, “Breaking: The earth is breaking … but how about that Royal Wedding? Our political elite and intelligentsia, including MSM pundits and the supposedly “liberal media” like, say, MSNBC, hardly even talk about climate change and when they do, it isn’t doomsday. Indeed, there isn’t even a single national columnist for a major media outlet who writes primarily on climate. Most “liberal” columnists rarely mention it. At least a quarter of the public chooses media that devote a vast amount of time to the notion that global warming is a hoax and that environmentalists are extremists and that clean energy is a joke. In the MSM, conservative pundits routinely trash climate science and mock clean energy. Just listen to, say, Joe Scarborough on MSNBC’s Morning Joe mock clean energy sometime. The major energy companies bombard the airwaves with millions and millions of dollars of repetitious pro-fossil-fuel ads. The environmentalists spend far, far less money. As noted above, the one time they did run a major campaign to push a climate bill, they and their political allies including the president explicitly did NOT talk much about climate change, particularly doomsday messaging Environmentalists when they do appear in popular culture, especially TV, are routinely mocked. There is very little mass communication of doomsday messages online. Check out the most popular websites. General silence on the subject, and again, what coverage there is ain’t doomsday messaging. Go to the front page of the (moderately trafficked) environmental websites. Where is the doomsday? If you want to find anything approximating even modest, blunt, science-based messaging built around the scientific literature, interviews with actual climate scientists and a clear statement that we can solve this problem — well, you’ve all found it, of course, but the only people who see it are those who go looking for it. Of course, this blog is not even aimed at the general public. Probably 99% of Americans haven’t even seen one of my headlines and 99.7% haven’t read one of my climate science posts. And Climate Progress is probably the most widely read, quoted, and reposted climate science blog in the world. Anyone dropping into America from another country or another planet who started following popular culture and the news the way the overwhelming majority of Americans do would get the distinct impression that nobody who matters is terribly worried about climate change. And, of course, they’d be right — see “The failed presidency of Barack Obama, Part 2.” It is total BS that somehow the American public has been scared and overwhelmed by repeated doomsday messaging into some sort of climate fatigue. If the public’s concern has dropped — and public opinion analysis suggests it has dropped several percent (though is bouncing back a tad) — that is primarily due to the conservative media’s disinformation campaign impact on Tea Party conservatives and to the treatment of this as a nonissue by most of the rest of the media, intelligentsia and popular culture.	Romm 12 (Joe Romm is a Fellow at American Progress and is the editor of Climate Progress, which New York Times columnist Tom Friedman called "the indispensable blog" and Time magazine named one of the 25 “Best Blogs of 2010.″ In 2009, Rolling Stone put Romm #88 on its list of 100 “people who are reinventing America.” Time named him a “Hero of the Environment″ and “The Web’s most influential climate-change blogger.” Romm was acting assistant secretary of energy for energy efficiency and renewable energy in 1997, where he oversaw $1 billion in R&D, demonstration, and deployment of low-carbon technology. He is a Senior Fellow at American Progress and holds a Ph.D. in physics from MIT., 2/26/2012, “Apocalypse Not: The Oscars, The Media And The Myth of ‘Constant Repetition of Doomsday Messages’ on Climate”, http://thinkprogress.org/romm/2012/02/26/432546/apocalypse-not-oscars-media-myth-of-repetition-of-doomsday-messages-on-climate/#more-432546)	The two greatest myths about global warming communications are 1) constant repetition of doomsday messages has been a major, ongoing strategy and 2) that strategy doesn’t work and indeed is actually counterproductive These myths are so deeply ingrained in the mainstream media that such messaging, when it is tried, is routinely attacked and denounced — and the flimsiest studies are interpreted exactly backwards to drive the erroneous message home the public is not going to be concerned about an issue unless one explains why they should be concerned about an issue And the social science literature, could not be clearer that only repeated messages have any chance of sinking in and moving the needle I doubt any serious movement of public opinion or mobilization of political action could possibly occur until these myths are shattered climate change has been mostly an invisible issue for several years and the message of conspicuous consumption and business-as-usual reigns supreme The broad American public is exposed to virtually no doomsday messages let alone constant ones, on climate change The same goes for the news media, whose coverage of climate change has collapsed When the media do cover climate change in recent years, the overwhelming majority of coverage is devoid of any doomsday messages and many outlets still feature hard-core deniers imagine what the public’s view of climate would be if it got the same coverage as, say, unemployment, the housing crisis or even the deficit The public is exposed to constant messages promoting business as usual and indeed idolizing conspicuous consumption Our political elite and intelligentsia hardly even talk about climate change and when they do, it isn’t doomsday there isn’t even a single national columnist for a major media outlet who writes primarily on climate. Most “liberal” columnists rarely mention it The major energy companies bombard the airwaves with millions and millions of dollars of repetitious pro-fossil-fuel ads environmentalists spend far, far less money. the one time they did run a major campaign to push a climate bill, they and their political allies including the president explicitly did NOT talk much about climate change, particularly doomsday messaging Environmentalists are routinely mocked There is very little mass communication of doomsday messages online If you want to find anything approximating t, blunt, science-based messaging built around the scientific literature, interviews with actual climate scientists and a clear statement that we can solve this problem but the only people who see it are those who go looking for it Anyone dropping into America from another country or another planet who started following popular culture and the news the way the overwhelming majority of Americans do would get the distinct impression that nobody who matters is terribly worried about climate change It is total BS that somehow the American public has been scared and overwhelmed by repeated doomsday messaging into some sort of climate fatigue If the public’s concern has dropped that is primarily due to the conservative media’s disinformation campaign impact on Tea Party conservatives and to the treatment of this as a nonissue by most of the rest of the media, intelligentsia and popular culture	Catastrophic warming reps are good—it’s the only way to motivate response—their empirics are attributable to climate denialism	8,425	126	3,303	1,377	17	520	0.012346	0.377633	Security Kritik Addendum - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5	Northwestern (NHSI)	Kritik Answers	2013
4,586	MIAMI (CBS4) — It appears tourism is down in Cuba as fewer visitors from the United States and southern Europe visit the country according to Cuba’s National Statistic Office (ONE).¶ CBS4 News partner The Miami Herald, helped break down the numbers from ONE and reports nearly a 5 percent drop in April of 2013 compared to the same month in 2012.¶ While the country saw the drop in visitors, the money generated from tourism apparently did not change with a total of $655 million in the first quarter of 2013.¶ According to tourism experts, the lack of a change in income is likely a result of Cuba moving away from the attraction of low-cost, all-inclusive beach resorts and targeting wealthier tourists while also raising prices.¶ For example, editor of the Tampa-based Cuba Standard, Johannes Werner, says the already upscale Paradisus Hotel in the Varadero Beach resort, is adding a “Royal Service” category that includes limited-access pools and junior suite. “Obviously, the intent is to draw in bigger spenders.”¶ ONE’s numbers show tourist arrivals decreased from 288,000 in April of 2012 to 274,000 in April 2013. The drop amounts to 4.9 percent. In addition to a decrease in visitors during the month of April, Cuba saw a 1.4 percent decrease in visitors for the first four months of this year with a total of 1.2 million people visiting the island this year.¶ The numbers were also broken down to show the countries with the most visitors. Out of 18 countries, the three at the top of the list were Canada with a 1.3 percent increase, the United Kingdom with 8.1 percent and Germany with an 11.8 percent increase in tourists to Cuba.¶ However, according to the ONE report, the number of visitors from Spain dropped significantly from 6,359 to 3,384 or 29.5 percent from April to April.¶ Also, ONE reports Italian visitors dropped by 7.2 percent and visitors from France went down by 6.8 percent.¶ The biggest plunge in visitors is in a category ONE that lumps together the United States and all “other” countries with roughly less than 2,000 tourists.¶ Those numbers show a 13.4 percent drop from 63,248 in April 2012 to 54,771 in April of 2013.¶ According to ONE, arrivals from “other” countries decreased from 258,378 in the first quarter of 2012 to 243,782 in the same period of 2013.¶ Some experts say the drop in visitors to Cuba is a direct correlation to how economies of the countries from which tourists are coming.¶ For example, Werner believes the decrease in Spanish and Italian visitors shows the financial crisis impacting those countries. Spain’s unemployment stands at 20 percent.¶ “This shows the continued weakness of the southern European markets, which have been historically strong sources of tourists for Cuba,” Werner said.¶ Werner speculates the decrease in United States tourists is because of the initial wave of interest in travel to Cuba after the Obama administration began easing travel restrictions in 2008 “has flattened out a bit.”¶ In February, El Nuevo Herald reported travel industry officials in Miami said only 45 charter flights to the island were scheduled for March, compared to 60 in September.¶ Although ONE does not report the number of arrivals by Cuban Americans or other U.S. residents on especially licensed “people-to-people” trips — tourism is illegal — the total of those categories was estimated at 440,000 in 2011.¶ In addition to the number of people visiting Cuba, ONE’s report included hotel occupancy, which saw a decrease from 65.7 percent in the first quarter of 2012 to 63.7 percent in the same period of 2013.¶ Experts expect to see the numbers adjust in the coming years as Cuba works to draw a new, higher-dollar crowd, and the country adds new golf resorts and marinas.¶ (©2013 CBS Local Media, a division of CBS Radio Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed. CBS4 news partner The Miami Herald contributed material for this report.)	CBS Miami, 6/17 – News organization that specializes in South Floridian and Cuban affairs. (CBS Miami, “Cuba Tourism Cooling Down Or Just Heating Up?,” 6/17/13, http://miami.cbslocal.com/2013/06/17/cuba-tourism-cooling-down-or-just-heating-up/, IS)	It appears tourism is down in Cuba as fewer visitors from the United States visit the country The Miami Herald reports nearly a 5 percent drop in April of 2013 compared to the same month in 2012 the lack of a change in income is likely a result of Cuba moving away from the attraction of low-cost, all-inclusive beach resorts and targeting wealthier tourists while also raising prices The biggest plunge in visitors is in a category ONE that lumps together the United States and all “other” countries with roughly less than 2,000 tourists. Those numbers show a 13.4 percent drop Some experts say the drop in visitors to Cuba is a direct correlation to how economies of the countries from which tourists are coming	Travel to Cuba low now – travel restrictions and economies prevent	3,969	66	713	661	11	125	0.016641	0.189107	Cuba Travel Ban Aff - MNDI 2013 CT.html5	Michigan (MNDI)	Affirmatives	2013
4,587	The U.S. Department of Treasury issued a statement last week that it "is aware of misstatements in the media suggesting that U.S. foreign policy now allows for virtually unrestricted group travel to Cuba."¶ Indeed, Budget Travel was among those media outlets that reported that "all Americans can now travel to Cuba, so long as they go with a licensed tour operator performing 'people-to-people' trips."¶ In January, the Treasury Department expanded its licensing of travel to Cuba to include organizations that sponsor educational exchange programs that promote contact with the Cuban people.¶ Following the news, several tour operators announced their intent to launch Cuba "people-to-people" travel programs in 2012, including Globus, Insight Vacations and Abercrombie & Kent.¶ But after a flood of media coverage about the opening up of Cuba as a travel destination, the Treasury Department last week advised travelers to review its regulations regarding travel to Cuba "to determine whether his or her proposed travel-related transactions are or could be authorized under this or any other travel license category."¶ The Treasury Department said that it will only license people-to-people groups in which all participants have a full-time schedule of educational exchange activities.¶ "Authorized activities by people-to-people groups are not 'tourist activities' under the Trade Sanctions Reform and Export Enhancement Act of 2000, which prohibits [the U.S. Department of Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control] from licensing travel-related transactions for tourist activities," the Treasury Department stated.¶ Furthermore, travelers to Cuba will have daily spending limits and are prohibited from bringing any Cuban souvenirs or any other Cuban goods back to the States.¶ Following the Treasury Department's updated warning, A&K; put its Cuba program on hold "until such a time as we gain clarity on the regulations for travel to Cuba," according to an A&K; spokesperson.	Baran 12 [Michelle Baran, 8/3/12, “U.S. Government says travel to Cuba is not "unrestricted"” Budget Travel News, http://www.budgettravel.com/blog/us-government-says-travel-to-cuba-is-not-unrestricted,11924/]	Treasury issued a it "is aware of misstatements in the media that U.S. policy allows for travel to Cuba it will only license people-to-people groups in which all participants have a full-time schedule of educational exchange activities Authorized activities are not 'tourist activities' travelers will have daily spending limits and are prohibited from bringing any Cuban souvenirs goods back	Restrictions still in place –	1,985	30	392	295	5	59	0.016949	0.2	Cuba Travel Ban Aff - MNDI 2013 CT.html5	Michigan (MNDI)	Affirmatives	2013
4,588	The new round of migration talks "do not represent a significant change in U.S. policy toward Cuba," a State Department official said.¶ ¶ Migration talks between officials were suspended in 2011 when tensions heightened following Cuba's 15-year sentencing of U.S. government contract worker Alan Gross, who Cuba alleges installed Internet networks for Cuban Jews as part of a U.S. program that Cuba considers subversive.¶ In January	Singleton 6/19 - covers manufacturing and other economic news. His previous roles were with City Limits, TIME.com, Black Enterprise and PCMag.com. He is an adjunct at CUNY's Grad School of Journalism and also runs journalism workshops for teens. He did undergrad at Morehouse and grad school at Pace. (Malik, International Business Times, “US State Department Says Talks To Resume With Cuba Over Mail And Migration In July,” 6/19/13, http://www.ibtimes.com/us-state-department-says-talks-resume-cuba-over-mail-migration-july-1314879, accessed 6/25/13, IS)	The new round of migration talks "do not represent a significant change in U.S. policy toward Cuba Migration talks between officials were suspended in 2011 when tensions heightened following Cuba's 15-year sentencing of U.S. government contract worker Alan Gross, who Cuba alleges installed Internet networks for Cuban Jews	Alan Gross lawsuit have suspended travel talks.	432	48	323	66	7	48	0.106061	0.727273	Cuba Travel Ban Aff - MNDI 2013 CT.html5	Michigan (MNDI)	Affirmatives	2013
4,589	Havana, Cuba — In this once spectacular tropical city, three buildings collapse from neglect every single day. There has been little infrastructure investment in 50 years and the average worker earns $20 a month. By almost any economic measure, socialism under Fidel Castro has been an abject failure.¶ Yet things are beginning to change. Presumed to be ailing, Castro has handed power to his brother Raul, who is permitting modest levels of private enterprise and home ownership. Meanwhile, President Obama has eased U.S. travel restrictions to Cuba. Legal passage from the States has soared more than 10-fold in a decade. Most of the 600,000 U.S. residents expected to visit Cuba this year have family there, but conventional tourism is on the rise as well. I was there in January on a people-to-people visa.¶ Critics worry that tourist dollars will prop up the failed socialist system and prolong its grip. But based on my trip, there’s reason to believe the opposite may prove to be the case: Spirited young entrepreneurs are rising from Havana’s rubble to take advantage of these small but important signs of economic liberalization. Interestingly, Cuba’s glacial but perceptible shift to the right comes as the U.S. has turned sharply to the left, raising income taxes on the rich and searching for other means to redistribute wealth.¶ I was introduced to this burgeoning new economic order through a young entrepreneur I’ll call Javier. Javier did not ask that I not use his real name, but after speaking frankly with me about emerging Cuban business opportunities, Javier worried that he had made dangerous political statements. If he were judged to be subversive, his budding business empire could be shut down in minutes.¶ Javier is 31 years old. He’s college educated, speaks fluent English, and calls himself “ambitious and restless.” He has taken advantage of the fledgling residential real estate market in Havana, brokering home sales from struggling Cubans to fellow countrymen with money sent from family in the U.S. and abroad. (Foreigners are not allowed to purchase homes directly, so they do it through family.)¶ Javier has invested his real estate commissions in a “paladar,” which is a private, family-run restaurant permitted since the early 1990s. Paladares typically are converted residences; they serve authentic Cuban cuisine to tourists seeking a higher quality dining experience than is available at government-run restaurants.¶ It took Javier three years to convert his residence to a paladar, where the meal was among the best I had while in Cuba. Now he wants to use his restaurant business to meet more wealthy foreigners who want to buy a home through their Cuban families. In other words, he’s looking for business synergies. He’s also bolstering his finances through creative accounting that helps him avoid taxes of 50% on earnings over $50,000 a year.¶ What could be more entrepreneurial than synergies and, well, tax planning? Javier strikes me as the kind of Cuban who could become a millionaire if true reform ever comes.¶ Socialism here has managed to raise the living standards of the destitute, the bottom 20%. But virtually all others have fled or been dragged lower. Whatever leadership succeeds Fidel and Raul, it will have to confront the basic question of whether raising the living standards of the very poorest is worth the toll it has taken on the rest, as well as the toll it’s taken on the country’s infrastructure and even its fertile landscape—much of which is now grown over with weeds.¶ Even dictators want some level of popular support. Castro earned his by lifting the poorest and stirring nationalist emotions in a historically colonized land. But the physical decay is so extreme that it is difficult to imagine any new leader succeeding without reinvigorating an economy that has been bled dry. Perhaps the post-Castro government will consider whether a more open economic policy might lift all boats. Even the poor benefit from greater growth, as empowered capitalists have started to show in China.¶ Traveling in and around Havana offers stark lessons in the futility of socialism. Billboards are non-existent; there is nothing to advertise except “La Revolución” and “Más Socialismo,” largely self-explanatory terms you find painted on fences and printed on banners on many city blocks, promoting the government.¶ Castro elevated health care, education, and the arts. But he did so in part by diverting pesos from sorely needed infrastructure rebuilding. All of Havana is literally crumbling. Stunning facades have fallen in heaps. Throughout this city, brilliant but severely worn architecture lies masked behind the drying laundry of impoverished families crowded into space that at one time bustled with trade and the activities of the well-to-do.¶ There are jobs for everyone; unemployment stands at less than 2%. But wages are so low that little gets done. Cuba’s productivity per person ranks among the lowest 3% in the world. A popular refrain heard throughout this city: “Fidel pretends to pay us and we pretend to work.” The only jobs that matter are those where you can pilfer goods from the workplace or which give you access to tourist money. Tour guides and artists who sell to visitors command enviable incomes. Butchers earn more than doctors.¶ The country’s GDP is $60 billion, about the same as the state of New Hampshire. California alone produces $2 trillion annually. Roughly 5% of Cuba’s “output” is gifts to its residents from exiles sending “remittances” to family in Cuba.¶ While America’s recent political shift to the left under Obama is in no way comparable to the Más Socialismo of the past five decades in Cuba, the pendulum swing nonetheless reflects our own internal debate as we have raised taxes on the wealthy. Our tax-the-rich movement has spurred talk in some wealthy segments of fleeing high-tax states like California and New York, and of retiring to non-productivity rather than forfeit so much income.¶ That might sound like rich-folk blather, and certainly there are ample good reasons that U.S. tax policy has moved this direction. Even a hard-core capitalist like Warren Buffett has endorsed the extra toll on the wealthy. We’re not and never will be Cuba. But a tour of Havana reminds you just how wrong wealth redistribution can go.	Kaldec 2/6 - journalist and author who has written extensively about baby boomers, personal finance, the economy and financial education for TIME, Money, CBS and USA Today among others. He has appeared on Oprah, CNBC, CNN, and all the major networks. His most recent book is A New Purpose: Going From Success to Significance in Work and Life. He has a degree in Communications from Marquette University (Dan Kadlec, TIME: Business and Money, “Lessons in Socialism: How Cuba Can Become Relevant Again,” 2/6/13, http://business.time.com/2013/02/06/lessons-in-socialism-how-cuba-can-become-relevant-again/, accessed 6/27/13, IS)	Castro has handed power to his brother Raul, who is permitting modest levels of private enterprise and home ownership. President Obama has eased U.S. travel restrictions to Cuba. Legal passage from the States has soared more than 10-fold in a decade. Spirited young entrepreneurs are rising from Havana’s rubble to take advantage of these small but important signs of economic liberalization Even the poor benefit from greater growth, as empowered capitalists have started to show in China.¶ Traveling in and around Havana offers stark lessons in the futility of socialism There are jobs for everyone But wages are so low that little gets done. Cuba’s productivity per person ranks among the lowest 3% in the world	Reducing travel restriction is key to Cuba’s economic liberalization. The recent easing of restrictions by Obama has been shown to have a direct impact on Cuba’s liberalism. However, the status quo travel restrictions that only permit familial travel is not enough to liberalize Cuba.	6,344	285	714	1,031	44	116	0.042677	0.112512	Cuba Travel Ban Aff - MNDI 2013 CT.html5	Michigan (MNDI)	Affirmatives	2013
4,590	The timid steps taken by Raúl Castro have shown that the government understands change must take place, as its current economic situation is stagnant and unsustainable. However, Castro is unsure how to move forward while still hanging onto the rapidly fading ideals of the Revolution. Nevertheless, even while Raúl Castro has spoken of liberalization and freedoms (even proposing political reforms that may signal an end to dictatorial rule), he has kept Cuba’s repressive legal and institutional structures in place. Cubans cannot leave the country legally without a Carta Blanca (an exit visa, which is not guaranteed) or freely relocate within the country. There are still repressive limits to free speech and expression. Even after the hunger strike of Orlando Zapata Tamayo in 2010 provoked the release of over 40 political prisoners, many remain in Cuban prisons. It is clear that these tactics serve only to keep the Castros in power, and they keep relations with the U.S. tepid at best. Many critics argue that any reforms will be constrained by the memory of the Revolution and the goals of its founders, rather than sweeping, generational changes. The remains of the Revolution may put a chokehold on further political reforms. As Cuba seeks ways to grow its economy, it will undoubtedly see the creation of some economic inequality. It has no choice but to liberalize the economy in order to maintain its social spending, but in doing so it will create new social problems. The central government will need to move away from universal social policy to more diversified programs. Centralized planning has not, historically, had much success in broadening programs to meet the needs of different sectors of its population, but this will be essential for the political structure to maintain its legitimacy. In order to address these different needs, the government will need to admit that there is inequality, which it may be reluctant to do. It will need to decide how much inequality is acceptable and what the requirements for attaining it are. The pace and scope of these changes will not only alter the future for the country–it could possibly be the trailblazer for a liberalized market economy with a high level of economic equality. Clearly, Cuba is a long way from a liberalized market economy, but unlike other economies moving in this direction (China, for example), Cuba is the only one starting from relative equality. How it proceeds in the coming years as it is gradually integrated into the global economy could show the world another way of doing things.	Borg 12, - (Brittany, “Economic Liberalization in Cuba”, Fordham Political Review, 11/4, http://fordhampoliticalreview.org/?p=326)//AB	the government understands change must take place, as its current economic situation is stagnant and unsustainable. However, Castro is unsure how to move forward while Castro has spoken of liberalization and freedoms he has kept Cuba’s repressive legal and institutional structures in place. Cubans cannot leave the country legally without a Carta Blanca ) or freely relocate within the country. There are still repressive limits to free speech and expression. political prisoners remain in Cuban prisons these tactics serve only to keep the Castros in power, and they keep relations with the U.S. tepid at best It has no choice but to liberalize the economy in order to maintain its social spending The central government will need to move away from universal social policy to more diversified programs. Centralized planning has not, had much success in broadening programs to meet the needs of different sectors of its population The pace and scope of these changes will not only alter the future for the country–it could possibly be the trailblazer for a liberalized market economy with a high level of economic equality	Cuba has poor liberalization now	2,580	32	1,124	424	5	181	0.011792	0.426887	Cuba Travel Ban Aff - MNDI 2013 CT.html5	Michigan (MNDI)	Affirmatives	2013
4,591	Cuba’s economic freedom score is 28.5, making its economy one of the world’s least free. Its overall score is 0.2 point higher than last year, with a notable decline in monetary freedom counterbalanced by gains in freedom from corruption and fiscal freedom. Cuba is ranked least free of 29 countries in the South and Central America/Caribbean region, and its overall score is significantly lower than the regional average. Cuba scores far below world averages in most areas of economic freedom, and its economy remains one of the world’s most repressed. The foundations of economic freedom are particularly weak in the absence of an independent and fair judiciary. No courts are free of political interference, and pervasive corruption affects many aspects of economic activity. As the largest source of employment, the public sector accounts for more than 80 percent of all jobs. A watered-down reform package endorsed by the Cuban Communist Party in April 2011 promised to trim the number of state workers and allow restricted self-employment in the non-public sector, but many details of the reform are obscure and little progress has been observed. The private sector is severely constrained by heavy regulations and tight state controls. Open-market policies are not in place to spur growth in trade and investment, and the lack of competition stifles productivity growth.	Heritage, 1/10 – (“Cuba”, 2013 Index of Economic Freedom, 1/10/13, http://www.heritage.org/index/country/cuba)//AB	Cuba’s economic freedom is one of the world’s least free Cuba is ranked least free of 29 countries in the South and Central America/Caribbean region, and its overall score is significantly lower than the regional average its economy remains one of the world’s most repressed No courts are free of political interference, and pervasive corruption affects many aspects of economic activity the public sector accounts for more than 80 percent of all jobs The private sector is severely constrained by heavy regulations and tight state controls. Open-market policies are not in place to spur growth in trade and investment, and the lack of competition stifles productivity growth.	Cuba’s economy is poor, restricted, and has little to no freedom	1,377	64	676	218	11	107	0.050459	0.490826	Cuba Travel Ban Aff - MNDI 2013 CT.html5	Michigan (MNDI)	Affirmatives	2013
4,592	But the creation of the tourism sector in Cuba had some progressive aspects to it, as well. As vice-president during the 1990s, Raul Castro ushered in some small but significant reforms that allowed for limited private enterprise. For example, in 1995, Cuba legalized paladeres -privately owned, family-run restaurants. Two years later, the country started allowing citizens to turn their homes into casas particulares -bed-and-breakfast hotels open to Cubans and foreigners alike.¶ Tourism has also brought back the capitalist practice of tipping. Taxi drivers, musicians, tour guides, waiters, bartenders, and bellboys are coveted occupations because they receive tips, one of the few ways to get ahead on the island. A Cuban guitarist earning just $200 a month in tips makes 10 times the average government wage -far more than most Cuban doctors.¶ Since assuming the office of president full-time in 2008, Raul Castro has continued to make small changes to foster free enterprise due to American tourism. Aside from ending tourist apartheid, he's also granted hundreds of thousands of new licenses to family businesses. Outside the tourism sector, he's passed massive agrarian reform, allowing farmers to sell their produce directly to consumers. And now that a few people in Cuba have disposable income, Raul has made it easier for them to spend it. In the past three years, he's made it legal for Cubans to rent cars, renovate their homes, and buy computers, cell phones, DVD players, and other electronics -all of which had previously been banned. Although Cuba is still not a market economy, it's impossible to deny that times are changing.¶ The American government has been responsive to the expanding freedoms. In 2009, president Obama made it easier for Cuban-Americans to send money to their families back in Cuba. Then, in January of 2011, Obama made it legal for any American to send up to $500 every three months, so long as the money goes toward funding private enterprise in Cuba. In other words, if you have a friend in Havana, and you want to help him start a restaurant, all you have to do is write him a check. The embargo may soon come to an end, and not because Americans renounced the Cuban economy, but because they helped rebuild it, one small business at a time.	Cellania 6/26 (Miss Cellania, “How Tourism is Taking Cuba Out of the Red,” 10/14/11, http://www.neatorama.com/2011/10/14/how-tourism-is-taking-cuba-out-of-the-red/, accessed 6/26/13, IS	the tourism sector in Cuba had some progressive aspects to it Castro ushered in some small but significant reforms that allowed for limited private enterprise Tourism has also brought back capitalist practice Raul Castro has continued to make small changes to foster free enterprise due to American tourism he's also granted hundreds of thousands of new licenses to family businesses The American government has been responsive to the expanding freedoms. In 2009, president Obama made it easier for Cuban-Americans to send money to their families back in Cuba. Obama made it legal for any American to send up to $500 every three months	American tourism is key to Cuban economic growth	2,288	48	635	379	8	103	0.021108	0.271768	Cuba Travel Ban Aff - MNDI 2013 CT.html5	Michigan (MNDI)	Affirmatives	2013
4,593	Some U.S. constituencies would like to resume relations. U.S. agricultural groups already deal with Cuba, and other economic sectors want access to the Cuban market. Many Cuban-Americans were angered by the Bush administration's strict limits on travel and remittances, though a small but vocal contingent of hard-line Cuban exiles, many of them based in Florida, does not want to normalize relations until the Communist regime is gone. "When they're polled, the majority of Cuban-Americans say that the embargo has failed, and support lifting the travel ban or loosening the embargo or some steps along that continuum of liberalization and normalization," says Julia E. Sweig, CFR director of Latin American studies.	Lee 1/31 [Briana, Senior Production Editor of Council of Foreign Relations. http://www.cfr.org/cuba/us-cuba-relations/p11113#p3 6.25.2013]	Some U.S. constituencies would like to resume relations. U.S. agricultural groups already deal with Cuba, and other economic sectors want access to the Cuban market When they're polled, the majority of Cuban-Americans say that the embargo has failed, and support lifting the travel ban or loosening the embargo or some steps along that continuum of liberalization and normalization," says Julia E. Sweig, CFR director of Latin American studies.	Granting tourism will by the next step in helping Cuba’s liberalization	717	71	444	110	11	68	0.1	0.618182	Cuba Travel Ban Aff - MNDI 2013 CT.html5	Michigan (MNDI)	Affirmatives	2013
4,594	If the travel ban is lifted unilaterally now or the embargo is ended by the U.S., what will the U.S. government have to negotiate with a future regime in Cuba and to encourage changes in the island? These policies could be an important bargaining chip with a future regime willing to provide concessions in the area of political and economic freedoms. ¶ The travel ban and the embargo should be lifted as a result of negotiations between the U.S. and a Cuban government willing to provide meaningful and irreversible political and economic concessions or when there is a democratic government in place in the island.	Suchlicki 2/26 – Emilio Bacardi Moreau Distinguished Professor and Director, Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies, University of Miami (Jaime, “What If…The U.S. Ended the Cuba Travel Ban and the Embargo?” Cuba Transition Project, Issue 185, 26 February 2013, http://ctp.iccas.miami.edu/FOCUS_Web/Issue185.htm, Accessed 26 June 2013	the travel ban could be an important bargaining chip with a future regime willing to provide concessions in the area of economic freedoms The travel ban should be lifted as a result of negotiations between the U.S. and a Cuban government willing to provide meaningful and irreversible economic concessions or when there is a democratic government in place in the island	Increased travel between US and Cuba increases Cuban economic freedoms and democracy	616	84	369	105	12	61	0.114286	0.580952	Cuba Travel Ban Aff - MNDI 2013 CT.html5	Michigan (MNDI)	Affirmatives	2013
4,595	Expanding economic opportunities also might increase pressure within Cuba for further economic reform. So far the regime has taken small steps, but rejected significant change. Moreover, thrusting more Americans into Cuban society could help undermine the ruling system. Despite Fidel Castro’s decline, Cuban politics remains largely static. A few human rights activists have been released, while Raul Castro has used party purges to entrench loyal elites.¶ Lifting the embargo would be no panacea. Other countries invest in and trade with Cuba to no obvious political impact. And the lack of widespread economic reform makes it easier for the regime rather than the people to collect the benefits of trade, in contrast to China. Still, more U.S. contact would have an impact. Argued trade specialist Dan Griswold, “American tourists would boost the earnings of Cubans who rent rooms, drive taxis, sell art, and operate restaurants in their homes. Those dollars would then find their way to the hundreds of freely priced farmers markets, to carpenters, repairmen, tutors, food venders, and other entrepreneurs.”	Bandow 12 – senior fellow at the Cato Institute, specializing in foreign policy and civil liberties (Doug, “Time to End the Cuba Embargo,” Cato Institute, 11 December 2012, http://www.cato.org/publications/commentary/time-end-cuba-embargo, accessed 26 June 2013	Expanding economic opportunities increase pressure within Cuba for further economic reform thrusting more Americans into Cuban society could help undermine the ruling system more U.S. contact would have an impact American tourists would boost the earnings of Cubans who rent rooms, drive taxis, sell art, and operate restaurants in their homes. Those dollars would then find their way to the hundreds of freely priced farmers markets, to carpenters, repairmen, tutors, food venders, and other entrepreneurs.	More tourism to Cuba increases Cuban economic freedom – plan solves	1,111	67	507	171	11	75	0.064327	0.438596	Cuba Travel Ban Aff - MNDI 2013 CT.html5	Michigan (MNDI)	Affirmatives	2013
4,596	However, the lifting of the embargo should not be seen as appeasement of a dictatorial regime, but as an attempt to provide greater economic freedom to both American and Cuban citizens to travel and spend their money where they desire.	Kelly 4/14 – Columnist for The Washington Times Communities, and majoring in History & Political Science (Kevin, “Jay-Z and Beyoncé in the Limelight, Embargo Forgotten,” The Washington Times, 14 April 2013, http://communities.washingtontimes.com/neighborhood/remnant/2013/apr/14/jay-z-and-beyonce-limelight-embargo-forgotten/, Accessed 26 June 2013	the lifting of the embargo should be seen as an attempt to provide greater economic freedom to both American and Cuban citizens to travel and spend their money where they desire	Ability to travel freely to Cuba promotes Cuban economic freedom	235	64	177	40	10	31	0.25	0.775	Cuba Travel Ban Aff - MNDI 2013 CT.html5	Michigan (MNDI)	Affirmatives	2013
4,597	The heart of the U.S. Cuba policy for the past 48 years has been economic embargoes. Whether their intent was to force Fidel Castro into curbing human rights violations or to coerce him into capitalism to feed his people, the embargoes have been a dismal failure. The growing support for engagement strategies is in direct opposition to past economic policies. A 2004 Rand study on Cuba states: “Free trade and free markets have proven a viable mechanism for economic development and to lift entire societies out of poverty”.43 In this spirit, many economists who favor engagement now call for a complete lift of economic embargoes levied against Cuba by the U.S. An open market is the best way to affect a Cuban society that has lived in the past for nearly five decades. The U.S. could also grant Cuba most favored nation trade status. These tactics would likely foster a demand for political change among the Cuban people when coupled with the immediate end of another long-standing sanction—travel restrictions. Many Cubans rely on tourism as a source of income. By opening the opportunity for U.S. citizens to travel to Cuba, the country’s economy would gain a much needed source of revenue while the people themselves would have the opportunity to interact with Americans face-to-face. Cuban-American exiles would be an especially valuable asset in promoting democracy and capitalism to friends and family in the island nation.¶ Critics of a free economic relationship with Cuba feel that such a policy would take away any leverage the U.S. might have against a Communist regime in Cuba. Trade, however, is not the only means by which American leaders can influence the spread of capitalism. Fidel Castro’s history of human rights violations resulted in his country’s expulsion from some of the¶ world’s key financial organizations. Membership in the World Trade Organization, the Interamerican Development Bank (IDB), and the International Monetary Fund would go a long way in helping Cuba to build foreign investments to further boost its economy. The U.S. could offer to lobby for Cuba’s membership in such organizations if Cuban leaders respond to diplomacy and a free market by improving their government’s human rights record. If, however, Castro or his successor responds to these changes with continued human rights violations, the U.S. could lobby against Cuba’s membership in these organizations. The prospect of gaining membership in key financial, political, and economic organizations could prove to be too much for even Fidel Castro to pass up.	Zamora 07 [Randy, Lieutenant Commander, U.S. Navy, pdf. April 2007, HOW THE U.S. CAN PROMOTE DEMOCRACY AND CAPITALISM IN A POST-CASTRO CUBAN ENVIRONMENT]	The heart of the U.S. Cuba policy for the past 48 years has been economic embargoes Whether their intent was to force Fidel Castro into curbing human rights violations or to coerce him into capitalism to feed his people, the embargoes have been a dismal failure A 2004 Rand study on Cuba states: “Free trade and free markets have proven a viable mechanism for economic development and to lift entire societies out of poverty” many economists who favor engagement now call for a complete lift of economic embargoes levied against Cuba by the U.S. An open market is the best way to affect a Cuban society that has lived in the past for nearly five decades These tactics would likely foster a demand for political change among the Cuban people when coupled with the immediate end of another long-standing sanction—travel restrictions. Many Cubans rely on tourism as a source of income. By opening the opportunity for U.S. citizens to travel to Cuba, the country’s economy would gain a much needed source of revenue while the people themselves would have the opportunity to interact with Americans face-to-face. Cuban-American exiles would be an especially valuable asset in promoting democracy and capitalism to friends and family in the island nation Trade, however, is not the only means by which American leaders can influence the spread of capitalism. Fidel Castro’s history of human rights violations resulted in his country’s expulsion from some of the¶ world’s key financial organizations The U.S. could offer to lobby for Cuba’s membership in such organizations if Cuban leaders respond to diplomacy and a free market by improving their government’s human rights record The prospect of gaining membership in key financial, political, and economic organizations could prove to be too much for even Fidel Castro to pass up.	Increasing Travel to Cuba in the squo will help Cuban econ—case studies prove	2,564	77	1,826	412	13	298	0.031553	0.723301	Cuba Travel Ban Aff - MNDI 2013 CT.html5	Michigan (MNDI)	Affirmatives	2013
4,598	India Marching Ahead In the recent years India has emerged as a major global power. India's economic reforms have made the Indian economy as vibrant as ever. A conducive climate for foreign investment has been created. Indian democracy despite its contradictions has given the nation political stability which has no doubt strengthened the country's developmental plank. However, despite all this India has been straggling with peace as the problems of poverty, unemployment, environmental degradation, social inequalities, insurgency, etc. continue to plague the nation. The strategies formulated to tackle these problems have not paid full dividends. Tourism as an effective strategy to promote peace has not been discussed or debated despite tourism sector remaining in prominence in the recent years. Boost to Tourism The economic liberalization in India has given a big push to Indian tourism. Tourism is today projected as an engine of economic growth and an instrument for eliminating poverty, curbing unemployment problems, opening up new fields of activity and the upliftment of downtrodden sections of society. New opportunities are being tapped to promote eco, adventure, rural, postage, wildlife and health and herbal including medical tourism. With the increasing number of foreign tourists coming to India every year and domestic tourism gaining popularity, public and private sector bodies are actively involved in promoting tourism in the country. The international and regional dimensions of tourism are also getting due recognition. For example, travel links leading to establishing people-to-people contacts between India and Pakistan are given prime importance. As a result of this, tourism has been instrumental in softening the relations between India and Pakistan leading to peace. Peace Through Tourism At a time when tourism initiatives have gained momentum in India, the situation is ripe for popularizing the concept of "Peace Through Tourism" in a big way through strong advocacy and practical action. Tourism as a strategy to promote peace by solving the problems of poverty, unemployment, etc. can succeed if effective inter-linkages are established between "tourism initiatives" and "peace", and appropriate action plans are devised accordingly. India has strong community and democratic ethos. Community-based initiatives based on people's participation have been quite effective in India in solving the socio-economic problems of the people. They have also been successful in building up strong collaborations based on people's efforts which have led to creation of a peaceful and cordial atmosphere. In fact, the peaceful under-currents of Indian democracy are evident in the working of community-based ventures. Limitations of the centralized form of planning have compelled the policy-makers to pin their faiths on such people-based ventures. The paper argues that if the tourism strategies are geared towards involving the community-based organizations, they can promote peace in a real way. Cooperatives and Peace Cooperation means living, thinking and working together. It is working together to learn to live in our society peacefully and harmoniously. A cooperative is an autonomous association of persons united voluntarily to meet their common, economic, social and cultural needs and aspirations through a jointly owned and democratically controlled enterprise. Cooperatives are based on the values of self-help, self-responsibility, democracy, equality, equity and solidarity. Cooperative members believe in the ethical values of honesty, openness, social responsibility and caring for others. In an age of declining values, peace can remain elusive if the values are not well propagated and communicated to the society at large. No doubt, in this scenario the value-based organizations have an important role to play in peace-building. The cooperatives have a strategic advantage over other organizations in this respect. The principles and values of cooperatives are the best guidelines to create a sustainable and peaceful world. They are intended to safeguard the human rights and enable the members to practice democracy and enjoy freedom of action. Cooperatives are the organizations which have strong community roots. They are embedded within the communities in which they exist. They work for sustainable development of communities through emphasis on values which create a peaceful atmosphere within the community. Cooperative Contribution to Peace: An Indian Perspective 760 million people around the world are members of cooperatives. In Kenya 20% of the population is a member of cooperative, while in Argentina it is over 29%, 33% in Norway, 40% in Canada and US. The contribution of cooperatives to poverty alleviation can be gauged from the fact that they provide 100 million jobs and in some countries and areas are among the largest employees as in Columbia where a national health cooperatives is the largest employer at national level. Worldwide the cooperative movement has contributed to peace by helping eliminate poverty, sustain environment, provide employment, and enrich social standards of the people. The value-based orientation of the cooperative movement has played a crucial role in checking the capitalist tendencies in the society by creating an equalitarian society through which chances of conflict are minimized. Today, there are more than 5 lakh cooperative societies in the country with a membership of 23 crores and working capital of Rs. 198.542 million. IFFCO and KRIBHCO are two cooperative fertilizer giants which have matched global standards of performance. The cooperative credit institutions are disbursing 46.15% of agricultural credit and cooperatives are distributing 36.22% of total fertilizers in the country. Dairy cooperatives in India with their strong and extensive network have excelled in their areas of operations. They have ushered in milk revolution in the country. India is the largest producer of milk in the world. The housing cooperatives in India have not only reaped economic reforms, but have also contributed to peace through promoting social harmony and community living. The cooperatives in India have played a pioneering role in saving the poor from clutches of moneylenders by providing them credit at reasonable rate of interest so that they may start economic activities through a long chain of credit cooperatives set up at various levels. Besides, the cooperatives have convinced the poor that they are the institutions for their welfare, not exploitation. In the recent years the Self Help Groups based on cooperative principles have mushroomed in large numbers which have mobilized the rural poor by providing them avenues of income generation. In India the cooperatives have played an important role in employment generation. About 15.47 million individuals are employed in the cooperative sector and the number of persons who are self-employed in the cooperatives are more than 14.39 million. The cooperatives have shown their strength in social sector too. For example, the sugar cooperatives in Maharashtra have come up in the field of education and health. In the field of environment, the cooperatives have played an important role in environment preservation. IFFCO, has played a laudable role in protecting environment through pollution control measures through its plants and farm forestry cooperatives. Cooperatives and Tourism Considering the contribution of cooperatives to peace and the value-based peaceful orientation of cooperatives, it is natural that the cooperatives are well positioned to strengthen the agenda of tourism. Tourism spreads the message of peace. If tourism becomes a key agenda of all the nations, a peaceful world order is bound to emerge. The institutions like cooperatives can play an important role in peace building if they are involved in tourism. In India tourism policy shift towards promoting decentralized form of tourism in which there is participation of all sections of the society is clearly visible. Though instances of cooperatives involved in tourism are negligible, the Indian cooperatives have strong potentialities to emerge as a lead player in the field of tourism. Cooptour (cooptour@gmail.com), a cooperative organization of 55 members, is involved in mainly ticketing and outgoing tourism. Besides the business and support from cooperative organizations, its professional services has led to increasing business with non-cooperative organizations. Cooptour feels that it has tremendous opportunities of growth in the areas of international cooperative tour packages, transport, rural tourism, etc. if there is full support from national and international cooperative organization. The government has identified Rural Tourism as one of the thrust areas. The strength of rural tourism lies in the villages, and the cooperatives field 100% of the villages. A large chunk of foreign tourists have a high level of involvement in whatever they do about rural tourism as they want to participate in cultural affairs, traditional lifestyle, etc. The cooperatives in the rural areas in India have strong cultural affiliations. The cooperatives can not only acquaint the foreign tourists with rich culture of the region, but they can also understand their urge to participate in and experience the local culture closely. The cooperatives can play a big role in strengthening international bonds of cultural heritage by making the tourists feel that they are a part of cooperative culture which is built on peace. Formation of tourism cooperatives for guiding, escorting, maintain local handicrafts, etc., can generate jobs, and end their poverty. In India the primary agriculture cooperatives are the strength of the cooperative system in the rural areas. They can promote rural tourism directly. Their contribution in poverty alleviation along with their emphasis on rural tourism as a potential area of development can be important in promoting peace. The Indian Government is already sensitized on the importance of rural tourism, and the need for involving community based organizations in this field. The UNDP-Ministry of Tourism Project which has been started in India talks about strong community-private and public sector partnership for giving a boost to rural tourism. The Government has decided to develop necessary infrastructure for promoting rural tourism and has identified 31 villages to be developed as tourist spots. UNDP is helping in areas of capacity building, involvement of NGOs, local communities and artisans, etc. There is a dominant view that cooperatives and NGOs are the best agencies to promote rural tourism. Uttaranchal is a top tourist state in India. The Government is involved in formulating effective tourism strategies to promote tourism in the state. Uttaranchal Government has launched Community based. Tourism in which certain number of villages/clusters are developed for attracting foreign tourists. Development of environment friendly tourism development is a focal area of tourism policies in Uttaranchal in which cooperative societies of rag pickers are formed so that the environment is not affected. Similarly, tourism leading to self-employment ventures is also noticeable in Uttaranchal. Self employment scheme in which the focus of project is on setting up PCOs, small hotels, is being implemented. The large number of beneficiaries benefiting from the scheme is a symbol of its popularity. Infrastructure is the biggest stumbling factor in development of tourism. The cooperatives which have stronghold over the rural areas in the recent years have taken initiatives to promote infrastructure development. For example, the dairy cooperatives in Gujarat have built up the roads, and have come up with schools. The areas in which cooperatives are strong in infrastructure can be developed for formulating effective tourism strategies. The Government is willing to support the cooperatives who desire to come up in the field of tourism by providing them assistance in infrastructural development. Ethical Tourism Cooperatives by practicing ethical tourism can promote peace and justice in a big way. In India insurgency has been an age-old problem. For example, Jammu and Kashmir has struggled with terrorism for a long time. In this respect, an example of Manchester based workers cooperative practicing ethical tourism is worth mentioning. Olive Cooperative (www.olivecoop.com), a small workers cooperative in Manchester has been achieve on organizing 'solidarity' tours to Israel and West Bank to meet Palestinians and Israelis working at the front-line for peace and justice, in their communities and with national and international organizations. This has useful pointers for India where workers' cooperatives can be formed to promote ethical tourism. Even in the areas which are effected by natural disasters, ethical tourism, can be an effective instrument to promote peace. For example, in the Tsunami hit areas in South India, need was feet for community based organizations to spread the message of peace. The cooperative in the India due to their effective community inter-linkages can promote ethical tourism in the conflict ridden zones. National Cooperative Union of India along with International Cooperative Alliance are already involved in rehabilitation work in the tsunami hit areas. Cooperative Diversification and Tourism A review of the cooperative trends in the recent times indicate that cooperatives are aware to diversity in new areas like tourism. The India tribal life is rich in cultural tradition. Tribal life and tribal products can emerge as focal areas in tourism. Tribal Cooperative Marketing Development Federation of India is the national level organization of tribal cooperatives in the country. It has already identified certain regions for promoting tourism. The organization stands for holistic development of the tribal sector in all aspects and in this regard tourism is considered an important component. TRIFED is planning to start Tribes shops in all the major international airports so that all the traditional and ethnic tribal products are showcased for foreign tourists. The example of TRIFED clearly indicates that cooperative sector is aware of the need for marketing its products from a tourism point of view. UHP milk powder is already distributed in all the pilgrimage tourist sites. The cooperative products have developed strong brands which clearly indicate that cooperative principles and values can be used for effective business. For example "Amul", brand of Gujarat Cooperative Milk Marketing Federation is a household name in India signifying milk revolution. The cooperative products spread the message of peace. Successful Model of Cooperative Diversification in Tourism Eco tourism is a dominant plank of tourism strategies of any country. India is no exception. Tourism initiatives providing eco friendly clean environment with emphasis on sustainable development promote peace. A successful example of a cooperative in India venturing in tourism mentioned here symbolizes this trend very well. Medially Fishermen's Cooperative Society (MFCS) in Calcutta is a successful fishery cooperative which has successful utilized waste water to produce fish. It has a membership of 100 fishermen and around 300 families of fishermen are dependent on the society. The genesis of the cooperative can be traced when fishermen in Anta village of Howah had to migrate to wastelands near Kolkatta Dock in search of jobs due to drying up of Damodar River. By using the urban refuge and polluted water of the city, the society now undertakes these activities : l Improving waste water quality l Using waste water to produce fish, marketing fish, etc. l Providing credit facilities to fishermen, engaged in poultry, piggery, dairy and cottage industries The society has now ventured into developing a Nature Park which has now emerged as a hot tourist spot in the city where pollution is a big problem. The Park has attractive boating facilities and an ecosystem has been created that attracts many birds. The animal Park is another attraction having deer, rabbits, tortoise different kinds of ducks, etc. The society has adopted professional norms in functioning by indulging in multifarious activities. The production of fish by the society has been soaring high. The example of this society indicates that cooperatives involved in preserving environment can venture into tourism activities by diversifying their operations. Commercialization of tourism may lead to neglect of ecology as economic considerations for developing a tourist site may lead to neglect of social aspects, like environment. In this scenario forming a cooperative to promote eco tourism can be highly successful. Conclusion The tourism scenario in India is ideal for formulating effective tourism strategies for promoting peace. Amongst the tourism strategies for promoting peace, the cooperative strategy merits consideration. The Indian cooperative movement which is the largest movement in the world is best suited for promoting peace through tourism. National Cooperative Union of India is the apex organization of the cooperative movement in the country. 196 cooperative organizations at all levels are as its members. Being a promotional organization with emphasis on training, education, advocacy, research, publication, NCUI has worked hard to promote the cooperative movement in the country. It has always formulated effective policies to promote cooperative diversification. For example, due to strong champing of NCUI, the cooperatives were recently allowed entry into insurance. The NCUI has also taken initiatives in the new fields of insurance, electrification environment, etc. IFFCO, a major cooperative fertilizer giant, has already made effective forays in the fields of insurance, electrification etc. The NCUI has effectively popularized the concept of cooperation amongst the rural population by its Cooperative Education Field Projects located all over the country. NCUI is in a good position to promote rural tourism in the country. Taking into account the strength of Indian cooperatives in promoting peace through tourism, the international tourism bodies like IIPT, WTO, etc. must think of forging collaborations with Indian cooperatives in the field of tourism.	Verma, Sanjay Kumar, 2005 (Sanjay Kumar Verma is a nodal officer and junior editor at the NCUI (National Cooperative Union of India), a major cooperative in India’s history starting from the Indian colonial era, and a presenter at the third global IIPT conference, “Promoting Peace Through Tourism: Role of Cooperatives”, http://www.iipt.org/3rdglobalsummit/presentations/Sanjay-Kumar-Verma-presentation.htm)	Tourism is today an engine of economic growth and an instrument for eliminating poverty, curbing unemployment problems, opening up new fields of activity and the upliftment of downtrodden sections of society The international and regional dimensions of tourism are also getting due recognition. For example, travel links leading to establishing people-to-people contacts As a result of this, tourism has been instrumental in softening relations leading to peace. the situation is ripe for popularizing the concept of "Peace Through Tourism" in a big way through strong advocacy and practical action. Tourism as a strategy to promote peace by solving the problems of poverty, unemployment, etc. can succeed if effective inter-linkages are established between "tourism initiatives" and "peace", and appropriate action plans are devised accordingly. if the tourism strategies are geared towards involving the community-based organizations, they can promote peace in a real way. Cooperative members believe in the ethical values of honesty, openness, social responsibility and caring for others. In an age of declining values, peace can remain elusive if the values are not well propagated and communicated to the society at large. value-based organizations have an important role to play in peace-building. The cooperatives have a strategic advantage over other organizations in this respect. The principles and values of cooperatives are the best guidelines to create a sustainable and peaceful world. They are intended to safeguard the human rights and enable the members to practice democracy and enjoy freedom of action. Cooperatives are the organizations which have strong community roots. They are embedded within the communities in which they exist. They work for sustainable development of communities through emphasis on values which create a peaceful atmosphere within the community. The contribution of cooperatives to poverty alleviation can be gauged from the fact that they provide 100 million job Worldwide the cooperative movement has contributed to peace by helping eliminate poverty, sustain environment, provide employment, and enrich social standards of the people. The value-based orientation of the cooperative movement has played a crucial role in checking the capitalist tendencies in the society by creating an equalitarian society through which chances of conflict are minimized. The housing cooperatives have not only reaped economic reforms, but have also contributed to peace through promoting social harmony and community living. cooperatives in India have played a pioneering role in saving the poor from clutches of moneylenders by providing them credit at reasonable rate of interest so that they may start economic activities through a long chain of credit cooperatives set up at various levels. In the recent years the Self Help Groups based on cooperative principles have mushroomed in large numbers which have mobilized the rural poor by providing them avenues of income generation. In India the cooperatives have played an important role in employment generation. About 15.47 million individuals are employed in the cooperative sector and the number of persons who are self-employed in the cooperatives are more than 14.39 million. The cooperatives have shown their strength in social sector too. For example, the sugar cooperatives in Maharashtra have come up in the field of education and health. In the field of environment, the cooperatives have played an important role in environment preservation Considering the contribution of cooperatives to peace and the value-based peaceful orientation of cooperatives, it is natural that the cooperatives are well positioned to strengthen the agenda of tourism. Tourism spreads the message of peace. If tourism becomes a key agenda of all the nations, a peaceful world order is bound to emerge. The institutions like cooperatives can play an important role in peace building if they are involved in tourism. In India tourism policy shift towards promoting decentralized form of tourism in which there is participation of all sections of the society is clearly visible. the Indian cooperatives have strong potentialities to emerge as a lead player in the field of tourism. cooperatives in the rural areas in India have strong cultural affiliations. The cooperatives can not only acquaint the foreign tourists with rich culture of the region, but they can also understand their urge to participate in and experience the local culture closely. The cooperatives can play a big role in strengthening international bonds of cultural heritage by making the tourists feel that they are a part of cooperative culture which is built on peace. Formation of tourism cooperatives for guiding, escorting, maintain local handicrafts, etc., can generate jobs, and end their poverty. In India the primary agriculture cooperatives are the strength of the cooperative system in the rural areas. They can promote rural tourism directly. Their contribution in poverty alleviation along with their emphasis on rural tourism as a potential area of development can be important in promoting peace. cooperatives and NGOs are the best agencies to promote rural tourism. tourism leading to self-employment ventures is also noticeable in Uttaranchal. Self employment scheme in which the focus of project is on setting up PCOs, small hotels, is being implemented. The large number of beneficiaries benefiting from the scheme is a symbol of its popularity. Cooperatives by practicing ethical tourism can promote peace and justice in a big way. In India insurgency has been an age-old problem. For example, Jammu and Kashmir has struggled with terrorism for a long time. In this respect, an example of Manchester based workers cooperative practicing ethical tourism is worth mentioning. Olive Cooperative (www.olivecoop.com), a small workers cooperative in Manchester has been achieve on organizing 'solidarity' tours to Israel and West Bank to meet Palestinians and Israelis working at the front-line for peace and justice, in their communities and with national and international organizations. This has useful pointers for India where workers' cooperatives can be formed to promote ethical tourism. Even in the areas which are effected by natural disasters, ethical tourism, can be an effective instrument to promote peace. For example, in the Tsunami hit areas in South India, need was feet for community based organizations to spread the message of peace. The cooperative in the India due to their effective community inter-linkages can promote ethical tourism in the conflict ridden zones. National Cooperative Union of India along with International Cooperative Alliance are already involved in rehabilitation work in the tsunami hit areas. forming a cooperative to promote eco tourism can be highly successful. Amongst the tourism strategies for promoting peace, the cooperative strategy merits consideration. international tourism bodies like IIPT, WTO, etc. must think of forging collaborations with Indian cooperatives in the field of tourism.	Tourism Cooperation can significantly promote peace, reduce poverty, and promote cultural interactions	18,433	102	7,104	2,768	12	1,073	0.004335	0.387645	Cuba Travel Ban Aff - MNDI 2013 CT.html5	Michigan (MNDI)	Affirmatives	2013
4,599	Would you consider a trip to Cuba if restrictions on U.S. travel to the island were lifted? A U.S. consumer survey released Tuesday found that 75 percent of respondents would visit or at least consider a trip to Cuba, if Americans were allowed to travel freely there. Another 1.7 percent said they’d already traveled to Cuba, according to the survey of 953 consumers conducted by the Travel Leaders travel agency network from March 10 to April 10 across the United States. The survey comes as the Obama administration issues new rules that make it easier for U.S. religious groups and educational groups to travel to Cuba with U.S. government approval. Most Americans are effectively barred from travel to the island under Washington’s nearly 50-year embargo on Cuba. “Culturally and historically, Cuba fascinates a large number of Americans. Physically, it’s amazingly close to the Florida coast, yet so far away because of continued restrictions for most citizens,” stated Roger E. Block, president of Travel Leaders Franchise Group in a statement. “Like the traveling public, our Travel Leaders experts would welcome the opportunity to experience the country for themselves – the food, the music, the architecture, the beaches and the people – and then assist their clients in realizing a trip of their own to this forbidden destination that has been off-limits for nearly a half century,” he said.	Hemlock 11 – Business reporter covering the business of nonprofits, autos, international business (Doreen, “Survey: 75% of U.S. consumers interested in Cuba visit,” SunSentinel, 26 April 2011, http://blogs.sun-sentinel.com/south-florida-travel/2011/04/26/survey-75-of-u-s-consumers-interested-in-cuba-visit/)//AB	75 percent of respondents would visit Cuba, if Americans were allowed to travel freely there. Cuba fascinates a large number of Americans Travel Leaders experts would welcome the opportunity to experience the country for themselves	US travel would be huge	1,401	23	231	227	5	35	0.022026	0.154185	Cuba Travel Ban Aff - MNDI 2013 CT.html5	Michigan (MNDI)	Affirmatives	2013

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