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https://www.hgm.at/en/visit-our-museums/museum-of-military-history/exhibitions/world-war-i
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en
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World War I
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https://www.hgm.at/_assets/4550e62fcba9eaf8920d63d84c73f49f/Icons/favicon.ico
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https://www.hgm.at/_assets/4550e62fcba9eaf8920d63d84c73f49f/Icons/favicon.ico
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Übersicht über alle aktuellen Ausstellungen im HGM.
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en
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https://www.hgm.at/en/visit-our-museums/museum-of-military-history/exhibitions/world-war-i
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Download: The First World War 1914 - 1918
On 28 June 1914, the Austro-Hungarian heir apparent Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sophie were shot dead by a young Bosnian-Serbian nationalist. Political decision-makers were convinced that the only way to ensure the continued existence of the Habsburg Monarchy was starting a local war against Serbia. Austria-Hungary saw the assassination as an element of Serbian policy pursued for years: separating Bosnia and Herzegovina and even other southern Slavic territories from the Habsburg Monarchy. Serbian government was held responsible for the assassination.
Austria-Hungary declares war on Serbia
An ultimatum with demands too harsh to be met was intended to start a local war in order to eliminate by military means the threat posed by Serbia. Belgrade relied on Russia's willingness to enter the war on Serbia's side and rejected some of the ultimatum's demands. The planned local conflict in the Balkans, finally triggered by the Austro-Hungarian declaration of war on 28 July 1914, within a week had escalated into a European (and soon after a world) war due to deep mutual mistrust among European states, a polarised alliance system and military requirements of the respective mobilisation plans.
Central Powers versus Entente
Austria-Hungary, the German Empire and the Ottoman Empire (from autumn 1914) stood as "Central Powers" against “the Entente” states of Russia, France, Great Britain, Serbia and the initially neutral Belgium.
The many theatres of the First World War
All initial offensive plans of all states failed. German troops marched into Belgium on 4 August 1914 and then advanced into France. However, the German Empire did not succeed in quickly defeating France. Austria-Hungary also was unable to defeat Serbia. In Galicia, it was barely able to hold off the Russian offensive and suffered heavy losses. Repeated counter-attacks against Russia led to an enormous number of dead and wounded, but were unsuccessful.
It was only after the battle of Gorlice-Tarnów in May 1915 that German and Austro-Hungarian troops were able to stabilise the Russian front. Almost simultaneously, Italy, aiming to annex Italian-speaking territories and other parts of the Habsburg Monarchy's Adriatic coastline, declared war although it had officially been an ally until April 1915. The opening of this new front in the south-west, which stretched from the Gorizia region to the mountains of South Tyrol, placed Austria-Hungary in a difficult strategic situation.
War of resources
The First World War was not limited to the frontlines. It was a war pitting industries against each other and food supply in particular was of constant concern – every citizen could feel the consequences of the war literally on their own bodies.
The Italian and Russian theatres of war
At the end of 1915, Serbia was defeated in a fourth offensive in which German and Bulgarian troops also took part. Austro-Hungarian troops forced Montenegro to surrender at the beginning of 1916 and then entered Albania, where Italian troops had already established themselves.
In May 1916, Austria-Hungary failed to defeat Italy with an offensive from South Tyrol. On the Isonzo River, nine Italian offensives from 1915 until the end of 1916 could only be repelled with difficulty. In the east, the Russian “Brussilov offensive” and Romania's entry into the war on the side of the Entente once again led to an existential crisis for the Habsburg Monarchy. However, in the same year, German, Austro-Hungarian, Bulgarian and Ottoman troops succeeded in occupying large parts of Romania and stabilising the front against Russia.
In 1917, the Russian army began to disintegrate due to internal political problems, and the October Revolution triggered events that led to peace agreements between the Central Powers and (Soviet) Russia, Ukraine and Romania.
Optimism for the Central Powers
On the South-West Front, a joint German-Austro-Hungarian offensive brought Italy to the brink of military collapse in the “12th Isonzo Battle”. As the German army simultaneously had repelled massive offensive operations on the Western Front, the military situation for the Central Powers at the beginning of 1918 seemed promising.
Food crises, strikes and mutinies
The favourable military situation obscured the increasingly chaotic internal conditions in the German Empire and especially in Austria-Hungary. The food crisis reached catastrophic proportions in 1918. Austria-Hungary, already struggling with major nationality problems in peacetime, was increasingly threatened by disintegration. After the death of Emperor Franz Joseph in November 1916, his successor Emperor Karl I (1887 - 1922) tried unsuccessfully to reach a peace agreement. In 1918, strikes and mutinies broke out within the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
The USA enter the war
In the course of 1918, the USA's entry into the war, triggered by German submarine warfare in 1917, began to have an impact on the battlefield. By August 1918, 1.3 million US soldiers had arrived in Europe. In spring 1918, both the last major German offensives in France and those of the Austro-Hungarian forces on the Piave River failed. This was the last attempt to force a military decision in favour of the Central Powers.
Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy
In autumn 1918, the dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy could no longer be prevented. On 3 November 1918, representatives of Austria-Hungary signed an armistice in Villa Giusti near Padua. By this time, national successor states had already been formed on the territory of the Habsburg Monarchy. Europe had changed.
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http://tothosewhoserved.org/usa/ss/usass01/chapter5.html
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US Army SS 01 Chronology 1941
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Page 365
1945
1 January
U.S. – Southern Defense Command is absorbed into Eastern Defense Command.
WESTERN EUROPE – German Air Force is unusually active, employing some 800 aircraft and damaging airfields in Holland, Belgium, and France.
12th Army Group: CG 66th Div takes over 94th Div’s mission of containing enemy in vicinity of Lorient and St Nazaire (France).
U.S. Third Army continues Ardennes counteroffensive with VIII and III Corps. In VIII Corps area, 87th Div takes Moircy and Jenneville. 11th Armd Div attacks with CCA toward Hubermont, stopping E of Rechrival, and with CCB clears Chenogne and woods to N. CCA, 9th Armd Div, drives toward Senonchamps. 101st A/B Div, in Bastogne area, gives fire support to 11th Armd Div on its left and 6th Armd Div (III Corps) on its right. 17th A/B Div relieves 28th Div in Neufchâteau area. III Corps contains enemy salient SE of Bastogne, 4th Armd Div holds corridor into Bastogne and supports 35th Div with fire. 35th Div partially clears Lutrebois and reaches crossroads SE of Marvie, but makes no headway in vicinity of Villers-la-Bonne-Eau (Belgium) and Harlange (Luxembourg). In region E of Bastogne, 6th Armd Div takes Neffe, Bizery, and Mageret, but then loses Mageret.
6th Army Group: Germans launch offensive, designated Operation NORDWIND, against U.S. Seventh Army. In XV Corps area, two-pronged enemy thrust forces 106th Cav Gp, 44th Div, and 100th Div to give ground. 44th Div bears brunt of enemy’s right flank drive, which penetrates positions NW of Rimling. 100th Div, caught between the 2 attack forces, withdraws its right flank, exposed by withdrawal of TF Hudelson (VI Corps); enemy infiltrators are cleared from Rimling, on left flank. Elements of TF Harris (63rd Div) help check enemy. RCT 141, 36th Div, moves up to plug gap between XV and VI Corps. In VI Corps area, enemy drives salient into left flank of corps S of Bitche. TF Hudelson’s thin line is pushed back on left to Lemberg-Mouterhouse area. 45th Div contains enemy along line Philippsbourg-Neuhoffen-Obersteinbach and mops up infiltrators in Dambach. Reinforcements from TF Herren (10th Div) and 79th Div are rushed to 45th Div, whose boundary is moved W. CCB, 14th Armd Div, moves to guard Vosges exits. 79th Div’s right flank is extended to include Rhine sector from Schaffhouse to Gambsheim area.
EASTERN EUROPE – Fighting continues within and around Budapest, where Russians are slowly eliminating besieged German garrison.
BURMA – British Fourteenth Army moves its hq from Imphal to Kalemyo, where joint army-air hq is established to insure close cooperation.
CHINA – Gen Wedemeyer radios the War Department his plans to have U.S. officers advise Chinese ALPHA Force from gp army hq down to regimental level.
P.I. – Operations to deceive enemy about Allied intentions against Luzon begin with limited action on Mindoro to clear NE part of island. Subsequent deceptive measures conducted on S Luzon are on a much smaller scale than anticipated and have little effect on the main operation. On Mindoro, control of Western Visayan TF passes from U.S. Sixth to U.S. Eighth Army. Co I, 21st Inf, moving by water from San Jose, lands on E coast at Bongabong without incident and marches northward toward Pinamalayan. On Leyte U.S. Eighth Army mops up, a tedious business that lasts until 8 May 1945. 77th Div of XXIV Corps is ordered to relieve 1st Cav and 32nd and 24th Inf Divs of X Corps.
CAROLINE IS. – Elements of 321st Inf, U.S. 81st Div, land on Fais I., SE of Ulithi, and begin search of the island.
2 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In British Second Army’s 30 Corps area, 53rd Div assumes responsibility for Marche-Hotton sector (Belgium), relieving U.S. 84th Div; boundary between 30 Corps and U.S. VII Corps is adjusted.
12th Army Group: In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, Gerimont falls to 87th Div; Mande St Etienne to 11th Armd Div; and Senonchamps to CCB, 10th Armd Div (attached to 101st A/B Div), and CCA, 9th Armd Div. 4th Armd Div protects and enlarges corridor leading into Bastogne from the S and helps III Corps clear woods near Lutrebois. In III Corps area, 6th Armd Div’s CCB enters Oubourcy and Michamps but is driven out of latter; unsuccessfully attacks Arloncourt; CCA takes Wardin; div withdraws to high ground W of
Page 366
Michamps-Arloncourt-Wardin for night. 35th Div continues fight for Lutrebois. 28th Cav Sq of TF Fickett (6th Cav Gp) is committed between 134th and 137th Regiments, 35th Div. 26th Div’s 101st Inf advances N in area SW of Wiltz.
6th Army Group: U.S. Seventh Army CP is moved from Saverne to Lunéville. In XV Corps area, enemy pressure forces 44th Div’s right flank back past Gros Réderching and causes 100th Div’s right flank to fall back farther. In VI Corps area, Germans maintain pressure against reinforced 45th Div, particularly on its W flank, former zone of TF Hudelson. Fighting occurs at various points along Bitche salient. TF Herren’s 276th Inf takes up switch positions in Wingen-Wimmenau-Rosteig area. CCA, 14th Armd Div, organizes outposts at Vosges exits around Bouxwiller. Center and right flank units of corps begin withdrawal to prepared positions on Maginot Line. 79th Div takes over S portion of Rhine R line held by TF Linden (42nd Div).
EASTERN EUROPE – Germans are mounting strong counterattacks NW of Budapest in effort to break encirclement of the Hungarian capital.
ITALY – 15th Army Group: British Eighth Army begins series of limited actions to finish clearing E bank of the Senio. In Cdn 1 Corps area, 5th Armd Div attacks northward toward the sea, taking Conventelle.
BURMA – In NCAC area, U.S. 475th Inf begins crossing the Shweli over makeshift bridge put in by 138th Regiment, Ch 50th Div, which crossed late in December.
P.I. – Convoys of Luzon Attack Force are assembling in Leyte Gulf. First echelon, Minesweeping and Hydrographic Group (TG 77.6), leaves Leyte Gulf for Luzon and is soon spotted and attacked by enemy planes, including kamikazes. On Mindoro, guerrilla patrol is reinforced for attack on Palauan by Co B, 503rd Para Inf, which moves to Mamburao. Work begins on one of two heavy bomber fields to be constructed. Enemy planes attacking airfields, night 2-3, destroy 22 aircraft.
POA – VAC LANDFOR Operation Plan 3-44 for invasion of Iwo Jima is approved.
3 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: U.S. First Army starts counteroffensive to reduce enemy’s Ardennes salient from N. VII Corps attacks SE toward Houffalize with 2nd Armd Div followed by 84th Div on right, and 3rd Armd Div followed by 83rd Div on left. 2nd Armd Div gains Trinal, Magoster, positions in Bois de Tave, Freineux, Le Batty, and positions near Belle Haie. 3rd Armd Div takes Malempré and Floret and from latter continues SE on Lierneux road to Groumont Creek. 75th Div, after attack passes through its line, continues mopping up S of Sadzot. In XVIII Corps (A/B) area, 82nd A/B Div, in conjunction with VII Corps’ attack, thrusts SE, improving positions. As a diversion, 30th Div pushes small forces S of Malmédy and then withdraws them as planned.
12th Army Group: In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, elements of 87th Div are temporarily surrounded in woods E of St Hubert. 17th A/B Div attacks N late in day in region some 5 miles NW of Bastogne. NE of Bastogne, 101st A/B Div and 501st Para Inf are clearing Bois Jacques. TF Higgins (elements of 101st A/B Div and CCA, 10th Armd Div) is organized to block enemy attacks toward Bastogne. CCA, 4th Armd Div, continues to defend corridor into Bastogne. 28th Div defends the Meuse from Givet to Verdun. In III Corps area, 6th Armd Div repels enemy thrusts W of Michamps and places heavy arty concentrations on Arloncourt, Michamps, and Bourcy; to S, attempts to clear high ground near Wardin and takes road junction S of the town. 35th Div gains about two thirds of Lutrebois and crossroads W of Villers-la-Bonne-Eau (Belgium) but is unable to take Harlange (Luxembourg). East of Harlange, 26th Div continues attack in region N of Mecher Dunkrodt and Kaundorf.
In U.S. Fifteenth Army area, main body moves from Le Havre to Suippes.
6th Army Group: Is assigned defense of Strasbourg.
In U.S. Seventh Army area, XV Corps withstands further pressure and on left slightly improves positions. Germans deepen penetration at boundary of 44th and 100th Divs, entering Achen, from which they are ousted in counterattack. CCL, French 2nd Armd Div, pushes into Gros Réderching but is unable to clear it. Attempt by 44th Div to relieve French there fails. 36th Div (-RCT 141) assembles near Montbronn. In VI Corps area, enemy expands Bitche salient, entering Wingen and Philippsbourg. 45th Div withstands pressure against Reipertsweiler, NW of Wingen, and contains attacks in Sarreinsberg-Meisenthal area. Center and right flank elements of corps complete withdrawal to Maginot positions.
ITALY – 15th Army Group: In British Eighth Army’s Cdn 1 Corps area, 5th Armd Div reaches Canale di Bonifica Destra del Reno as it continues northward. 1st Div begins attack to clear enemy pocket between it and British 5 Corps in Cotignola area, crossing Naviglio Canal and taking Granarolo in conjunction with attack by 5 Corps from S. In 5 Corps area, elements of 56th Div and of 7th Armd Brig as well as sq of Kangaroos (armored infantry carriers) push northward from Felisio area, clearing the Senio bank as far N as S. Severo.
Page 367
BURMA – In ALFSEA area, 15 Corps invades Akyab (TALON), omitting preparatory bombardment since no opposition is expected. From landing craft in Naaf R, 3rd Cdo Brig lands and is followed by brig of Indian 25th Div from Foul Pt.
In British Fourteenth Army’s 33 Corps area, British 2nd Div occupies Ye-u.
CHINA – On Salween front, Ch 9th Div (2nd Army) breaks into Wanting, at Sino-Burmese border, but is driven out in night counterattack.
P.I. – Bombardment and Fire Support Group (TG 77.2), proceeding toward Luzon, shoots down a kamikaze plane. On Mindoro, guerrilla force of about 70 unsuccessfully attacks Japanese at Pinamalayan. From Mindoro, Co K of 21st Inf moves to Marinduque I. to help guerrillas destroy Japanese remnants concentrated at Boac in NE part of island.
FORMOSA-RYUKYUS-PESCADORES – In preparation for invasion of Luzon, carrier planes of U.S. Third Fleet begin attacks aimed primarily against enemy aircraft and shipping at Formosa. Secondary effort is made against the Ryukyus and Pescadores. Weather conditions severely limit scope of operations.
4 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In British Second Army area, 30 Corps opens offensive W of the Ourthe R, protecting U.S. First Army right. From Marche-Hotton road, 53rd Div drives S abreast U.S. VII Corps. 6th A/B Div meets determined opposition S of Rochefort.
In U.S. First Army’s VII Corps area, 2nd Armd Div captures Beffe, contains counterattacks near Devantave, seizes Lamorménil, and reaches edge of Odeigne. 3rd Armd Div takes Baneux, Jevigne, and Lansival and gains bridgehead at Groumont Creek. In XVIII Corps (A/B) area, 82nd A/B Div advances its line to include Heirlot, Odrimont, wooded heights N and NE of Abrefontaine, St Jacques, Bergeval, and Mont de Fosse; on extreme left patrols push to the Salm.
12th Army Group: In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, 87th Div attack is halted by resistance near Pironpré. Attack of 17th A/B Div evokes strong reaction in Pinsamont-Rechrival-Hubermont area. Enemy attacks in 101st A/B Div sector are ineffective. In III Corps area, 6th Armd Div is repeatedly attacked in Mageret-Wardin area E of Bastogne, and withdraws to shorten line. 35th Div clears Lutrebois but is still unable to take Harlange. 26th Div gains a few hundred yards.
6th Army Group: In U.S. Seventh Army’s XV Corps area, 44th Div tries vainly to clear Frauenberg and Gros Réderching. In limited attack, 36th Div takes hill between Lemberg and Goetzenbruck. In VI Corps area, 45th Div, continuing fight to reduce Bitche salient, drives to outskirts of Wingen; attacks NE across Wingen-Wimmenau road to ease pressure on Reipertsweiler; fights to open Reipertsweiler-Wildenguth road, taking Saegmuhl and making contact with elements cut off in Wildenguth; clears about half of Philippsbourg. TF Linden’s line along the Rhine is extended to include zone held by TF Herren.
BURMA – In ALFSEA area, 15 Corps completes occupation of Akyab, key port and air base on Arakan front.
In NCAC area, U.S. 475th Inf finishes crossing the Shweli. U.S. 124th Cav reconnoiters for crossing site over the Shweli while awaiting airdrop.
P.I. – Japanese planes attack TG 77.6 and TG 77.2 as they continue toward Lingayen Gulf. One CVE is so badly damaged that it has to be sunk. At the request of Gen MacArthur, Adm Halsey orders TF 38 to extend its coverage of Luzon southward on 6th. Main body of Luzon Attack Force sorties from Leyte Gulf after nightfall. X Corps, U.S. Eighth Army, terminates offensive operations on Leyte. Japanese planes continue active over Mindoro and destroy an ammunition ship.
FORMOSA-RYUKYUS-PESCADORES – TF 38 continues strikes against enemy airpower and shipping but weather conditions again sharply curtail action. As a result of the 2-day attack, 110 Japanese planes are destroyed; 12 ships are sunk; and 28 other vessels are damaged. 18 planes of TF 38 are lost in combat.
CAROLINE IS. – 81st Div troops on Fais complete search of the island and are withdrawn.
5 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In U.S. First Army’s VII Corps area, 2nd Armd Div’s main effort against Consy makes little headway; elements move toward Dochamps and clear part of Odeigne. 3rd Armd Div is slowed by rear-guard action in Bois de Groumont but seizes Lavaux and enters Lierneux. 75th Div moves to Aisne R. In XVIII Corps (A/B) area, 82nd A/B Div makes progress all along line and repels counterattacks near Bergeval.
12th Army Group: In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, 87th Div meets resistance near Bonnerue and Pironpré, W of Bastogne. Rest of corps maintains defensive positions. In III Corps area, 35th Div continues to fight for negligible gains.
6th Army Group: French First Army is to take responsibility for defense of Strasbourg upon relief of U.S. elements in that area by French. Relief is scheduled for 2400 but is interrupted by enemy attack.
In U.S. Seventh Army area, XV Corps clears Germans from Frauenberg and Gros Réderching.
Page 368
VI Corps makes slow progress against Bitche salient in 45th Div sector. Most of Wingen and rest of Philippsbourg are cleared. On corps right flank, Germans establish bridgehead across the Rhine in Gambsheim area, crossing between Killstett and Drusenheim and overrunning Offendorf, Herrlisheim, and Rohrweiler. TF Linden, hit while executing reliefs, launches two-pronged assault toward Gambsheim: TF A moves from Weyersheim to W bank of Landgraben Canal; TF B attacks from Killstett but is stopped just N of there.
ITALY – 15th Army Group: U.S. Fifth Army orders extensive regrouping. RCT 135 moves from IV Corps zone to II Corps area, reverting to 34th Div. 86th Mtn Inf, 10th Mtn Div, is attached to IV Corps.
In British Eighth Army area, 5 Corps and Cdn 1 Corps complete limited attacks to improve Winter Line positions. The two corps link up along the Senio between Cotignola and S. Severo. Cdn 1 Corps advances to the Reno except on extreme right.
BURMA – In NCAC area, elements of 90th Regiment, Ch 30th Div, begin crossing the Shweli.
CHINA – 22nd Div, Ch New Sixth Army, completes move to China.
P.I. – Kamikaze attacks on TG’s 77.2 and 77.6 continue, causing damage to a number of vessels. Almost all of the estimated 30 attackers are destroyed. CVE planes intercept and damage 2 enemy DD’s. On Mindoro, Palauan falls to composite force of guerrillas and 503rd Para Inf troops. Another platoon of Co F, 19th Inf, arrives at Bulalacao and joins in march NE toward Paclasan and Dutagan Pt.
VOLCANO-BONIN IS. – Iwo Jima undergoes coordinated air-surface bombardment by land-based aircraft of Seventh Air Force and cruiser-DD task group. Surface vessels also bombard Chichi and Haha. PB4Y’s photograph Iwo Jima.
6 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In U.S. First Army’s VII Corps area, 2nd Armd and 84th Inf Divs make converging attacks toward Consy, taking positions E and W of the town, respectively. 2nd Armd Div continues toward Dochamps, completes occupation of Odeigne, and makes contact with 3rd Armd Div on Manhay-Houffalize road. 3rd Armd Div cuts Laroche-Salmchâteau road at its intersection with Manhay-Houffalize road and captures Fraiture, Lierneux, and La Falise; 83rd Armd Rcn Battalion clears Bois Houby. In XVIII Corps (A/B) area, 82nd A/B Div consolidates. To protect its left flank, 30th Div attacks S toward Spineux and Wanne with RCT 112, 28th Div.
12th Army Group: In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, enemy gets tanks into Bonnerue, lightly held by 87th Div. 87th Div makes limited attack toward Tillet. In III Corps area, 6th Armd Div holds against repeated counterattacks. 35th Div attacks into woods NE of Lutrebois and maintains positions in Villers-la-Bonne-Eau area; 6th Cav Sq of TF Fickett is committed near Villers-la-Bonne-Eau. In XII Corps area, 80th Div’s 319th Inf crosses Sure R near Heiderscheidergrund and captures Goesdorf and Dahl.
U.S. Fifteenth Army becomes operational. Maj Gen Ray E. Porter is in command.
6th Army Group: In U.S. Seventh Army’s XV Corps area, attack to restore MLR on right flank of 44th Div halts on line extending along S edge of Bois de Blies Brucken to area just N of Gros Réderching. In VI Corps area, 45th Div makes slow progress against left and center of Bitche salient and on E contains counterattacks on Philippsbourg. Germans continue build up W of the Rhine on E flank of corps. 79th Div clears Stattmatten (where encircled elements of TF Linden are relieved), Sessenheim, and Rohrweiler; reaches edge of Drusenheim. Further efforts of TF Linden to gain Gambsheim are fruitless.
ITALY – 15th Army Group: U.S. Fifth Army continues to regroup, RCT 365 moving from II to IV Corps zone and returning to command of 92nd Div.
BURMA – In NCAC area, heavy rains begin as U.S. 475th Inf goes into bivouac in Mong Wi area and U.S. 124th Cav makes its way toward Mong Wi. Ch 38th Div gains distinction of being first CAI unit to return to Chinese soil: 112th Regiment reaches Loiwing, from which it patrols across the Shweli to Namhkam.
P.I. – TG’s 77.2 and 77.6 reach Lingayen Gulf area and begin naval bombardment and mine sweeping. Damaging enemy air attacks persist in spite of strong effort against Luzon by planes of TF 38, CVEs covering TF 77.2, and FEAF. Japanese score against shipping during period 2-6 is 2 ships sunk and 30 damaged. However, enemy force of some 150 aircraft on Luzon at the beginning of the year has been reduced to about 35 planes, and air action drops off sharply after this. On Mindoro, Pinamalayan, which Japanese have recently abandoned, is reoccupied by fresh enemy troops from Luzon. Co I, 21st Inf, and guerrillas join in attack there, forcing enemy back toward Calapan.
7 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In British Second Army’s 30 Corps area, 53rd Div takes Grimbiermont.
Page 369
In U.S. First Army’s VII Corps area, coordinated attacks of 2nd Armd and 84th Inf Divs toward Laroche- Salmchâteau road, intermediate objective before Houffalize, make notable progress. Dochamps and Marcouray fall. Only rear guards remain in Consy area. 3rd Armd Div seizes Regne, Verleumont, Sart, and Grand Sart. In XVIII Corps (A/B) area, 82nd A/ B Div, in rapid advance of 2-3 miles, clears most of angle formed by Laroche-Salmchâteau road and Salm R. Some elements secure positions on ridge just N of Comté; others, during advance to Salm R line, clear Goronne, Farniers, Mont, and Rochelinval. RCT 112 seizes Spineux, Wanne, and Wanneranval.
12th Army Group: In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, 87th Div continues attack on Tillet and is engaged sporadically in Bonnerue area. 17th A/B Div takes Rechrival, Millomont, and Flamierge and reaches outskirts of Flamizoulle. In III Corps area, 6th Armd Div remains under strong pressure in Neffe-Wardin region E of Bastogne. 35th Div makes limited attack toward Lutrebois-Lutremange road, halting just short of it. In XX Corps area, CG 94th Div takes command of sector previously held by 90th Div.
6th Army Group: Boundary between U.S. Seventh Army and French 1st Army is shifted N, giving French responsibility for Strasbourg area.
In U.S. Seventh Army’s VI Corps area, 45th Div, on left flank of Bitche salient, reaches heights overlooking Althorn and overcomes final resistance within Wingen. On corps E flank, 79th Div organizes TF Wahl (elements of 313th, 315th, and 222nd Inf; CCA of 14th Armd Div; 827th TD Battalion) to operate in N part of div front since enemy threat to Maginot Line positions S of Wissembourg is serious. Germans drive back outposts at Aschbach and Stundweiler. In Gambsheim bridgehead area, efforts of 314th Inf, 79th Div, to clear Drusenheim are unsuccessful; French 3rd Algerian Div takes over attack toward Gambsheim from Killstett.
EASTERN EUROPE – In Hungary, Germans continue efforts to relieve the Budapest garrison, which is being methodically destroyed, and capture Esztergom, NW of the city.
ITALY – 15th Army Group: In British Eighth Army area, Pol 2 Corps withdraws from line, turning over its sector and 5th Kresowa Div to 5 Corps.
BURMA – In British Fourteenth Army’s 33 Corps area, Indian 19th and British 2nd Divs are converging on Shwebo, Indian 19th pushing into E outskirts.
P.I. – Underwater demolition teams begin search for underwater obstacles in Lingayen Gulf as preinvasion aerial and naval bombardment of Luzon continues. On Mindoro, Japanese planes for the first time are conspicuously absent from San Jose area.
8 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In U.S. First Army’s VII Corps area, 4th Cav Gp and 84th Div pursue enemy on right of corps to Marcourt and Cielle; other elements of 84th Div start clearing woods S of main road junction SE of Manhay, 2nd Armd Div drives on Samrée, CCA moving S from Dochamps and CCB pushing SE along Salmchâteau-Samrée Road. 3rd Armd Div gains intermediate objective line, taking Hebronval, Ottre, Jouvieval, and Provedroux. In XVIII Corps (A/B) area, 82nd A/B Div consolidates along line Grand Sart-Salmchâteau-Trois Ponts and clears Comté.
12th Army Group: In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, enemy drives 87th Div units from Bonnerue and maintains pressure in Tillet region. Some 17th A/B Div elements gain and then lose high ground N of Laval and others are forced out of Flamierge. In III Corps area, 6th Armd Div recovers lost ground in Neffe-Wardin sector. TF Fickett occupies zone between 35th and 26th Divs, along high ground before Villers-la-Bonne-Eau, Betlange, and Harlange.
6th Army Group: In U.S. Seventh Army’s XV Corps area, enemy enters Rimling. 100th and 36th Divs improve positions in local attacks. In VI Corps area, 45th Div makes slight progress against W flank of salient; TF Herren becomes responsible for E flank. 79th Div withstands pressure near Aschbach and moves reinforcements to Soultz-Rittershoffen area. Enemy checks efforts to reduce Gambsheim bridgehead. 314th Inf is unable to advance in Drusenheim or SE of Rohrweiler. CCB, 12th Armd Div, attacks with 714th Tank Battalion toward Herrlisheim.
ITALY – 15th Army Group: In U.S. Fifth Army area, 85th Div (-) starts from IV Corps zone to II Corps area.
BURMA – In NCAC area, U.S. 475th Inf at Mong Wi is ordered to move forward for action.
CHINA – Chinese Training and Combat Command is split. Chinese Training Center is to operate a command and general staff school and service schools. Chinese Combat Command is to control operations of ALPHA Force and provide liaison sections for each of the major Ch commands under Gen Ho.
P.I. – Preinvasion aerial and naval bombardment of Lingayen Gulf area continues. Mine sweeping is completed.
POA – CG V Amphibious Corps Landing Force issues alternate plan for invasion of Iwo Jima, No. 4-44, calling for landing on western beaches. The preferred plan, 3-44, is subsequently followed on D Day.
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9 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In U.S. First Army’s VII Corps area, 84th Div mops up near Consy, takes commanding ground at Harze, and clears woods S of main crossroads SE of Manhay. 2nd Armd Div continues toward Samrée, which is subjected to heavy arty fire. 83rd Div attacks through 3rd Armd Div, gaining line from Bihain – which is entered but not captured – W to point NE of Petite Langlir. In XVIII Corps (A/B) area, 82nd A/B Div finishes mopping up within its zone. In 30th Div sector, RCT 424 (106th Div) takes over Wanne-Wanneranval region, formerly held by RCT 112 (28th Div).
12th Army Group: In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, 87th Div continues to fight near Tillet; elements are clearing Haies-de-Tillet woods. 506th Para Inf, 101st A/B Div, attacks with CCB, 4th Armd Div, and CCB, 10th Armd Div, toward Noville, gaining 1,000 yards. 501st Para Inf takes Recogne. III Corps launches attack to trap and destroy enemy in pocket SE of Bastogne. 90th Div attacks through 26th toward high ground NE of Bras, taking Berle and crossroads on Berle-Winseler road. 26th Div’s gains are slight but include heights NW of Bavigne. CCA, 6th Armd Div, coordinating closely with 134th Inf of 35th Div, advances to high ground SE of Marvie and feints toward Wardin. 137th Inf of 35th Div attacks Villers-la-Bonne-Eau.
6th Army Group: In U.S. Seventh Army’s XV Corps area, local attack by 100th Div gains Hill 370, S of Rimling, but since this region is becoming untenable, div withdraws left flank to Guising to tie in with 44th Div. VI Corps makes very slow progress against Bitche salient, but TF Herren’s 276th Inf occupies Obermuhlthal. On NE flank of 79th Div, German tank-infantry attack against 242nd Inf, TF Linden, overruns Hatten and reaches Rittershoffen; counterattack drives Germans back to Hatten and partly regains that town. In Gambsheim bridgehead region, CCB of 12th Armd Div seizes part of Herrlisheim, but 79th Div is still thwarted in Drusenheim and SE of Rohrweiler. Elements of 232nd Inf along canal E of Weyersheim are ordered back to organize Weyersheim for defense.
ITALY – 15th Army Group: U.S. Fifth Army announces decision to postpone offensive until 1 April or thereabouts in order to await arrival of fresh troops, build up ammunition supplies, have more favorable weather conditions, and regroup and rest assault forces. In IV Corps area, 86th Mtn Inf of 10th Mtn Div enters line in TF 45’s sector, relieving AAA units in region NW of Pistoia. In II Corps area, 85th Div begins relief of British 1st Div, 13 Corps, in M. Grande area.
LUZON – After preparatory aerial and naval bombardment U.S. Sixth Army, under Gen Krueger, begins landing on shores of Lingayen Gulf at approximately 0930. Gen MacArthur is in over-all command. Seventh Fleet commander, Adm Kinkaid, heads Luzon Attack Force (TF 77). Two corps land abreast, XIV on right and I on left, without opposition. XIV Corps, with 40th Div on right and 37th on left, each with 2 regiments in assault, is virtually unopposed while pushing inland to an average depth of 4 miles, its flanks near Calasiao on E and Port Sual on W. I Corps, more strongly opposed, is less successful. Its beachhead by end of day is narrower and shallower than that of XIV Corps and contains several gaps between assault forces. 6th Div, employing 2 regiments, gains line from Dagupan to Pantalan R and has elements at Bued R crossing, S of San Fabian. 43rd Div attacks with 3 regiments to positions in vicinity of San Jacinto, Binday, and Hills 470, 247, and 385.
POA – In support of the Luzon operation, carrier planes of TF 38 attack airfields and shipping in Formosa, Pescadores, and Ryukyus areas despite unfavorable weather conditions. TF 38, under cover of darkness, then enters Japanese-controlled waters of South China Sea, passing between Luzon and Formosa without arousing enemy. At Formosa, B-29’s of XX Bomber Command augment attacks of the carrier aircraft. Seventh Air Force continues raids on Iwo Jima in Volcano Is., and B-29’s of XXI Bomber Command make another of their sporadic attacks on Japan, aiming at Musashino aircraft plant in Tokyo.
10 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In British Second Army’s 30 Corps area, 51st Div, which has taken over attack from 53rd, reaches Laroche.
In U.S. Ninth Army’s XIX Corps area, 78th Div, in local attack, reaches slopes of hills overlooking Kall R.
U.S. First Army prepares to broaden attack on 13th, VII Corps thrusting toward line Houffalize-Bovigny and XVIII Corps toward St Vith. In VII Corps area, most of Laroche-Salmchâteau road, intermediate objective of corps, is cleared. 84th Div patrols toward Laroche. 2nd Armd Div captures Samrée and clears Laroche-Salmchâteau road within its zone. 83rd Div takes Bihain, advances slightly in region N of Petite Langlir, and crosses Ronce R east of Petite Langlir. In XVIII Corps (A/B) area, elements of 82nd A/B Div secure bridgehead across Salm R near Grand Halleux.
12th Army Group: In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, 87th Div captures Tillet. Renewing attack
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toward Noville, 101st A/B Div clears portion of Bois Jacques. 4th Armd Div units, having passed through 6th Armd Div, attack NE with elements of 101st A/B Div toward Bourcy but cease attack upon order. III Corps continues attack, with greatest progress on right (E) flank. On left flank, 6th Armd Div furnishes fire support for neighboring VIII Corps units and outposts N sector of line reached by 4th Armd Div. Elements of 35th Div take Villers-la-Bonne-Eau and high ground NW. Betlange falls to 6th Cav Sq and Harlange to 28th Cav Sq. One 90th Div regiment advances from Berle to heights overlooking Doncols; another fights indecisively for Trentelhof strongpoint. Elements of 26th Div reach high ground SW of Winseler.
6th Army Group: In U.S. Seventh Army’s VI Corps area, elements of 45th Div enter Althorn, on left flank of Bitche salient, but are unable to clear it. Otherwise, the salient is unchanged despite continued fighting about its perimeter. On 79th Div’s N flank, indecisive fighting occurs at Hatten; battalion of 315th Inf is committed there and 2nd Battalion, 242nd Inf, recalled; another battalion of 315th assembles in Rittershoffen. To S, enemy maintains Gambsheim bridgehead. Elements of CCB, 12th Armd Div, are virtually surrounded at Herrlisheim, but tanks sever enemy lines in order to reinforce infantry within the town.
ITALY – 15th Army Group: In U.S. Fifth Army’s IV Corps area, 92nd Div takes responsibility for Serchio Valley sector. Indian 8th Div, less 17th Brig, is placed in army reserve.
BURMA – In NCAC area, 114th Regiment of Ch 38th Div, which is to move around S end of Shweli Valley and cut Namhkam-Namhpakka trail, crosses the Shweli. U.S. 124th Cav, after delay at the Shweli because of swollen waters, is assembled E of the river.
In British Fourteenth Army’s 33 Corps area, Shwebo falls under combined attacks of British 2nd and Indian 19th Divs. Indian 20th Div takes Budalin after prolonged struggle. In 4 Corps area, E African 28th Brig and Lushai Brig are assisted by heavy air strike in Gangaw area, where enemy is firmly entrenched.
CHINA – In effort to reopen the Canton-Hengyang stretch of the Canton-Hankow RR, Japanese move forward as quietly as possible about this time.
LUZON – In U.S. Sixth Army area, army reserve begins landing. In XIV Corps area, 185th Inf of 40th Div takes Labrador while 160th pushes along Highway 13 toward Aguilar, reaching Umanday area. Because of gap developing between the two regiments, 108th Inf (less 3rd Battalion) is committed in Polong area. 148th Inf, 37th Div, speeds inland to San Carlos; elements continue to Army Beachhead Line. One 129th Inf column moves without opposition to Malisiqui, within 2½ miles of Army Beachhead Line, while another reaches Army Beachhead Line at Dumpay and maintains contact with 148th Inf. In I Corps area, 6th Div drives S and SE to Mapandan and vicinity of Santa Barbara. 43rd Div’s 103rd Inf takes San Jacinto without opposition and pushes on toward Manoag and Hill 200; 169th and 172nd Regiments run into organized defense positions on hills confronting them; 169th takes Hill 470 and drives on Hill 351 and 318; 172nd Inf clears Hill 385 and moves slowly toward Hill 351.
11 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In British Second Army’s 30 Corps area, patrols of 6th A/B Div reach St Hubert and make contact with U.S. VIII Corps.
In U.S. Ninth Army’s XIX Corps area, 78th Div finishes clearing hill positions overlooking Kall R.
In U.S. First Army’s VII Corps area, Laroche, in 84th Div sector, is cleared of enemy; 4th Cav Gp patrol covers portion E of the Ourthe R. 83rd Div secures road junction on Bihain-Lomre road and attacks Petite Langlir and Langlir. In XVIII Corps (A/B) area, 75th Div takes up positions along Salm R that were held by 82nd A/B Div. 106th Div assumes control of right of 30th Div zone.
12th Army Group: In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, 87th Div’s 347th Inf finishes clearing Haies-de-Tillet woods and occupies Bonnerue, Pironpre, Vesqueville, and St Hubert, from which enemy has withdrawn. Germans are also withdrawing from 17th A/B Div zone in vicinity of Heropont, Flamierge, Mande St Etienne, and Flamizoulle. In III Corps area, Germans are retiring from pocket SE of Bastogne. Elements of all divs of corps are converging on Bras. 6th Armd Div takes over sector E of Bastogne formerly held by 4th Armd Div (VIII Corps); elements attack toward Bras, clearing woods near Wardin. 35th Div gains additional high ground in Lutrebois-Lutremange area. TF Fickett clears Wantrange and attacks Tarchamps, then moves into zone of TF Scott (mainly 26th Div units) as it advances on Sonlez. TF Fickett reaches Sonlez by midnight and makes contact with 80th Div. Elements of TF Scott clear forest E of Harlange then, in conjunction with TF Fickett, secure heights SW of Sonlez. 90th Div overcomes resistance around Trentelhof, cuts Bastogne-Wiltz road at Doncols, and advances on Sonlez. 26th Div improves positions on right flank of corps. In XII Corps area, 80th Div takes Bockholz-sur-Sure and high ground S of Burden. 2nd Cav Gp clears Machtum, enemy’s last position W of the Moselle.
6th Army Group: In U.S. Seventh Army’s VI Corps area, 45th Div clears Althorn, at W of Bitche salient, but falls back under enemy pressure in Wildenguth-Saegmuhl-Reipertsweiler region;
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276th Inf makes limited gains on heights between Lichtenberg and Obermuhlthal. Enemy renews attacks against 79th Div’s Maginot positions S of Wissembourg, reinforcing troops in Hatten, where 2nd Battalion of 315th Inf is enveloped, and wresting about two thirds of Rittershoffen from 3rd Battalion, 315th Inf. Elements of CCA, 14th Armd Div, counterattack from Kuhlendorf but are stopped short of Rittershoffen. CCB, 12th Armd Div, withdraws from Herrlisheim and takes up defensive positions W of Zorn R.
ITALY – 15th Army Group: In U.S. Fifth Army’s British 13 Corps area, 17th Brig of Indian 8th Div joins parent div in army reserve upon relief on right flank of corps by elements of 13 and 5 Corps.
BURMA – In British Fourteenth Army’s 4 Corps area, after Gangaw is captured by E African 28th Brig and Lushai Brig, corps is able to advance quickly toward the Irrawaddy in Pakokku area for drive on Meiktila.
FORMOSA – Fifth Air Force begins small night attacks on the island with B-24’s.
SWPA – GHQ orders 11th A/B Div, U.S. Eighth Army, to be prepared to land on Luzon at Nasugbu and Tayabas Bays in late January. Plan to land XI Corps at Vigan is dropped.
LUZON – In U.S. Sixth Army area, RCT 158, part of army reserve, begins drive up Route 251 toward Rabon and relieves elements of 172nd Inf, 43rd Div. XIV Corps is largely on Army Beachhead Line by end of day. 40th Div consolidates in Dulig-Labrador-Uyong area, finds Aguilar in the hands of Filipino guerrillas, and makes contact with 37th Div E of Aguilar, 37th Div organizes defensive positions along Army Beachhead Line; patrols actively and establishes outposts; maintains contact with I Corps. RCT 145, all of which is now ashore, establishes defense positions along Route 261. In I Corps area, 6th Div finds Filipino guerrillas in control of Santa Barbara; moves 3½ miles S to Balingueo. 103rd Inf, 43rd Div, takes Manoag without opposition; gains positions on slopes of hill mass that Hill 200 crowns; establishes contact with 6th Div. 169th tries in vain to take Hill 318: gains weak hold on Hill 560. 172nd, under intense fire, makes little headway. Corps front is rapidly widening and extends nearly 30 miles from S to N. With elimination of small enemy force at Boac, Marinduque I. is now secure.
12 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In U.S. First Army VII Corps area, 2nd Armd Div attacks in vicinity of junction of Manhay-Houffalize and Laroche-Salmchâteau roads: CCA takes Chabrehez, continues about a mile S in Bois de Belhez, and reduces strongpoint E of Bois de St Jean; CCB captures Les Tailles and Petite Tailles. On 3rd Armd Div right, 83rd Armd Rcn Battalion drives S through TF Hogan (CCR) at Regne, crosses Langlir R, and clears Bois de Cedrogne E of Manhay-Houffalize road and blocks road there running W from Mont le Ban. TF Hogan moves to Bihain and clears high ground SW of the town. 83rd Div completes capture of Petite Langlir and Langlir and gains bridgehead S of Langlir-Ronce R. In XVIII (A/B) Corps’ 106th Div sector, bridgehead is established across Amblève R south of Stavelot.
12th Army Group: In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, enemy continues withdrawing. 87th Div takes Tonny, Amberloup, Lavacherie, Orreux, Fosset, Sprimont, and road junction NE of Sprimont. 17th A/B Div recaptures Flamierge. Flamizoulle is found to be heavily mined. Renuamont, Hubermont, and villages to SW are held by light, delaying forces. In III Corps area, CCA of 6th Armd Div captures Wardin and advances to within a few hundred yards of Bras; 357th mops up Sonlez and continues to high ground SE of Bras; 359th repels attacks on crossroads NE of Doncols.
6th Army Group: In U.S. Seventh Army’s VI Corps area, enemy has shifted from aggressive offensive to stubborn defensive in Bitche salient. Efforts of 45th Div to regain ground lost on 11th are only partly successful. 14th Armd Div attacks to relieve 315th Inf, 79th Div, in Hatten and Rittershoffen; CCA clears part of Rittershoffen. Situation in Gambsheim bridgehead is unchanged.
EASTERN EUROPE – Soviet forces open powerful winter offensive. With strong arty support, First Ukrainian Front leads off, attacking W from Sandomierz bridgehead over the Vistula in S Poland. Battle for Budapest continues with Red Army deepening penetration into the city.
BURMA – In ALFSEA’s 15 Corps area, 3rd Cdo Brig lands on Arakan coast at Myebon after air and naval bombardment and establishes firm beachhead, which enemy without success soon attempts to destroy.
In NCAC area, U.S.-Ch convoy starts along Ledo Road from Ledo, India.
SOUTH CHINA SEA – TF 38, still unmolested by enemy, makes surprise air attacks on enemy shipping off French Indochina and on airfields and shore installations from Saigon N to Tourane. Shipping targets are plentiful, including several convoys, and the TF destroys some 40 ships and damages others.
LUZON – In U.S. Sixth Army’s XIV Corps area, 40th Div’s 185th Inf takes Port Sual, W terminus of Army Beachhead Line, without a fight and continues W toward Alaminos. 37th Div is consolidating on Army Beachhead Line; elements move into Bayambang and Urbiztondo without opposition. In
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I Corps area, 6th Div (less RCT 63) is ordered to conduct holding action along line Malisiqui-Catablan-Torres until situation in 43rd Div sector improves and is moving forward toward that line. RCT 158, released from army reserve to corps late in day, moves elements to Rabon and Bani and patrols to Damortis. Corps attaches RCT 158 to 43rd Div; to further strengthen 43rd Div, commits RCT 63 (-) of 6th Div to right of RCT 158 to close gap between 158th and 172nd Regiments. RCTs 158 and 63 are to secure Damortis-Rosario road. Elements of 43rd Div take Hill 560 and are attacking toward Hills 318 and 200.
MINDORO – Entire 21st Inf assembles at Pinamalayan for drive on Calapan, where Japanese force is now concentrated. Guerrilla patrol reaches Wawa, on N coast near Abra de Ilog.
POA – Joint Expeditionary Force (TF 51), less elements in the Marianas, begins rehearsals in Hawaiian area for landing on Iwo Jima, concluding them by 18 January.
13 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In British Second Army area, 30 Corps’ Ardennes mission is completed as 51st Div reaches Ourthe R line southward from Laroche.
In U.S. First Army area, VII Corps pushes steadily toward Houffalize. On right flank, 4th Cav Gp and 84th Div clear several towns and villages. CCA, 2nd Armd Div, reaches positions about 1½ miles N of Wibrin; CCB advances in Bois de Cedrogne to points 5-6 miles due N of Houffalize. 3rd Armd Div’s CCR cuts Sommerain-Cherain road at its junction with road to Mont le Ban and contains Mont le Ban while CCB takes Lomre. After clearing passage through woods S of Langlir for 3rd Armd Div, 83rd Div mops up and regroups. XVIII Corps (A/B) opens offensive, employing 106th Div on right and 30th on left. 106th Div, with 424th Inf on right and 517th Para Inf on left, attacks SE from junction of Amblève and Salm Rivers toward La Neuville-Coulee-Logbiermé-Houvegnez line, reaching positions near Henumont. 30th Div drives S from Malmédy area toward Amblève R, gaining positions near Hédomont, in Houyire woods, and in Thirimont area.
12th Army Group: In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, advance elements of 87th Div reach Ourthe R and make contact with British. 17th A/B Div takes Salle, N of Flamierge, without opposition. 11th Armd Div, which has relieved elements of 101st and 17th A/B Divs, attacks N with CCR and CCA along Longchamps-Bertogne axis, cutting Houffalize-St Hubert highway near Bertogne. Bertogne is enveloped. 506th Para Inf, 101st A/B Div, seizes Foy, on Bastogne-Houffalize highway; 327th Gli Inf advances through 501st Para Inf in Bois Jacques toward Bourcy. In III Corps area, 6th Armd Div drives northward, CCB partially clearing Mageret. 90th Div drives enemy from Bras and gains Hill 530. 35th Div and TF Fickett are pinched out near Bras. 26th Div moves units into positions NE and E of Doncols as boundary between it and 90th Div is moved W.
6th Army Group: In U.S. Seventh Army area, XXI Corps (Maj Gen Frank W. Milburn) becomes operational, assuming responsibility for defense of left flank of army and taking control of 106th Cav Gp and 103rd Div in place. It is to continue organization of defensive positions. In VI Corps area, 45th Div makes minor gains against Bitche salient. TF Herren (-274th Inf) moves to right flank of corps. 14th Armd Div takes command of Hatten-Rittershoffen sector, assisted by 79th Div: CCA and 3rd Battalion of 315th Inf continue to fight in Rittershoffen; CCR secures W third of Hatten and makes contact with 2nd Battalion of 315th Inf; efforts of CCB to cut roads N and NE of Hatten fail.
ITALY – 15th Army Group: In U.S. Fifth Army’s II Corps area, 34th Div relieves 88th Div in line.
BURMA – In ALFSEA area, 15 Corps strengthens Myebon bridgehead. Indian 25th Div begins landing.
LUZON – With scattered strikes at Lingayen Gulf, major enemy air attacks on Luzon Attack Force come to an end.
In U.S. Sixth Army area, Gen Krueger takes command ashore. In XIV Corps area, elements of 185th Inf, 40th Div, move along coast of Lingayen Gulf to site chosen for seaplane base in Cabalitan Bay and find that Allied Naval Forces have already secured it without enemy interference. Wawa falls to elements of 37th Div. In I Corps area, 6th Div gains its holding line, Malisiqui-Catablan-Torres. In 43rd Div zone, RCT 158 takes Damortis without a struggle. Attacking from Alacan area, 63rd Inf gets about halfway to Hill 363, its first objective. Hills 580 and 318 are practically cleared by 172nd and 169th Regiments, respectively.
14 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In U.S. First Army’s VII Corps area, 84th Div gains its final objectives, taking Nadrin, Filly, Petite Mormont, and Grande Mormont; 4th Cav Gp patrol makes visual contact with U.S. Third Army patrol. 2nd Armd Div seizes Wibrin, Cheveoumont, Wilogne, and Dinez. 3rd Armd Div takes Mont le Ban and Baclain. 83rd Div clears Honvelez and high ground near Bovigny. In XVIII (A/B) Corps’ 106th Div sector, 517th Para Inf clears Henumont and continues
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S; 424th Inf secures Coulee and Logbiermé. Some elements of 30th Div attack toward Hédomont and Thirimont, night 13-14, and take Hédomont before dawn; other elements clear Villers and Ligneuville and gain bridgeheads across Amblève R at these points.
12th Army Group: In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, 17th A/B Div’s 507th Para Inf secures Bertogne, from which enemy has fled, and 194th Gli Inf takes Givroulle; both regiments continue to Ourthe R. TF of CCA, 11th Armd Div, clears Falize woods and drives along Longchamps-Compogne highway until stopped by heavy fire. 101st A/B Div continues attack toward Noville-Rachamps-Bourcy area. Elements are forced out of Recogne and Foy, but both are regained in counterattacks. Enemy is cleared from Cobru. Tank TF of CCB, 11th Armd Div, followed by infantry TF, enters Noville but withdraws under intense fire. In III Corps area, CCA of 6th Armd Div clears woods E of Wardin and captures Benonchamps; CCB finishes clearing Mageret. Elements of 90th Div drive toward Niederwampach. Having cleared small pockets during night, 26th Div moves combat patrols against enemy S of Wiltz R. In XX Corps area, 94th Div opens series of small-scale attacks to improve defensive positions in Saar-Moselle triangle S of Wasserbillig, a strongly fortified switch position of West Wall; 376th Inf takes Tettingen and Butzdorf. 95th Div moves two battalions to objectives in Saarlautern bridgehead area and then withdraws them as planned.
6th Army Group: In U.S. Seventh Army’s XXI Corps area, RCT 142 of 36th Div moves to 103rd Div zone to cover relief of that div by TF Herren. In VI Corps area, enemy continues vigorous defense of Bitche salient. 45th Div makes slight gains along its perimeter. 14th Armd Div battles enemy in Rittershoffen and Hatten.
EASTERN EUROPE – Berlin reports new Soviet offensive in Schlossberg (Pillkalen) region of NE East Prussia. Red Army offensive in Poland broadens as First and Second White Russian Fronts attack, former from bridgeheads over the Vistula S of Warsaw and latter from Narew R bridgeheads N of the capital. In S Poland, First Ukrainian Front forces Nida R and cuts Kielce-Cracow RR. Heavy fighting continues in Budapest with German garrison slowly giving ground. Germans are steadily withdrawing forces from Yugoslavia.
ITALY – 15th Army Group: U.S. Fifth Army activates a new regiment, 473rd, using personnel of AAA units previously under TF 45 and dissolving 45th AAA Brig.
BURMA – In British Fourteenth Army’s 33 Corps area, Indian 19th Div secures bridgehead across the Irrawaddy at Thabaikkyin, evoking speedy and violent reaction from Japanese. The enemy mistakes the div for 4 Corps as hoped and, to avert threat to Mandalay, rushes reserves forward thus weakening other sectors. For the next month, Indian 19th Div withstands repeated and determined counterattacks.
LUZON – In U.S. Sixth Army’s XIV Corps area, 40th Div’s Rcn Tr reaches Alaminos; 160th Inf drives S along Route 13 from Aguilar to Mangatarem. Pushing S across the Agno, 129th Inf of 37th Div takes Bautista; 37th Div Rcn Tr finds Camiling undefended. In I Corps area, 6th Div continues holding action and patrols actively. In 43rd Div zone, 158th Inf attacks toward Rosario but meets such heavy fire in defile near Amlang that it pulls back approximately to its starting line; 63rd Inf seizes Hill 363. After taking Hill 351, which has been bypassed, and mopping up on Hill 580, 172nd Inf secures Hills 585 and 565 and pushes on toward Hill 665; upon spotting enemy moving down Route 3, is ordered to attack on 15th for junction of Routes 3 and 11. 169th Inf mops up on Hill 318; prepares to attack Hill 355. 103rd Inf establishes outpost about 1½ miles SE of Pozorrubio.
LEYTE – In U.S. Eighth Army’s XXIV Corps area, 96th Div relieves 11th A/B Div of tactical responsibility on Leyte and sends 2 battalions to Samar I. to relieve 8th Cav, 1st Cav Div, of garrison duty at Catbalogan. Night 14-15, 7th Div sends TF, composed of 3rd Battalion of 184th Inf, 776th Tank Battalion, and elements of 718th and 536th Amtrac Battalions, on amphibious mission to secure Camotes Is.
15 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In British Second Army’s 12 Corps area, in preparation for Operation BLACKCOCK – To clear triangular enemy salient between the Meuse and Roer-Wurm Rivers from Roermond southward – elements of 7th Armd Div seize Bakenhoven (Holland) about a mile NW of Susteren as line of departure for main attack by 7th Armd Div on left flank of corps.
On U.S. First Army’s VII Corps right, 84th Div consolidates. 2nd Armd Div clears Achouffe, Mont, and Tavernaux and sends patrols to Ourthe R and into Houffalize, which has been vacated by enemy. 3rd Armd Div attacks with CCR toward Vaux and Brisy, taking Vaux, and with CCB toward Cherain and Sterpigny. Elements of CCA are committed as reinforcements. Battalion of 83rd Div attacks Bovigny but is unable to take it. In XVIII Corps (A/B) area, 75th Div attacks across the Salm before dawn and seizes Salmchâteau and Bech. 106th Div consolidates and clears Ennal. 30th Div takes Beaumont, Francheville, Houvegnez, and Pont; improves positions S of Ligneuville; clears N part of Thirimont. V Corps opens offensive to clear heights between
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Buellingen and Amblève and to protect left flank of XVIII Corps. 1st Div, reinforced by RCT 23 of 2nd Div, attacks SE with 23rd Inf on right, 16th in center, and 18th on left; gains Steinbach, neighboring village of Remonval, and N half of Faymonville, but is held up S of Butgenbach by heavy fire.
12th Army Group: In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, CCA of 11th Armd Div takes Compogne and Rastadt and reaches Vellereux; falls back W of Vellereux under counterattack in Rau de Vaux defile. CCB bypasses Neville and clears woods to E. 506th Para Inf, 101st A/B Div, occupies Neville. In III Corps area, 6th Armd Div, employing 320th Inf of 35th Div, overcomes house-to-house resistance in Oubourcy; CCB takes Arloncourt; CCA clears heights SW of Longvilly. 358th Inf of 80th Div meets unexpectedly strong resistance as it resumes NE attack; 1st Battalion makes forced march into 6th Armd Div sector to attack Niederwampach from Benonchamps area and gains town after arty barrage by 14 FA battalions. 357th Inf battles strongpoints in and around RR tunnels along Wiltz R valley while 359th starts to Wardin. In XX Corps’ 94th Div zone, 1st Battalion of 376th holds Tettingen and Butzdorf against counterattack while 3rd Battalion takes Nennig, Wies, and Berg.
6th Army Group: Issues preliminary instructions for attack against Colmar Pocket by French First Army, which for some time has been engaged in aggressive defense of the Vosges.
In U.S. Seventh Army’s VI Corps area, local actions occur around Bitche salient perimeter. 14th Armd Div continues fight for Rittershoffen and Hatten.
EASTERN EUROPE – Red Army offensive is extended southward in Poland as Fourth Ukrainian Front begins drive in Carpathian Mts from vicinity of Sanok, SW of Cracow. To the N, First Ukrainian Front takes Kielce.
ITALY – 15th Army Group: In U.S. Fifth Army area, S African 6th Armd Div, which has been under army command, is placed under control of II Corps in current positions.
BURMA – At conference in Myitkyina, Gens Wedemeyer, Stratemeyer, and Sultan agree that an AAF hq should be set up in China to command U.S. Tenth and Fourteenth Air Forces.
In NCAC area, inaugural convoy from Ledo reaches Myitkyina, where it halts to await clearance of enemy ahead. Ch 30th Div takes Namhkam with ease, gaining control of lower end of Shweli Valley.
In British Fourteenth Army’s 33 Corps area, Indian 19th Div secures another bridgehead across the Irrawaddy, at Kyaukmyaung.
CHINA – Japanese begin offensive for Suichwan airfields, driving along Chaling-Lienhwa road.
SOUTH CHINA SEA – TF 38, severely handicapped by weather conditions, launches air strikes against shipping, airfields, and ground installations at Formosa and along coast of China from Hong Kong to Amoy. Because of deteriorating weather conditions, some of the planes are diverted to Mako Ko in the Pescadores and others to Prates Reef.
LUZON – In U.S. Sixth Army’s XIV Corps area, elements of 40th Div begin probing in Dasol Bay Balinao Peninsula area, where action is insignificant through 18th. 2nd Battalion of 160th Inf takes San Clemente, forcing enemy party back toward Camiling. Elements of 129th Inf and 37th Rcn Tr, 37th Div, intercept the enemy party near Camiling and disperse it. In I Corps area, 6th Div, while continuing holding action, extends left flank to Cabanbanan, between Manoag and Urdaneta. Patrols find enemy in possession of Urdaneta and Cabaruan Hills. In 43rd Div zone, 158th Inf, assisted by arty, naval gunfire, and aircraft, begins clearing the defile near Amlang, on road to Rosario; 63rd Inf drives N in effort to make contact with 158th but stops for night well S of Amlang; 172nd Inf clears Hill 665 and reaches Damortis-Rosario road within 1½ miles of Rosario; 169th, unable to take Hill 355 from W and S, prepares to strike from E; 103rd gains most of Hill 200 area.
CAMOTES – Protected by Fifth Air Force planes and PT boats, 7th Div TF lands unopposed on N and S tips of Ponson I.
MINDORO – 2nd Battalion of 21st Inf, driving on Calapan, meets delaying opposition along Gusay Creek. 503rd Para Inf, which has been assisting guerrilla forces, terminates operations on Mindoro.
16 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In British Second Army area, 12 Corps opens Operation BLACKCOCK, 7th Armd Div driving NE and seizing Dieteren (Holland).
In U.S. First Army’s VII Corps area, VII Corps of First Army and VIII Corps of Third Army establish contact near Houffalize. 2nd Armd Div occupies that part of Houffalize N of Ourthe R. Enemy resistance continues on left flank of corps. 3rd Armd Div captures Sommerain, Cherain, and Sterpigny but is unable to take Brisy. Attempt to get tank force from Cherain to Rettigny fails. 83rd Div consolidates along E edge of Bois de Ronce. In XVIII Corps (A/B) area, 75th Div makes slow progress E of the Salm. After gaining objective line, 106th Div mops up, 424th Inf along 75th Div boundary and 517th Para Inf on high ground NW of Petit Thier. 30th Div clears rest of Thirimont and pushes S toward junction of Recht-Born road with Malmédy-St Vith road, which enemy is blocking. In V Corps
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area, 1st Div captures Ondenval and rest of Faymonville, but progress in woods S of Butgenbach is negligible.
12th Army Group: In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, CCA of 11th Armd Div takes Vellereux and pursues enemy through Mabompré; CCB, after advancing NE through Wicourt, secures high ground S of Houffalize. Attack of 502nd Para Inf, 101st A/B Div, is halted near Bourcy, but 506th Para Inf captures Vaux and Rachamps. In III Corps area, 6th Armd Div continues NE toward Moinet: 320th Inf, attached, takes Michamps; TF Lagrew, CCA, advances through Longvilly. 90th Div clears heights E of Longvilly and seizes Oberwampach and Shimpach.
Lt Gen Leonard T. Gerow assumes command of U.S. Fifteenth Army.
6th Army Group: 28th Div is attached to U.S. Seventh Army but will operate under control of French 1st Army.
In U.S. Seventh Army’s VI Corps area, 45th Div, on E flank of Bitche salient, withstands pressure near Obermuhlthal. CCA of 14th Armd Div is halted in Rittershoffen and CCR loses ground in Hatten. In 79th Div sector, elements of 232nd Inf intercept German force at Dengolsheim and drive it back to Dahlhunden. 12th Armd Div attacks to reduce Gambsheim bridgehead: infantry elements of CCB cross river SE of Rohrweiler but fall back to Rohrweiler when enemy fire prevents construction of bridge for armor; CCA, attacking from Weyersheim toward Offendorf, makes better progress but fails to reach objective.
EASTERN EUROPE – Radom (Poland) falls to First White Russian Front; First Ukrainian Front is driving on Czestochowa and Cracow.
BURMA – In NCAC area, U.S. 5332nd Brig gets into position for attack on Burma Road in Namhpakka area, between Hsenwi and Wanting. 114th Regiment, Ch 38th Div, continues toward Namhkam-Namhpakka trail, reaching Ta-kawn.
CHINA – China Theater is notified that B-29’s will be moved to the Marianas.
SOUTH CHINA SEA – TF 38 planes attack shipping, airfields, and ground installations along Chinese coast from Swatow to Luichow Peninsula and at Hainan I. Main effort is against Hong Kong, where good concentration of shipping is found. Results against shipping and aircraft are disappointing but important ground installations are hit. Enemy air strength proves surprisingly weak.
LUZON – Airstrip in Lingayen Gulf area becomes operational.
In U.S. Sixth Army area, XIV Corps’ zone is extended to cover region from Bayambang W into Zambales Mtns. Bridges are to be constructed over the Agno for use of heavy equipment. Regrouping and widespread patrolling ensue. In I Corps area, 25th Div is attached to corps from army reserve to secure line Binalonan-Urdaneta and enters line between 6th and 43rd Divs, whereupon 6th prepares to move on Urdaneta and the Cabaruan Hills. 43rd Div attempts to take Rosario and junction of Routes 3 and 11 but makes little headway. 103rd Inf, assisted by tanks, virtually finishes clearing Hill 200 area; elements move into Pozorrubio. During night 16-17, Japanese make local counterattacks but are driven back with heavy losses.
MINDORO – 19th Inf, upon establishing outpost at Bulalacao, finds that the area is infested with Japanese.
17 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In British Second Army’s 12 Corps area, some elements of 7th Armd Div advance NE from Dieteren and seize Echt while others move S and take Susteren.
In U.S. First Army’s VII Corps area, 3rd Armd Div mops up and improves positions near Cherain and Sterpigny. 331st Inf, 83rd Div, starts to clear high ground SW of Courtil. In XVIII Corps (A/B) area, 75th Div seizes Petit Thier, Vielsalm, and neighboring villages, 106th Div is pinched out by 75th and 30th Divs. 30th Div is unable to reduce roadblock at junction of Recht-Born and Malmédy-St Vith roads. In V Corps area, 1st Div, making main effort on right, fights to clear defile S of Ondenval through which 7th Armd Div will pass in attack on St Vith. 23rd Inf attacks toward high ground N and NW of Iveldingen, pocketing enemy in N part of the Wolfsbusch and moving slowly through the Rohrbusch.
U.S. First Army reverts to U.S. 12th Army Group at midnight 17-18.
12th Army Group: In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, Bourcy and Hardigny fall to 101st A/B Div. Having cleared enemy from area between Bastogne and Ourthe R, corps goes on the defensive. In III Corps area, 6th Armd Div meets heavy resistance near Bourcy-Longvilly road. 90th Div resists enemy efforts to regain Oberwampach and clears wooded area S of RR track. XII Corps completes preparations for attack: 87th Div takes over 4th Div zone along the Sauer from Echternach to Wasserbillig, with 4th Div now on left and 2nd Cav Gp on right; 4th Div takes responsibility for portion of 5th Div zone.
6th Army Group: In U.S. Seventh Army’s XXI Corps area, TF Herren (-274th Inf) takes command of 103rd Div sector. In VI Corps area, 103rd Div takes over TF Herren’s sector and 274th Inf in position. 1st Battalion of 315th Inf, attached to 14th Armd Div, attacks toward Rittershoffen, where CCA is still engaged, but cannot reach the town; CCR withstands
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enemy pressure in Hatten. Germans continue to be aggressive in 232nd Inf’s sector of 79th Div front, occupying Roeschwoog, Dengolsheim, Stattmatten, and part of Sessenheim; counterattack clears Sessenheim. 12th Armd Div makes little headway against Gambsheim bridgehead: CCB is again held up at river SE of Rohrweiler; CCA gains precarious foothold in Herrlisheim with 17th Armd Inf Battalion, but 43rd Tank Battalion is cut off outside the town and wiped out.
EASTERN EUROPE – First White Russian Front overruns Warsaw, capital of Poland. Second White Russian Front now holds Ciechanow, to N. Speeding rapidly W from Kielce, First Ukrainian Front forces Warta R and occupies Czestochowa.
ITALY – 15th Army Group: In U.S. Fifth Army’s II Corps area, 85th Div takes command of sector previously held by British 1st Div (13 Corps), having completed relief of that div. Boundary between II and British 13 Corps is altered accordingly. British 1st Div is placed under AFHQ control and is later sent to Middle East.
BURMA – In NCAC area, U.S. 5332nd Brig clears Japanese outpost from Namhkam village, within 3 miles of Burma Road, and begins to clear ridge, which this village surmounts. Ch 38th Div, less 114th Regiment, is ordered to advance toward Wanting to secure trace of Ledo Road.
LUZON – In U.S. Sixth Army area, Gen MacArthur directs Gen Krueger to speed drive on Manila and Clark Field. XIV Corps continues preparations for offensive. In I Corps area, 6th Div begins push on Cabaruan Hills with 20th Inf and on Urdaneta with 1st Inf. 25th Div attacks in center of corps with 27th Inf on right and 161st on left: 27th reaches Binalonan-Urdaneta road; 161st pushes to Binalonan, where enemy is offering lively opposition. 103rd Inf, 43rd Div, takes Pozorrubio, from which most Japanese have withdrawn. 63rd Inf is attached to 158th Inf to help clear heights commanding Damortis-Rosario road in Amlang-Cataguintingan region. 158th takes ridge about 1,000 yards NE of Damortis.
18 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In British Second Army’s 12 Corps area, 7th Armd Div, on left flank of corps, seizes Schilberg (opening highway from there to Sittard) and Heide, NE of Susteren. In center, 52nd Div goes on the offensive along German-Dutch frontier and clears several German towns.
12th Army Group: In U.S. First Army area, VII Corps improves positions near Cherain and Courtil. In XVIII Corps (A/B) area, 75th Div clears part of Burtonville. 30th takes Poteau and surrounds roadblock at junction of Recht-Born and Malmédy-St Vith roads. In V Corps area, 1st Div repels counterattack in densely wooded Rohrbusch; eliminates pocket S of Amblève R in the Wolfsbusch; makes slow progress in woods S of Butgenbach. In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, 11th Armd Div assumes responsibility for line from Hardigny to Bourcy. 17th A/B Div takes over line from Hardigny to Houffalize. In III Corps area, though German attack on Oberwampach is repulsed by 90th Div, enemy shelling of the town increases. XII Corps opens offensive at 0300 when 4th and 5th Divs attack abreast N across the Sauer between Reisdorf and Ettelbruck, surprising enemy. 4th Div, attacking with RCT 8, reaches heights commanding Our R between Longsdorf and Hosdorf. To W, 5th Div attacks with RCTs 10 and 2, capturing hills along N bank of the Sauer and towns of Ingeldorf and Erpeldange; elements start clearing Bettendorf and Diekirch, securing a third of the latter. 319th Inf, 80th Div, takes Nocher but fails to gain high ground W of Masseler. Supporting attack, 87th Div demonstrates river crossing. 2nd Cav Gp supports 94th Div (XX Corps) with fire and river crossing demonstration. In XX Corps area, 94th Div loses Butzdorf during determined enemy counterattack but holds at Tettingen.
6th Army Group: Directs French 1st Army to begin double envelopment of Colmar Pocket on 20 January.
In U.S. Seventh Army’s VI Corps area, enemy infiltration in Bitche salient NE of Reipertsweiler isolates 3rd Battalion of 157th Inf, 45th Div; attempts to relieve the battalion are ineffective. Indecisive and costly fighting continues in Rittershoffen-Hatten area. Germans are increasingly active S of Hatten and overrun TF Linden’s positions in Sessenheim and Bois de Sessenheim. 12th Armd Div continues losing battle against bridgehead, which enemy has reinforced: CCA relinquishes its hold on Herrlisheim; attack to relieve CCA elements trapped in the town fails.
In French 1st Army’s 2nd Corps area, U.S. 28th Div begins relief of U.S. 3rd Div, night 18-19.
EASTERN EUROPE – In Hungary, Second Ukrainian Front clears that part of Budapest E of the Danube. Soviet armies in Poland are rapidly approaching German Silesia.
ITALY – 15th Army Group: U.S. Fifth Army releases British 13 Corps, consisting now of 6th Armd and 78th Divs, to control of British Eighth Army in place. U.S. Fifth Army thus gets a new right boundary.
BURMA – In NCAC area, U.S. 5332nd Brig gains hold on Loi-kang ridge, commanding Burma Road, and gets arty into position to fire on the road. Japanese move reinforcements to Namhpakka area.
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LUZON – U.S. Sixth Army orders XIV Corps to drive S beyond the Agno in force from current general line Bayambang-Urbiztondo-Bogtong. In I Corps area, 1st Inf of 6th Div takes Urdaneta while 20th continues to probe into Cabaruan Hills without making contact with main enemy forces. 161st Inf, 25th Div, clears Binalonan. From Palacpalac, 2nd Battalion of 769th Inf, 43rd Div, attacks through Bobonan to road junction near Sison; maintains roadblock there under strong enemy pressure. 758th and 63rd Regiments begin attack on ridge called Blue Ridge, near Amlang; although progress is slow the assault regiments gain contact with each other.
CAMOTES – From Ponson I., 7th Div TF (3rd Battalion of 184th Inf, reinforced) moves by sea to Poro I. and establishes beachhead.
19 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In British Second Army’s 12 Corps area, Germans are cleared from Stevensweerd in 7th Armd Div sector. 52nd Div overruns Isenbruch, Breberen, Saeffelen, and Broichhoven; elements cross Dutch border, taking Koningsbosch, W of Bocket, and making contact with 7th Armd Div near that village.
12th Army Group: In U.S. First Army’s VII Corps area, 4th Cav Gp takes over sector of 2nd Armd Div, 3rd Armd Div gains its final objectives, clearing Brisy, Rettigny, Renglez, and rest of zone as far S as Ourthe R. 83rd Div cleans out woods in its zone and sends elements into Bovigny and Courtil. In XVIII Corps (A/B) area, 75th Div is dislodging enemy from Grand Bois and withstands pressure near Burtonville. 30th, against light resistance, captures Recht, reduces roadblock at junction of Recht-Born and Malmédy-St Vith roads, continues to clear woods S of Recht-Born road, and takes high ground in Bois d’Emmels SE of Poteau. 7th Armd Div closes in attack positions near Waimes. In V Corps area, 1st Div opens passage through which 7th Armd Div will drive on St Vith; against greatly decreased resistance, div clears Iveldingen, Eibertingen, Montenau, and Schoppen.
In U.S. Third Army’s XII Corps area, 4th Div gains heights overlooking the Our NE of Bettendorf; in conjunction with 5th Div clears Bettendorf, but is unable to reduce strongpoint across the Sauer from Reisdorf. 5th Div takes rest of Diekirch and occupies Bastendorf. In XX Corps area, 302nd Inf of 94th Div is clearing bypassed fortifications to allow passage of CCA, 8th Armd Div. CCA, 8th Armd Div, assembles near Koenigsmacker.
6th Army Group: In U.S. Seventh Army’s VI Corps area, 157th Inf of 45th Div receives intensified fire and contains counterattacks from Bitche salient; efforts to relieve encircled 3rd Battalion continue. Though enemy is less aggressive in Rittershoffen-Hatten area, 74th Armd Div is unable to improve positions. Germans mount strong attacks S of Hatten. To avert threat of a breakthrough to Haguenau, 74th Armd Div’s 25th Tank Battalion moves to Hochfelden. 79th Div attacks toward Sessenheim with attached units of 103rd Div, which enter the town but are driven out. Germans surround 2nd Battalion, 374th Inf, in Drusenheim but elements escape. 12th Armd Div withdraws for relief and contains enemy attack at line of relief. RCT 143, 36th Div, takes up defensive positions in Rohrweiler-Weyersheim region.
EASTERN EUROPE – Moscow confirms German reports of new Soviet offensive against East Prussia, where Third White Russian Front now holds Schlossberg (Pillkalen). Continuing rapidly across Poland, First White Russian Front takes Lodz; First Ukrainian Front seizes Tarnow and Cracow; Fourth Ukrainian Front has reached Gorlice, S of Tarnow.
BURMA – In ALFSEA’s 15 Corps area, Kantha, on Myebon Peninsula, falls to 25th Indian Div.
In NCAC area, 114th Regiment of Ch 38th Div cuts Namhkam-Namhpakka trail. U.S. 5332nd Brig craters Burma Road and continues to clear heights overlooking it.
LUZON – In U.S. Sixth Army area, XIV Corps begins advance toward Clark Field, gaining line Camiling-Paniqui-Anao 24 hours ahead of schedule. On right, 160th Inf of 40th Div drives down Route 13 to Nambalan. One column of 129th Inf, 37th Div, drives to Carmen and patrols as far as San Manuel without incident; another advances to Moncada, where Japanese are driven off; a third reaches Paniqui. 148th Inf moves into positions along Camiling-Paniqui road – Route 55. In I Corps area, 169th Inf of 43rd Div moves reinforcements to 2nd Battalion at road junction near Sison, but Japanese regain the position. 103rd Inf begins 2-battalion assault on Hill 600, E of Pozorrubio road.
CAMOTES – 7th Div TF on Poro is clearing the island and making few contacts with enemy.
MINDORO – 21st Inf troops overcome enemy opposition along Gusay Creek.
20 January
INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS – Provisional National Government of Hungary signs armistice agreement in Moscow with Great Britain, United States, and USSR.
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In British Second Army’s 12 Corps area, 7th Armd Div reaches village of St Joost. 52nd seizes Bocket and Waldfeucht (Germany) and Echterbosch (Holland). 43rd Div attacks on right flank of corps in Germany, taking
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Langfroich and relieving elements of 52nd Div in Breberen. 12th Army Group: In U.S. First Army’s XVIII Corps (A/B) area, 75th Div clears to SE edge of Grand Bois. 30th mops up to S edge of Bois de Born and Bois d’Emmels, last ridge before St Vith. 7th Armd Div attacks S toward St Vith through Ondenval defile, with Deidenberg and Born as immediate objectives: CCA drives beyond Deidenberg, but CCB, held up by mines and deep snow, is unable to take Born.
In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, CCR of 11th Armd Div, finding that enemy has withdrawn from area E of Hardigny-Bourcy line, moves forward 2 miles, establishing line through Boeur, Wandesbourcy, and Bois aux Chênes. 17th A/B Div advances beyond Tavigny. In III Corps area, CCA of 6th Armd Div captures Moinet and Hill 510 to E. Elements of 358th Inf, 80th Div, meet heavy fire as they approach Derenbach and are forced to withdraw; N of Oberwampach a battalion of 359th Inf captures Chifontaine and Allerborn. 328th Inf, 26th Div, establishes bridgehead across Wiltz R 2 miles S of Oberwampach. In XII Corps area, 4th Div, committing RCT 12 on left of RCT 8, continues attack N of the Sauer, clearing angle formed by junction of Sauer and Our Rivers, bypassing Longsdorf to gain positions just N and occupying Tandel. 5th Div takes Kippenhof, Brandenburg, and commanding ground near latter. 318th Inf, 80th Div, secures Burden without opposition. In XX Corps area, 1st Battalion of 301st Inf, 94th Div, attacks toward Orscholz but is halted short; 302nd clears fortifications and repels counterattacks. 95th Div decisively defeats counterattacks in Saarlautern bridgehead.
6th Army Group: In U.S. Seventh Army area, VI Corps starts orderly withdrawal to new defensive positions along Rothbach Rau-Moder R line at nightfall. 45th Div makes unsuccessful attempt to reach encircled 3rd Battalion, 157th Inf, elements of which infiltrate to main body. Some troops of 2nd Battalion, 314th Inf, escape from Drusenheim but rest of battalion is reported missing in action.
French 1st Army opens offensive to eliminate Colmar Pocket, attacking with 1st Corps from the S. 1st Corps employs 2 divs (4th Moroccan Mtn Div on W and 2nd Moroccan Inf Div on E) reinforced by armor of 1st Armd Div along axis Cernay-Ensisheim. Weather conditions are poor and progress is so slow that initial corps objective, Ensisheim, is not reached until early February. In 2nd Corps area, U.S. 28th Div completes relief of U.S. 3rd Div and takes command of sector from Sigolsheim SW to Le Valtin. Corps prepares to join in offensive to reduce Colmar Pocket.
EASTERN EUROPE – East Prussia is being enveloped by Third and Second White Russian Fronts: Third takes Tilsit; Second, thrusting N toward East Prussia from Poland, gets elements across SW border near Tannenberg. First White Russian and First Ukrainian Fronts continue W in Poland toward Germany, former in general direction of Berlin and latter toward Silesia. In the Carpathians, Fourth Ukrainian Front takes Nowy Sacz in Poland and Bardejov, Presov, and Kosice (Kassa) in Czechoslovakia. Hard fighting is reported in Szekesfehervar region of Hungary, SW of Budapest, as Germans attempt to break through to the Danube.
BURMA-CHINA – While official Allied convoy from Ledo is waiting at Myitkyina, small truck convoy led by Lt Hugh A. Pock of Oklahoma reaches Kunming, China, via Teng-chung cutoff – hastily repaired but still very rough – completing 16-day trip from Myitkyina. This secondary route is of little practical value. Ch 9th Div on Salween front finds Wanting clear of enemy. Forward elements of Ch 38th Div (CAI) make patrol contact with Chinese of Y-force near Muse. U.S. 5332nd Brig improves positions near Burma Road.
SWPA – Gen Eichelberger recommends to Gen MacArthur that 11th A/B Div make a single landing on Luzon, at Nasugbu Bay, instead of the two (Nasugbu Bay and Tayabas or Balayan Bays) originally contemplated. This would solve problems of air and naval support.
LUZON – In U.S. Sixth Army area, Gen Krueger asks Allied Air Forces not to bomb bridges S of the Agno since they are needed to speed drive on Manila. In XIV Corps area, 160th Inf of 40th Div gets forward elements to within 4 miles of Tarlac; 8th begins to follow 160th southward. Forward elements of 37th Div reach Victoria, which is undefended, and patrol beyond there. In I Corps area, 25th Div, with 27th Inf on right and 161st on left, opens drives on Asingan and San Manuel. 169th Inf (less 2nd Battalion) of 43rd Div attacks Mt Alava and gets elements to crest. 103rd gains positions on S part of Hill 600.
CAMOTES – 7th Div TF is reconnoitering Pacijan I. without incident.
MINDORO – Bulk of 2nd Battalion, 19th Inf, moves to Bulalacao to destroy enemy in that region in patrol actions.
21 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In British Second Army’s 12 Corps area, 52nd Div clears villages of Hontem and Selsent; moves into Braunsrath without opposition. 43rd Div finds Schierwaldenrath clear.
12th Army Group: In U.S. First Army’s VII Corps area, 84th Div takes over former 83rd Div-3rd Armd Div sector and prepares to attack toward Gouvy-Beho region, between Houffalize and St
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Vith. Patrols find Rogery free of enemy. In XVIII Corps (A/B) area, 75th Div clears rest of Grand Bois. 7th Armd Div overcomes house-to-house opposition in Born. 508th Para RCT takes over Deidenberg-Eibertingen area. In V Corps area, 1st Div meets stiff opposition as it attempts to improve positions NE of Schoppen; establishes outposts and sends patrols through Bambusch woods in region S of Schoppen.
In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, shift in corps boundaries puts Bois de Rouvroy, NE of Buret, within corps zone and transfers Bastogne to jurisdiction of III Corps. New boundaries run on the N through Laroche and Ourthe to Thommen and on the S through Neufchâteau, Bastogne, and Holdingen to Thommen. Elements of CCA, 11th Armd Div, reach Buret. 17th A/B Div continues advance NE of Tavigny. III Corps advance to NE gains momentum. 6th Armd Div clears Crendal, Troine, Baraques de Troine, Lullange, Hoffelt, and Hachiville. 90th Div’s 358th Inf takes Derenbach, Hill 480, and Boevange-les-Clervaux; 359th secures Hill 520, Hamiville, and Wincrange. Some 26th Div units across Wiltz R in vicinity of Winseler clear Noertrange and Bruhl; others, in conjunction with 6th Cav Gp, enter Wiltz and mop up pockets of resistance. In XII Corps area, 4th Div captures Longsdorf but is unable to take Fuhren. 5th secures Landscheid and Lipperscheid. Renewing offensive, 80th Div’s 318th Inf takes Bourscheid and Welscheid and woods between these and the Sauer; 317th is unable to get units across river to N of Bourscheid but takes Kehmen. In XX Corps area, 94th Div halts attack on Orscholz because of heavy casualties to 1st Battalion, 301st Inf; 302nd Inf holds Tettingen and Nennig against strong counterattack.
6th Army Group: In U.S. Seventh Army’s XV Corps area, CCB of 10th Armd Div closes in area NE of Fenétrange. In VI Corps area, main body of corps completes withdrawal to new MLR, along line Althorn-Rothbach-Niedermodern-Haguenau-Bischwiller. 79th Div’s OPL in Camp d’Oberhoffen area is pushed back by enemy.
EASTERN EUROPE – Fanning out from Tilsit, NE East Prussia, Third White Russian Front reaches Kurisch Sound on right and takes Gumbinnen on left; Second White Russian Front presses steadily N toward East Prussia on wide front and takes East Prussian town of Tannenberg. First White Russian and First Ukrainian Fronts continue W in Poland; latter crosses into Silesia, Germany, in region W of Czestochowa and takes several Silesian towns.
BURMA – In ALFSEA’s 15 Corps area, brig of Indian 26th Div, after coordinated air and naval bombardment, lands on N coast of Ramree I. and captures Kyaukpyu. Indian 25th Div now holds all of Myebon Peninsula.
In NCAC area, U.S. 5332nd Brig establishes perimeter defenses along W side of Burma Road but does not block the road; makes contact with 114th Regiment of Ch 38th Div, which is to block road to N.
FORMOSA-RYUKYUS-PESCADORES – TF 38 makes powerful air attacks on shipping and airfields at Formosa, Sakishima Gunto, Okinawa, and the Pescadores. About 10 oilers and freighters are sunk and other vessels are damaged. At the airfields some 100 grounded planes are destroyed. Japanese counter with determined attacks on the warships, severely damaging the CV Ticonderoga. Fighters of Fifth Air Force make their first attack on Formosa.
LUZON – In U.S. Sixth Army area, XIV Corps drives beyond day’s objective, line Tarlac-Victoria, and is ordered to continue toward Clark Field, although its E flank is exposed for over 20 miles. 160th Inf, 40th Div, takes Tarlac without opposition; elements push on to San Miguel. Advance elements of 37th Div reach vicinity of La Paz. I Corps is to seize line Victoria-Guimba in strength while protecting left flank of XIV Corps. 103rd Inf of 43rd Div, continuing assault on Hill 600, gains military crest. 158th and 63rd Regiments finish clearing Blue Ridge, near Amlang. 63rd Inf is then withdrawn into corps reserve. 172nd Inf, clearing heights commanding Rosario, is reinforced by Philippine 2nd Battalion, 121st Inf.
22 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In British Second Army’s 12 Corps area, 7th Armd Div fights indecisively near Montfort. 52nd Div takes Laffeld and Obspringen. Waldenrath falls to 43rd Div.
12th Army Group: In U.S. First Army’s VII Corps area, 84th Div and attached elements of 3rd Armd Div seize Gouvy and Beho. 4th Cav Gp sector is pinched out. In XVIII Corps (A/B) area, 75th Div takes Commanster and woods to NE. 30th Div secures Hinderhausen, Sart-lez-St Vith, Ober Emmels, and Nieder Emmels. 7th Armd Div’s CCA, assisted by task force of CCB, clears Hunningen. Rcn party from 38th Armd Inf Battalion is prevented by roadblock from entering St Vith.
In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, units of CCA, 11th Armd Div, enter Bois de Rouvroy and cross Luxembourg border without encountering enemy. 17th A/B Div occupies Steinbach and Limerle. In III Corps area, CCB of 6th Armd Div enters Basbellain; CCA takes Asselborn and Weiler. 359th Inf of 90th Div occupies Donnange, Deiffelt, Stockem, and Rumlange; elements of 357th move to Boxhorn and Sassel. 26th Div and 6th Cav Gp finish clearing Wiltz and secure Eschweiler, Knaphoscheid, and Kleinhoscheid. 28th Cav Sq proceeds through Weicherdange. In XII Corps area, 4th Div
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gains ground along W bank of Our R and takes Walsdorf but is still unable to clear Fuhren. 5th Div continues N with 10th Inf on right and 11th on left, taking Gralingen and high ground E of Nachtmanderscheid. 80th Div elements move into Wiltz area, using routes cleared by 6th Cav Gp. In XX Corps area, enemy regains about half of Nennig from 302nd Inf of 94th Div.
6th Army Group: In U.S. Seventh Army’s XV Corps area, 101st A/B Div closes in Drulingen-Sarraltroff region. VI Corps improves defenses and regroups. Because of enemy concentrations, OPL of 103rd Div is withdrawn from Offwiller and outposts of 79th Div pull back to Moder R line.
In French 1st Army area, 2nd Corps begins southward drive on Colmar, in region between Sélestat and Ostheim, which, in conjunction with 1st Corps’ northward attack, is aimed at enveloping and destroying the Colmar Pocket. The 3 assault divs – U.S. 3rd, 5th Armd, and 1st Moroccan Inf – are protected by French 2nd Armd Div, holding Rhine Plain. U.S. 3rd Div leads off, attacking at 2100 SE across Fecht R at Guemar. To W, U.S. 28th Div conducts raids, night 22-23.
EASTERN EUROPE – In East Prussia, Third White Russian Front takes Insterburg; Second White Russian Front seizes Allenstein and Deutsch-Eylau. In Poland, First White Russian Front captures Inowroclaw, threatening Bromberg, and Gniezo, on road to Posen. First Ukrainian Front, fighting astride Polish-Silesian border, seizes Silesian towns of Konstadt and Gross Strehlitz.
ITALY – 15th Army Group: U.S. Fifth Army issues instructions for training program to be undertaken in preparation for spring offensive.
BURMA – In ALFSEA’s 15 Corps area, 3rd Cdo Brig lands at Kangaw, on Arakan front, after preparatory bombardment. Enemy soon reacts sharply, since forces along coast to S are being cut off.
In British Fourteenth Army’s 33 Corps area, Indian 20th Div takes Monywa (enemy’s last port on the Chindwin), which has been defended vigorously for several days, and Myinmu, on the Irrawaddy. In 4 Corps area, Indian 7th Div, which has replaced E African 28th Brig in line, takes Tilin.
In NCAC area, CAI becomes responsible for clearing rest of Burma Road as Chiang Kai-shek orders Chinese Expeditionary Force to assemble N of Sino-Burmese border. At night, Gen Sultan announces that the Burma Road is open. U.S. 5332nd Brig gets patrols to ridge across Burma Road, but is refused permission to do more than patrol and interdict traffic on the road.
CHINA – Japanese, between 19th and present time, have occupied key bridges and tunnels on Canton-Hankow RR.
FORMOSA – Philippine-based heavy bombers of Fifth Air Force begin daylight strikes on Formosa, attacking Heito air base.
SWPA – Gen MacArthur orders U.S. Eighth Army to land one RCT of 11th A/B Div on Luzon at Nasugbu for reconnaissance in force. If Tagaytay Ridge can be taken with ease, the entire div will then concentrate there and patrol to N and E. The landing will be made on 31 January
LUZON – Allied planes begin preinvasion bombardment of Corregidor. Airstrip at Mangaldan becomes operational.
In U.S. Sixth Army’s XIV Corps area, forward elements of 40th Div reach Capas, N of Bamban. 37th Div extends its right flank to San Miguel to maintain contact with 40th Div and with left flank elements takes La Paz. Scattered contacts have been made recently with enemy in Moncada and La Paz areas. In I Corps area, 27th Inf of 25th Div continues toward Asingan against little opposition. 161st, driving on San Manuel, takes hill NW of objective. 2nd Battalion of 169th Inf, 43rd Div, with tank and arty support, renews attack on Hill 355 but is unable to take it.
MINDORO – 3rd Battalion, 21st Inf, moves by sea to N coast at Estrella.
RYUKYU IS. – Planes of TF 38 photograph and attack Ryukyu targets including Okinawa and neighboring islands. After this action, TF 38 returns to Ulithi, arriving there the 25th.
23 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In British Second Army’s 12 Corps area, 7th Armd Div is still held up by strong opposition near Montfort. 52nd Div has little difficulty in clearing Aphove area and begins assault on Heinsberg. 43rd Div takes Straeten and Scheifendahl with ease.
12th Army Group: In U.S. First Army’s VII Corps area, 84th Div seizes Ourthe and is clearing commanding ground between there and Beho. In XVIII Corps (A/B) area, St Vith falls to 7th Armd Div: CCB attacks S through CCA and overcomes moderate resistance within the town. SW of St Vith, 75th Div takes Maldingen and Braunlauf while 30th secures Weisten, Crombach, and Neundorf.
In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, CCA of 11th Armd Div establishes liaison with 17th A/B Div and continues patrolling in vicinity of Bois de Rouvroy. In III Corps area, CCA of 6th Armd Div takes Biwisch and Trois Vierges. CT Miltonberger (RCT 134, 35th Div, attached), passing through CCB, occupies Basbellain and heights to SE. 359th Inf, 90th Div, clears Bischent woods; 357th attacks across Clerf R, seizing hills on either side of draw W of Hupperdange. 1st Battalion of 357th captures Binsfeld.
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28th Cav Sq clears Eselborn and makes contact with enemy at Clerf and Drauffelt. Night 23-24, elements of TF Fickett attempt to take Clerf and Mecher and gain latter. In XII Corps area, Fuhren falls to 4th Div. 5th Div elements reach vicinity of Nachtmanderscheid and Hoscheid but are unable to secure either of these. On 80th Div front, 317th Inf, attacking NE toward the Clerf, reaches high ground just W of Wilwerwiltz and Enscherange; 319th crosses the Wiltz at Merkols and Kautenbach and clears Merkols. 346th Inf of 87th Div occupies Wasserbillig, at confluence of Sauer and Moselle Rivers. In XX Corps area, Germans, mounting strong tank-infantry counterattacks against 94th Div, regain Berg, but 302nd Inf, employing attached battalion of 376th bolstered by elements of CCA, 8th Armd Div, recaptures Nennig while 3rd Battalion, 302nd, holds Wies and helps close gap between there and Nennig. 3rd Cav Gp is given new sector between 94th and 95th Divs.
6th Army Group: In U.S. Seventh Army’s VI Corps area, enemy forces left flank of 103rd Div back past Rothbach.
In French 1st Army’s 2nd Corps area, 1st Moroccan Div crosses Ill R between Illhaeusern and Illwald, to N of U.S. crossing site. Supporting vehicles use bridge at Illhaeusern, though that town is not completely cleared for several days. U.S. 3rd Div continues S toward Canal de Colmar: 7th Inf clears Ostheim; 30th crosses Ill R and reaches outskirts of Holtzwihr, but supporting armor is unable to cross and infantry is forced back to river line at Maison Rouge. Elements of 254th Inf, attached to 3rd Div, drive to Weiss R line near Sigolsheim.
EASTERN EUROPE – In NE East Prussia, Third White Russian Front captures Wehlau, between Insterburg and Koenigsberg. Second White Russian Front captures Ortelsburg and progresses toward Elbing; in N Poland, seizes Brodnica and Lipno. Polish cities of Bromberg and Kalisz fall to First White Russian Front. First Ukrainian Front reaches Oder R line near Breslau (Silesia) on 37-mile front. Germans fighting toward the Danube in Hungary force Russians from Szekesfehervar. Second Ukrainian Front has gone on the offensive N of Miskolc and in conjunction with Fourth Rumanian Army takes a number of Czechoslovakian towns and communities.
BURMA – In NCAC area, convoy from Ledo starts forward from Myitkyina toward China. Continuing S along the Irrawaddy, 29th Brig of British 36th Div reaches Twinnge.
LUZON – In U.S. Sixth Army’s XIV Corps area, 160th Inf of 40th Div runs into opposition at Bamban but secures the town, airfield, and crossing site over Bamban R. Moving to left of 160th, 108th seizes Concepcion. Rcn elements S of Concepcion drive off enemy force at Magalang. In I Corps area, 2nd Battalion of 169th Inf, 43rd Div, continues to meet strong resistance on Hill 355. From Hill 600, 3rd Battalion of 103rd Inf moves back to Pozorrubio; 2nd Battalion advances to Bobonan. 172nd Inf gains ridge at W edge of Pugo Valley.
CAMOTES IS. – 7th Div TF clearing Poro I. runs into opposition on Hill 854.
24 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In British Second Army’s 12 Corps area, 7th Armd Div overruns Weerd, Aandenberg, and Montfort. 52nd Div completes capture of Heinsberg; occupies Haaren without opposition. 43rd Div clears Schleiden and Uetterath.
12th Army Group: In U.S. First Army area, VII Corps is pinched out as 84th Div clears rest of its zone. In XVIII Corps (A/B) area, 75th Div takes Aldringen, concluding its Salm R drive. 30th Div improves positions E of Neundorf. CCB, 7th Armd Div, is clearing region S and SE of St Vith. In V Corps area, 1st Div, renewing offensive, advances steadily against moderate resistance: 16th Inf clears Bambusch woods; 18th captures Moderscheid; 26th takes Buellingen-Butgenbach-St Vith road junction at N edge of the Richelsbusch and continues SW on Buellingen-St Vith road.
In U.S. Third Army area, VIII Corps, instead of being pinched out as anticipated, receives additional territory on its right flank as advance elements approach St Vith. 17th A/B Div takes over the new region while continuing advance toward Thommen and Landscheid. In III Corps area, as direction of corps attack changes from NE to E, CCA of 6th Armd Div secures area within Trois Vierges-Wilwerdange-Binsfeld triangle and takes Holler and Breidfeld. Elements of 26th and 90th Divs become responsible for sector along W bank of Clerf R formerly held by TF Fickett. 90th Div repels predawn attack NE of Binsfeld; supporting armor crosses river at Trois Vierges and reaches Binsfeld; 359th Inf attacks across river to area N of Urspelt. 26th Div crosses river SE of Weicherdange and organizes on high ground. In XII Corps area, 4th Div consolidates along W bank of Our R from Vianden to confluence of Our and Sauer Rivers. 5th Div clears village NW of Vianden; also clears Nachtmanderscheid, and Hoscheid. 80th Div completes capture of Kautenbach and takes Alscheid and Enscherange. In XX Corps area, 94th Div, though supported by assault guns of 8th Armd Div, is unable to clear Berg but gains small bridgehead through AT obstacles. Scheduled attack through Berg by CCA, 8th Armd Div, has to be postponed.
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6th Army Group: In U.S. Seventh Army’s VI Corps area, enemy forces outpost of 45th Div from Saegmuhl. 103rd Div repels German attempts to penetrate MLR at Bischoltz and Muhlhausen but is forced to readjust its OPL. In 79th Div sector, Germans attack across the Moder between Neubourg and Schweighausen, night 24-25, penetrating 222nd Inf’s MLR and seizing W portion of Schweighausen.
In French 1st Army’s 2nd Corps area, French and U.S. troops fight to expand Ill R bridgehead. French are stopped by enemy tanks concealed in woods near Elsenheim. U.S. 3rd Div continues toward Canal de Colmar; 7th Inf moves S toward Houssen; taking over from battered 30th Inf, 15th Inf attacks from Maison Rouge and reaches edge of woods near Riedwihr.
EASTERN EUROPE – Berlin reports Soviet offensive in Latvia. Third and Second White Russian Fronts make further progress in East Prussia. In German Silesia, First Ukrainian Front overruns industrial centers of Oppeln (on the Oder) and Gleiwitz; N of Breslau, elements clear Trachenberg and, across Polish border, Rawicz.
ITALY – 15th Army Group: In U.S. Fifth Army’s II Corps area, 88th Div reenters line after brief rest, relieving 91st Div.
BURMA-CHINA – Ch New First Army commander promises Brig Gen Robert M. Cannon, NCAC chief of staff, to open Burma Road by 27th. Salween campaign comes to an end as Gen Wei’s Chinese Expeditionary Force halts to await relief by CAI. Negotiations between Chinese Nationalists and Chinese Communists, broken off since 16 December, are resumed.
LUZON – In U.S. Sixth Army’s XIV Corps area, 160th Inf of 40th Div comes up against enemy’s OPLR on hills generally W of Bamban; takes one hill. 145th Inf of 37th Div gains line from Concepcion SW to Bamban R. In I Corps area, 161st Inf of 25th Div begins assault on San Manuel and against firm opposition gains toehold within the barrio. 43rd Div regroups for coordinated effort on 25th to clear heights dominating roads in Pozorrubio-Sison-Rosario-Camp One area. Stark Force consists of 103rd and 169th Regiments and 3rd Battalion of 63rd. Yon Force is formed of 63rd, less 3rd Battalion. RCT 158 and 172nd Inf are designated MacNider Force. 2nd Battalion, 169th Inf, reaches crest of Hill 355. Elements of 158th Inf begin assault on ridge NW of Cataguintingan; enemy is firmly entrenched on the ridge.
MINDORO – 2nd Battalion, 21st Inf, moves into Calapan.
VOLCANO IS. – Iwo Jima is target for coordinated air-naval bombardment. B-29’s of XXI BC, on training mission, and B-24’s of Seventh Air Force concentrate on airfields and shipping. Naval bombardment, by warships of TG 94.9, is curtailed sharply by deteriorating weather conditions. No interception is met over target.
25 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In British Second Army’s 12 Corps area, 7th Armd Div captures Linne and Putbroek and continues NE toward river line. 52nd Div takes Kirchhoven without opposition and patrols toward Wurm R. 43rd Div reaches the Wurm between Heinsberg and Randerath; patrols find Horst and Randerath clear.
12th Army Group: In U.S. First Army’s XVIII Corps (A/B) area, CCB of 7th Armd Div consolidates in immediate vicinity of St Vith while CCA and RCT 424 take Wallerode and Medel, respectively. In V Corps area, 1st Div’s 16th Inf gains Amblève and Mirfeld with ease; 18th advances from Moderscheid to Buellingen-St Vith road.
In U.S. Third Army’s III Corps area, bulk of corps is now across Clerf R, attacking E toward ridge road known as “Skyline Drive,” the Luxemburg-St Vith road paralleling Our R. CCB, 6th Armd Div, gains positions astride Weiswampach-Huldange road. 359th Inf, 90th Div, takes Hupperdange and Grindhausen; 357th seizes Heinerscheid and Lausdorn. 26th Div’s 101st Inf, together with elements of 6th Cav Gp, occupies Clerf; 328th Inf takes Reuler and Urspelt. In XII Corps area, RCT 11 of 5th Div continues N, taking Merscheid. 317th Inf, 80th Div, clears Wilwerwiltz and establishes bridgehead across the Clerf; captures Pintsch, E of the river. In XX Corps area’s 94th Div zone, 8th Armd Div TF takes Berg; elements of 302nd Inf enlarge gap through AT defenses.
6th Army Group: In U.S. Seventh Army area, XV Corps assumes command of XXI Corps sector and troops (106th Cav Gp, 275th and 276th Regiments of TF Herren, and 10th Armd Div less CCB). In VI Corps area, Germans penetrate 103rd Div positions, reaching Schillersdorf and Nieffern, and force back OPL from Kindwiller. 103rd Div restores MLR between Muhlhausen and Schillersdorf. As result of enemy penetration on left of 79th Div line, TF Wahl is reorganized to consist of 222nd Inf, 314th Inf, 232nd Inf, CCB of 14th Armd Div, the Rcn Tr, and elements of 781st Tank Battalion; force clears Schweighausen and part of Bois de Ohlungen. Germans attack across the Moder between Haguenau and Kaltenhouse in sector of 242nd Inf but are driven back across river.
In French 1st Army area, U.S. XXI Corps Hq and Hq Co is attached to army. In 2nd Corps area, French make slow progress in Elsenheim woods, where armor is held up by enemy tanks. U.S. 3rd Div’s 7th Inf, assisted by armor, enters Houssen; 15th renews attack on Riedwihr and gets elements into town late
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at night; 254th, relieved along Weiss R by U.S. 28th Div, attacks toward Jebsheim.
EASTERN EUROPE – Third and Second White Russian Fronts are compressing German pocket in East Prussia. First Ukrainian Front takes Ostrow, SW of Kalisz in Poland, and Oels, in German Silesia. Berlin reports that Russians are attempting to cross the Oder at Steinhau and between Gleiwitz and Brieg.
BURMA – In ALFSEA area, Gen Leese orders 15 Corps to develop air bases at Akyab and Kyaukpyu; open Taungup-Prome road and secure bridgehead at Taungup; clear rest of Arakan coast. W African 82nd Div, driving S toward Kangaw, occupies Myohaung.
In NCAC area, 113th Regiment of Ch 38th Div attacks to finish opening Burma Road. Ch 30th Div is to concentrate in Hosi-Namhpakka area.
CHINA – Gen Wedemeyer informs Chiang Kai-shek that he is sending Gen McClure to Kunming to head Chinese Combat Command.
JAPAN – Tokyo orders China Expeditionary Forces to concentrate on seacoast and in N China rather than to move into interior.
LUZON – In U.S. Sixth Army’s XIV Corps area, while 160th Inf of 40th Div is working on enemy positions on hills W of Bamban, 108th moves forward to assist with local attacks on scattered pockets. 37th Div, while protecting E flank of corps, begins pushing its right flank southward: 145th Inf takes Mabalacat East Airfield and reconnoiters S to Mabalacat. In I Corps area, 103rd Inf of 43rd Div takes Hills 600 and 800, bypassing Hill 700. 169th clears Hill 1500, and 3rd Battalion of 63rd Inf takes Bench Mark Hill to N. 158th continues efforts to gain ridge NW of Cataguintingan. 72nd takes Hill 900, overlooking Highway 11, which leads to Baguio.
U.S. – Gen Joseph W. Stilwell is assigned as commander of Army Ground Forces, succeeding Lt Gen Ben Lear, who has been named deputy commander to Gen Eisenhower.
26 January
WESTERN EUROPE – 21 Army Group: In British Second Army area, 12 Corps successfully concludes Operation BLACKCOCK. Small enemy bridgehead remains at Vlodrop, but no immediate effort is to be made to eliminate it.
In U.S. Ninth Army area, XIII Corps’ 102nd Div and attached 11th Cav Gp attack, night 25-26, and clear Brachelen-Himmerich-Randerath triangle W of the Roer against negligible resistance.
12th Army Group: In U.S. First Army’s XVIII Corps (A/B) area, 7th Armd Div improves positions near St Vith; attached RCT 424 clears Meyerode.
In U.S. Third Army’s VIII Corps area, corps elements advance NE into region N of Weiswampach as enemy continues withdrawal behind West Wall. 17th A/B Div, now beyond Wattermal (Belgium) is replaced by 87th Div, whose 376th Inf takes Espeler. Corps zone widens several miles to S to include 90th Div positions formerly held by 6th Armd Div (III Corps) E of Lausdorn. 90th Div occupies Lieler. In III Corps area, 90th Div and 6th Armd Divs exchange zones after CCB of 6th Armd takes Weiswampach. 17th A/B Div is taking up positions within corps zone. 26th Div’s 328th Inf secures Fischbach; 101st clears Marnach and high ground E of Clerf and Drauffelt. In XII Corps zone, 4th Div is being withdrawn from line. RCT 11 of 5th Div captures Hoscheiderdickt; 5th Cav Rcn Tr clears Schlindermanderscheid. 80th Div expands bridgehead across the Clerf: 317th Inf takes Lellingen and Siebenaler and reaches positions near Bockholz. 76th Div takes over former 87th Div zone. In XX Corps area, elements of 94th Div and of attached 8th Armd Div clear Butzdorf and drive toward Sinz. 95th Div improves positions in Saarlautern bridgehead area.
6th Army Group: In U.S. Seventh Army’s VI Corps area, 45th Div is virtually out of contact with e
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Monte Cassino: The bloodiest battle of the Italian Campaign
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The Battle of Monte Cassino (The Battle for Rome) - 17 Jan 1944 – 18 May 1944. World War Two. Fought between between Allied forces and Nazi Germany
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Voice over: "By October 1943, the Allies were facing an ugly truth. Invading Italy was seen as a chance for a quick victory. But Albert Kesselring’s German forces had put an end to that. They had exacted a heavy toll for the beachhead at Salerno, before falling back to a series of fortified lines across central Italy. Now, before them stood the most formidable challenge yet and more bloody fighting."
Adrian Kerrison, IWM Curator, Second World War and Mid 20th Century: "The Allied invasion of Normandy was edging ever-closer, and Italy was becoming a less important theatre of the war. However, the possible capture of Rome was too great a prospect to pass up. Not only was there huge propaganda value in taking a major Axis capital, but the capture of the numerous nearby airfields would allow the Allies to threaten German forces in the Balkans and Southern France, as well as bringing them closer to Germany itself. Finally, the Allies wanted to tie down the maximum number of German forces to prevent their redeployment to the Eastern and soon to be Western fronts."
Voice over: "With Rome the target, some of the bloodiest and most controversial fighting of the war was around the corner. In this final episode of our series sponsored by Company of Heroes 3, we’ll explore the battles for Monte Cassino, the landings at Anzio and the capture of Rome. All to understand whether the entire campaign was worth it at all.
As October arrived in Italy, men, material and, most importantly supplies, began to be transferred to the UK for Operation Overlord. In their place, three French forces began to arrive and, after joining the fight against Germany in October, Italian units helped pick up the slack behind the lines. Still, the already difficult task of reaching Rome had become even more challenging.
Over the following months the Allies advanced painfully slowly from mountain to mountain with Mark Clark’s 5th Army on the west coast and Bernard Montgomery’s 8th Army on the east. Their forces became exhausted from the hills, gorges, unpaved roads and destroyed bridges. By November, fog, rain and mud had turned the country into a swamp, and they were forced to purchase Italian pack mules by the thousand just to supply the men. Still the advance trundled on.
The 8th Army was to advance to Pescara, before turning left toward Rome, while 5th Army was to advance on the city via the Liri Valley and Highway 6. But it would not be easy, as General Alexander put it – “All roads lead to Rome and all roads are mined.”
German commander Albert Kesselring’s strategy was to slow the Allied advance as much as possible and buy time to construct further defences. Kesselring’s forces did have problems, a shortage of artillery ammunition, little air support and few reserves. However, the terrain more than made up for their problems."
Adrian Kerrison: "Good defensive lines utilise natural terrain features such as high ground, rivers, and dense forests, as they restrict the enemy’s freedom of movement. Kesselring’s Gustav Line, which ran across the Italian Peninsula from coast to coast, did exactly that.
The key Allied target was the relatively flat Liri valley and Highway 6 that ran through it, which would give the Allies a straight shot to Rome. But to enter the valley, the Allies needed to cross the Garigliano and Rapido Rivers and secure the high ground around Monte Cassino, which overlooked the valley and this is where the Germans anchored their defences - The Gustav line.
They built complex, interlinking networks behind the rivers up to 3,000 yards deep and destroyed any bridges that crossed. These networks were made up of barbed wire, anti-tank ditches, pillboxes, trenches and concealed anti-tank guns. A few miles behind the main line were artillery positions, whose fire could be accurately directed by observers on the mountain peaks. To many, the Gustav Line seemed almost impregnable."
Voice over: "In the December, the 8th army finally managed to break through the Gustav Line near the coast. In brutal street fighting, Canadian troops captured the town of Ortona which became known as Little Stalingrad. Montgomery’s forces were exhausted. But just as he was poised to exploit the breakthrough, a blizzard blew through the region and made further progress impossible. As 1943 reached its end, the Allies were at a standstill. But everything was about to change.
As 1944 began, Mediterranean commander Dwight Eisenhower and 8th Army Commander Montgomery left the theatre to take their place in planning for Operation Overlord. Sir Henry Wilson and Sir Oliver Leese took their places (Supreme Allied Commander Mediterranean and Commander Eighth Army). The transfer of General Wilson in particular meant that the Mediterranean was now a British led theatre and under the influence of British Prime Minister Winston Churchill.
Adrian Kerrison: "Churchill was getting frustrated with the stalled Allied offensive. While lying sick in bed in Tripoli, he dreamed of a way to revitalise the offensive and capture Rome. There were previous plans for an amphibious operation to outflank the Gustav line, but these had been cancelled due to a lack of landing craft. With his pet project at risk, Churchill used his newfound sway to secure the required landing craft until mid-February. The Allied attack at Anzio, codenamed Operation Shingle, was on."
Voice over: "Operation Shingle was scheduled for January 22nd. 2 divisions of Six Corps under John P. Lucas would land at the resort town of Anzio, 30 miles southeast of Rome. They would advance inland to the Alban Hills, which overlooked both Highways 6 and 7, and threaten Kesselring’s supply lines, forcing him to weaken the Gustav Line and allowing the Allies to break through and race to Rome.
Both Clark and Lucas had severe misgivings about the plan, to them it was risky. Two divisions was a small force and there was no time for any rehearsal. Worst of all, if the Gustav Line was not broken, they were on their own.
As preparations for Shingle were made, 5th Army made its first major attack around Monte Cassino. They had only reached the Gustav Line on January 15th, but with a week remaining they attempted to draw in as many German units as possible with a series of attacks. The Battle of Monte Cassino was about to begin.
On the 17th of January the British 5th and 56th divisions made their first attack. They successfully crossed the Garigliano river, causing Kesselring such alarm he had to deploy reserves from Rome to stabilise the line. So far things were going to plan. But when the US Two Corps tried to cross the river Rapido three days later, the results were disastrous.
There was little to no cover on the approaches to the river and withering artillery fire caused heavy casualties before they even reached its banks. The rubber and wooden boats were punctured and splintered while the pontoon bridges were quickly put out of action. After two days of heavy fighting, no gains were made.
In the following days, American and French Moroccan troops made their attacks to the north of Cassino. They made some progress, but after a week of heavy fighting they too came to a halt.
On the 22nd of January, the Allied soldiers landed at Anzio almost entirely unopposed. They took the port and around 200 German prisoners, while advanced jeep patrols reached the outskirts of Rome. But rather than striking out for the Alban Hills, Lucas proceeded with caution.
Adrian Kerrison: "He was worried that striking out for the Alban Hills would leave the beachhead at Anzio lightly defended and vulnerable to German counter attacks. Defending both the Hills and the beachhead with just the 2 divisions initially available to him would be a tall order, and success depended on the Gustav Line being broken. If it wasn’t broken and he lost his beachhead, his entire force could be annihilated. So instead, Lucas decided to wait and build up his forces before making his attack. As a result, three days later, Kesselring was able to muster elements from 8 divisions and surrounded the Allied beachhead."
Voice over: "After 9 days, Lucas had gathered 70,000 men and was ready to make his breakout. The British made limited gains, but the Americans took heavy casualties against now substantial German opposition. With all momentum lost, they had no choice but to dig in and await the inevitable German counterattack.
Meanwhile at Monte Cassino, American and French attacks continued to the North. The US 34th Division came within a few hundred meters of the monastery that overlooked the town. But losses were heavy and German reinforcements were able to plug the gaps. By mid-February the US Two Corps was utterly exhausted and had to be withdrawn from the battle. Their replacements were Indian and New Zealand divisions. These commanders quickly decided that, to make any progress themselves, the monastery at Monte Cassino would have to be destroyed. It would become one of the most controversial incidents of the Italian Campaign."
Adrian Kerrison: "The Allies had now been at the foot of Monte Cassino for a month, staring up at the monastery that was so close but so far out of reach. Though the Germans had promised that they would not occupy the building, rumours had begun to spread. Some Allied commanders believed that it was being used by German observers to call down artillery fire. Others believed that, even if the Germans weren’t occupying the Monastery now, they would likely use it as a strongpoint once Allied attackers made it up the mountain.
On the 15th of February 1944, Allied aircraft dropped more than 1,000 tones of high explosive and incendiaries on the Monastery. The entire area was reduced to rubble. But the Allies were wrong, there were no German soldiers inside. Instead, the Allies inadvertently killed 230 civilians sheltering from the fighting in this supposedly neutral zone. After the bombing, German Fallschirmjager moved in to occupy the ruins."
Voice over: "To add to the disaster, the aerial bombing was not co-ordinated with attacks on the ground and the Allied troops were totally unprepared. When the Indian, Māori and Ghurkha troops attacked the next day they were repulsed with heavy losses.
The following day on the 16th of February, the German forces at Anzio launched their long-awaited counterattack. They now outnumbered the Allies 125,000 to 100,000 and had enough tanks to make a serious attempt at destroying the beachhead. Over the course of three days, they pushed the Allies back to their final defensive lines, but Allied artillery fire had stopped them there. Both sides were taking heavy casualties, around 20,000 on each side in the month since the landings. The battle had reached a stalemate, but the Allies still had hope.
They believed that the number of German troops deployed at Anzio must have weakened the Gustav Line. In March, they intended to put this theory to the test, with a third attack at Monte Cassino preceded by a huge bombardment on the town of Cassino below.
Beginning on the 15th of March, 435 aircraft dropped a huge amount of ordnance, but only half found their targets. This was followed by 746 artillery pieces, which delivered almost 200,000 rounds onto the town and enemy positions. It was an awesome showcase of Allied firepower, but would it dislodge the defenders?"
Adrian Kerrison: "The Bombardment was supposed to pulverize Cassino and daze its defenders. The 300 paratroopers from the German 1st Fallschirmjager Division holding Cassino lost half their number in the bombardment, but they still managed to put up an effective defence. The Fallschirmjager were Germany’s airborne – or paratrooper – forces. Part of the Luftwaffe, they were elite, highly-trained soldiers with their own specialist uniform and equipment. And this is the kind of uniform and equipment that the defenders of Cassino and Monte Cassino would have worn, all original and all from the IWM’s collection.
So, we’ve got the 1940 model jump smock in splinter pattern camouflage with the Luftwaffe emblem, camouflage-painted 1938 model jump helmet, a Luftwaffe belt and equipment for the Mp40 sub machinegun and 1939 model jump boots.
By 1944 the Fallschirmjager were no longer conducting airborne operations and instead were mainly used as elite light infantry. The 1st Fallschirmjager Division in particular were highly experienced and battle-hardened, well suited for the bitter house to house fighting that was to follow."
Voice over: "The bombardment completely blocked the roads for Allied tanks that were supposed to move in support of the infantry. On the second day, unexpected rains arrived and filled the cratered town with water and mud. Though fighting continued for 9 days, little progress was made, and the Allies were once again forced to call off the attack.
Three attempts to break the Gustav Line at Cassino had now ended in failure. With Operation Overlord set to go off in early June, the Allies had one more chance to draw in as many German forces as possible and breakthrough to Rome. For this final attack, the commander of Allied ground forces in Italy, Sir Harold Alexander, took the reins in Operation Diadem.
He concluded that he needed more manpower to have a chance of breaking through and decided to secretly redeploy the British 8th army from the east coast to the west. Rather than the staggered attacks attempted previously, both armies would attack simultaneously on a 25-mile front, while the men at Anzio would launch a breakout towards Valmontone on Highway 6. Together they could trap and annihilate the Germans."
Adrian Kerrison: "The key difference to previous attacks came down to sheer weight of numbers. The Diadem offensive on the Gustav Line involved four Allied Corps, totalling fifteen divisions – more than a 3 to 1 ratio over the German defenders – and this was preceded by an artillery bombardment of over 1,600 guns. This was nearly twice the size of the Allies’ first attempt to break through at Cassino in January 1944. And unlike in January, the Germans holding the line were now much weaker and degraded after repeated Allied attempts to break through over four months of bitter combat.
An hour before midnight on the 11th of May, heavy guns like this 7.2-inch howitzer Mk IV opened up across the entire front, pounding the German positions of the Gustav Line. This particular gun, which was mounted on an American carriage, could fire 90-kilogram high explosive shells at 520 metres per second, which was the kind of destructive power required to soften up the Gustav Line. Shortly after the bombardment, Allied infantry and tanks began their advance into the stubborn line that had frustrated them for many bloody months. As a result of this overwhelming, coordinated attack, the Allies finally achieved the success that they had been waiting for."
Voice over: "The key breakthrough came at Monte Majo, opposite Monte Cassino. The Germans believed this area was impassable and left it comparatively lightly defended. When Moroccan Goumiers attacked on May 13th they routed the defending Germans and pushed up into the valley.
Kesselring had other problems too. Allied air attacks had savaged his supply lines and Allied deception operations had led him to divert forces from the Gustav Line. On top of that, three of his top commanders were on leave in Germany which made it difficult to organise a counterattack. By May 15th, his line was beginning to buckle, only Monte Cassino still held."
Adrian Kerrison: "Though the French forces had made good progress, the British forces were still forcing their way through one of the most heavily defended parts of the line. This ration tin was in the pocket of Fred Woollcott of the 2nd Battalion, Royal Fusiliers when he was wounded during the second day of the Diadem offensive. In the morning, his battalion had crossed a Bailey bridge over the Rapido River under heavy fire, before launching an attack against a series of fortified stone houses with a squadron of tanks in support. They sustained heavy casualties, but fortunately achieved their objective.
We don’t know at what stage in the morning Fred was wounded, but by looking at the ration tin it is quite clear how damaging the projectile that hit him was. The corner of the tin is pretty much obliterated, with the rolled edges of the tin bending and twisting outward and inwards. Luckily, Fred survived, but at least 39 men in the battalion had been killed by the end of the day, with many more wounded."
Voice over: "After resting, the British forces attacked again on the 17th and this time, they found success. Two Polish divisions fought through the night up the slopes of Monte Cassino and by the next morning, it was finally in Allied hands. The Gustav Line had fallen. A week later, the Allies began their breakout from Anzio. They were now at numerical advantage, and with support from massed artillery fire they too broke through the German lines. By the 25th of May, they had linked up with the rest of 5th Army and created a continuous front. It was at this point however, that Mark Clark made one of the most staggering decisions of the Second World War."
Adrian Kerrison: "Clark had orders to proceed to Valmontone on Highway 6 and cut off the retreat of the German 10th Army. Instead, he chose to turn North towards Rome. He was worried about flanking attacks and believed that the 10th Army had other escape routes, but the main reason for his decision was to ensure that his 5th Army, rather than the British 8th Army, got the glory of capturing the Italian capital.
The main problem was that Clark likely could have made it to Rome quicker, and with fewer casualties, if he had stuck to the plan. VI Corps got stuck at the next German Line, known as the Caesar Line, for four days, and only broke through thanks to the 36th Texas Division, who spotted a rare gap in the line that was then fully exploited. Meanwhile, a large portion of the 10th Army was able to escape north, where the Allies would have to face them once again at the Gothic Line."
Voice over: "On June 3rd, the Germans declared Rome an open city. And on June 5th Mark Clark entered the city. His glory was short-lived, however. On June 6th, Allied forces invaded Normandy in Operation Overlord. Over the following months, the Allies advanced well beyond Rome to the Gothic Line. Allied forces now joined by Brazilian and Italian troops broke through in September, but the weather bogged them down once again. More turgid, bloody fighting lay in store, until a breakthrough was finally achieved in April 1945. By the end of the month Mussolini was dead and the German forces in Italy surrendered.
The losses were heavy on both sides, with around 312,000 Allied and 434,000 German casualties by the end of the war. The campaign also led to a civil war in fascist controlled Italy during which thousands of partisans and civilians lost their lives. Subjected to Allied bombing, German reprisals, and mass rape, the people of Italy paid a high price for their liberation.
Today, the Italian campaign is one of the most controversial of the Second World War. Debates still rage, not only over the many blunders and mistakes made along the way, but over whether the campaign should even have been fought in the first place."
Adrian Kerrison: "In the sense that Italy could have potentially unlocked an easier route into Germany, the campaign has to be considered a costly failure. Allied planners did not fully appreciate that the Italian peninsula was a defender’s dream, and this mistake came at the cost of around 312,000 Allied casualties, of which around 65,000 were killed.
However, in the sense that it tied up a huge number of German troops that could have been deployed elsewhere, it has to be considered a success. From May 1944 to April 1945, the Germans on average had about 350,000 troops inside Italy at any one time, and this excludes Italian forces who could have been committed to the Eastern Front or western Europe if the Allies hadn’t knocked them out of the war.
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https://www.ima-usa.com/products/original-british-wwii-era-56th-london-infantry-division-battledress-uniform-tunic-with-period-applied-insignia
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Original British WWII Era 56th London Infantry Division Battledress Uniform Tunic With Period Applied Insignia
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http://www.ima-usa.com/cdn/shop/files/ONJR23NCA018__02_grande.jpg?v=1690576598
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http://www.ima-usa.com/cdn/shop/files/ONJR23NCA018__02_grande.jpg?v=1690576598
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Original Item: Only One Available. Now this is a lovely, near unissued condition example of a British Battledress uniform top. The uniform itself bears lovely, period applied insignia for the 56th London Division. Battledress (BD), later named the No. 5 Uniform, was the combat uniform worn by British Commonwealth and I
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International Military Antiques
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https://www.ima-usa.com/products/original-british-wwii-era-56th-london-infantry-division-battledress-uniform-tunic-with-period-applied-insignia
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Original Item: Only One Available. Now this is a lovely, near unissued condition example of a British Battledress uniform top. The uniform itself bears lovely, period applied insignia for the 56th London Division. Battledress (BD), later named the No. 5 Uniform, was the combat uniform worn by British Commonwealth and Imperial forces through the Second World War. This jacket is dated 1946.
Battledress was introduced into the British Army just before the start of the war and worn until the 1960s. Other nations introduced their own variants of battledress during the war, including Australia, Canada, India, New Zealand, South Africa, and the United States and after the Second World War, including Argentina, Belgium, Norway, the Netherlands, and Greece.
It was worn mostly but not exclusively in temperate climates. In some armies it continued in use into the 1970s. During the Second World War and thereafter this uniform was also used for formal parades (including mounting the guard at Buckingham Palace) until the re-introduction of separate parade uniforms in the late 1950s.
The uniform itself is dated 1946 and still has a complete label on the interior. The uniform, though dated 1946, is identical to the earlier wartime uniform and would fit into your WWII displays without fault.
Comes ready for display.
Approximate Measurements:
Collar to shoulder: 9.5"
Shoulder to sleeve: 25.5”
Shoulder to shoulder: 17.5”
Chest width: 23"
Waist width: 18.5"
Hip width: 18.5"
Front length: 23.5"
1st (London) Motor Division mobilized at the outbreak of the Second World War in September 1939. It was reorganized as an infantry division in June 1940 and renamed the 56th (London) Infantry Division on 18 November 1940. The divisional insignia during the Second World War was changed to an outline of a black cat in a red background. The cat stood for Dick Whittington's cat, a symbol of London.
The division remained in the United Kingdom during the Battle of France, moving to the Middle East in November 1942, where it served in Iraq and Palestine, until moving to Egypt in March 1943 and thence forward to Libya and the front, in April. This involved the division, commanded by Major-General Eric Miles, travelling some 2,300 miles (3,700 km) by road, a notable achievement and testament to the organization of the division and the ability of its mechanics and technicians. The division, minus the 168th Brigade, fought in the final stages of the Tunisian Campaign, where it suffered heavy casualties facing the German 90th Light Infantry Division, including its GOC, Major-General Miles, who had been in command since October 1941. He was replaced by Major-General Douglas Graham.
The division sat out the Allied invasion of Sicily and moved to Italy in September 1943, where they fought in the landings at Salerno under the command of the British X Corps. During this time the 201st Guards Brigade joined the division, to replace the 168th Brigade which returned to the division in October, although the 201st remained attached until January 1944. The 56th Division then crossed the Volturno Line in October and took part in the fighting around the Bernhardt Line. In January 1944, the 56th Division, now commanded by Major-General Gerald Templer, saw service in the Battle of Monte Cassino, serving there until February 1944 and participated in the Anzio campaign until relieved in March.
After being withdrawn to Egypt at the end of March, the division, under Major-General John Whitfield, returned to Italy in July 1944, where it took part in the Battles along the Gothic Line and remained there until after Victory in Europe Day. During the fighting of 1944 and 1945, some of the infantry battalions that suffered heavy casualties were disbanded, to make up for an acute manpower shortage. The division also took part in Operation Grapeshot, the Allied offensive which ended the war in Italy.
After crossing the Volturno in October 1943, the division entered the town of Calvi Vecchia. Their attempts to radio the Fifth Army to cancel a planned bombing on the town failed. As a last resort, the 56th released an American homing pigeon, named G.I. Joe, which carried a message that reached the allies just as the planes were being warmed up. The attack was called off and the town was saved from the planned air assault.
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https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/8th_Landwehr_Division_(German_Empire)
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en
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8th Landwehr Division (German Empire)
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"Contributors to Military Wiki"
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2024-08-14T13:00:00+00:00
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The 8th Landwehr Division (8. Landwehr-Division) was a unit of the Prussian/German Army.[1] The division was formed on January 31, 1915 out of the formerly independent 56th Landwehr Infantry Brigade, which had been dissolved on January 25, 1915. The division spent the period from its formation...
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en
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/skins-ucp/mw139/common/favicon.ico
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Military Wiki
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https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/8th_Landwehr_Division_(German_Empire)
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8th Landwehr Division (8. Landwehr-Division)Active 1915-1919Country Baden/GermanyBranch ArmyType InfantrySize Approx. 12,500Engagements World War I
The 8th Landwehr Division (8. Landwehr-Division) was a unit of the Prussian/German Army.[1] The division was formed on January 31, 1915 out of the formerly independent 56th Landwehr Infantry Brigade, which had been dissolved on January 25, 1915. The division spent the period from its formation to early 1917 mainly involved in positional warfare in Upper Alsace, after which it occupied the trenchlines near Verdun. It remained in positional warfare in this general region until the end of the war. It participated in no major battles, but was primarily suited to quieter sectors of the line. Allied intelligence rated the division as a fourth class division, though it noted that "in the attack it did fairly well, without heavy loss." [2][3] The division was disbanded in 1919 during the demobilization of the German Army after World War I.
The 8th Landwehr Division, like the 56th Landwehr Infantry Brigade before it, was raised in the Grand Duchy of Baden. As a Landwehr division, it was primarily composed of older soldiers who had already fulfilled their regular and reserve service obligations.
Commanding officers[]
The commanding officers of the 8th Landwehr Division were:[4]
Generalleutnant Albert von Bodungen (January 25, 1915 - January 5, 1917)
Generalleutnant Otto Hans Eduard Schumann (January 6, 1917 - December 15, 1918)
Order of battle on March 12, 1915[]
The order of battle of the division on March 12, 1915, shortly after its formation, was as follows:[5]
Badisches Landwehr-Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 109
Badisches Landwehr-Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 110
Feld-Maschinengewehr-Zug Nr. 27
Feld-Maschinengewehr-Zug Nr. 29
Festungs-Maschinengewehr-Trupp/Festung Istein
Festungs-Maschinengewehr-Trupp/Festung Hüningen
2. Landwehr-Eskadron/XIV. Armeekorps
3. Landwehr-Eskadron/XIV. Armeekorps
Ersatz-Abteilung/2. Unter-Elsässisches Feldartillerie-Regiment Nr. 67
Landwehr-Fußartillerie-Bataillon Nr. 13
Ersatz-Bataillon/Lauenburgisches Fußartillerie-Regiment Nr. 20
2.Reserve-Kompanie/Badisches Pionier-Bataillon Nr. 14
Lichtsignal-Abteilung Nr. 2/Festung Istein
Festungs-Luftschiff-Trupp Nr. 13
Fernsprech-Trupp Nr. 4
Minenwerfer-Trupp Nr. 4
Order of battle on January 4, 1918[]
Divisions underwent many changes during the war, with regiments moving from division to division, and some being destroyed and rebuilt. The 8th Landwehr Division, originally not much bigger than a reinforced brigade, received a third infantry regiment and was reorganized as a standard German infantry division. An artillery command and a divisional signals command were created. The 8th Landwehr Division's order of battle on January 4, 1918 was as follows:[6]
56. Landwehr-Infanterie-Brigade
Badisches Landwehr-Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 109
Badisches Landwehr-Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 110
Badisches Landwehr-Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 111
1. Eskadron/Jäger-Regiment zu Pferde Nr. 5
Artillerie-Kommandeur 147 (from June 6, 1917)
Landwehr-Feldartillerie-Regiment Nr. 8 (from August 7, 1915)
Stab Pionier-Bataillon Nr. 408
1.Reserve-Kompanie/Badisches Pionier-Bataillon Nr. 14
2.Reserve-Kompanie/Badisches Pionier-Bataillon Nr. 14
Minenwerfer-Kompanie Nr. 308
Divisions-Nachrichten-Kommandeur 508 (from September 12, 1917)
References[]
8.Landwehr-Division (Chronik 1915/1919) - Der erste Weltkrieg
Hermann Cron et al., Ruhmeshalle unserer alten Armee (Berlin, 1935)
Hermann Cron, Geschichte des deutschen Heeres im Weltkriege 1914-1918 (Berlin, 1937)
Günter Wegner, Stellenbesetzung der deutschen Heere 1815-1939. (Biblio Verlag, Osnabrück, 1993), Bd. 1
Histories of Two Hundred and Fifty-One Divisions of the German Army which Participated in the War (1914-1918), compiled from records of Intelligence section of the General Staff, American Expeditionary Forces, at General Headquarters, Chaumont, France 1919 (1920)
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https://mil.wa.gov/history-of-the-1-161st-infantry-battalion
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Washington State Military Department, Citizens Serving Citizens with Pride & Tradition
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History
Origin
The 161st Infantry was first organized on 9 March 1886 as the 1st Infantry Regiment and the 2nd Infantry Regiment (on 7 April 1887) from existing independent militia companies which traced their origins back to 1855 when the Federal Government granted permission to the Washington Territory to raise a voluntary militia to defend settlers against attacks by the Yakima Indians.
Philippine Insurrection 1898-1902
During the War with Spain the United States seized the Philippine Islands in 1898. Elements of the Filipino army, who wanted independence and resented the seizure of their islands by the United States, began hostilities against U.S. Army units stationed in the Philippines. To reinforce these units, the War Department mustered National Guard units into federal service. Among them were ten companies of the 1st and 2nd Infantry Battalions of the Washington National Guard mustered into federal service 6-13 May 1898 at Tacoma. The Washington National Guardsmen were then reorganized and redesignated as the 1st Regiment, Washington Volunteer Infantry.
The regiment was dispatched to the Philippines where it was assigned to the 2nd Brigade, 1st Division, VIII Corps. In what is known officially as the Philippine Insurrection and also known as the Philippine-American War, the 1st Washington participated in the Manila campaign as well as seeing additional action against the Filipino insurgents on the island of Luzon in 1899. The regiment was cited for valorous conduct at the Battle of Santa Ana. The First Washington spent a week in Japan en route back to America. It was mustered out of federal service on 1 November 1899 at San Francisco, CA.
Mexican Punitive Expedition
Also known as Pancho Villa Expedition In 1916, the War Department once again mustered National Guard units into federal service to reinforce Regular Army units protecting the southern border of the United States from raids by the Mexican rebel Pancho Villa. The First Washington - now designated the 2nd Infantry Regiment, Washington National Guard - was mustered into federal service on 28 June 1916 at Camp Elmer M. Brown, WA and was dispatched to Calexico, CA for duty. Three months later the regiment returned to American Lake, WA where it was mustered out on 8 October 1916.
World War I
As war clouds gathered, the 2nd Infantry Regiment, Washington National Guard was called back into federal service on 25 March 1917. In July 1917 the War Department set up a new numbering system for infantry regiments with National Guard regiments to be numbered 101-300. One hundred and sixty seven National Guard regiments were renumbered. From 19 September to 20 October 1917, the 2nd Infantry Regiment was consolidated with elements of the 3rd Infantry Regiment, District of Columbia National Guard to form the 161st Infantry Regiment. The 161st was assigned to the 41st Division on 19 September 1917. Sent overseas to France, the 161st was not committed to combat. Rather, the personnel of the 161st were used as replacements for other units. For its service the regiment was awarded the World War I campaign streamer without inscription. The 161st was demobilized 1-8 March 1919 at Camp Dix, NJ and Camp Dodge, IA.
World War II
When the 41st Infantry Division was called to active duty on 16 September 1940 it was still configured as a square division with two brigades of four infantry regiments, of which one was the 161st Infantry. Initially ordered to Camp Murray, Washington on 20 September 1940, the division was transferred to Fort Lewis, Washington on 20 March 1941. Between 5 June and 2 July 1941 the 41st participated in the IX Corps maneuvers at Hunter Leggett Military Reservation, California. Returning to Washington State, the division next participated in the Fourth Army maneuvers at Fort Lewis from 15 through 30 August 1940.
With the 41st Division being reconfigured to the new triangular division, the 161st was considered excess. The War Department ordered the 161st Infantry to the Philippine Islands to reinforce American forces there in anticipation of a possible Japanese invasion. The Japanese attacked Hawaii and the Philippines before the 161st was to depart San Francisco. In reaction the War Department directed the 161st to Hawaii to reinforce the defenses there. The regiment sailed from San Francisco on 16 December 1941, arriving in Hawaii on 21 December 1941. On 17 February 1942 the 161st Infantry was reassigned from the 41st Division to the Hawaiian Department. On 23 July 1942 the War Department reassigned the 298th Infantry Regiment of the Hawaiian National Guard, which had been assigned to the 25th since the division's activation on 1 October 1941, to the 24th Infantry Division and replaced it on 3 August 1942 with the 161st Infantry.
The 161st, along with the rest of the 25th Infantry Division, was alerted for shipment to Guadalcanal to reinforce the American forces already there and to provide sufficient combat strength to allow the US XIV Corps to launch offensive operations to destroy the Japanese forces on the island. The 25th was reconfigured into three regimental combat teams (RCT). The 161st RCT was composed of the 161st Infantry, the 89th Field Artillery Battalion and other combat support units under the command of Colonel Clarence A. Orndorff. The 25th departed Hawaii at the end of November 1942.
Guadalcanal
The 35th RCT arrived at Guadalcanal on 17 December 1942, followed by the 27th RCT on 1 January 1943, with the 161st RCT arriving on 4 January 1943. The 25th Division was assigned to the XIV Corps composed of the 25th, the Americal Division and the 2nd Marine Division. Chosen to lead the first offensive actions were the 35th RCT against the Mt. Austin area and the 27th RCT against a series of hills called Galloping Horse. The 161st was placed in division reserve minus the 1st Battalion, which was attached to the 27th as a reserve. (Division personnel strength reports for that period show the 161st Infantry Regiment to be seriously under-strength, being short close to 1300 personnel). While in reserve manning defensive positions around the airstrip, named Henderson Airfield, the 161st was also handed the assignment of eliminating a concentration of Japanese troops in what became known as the Matanikau River Pocket. The Pocket, estimated to hold 500 enemy troops, was a dense jungle redoubt positioned between a steep hillside and a high cliff over the Matanikau River. The heavy undergrowth masked the well-camouflaged Japanese positions, both on the ground and high in the trees, and made dislodging them a slow, grim task. The combination, though, of frequent patrols, heavy artillery bombardment, and starvation served to eliminate this strong point in the end. On 10 January 1943 the offensive was launched and successfully completed by 21 January with the seizure of Galloping Horse by the 27th Infantry and Mount Austin and the Gifu strong point by the 35th Infantry.
The second phase of the Corps offensive was to drive to the Poha River. The 161st Infantry was designated to lead the Division attack. The 27th Infantry was to conduct a holding attack on Hill 87 to tie down the Japanese units while the 161st flanked the Japanese positions from the southwest. However the 27th found that the Japanese had withdrawn, thus negating the 161st flanking attack. Because of a feared reinforcement of Japanese forces on Guadalcanal which never came, the 25th Division was ordered to guard the airfields while the 161st Infantry was placed under corps control and ordered to continue the drive north. On 6 February two battalions of the 161st reached the Umasani River and then crossed the Tambalego River. On 8 February they met light Japanese resistance prior to seizing Doma Cove. The next day the 1st Battalion of the 161st linked up with a battalion of the Americal Division at the village of Tenaro effectively ending organized Japanese resistance on Guadalcanal.
The 25th Division remained on Guadalcanal to defend against any Japanese attempts to recapture the island. The 161st along with the rest of the division spent the spring and summer of 1943 training and recuperating.
Northern Solomons
With Guadalcanal secured, attention turned to recapturing the remaining Solomon Islands, particularly the island of New Georgia where the Japanese had built a key airfield at Munda. Initially the 25th Division, now known as the Tropic Lightning Division for its swift combat actions on Guadalcanal, was not included in the invasion plans for New Georgia as resistance was anticipated to be light. However once US forces landed on New Georgia, Japanese resistance stiffened and Corps requested a regiment from the 25th Division. The 161st was selected, landing on New Georgia on 22 July 1943 and was attached to the 37th Division.
The mission of the 37th Division was to take Bibilo Hill. As the attack commenced the 3rd Battalion of the 161st ran into stiff resistance while approaching the line of departure for the attack, coming under heavy fire from a ridgeline later called Bartley's Ridge. This ridgeline contained numerous pillboxes which were well hidden and mutually supporting.
On 25 July the attack on Bartley's Ridge commenced. While the 3rd Battalion attacked the ridgeline frontally, the 1st Battalion flanked the position. While partially successful the attack stalled. Resuming the attack on 28 July, the 161st was successful in clearing the ridgeline. The regiment then moved on to attack Horseshoe Hill, which had the same type of defenses as Bartley's Ridge. By 1 August, using every weapon available, including flamethrowers, the 161st cleared the hill, pillbox by pillbox and closed on Bibilo Hill.
The XIV Corps ordered the 25th Division to New Georgia on 2 August. The 161st, back under 25th control, along with the 27th Infantry was ordered to attack north from Bibilo Hill and clear the Japanese between them and the sea. The 27th Infantry overcame stiff resistance in their drive to the north. The 161st, probing west of the Bairoko River and on to Bairoko Harbor, found the Japanese had fled before them. On 25 August, the 161st and the 27th linked up and fighting on New Georgia ended.
With the battle for the Solomon Islands over, the Tropic Lightning Division returned to Guadalcanal in early November 1943 and then moved on to New Zealand. Here the division was brought back to full strength and in February 1944 it sailed to New Caledonia for intensive training. Throughout the summer the 25th trained hard from squad level up to division, with the 35th Infantry serving as an opposing force. In the fall the division became proficient in conducting amphibious landings in preparation for its participation in the liberation of the Philippine Islands.
Luzon
On 9 January 1945 the Sixth Army landed at Lingayen Gulf, Luzon. The 25th Division was held as Army reserve and was not committed to the fighting until 17 January when the 25th Division was assigned to I Corps. Significantly the commitment of the 25th Division brought the return to Luzon after a 46-year absence, of the 1st Washington Volunteer Infantry, now the 161st Infantry, not to fight the Filipinos as their grandfathers had done but to liberate them from their Japanese conquerors.
The 27th and 161st Infantry were given the mission of liberating three villages. Both regiments were entering combat for the first time in over a year. The 27th Infantry encountered only light resistance in taking their objective but the 161st ran into stiff resistance as they attacked the village of Binalonan. The 161st turned back counterattacking Japanese tanks and infantry as they secured the village on 18 January.
The 161st was next given the mission of clearing the town of San Manuel of Japanese forces. The Japanese forces were well dug in and determined to hold San Manual. Seizing the high ground northwest of the town on 22 January, the Regiment found itself in a fierce fight with a determined foe. The Japanese force consisted of some 1,000 troops supported by approximately forty tanks. As the 2nd Battalion, 161st Infantry supported by Cannon Company, 161st Infantry advanced to the edge of the town, the Japanese counterattacked. In extreme close combat the brunt of the attack fell on Company E supported by Cannon Company equipped with self-propelled direct-fire 105mm howitzers. In the two hour battle Cannon Company destroyed nine enemy tanks as Company E, while sustaining fifty percent casualties in close combat, turned back the Japanese attack. On 25 January the 2nd Battalion resumed its advance into the town led by Cannon Company which destroyed some twenty dug-in enemy tanks and four artillery pieces and some 150 enemy soldiers while the 2nd Battalion inflicted additional heavy casualties on the retreating Japanese forces as the 161st completed the liberation of San Manuel by 28 January. For their extreme gallantry both Company E and Cannon Company were each awarded a Presidential Unit Citation.
The 161st next occupied the recently abandoned village of San Isidro on 6 February. By this date the operation to secure the central plains of Luzon was complete. The I Corps was directed to turn north into the mountains of northern Luzon to attack the main Japanese stronghold.
The 25th Division was given the mission of clearing Highway 5 from San Jose north to the village of Digdig. The 161st cleared the ridges west of the road and the 27th Infantry cleared on the east while the 35th Infantry conducted a flanking movement to the enemy rear. The Japanese put up only minimal resistance and Highway 5 to Digdig was secure by 5 March 1945.
The 25th was directed by I Corps to continue the advance north on Highway 5. The division maintained the same formation with the 161st west of the road, the 27th on the east side and the 35th leading the attack with an enveloping maneuver to take the town of Putlan. The 35th reached the town on 8 March but was halted when the Japanese destroyed the bridge over the Putlan River and put up a fierce defense of the town. The advance was stalled until 10 March when the 27th and 161st relieved the 35th and cleared the Japanese from the area.
On 13 March, I Corps ordered the Tropic Lightning to continue its successful advance up Highway 5 to seize the town of Kapintalan, then attack through Balete Pass to the town of Santa Fe. The area was a series of rugged ridges and thick forests, making progress against a determined, well fortified enemy extremely difficult. The Battle of Belete Pass was to prove to be one of the toughest fights the 25th Division faced in WW II, with all three regimental combat teams seeing heavy combat.
The 1st Battalion of the 161st assaulted Norton's Knob, west of Highway 5 on 15 March 1945. The battalion met heavy opposition from well dug-in Japanese forces. For ten days the battle raged, with the 1st Battalion finally seizing the ridge on 26 March.
At the same time the 3rd Battalion of the 161st attacked Highley Ridge north of Norton Ridge. A heavily defended Japanese position dug into caves on Crump's Hill stopped the battalion's advance. The battle for the hill was stalemated until the battalion captured the west side of Crump's Hill on 8 April. Reinforced by the 2nd Battalion, the 3rd Battalion then eliminated the last Japanese resistance.
Meanwhile, the 35th and 27th Infantry battled to clear Mount Myoko, Kapintalin and Balete Pass. After clearing Crump's Hill the 161st Infantry assaulted the Kembu Plateau west of Balete Pass in support of the overall drive to seize the pass. By 6 May, the 161st secured the plateau. Three days later, on 9 May, the 161st linked up with the 27th Infantry at Balete Pass, opening the pass for the advance to the town of Santa Fe.
On 19 May the 25th resumed its drive along Highway 5. The 35th attacked astride the highway with the 27th on the right flank and the 161st advancing on the west side of the highway. On 22 May the 161st turned west to clear the Japanese off of Mount Haruna and then continued north over the Haruna ridge to reach the Villa Verde Trail, west of Santa Fe. Except for mopping up actions in support of the clearing of the Old Spanish Trail by the 27th and 35th Infantry, there were no further major combat actions conducted by the 161st Infantry before the campaign for Luzon was officially declared ended on 4 July 1945.
The 25th Infantry Division then went into rest and recuperation. It had served in continuous combat longer than any division in the Sixth Army. Plans called for the division to take part in the invasion of Japan and exercises for the assault landings were undertaken. But with the dropping of the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki the war ended, and soldiers of the 25th could land on Japanese soil without taking casualties.
The 161st Infantry entered Japan peacefully, as the regiment had done as the 1st Washington Volunteers after the Philippine Insurrection. The stay of the 161st in Japan, however, would only be slightly longer than its stay in 1899. On 1 November 1945, the 161st Infantry Regiment was inactivated and replaced on that date by the 4th Infantry Regiment.
The 161st Infantry Regiment had one Medal of Honor recipient during the war: Technician Fourth Grade Laverne Parrish
Operation Iraqi Freedom
The 1st Battalion, 161st along with the other elements of the 81st Armor Brigade was called to federal service in 2003 and arrived in Iraq in April 2004. The 1st Battalion, 161st Infantry was attached to the 3rd Brigade, 1st Cavalry Division. The battalion was based at Logistical Support Area Highlander adjacent to the International (Green) Zone in Baghdad. The battalion provided security for the Green Zone and conducted full spectrum operations in southeast Baghdad. There the 161 faced stiff opposition from the Mahdi Army, led by Shiite Cleric Al Sadr. This area of operations was the largest battalion level are of responsibility in the 1st Cavalry Division. The 1st Battalion completed its tour of duty and returned home in April 2005.
The 1st Battalion, 161st deployed to Iraq again in 2008 where it was tasked with providing security for logistic convoys throughout most of northern Iraq. The battalion was stationed out of Balad among other remote bases.
Regimental honors
Philippine Presidential Unit Citation, Streamer embroidered 17 OCTOBER 1944 TO 4 JULY 1945
1st Battalion honors
Meritorious Unit Commendation (Army), Streamer embroidered IRAQ 2004–2005
Meritorious Unit Commendation (Army), Streamer embroidered IRAQ 2008–2009
Lineage
Constituted and organized 9 March 1886 and 7 April 1887 from existing companies in the Washington Territorial Militia as the 1st (west of Cascade Mountains) and 2d (east of Cascade Mountains) Regiments of Infantry
(Active militia Washington Territory redesignated Washington [Territory] National Guard 28 January 1888)
2d Infantry Regiment reorganized and redesignated 23 July 1895 as 1st Infantry Battalion
1st Infantry Regiment reorganized and redesignated in 1897 as 2d Infantry Battalion
Elements of 1st and 2d Infantry Battalions consolidated in part, redesignated 1st Regiment, Washington Volunteer Infantry, and mustered into Federal service 6–13 May 1898 at Tacoma; mustered out 1 November 1899 at San Francisco, California
Remaining companies of 1st and 2d Infantry Battalions reorganized as Independent Battalion, Washington Volunteer Infantry, and mustered into Federal service 2–15 July 1898 at Tacoma; mustered out 28 October 1898 at Vancouver Barracks
Elements reorganized and consolidated with 1st and 2d Infantry Regiments, Washington National Guard. (organized in 1898), and redesignated 9 November 1899 as 1st Infantry Regiment
Redesignated in May 1903 as 2d Infantry Regiment
(Companies C,K, and M withdrawn, converted, and redesignated 5th, 3d, and 2d Companies, Coast Artillery Reserve Corps; Company A disbanded, then reorganized in 1909 as 4th Company, Coast Artillery Corps)
Mustered into Federal service 28 June 1916 at Camp Elmer M. Brown, Washington, for Mexican Border; mustered out 8 October 1916 at American Lake
Called into Federal service 25 March 1917; drafted into Federal service 5 August 1917
Consolidated with elements of 3d Infantry Regiment, District of Columbia National Guard, and redesignated 19 September 1917 as 161st Infantry, an element of the 41st Infantry Division (United States)
Demobilized 1–8 March 1919 at Camp Dix, New Jersey and Camp Dodge, Iowa
State of Washington elements reorganized 1 January 1921 in the Washington National Guard as 161st Infantry; assigned to the 41st Division
(1st Battalion and Supply Company withdrawn, converted, and redesignated 10 May 1921 as 146th Field Artillery Regiment (United States))
Inducted into Federal service 16 September 1940 at Spokane
Relieved from assignment to the 41st Division 14 February 1942
Assigned to the 25th Infantry Division (United States) 3 August 1942
Relieved from assignment to the 25th Infantry Division and inactivated 1 November 1945 at Nagoya, Japan
Assigned to the 41st Division 17 June 1946
Reorganized and Federally recognized 24 March 1947 with Headquarters at Spokane
Reorganized 15 April 1959 as 161st Infantry, a parent regiment under the Combat Arms Regimental System, to consist of the 1st and 2d Battle Groups, elements of the 41st Infantry Division
Reorganized 1 March 1963 to consist of the 1st and 2d Battalions
Reorganized 1 January 1968 to consist of the 1st, 2d, and 3d Battalions, elements of 81st Infantry Brigade
Reorganized 1 May 1971 to consist of the 1st and 3d Battalions, elements of 81st Infantry Brigade,and the 2d Battalion
Reorganized 1 January 1974 to consist of the 1st and 3d Battalions, elements of 81st Infantry Brigade
Withdrawn 1 May 1989 from the Combat Arms Regimental System and reorganized under the United States Army Regimental System with Headquarters at Spokane
Reorganized 1 October 1998 to consist of the 1st Battalion, an element of the 81st Infantry Brigade
Campaign
Philippine Insurrection
Manila
Luzon 1899
World War I
Streamer without inscription
World War II
Guadalcanal
Northern Solomons
Luzon
Operation Iraqi Freedom
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http://www.historyisnowmagazine.com/blog/2024/7/23/what-happened-at-world-war-2s-operation-roast-at-lake-comacchio-italy-in-1945
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What Happened at World War 2’s Operation Roast at Lake Comacchio, Italy in 1945? — History is Now Magazine, Podcasts, Blog and Books
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2024-07-23T00:00:00
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On April 1, 1945, in the final stages of the Second World War, the British Army launched Operation Roast at Lake Comacchio in Italy. This operation was part of the Italian Campaign, a critical offensive aimed at breaking the German defensive lines and paving the way for the Allies to advance towards
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History is Now Magazine, Podcasts, Blog and Books | Modern International and American history
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http://www.historyisnowmagazine.com/blog/2024/7/23/what-happened-at-world-war-2s-operation-roast-at-lake-comacchio-italy-in-1945
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Strategic Importance and Objectives
Lake Comacchio, a large lagoon in northern Italy, presented a formidable natural barrier. The area was heavily fortified by the Germans, who used the wetlands to their advantage, creating a series of defensive positions that were difficult to assault. The primary objective of Operation Roast was to outflank these defenses, secure the eastern bank of the lake, and facilitate the advance of the main Army towards Argenta, a crucial point in the German defensive line known as the Gothic Line.
Forces Involved
The operation was spearheaded by the British 56th (London) Infantry Division, supported by elements of the 2nd Commando Brigade and other supporting units.
Key units included:
· 56th (London) Infantry Division: Comprised of several infantry brigades, this division was tasked with the main assault across the terrain around Lake Comacchio.
· 2nd Commando Brigade: A specialist brigade trained in amphibious operations and close-quarters combat. Which was made up of No. 2 and 9 Army commandos and 40 and 43 Royal Marines commandos. The commando brigade played a crucial role in the initial assaults and in securing key objectives.
· North Irish Horse: An armored regiment that provided crucial support with their tanks, aiding in breaking through German defensive positions.
· Royal Artillery: Providing artillery support for different aspects of the assault.
· Royal Engineers: Aiding in securing vital bridges by disabling and removal of demolition charges, in addition to, making blown-up bridges serviceable.
The Assault Begins
The operation commenced in the early hours of the 1st of April, 1945. Under the cover of darkness and with the support of heavy artillery bombardment, the 2nd Commando Brigade launched their assault across the lake's eastern shore. The commandos, using small boats and amphibious vehicles struggle for hours in mud and slime, however, once in the final assault position these units moved quickly to engage German positions.
Nos. 2, 40 and 43 Commandos all made their objectives relatively quickly, although the Germans succeeded in blowing up one bridge before it was captured by No.2 Commando. No. 9 Commando initially made good progress until No. 5 and No. 6 Troops (especially 5 Troop), became seriously pinned down across a killing ground while attempting to capture the enemy position.
1 and 2 Troops made good progress down the center of the Spit, on receiving information regarding the situation of 5 and 6 Troops, 1 and 2 troop bypassed their objective in order to turn about. Laying smoke, and carrying out a bayonet charge that overran the German positions with the German defenders fleeing into the waiting Bren guns of 6 Troop.
Despite facing fierce resistance, the commando established a solid foothold, allowing the infantry divisions to begin their advance. One of the key challenges of the operation was the terrain. The area around Lake Comacchio was a mix of wetlands, canals, and embankments, making movement and coordination difficult. The commandos, however, were well-prepared for such conditions, and their training and tenacity proved invaluable.
Decisive Actions
As the commandos secured the initial objectives, the 56th (London) Infantry Division moved in to consolidate and expand the gains. The infantry faced intense combat as they pushed through the German defenses. The North Irish Horse provided critical armored support, using their tanks to destroy fortified positions and clear the way for the advancing troops.
A notable action of Operation Roast occurred on the 8th / 9th of April, when Major Anders Lassen of the Special Boat Section, (SBS), a sub-unit of Special Air Service (SAS), attached to the 2nd Commando Brigade, led a daring assault on a series of German strongpoints. Despite being heavily outnumbered and facing intense fire, Lassen and his men managed to neutralize several enemy positions before he succumbed to a burst of German machine gun fire. For his extraordinary bravery and leadership, Major Lassen was posthumously awarded the Victoria Cross.
The Role of the 2nd Commando Brigade
The 2nd Commando Brigade's role in Operation Roast was crucial. Their ability to execute swift and precise strikes against enemy positions disrupted German defenses allowing the infantry to advance was key to a successful operation. Commandos are trained to operate in challenging environments and their expertise in amphibious warfare was a significant advantage in the wetlands of Lake Comacchio.
Progress and Outcome
Operation Roast was a resounding success, achieving its objectives and significantly weakening the German defensive line around Lake Comacchio. The combined efforts of the British infantry, commandos, armored units and other supporting units forced the Germans to retreat, allowing the main Army to continue its advance towards the Po Valley.
The operation also demonstrated the effectiveness of combined arms tactics and the importance of specialized units like commandos in overcoming challenging terrain and well-fortified positions. The bravery and professionalism of the troops involved, particularly those who were awarded the Victoria Cross, played a vital role in the operation's success.
Aftermath and Legacy
The success of Operation Roast had a profound impact on the broader Italian Campaign. It paved the way for the final Allied push into northern Italy, leading to the eventual surrender of German forces in the region. The operation also highlighted the importance of coordination and adaptability in modern warfare, lessons that would be carried forward into post-war military doctrine.
The actions of Major Anders Lassen and Corporal Thomas Peck Hunter remain a testament to the extraordinary bravery and selflessness of those who served. Their stories continue to inspire future generations of soldiers and Marines and are a significant part of the legacy of the Second World War.
In conclusion, Operation Roast at Lake Comacchio stands as a pivotal moment in the final days of the Second World War, the strategic importance of the operation, the formidable challenges faced by the troops, and the exceptional acts of bravery that were recognized including the award of the two Victoria Cross all contribute to its lasting historical significance. The success of the operation not only facilitated the Allied advance into northern Italy but also exemplified the courage and determination of the soldiers and Royal Marines who fought in one of the most challenging theatres of the war.
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The Award of Victoria Crosses
The Victoria Cross (VC) is the highest military decoration awarded for valor "in the face of the enemy" to members of the British armed forces and various Commonwealth countries including previous British Empire territories.
During Operation Roast, one soldier and one Royal Marine commando were awarded the VC for their acts of gallantry and valor.
Major Anders Lassen: On the night of the 8th of April 1945, Major Lassen a Danish soldier of the SBS, a sub-unit of the SAS, led a patrol to conduct reconnaissance, cause confusion within the enemy lines and eliminate forward enemy positions. Coming under enemy fire he moved his men forward personally silencing 3 enemy positions housing 6 German MG 42 machine guns. Despite being wounded multiple times, he continued to lead and inspire his men, before succumbing to a burst of machine gun fire that mortally wounded Lassen. His actions exemplified the highest standards of bravery and leadership.
Lance Corporal, (Temporary Corporal), Thomas Peck Hunter 43 Commando Royal Marines: On the 2nd of April, 1945, Corporal Thomas Peak Hunter of the Royal Marines commando attached to the 2nd Commando Brigade, showed extraordinary courage during an assault on enemy positions.
Under heavy fire, he advanced alone across open ground, drawing enemy fire away from his comrades and allowing them to capture the objective. Hunter single-handedly cleared a farmstead housing three German MG 42s, after charging across 200 meters of open ground firing his Bren gun from the hip. He continued to provide encouragement to his men and asked for more Bren gun magazines before receiving a burst of enemy fire to his head.
His self-sacrifice and determination were crucial in overcoming the German defenses, and he was posthumously awarded the VC for his gallantry and valor.
Point of interest
The Special Boat Service (SBS) is a special forces unit of the United Kingdom under the control of the Royal Navy Admiralty and is part of the Royal Marine Commando.
The SBS traces its origins back to the Second World War when the Army Special Boat Section was formed in 1940 as a sub-unit of the Special Air Service, (SAS). However, after the Second World War, the Royal Navy through the Royal Marines commando formed the SBS special forces, initially as the Special Boat Company in 1951 then re-designated as the Special Boat Squadron in 1974—until on the 28th of July, 1987 the unit was formally renamed as the Special Boat Service, bringing it inline in respect to a designated name similar to the army special forces unit the Special Air Service, (SAS), warranting the SBS its own budget.
To this day the SAS still maintain a small boat section that works closely with the Royal Marines Commando SBS.
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https://ww1live.wordpress.com/tag/gorlice-tarnow-offensive/
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Gorlice-Tarnów offensive
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2015-06-27T13:22:35+01:00
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Posts about Gorlice-Tarnów offensive written by ianmoore3000
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https://s1.wp.com/i/favicon.ico
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World War 1 Live
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https://ww1live.wordpress.com/tag/gorlice-tarnow-offensive/
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The Russians have been on the back foot since Germany and Austria-Hungary launched the Gorlice-Tarnów offensive. Under the command of Germany’s General Mackensen the offensive has proved a far greater success than expected. As well as recapturing the fortress of Przemysl, the Austro-Hungarians have also returned to Lemberg (also known as Lwów, Lviv, Lvov, etc.), the fourth largest city of the Habsburg Empire. The Germans and Austro-Hungarians are now beginning to cross the Dniester. It will not be long now before all of Galicia is back in Austro-Hungarian hands. The Germans meanwhile are overrunning much of Russian Poland.
In Galicia the returning Austro-Hungarian army receives a warm welcome from the local Jewish community. They had been suffering harsh treatment under the Russian occupation.
In recognition of his triumph, Mackensen is awarded Germany’s highest honour, the Pour le Mérite, and promoted to Field Marshal.
image source (Rechtes Regensburg)
Generals Hindenburg and Ludendorff, Germany’s commanders on the Eastern Front, have long argued that if they are given the men they can inflict a decisive defeat on Russia, knocking it out of the war. Erich von Falkenhayn, Germany’s supreme military commander, is sceptical. He thinks that victory must first be secured on the Western Front before forces can be concentrated against Russia. Despite changing circumstances he is still wedded to the France-first strategy of Germany’s pre-war plans.
However, the run of victories Hindenburg and Ludendorff achieved with the limited forces at their disposal have made their arguments hard to resist. Falkenhayn has given them Germany’s reserves, with which Mackensen, their subordinate, has launched an offensive between Gorlice and Tarnów in Galicia. Mackensen is also commanding large numbers of Austro-Hungarian troops. The hope for the offensive was that the Russian threat to the Hungarian heartland would be eliminated and also that still neutral Bulgaria and Romanian might be encouraged to enter the war on Germany’s side.
The Gorlice-Tarnów offensive is succeeding beyond the wildest dreams of its planners. The teutonic juggernaut has completely smashed the Russians in front of it, who are now either in headlong flight or else surrendering to the victors. Since the offensive was launched last week, some 100,000 Russian prisoners and 100 artillery pieces have been captured.
And today Austro-Hungarian forces cross the San river. Their target is the fortress city of Przemysl, which fell to the Russians in March after a long siege. Its recapture would be a great symbolic victory for the Habsburg Empire.
image sources:
Hindenburg and Ludendorff (Wikipedia)
Russian prisoners (Wikipedia)
Germany’s Mackensen is commanding a combined Austro-Hungarian and German offensive on the Eastern Front, attacking the Russians in Galicia between Gorlice and Tarnów. On the first day of the offensive the Russian line was shattered. Now the Russians throw an entire corps at the enemy in a counter-attack, desperately hoping to stabilise the line.
The counter-attack fails. The Russians are thrown back and many of their units start to disintegrate. The Germans and Austro-Hungarians have achieved a breakthrough: they are now advancing through open country.
German forces are still attacking at Ypres, but the fighting there is a diversion. Falkenhayn has been persuaded to send Germany’s mobile reserve east. It has been decided to attack the Russians between Gorlice and Tarnów in Galicia. Germany’s Mackensen is to lead the attack, commanding German and Austro-Hungarian armies.
The attack begins with a devastating artillery bombardment: some 700,000 shells fired in just a few hours. Then the Germans and Austro-Hungarians surge forwards. In some sectors the artillery bombardment has so shaken the Russians that the attackers find them to have already fled. In others they put up more resistance but are thrown by the strength of Mackensen’s assault. Either way the Russian defenders collapse. This is already looking like another striking victory for German arms on the Eastern Front.
image sources:
August von Mackensen (Wikipedia)
Gorlice-Tarnów map (from a Polish language website which I think is for First World War cemetaries in Poland)
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The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Children's Story Of The War (Volume 4), by Sir Edward Parrott, M.A., LL.D.
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The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Childrens' Story of the War, Volume 4 (of 10), by James Edward Parrott This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org Title: The Childrens' Story of the War, Volume 4 (of 10) Author: James Edward Parrott Release Date: February 28, 2011 [EBook #35386] Language: English Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHILDRENS' STORY *** Produced by Marcia Brooks, Ross Cooling and the Online Distributed Proofreading Canada Team at http://www.pgdpcanada.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
THE
CHILDREN'S STORY
OF THE WAR
BY
SIR EDWARD PARROTT, M.A., LL.D.
AUTHOR OF "BRITAIN OVERSEAS," "THE PAGEANT
OF ENGLISH LITERATURE," ETC.
VOLUME IV.
The Story of the Year 1915
TORONTO
THOMAS NELSON AND SONS, Ltd.
LONDON, EDINBURGH, AND NEW YORK
1916
William Collins.
The Sinking of the Bluecher—January 24, 1915.
CONTENTS.
I. Setting the House in Order 1 II. The Loss of the "Formidable" 17 III. The Battle of the Dogger Bank 23 IV. The Turkish Descent upon Egypt 33 V. Winter Warfare on the Western Front.—I. 44 VI. Winter Warfare on the Western Front.—II. 49 VII. Stories from the Battlefield 58 VIII. The German Success at Soissons 62 IX. Winter Fighting in Champagne, the Argonne, and the Vosges 65 X. The Submarine Blockade begins 77 XI. The Sinking of the "Lusitania" 81 XII. Stories of Submarines 90 XIII. More Stories of Submarine Warfare 97 XIV. Winter Fighting in Poland and East Prussia 105 XV. A Battle of the Middle Ages 113 XVI. The Fall of Przemysl 117 XVII. Stories from Eastern Battlefields 126 XVIII. The Battle of Neuve Chapelle 129 XIX. Soldiers' Stories of Neuve Chapelle 145 XX. The Dardanelles 157 XXI. Ships versus Forts 161 XXII. How we failed at the Narrows 170 XXIII. The Story of Hill 60 177 XXIV. The Poisonous Cloud 188 XXV. The Battle Glory of Canada 193 XXVI. Days of Struggle and Anxiety.—I. 205 XXVII. Days of Struggle and Anxiety.—II. 209 XXVIII. Heroes of the Ypres Salient 217 XXIX. The Battle of the Artois.—I. 222 XXX. The Battle of the Artois.—II. 225 XXXI. The Battle of Festubert 229 XXXII. The Heroisms of Festubert 237 XXXIII. The Gallipoli Peninsula 241 XXXIV. The Battle of the Landing 245 XXXV. Heroes of the Landing 257 XXXVI. Battering at the Barriers 266 XXXVII. A Splendid Failure 273 XXXVIII. The Storm bursts 289 XXXIX. Stories of the Great Retreat 305 XL. From Storm to Calm 310 XLI. Midsummer on the Western Front 321 XLII. In Champagne 337 XLIII. The Battle of Loos.—I. 347 XLIV. The Battle of Loos.—II. 353 XLV. Bravest of the Brave.—I. 364 XLVI. Bravest of the Brave.—II. 369 XLVII. The War in the Air 377 XLVIII. Heroes of the Air 382 XLIX. The Coming of the Zeppelins 385 L. The Overrunning of Serbia 391
[1]
CHAPTER I.
SETTING THE HOUSE IN ORDER.
In this volume I am going to tell you the story of the war as it unfolded itself during the year 1915. It was a year of life-and-death struggle, during which two other nations were swept by the seething whirlpool into the waters of strife, and eight out of ten persons in the continent of Europe were living under war conditions. It was a year during which the three greatest empires of the world, and seven other Powers, fought fierce and bitter combats on five different battle fronts in Europe alone. It was a year in which some millions of men fell on the stricken field, and yet the issue of the vast and terrible struggle remained undecided.
It was a year in which the Allies, who were quite unready when war was forced upon them, strained every nerve to set their military houses in order; to enlist and train for the field their reserves of manhood; and to furnish themselves with those weapons and munitions in which they were deficient. It was a year in which millions of hard-earned money were spent every day, and the combatants piled up mountains of debt for future generations to pay off.
It was a year during which the Allies had good cause to thank God for the long years of peaceful industry which had given Britain great riches, and for the splendid navy which maintained for her the freedom of the seas. Britain's vast reserves of wealth enabled her to raise plentiful money for carrying on the war, and thanks to her navy her merchant ships were able to carry the products of her mines, mills, and factories to other lands. Great Britain alone of all the combatants was thus able to produce wealth in time of war, and to assist her sorely-hampered friends with timely loans.[3]
The Modern Pied Piper.
(From the picture by A. C. Michael. By permission of The Illustrated London News.)
You remember Browning's poem about the Pied Piper who drew the children after him by the magic of his music. This picture shows the pipers of a Highland regiment drawing men after them to the recruiting offices. "I rejoice in my Empire's effort," said the King, "and I feel pride in the voluntary response of my subjects all over the world. . . . The end is not in sight. More men and yet more are wanted to keep my armies in the field, and through them to secure Victory and enduring Peace."
During 1915 the British nation for the first time began to organize itself for warfare on a vast scale. It found itself forced to raise an army thirty times as great as it had ever marshalled before, and to equip millions of men with every weapon known to the science of war. Moreover, it had to do this while the small forces which it had already placed in the field were struggling to maintain themselves against terrible odds. It was a work that called for every ounce of energy and determination that the Empire possessed, and it could never have been done at all had not the British people, as a whole, given willing support to their leaders.
The year was not many months old when it became evident that we could not hope to hold the enemy in check and drive him from his strongly fortified trenches unless we had an almost unlimited supply of big guns and high explosive shells. Early in the struggle the French had set their gun and ammunition factories working at high pressure, and they had taken good care that they should be fully manned with skilled workmen. Britain, on the other hand, had far too small a number of factories for manufacturing the vast supplies of war material which she needed, and many of her skilled workmen had been allowed to enlist and proceed to the front.
Committees were formed to organize all the workshops in the country capable of making weapons and ammunition, and vast supplies of machine tools, guns, and shells were ordered from the United States and Canada. While this was being done, a strong feeling gained ground that the government of the country should no longer be in the hands of a particular political party, but should be composed of the best men of all parties in the State. In May a National Government was set up, and a minister was appointed to devote himself wholly and entirely to the business of speeding up the production of munitions by every possible means in his power. Mr. Lloyd-George filled this post, and forthwith flung himself with great zeal and energy into the work. His first duty was to convince the nation of the great and crying need for more munitions. He pleaded with workmen to realize the danger, and to ally themselves with brothers in the trenches by working early and late and at the very top of their energy. Great posters appeared all over the country, showing a soldier and a workman clasping hands. Behind the one was a battery of big guns, and be[4]hind the other the smoking chimneys of a munition factory. Above was the legend, "We're both needed to serve the guns," and beneath the cry, "Fill up the ranks! Pile up the munitions!"
Unhappily, even in this time of great national danger, there were labour troubles. Masters and men quarrelled about rates of wages and hours of work, while their sons and brothers were dying at the front for lack of shells with which to keep down the fierce bombardment of the enemy. Not until laws were passed preventing masters from making undue profits out of the nation's needs, and punishing workmen who kept bad time, was the strife allayed. The Trade Unions were persuaded to relax their rules, and gradually most of the difficulties were removed. Slowly but steadily the supply of arms and ammunition increased, until in the latter part of the year the shortage was overtaken, and it was possible to meet the enemy on more than equal terms. A well-known public man who visited the trenches in November was able to say, "For every shell which the Germans throw to-day, we are throwing five." "Mr. Lloyd-George's compliments," said a British gunner to the shell, as he closed the breech of his gun, "and there's plenty more where that came from."
Britain had not only to supply the needs of her own army and navy, but to help her Allies as well. Before the year was half over, the Russian supply of rifles and shells almost gave out. Russia, as you know, is far more an agricultural than an industrial country. She has no great number of machine shops that can be turned into munition factories, nor has she anything like the number of skilled workmen required to furnish her with the enormous supplies of war material which she needs. In May, when the Germans brought against her a tremendous force of artillery and machine guns, her shortage was so great that she could not resist, and was obliged to make a long retreat from Poland and Galicia. Many of her recruits had no rifles at all, and at one time the artillery of her Second Army could only reply to the incessant fire of the enemy with two shells a day!
The Russians strove manfully to increase their supply of munitions, and Great Britain and Japan gave them much help. By November they had increased their supplies to such an extent that they were able not only to resist the enemy, but to attack him. Some idea of the spirit shown by t[6]he Russian munition workers may be obtained from the following message which was found written on an ammunition box: "Do not spare the shells; there are plenty more coming, comrades. We are working hard to keep you supplied. Cheer up!"
Poor little Serbia had all along to struggle against a great lack of war supplies. Her factories were never able to give her more than a tithe of her needs. You will remember that, but for the ammunition which the Allies sent to her in December 1914, she could not have driven the Austrians from her country. In December 1915, when the Serbian army was driven into Albania,[1] it became entirely dependent for food and supplies upon Britain, France, and Italy.
Great Britain had not only to produce weapons and other munitions for herself and her friends, but she had to enlist and train more and more men to fill up her ranks and to repair the wastage of war. While every other nation engaged in the struggle could force men to serve in the army, she alone used no compulsion, but left each man to decide for himself whether he would take up arms or remain in civil life. Great efforts were made to persuade sound men of military age to join the army. Every blank wall was covered with posters calling upon men to serve their king and country, and recruiting meetings were as the sands of the sea for number. But though the response was wonderful, it was felt that some better method of securing men was needed. Many people thought that all suitable men should be compelled to serve, but the Government was reluctant to change the system which had served the country's needs so well in former times.
The Minister of Munitions introducing the Munitions Bill in the House of Commons, June 23, 1915. From the drawing by S. Begg.
"Three millions of young men have offered their services for their country; it depends upon us at home to support them with skill, strength, and every resource of machinery and organization at our disposal, so as to drive the conviction into the heart of nations for all time to come that those governments who deceive their neighbours to their ruin do so at their peril."
At the end of June a law was passed which enabled the Government to discover exactly what resources of men and women the country contained. All persons, male and female, between the ages of fifteen and sixty-five were required to fill up a form stating their names and ages, the number of those who were dependent on them, whether or no they were married, and what was the nature of their occupation. Early in October Lord Derby, who had shown great energy in raising recruits in Lancashire, was appointed Director of Recruiting for the whole country, and speedily he put forward a new plan for bringing in men. The registration forms were sorted out;[7] those men who were engaged in Government work were "starred"—that is, they were not to be considered as available for the army—and the names of all other men between the ages of nineteen and forty-one were placed on cards, which were handed over to joint committees of the political parties, in order that a great national canvass might be conducted.
The canvassers used all their powers of persuasion to get men of military age and sound health to enlist in one or other of forty-six "groups," which were arranged according to the ages of the men, and whether they were married or unmarried. Men were permitted to enlist in their respective groups, and remain in civil life until their own particular group was called up. Courts were set up, before which enlisted men could appear and ask to be "starred" or transferred to some later class. Only those persons without whose services the business of the country could not be properly carried on could claim to be "starred." While the canvass was in progress the Government gave notice that unmarried men would be called up before married men, and that if the unmarried men did not come forward in sufficient numbers, they would be compelled to do so. The canvass was successful—it resulted in the enrolment of very many recruits; but whether compulsion could be staved off by this system remained to be seen. Late in November it was said that Britain would have four million men in arms by the following March.
Money, as you know, is "the sinews of war." Without money, and a great deal of it, armies and navies cannot be arrayed, or kept in the field. The British Empire, according to the statement of the Prime Minister, has a yearly income of £4,000,000,000. This sum is vast, but so was the cost of the war. In March we were spending five millions of money a day. If you work out a little sum, you will see that one year of war at this rate uses up not far short of half the total money earned in a year by the whole British Empire. Of course, in war time the Empire cannot produce as much wealth as it can in times of peace. Large numbers of men are taken away from their work, and, instead of being producers, they have to be kept and fed by the nation. Thousands of factories are engaged in making war material for the Government, and they do not, therefore, add to the national wealth at all. Our overseas trade falls off greatly, because we need many of our merchan[8]t ships for transport and supply, because we cannot produce such large quantities of goods for export, and because we cannot trade with enemy countries at all.
In time of peace the goods which we get from other countries are paid for by the goods which we send to them, by the money which we receive from foreigners for carrying goods to all parts of the world, and by the interest which comes to us from money which we have invested abroad. Usually these three items not only pay for our imports, but give us a large profit as well. In time of war, however, we are in quite a different position.
At all times we must import much material from abroad. We are always obliged to import the greater part of our food and the raw materials for our factories. During the present war we have also been obliged to import large quantities of machinery and munitions from the United States. Our imports of goods always exceed our exports of goods in value, but in time of war the imports soar up to a great height, while the exports sink. For example, the excess of imports over exports during the first nine months of 1914 was 99 millions, while for the same period of 1915 it was 256 millions.
Thus you see that, while the war lasts, our exports, the profits on our shipping trade, and the interest which we receive from foreign investments are not sufficient to pay for our imports. In order to make up the balance, we must either draw on our national savings or run into debt. If we draw on our savings, we shall have so much the less money left for the expenses of the war. If we run largely into debt, we shall find ourselves heavily burdened when the day of peace arrives.
By the end of May the Government was seriously considering the all-important question of money, and before long was urging on the people the necessity of being as thrifty as possible, and of saving every penny that they possibly could. Speakers went to and fro pointing out that householders must avoid waste and stint themselves of foreign goods if the nation was to have sufficient money with which to carry on a long war. Those who saved money, and gave up the use of such things as had to be imported from abroad, were doing a patriotic service, and were casting the "silver bullets" with which the war was to be won. In many thousands of homes these wise words were taken to heart; but, on the other hand, many[9] people who were earning high wages showed but little desire to save. Something was also done to lessen the enormous sums wasted on strong drink in this country every year, by restricting the hours during which public-houses might be kept open, and by confining the sale of spirits to certain fixed times. The King set a splendid example, which was largely followed, by banishing strong drink from his table altogether.
Probably you think that all this talk about exports and imports, and the necessity for saving, is very dull, and you are eager to hear of stirring deeds by land and sea. We shall come to them in good time; but I must claim a little more of your patience before I begin the story of the year's fighting. Always remember that when the money which a nation possesses, or can borrow, gives out, it must cease to fight, and must make peace with its foes. That nation wins which has money to continue the struggle when the resources of its opponents are exhausted.
How do we obtain money with which to carry on the war? There is only one place where it can come from, and that is from the pockets of the British people. In time of peace the money for carrying on the government is raised by various kinds of taxes. People with incomes above a certain sum per year have to pay to the Government so much money for every pound which they earn or receive from investments. Those who have a lesser income do not pay what is called income tax, but you must not suppose that they go scot free. Spirits, beer, tea, coffee, tobacco, sugar, cocoa, dried fruits, and other things have to pay a duty—that is, a certain sum is added to their price, and this sum goes to the Government.
In time of war, when the expenses of the Government are much greater than they are in time of peace, the old taxes are raised and new taxes are imposed. In September 1915, for example, the taxes were raised some 40 per cent. Money is also raised from the savings of the people. They are asked to lend money to the State at a certain rate of interest, with the promise that the sum which they lend shall be paid back again in full at the end of a certain period. Of course, this interest has also to be provided by the taxpayers. Three hundred and fifty million pounds were borrowed in November 1914, but by June 1915 it was found necessary to borrow more money, and a loan of nearly six hundred millions—"far a[11]nd away beyond any amount ever subscribed in the world's history"—was placed at the disposal of the Government. One feature of this loan was the attempt to get persons of small means to participate in it. Vouchers for 5s., 10s., and £1 were issued, and working men, and even school children, were encouraged to buy them. Unfortunately only about five millions were raised in this way, and later in the year other arrangements were made, in the hope of bringing in more money from the savings of the working classes. In September the people of the United States lent the British and French Governments one hundred millions, and this money was used to pay for some of the munitions and other things which we were buying from America.
War brought about many changes in our national life. We became a soberer people, and we refrained largely from those sports which are so dear to us in time of peace. Expensive entertainments were frowned upon, holidays were shortened or given up altogether, and many men beyond the military age spent their annual weeks of leisure in munition or farm work. Special constables were enrolled to take the place of the police who had joined the colours, and volunteer corps sprang up everywhere.
Women's Volunteer Reserve on a Route March in London. Photo, Alfieri.
From the moment the war began, British women played a noble part. Not only did thousands of them qualify as nurses, and offer their services in the hospitals at home and abroad, but many of them became munition workers, ticket collectors, tram conductors, motor-car drivers, farm servants, and letter carriers. In every town and village there were work parties busily engaged in making socks, mufflers, mittens, etc., for the men in the trenches or for the wounded in the hospitals. The neglected art of knitting wonderfully revived, and women were seen plying the needles everywhere, in trams and trains, or at lectures and concerts. When the Germans first used poison gas against our troops, and the War Office asked for half a million respirators, wagon-loads of them arrived the next day. Girls' schools, women's societies, groups of friends and families buckled to, and in a remarkably short time the War Office was able to announce that no more respirators were needed.[12]
Thousands of charitable societies made appeals for almost every war purpose imaginable. There were flag days in every town, and singers, actors, and lecturers gave their services in every good cause. The British Red Cross Society received the most generous support, while the many Belgian refugees in Britain were carefully tended, and, wherever possible, provided with work. Money was freely given by the public in every part of the Empire to set up hospitals and send nurses, doctors, and ambulances to France, Belgium, Russia, and Serbia; and even wounded horses were not neglected. One notable gift announced towards the end of November was the sum of £10,000 sent by the Canadian Government to assist in the upkeep of the Anglo-Russian hospital. In Great Britain many country houses were offered as hospitals and convalescent homes, and on the great sporting estates game was shot for the sick and wounded. Children gathered apples for the men of the Fleet, worked in the fields for short-handed farmers, and collected eggs and sphagnum moss[2] for the hospitals. There was no lack of ready and willing helpers for every good cause.
At this time of stress and anxiety the British nation learned the noble art of giving. There was scarcely a British household in the world which did not practise some self-denial in order to be able to send small luxuries and comforts to the men at the front, or much-needed help to the prisoners in Germany.[13] Remote cottages in the Highlands of Scotland, lonely farms in the North-West of Canada, outlying homesteads in Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa were thus linked together by the same generous impulse.
Queen Elizabeth of Belgium visiting a Hospital.
(Photo, Newspaper Illustrations, Ltd.)
Queen Elizabeth is patron of the Belgian Field Hospital, to which the readers and friends of The Children's Story of the War have presented a motor ambulance.
While I am speaking of the noble way in which our people, far from the din of strife, ministered to the gallant men who were fighting their battles, I must not neglect the small but very useful effort made by the readers of these pages and their friends. While our third volume was in the course of serial issue, it was suggested that our readers should combine in some practical work of war charity. Then came the questions, Whom shall we help? and, How shall we help?
It was well known that the story of how poor little Belgium had been set upon by the great bully, Germany, and how her gallant sons had fought and suffered and died for us, had strongly moved the hearts of children. For this reason it w[15]as decided that the Belgian soldiers who were still struggling bravely, in the last bit of their native land that was left to them, should be assisted. They were terribly poor, and they had no money with which to set up hospitals and buy ambulances for their wounded. A number of devoted British doctors and nurses had established a hospital for the Belgian soldiers who had been stricken down in battle. Their hospital—the Belgian Field Hospital—was the only one on a proper footing which was caring for the wounded soldiers of our noble little ally. What better and finer work could we do than set about collecting money to provide this hospital with a motor ambulance?
As soon as the object of our effort was decided upon, a letter was written to her Majesty the Queen, asking her to permit the motor ambulance to be named after Prince George, to whom these pages are dedicated. The Queen, who nobly devotes herself to every good work, was graciously pleased to express her warm interest in our effort, and to permit us to inscribe Prince George's name on the ambulance. Then an appeal was printed and inserted in successive parts of The Children's Story of the War.
The "Prince George" Motor Ambulance.
Our readers will be gratified to see this photograph of the ambulance which they and their friends have presented to the Belgian Field Hospital. It is a 15.9 Whitlock Motor Ambulance Express, specially constructed for field service, and can be adapted either to carry four stretcher cases, or two stretcher cases and four sitting cases, or may be used as an omnibus for eight persons. Its cost complete with four stretchers is £418.
The appeal was issued on 4th September, and on 6th September money began to flow in. Our first contribution came from Prince George. Collecting papers were returned from every part of the United Kingdom and Canada, and even from Ferrol in Spain, and from the West Indies. Most of the money consisted of the pence and halfpence of the children themselves. An infant school in a very poor part of London sent 298 farthings as its contribution, while a school of poor little blind children sent a sum which represented much self-denial. Day-school and Sunday-school collections were taken up; one generous vicar gave a church offertory in aid of the fund; lectures were delivered to help it, and on no single day for many weeks did the tide of money cease to flow. Many of our collectors wrote letters expressing their pleasure at being able to help, and sending us best wishes for the success of the scheme. When it is stated that £450 were raised by more than 11,000 subscribers, it will be seen how small the individual contributions must have been.
Towards the end of November sufficient money was in hand to warrant us in offering an ambula[16]nce to the Committee of the Belgian Field Hospital. The following reply was received:—
The "Prince George" Motor Ambulance. Interior arranged for four Stretcher Cases.
Lord Sydenham, the president of the hospital, also wrote a special letter of thanks, in which he said, "It is splendid of the readers of 'The Children's Story of the War' to have subscribed so large a sum."
Our warmest thanks are due to all who have in any way helped to make the scheme a success. We know that we shall have the unspoken gratitude of many wounded Belgians; but we did not set about this work in order to win gratitude. We wanted to be a real help to those who have helped us. We know in our hearts that we have done a little act of mercy and kindness, and that is a reward which we are all entitled to enjoy.
[17]
CHAPTER II.
THE LOSS OF THE "FORMIDABLE."
The new year opened with a naval disaster. On 31st December eight vessels of the Channel Fleet left Sheerness for a cruise in the English Channel, and by three o'clock on the morning of 1st January were crossing the fishing-ground not far from the Start Lighthouse. The ships were steaming at a moderate speed and in a single line, the rearmost ship being the Formidable, a pre-Dreadnought of 15,000 tons, and a sister ship to the Bulwark, which had been mysteriously blown up at Sheerness in the preceding November. The sea was rough, the moon was shining brightly, and a cold, piercing wind was blowing.
Soon after three o'clock the dull roar of an explosion was heard on the starboard side of the Formidable, and was followed shortly afterwards by another. The ship shook from stem to stern, and a cloud of black smoke and coal dust arose. She had been struck fore and aft by two torpedoes discharged by a German submarine. At once she began to list heavily to starboard; there were gaping holes in her side, and it was evident that she could not remain afloat very long.
There was not the slightest sign of panic on board the doomed ship. Captain Loxley, one of the ablest of our younger sailors, was on the bridge, setting an example to his crew of cool courage and utter forgetfulness of self. The water-tight doors were closed, the men were piped to quarters, and telephone bells were set ringing all over the ship to give warning of danger. Captain Loxley might easily have called upon his consorts to come to his rescue, but he knew that the submarine which had discharged the fatal torpedoes was still lurking hard by; so he signalled to his sister ships, "Stand off; submarines about."[19]
A bugle rang out, and the men below sprang from their hammocks and rushed upon deck, some of them only half clad. They fell into rank on the sloping deck, and Captain Loxley gave his orders as calmly as though his ship were riding at anchor in harbour. He was smoking a cigarette, and his favourite old terrier Bruce was standing by his side. He was heard to say: "Steady, men; it's all right. No panic; keep cool; be British." Everything of wood that might help the men in the water was flung overboard, and finally the captain gave the order, "Every man for himself!" A survivor saw him standing with folded arms as the ship went down.
Captain Loxley giving his Last Order as the "Formidable" went down.
(From the picture by C. M. Padday. By permission of The Illustrated London News.)
As the Formidable was listing badly to starboard, it was not possible to launch boats on the port side. Owing to the rough sea a cutter was stove in; but the men stuffed their jumpers into the hole, and bailed out the water with their boots. A barge fell perpendicularly from the davits, and threw the crew into the sea. Meanwhile, the stokers had drawn all the fires and had shut off steam, so that when the ship went down there was no boiler explosion. By this time it was clear that all could not be saved. Many of the crew knew that their last hour had come. One of the survivors thus described the scene on the decks as the Formidable sank into the waves:—
"On one part of the ship where the men could see there was no hope, all eyes were turned upward to the flagstaff, and then the Old Jack was saluted for the last time. The last impression of the scene left on my mind was a long line of saluting figures disappearing below the sky-line. At least half of the men got clear of the ship, but many must have been lost while waiting for rescue. It was almost dark at the time, and the water was icy cold."
Let me tell you how a bluejacket nobly gave his life for another as the ship was sinking. You shall hear the story in the words of the man who owed his life to his comrade's splendid generosity. "When everything had been done to save the Formidable, the boats came alongside and took off as many as possible. There were five boats, and two were swamped. All the boats had left the ship when the crew of one cried, 'Room for one more.' Two of us tossed for it, and the other chap won; but he said, 'You have got parents; I haven't. Go on—jump for it.' I did so. I had to swim[20] for it, but I was saved."
The men in the leaking cutter, after being tossed and buffeted by the sea, drenched to the skin by the waves, and numbed by the bitter wind, were picked up by the Brixham fishing smack Providence about fifteen miles from Berry Head. The Providence, which was owned and skippered by William Pillar, was running before the gale to Brixham for shelter, but off the Start found herself obliged to heave to owing to the force of the wind. Just then one of the crew noticed a cutter tossing under the lee. An oar had been hoisted, and from it a sailor's scarf was flying as a signal of distress.
The cutter was drifting towards the smack, and every now and then was lost to sight amidst the heaving waves. Four times did the gallant smacksmen try to get a rope to the boat, while the skipper at the helm manoeuvred his little vessel with great skill. At last a small warp was thrown from the smack, and was caught by the men on board the cutter. By means of the capstan the rope was hauled in, and the cutter was brought up on the lee. The rescued sailors jumped on board; but even in the act of doing so they were in great peril, for the seas at times were rising thirty feet above the deck of the smack. The work of rescue occupied half an hour. Seventy-one men, including two officers, were thus saved.
All were on board the smack by one o'clock, and a course was shaped for Brixham. Before long the Providence fell in with a tug, which took her in tow and brought her safely to harbour. The residents of Brixham gave blankets, coats, and boots to the survivors, and provided them with comfortable quarters. Many of the men were utterly exhausted. For hours they had been battling with the heavy winter seas, which had almost continuously washed over them, and they had hoped against hope until the brown sails of the Providence had providentially come in sight.
One of the Formidable's boats came unaided to the shore. After tossing about for twenty-two hours in a raging sea, it drifted with the tide into Lyme Regis, with forty men on board. Nine of her crew had died of exposure, and had been buried at sea. A light cruiser also picked up some of the Formidable's men; but when the final reckoning was made, only 201 had been saved out of a ship's company of well-nigh 800 souls.
[21]
The splendid seamanship of Skipper Pillar, and the great courage and devotion of his crew, greatly impressed the country. On 8th February he and his men attended at Buckingham Palace, where the King pinned the silver medal for gallantry on their breasts, and handed them the money rewards which had been bestowed upon them by the Admiralty. The King addressed them in the following words:—
Amongst the crew of the Providence was Daniel Taylor, an apprentice. In reply to the King, he said that he had been at sea for just over twelve months, and that he was seventeen years of age. The King observed, "You are small for your age, but you have taken part in a very gallant deed, and I congratulate you." Some time later, Skipper Pillar was given a commission in the Royal Navy.
I must not close this account of the disaster without dwelling for a moment upon the manner in which Captain Loxley went down with his ship. The history of the British navy is full of stories of cool, calm courage and selfless devotion in the face of death; and it is good to know that the sailors of our Navy are as true as ever to the spirit of those who built up its glorious fame in years gone by. On the very verge of doom, when men's courage is apt to fail them, Captain Loxley showed no sign of flinching. In his last moments he thought only of others. He strove manfully to save as many of his crew as possible, and he refused to endanger the lives of his comrades in the sister ships by calling them to his aid. He went to his death like the gallant gentleman that he was; and his last appeal, not only to his crew, but to you and me, was, "Be British!"
How kind and thoughtful he was to others is seen from the following letter, which h[22]e wrote to his old nurse just before leaving Sheerness:—
"H.M.S. Formidable.
"My dear old Nan Nan,—I'm afraid that my Christmas present will be a bit late. I meant to have sent it off yesterday, but forgot. Anyhow, I hope it will arrive safely. My very best love and best wishes to you and William for Christmas and the New Year, and may we soon beat the Germans.
"We are having really quite a quiet time, but you never know when anything may happen. I was out at Malta when war began, but soon came home. Had three days' leave, and then came to this ship, where I am likely to remain for the present.
"Peter [his son] has gone to school, and is just home for his first holiday, which I expect he is enjoying just as much as I did; but he was much braver going to school than I was. Every one seems well at Gloucester, but I have only seen mother once, for about ten minutes, during the last two years. With much love, yours lovingly, Noel Loxley."
One word more before I pass from this tragic story. The loss of the Formidable clearly showed that the lessons taught by the sinking of the Cressy, Hogue, and Aboukir had not been learned. Our Navy had not yet fully appreciated the fact that the only way to avoid the peril of the enemy submarines is for battleships to steam at high speed, frequently changing their course, and always accompanied by a flotilla of guardian destroyers. The eight ships that sailed down the Channel on the first day of the year 1915 steamed slowly in the bright light of the moon. They were thus a good target for the enemy's submarines, and were, indeed, courting disaster. As the year went by the Navy learned its lesson, and learned it well. Before many months had passed our sailors were more than a match for the under-water boats of the enemy, and the time was soon to arrive when the German submarines were fearlessly hunted and constantly trapped.
[23]
CHAPTER III.
THE BATTLE OF THE DOGGER BANK.
Up to the 24th of January 1915 squadrons of the German High Sea Fleet had adventured four times into the North Sea. The first occasion was on 28th August, 1914, when the Battle of Heligoland Bight was fought, and the enemy lost three cruisers and two destroyers. On 17th October a squadron of German destroyers was encountered off the Dutch coast by a similar British squadron, and before long four of the enemy ships were sent to the bottom of the sea. Twice afterwards the enemy, greatly daring, left his fortified harbours and minefields; but on such occasions his object was not to fight, but to dodge the British fleet, and inflict "frightfulness" on more or less undefended coast towns. On 3rd November he shelled Yarmouth beach; but was very uneasy during his ineffective attack, and scuttled homewards immediately he was warned that a British fleet was after him. Even on this occasion he did not escape without loss: the cruiser Yorck ran on a German mine, and was sunk. This raid was followed by the attack on Scarborough, Whitby, and the Hartlepools, which I described at length in Chapter XXXV. of our third volume.
Elated by their success in killing the defenceless townsfolk of unprotected towns, the Germans now prepared for another dash across the North Sea. We do not know exactly what their object was. Some tell us that an attack was to be made on the Tyne or the Forth; others say that the enemy hoped to get one or more of his battle cruisers round the north of Scotland, so that they might prey on British commerce. Whatever the object may have been, Rear-Admiral Hipper, who was in command of the Battle Cruiser Squadron detailed for the work, knew that he would probably have to meet a British fleet. If so, he intended to run for home without delay, and to lure the British ships into a trap. He enlarged the minefield north of Heligoland, and gathered there a large force of[26] submarines. He fondly believed that he could entice our vessels into this dangerous area, where his submarines, together with the seaplanes and Zeppelins which were in readiness on the island, would make short work of them. Such was his plan. We are now to see how it failed.
The night of Saturday, the 23rd, was foggy, and our destroyers scouting east of the Dogger Bank tossed all night on the waves, scarcely able to pierce the gloom for a hundred yards around them. Sunday morning, however, dawned sharp and clear; the wind had changed to the north-east, and had swept the mists from the seas. About seven in the morning the light cruiser Aurora sighted the German squadron off the Dogger. At once she signalled the news to Admiral Beatty, and opened fire.
The German squadron which the Aurora had sighted consisted of the Seydlitz (which flew the flag of Rear-Admiral Hipper), the Moltke, the Derfflinger, the Bluecher, together with six light cruisers and a flotilla of destroyers. The first three of the vessels named had a speed of nearly 27 knots, and were armed with either 12-inch or 11-inch guns. The Bluecher was an older and much slower vessel; she could steam 24 knots, and her main armament consisted of 8.2-inch guns. It was clear that in a chase she would have to be left behind, and thus would fall a prey to the enemy.
To meet this force, Admiral Beatty had under his command the great battle cruisers Lion, Tiger, Princess Royal, and New Zealand; together with the Indomitable, four cruisers of the "town" class—the Southampton, the Nottingham, the Birmingham, and the Lowestoft; three light cruisers—the Arethusa, the Aurora, and the Undaunted; as well as two destroyer flotillas. His squadron was superior to that of the Germans in numbers, speed, and weight of fire.
The Dogger Bank, off which the Germans were sighted, is a great shoal almost midway between England and Denmark, and extending to within forty miles of the Yorkshire coast. Its length from north to south is about 160 miles, its breadth is 70 miles, and the average depth of water over it varies from ten to twenty fathoms.[4] South of the Dogger is a second and smaller shoal, known as the Well Bank. Still[27] further south are deeps, such as the "Silver Pit," where the depth is as much as forty-five fathoms.
The Dogger is the chief fishing ground of the North Sea. During the winter the waters above it are alive with trawlers, all engaged in reaping the rich harvest of the waters. Immense quantities of halibut, soles, turbot, brill, plaice, cod, haddock, and whiting are taken, packed in boxes—to be carried off by fish-cutters to the ports, or stored in ice until the trawler is ready to return home. Somewhere near the Dogger, probably on its north-eastern edge, the Germans were encountered. The naval battle which followed was not the first to be fought near the great shoal. In 1781 an English and a Dutch fleet met in these waters, and struggled fiercely; but the action was undecided, and the Dutch claimed a victory.
When the Aurora opened fire, Admiral Beatty's squadron, which was not far away, steered in the direction of the gun flashes. Immediately the German scouting cruisers perceived that a British squadron was after them they turned tail and fled to the south-east. Hipper did not wait to discover the strength of his opponents, but took to his heels at once. This seems to show that his real object was to lure the British ships into the position which he had prepared for them, and there engage them on his own terms. There were 120 miles of open sea to be crossed before the mine-fields were reached.
When the signal was made, "Seven enemy ships—four battle cruisers and three cruisers with destroyers—to the south-west," there was fierce glee on board the British ships. Every man was agog for the fight; all were eager to avenge the women and children who had been murdered so brutally at Scarborough and the Hartlepools. Every gun was manned with men who had vengeance in their hearts, and down below the "black squad" were striving with all their might to get every knot possible out of their engines. A commander was heard to remark, "One would think this was a game of football, the boys are enjoying it so much." The Lion and Tiger were soon racing ahead at thirty knots an hour, and were leaving the less speedy Princess Royal and New Zealand behind. At eight o'clock the situation was as follows: the Germans were moving south-east in line, with the Moltke leading; [28]followed by the Seydlitz and the Derfflinger, the Bluecher bringing up the rear. Their destroyers were on the starboard beam, and their light cruisers ahead. Close upon them were the British destroyers and the light cruisers, which now crossed to the port side in order that their smoke might not hide the big German ships from the British gunners. The Lion, Tiger, Princess Royal, New Zealand, and Indomitable did not follow directly behind the German ships, lest the enemy should throw out mines, but held on a parallel course to the westward.
By nine o'clock the Lion was within 11½ miles of the Bluecher. She fired a shot which fell short, but when the squadrons were ten miles apart she got her first blow home. Do you realize what this means? At ten miles the Bluecher appeared no bigger than a pin point, and she was moving at the rate of thirty miles an hour across the sea. You will agree that the British gunnery must have been superb for hits to be made under these conditions.
Soon the Lion overhauled the slow Bluecher, and in passing gave her a broadside which caused frightful damage. The Lion's quarry, however, was further ahead; and as she began to engage the Derfflinger, the Tiger began to hit out at the Bluecher. She also passed by, and the Princess Royal, the New Zealand, and the Indomitable in turn turned their guns on the rearmost ship of the German line, while the leading British ships were engaging the foremost ships of the enemy. At half-past nine the situation was as shown in the diagram on the next page.
As early as a quarter to ten the Bluecher began to show signs of the heavy punishment inflicted on her. It was now evident that she was doomed. She had been abandoned by her speedier consorts, and her end was only a matter of time. By eleven o'clock the Seydlitz and the Derfflinger were on fire; the Bluecher had fallen behind, and was being mercilessly pounded by the Indomitable.
Meanwhile, the German destroyers had attempted an attack, but had been driven off by the British destroyers. Shortly afterwards the German destroyers got between the Lion and the Tiger and the leading enemy ships, and began to raise huge volumes of smoke, so as to screen the targets from the British gunners. Under cover of this smoke the Germans changed course, and made a half-turn to the north. Again the enemy destroyers attacked at close quarters, hoping to torpedo the[29] Lion and the Tiger. They were, however, driven off by the 4-inch guns of our battle cruisers.
The Sinking of the German Dreadnought "Bluecher," during the Battle of the Dogger Bank, fought on January 24, 1915.
And now while the chase continues, we must return to the Bluecher, which had made a gallant fight, but was nearing her end. Ship after ship had turned its guns upon her with terrible effect: her upper works had been smashed to atoms, and practically every gun which she possessed had been put out of action. Shot and shell had rained upon her, and she was burning furiously.
Battle of January 24, 1915—9.30 a.m.
"We were under fire first in the action and last," said a German survivor. "Almost every British ship flung shot and shell at us. It was awful. I have never seen such gunnery, and hope that as long as I live I never shall. We could not fight such guns as the British ships had, and soon we had no guns with which to fight anything. Our decks were swept by shot, and the guns were smashed and lying in all directions, their crews wiped out. One terrible shell from a big gun I shall never forget. It burst right in the heart of the ship, and killed scores of men. It fell where many men had collected, and killed practically every one of them. We all had our floating equipment, and we soon needed it. One shell killed five men quite close to me, and it was only a matter of time when nothing living would be left upon the ship, if she continued to float. When we knew that we were beaten, and that our flag was not to come down, many of us were praying that the ship would sink, in order that no more men would be killed. We would rather trust to the British picking us up after our ship had sunk than to their missing us with those terrible guns so long as she kept afloat."
About noon a British destroyer, the Meteor, torpedoed the Bluecher, and she began to sink. Here is an officer's description of the final scene:—
"She heeled completely over, and sank in eight and a half minutes, hundreds of men clambering over her side, and standing there, just as if it were the upper deck, waiting for the final plunge. But there was no plunge. Slowly and slowly she sank, and as she went down some were sliding into the sea, others taking running leaps. A few seconds more, and there was no sign of her left, except her dead and living clustered in the water together. We were about three hundred yards away, and watched her go down, and I was particularly struck with the ease and slowness with which she sank. Not till the waves had almost entirely closed over her did the bow heave slightly out of the water, and she disappeared stern first."
The Bluecher went to her doom with her flag flying. Some of the crew, while waiting the order to leap into the water, sang "Die Wacht am Rhein." Officers were seen to shake hands and link arms together, and thus sink into their watery grave. Though the Germans had made no attempt to save the crews of the Monmouth and the Good Hope during the fight off Coronel, and though our men were furious at the fiendish work done by the German cruisers at Scarborough and the Hartlepools, they began the work of rescue at once. Torpedo boats and pinnaces rushed to the scene to pick up survivors, and light cruisers stood by to help.
[31]
About one hundred and twenty men were saved from the Bluecher, and more would have been picked up but for the German aircraft, which by this time had arrived from Heligoland. To the intense anger of our sailors, a seaplane and a Zeppelin now began dropping bombs upon the rescue parties. They were careful to give a wide berth to those vessels which were armed with the latest anti-aircraft guns, and confined their attacks to the destroyers, which promptly scattered and then proceeded to drive them off. The airmen, no doubt, thought that the Bluecher was a sinking British ship, and this may have given rise to the absurd tale, which was readily believed in Germany, that one, at least, of our battle cruisers had been sunk.
We must now return to the leading ships of the British squadron. Shortly after the Germans had changed course, Admiral Beatty himself sighted the periscope of a submarine on the starboard bow of the Lion, and promptly turned to port to avoid it. At this time the flagship, though she had been under much fire, had suffered but little. At three minutes past eleven, however, she was struck in the bow by a chance shot, which damaged her feed tank. According to German accounts, the Lion was then about seventy miles from Heligoland. The accident, for it was no more, disabled the Lion. She had to reduce speed and fall out of the line. Admiral Beatty at once called up the destroyer Attack, and in it proceeded full speed in pursuit of the German squadron.
The Lion moved away to the north-west, and in the afternoon her engines began to give serious trouble. The Indomitable, which had by this time settled with the Bluecher, took the Lion in tow, and after some hours of great anxiety brought her safely to port. The towing home of the Lion by the Indomitable was a very fine feat of seamanship. She could only proceed at five knots an hour, and at this snail's pace was a fair target for submarines. None, however, dared attack her; for she bristled with torpedo defence guns, and was surrounded by destroyers.
By twenty minutes past twelve the Attack overtook the Princess Royal, on which Admiral Beatty hoisted his flag. He now discovered that his squadron had broken off the fight, and was retiring northwards. We do not know exactly why the enemy was not followed up; but as the British ships were then only forty miles from the minefield, it is probable that the admiral in temporary command thought that his vessels would be endangered if he proceeded any further. After orders had[32] been given to clear away and make for port, the grimy stokers of the Princess Royal swarmed on deck and greeted Admiral Beatty with a shout of "Well done, David!"
Only by sheer good luck did any of the German ships escape. Had the Lion not been disabled, or had the squadron included another battle cruiser, it is probable that none of the German ships would have reached home to tell the tale. There was much disappointment in Britain when it was known that only the slowest and weakest of the German Dreadnoughts had been accounted for. Our losses were few: only fourteen men had been killed and six wounded; no British vessel had been lost; the Lion had been hit fifteen times, and the Tiger eight times, but the damage was soon repaired, and when a party of journalists visited the ships in the following October they could not see the scars of battle until they were pointed out. The Germans lost the Bluecher; the Seydlitz and Derfflinger were very hard hit, and many of their crews must have perished.
During the remainder of the year 1915 the German Fleet wisely remained in harbour. The German High Sea Fleet had become the Kiel Canal fleet, and nothing more.
There was great excitement in the Forth ports when the good news was received, and thousands of eyes were turned seawards to watch for the homecoming of the battle cruisers. Shortly after four o'clock the sound of cheering was heard. A moment later ringing "Hip, hip, hurrahs!" echoed from vessels farther up the river, and from the misty dimness of the upper reaches. "Got 'em this time!" said a smiling old salt on board a mine-sweeper. "Hark to the boys!"
A batch of about 280 prisoners, including the captain of the Bluecher, was taken to Edinburgh Castle. As they were marched through the streets of the city one of the men asked the officer in charge, "What place is this?" When he was told that it was the capital of Scotland, he smiled superior. "Oh no," he said; "Edinburgh is in ruins, and the Forth Bridge is destroyed."
[33]
The Suez Canal at El Kantara.
(Photo, Newspaper Illustrations, Ltd.)
CHAPTER IV.
THE TURKISH DESCENT UPON EGYPT.
Two days after the Battle of the Dogger Bank we learned that a Turkish force was advancing upon Egypt. Why were the Turks about to invade the "Land of the Nile"? First of all, because they believed that the fellahin[5] of Egypt were ready to revolt and join hands with them against the British. The Egyptians are Mohammedans, and are therefore linked with the Turks by the bond of a common religion. For three hundred years Egypt was part of the Turkish Empire.
As far back as the year 1517 Egypt became a Turkish province, and fell under the sway of the Sultan of Turkey. In 1798 Napoleon tried to found a great empire of the East, and invaded Egypt as the first step. He stormed Alexandria, and won the Battle of the Pyramids; but Nelson destroyed his fleet in Aboukir Bay, and he was forced to leave the country.
Bedouin Arabs—Advance Guards of the Turkish Army which invaded Egypt in January 1915. Photo, Central News.
The Turkish pasha who ruled Egypt soon afterwards made himself independent of the Sultan, and his successor, Ismail Pasha, became Khedive or Viceroy. The overlordship of the Sultan was, however, still supposed to continue, though it grew more and more shadowy as the years passed by. Ismail governed his country badly; and when it became bankrupt, Britain and France had to step in to protect the interests of those of their subjects who had lent money to the Egyptia[35]n Government. What was called the Dual Control was set up in 1879, and Britain and France became the real rulers of Egypt.
The Dual Control lasted until 1882, when an Egyptian officer named Arabi Pasha raised a rebellion, with the watchword, "Egypt for the Egyptians." The French were unwilling to take part in quelling this revolt, so the British had to act alone. Alexandria was bombarded, and Arabi was defeated by Lord Wolseley at Tel-el-Kebir. Thus, the Dual Control came to an end, and Britain stood alone in Egypt.
Right well has Britain borne the "white man's burden" in the land of the Nile. When she began her work in Egypt, the only notion of law in the minds of the fellahin was the unchecked will of the "strong man armed"—
It has been said that Egypt requires two things for her prosperity—water and justice. Britain has given Egypt both water and justice. The laws have been reformed, and fair dealing between man and man is assured to the people. The taxes are heavy, but they are not unfair, and Egypt now pays her way. Schools and colleges have been opened, and Britain has striven with all her might to make the lot of the people happier and better.
Britain has been equally careful to give the country as good a water-supply as possible. She has strengthened and altered the great dam or barrage which was built across the Nile at the point where it divides into the Rosetta and Damietta branches, for the purpose of storing up water to irrigate the Delta regularly throughout the year. The whole canal system of the country has been overhauled and greatly improved. At Assiut, and higher up the river at Aswan, huge bars of solid masonry have been thrown across the Nile, and stretches of the river have been turned into vast lakes. These dams store up sufficient water to fill the "summer canals" of Upper and Middle Egypt. Never before has the cultivated area of the Nile Valley had a supply of water for the fields during both summer and winter. Further, by conquering the Sudan, Britain has gained control of the upper waters of the Nile.[36]
Though Britain has done so much for Egypt, we must not suppose that all the Egyptians are content with her rule. The great bulk of the people are quite satisfied to live and flourish under British control, but there are some pashas who long for the "good old days" when the people were at their mercy. Amongst these discontented persons German and Turkish agents have long been busy, trying to bribe them to rise against the British Government. By the beginning of the war they had won over the Khedive to their side, and in January 1915 they believed that the Egyptians were ready to take up arms against their rulers. As a matter of fact, the Egyptians as a whole had no intention of doing anything of the kind. They remained quite calm, even when the Turk was knocking at their gates. Very few of them wished to bring back the old days of Turkish tyranny and misgovernment.
Another reason why the Turks prepared to descend upon the land of the Nile was that, on 17th December 1914, we announced to all the world that thenceforth Egypt was a British possession. The traitor Khedive had been deposed, and a new ruler who was friendly to the British Government had been set up in his place. Up to this time the British had recognized the overlordship of the Sultan of Turkey. Now they did away with it altogether, and the Turks saw that the last vestige of their hold on Egypt had vanished.
In January our forces in Egypt consisted of Australians and New Zealanders, Territorials from Great Britain, Indian troops, and, of course, the regular Egyptian army. The Germans thought that, if the Turks made an attack on the country, Britain would be forced to keep large forces in Egypt, and that she would therefore be unable to strengthen her armies on the Western front. For these reasons, political and military, a Turkish expedition was prepared in Syria for the invasion of Egypt. It was 65,000 strong, and was led by Djemel Pasha, who cherished a deep hatred for Britain.
To reach Egypt from Syria this force had to cross an almost waterless desert, which varied in breadth from 120 to 150 miles. Across this dreary tract of rock and sand there were three routes, all of them difficult. The first ran from El Arish, on the Mediterranean coast, to El Kantara, on the Suez Canal. It was 120 miles long, and except for a few muddy wells, there was no water on the road. If you look at the map below,[37] you will see a road crossing the base of the Sinai Peninsula from Akaba, at the head of the Gulf of Akaba, to Suez, at the southern end of the Suez Canal. This road was the old pilgrim route from Egypt to the holy city of Mecca. It is 150 miles long, and there are but few wells by the way. From El Arish you will observe another road which strikes south, and meets the pilgrim's road about midway between Suez and Akaba. This road runs through a dry valley, in which it was possible to lay down a light railway. Only by these routes could the Turks reach Egypt from Syria.
The Suez Canal and the Sinai District.
You will notice that before the Turks could set foot in Egypt they would have to cross the Suez Canal, which could not be turned, because it runs from sea to sea. If the Turks could seize the Suez Canal they would command our short route to India, and would be able to impede greatly the bringing of troops to Europe from the East. No doubt this was another of the reasons which led the Turks to make a descent upon Egypt. So important is the Suez Canal to the defence of the country that I must briefly describe [38]it.
The canal is nearly 100 miles long—76 miles of it actual canal, and 24 miles of dredged and buoyed waterway through lakes. In all this length there is not a single lock! The canal varies in width from 80 to 120 yards, and it is deep enough to float the heaviest of Dreadnoughts. Begun in 1859, it was completed ten years later, at a cost of £16,000,000. It is not the property of any one nation, but the United Kingdom is by far the largest shareholder: it holds 35 per cent. of the shares.
Let us follow the course of the canal. For the first few hours the canal crosses the shallow arm of the Mediterranean known as Lake Menzala. Two long parallel embankments cross this so-called lake, which is very shallow, and is studded with rocks. When this section is passed, we have the red sands of the desert to right and left of us. Side by side with the canal runs a sweet-water canal. It is a simple ditch, and its course can everywhere be traced by the grass and trees which flourish along its margin. Except for this fringe of verdure, no vegetation but desert scrub can be seen.
At the station of El Kantara there is a ferry, and here one may sometimes see caravans of Arabs with laden camels setting out on a journey across the desert to El Arish. Later in the day we cross Lake Balâh, pursuing our way between rows of buoys. Another stretch of canal follows, and we cross Lake Timseh, and see away on our right the town of Ismailia, from which a railway strikes off westwards. Then comes another long, straight channel, with high sand dunes on the left bank. We pass the signal station of Toussûm, set in a pleasing frame of trees, and two and a half miles further on is Serapeum. We now steam across the Bitter Lakes, which are said to represent an old arm of the Red Sea. After these lakes are passed we enter the last stretch of the canal, and finally reach Suez, beyond which lies the Red Sea.
During our voyage we notice that the ground to the east of the canal is very flat, and that from the deck of our ship, or from the higher ground on the western bank, we can see far and wide over the desert across which the Turks would have to advance. Just south of El Kantara, and again between Lake Balâh and the Bitter Lakes, there are sand dunes; but elsewhere there is no cover for an attacker. The defenders of Egypt thought it probable that the Turks would make their descent upon the canal along the line of the sand dunes.[39]
By 28th January small advanced parties of Turks had crossed the desert. One party, marching by the direct route from El Arish to El Kantara, was met and driven back by Gurkhas; another party, advancing by the road from Akaba, suffered the same fate. On 2nd February the main attack was delivered by about 12,000 troops, who had marched along the valley from El Arish towards the Sinai Peninsula. When they were about four hours distant from the canal they divided into two columns, and proceeded westwards. One column moved towards the sand dunes opposite to Ismailia, while t[41]he second and much stronger column pushed on towards Toussûm. Small flanking attacks were also made against El Kantara and Suez.
Fighting at the Suez Canal, February 2-4, 1915.
The advance of the enemy had been known for some days, and our troops were in position ready to meet it. They were full of confidence, and were quite sure that the Turks would never enter Egypt save as prisoners. As the sun sank in a flaming sky on 2nd February our patrols saw the enemy moving towards the hummocks of sand that fringe the canal. When night fell, the Turks pushed their main force through the scrub and dunes towards a gap which gave them an easy road to the canal opposite Toussûm. The Turks had dragged across the deserts in carts some twenty-five or thirty galvanized iron pontoons, each weighing about 850 lbs. When they approached the canal, the pontoons were shouldered by men and carried towards the water. By means of these pontoons, and a few rafts made out of kerosene tins with a wooden frame, the Turks proposed to cross the canal.
The first warning of the enemy's approach was given by a sentry of a mountain battery, who heard voices across the water. Soon the noise increased. The Turks were loudly encouraging each other by crying out in Arabic, "Brothers, die for the faith; we can die but once," and so forth. The defenders were on the alert, but they were in no hurry to fire. They did not even pull their triggers when the invaders were carrying the pontoons down to the canal. Not until numbers of the enemy were crowded together under the steep bank, and were pushing their pontoons into the water, did the machine guns and rifles of the British begin to rattle. Then the fire was deadly; the Turks were speedily mown down, and the pontoons, riddled with bullets, were soon at the bottom of the canal.
The Turkish Attack on the Suez Canal. By permission of The Sphere.
On the night of February 2nd, 1915, two Turkish columns, numbering about 12,000 in all, moved towards the canal—the front and smaller column against Ismalia; the second against Toussûm. Our illustration shows the latter attack in progress. To the right, the Turks are seen advancing under heavy shell and rifle fire, and vainly trying to launch boats. To the left are the Punjabis resisting the attack. The Turks were driven back at this point, and an attempt to cross at Ismalia suffered a similar fate. The Turks retired in good order, and unfortunately were able to march back to Syria without much molestation.
The Turks now lined the banks, and redoubled their efforts to get across.
"They first tried to get men across by boats and by swimming, in order to hold a place as a bridgehead. Five boats filled with riflemen were rowed over; three sank with most of their occupants, and two touched the western bank. One boatload charged up the bank, but not a man reached the top. The crew of the other boat jumped into the water, and getting ashore, scraped holes in the bank with their hands to make a temporary shelter trench. Most of them were shot, and a few survivors gave themselves up as soon as it was daylight."
A little torpedo boat, with a crew of thirteen, dashed to and fro, firing point-blank at the enemy, and smashing into fragments the pontoons which lay unlaunched on the bank. The duel continued through the dark, cloudy night.
When morning dawned, the battle became general all along the canal. The enemy brought up field guns, and the British and French warships in the canal joined in the fray. A few Turks who had swum across the canal began to snipe our men from the rear, but they were soon disposed of. Those who swam across later were deserters eager to surrender.
At about eleven in the morning two 6-inch shells from the Turkish batteries hit H.M.S. Hardinge, an old Indian marine transport. One of the shells fell with a terrific crash on the bridge, almost severing the leg of Pilot Carew. He calmly looked down at his mangled leg, and, gripping the rail, shouted, "Bring me a chair. I am going to take this ship into port!" During the battle Pilot Carew received no fewer than eighteen wounds. The guns of the warships began to fire salvos, and soon the Turkish batteries were silenced.
Now that the pontoons of the enemy had been destroyed, the German commander had been killed, and the troops lying in cover had been shelled out of their hiding-places, the Turks realized that their attempt at invasion had hopelessly failed. Half-hearted flank attacks at El Kantara and Suez had been held up by our wire entanglements, and the time had arrived for our Indian troops to take the offensive. Excellent artillery and rifle fire cleared the greater part of the eastern bank, and by three o'clock in the afternoon of 3rd February the Turks were in full retreat. They had done nothing more than engage our outpost line.
Early next morning the British troops crossed the canal in force, and began the work of rounding up the enemy. Many Turks were found in a hollow, and some of them held up their hands when our men approached. As a British officer advanced to take the surrender he was shot down. A sharp fight with the cold steel followed, during which one of our officers engaged a Turkish officer in single combat and ran him through. Some 400 dead were counted, more than 600 prisoners were taken, and the total Turkish casualties were probably well over 2,000. For days following deserters drifted in, and by 8th February there was not a single Turk wi[43]thin twenty miles of the canal.
Unfortunately the bulk of the enemy, with baggage and guns, got away safely. A heavy sandstorm came on, and our Camel Corps were unable to follow up the beaten and dispirited enemy. Had this not happened, it is probable that the whole force would have been captured or destroyed. The Turks declared that their advance on the canal was merely for the purpose of discovering the strength of the enemy and the character of his defences. Whatever the object was, it was not repeated during 1915; Egypt remained unmolested for the rest of the year.
One incident which occurred during the fighting is worthy of special mention. An officer on board the torpedo boat which did such good work in harassing the enemy thus tells the story:—
"It was now 3 p.m., so we went back down the canal to finish off some boats which the Turks had abandoned inshore on the east bank. As the 3-pounder could not get on to these, we landed and blew up two. To get at the third boat it was necessary to go up a gully some fifty yards inland, where we could see the bow sticking up. The enemy held this bank, so, of course, we were under fire the whole time. I called for volunteers, and a sub-lieutenant and a petty officer landed with me in a dinghy. We left an A.B. in her, and darted up with our gun-cotton charge. I went ahead and got up to the boat, when I saw five Turkish soldiers on the other side about ten yards away. I stepped round the boat to have a shot at them, and fell into a trench full of Turks. You never saw any one so surprised in your life as they were, and I myself confess to a certain astonishment.
"I was too close to them to allow them to get their rifles on me, and, realizing that every second was of value, I gave one whoop and dived out of the trench. The sub-lieutenant shot a fellow who stuck his head over to pot me, and all three of us trekked back to the dinghy under a heavy fire at about thirty yards range. The Australian and Indian troops holding the west bank opened fire to cover our retreat, as did also the torpedo boat. It really seemed as if the air was full of lead—one long, continuous whistle overhead, and the sand all round flying up in spurts. I was still laughing from the comic expressions I had seen on the faces of the Turks in the trench; nevertheless, I got over the ground like a two-year-old. We had thirty yards to row to the torpedo boat, and, would you believe it? we all got aboard untouched. I did not blow up that boat, as I saw it had already been riddled with bullets from the other bank."
[44]
Men of "Princess Pat's" Canadian Light Infantry on the March.
Photo, Central Press.
CHAPTER V.
WINTER WARFARE ON THE WESTERN FRONT.—I.
Now we must return to the battle front in the West, and see how the Allies fared during the months of January and February. You will remember that when the year 1914 closed the rival armies were facing each other in trenches which extended over well-nigh 500 miles—from the North Sea across the flats of Flanders, through the coalfield of North France, along the ups and downs of the Oise Valley and the heights of the Aisne, through the Forest of Argonne into Lorraine, along every high valley of the Vosges, right through Alsace to within sight of Alpine snows. The cold and storms of winter had put an end to operations on a large scale, but scarcely a day passed without artillery duels and local attacks.
When General Joffre was asked to describe his operations during the winter months he replied, "We are nibbling away at them." He was not yet strong enough to pierce the German lines on a large scale, even if the weather had permitted him to do so. His policy was to wear down the Germans by provoking attacks in which they were likely to lose more men than the Allies. You know that the Germans believe in attacking, and that they consider it the best form of defence. In modern warfare the attackers always lose more men than the defenders.
Let us look for a moment at the position of the Germans in the month of January. They had overrun Belgium, and they held a very valuable part of North France; but otherwise they had made many mistakes, and had failed to accomplish what they had set out to do. They had aimed at Paris, [45]but had never got there; they had flung away life like water to reach the Channel ports, but had failed to capture them; they had intended a short war, in which victory would be achieved before the Allies could meet them on equal terms, but they were now faced by a long struggle. Every day the Allies were bringing fresh troops into the field, and were making good their many deficiencies. Meanwhile the Germans, by their brutal treatment of the poor people who had fallen into their hands, had lost the sympathy of every civilized country.
Germany was now at the very top of her field strength. It was calculated that she was losing some 260,000 men every month, and that as time went on she would be less and less able to bring up reserves with which to repair the wastage of war. Experts declared that by the end of the year, or by the end of the following January, the supply of German reserves would fail, and the armies in the field would then begin to decline in numbers and in quality. On the other hand, the Allies had not yet come anywhere near their possible strength. The new British armies, which had been under training since September, would be ready in the spring. France was forming at least three new armies, and the Russians hoped to be able to equip their third and fourth millions and put them in the field some time in April. Great efforts were being made by the Allies to increase their artillery, and it was expected that in the early summer they would be able to strike a decisive blow. In these circumstances it was to Germany's interest to strain every nerve to win during the early months of the year.
It was thought by the Allies that the great German effort would be made in the West; but, as we shall see in later chapters, they were mistaken. The Germans launched their chief attacks against the Russians, who by the middle of the year were so woefully lacking in munitions that they were forced to retire eastwards from the Vistula for about two hundred miles; and owing to this misfortune the "big push" of the Allies in the West had to be postponed.
Now let us see what actually happened in the West during January and February. You already know that, until the new armies of the Allies were ready to take the field and the British supply of big guns and shells was greatly increased, they could do nothing but worry portions of the German front.[46]
Such being the policy of the Allies, you will not expect to hear of big battles. The story of the fighting during January and February is the record of small things—"a sandhill won east of Nieuport, a trench or two near Ypres, a corner of a brickfield near La Bassée, a few hundred yards near Arras, a farm on the Oise, a mile in northern Champagne, a coppice in the Argonne, a hillock on the Meuse, part of a wood on the Moselle, some of the high glens in the Vosges, and a village or two in Alsace." A cartoon published in a German comic paper in January showed two French Staff officers measuring the day's advance with a footrule. No doubt the gains were small; but we must remember that our object was not so much to win ground as to take toll of the two million Germans holding the trenches, and by reducing their numbers bring the day of their exhaustion nearer.
We will begin our story with the Belgian-French forces on the Yser. They then held the bridgehead at Nieuport and the whole western bank of the river. During January the Germans fiercely shelled the chief centres in the little bit of Belgium over which King Albert still held sway.
The German right rested on the dunes fronting the sea, and their big guns amongst the sandhills had Nieuport at their mercy. On 28th January the Allies attacked the Great Dune, which lies just east of Nieuport, and managed to win a good position from which they could sweep the east bank of the Yser and protect their own left wing. Nothing else of importance happened in this section for the next two months.
On the Ypres salient, trenches were taken and retaken during January and the first fortnight of February. On the last day of February, Princess Patricia's Regiment of Canadian Light Infantry distinguished itself in a brilliant little affair. This regiment, which consisted almost entirely of old soldiers, many of whom possessed medals for previous war service, had been equipped by Mr. Hamilton Gault of Montreal. Lieutenant-Colonel F. D. Farquhar was appointed colonel, and the founder of the regiment became second in command, with the rank of major. The regiment was named after Princess Patricia, the younger daughter of the Duke of Connaught, then Governor-General of Canada.
Canadians on Salisbury Plain. Photo, Sport and General.
A portion of Stonehenge, the oldest monument in the British Isles, is seen in the background. It was ancient in the days when Boadicea called her kinsmen to arms against the Romans.
Princess Patricia embroidered colours and presented them to the regiment on August 23, 1914, when she wished the[48] men good luck, and said that she should follow their fortunes with deep interest. In due course the regiment, which was generally known as "Princess Pat's," arrived with the Canadian contingent at Plymouth, and after training on Salisbury Plain, where most of the men had their first experience of the rain, sleet, and slush of an English winter, was dispatched to France, where the Christmas dinners were eaten within sound of the guns. By 26th January they had become inured to the hardships of the trenches, and had already suffered casualties. On the 28th of February, when they were holding a position not far from St. Eloi, about two miles south of Ypres, the regiment was ordered to capture a German trench. The following brief account of the affair is from the pen of a corporal who took part in it:—
"On the last day of February, just before dawn, our company was ordered to attempt to force one of the German trenches. As we climbed over the parapet the enemy, by means of their magnesium flares, spotted us, and immediately opened up on us a withering machine-gun fire. We lost men—some of my best friends and comrades—but on we kept, plodding through a quagmire of mud, and when we jumped over the enemy's parapet into their trench, we had to tramp over dead men. The rest of the Huns, afraid of cold steel, fled screaming like children or went down on their knees and begged for mercy. This, in true British fashion, was granted them."
The attack was led with great dash and spirit by Lieutenants Crabbe and Papineau, the latter of whom received the distinguished Service Order for conspicuous gallantry on the occasion. He was in charge of bomb-throwers during the attack. He shot two of the enemy himself, and then ran along the German sap, throwing bombs into it. As soon as the news of the success became known, congratulations were poured upon the gallant fellows. They were the first of all Canadian regiments to come into prominence, and they had given ample evidence of that gallantry which was soon to be exhibited on a larger scale, and to thrill the Empire with pride.
There were other similar successes on the Ypres salient, but the almost continual rain, snow, and fogs of the latter part of February made important attacks almost impossible.
[49]
The La Bassée Canal in Time of Peace.
CHAPTER VI.
WINTER WARFARE ON THE WESTERN FRONT.—II.
The heaviest winter fighting in the British section of the front took place in the neighbourhood of La Bassée. The German Emperor's birthday occurs on 27th January, and his soldiers were eager to present him with a success in order to commemorate the event. If you look at the map on page 52, you will see to the east of the hamlet of Cuinchy, south of the canal, a district marked "Brickfields." Still further east you observe a triangle of ground bounded by three railway lines. The British 3rd Brigade was holding a sharp salient in this district. Its left rested on the canal, its centre was pushed forward towards the "railway triangle," and its right was on the road running from Bethune to La Bassée. All the ground was covered with old kilns and smoke stacks, and a few hundred yards behind our first line we had constructed a "keep" of bricks.
On 24th January the Germans shelled our position, hoping to smash the canal lock, and so flood our trenches. About six o'clock next morning a German deserter came in to our lines and warned us that an attack would be made in about half an hour. Deserters had so frequently told similar tales that we took no notice of him. The man, however, had told the[51] truth, and the half-hour had scarcely ended when a tremendous bombardment began. Our first-line trenches, which were held by half a battalion each of the Scots Guards and Coldstream Guards, were blown in, and before the damage could be repaired the Germans flung forward great numbers of men for an attack. After a severe tussle, in which our men used the bayonet with great effect, they were forced to fall back across the brickfields. The London Scottish and the 1st Camerons, with the remainder of the Coldstream and Scots Guards, were ordered up to hold the second line. These troops fought hard, and punished the Germans severely with rifle and machine-gun fire; but so numerous were the attackers that they managed to get in amongst the brick stacks and into the communication trenches on both sides of the "keep," and even to the west of it.
Much-needed reinforcements were pushed forward, and at one o'clock a counter-attack was begun. Together with the French on their right, our troops moved forward in short, swift rushes, taking cover behind piles of bricks or lying close on the soggy ground. Good progress was made on the flanks, but the centre could not advance. Late in the afternoon another battalion was sent up in support, and the struggle continued throughout the night. By the morning of the 26th we had cleared out the enemy between the "keep" and our trenches, and had partially recovered the ground lost in the morning. The Germans had paid heavily for their trifling gain. Fifty-three prisoners were captured, and over a thousand German dead strewed the brickfields.
The Fighting in Givenchy Village.
(From the drawing by Alfred Bastien. By permission of The Illustrated London News.)
The mining village of Givenchy stands on high ground, and commands the highroad from Bethune to La Bassée. Our illustration shows the fierce fighting in the village on January 25, 1915, when our men in many cases fought with bayonets in their hands and even knocked out many Germans with their fists. In the above drawing, British troops, including Highlanders, are seen advancing from the left.
Meanwhile an equally severe fight was going on north of the canal. The Germans heavily bombarded the coveted village of Givenchy, which we had held ever since the second week of the preceding October. At 8.15 they swarmed out of their trenches, passed over our front trenches, and broke into the village, where a furious struggle raged in the streets and in the houses for more than an hour. "Our men," says Eye-witness, "in many cases fought with bayonets in their hands, and even knocked out many Germans with their fists. A story is told of one man who broke into a house held by eight Germans. He bayoneted four, and captured the rest, while he continued to suck at a clay pipe."[52]
Five separate times the Germans attacked the north-east corner of Givenchy, but each time they were driven back with great loss. "On the whole," continues Eye-witness, "the 25th January was a bad day for the enemy in this portion of their line." The German birthday gift to the Kaiser was a heap of his own dead.
Sketch Map to illustrate the Fighting near La Bassée of the 1st Corps, January 25-26, 1915.
For the next ten days the struggle continued. On the 29th the Germans again attacked south of the canal, and tried to get into the "keep" by means of scaling ladders, but were beaten off with severe losses. On 1st February, very early in the morning, the Coldstreams were driven from their trenches south of the canal, and two counter-attacks failed to recover them. As the light grew better, our artillery came into action, and so accurate a fire was kept up on the lost trenches that the Germans could not hold them. At ten o'clock fifty men of the 2nd Coldstreams and thirty men of the Irish Guards, along with sappers carrying sandbags and barbed wire, rushed forward, and not only recovered the lost trenches, but seized one of the enemy's posts on the embankment of the canal. It was during this attack that Lance-Corporal Michael O'Leary won the Victoria Cross by a remarkable feat of gallantry which will be described in the next chapter.
"Our men," says Eye-witness, "were enabled to take in flank one of the enemy's trenches to the south, and they fought their way along it, throwing hand grenades, until they dislodged the Germans from a considerable length. We thus established ourselves firmly in a good position on the canal bank and in the adjoining trenches. During the action we captured fourteen prisoners and two machine guns, also many wounded. Our losses were not severe, but the enemy suffered heavily, especially from our artillery fire. . . . Our men were in excellent spirits after the encounter, and on being relieved somewhat later, marched back to their billets singing to the accompaniment of mouth organs and the roar of guns."
About 2 p.m. on the night of the 5th-6th February the British and French artillery turned their heavy howitzers on the "railway triangle," and began a fierce bombardment. The boom of the guns and the roar of the exploding shells were clearly heard twenty miles away, and to those near at hand the noise was terrific. One lyddite shell blew a house bodily into the air; while others, exploding amongst the brick stacks, wrought awful havoc amongst the enemy. At 2.15 a.m. an attack was launched at a strong position held by the Germans amidst stacks of bricks. Our storming columns rushed the position from three sides at once, and captured it with very little loss. Prisoners afterwards said that the noise of the bursting shells, and the thick clouds of dust which arose, prevented them from hearing or seeing our men until they were almost upon them. Other trenches were captured, and the next day the Germans tried hard to recover the lost ground. Our gunners, however, were too much for them, and succeeded in destroying one of their heavy batteries.
I have told you the story of these small fights to give you an idea of how the "nibbling" process was carried on. Dozens of similar encounters took place in various parts of our line, and in all of them the Germans lost more heavily than we did. You will notice that early in February our artillery was able to compete with that of the Germans. Every day more and more big guns and more and more shells were sent to the front. The time was soon to arrive when a big combined effort could be made to pierce the German line.
[54]
CHAPTER VII.
STORIES FROM THE BATTLEFIELD.
You are now to read some soldiers' stories of the fighting during the winter months. The first story tells how Algerian horsemen, by a skilful ruse, managed to get a footing in the Great Dune[6] between the Ostend road and the sea.
One morning six fine Arab horses strayed, as though by accident, between the French and German lines. The Germans did not fire on the horses, because they hoped to capture them when they came sufficiently near to their trenches. The animals, however, wandered off again. Towards nightfall on the following day twenty-four Arab horses appeared on the same ground. In the half light the Germans could only just distinguish the forms of the animals, and perceive that they were unmounted. They were preparing to seize them when suddenly a sharp cry was heard, and the horses, kicking up their heels, galloped back to the French lines.
Almost immediately twenty-four gray forms rose from the ground and dashed towards the German trench. They were Algerians, who had concealed themselves under the bodies of their horses, and had thus got close to the German line. They rushed upon the enemy, and a furious struggle took place. The Germans in the second line dared not fire for fear of shooting their own comrades. The Algerians managed to get a footing in the German trench, and shortly afterwards French infantrymen rushed up to their support. By ten in the evening a portion of the Great Dune had been won.
"Sniping" went on almost continuously during the winter. A Canadian officer thus describes his adventures while scouting in front of the German trenches:[55]—
"Off I went, crawling through the sodden clay and branches, going about a yard a minute, listening and looking. I went out to the right of our lines, where the Germans were nearest. At last I saw the Hun trench. It was about ten yards from me. I waited for a long time, and then I heard some Germans talking, and saw one of them put his head up over some bushes behind the trench. I could not get a shot at him, as I was too low down. Of course, I could not get up; so I crawled on again, very slowly, to the parapet of their trench.
"It was exciting. I peered through their loophole, but saw nobody in the trench. Then the German behind put up his head again. He was laughing and talking. I saw his teeth glisten against my foresight, and I pulled the trigger. He just gave a grunt and crumpled up. His comrades behind the bushes got up, and whispered to each other. There were five of them. They could not place the shot. I was flat behind their parapet, and hidden. I just had the nerve not to move a muscle and stay there; my heart was fairly hammering. They did not advance, so I crept back, inch by inch.
"The next day, just before dawn, I crawled out there again, and found the trench still empty. Then a single German came through the woods towards the trench. I saw him fifty yards off. He was coming along upright, quite carelessly, making a great noise. I heard him before I saw him. I let him get within twenty-five yards, and then shot him.
"Nothing happened for ten minutes. Then there were noise and talking, and a lot of Germans came along through the wood behind the trench, about forty yards from me. I counted about twenty, and there were more coming. They halted in front. I picked out the one I thought was the officer. I had a steady shot at him. He went down, and that was all I saw.
"I went back at a sort of galloping crawl to our lines, and sent a message that the Germans were moving in a certain direction in some numbers. Half an hour afterwards they attacked the right in massed formation, advancing slowly to within ten yards of our trenches. We simply mowed them down. It was rather horrible. There were 200 of them dead in a little bit of our line, and we only lost ten.
"Our boys were rather pleased at my stalking and getting the message through. All our men have started stalking now. It is quite a popular amusement."
"The Three Musketeers" of Princess Patricia's Own.
(Painted by S. Begg from material supplied by an officer of Princess Patricia's Canadian Light Infantry present at the action. By permission of The Illustrated London News.)
[57]
"Princess Pat's Own" first went into the firing line on 5th January. The trenches in which they received their baptism of fire were only about a hundred yards away from those of the Germans, who subjected them to a very heavy bombardment. About the second or third night three of the men established themselves during the darkness on a mound a little to the rear of the Canadian position. They cut a couple of dug-outs in the base of the mound, and fortified the top with a few bricks, behind which they took cover. At daybreak they discovered that they commanded a very fine view of the German first-line trench, and of its supporting or reserve dug-outs, which were occupied by the Prussian Guard. There was no shell fire from the British at the time, and the Germans, thinking themselves quite safe, were strolling about between the dug-outs and the trench. The "three musketeers" on the mound opened a brisk fire on the Germans; whereupon they scuttled off to their holes like rabbits, but not before nine or ten of them lay on the ground, wounded or killed. All day long the men on the mound were under every kind of fire, but they "stuck it" without flinching, and in their turn kept the enemy from as much as showing a finger. When darkness fell they retired to their trenches. Only one of the men was hurt, and he had only a slight bullet wound in the hand.
Here is a strange story of how some British soldiers foolishly and recklessly risked their lives in order to settle a bet.
"Fighting had been very severe in front of one section, and during a lull an officer was surprised to see a number of khaki-clad figures fully exposed to the German bullets, should the enemy resume firing. They were peering into the trench, and were so deeply interested in what was 'down below' that they did not notice the officer's approach.
"'What have you got there?' he asked.
"'A dead German, sir,' came the reply.
"'A dead German! What on earth are you doing with a dead German?'
"Then he was told the whole story. It appeared that in the course of the attack the British soldiers had noticed a particularly tall and bulky Hun. When the fighting was over they began to discuss his proportions. He was now ly[58]ing dead in front of the trench, and two of the men made a bet about his height and weight. To settle the bet, they crawled out and risked death in order to drag the dead German in. He was found to be six feet nine inches in height, and to have a waist measurement of fifty-three inches.
"The officer gave the men a severe warning, and then asked how much the bet was. To his amazement he received the following reply: 'A bob, sir!'"
In a dispatch published by Sir John French during February he regretted that it was impossible for him to bring before the notice of the public many acts of gallantry performed by his men. Here is an account of a very brave deed done by a sergeant-major in the North Somerset Yeomanry; the story is told by a corporal of the same regiment:—
"I had a marvellous escape. A German bomb fell in the trench barely a foot from me. I did not see it coming, and nothing could have saved me, or Dick Moody, or the other fellows with us, had not Sergeant-Major Reeves made a dash for it. He picked up the bomb, pulled out the fuse, and threw it out of the trench. It was the bravest thing I have ever seen."
Later on, when our men became more used to grenade fighting, such incidents were of almost everyday occurrence. Over and over again men pounced upon live bombs, and hurled them back towards the enemy's trenches before they had time to explode.
On one part of our line the trenches of friend and foe were so close to each other, and they changed hands so often, that it was difficult to know at any particular moment whether they were held by British or by Germans. One night, after a fight, two British officers set out to discover whether certain trenches were occupied by their own men or by those of the enemy. They soon chanced upon a communication trench which seemed to lead in the desired direction. They walked down it, and came to a dug-out with a candle burning in it and German equipment scattered about. Thinking that the communication trench had been captured, they blew out the candle and pushed on. At length they reached a trench running at right angles to the communication trench. No sooner had they entered it than they were challenged sharply [59]in German. Then came a shower of bullets, and in a moment the officers were rushing back by the way which they had come, with Germans close upon their heels. They floundered through the mud and dodged round the traverses, and, thanks to the darkness, managed to get back to their own lines unhurt, where they told their comrades how they had spent several breathless minutes in the enemy's fire trenches.
Now I must give you an account of one of the most striking deeds of gallantry ever performed by a British soldier. The Gazette of 18th February contained an announcement that the Victoria Cross had been awarded to
Lance-Corporal Michael O'Leary, 1st Battalion Irish Guards, for an achievement of such a character that, according to Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, "no writer of fiction would dare to fasten it o
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https://defenceindepth.co/2014/10/29/forgotten-battles-vailly-30-october-1914/
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Forgotten Battles: Vailly, 30 October 1914
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Forgotten Battles is a new feature on Defence-in-Depth designed to bring long-lost battles back from the depths of history. Our authors have chosen these engagements because they believe that their significance has been overlooked or overshadowed by better-remembered battles in history. The significance of the chosen battles may have been strategic and influenced greatly a…
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https://s1.wp.com/i/favicon.ico
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Defence-In-Depth
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https://defenceindepth.co/2014/10/29/forgotten-battles-vailly-30-october-1914/
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Forgotten Battles is a new feature on Defence-in-Depth designed to bring long-lost battles back from the depths of history. Our authors have chosen these engagements because they believe that their significance has been overlooked or overshadowed by better-remembered battles in history. The significance of the chosen battles may have been strategic and influenced greatly a particular war or campaign or may be based on other factors, such as social or cultural impact or the way in which a battle shaped the thinking of future leaders.
by DR ROBERT T. FOLEY
In the aftermath of the battle of the Marne, the German armies had withdrawn to defensive positions along the Aisne River. This river, 50-65 meters wide in many places, offered the battered German army a strong defensive position. Moreover, the northern bank occupied by the Germans was the high ground, giving them good observation behind the Anglo-French lines. However, in several places, the French and British armies had been able to secure bridgeheads across the Aisne, which threatened the German defensive position.
In order to secure their position, the German 1st Army executed a large-scale ‘attack with limited objectives.’ On 30 October, troops of the 5th and 6th Infantry Divisions of the III Army Corps, supported by considerable heavy artillery from the 1st Army, attacked the French 69th Reserve Division around Vailly. Their objectives were to seize the heights around Vailly and in the process throw the French defenders back across the Aisne in this area of the front. The infantry assault began at 0830 after an intensive artillery preparation. Within 7 hours, the German troops had taken all their objectives.
As battles go on the Western Front during the First World War, this was a minor affair. However, the significance of this battle far outreached its minor tactical success of strengthening the 1st Army’s defensive position. Immediately, in stark contrast to the costly failures of the attacks of the German 4th and 6th Armies in Flanders and around Ypres, the 1st Army’s battle at Vailly secured its objectives quickly and with only limited (ca. 2,000) casualties. With hindsight, though, we can see two areas in which the battle as of lasting significance for the German army during the rest of the war.
Personnel
The success of the III Army Corps’ operation at Vailly is significant for the experience it gave a number of personnel who were catapulted to important positions based, in part, on the success of the battle. The chief of staff of the III Army Corps was then-Oberst Hans von Seeckt. Seeckt played a central role in planning and executing the operation. Indeed, his performance in this battle and the III Army Corps’ later battle around Soissons in January 1915 led to his assignment as chief of staff of a newly formed 11th Army. This army was initially to lead a German breakthrough operation on the Western Front in 1915, but was diverted east in April to support the Austro-Hungarian army against the Russians. In May, as chief of staff to August von Mackensen’s 11th Army, he planned and executed one of the war’s most successful breakthrough battles at Gorlice-Tarnow.
Seeckt was accompanied to the east by then-Oberst Richard von Berendt. Overshadowed by the self-publicity of Georg Bruchmüller, Berendt has been largely forgotten by history, but he was undoubtedly one of the most important German artillerists of the war. During the battle of Vailly, Berendt served as the artillery adviser to the 1st Army, and in this role shaped the artillery side of the battle. In the summer of 1915, he became the artillery adviser to Army Group Gallwitz and in the position played an important role in the destruction of the Russian army in Poland.
Finally, Seeckt’s operations officer was then-Major Georg Wetzell. While much of the III Army Corps’ staff went east to participate in the successful 1915 campaign against the Russians, Wetzell remained on the Western Front. When Paul von Hindenburg and Erich Ludendorff formed the 3rd Oberste Heeresleitung in August 1916, Wetzell joined as operations officer and became Ludendorff’s right-hand man.
Doctrine
The battle at Vailly was not simply significant because it helped important individuals rise to prominence within the German army. The battle also offered important lessons about fighting in trench warfare. The 1st Army produced an after-action report – the first such report of a specific battle to be shared widely throughout the German army – in which the army highlighted what it felt to be important lessons for fighting in the new type of warfare now seen on the Western Front.
Unsurprisingly, the use of artillery dominated this report. Vailly was the first time that an army-level artillery adviser was used to coordinate the effects of field and heavy artillery. Indeed, the report went into considerable detail about how specific types of guns were used on specific targets: 10-cm cannon were best used in enfilade against specific distant enemy targets; heavy howitzers and 21-cm mortars were found to be of best use against enemy field fortifications; field guns proved to be of more limited utility in trench warfare. The artillery adviser controlled the various batteries available for the attack and made sure that they specific types of artillery were put to best use. He also was able to concentrate the fire of a larger number of batteries of various calibres than had yet been done in the war to date and controlled artillery from numerous army corps in support of the III Army Corps’ attack.
Targets for the artillery were chosen, in part, by the results of aerial reconnaissance. For the first time in the war for the German army, aircraft were used to photograph enemy emplacements and artillery. The results of these photographs were plotted on maps by artillerymen to calculate exact locations and ranges.
Artillery techniques were also highlighted in the after-action report. The III Army Corps made the first use of Feuerwelle, or fire periods, in the German army during the war. The artillery preparation was to take place in five periods over the night and early morning of 29/30 October. In the pauses between each of these periods, patrols were pushed forward to assess damage and to adjust artillery fire. Each wave of fire was different lengths of time from half an hour to an hour and a half, a conscious decision to keep defenders guessing about German intentions. The fifth wave was designed to be particularly intense to shock the enemy defenders prior to the infantry assault. Moreover, the III Army Corps developed an early form of Feuerwalze, or moving barrage. As the infantry advanced, German supporting fire was lifted forward to prearranged points on the battlefield. These barrages were also used to block off parts of the battlefield in an attempt to prevent enemy reinforcement. These new techniques gave the attacking infantry some protection from enemy infantry. Indeed, one post-war observer, Artur Bullrich, went so far as to write ‘Fire waves, rolling barrages, and box barrages were all born of the planning for battle of Vailly.’
The 1st Army’s after-action report went on to highlight what would be key aspects of attacks in trench warfare – the need for careful planning before any attack; the importance of very close infantry-artillery cooperation during the assault; and the importance of setting objectives realistic for the forces at hand. Although battle of Vailly would be quickly overshadowed by other, larger-scale battles, the success of the III Army Corps served as the model of a new type of battle for a new type of warfare and the lessons of the battle were quickly learned by the rest of the German army.
For more First World War research at the Defence Studies Department, see the First World War Research Group page.
For more on Vailly, see
Richard von Berendt, ‘Der General der Artillerie bei einem Armeeoberkommando,’ Artilleristische Rundschau (1928/29): 135-140.
Artur Bullrich, ‘Der Angriff auf Vailly am 30.Oktober 1914 als Ausgangspunkt entscheidender neuer Grundsätze der deutschen Kriegführung,’ Wissen und Wehr (1920): 257-270.
Bruce I. Gudmundsson, On Artillery (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1993).
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https://armyaviationmagazine.com/operation-overlord/
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Army Aviation Magazine
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https://armyaviationmagazine.com/operation-overlord/
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Looking Back, June 2024
By Mark Albertson
80 Years Ago:
Operation: OVERLORD
“D-Day has come. Early this morning the Allies began the assault on the northwestern face of Hitler’s European fortress. The first official news came just after half-past nine, when Supreme Headquarters of the Allied Expeditionary Force issued Communique Number One. This said: Under the command of General Eisenhower, Allied naval forces, supported by strong air forces, began landing Allied armies this morning on the northern coast of France. This is the BBC Home Service—and here is a special bulletin read by John Snagge.”[1]
* * * * *
The strategic significance of Overlord is greater than the standard popular narrative of the Longest Day; that of serving the vulgar Austrian corporal his eviction notice from France and the Low Countries so as to bring to a speedier conclusion Man’s greatest industrialized global conflict. For what transpired on June 6, 1944, as well as on December 4-5, 1941, followed two days later at Pearl Harbor, and August 6 and 9, 1945, are among those decisive military developments underscoring the changing nature of the global dynamics of power. For Man’s greatest industrialized war, Total War, did not commence on December 1, 1939; rather, by August 4, 1914.[2]
Map of the D-Day, June 6, 1944.
But Overlord, too, was a product of history: Spring 1862, General George McClellan was to land a huge Union Army on the Virginia Peninsula. According to the Assistant Secretary of War, John Tucker, “121,500 men, 14,592 animals, 1,150 wagons, 44 batteries, 74 ambulances, pontoon bridges, telegraph materials, and an enormous quantity of equipage, . . .
“In his account, McClellan’s quartermaster reflected Tucker’s report on the scale of the effort when he listed the craft utilized in the move to the peninsula: ’71 side-wheeler steamers, 57 propellers (craft equipped with propellers), 187 schooners, brigs and barks, 90 barges, making in all 405 vessels, of a tonnage of 86,278 tons.’”[3] Included, too, was a pair of balloons from Thaddeus Lowe’s Balloon Corps, providing McClellan with air superiority of a type. A monumental effort considering the time, perhaps, but, which only ended in failure. President Lincoln was seeking a knockout blow: Get to Richmond, the Confederate capital and end the war. Then, perhaps, be in a better position to enforce the Monroe Doctrine and evict the French from Mexico.[4]
The Peninsular Campaign was a failure, owing, in part, to a lack of intelligence as to an accurate strength of Confederate forces and the fact that General McClellan was a cautious plodder. This will enable the Confederates to concentrate the forces necessary under the command of Robert E. Lee and cause the evacuation of Union forces. The war would continue another three years.
April 25, 1915, a D-Day prior to Normandy will take place, on the Turkish peninsula, Gallipoli. This amphibious operation on the southern flank of the Triple Alliance was to accomplish a number of things: Circumvent the stalemate of the trenches on the Western Front and attempt a war of movement. Two, knock the Ottoman Empire out of the war and free up the Middle East. Three, persuade Greece, Rumania and Bulgaria to side with the Triple Entente. Four, open a needed artery into Czarist Russia and supply this ally on the Eastern Front and perhaps draw off German troops from the Western Front. Churchill even considered that some Turkish soldiers might agree to serve as mercenaries against their former German and Austro-Hungarian allies. Five, a naval control of the Sea of Marmara might well effect a combined effort by the Royal Navy and Russian Navy for an attack on the Danube.[5]
Ill-fated amphibious operation by the Allies against Turkey and Gallipoli, 1915.
The ill-fated British attempt to alter the course of the war failed. Like the Western Front, the campaign on the Turkish peninsula degenerated into a stalemate. Precious resources were squandered and men used up. And by early January 1916 the last of the invasion force was evacuated from Cape Helles, the most remarkable success achieved under the noses of the defending Turkish troops. The cost was some 256,000 Allied troops. The strategic cost can be seen with Czarist Russia. Failure to open up the artery of supply and gain control of the Black Sea will help to bring on the collapse of Czarist Russia as an Entente power and lead to the Russian Revolution of 1917. The Bulgarians, seeing to the failure of the Allies in the Dardanelles and the decisive Austro-German victory over the Russians at Gorlice-Tarnow, May 1915, threw their lot with the Central Powers. Same will see to an Austro-German-Bulgarian campaign against little Serbia.
The political fallout shook the Asquith Government in Britain. Conservatives seeking equality in running the war resulted in Lord Balfour replacing Winston Churchill as head of the Admiralty. Lord Kitchener, now sporting a big political black eye, remained in the War Office, yet his control of munitions was transferred to a new ministry under the control of Lloyd George. And of course, British prestige was shaken with the withdrawal from Gallipoli.
Though OVERLORD occurred in 1944, political and military concerns of a significant magnitude were as real as they had been in 1862 and 1915 and play a role in the weighty decisions of the period in question. And the part played by D-Day in these weighty decisions of the period in question can be better appreciated by remarks made by FDR in January 1940. For the Good Neighbor Policy with Central and South America not only jumpstarted U.S. trade in this American sphere-of-influence, but at the expense of Axis Powers attempting to make inroads in America’s backyard. But what about Britain? Well in the words of President Roosevelt, January 1940, during a press conference concerning Britain’s plight, he speculated on the prospects of the United States: “As you know, the British need money in this war. They own lots of things all over the world . . . such as tramways and electric light companies. Well, in carrying on this war, the British may have to part with that control and we, perhaps, can step in or arrange—make financial arrangements for eventual local ownership. It is a terribly interesting thing and one of the most important things for our future trade is study it in that light.”[6]
President Franklin D. Roosevelt was cognizant of the changing nature of the global dynamics of power. After centuries of global political, economic and military dominance, the downward trend of the Europeans was hastening to its inevitable conclusion. And December 1941 was the turning point of Man’s greatest industrialized war.
* * * * *
On June 22, 1941, Hitler hurled 3,300,000 troops against the Stalin’s Russia. On the first day, the Luftwaffe destroyed 1,400 Soviet aircraft, 600 the next. In 48 hours, the frontline strength of the world’s largest air force was eradicated. On the first day, Hitler’s spearheads annihilated three Soviet infantry divisions and cut five others to pieces. 100,000 Soviet troops were off the board. In a week, Heinz Guderian, in command of Panzergruppe II, was already one-third the way to Moscow, some 200 miles deep inside the Soviet hinterland. In two weeks, the Soviets have more dead than the United States will lose over the entire conflict. In a month, the Germans have captured an area twice the size of their own country.
But the Russians were not the French. And, Stalin was certainly not another Edouard Daladier or Paul Reynaud. And by geographic comparison, France in Europe has two time zones, compared to eleven in Stalin’s Russia. And, of course, Russia has an ally, ever faithful to Russia be it Czarist or Stalinist, General Winter. And he will rise to the challenge to defend the Motherland in the Great Patriotic War against Hitler.
Turning Point
December 1941 was the turning point. Beginning on the night of December 4-5, 1941, with lead German spearheads no less than 15 miles from the Kremlin, General Georgi Zhukov launched a devastating counterattack in temperatures forty degrees below zero. Two days later, Japanese naval air attacks crippled the United States Pacific Fleet at Pearl Harbor. Now it was truly a global conflict. A protracted clash of arms which both Nazi Germany and Fascist Japan could not afford to wage. Pearl Harbor was a defeat, yes. But it was a tactical defeat. But strategically it proved a boon to what will follow by 1945. For America and Americans will come together in a giant community scene not witnessed again since 1945.[7] But what had commenced in 1898, the Spanish-American War, the transformation of Manifest Destiny from an agenda of continental expansion to that of a program for globalism, had been achieved by 1945. Indeed, by 1942, the two nations that will eventually win the Great War were beginning to take control of it. For instance, the Soviet Union.
In 1941, losses in the face of the initial German onslaught were staggering: 3,137,673 killed and missing; 1,336,147 wounded and sick for a total of 4,473,820 casualties.[8] Yet despite such losses, the Soviets were slowly taking control of the land war by attrition. Take 1942, Germany produced 5,997 tanks and assault guns.[9] By comparison, the Soviets will produce—without assistance from its Western Allies—24,668 tanks and assault guns (including 13,500 T-34s, the best Allied tank produced).[10] After all, Chelyabinsk and the Urals was the world’s greatest tank producing combine, not Detroit.
Yet it is America that is the Arsenal of Democracy. An economic dynamo that will out-produce all comers in almost every category, except tanks and artillery pieces, again these categories go to the Soviets. However overwhelming American superiority is seen with warship production. An astounding 71,062 vessels were produced, from landing craft to aircraft carriers. As well as over 295,000 combat aircraft. And to add to an already weighty advantage, the United States and the Soviet Union were swimming in that one resource that is a requirement to wage and win mass industrialized war, . . . OIL. Or as Lord Beaverbrook (Baron Max Aiken) observed, The Kingdom of Heaven runs on righteousness; the Kingdom of Earth runs on oil. . .
1942 saw the United States beginning to change the course of the Pacific War, at Coral Sea and Midway. Then on August 7, the First Marine Division hit the beaches on Guadalcanal, Tulagi and Gavutu-Tanambogo in the Solomons, America’s first offensive land action of the war. That same month, on the Eastern Front, the epic battle of Stalingrad began. Both Stalingrad and Guadalcanal were battles of attrition that Germany and Japan could not afford to wage. By February 1943, the Germans had suffered a devastating defeat, losing enough war materiel to equip one-quarter of the German Army. While by the same time in the Solomons, both the United States and Japan each lost 24 men-of-war in those horrendous naval battles for Iron Bottom Sound. To which, of course, Japan lacked the industrial capacity to replace such losses compared to the United States, as well as trained crews.
1943, the Soviets will defeat the German Army in history’s greatest air-land battle, Kursk. More than 3,200,000 troops fitted out the orders of battle for both sides. This monumental Soviet victory charted the land campaign for the rest of the war. Meanwhile, the Western Allies had won in North Africa, taken Sicily and by September were on the Italian Boot. And, the Allied navies had decided which side would win the battle of the Atlantic, insuring the lifeline of supply to Britain.
The Tehran Conference, Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin met, November 28-December 2, 1943. Among the many issues discussed was that of the Allied invasion of northwest France. “The Big Three agreed on the Anglo-American plan to mount the second front between May (the preferred date) and early July, 1944.”[11] Two weeks afterwards, Stalin would launch an offensive on the Eastern Front.
June 6, 1944, 156,000 Allied troops dropped by parachute, crash landed by glider and hit the beaches on a front some 50 to 60 miles across along the Normandy coast. Thousands of ships and thousands of aircraft supported the landings in the greatest amphibious invasion in history. The Germans were now facing two Allied armies in Western Europe, in France and in Italy. And in concert with the bombing campaign against the Reich, Germany’s resources and ability to wage war was being ground down by the unremitting attrition by an economically superior coalition. Yet the bad news continued for Hitler and, certainly did not allow for any respite.
June 22, on the third anniversary of Operation: BARBAROSSA, Stalin launched Operation: BAGRATION, the largest Allied land offensive thus far in the war. Four Soviet armies struck on a front 450 miles across, later broadened to 650 miles.
Operation: BAGRATION, June 22, 1944, the largest Allied land offensive in thus far in World War II. Lead Soviet units will be on the Vistula River, on the approach to Warsaw. Stalin’s troops were only 350 miles from Berlin.
German Army Group Center had been a force of 52 divisions totaling 800,000 men, 553 tanks and assault guns, 9,500 artillery pieces and mortars and 839 combat aircraft. For their attack, the Soviets had an array of 118 infantry divisions, eight tank and mechanized corps, six cavalry divisions, 13 artillery divisions, upwards of 2,500,000 men, 4,070 tanks and assault guns, upwards of 28,000 artillery pieces and mortars and over 6,000 combat aircraft.[12]
On June 22, 1944, a thunderous barrage opened up the massive Soviet onslaught. And in eight weeks, some 28 German divisions were destroyed and upwards of half the manpower lost. German Army Group Center no longer existed. Not only was Belorussia liberated, but the Red Army was on the Vistula River, just outside Warsaw. Soviet tank armies were only 350 miles from Berlin. This was the prelude to overrunning Eastern Europe including Poland and then to taking Prague and Berlin.[13] And such was the object of the exercise.
In episode 25, The World at War, narrated by Sir Lawrence Olivier, showcased U.S. Ambassador to the Soviet Union, Averell Harriman. Harriman referenced a conversation he had had with Stalin following the defeat of Nazi Germany:
“Marshal, this must be a great satisfaction to you, after all the trials you’ve been through, the tragedy you’ve been through, to be here in Berlin.” The generalissimo eyed Harriman with a face as bland as the floor and replied, “Czar Alexander got to Paris.” Referencing, of course, Czar Alexander following the defeat of Napoleon.[14]
Despite the fact that agreements that had been rendered delineated where the armies would eventually halt, owing to the Nature of Man, none of what was agreed to mattered since it all depended, in the end, on to how long the struggling German armies could hold out. So landing troops at Normandy followed by the subsequent drive across the Continent into Germany assured that Western Europe would remain in the Allied camp in the postwar period. For France had a sizable Communist Party. Italy had a sizable Communist Party. Spain, despite Franco, had a Communist Party. Picture, if you will for a moment, how the Cold War would have looked with T-34s sitting on the Pas de Calais. Those men who risked life and limb at Normandy not only ended Fascist tyranny in Western Europe, they won the first big battle of the Cold War.
For it is as Joe Stalin observed, when in conversation with Joseph Tito and Milovan Djilas, “. . . whoever occupies territory also imposes on it his own social system. Everyone imposes his own system as far as his army can reach. It cannot be otherwise.”[15]
Endnotes
[1] See page 9, “Introduction,” D-Day: ‘Neptune,’ ‘Overlord,’ and the Battle of Normandy, by John Falconer.
[2] There is no World War I or World War II, only the Great War, 1914-1922; 1931-1945. Armistice Day, November 11, 1918 and the Versailles Treaty, June 28, 1919, bought merely a respite from conflict in Western Europe. However in Central Europe, Eastern Europe, the Middle East, conflagration and war still raged.
Otto von Bismarck’s once vaunted Teutonic Corporate State was in its death throes in 1919, what with the Rightist Freikorps on the streets combatting the Communists, while at the same time fighting vengeful Czechs and Poles on Germany’s eastern frontiers. The Russian Revolution had degenerated into civil war, 1918-1921. Newly-minted Poland, a short-term experiment of the horse-trading carried on at Versailles, desired more territory and invaded Ukraine, slaughtering Jewish people in a spreading pogrom as its army moved east; a preview, to be sure, of Himmler’s Einsatzgruppen in 1941 The Poles will be thrown back at Kiev by Trotsky’s Red Army. The vanquished Ottoman Empire saw its former holdings carved up and parceled out between the exploitive British and French, producing such colonies as Lebanon, Syria, Transjordan (Jordan), Palestine, and Iraq. Syrians rose up in 1919 to eject the French, but were crushed by 1920. Sunnis, Shias and Kurds in newly-minted Iraq rose up to throw out the British in 1920. They, too, were utterly defeated by 1921. Anatolia had been divided up by the greedy Italians, Greeks, British and French in a 20 th century crusade that will inflame the Muslim Turks. And in the 1919-1922 Turkish War for Independence, Kemal Ataturk and his army will kick out the Greeks, Italians, British and French and eliminate such colonial satrapies as Kurdestan and Armenia. And for good measure, the Afghans saw to the eviction of the British in 1922. 1923, the Treaty of Lausanne will fashion much of what we see today as the modern Middle East.
But it is the Japanese who will jumpstart the second chapter of the Great War with their invasion of Manchuria, September 7, 1931. Hitler assumed the Chancellorship of Germany, so as to become the ultimate heir to the Kaiser, January 30, 1933. 1935, Italy’s Sawdust Caesar, Benito Mussolini, invaded Ethiopia. That same year Hitler expanded the German Navy with the Anglo-German Naval Agreement, June 15, 1935 and, announced the Luftwaffe and expansion of the army, in violation of the Versailles Treaty. March 7, 1936, Hitler occupied the Rhineland, in violation of the Versailles Treaty. And in 1936, the Spanish Civil War, a tune up for 1939. 1937, Japan invaded China, precipitating an eight-year war that would kill some 15,000,000 Chinese. 1938, Hitler was able to absorb Austria and the Sudetenland from Czechoslovakia into his expanding Reich. Then in March 1939, he dismembered the rest of the Czech state. Then on September 1, 1939, Hitler—with Stalin’s connivance—invaded Poland. And the second chapter of Man’s grandest industrialized war unfolded, enabling Levee en Masse to blossom, as if on steroids.
It was a conflict which transformed the global dynamics of power. No longer were the White Christian colonial powers of Europe able to dominate the globe. Only two nations were able to wage industrialized war, on the size and scope upon which Total War could be waged, the United States and the Soviet Union. For it will be the Soviet Union which will win the land war by crushing the German Army. Leaving the United States to virtually do almost everything else. To which a new balance of power will be created. Many who lived the era of this new balance of power called it the Cold War.
[3] See page 24, “A Talent for Logistics: McClellan and Grant Sustaining the Army of the Potomac in 1862 and 1864,” Leavenworth Papers No. 25, by Curtis S. King, Ph.D.
[4] The situation with the French will not be addressed until following the defeat of the Confederacy. President Andrew Johnson will send 50,000 battle-hardened troops down to the Texas border, under the command of Phil Sheridan. But events in Europe will prevent war between France and the United States. In 1866, Otto von Bismarck’s war against Austria to unite the German states under Prussia’s tutelage proved successful. Napoleon III knew now he had a united Germany on his eastern frontier. He evacuated troops from Mexico so as to bolster his army at home. And the French satrap, Emperor Maximilian, will fall to Don Benito Juarez.
[5] See pages 134 and 135, Chapter 7, “Stalemate and the Search for Breakthroughs,” The First World War, by Martin Gilbert.
[6] See page 311, Chapter 14, “The War Before the War (I),” The Forging of the American Empire, by Sydney Lens, 1974.
[7] Per the VA, total number of American service members, 1941-1945, amounted to 16,112,566. 405,399 would be killed. See page 1, “America’s Wars,” Department of Veterans Fact Sheet.
[8] See page 164, Chapter 9, “Conclusion,” Stalin’s Keys to Victory, by Walter S. Dunn, Jr. And these figures do not include civilian dead.
[9] See page 212, “Appendix 4: Production Statistics 1939-44,” German Tanks of World War II, by F.M. von Senger und Etterlin.
[10] See page 180, “Soviet AFV Production,” Russian Tanks, 1900-1970, by John Milsom.
[11] See page 31, Chapter 3, “The Road to Tehran,” Such a Peace, by C.L. Sulzberger.
[12] See pages 22-33, “The Opposing Armies,” Bagration 1944, by Steven Zaloga.
[13] It cost the Red Army 100,000 dead and 200,000 wounded to subdue the seat of Nazi gangsterdom. A major inducement for Churchill and Roosevelt so as not to risk the lives of Anglo-American troops.
[14] See episode 25, The World at War, narrated by Sir Lawrence Olivier.
[15] See page 114, II, “Doubts,” Conversations With Stalin, by Milovan Djilas.
Bibliography
“America’s Wars,” Department of Veterans Affairs Fact Sheet, Office of Public Affairs, Washington, D.C.
Badsey, Stephen, The D-Day Invasion: Normandy 1944: Allied Landings and Breakout, Barnes & Noble, Inc., in arrangement with Osprey Publishing Ltd., New Yok, 2000.
Blizard, Derek, The Normandy Landings, D-Day: The Invasion of Europe, June 6, 1944, Bounty Books, imprint of Octopus Publishing Ltd., London2004.
Department of Veterans Affairs, “America’s Wars,” Office of Public Affairs, Washington, D.C.
Djilas, Milovan Conversations With Stalin, Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., New York, 1962.
Dunn, Walter S., Jr., Stalin’s Keys to Victory: The Rebirth of the Red Army in WWII, Stackpole Books, Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania, 2006.
Etterlin, F.M. von Senger und, German Tanks of World War II: The Complete Illustrated History of German Armoured Fighting Vehicles, 1926-1945, Lionel Leventhal Ltd., J.F. Kehmanns Verlag, Munich, Germany, 1968.
Falconer, Jonathan, D-Day: ‘Neptune,’ ‘Overlord,’ and the Battle of Normandy: Operations Manual, J.H. Haynes & Co., Ltd., Somerset, UK.
Gilbert, Martin, The First World War: A Complete History, Henry Holt & Company, Inc., New York, NY., 1994.
Keegan, John, The First World War, Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., New York, 1998.
Kimball, Warren M., Forged in War: Roosevelt, Churchill, and the Second World War, William Morrow Company, Inc., New York, NY., 1997.
King, Curtis, Ph.D., “A Talent for Logistics: McClellan and Grant Sustaining the Army of the Potomac in 1862 and 1864,” Leavenworth Papers No. 25, Combat Studies Institute Press, United States Army Combined Arms Center, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, August 2002.
Lens, Sydney, The Forging of the American Empire, Thomas Y. Crowell Company, New York, 1974.
MacDonald, Lyn, 1915: The Death of Innocence, Henry Holt and Company7, Inc., New York, NY., 1993.
Marshall, S.L.A., Brigadier General, U.S. Army Reserves (Ret.), The American Heritage History of World War I, Dell Publishing Company, Inc., New York, NY., 1966. Originally published by American Heritage Publishing, Inc., 1964.
Milsom, John, Russian Tanks, 1900-1970: The Complete Illustrated History of Soviet Armoured Theory and Design, Galahad Books, New York, NY., 1970.
Sulzberger, C.L., Such a Peace: The Roots and Ashes of Yalta, The Continuum Publishing Company, New York, NY., 1982.
Zaloga, Steven, Bagration 1944: The Destruction of Army Group Centre, Campaign Series 42, Osprey Military, Oxford, United Kingdom, 1996.
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56th (London) Infantry Division
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/56th_(London)_Infantry_Division
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1st London Division
56th (1st London) Division
1st London Infantry Division
56th (London) Infantry Division
56th (London) Armoured DivisionActive1908–1919
1920–1946
1947–1961CountryUnited KingdomBranch Territorial ArmyTypeInfantry
Armoured warfareSizeDivisionGarrison/HQNew Broad Street (1914)
Finsbury Barracks (1939)Nickname(s)"The Black Cats"EngagementsFirst World War
Second World WarCommandersNotable
commandersSir Charles Amyatt Hull
Sir Claude Liardet
Sir Montagu Stopford
Douglas Graham
Sir Gerald Templer
Sir Harold PymanInsigniaIdentification
symbol
The formation badge for the 56th Division during the Second World War featured Dick Whittington's black cat on a red background.
Military unit
The 56th (London) Infantry Division was a Territorial Army infantry division of the British Army, which served under several different titles and designations. The division served in the trenches of the Western Front during the First World War. Demobilised after the war, the division was reformed in 1920 and saw active service again in the Second World War in Tunisia and Italy. The division was again disbanded in 1946 and reformed first as an armoured formation and then as an infantry division before final disbandment in 1961.
Formation
[edit]
The Territorial Force (TF) was formed on 1 April 1908 following the enactment of the Territorial and Reserve Forces Act 1907 (7 Edw.7, c.9) which combined and re-organised the old Volunteer Force, the Honourable Artillery Company and the Yeomanry. On formation, the TF contained 14 infantry divisions and 14 mounted yeomanry brigades.[1] One of the divisions was the 1st London Division.[2] It was a wholly new formation, although its three infantry brigade headquarters (HQs) had previously existed in the Volunteers, as had most of its constituent units. The division comprised the first 12 battalions of the all-TF London Regiment, the first four London brigades of the Royal Field Artillery and the former Tower Hamlets Engineers; most of the supporting arms were newly raised. Essentially, all these units were based in inner London, while the 2nd London Division consisted of TF units recruited from suburban London. 1st London Division's HQ was at Friar's House in New Broad Street in the City of London.[3][4][5][6][7][8][9][10][11][12][13][14]
First World War
[edit]
On the outbreak of war in August 1914 the division's units had just left for their annual training camps, the 1st and 3rd London Brigades around Wool, Dorset, and the 2nd at Eastbourne, Sussex. They immediately returned to their drill halls to mobilise, and then proceeded to their initial war stations guarding railways in Southern England. The TF was now invited to volunteer for Overseas Service, and most units did so; those men who had signed up for Home Service only, together with the floods of volunteers enlisting, were formed into reserve or 2nd Line units and formations with a '2/' prefix, while the parent unit took a '1/' prefix. 1/1st London Division immediately began supplying reinforcements to the Regular Army overseas. On 1 September the whole of 1/1st London Brigade, with its associated signal and medical units, set off to relieve the regular garrison of Malta; individual battalions joined the British Expeditionary Force on the Western Front. By early January 1915 the 1st Line division had ceased to exist and its remaining units had been attached to its 2nd Line duplicate, the 2/1st London Division.[4][7][15][16][17][18][19][20][21]
On 7 January 1916 the Army Council authorised the re-formation in France of the division as 56th (1/1st London) Division.[a] As many as possible of the original units or other London units were assembled and by 21 February the bulk of the division had concentrated around Hallencourt between Abbeville and Arras under the command of Maj-Gen C.P. Amyatt Hull. Although the division was effectively a new formation, its constituent units were now experienced in trench warfare. After shaking down it took its place in the line in the Hébuterne sector.[4][22][23][24][25]
56th Division's first operation as a complete formation was the Attack on the Gommecourt Salient on 1 July 1916, the First day on the Somme. Extensive (and obvious) preparations were made for this attack, which was a diversion from the main Somme Offensive. The leading battalions gained a lodgement in the German front line with comparatively light losses, but they came under heavy counter-attack and were cut off from reinforcements and ammunition resupply by an intense barrage laid down in No man's land by the German artillery. At nightfall the survivors made their way back to British lines, the division having lost over 4300 casualties, mainly among the seven attacking battalions.[4][26][27][28][29][30][31]
56th (1/1st London) Division served on the Western Front for the rest of the war, taking part in the following operations:[4]
1916
Battle of Ginchy (9 September)
Battle of Flers–Courcelette (15–22 September)
Battle of Morval (25–27 September)
Capture of Combles (26 September)
Battle of the Transloy Ridges (1–9 October)
1917
German Retreat to the Hindenburg Line (14 March-5 April)
Battle of Arras (9 April–4 May)
Battle of Langemarck (16–17 August)
Battle of Cambrai (21 November–2 December)
1918
Battle of Arras (28 March)
Battle of Albert (23 August)
Battle of the Scarpe (26–30 August)
Battle of the Canal du Nord (27 September–1 October)
Battle of Cambrai (8–9 October)
Pursuit to the Selle (9–12 October)
Battle of the Sambre (4 November)
Passage of the Grand Honnelle (5–7 November)
By midnight on 10 November the division was relieved in the front line and drawn back into Corps support, but the divisional artillery remained in action until the Cease Fire sounded at 11.00 on 11 November when the Armistice with Germany came into force. During the 1010 days of its existence since re-formation, the division spent 100 days in active operations, 385 days in an active sector, 195 days in a quiet sector and 100 days at rest, although the divisional artillery was frequently left in the line after the withdrawal of the infantry of the division. Its total casualties were 1470 officers and 33,339 other ranks, killed, wounded and missing.[4][32]
After the Armistice the division was engaged in road-mending etc. The first parties left for demobilisation in mid-December and the division gradually dwindled. Divisional HQ left for England on 18 May 1919 and the final cadre followed on 10 June. The division. began reforming in London District in April 1920.[4][32]
Interwar years
[edit]
The division reformed as the 56th (1st London) Infantry Division in the renamed Territorial Army (TA) with much the same composition as before the First World War.[33]
In 1935 the increasing need for anti-aircraft (AA) defence, particularly for London, was addressed by converting the 47th (2nd London) Division into the 1st Anti-Aircraft Division. A number of London infantry battalions and were also converted to the AA role. The remainder were concentrated in 56th (1st London) Division, which henceforth was simply designated The London Division, with its HQ at Finsbury Barracks. It was converted into a two-brigade motorised division in 1938 as 1st (London) Motor Division, under Major-General Claude Liardet, the first TA officer appointed to command a division.[34][35][36][37] After the Munich Crisis the TA once again expanded by creating duplicate units, and the 2nd (London) Motor Division began to come ito existence in March 1939.[38][39]
Second World War
[edit]
1st (London) Motor Division mobilised at the outbreak of the Second World War in September 1939.[40] It was reorganised as an infantry division in June 1940 and renamed the 56th (London) Infantry Division on 18 November 1940. The divisional insignia during the Second World War was changed to an outline of a black cat in a red background. The cat stood for Dick Whittington's cat, a symbol of London.[41]
The division remained in the United Kingdom during the Battle of France, moving to the Middle East in November 1942, where it served in Iraq and Palestine, until moving to Egypt in March 1943 and thence forward to Libya and the front, in April.[40] This involved the division, commanded by Major-General Eric Miles, travelling some 2,300 miles (3,700 km) by road, a notable achievement and testament to the organization of the division and the ability of its mechanics and technicians. The division, minus the 168th Brigade, fought in the final stages of the Tunisian Campaign, where it suffered heavy casualties facing the German 90th Light Infantry Division,[42] including its GOC, Major-General Miles, who had been in command since October 1941. He was replaced by Major-General Douglas Graham.[41][40]
The division sat out the Allied invasion of Sicily and moved to Italy in September 1943, where they fought in the landings at Salerno under the command of the British X Corps.[41] During this time the 201st Guards Brigade joined the division,[40] to replace the 168th Brigade which returned to the division in October, although the 201st remained attached until January 1944. The 56th Division then crossed the Volturno Line in October and took part in the fighting around the Bernhardt Line. In January 1944, the 56th Division, now commanded by Major-General Gerald Templer,[40] saw service in the Battle of Monte Cassino, serving there until February 1944 and participated in the Anzio campaign until relieved in March.[41]
After being withdrawn to Egypt at the end of March, the division, under Major-General John Whitfield,[40] returned to Italy in July 1944, where it took part in the Battles along the Gothic Line and remained there until after Victory in Europe Day.[41] During the fighting of 1944 and 1945, some of the infantry battalions that suffered heavy casualties were disbanded, to make up for an acute manpower shortage. The division also took part in Operation Grapeshot, the Allied offensive which ended the war in Italy.[41]
After crossing the Volturno in October 1943, the division entered the town of Calvi Vecchia. Their attempts to radio the Fifth Army to cancel a planned bombing on the town failed. As a last resort, the 56th released an American homing pigeon, named G.I. Joe, which carried a message that reached the allies just as the planes were being warmed up. The attack was called off and the town was saved from the planned air assault.[43][44]
Postwar
[edit]
In 1946, the 56th Division was demobilised then re-constituted in 1947 as the 56th (London) Armoured Division. On 20 December 1955, the Secretary of State for War informed the House of Commons that the armoured divisions and the 'mixed' division were to be converted to infantry.[45] The 56th Division was one of the eight divisions placed on a lower establishment for home defence only.[46] The territorial units of the Royal Armoured Corps were reduced to nine armoured regiments and eleven reconnaissance regiments by amalgamating pairs of regiments and the conversion of four RAC units to infantry.[47]
On 20 July 1960, a further reduction of the T.A. was announced in the House of Commons. The Territorials were to be reduced from 266 fighting units to 195. The reductions were carried out in 1961, mainly by the amalgamation of units. On 1 May 1961, the T.A. divisional headquarters were merged with regular army districts and matched with Civil Defence Regions, to aid the mobilisation for war.[48] The division ceased to exist as an independent entity and was linked to London District.[48]
The 4th Battalion, Queen's Royal Surrey Regiment was formed in 1961, by the amalgamation of the 6th Battalion, East Surrey Regiment and the 23rd London Regiment, with a Battalion HQ and HQ Company at Kingston upon Thames.[49] It formed part of 47th (London) Infantry Brigade (56th London Division/District). An echo of the 56th Division emerged again from 1987 to 1993, when the public duties battalions in the London District were grouped as the 56th Infantry Brigade.[50]
Insignia
[edit]
During the First World War, 56th (1/1st London) Division wore as its formation sign the sword symbolising the martyrdom of Paul the Apostle from the coat of arms of the City of London. A new sign consisting of the red sword of St Paul on a khaki background was authorised in 1936 for the London Division in case of war, but it was never used.[51]
During the Second World War, 56th (London) Division adopted a black silhouette of Dick Whittington's cat on a red ground as its formation sign, leading to its nickname of the 'Black Cats'.[52]
From 1948 56th (London) Armoured Division wore a blue knight's helmet superimposed on the upright red sword, but in 1951 it resumed the black cat, now with the red sword superimposed.[53]
Victoria Cross recipients
[edit]
Corporal James McPhie, 416th (Edinburgh) Field Company, Royal Engineers, First World War
Private George Mitchell, 1st Battalion, London Scottish, Second World War
General officers commanding
[edit]
The following officers commanded the division:[40][54][55][56]
Appointed General officer commanding (GOC) March 1908 – December 1909 Major-General Alfred E. Codrington December 1909 – February 1912 Major-General Arthur H. Henniker-Major 22 February 1912 – January 1915 Major-General William Fry 6 February 1916 – 20 July 1917 Major-General Charles P. A. Hull 20 July – 24 July 1917 Brigadier-General G. H. B. Freeth (acting) 24 July – August 1917 Major-General W. Douglas Smith 9 August – 10 August 1917 Brigadier-General G. H. B. Freeth (acting) 10 August 1917 – 25 April 1918 Major-General Frederick A. Dudgeon 25 April – 4 May 1918 Brigadier-General G. H. B. Freeth (acting) 4 May 1918 – June 1919 Major-General Sir Charles P. A. Hull June 1919 – June 1923 Major-General Sir Cecil E. Pereira June 1923 – June 1927 Major-General Sir Geoffrey P. T. Feilding June 1927 – June 1931 Major-General Hubert Isacke June 1931 – June 1934 Major-General Winston Dugan June 1934 – June 1938 Major-General Percy R. C. Commings June 1938 – January 1941 Major-General Claude F. Liardet January–October 1941 Major-General Montagu G. N. Stopford October 1941 – May 1943 Major-General Eric G. Miles May–October 1943 Major-General Douglas A. H. Graham October 1943 – July 1944 Major-General Gerald W. R. Templer July 1944 – September 1946 Major-General John Y. Whitfield September 1946 – September 1948 Major-General Gerald Lloyd-Verney September 1948 – August 1949 Major-General Robert H. B. Arkwright August 1949 – April 1951 Major-General Harold E. Pyman April 1951 – March 1954 Major-General Richard W. Goodbody March 1954 – April 1957 Major-General David Dawnay April 1957 – March 1959 Major-General Robert N. H. C. Bray March 1959 – 1960 Major-General Cecil M. F. Deakin
Order of battle
[edit]
1st London Division (1908–1915)[4][11][13][57]
1st London Brigade (left 4 September 1914)
1st (City of London) Battalion, London Regiment (Royal Fusiliers)
2nd (City of London) Battalion, London Regiment (Royal Fusiliers)
3rd (City of London) Battalion, London Regiment (Royal Fusiliers)
4th (City of London) Battalion, London Regiment (Royal Fusiliers)
2nd London Brigade (broken up November 1914)
5th (City of London) Battalion, London Regiment (London Rifle Brigade)
6th (City of London) Battalion, London Regiment (City of London Rifles)
7th (City of London) Battalion, London Regiment
8th (City of London) Battalion, London Regiment (Post Office Rifles)
3rd London Brigade (broken up April 1915)
9th (County of London) Battalion, London Regiment (Queen Victoria's Rifles) (left 27 November 1914)
10th (County of London) Battalion, London Regiment (Paddington Rifles) (disbanded 1912)
10th (County of London) Battalion, London Regiment (Hackney) (raised 1912)
11th (County of London) Battalion, London Regiment (Finsbury Rifles)
12th (County of London) Battalion, London Regiment (The Rangers) (left 4 January 1915)
Mounted Troops
2nd County of London Yeomanry (Westminster Dragoons) (left 10 September 1914)
Divisional Royal Artillery (to 2/1st London Division January 1915)
1st City of London Brigade Royal Field Artillery
2nd County of London Brigade Royal Field Artillery
3rd County of London Brigade Royal Field Artillery
4th County of London Brigade, Royal Field Artillery (Howitzers)
1st London Heavy Battery, Royal Garrison Artillery
1st London Divisional Engineers[58][59]
1st London Field Company Royal Engineers (left 23 December 1914)
2nd London Field Company, Royal Engineers (left January 1915)
1st London Divisional Telegraph Company, Royal Engineers (Signal Company from 1910)[60][61]
Divisional Royal Army Medical Corps
1st London Field Ambulance (left 4 September 1914)
2nd London Field Ambulance (eft 21 December 1914)
3rd London Field Ambulance (left 21 December 1914)
1st London Divisional Transport and Supply Column, Army Service Corps (left 21 December 1914)
1st London Divisional Company (HQ)
1st London Brigade Company
2nd London Brigade Company
3rd London Brigade Company
56th (1/1st London Division) (1916–1919)[4][11][13][25][56]
167th (1st London) Brigade
1/7th Battalion, Duke of Cambridge's Own (Middlesex Regiment)
1/8th Battalion, Duke of Cambridge's Own (Middlesex Regiment)
1/1st Battalion, London Regiment (Royal Fusiliers)
1/3rd Battalion, London Regiment (Royal Fusiliers) (to 58th (2/1st London) Division 31 January 1918)
4th Battalion, Prince of Wales's (North Staffordshire Regiment) (from October to November 1917)
167th Machine Gun Company, Machine Gun Corps (formed 22 March 1916, moved to 56th Battalion, MGC, 1 March 1918)
167th Trench Mortar Battery (formed 14 June 1916)
168th (2nd London) Brigade
1/4th (City of London) Battalion, London Regiment (Royal Fusiliers)
1/12th Battalion, London Regiment (The Rangers) (to 58th (2/1st London) Division 31 January 1918)
1/13th Battalion, London Regiment (The Kensingtons)
1/14th Battalion, London Regiment (London Scottish)
168th Machine Gun Company, Machine Gun Corps (formed 16 March 1916, moved to 56th Battalion, MGC, 1 March 1918)
168th Trench Mortar Battery (formed 13 June 1916)
169th (3rd London) Brigade
1/2nd (City of London) Battalion, London Regiment (Royal Fusiliers)
1/5th Battalion, London Regiment (London Rifle Brigade)
1/9th Battalion, London Regiment (Queen Victoria's) (to 58th (2/1st London) Division 2 February 1918)
1/16th Battalion, London Regiment (Queen's Westminster Rifles)
169th Machine Gun Company, Machine Gun Corps (formed 17 March 1916, moved to 56th Battalion, MGC 1 March 1918)
169th Trench Mortar Battery (formed 17 June 1916)
Divisional Mounted Troops
B Squadron, 2nd King Edward's Horse (joined March 1916, left 30 May 1916)
1st London Divisional Cyclist Company, Army Cyclist Corps (joined April 1916, left May 1916)
56th (1/1st London) Divisional Artillery[7]
280th (1/1st London) Brigade, Royal Field Artillery
281st (1/2nd London) Brigade, Royal Field Artillery
282nd (1/3rd London) Brigade, Royal Field Artillery (left January 1927)
283rd (1/4th London) Brigade, Royal Field Artillery (Howitzers) (broken up December 1916)
56th Divisional Ammunition Column
Trench Mortars
V.56 Heavy Trench Mortar Battery (formed May 1916, left February 1918)
X.56, Y.56 and Z.56 Medium Mortar Batteries (formed mid May 1916, in early February 1918 Z broken up and batteries reorganised to have six 6-inch weapons each)
56th Divisional Engineers[59]
2/1st London Field Company, RE (512nd Field Company from January 1917)
2/2nd London Field Company, RE (513rd Field Company from January 1917)
1/1st Edinburgh Field Company, Re (joined April 191; 416th Field Company from January 1917))
56th (1st London) Divisional Signal Company, RE (from 58th 2/1st London) Division)[60]
Divisional pioneers
1/5th Battalion, Cheshire Regiment
Machine Gun Corps
193rd Machine Gun Company, Machine Gun Corps (joined 24 December 1916, moved to 56th Battalion, MGC, 1 March 1918)
56th Battalion, Machine Gun Corps (formed 1 March 1918)
Royal Army Medical Corps
2/1st London Field Ambulance
2/2nd London Field Ambulance
2/3rd London Field Ambulance
56th Sanitary Section (left 1 April 1917)
56th Divisional Ambulance Workshop (absorbed into Divisional Supply Column 31 March 1916)
Army Veterinary Corps
1st London Mobile Veterinary Section (joined 14 March 1916)
56th Divisional Train, Army Service Corps[62] (from 30th Division (New Army))
213th Company
214th Company
215th Company
216th Company
Other
247th Divisional Employment Company (joined 23 June 1917)
1st (London) Motor Division (1939)[40][63]
1st London Infantry Brigade[64]
8th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers
9th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers
1st Battalion, London Irish Rifles
2nd London Infantry Brigade[65]
1st Battalion, Queen's Westminsters
1st Battalion, London Scottish
1st Battalion, London Rifle Brigade
1st London Divisional artillery
64th (7th London) Field Regiment, Royal Artillery
90th (City of London) Field Regiment, Royal Artillery
1st London Divisional Royal Engineers[63]
220th (2nd London) Field Company, Royal Engineers
221st (2nd London) Field Company, Royal Engineers
222nd (2nd London) Field Company, Royal Engineers
223rd (2nd London) Field Park Company, Royal Engineers
1st (London) Motor Divisional Signals, Royal Corps of Signals[60][61]
1st Battalion, Queen Victoria's Rifles (Motorcycle Battalion)
56th (London) Infantry Division (1940–1946)[40]
1st London Infantry Brigade (became 167th (London) Infantry Brigade on 18 November 1940)[64]
8th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers (absorbed into 9th Bn 23 September 1944)
9th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers
1st Battalion, London Irish Rifles (Royal Ulster Rifles) (from 3 September 1939, left 4 November 1940, rejoined from 23 September 1944 onwards)
1st London Infantry Brigade Anti-Tank Company (formed 11 May 1940; became 167th (London) Infantry Brigade Anti-Tank Company, joined 56th Battalion, Reconnaissance Corps, 8 January 1941)[66]
15th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers (from 9 November 1940, left 13 February 1941)
7th Battalion, Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire Light Infantry (from 14 February 1941, left 23 September 1944)
1st Battalion, London Scottish (Gordon Highlanders) (from 23 September 1944)
2nd London Infantry Brigade (became 168th (London) Infantry Brigade on 18 November 1940, detached from division between 8 April 1943 and 17 October 1943, left 26 September 1944)[65]
1st Battalion, Queen's Westminsters (King's Royal Rifle Corps) (left 4 November 1940)
1st Battalion, London Scottish (Gordon Highlanders) (left 23 September 1944)
1st Battalion, London Rifle Brigade (Rifle Brigade (The Prince Consort's Own)) (left 30 November 1940)
2nd London Infantry Brigade Anti-Tank Company (formed 7 February 1940; became 168th (London) Infantry Brigade Anti-Tank Company, joined 56th Battalion, Reconnaissance Corps, 7 April 1941)[66]
1st Battalion, London Irish Rifles (Royal Ulster Rifles) (from 4 November 1940, left 23 September 1944)
18th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers (from 5 November 1940, left 15 February 1941)
10th Battalion, Royal Berkshire Regiment (from 15 February 1941, disbanded 15 May 1944)
1st Battalion, Welch Regiment (from 17 May, left 26 September 1944)
3rd London Infantry Brigade (to 2nd London Division 6 October 1939)[67]
1st Battalion, The Rangers
2nd Battalion, The Rangers
1st Battalion, Tower Hamlets Rifles
2nd Battalion, Tower Hamlets Rifles
35th Infantry Brigade (from 8 July 1940, became 169th (London) Infantry Brigade on 28 November 1940)[68]
2/5th Battalion, Queen's Royal Regiment (West Surrey)
2/6th Battalion, Queen's Royal Regiment (West Surrey)
2/7th Battalion, Queen's Royal Regiment (West Surrey)
35th Infantry Brigade Anti-Tank Regiment (formed 2 October 1940, became 169th (London) Infantry Brigade Anti-Tank Company, joined 56th Battalion, Reconnaissance Corps, 7 April 1941)[66]
201st Guards Motor Brigade (from 23 July, left 17 September 1943)[69]
6th Battalion, Grenadier Guards
3rd Battalion, Coldstream Guards
2nd Battalion, Scots Guards
24th Guards Brigade (from 10 March 1945)[70]
5th Battalion, Grenadier Guards (disbanded 28 March 1945)
2nd Battalion, Coldstream Guards
1st Battalion, Scots Guards
1st Battalion, Buffs (Royal East Kent Regiment)
56th (London) Divisional Artillery
64th (7th London) Field Regiment, Royal Artillery
90th (City of London) Field Regiment, Royal Artillery (left 18 March 1943)
113th (Home Counties) Field Regiment, Royal Artillery (from 9 July 1940)
65th (8th London) Field Regiment, Royal Artillery (from 23 April 1943)
67th (East Surrey) Anti-Tank Regiment, Royal Artillery (from 1 July 1940)
115th (North Midland) Field Regiment, Royal Artillery (from 15/16 July 1940, left 31 December 1940)[71]
100th Light Anti-Aircraft Regiment, Royal Artillery (formerly 18th Royal Fusiliers; from 3 February 1942, withdrawn 9 November 1944, disbanded 8 January 1945)
56th (London) Divisional Royal Engineers
56th (London) Divisional Royal Engineers[72]
220th (2nd London) Field Company
501st Field Company (from 8 September 1939, left 18 March 1943, rejoined 13 October 1943)
221st (2nd London) Field Company (from 3 July 1940)
42nd Field Company (from 9 July 1943, left 3 January 1944)
223rd (London) Field Park Company (left 30 September 1939)
563rd Field Park Company (from 15 January 1940)
Royal Corps of Signals:
56th (1st London) Divisional Signals (City of London)[60][61]
Reconnaissance:
1st Battalion, Queen Victoria's Rifles (Motorcycle Battalion, left 21 May 1940)
56th Battalion, Reconnaissance Corps (formed 1 January 1941, became 56th Regiment 6 June 1942, transferred to 78th Infantry Division 15 August 1942)[66]
44th Regiment, Reconnaissance Corps (transferred from 44th (Home Counties) Infantry Division 8 March 1943, became 44th Reconnaissance Regiment, Royal Armoured Corps 1 January 1944)[73]
Machine guns:
1st Battalion, Princess Louise's Kensington Regiment (Machine Gun Battalion, from 11 November 1941, left 20 May 1942)
6th Battalion, Cheshire Regiment (Machine Gun Battalion, from 12 January 1943)
56th (London) Armoured Division (1947–1956)[74][75]
22 Armoured Brigade
City of London Yeomanry (Rough Riders)
Westminster Dragoons
3/4 County of London Yeomanry (Sharpshooters)
42 Royal Tank Regiment
Queen Victoria's Rifles (King's Royal Rifle Corps)
Inns of Court Regiment (armoured cars)
168 Lorried Infantry Brigade
Honourable Artillery Company (infantry battalion)
8th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers
London Scottish
London Irish Rifles
Queen's Westminsters (King's Royal Rifle Corps)
London Rifle Brigade
56th (London) Divisional artillery[76]
1 Honourable Artillery Company Regiment, Royal Horse Artillery
263 (6th London) Anti-Tank Regiment, Royal Artillery (self-propelled (SP); field artillery from 1951, SP medium artillery from 1954)[77]
290 (City of London) Field Regiment, Royal Artillery[78]
624th (Royal Fusiliers) Light Anti-Aircraft Regiment, Royal Artillery[79]
G Locating Battery, Honourable Artillery Company
Engineers:[80][81][82]
101 Field Engineer Regiment, Royal Engineers
Signals:[60][61]
56 (London) Armoured Divisional Signal Regiment (City of London Signals)
Supply:
56 (London) Armoured Divisional Column, Royal Army Service Corps
Medical:
167, 168 Field Ambulances, Royal Army Medical Corps
Ordnance:
56 (London) Armoured Divisional Ordnance Field Park, Royal Army Ordnance Corps
Electrical and Mechanical Engineers:
11, 12, 168 Armoured Workshops, Royal Electrical and Mechanical Engineers
Military Police:
56 Divisional Provost Company, Royal Military Police
56 Divisional Field Security Section, Royal Military Police
56 (London) Infantry Division (1956–1961)[80]
167 (City of London) Infantry Brigade
Honourable Artillery Company (infantry battalion)
8 Battalion, Royal Fusiliers
City of London Yeomanry (Rough Riders) (Rifle Brigade) (converted to infantry)
168 (County of London) Infantry Brigade
23 London Regiment
London Scottish
London Irish Rifles
169 (Greenjacket) Brigade
Queen Victoria's Rifles (King's Royal Rifle Corps)
Queen's Westminsters (King's Royal Rifle Corps)
London Rifle Brigade/Rangers (Rifle Brigade)
Artillery:
1 Honourable Artillery Company Regiment, Royal Horse Artillery
263 (6th London) Light Regiment, Royal Artillery[77]
290 (City of London) Field Regiment, Royal Artillery[78]
291 (4th London) Field Regiment, Royal Artillery[78]
624th (Royal Fusiliers) Light Anti-Aircraft Regiment, Royal Artillery[79]
G Locating Battery, Honourable Artillery Company
Engineers:[80][81][82]
101 (London) Field Engineer Regiment, Royal Engineers
Signals:[60][61]
56 (City of London) Divisional Signal Regiment
Supply:
56 (London) Divisional Column, Royal Army Service Corps
Medical:
167, 168 Field Ambulances, Royal Army Medical Corps
Ordnance:
56 (London) Divisional Ordnance Field Park, Royal Army Ordnance Corps
Electrical and Mechanical Engineers:
167, 168, 169 Infantry Workshops, Royal Electrical and Mechanical Engineers
Military Police:
56 Divisional Provost Company, Royal Military Police
56 Divisional Field Security Section, Royal Military Police
See also
[edit]
United Kingdom portal
List of British divisions in World War I
List of British divisions in World War II
British Army Order of Battle (September 1939)
Independent Company
Notes
[edit]
References
[edit]
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https://alternate-timelines.com/thread/2804/great-1914-1918-real-time%253Fpage%253D21%2526page%253D%3Fpage%3D29
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en
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The Great War (1914-1918) in real time
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The Great War (1914-1918) in real time The Great War (often abbreviated as WWI or WW1) ore as as the Fir
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https://alternate-timelines.com/thread/2804/great-1914-1918-real-time%253Fpage%253D21%2526page%253D%3Fpage%3D29
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Post by lordroel on
Day 3 of the Great War, July 30th 1914
Russia: mobilization go up in cities across Russia
In Russia, the Tsar's decision of the previous evening to cancel general mobilization has appalled Foreign Minister Sazonov, War Minister General Vladimir Sukhomlinov, and Chief of Staff General Janushkevich, who all believe that any delay in mobilization threatens disaster on the battlefield. Tsar Nicholas II is at his summer residence in the Baltic, where Sazonov presses the case for general mobilization in the afternoon. The Tsar is nervous and irritable, caught between a hope that his cousin the Kaiser could be trusted in his stated desire for peace, and the arguments of his ministers. Finally, shortly after 4pm he submits to the arguments of Sazonov, and agrees once more to order general mobilization of the army. Sazonov telephones Janushkevich with the order, and concludes by saying 'Now you can smash your telephone' - Janushkevich had earlier declared that upon receiving such an order a second time, he would smash his telephone to prevent another change of heart by the Tsar from having any effect. The posters announcing mobilization go up in cities across Russia, with the first day of mobilization set for the 31st.
Germany: Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg sends an urgent telegram to the German ambassador in Vienna
At 255am, Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg sends an urgent telegram to the German ambassador in Vienna, requesting the Austro-Hungarians to accept mediation of their dispute with Serbia after limiting their offensive to the capture of Belgrade. The Chancellor has now joined the Kaiser in desperately seeking to avoid the general European war that their prior actions during the crisis made likely. The ability of both, and in particular the Kaiser, to affect the course of events is rapidly slipping away. Once mobilization was on the table, the generals came to the fore. In Germany, this meant Field Marshal Helmuth von Moltke, Chief of Staff of the army. His family had already made its mark on German history - his uncle, Helmuth von Moltke the Elder, had led the Prussian army that crushed first Austria and then France in the German Wars of Unification. Now the nephew faces the culminating crisis of his professional career. From his perspective, even the partial Russian mobilization threatened disaster - every day the German army now waited to mobilize meant that it would fight at a greater and greater disadvantage if/when war came. He makes his case to Bethmann-Hollweg at 1pm, though the Chancellor still holds out hope of a peaceful resolution to the crisis. Later that afternoon, von Moltke learns of the dispositions of the Austro-Hungarian army. To date, they have only mobilized against Serbia, not Russia, and Conrad has also decided to deploy the Austro-Hungarian 2nd Army to the Serbian front, instead of against Russia. This would leave only twenty-five divisions in Galicia on the Russian frontier, far fewer than von Moltke believed necessary - the German war plan relies on Austria-Hungary containing the Russians in the first month of the war while the Germans marched west. That evening he telegrams Conrad directly, begging him to mobilize against Russia, and promising that Germany will mobilize as well. This is a blatant overreach of his authority, and in direct conflict with the efforts of the Kaiser and the Chancellor to preserve the peace. However, the crisis has reached the point where communications between generals are of greater importance than communications between civilians, even if they are monarchs, as is the case with the ongoing 'Willy-Nicky' telegrams. Ultimately, both monarchs, despite the outward appearance of wielding absolute power, are finding themselves incapable of resisting the blandishments of their generals, presented in the language of crisis and national survival.
France: French army is ordered to withdraw ten kilometers from the border with Germany
The French government is steadfast in its support of its Russian ally, but is also eager for Britain to enter the war as well. To this end, the French army is ordered to withdraw ten kilometers from the border with Germany - it is felt essential to show that France is not the aggressor should war break out.
Post by lordroel on
Day 5 of the Great War, August 1st 1914
Events hour by hour, Saturday August 1st 1914
As dawn broke on Saturday August 1st 1914, two critical demands made by Germany were awaiting answers. At 7pm the night before, Germany had requested that France state whether it would remain neutral in a Russian-German war. A reply was demanded within 18 hours – by 1pm on Saturday. And at midnight, Germany had given Russia an ultimatum to demobilise within 12 hours.
9am: In Paris, Joseph Joffre, commander-in-chief of the army, urged the French cabinet led by René Viviani (pictured right) to announce general mobilisation. France had a plan for deployment – Plan XVII – in the event of war with Germany; it was designed for swift action before Germany could mobilise its reserves. Now Joffre feared the French were losing valuable time – every 24-hour delay, he thought, meant a potential 20km loss of French territory if Germany attacked.
10am In Berlin, Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg, the German chancellor, chaired a Bundesrat (federal council) meeting whose approval was needed for mobilisation or a declaration of war.He had worked hard to maintain peace, he told the leaders of the German states – ‘But we cannot bear Russia’s provocation, if we do not want to abdicate as a Great Power in Europe’.
11am Two hours before Germany’s deadline to France expired, Baron von Schoen, the Kaiser’s ambassador in Paris, presented himself to Viviani to receive France’s reply. He was told that France would act ‘in accordance with her interests’. Shortly afterwards, the Russian ambassador, Alexander Izvolsky, arrived with news of Germany’s ultimatum to Russia. He was desperate to know from Viviani and President Poincaré what France’s intentions were.
He feared that the French parliament would not ratify the military alliance with Russia, the terms of which said that France would respond if Germany attacked Russia. When Viviani returned to the cabinet, the order was given to Adolphe Messimy, the war minister, to mobilise, though he was told to hold on to the document until 3.30pm.
Meanwhile in London, it was the start of a Bank Holiday weekend, and the prime minister, for one, regretted that the crisis kept him in London and away from Venetia Stanley, the 26-year-old friend with whom he appeared besotted:
The Cabinet was to meet at 11am. Beforehand, Sir Edward Grey, the British foreign secretary, telephoned Prince Lichnowsky, the German ambassador (pictured right). Grey asked him whether Germany could give an assurance that France would not be attacked if it remained neutral in a war between Germany and Russia. Lichnowsky understood him to be offering both British neutrality and a guarantee of French neutrality.
11.15am (London time) Lichnowsky sent a telegram to Berlin with what he took to be the offer from Grey and which he believed Grey was taking to Cabinet. The message was not received until shortly after 5pm.
12 noon The German ultimatum to Russia expired without reply.
1pm Asquith’s Cabinet had been in no mood for war, but three days before had ordered preliminary mobilisation of the Royal Navy. Winston Churchill, First Lord of the Admiralty, now argued for full mobilisation. John Morley, president of the Board of Trade, and John Simon, Attorney General, led those opposed, saying Britain should not go to war at all.
Herbert Samuel, President of the Local Government Board, emphasised that their decision depended on whether Germany violated Belgian independence or attacked the northern coast of France. During the meeting, Churchill passed notes to Lloyd George, Chancellor of the Exchequer, attempting to win him round.
1.30pm The Cabinet meeting ended and Grey went to meet Paul Cambon, the French ambassador, who had been waiting anxiously at the Foreign Office. Grey could give him no assurances: ‘France must take her own decision at this moment, without reckoning on an assistance we are not now in a position to give.’ Cambon left the meeting shaking and told Sir Arthur Nicolson, Permanent Under-Secretary at the FO: ‘Ils vont nous lâcher – they are going to desert us.’
3.30pm Grey met Lichnowsky, the German ambassador, who now found the Foreign Secretary simply offering the suggestion that if there was war between Germany and Russia, then Germany and France might agree to stand mobilised but not attack each other. There was no guarantee of neutrality on offer after all. Grey told him that ‘it would be very difficult to restrain English feeling on any violation of Belgian neutrality’ by either France or Germany.
4pm In France, the order for mobilisation was issued, though President Poincaré said it was a precaution and that a peaceful outcome might still be attainable. Posters appeared on the streets of Paris: MOBILISATION GENERALE. LE PREMIER JOUR DE LA MOBILISATION EST LE DIMANCHE 2 AOUT.
In Germany, food was being hoarded and savings were withdrawn from the banks. In London the bank rate had doubled overnight and people were queueing at the Bank of England to exchange paper notes for gold.
5pm Germany having had no satisfactory response from Russia, the Kaiser signed the decree of general mobilisation. Speaking to an excited crowd from the balcony of his Berlin palace, he said: ‘In the battle now lying ahead of us, I see no more parties in my Volk. Among us there are only Germans.’
Photo: The German mobilisation order, signed by the Kaiser
5.25pm Grey telegrammed Sir Francis Bertie, British ambassador in Paris, with his suggestion that France and Germany might mobilise but act no further. Baffled, Bertie pointed out that France’s agreement with the Tsar was unlikely to imply inaction if Germany attacked Russia. ‘Am I to enquire precisely what are the obligations of the French under [the] Franco-Russian alliance?’ he asked sarcastically.
5.30pm The telegram sent by Lichnowsky in London at 11.15am arrived in Berlin, shortly after mobilisation had been declared, containing what Lichnowsky thought was an offer of British neutrality. A mildly farcical scene ensued, as Bethmann, the chancellor, and Gottlieb von Jagow, Foreign Minister, rushed to the palace with it. General Helmuth von Moltke, Chief of the General Staff, was recalled as the Kaiser digested the British offer. To Moltke’s despair, the Kaiser announced: ‘Now we can go to war against Russia only. We simply march the whole of our army to the East!’ Since 1905, under the Schlieffen Plan, Germany’s war planning had involved attacking France first. Moltke was distressed at the prospect of this being undone and his mobilisation schedule being wrecked. ‘Once settled it cannot be altered,’ he told the Kaiser.
7pm The German 16th Division was due to move into Luxembourg as part of Moltke’s plan – he knew that Luxembourg’s railways were essential for the route through Belgium to France. Bethmann insisted the invasion could not go ahead while the British offer was pending. But the order did not arrive and an infantry company of the 69th Regiment led by a Lt Feldmann made the first frontier crossing of the war and captured the railway station at Ulflingen.
Meanwhile, in St Petersburg, the German ambassador, Count Friedrich Pourtalès, a cousin of Bethmann Hollweg, had handed Germany’s declaration of war to Sergei Sazonov, the Russian foreign minister. Pourtalès had been informing Berlin during late July that Russia was bluffing; now he was in tears, and the two men embraced.
7.30pm Paul Eyschen, Prime Minister of Luxembourg, telegraphed London, Paris and Brussels informing them of the incursion, and protested to Berlin.
8pm A further telegram from Lichnowsky in London arrived in Berlin; this explained that Grey had summoned him to their 3.30pm meeting. Meanwhile, the Kaiser had sent a telegram directly to his cousin George V accepting what he believed was the British offer guaranteeing French neutrality. Mobilisation could not be reversed, he said, but ‘If France offers me neutrality, which must be guaranteed by the British fleet and army, I shall of course refrain from attacking France and employ my troops elsewhere’. Lichnowsky was authorised to promise that Germany would not cross the French frontier before 7pm on Monday August 3, while discussions went on with Britain.
9pm Grey was summoned to Buckingham Palace to draft the King’s reply clearing up the ‘misunderstanding’ that had come out of his conversation with Lichnowsky that afternoon.
10.30pm Crowds were pouring on to the streets of St Petersburg. In Paris, the area around the Gare de l’Est was filling with reservists responding to the mobilisation order. In Berlin, the Kaiser – still hoping for peace with Britain – sent a message to his cousin Tsar Nicholas. He said mobilisation had proceeded because Russia had not responded to Germany’s request and that Russian troops should not be allowed to cross the frontier.
11pm George V’s telegram arrived in Berlin. The Kaiser showed the reply to Moltke, with the words: ‘Now you can do what you want’.
In Britain, it was the first day of a bank holiday weekend but holidaymakers were no longer thinking about foreign resorts; the urgent need now was to get home, as the crisis grew. The next morning's Daily Telegraph reported the arrival of the late boat train from Ostend: passengers were telling tales of 'panic' abroad and of their relief at returning to the 'dear old country'.
Newspaper: Daily Telegraph - Germany declares war on Russia: the Kaiser addresses the crowd from the balcony of the Imperial Palace, Berlin.
Other events that happened on August 1st 1014
The Turkish battleships SULTAN OSMAN I and RESHADIEH, both about to be delivered, are seized by the Royal Navy.
Photo: Sultan Osman I fitting out at Low Walker, after Brazil sold the ship to the Ottoman Empire, but before the British seized her.
Commander of the British Mediterranean Fleet, Admiral Sir Archibald Berkeley Milne, assembled his force at Malta, and on the following day received instructions to shadow the German battlecruiser SMS GOEBEN. With the German ship already sighted, Milne ordered two British battleships to form a blockade at Gibraltar should the German ships try to escape into the Atlantic Ocean.
Post by lordroel on
Day 6 of the Great War, August 2nd 1914
Newspaper: New York Tribune
Events hour by hour, Sunday August 2nd 1914
Austria-Hungary was at war with Serbia. Germany had declared war on Russia the day before and had entered Luxembourg as a preliminary to a likely invasion of Belgium and France. Although France and Belgium had mobilised, neither they nor Britain were yet involved in the conflict.
6am: Soon after dawn, reports came via Reuters that Russia had begun an assault on German territory.
7.30am: The German ambassador, Count Pourtalès, and his staff left St Petersburg from the Finland station. In London, Herbert Asquith, the Prime Minister, had his breakfast interrupted by the arrival of Prince Lichnowsky, the German ambassador, who was in an agitated state. Lichnowsky, who had misunderstood Britain’s position the day before, now begged Asquith not to side with France. The Prime Minister (pictured below, right) told him that Germany’s behaviour was rapidly changing British public opinion. By now, Germany had seized the main railway station in Luxembourg. The German chancellor, Bethmann Hollweg, claimed there was no aggressive intent and that this was merely a precaution to secure the railways against a possible French attack. Paul Cambon, the French ambassador in London, asked to meet Sir Edward Grey, the Foreign Secretary. Cambon reminded Grey that the Treaty of London of 1867, signed by the Great Powers, guaranteed Luxembourg's neutrality. The Foreign Secretary responded that the treaty was a ‘collective instrument’ and that if Germany had violated it, Britain did not have to honour it.
11am: Despite it being a Sunday, the Cabinet met. Grey told his colleagues of France's decision to mobilise the previous day. As a consequence of a secret pact made at the 1912 Anglo-French naval talks, France, he said, counted on Britain to secure the English Channel and the North Sea while its own navy patrolled the Mediterranean. The Cabinet was divided, Churchill, the First Lord of the Admiralty, remaining the most clear-sighted about what was coming.
1.30pm: After much discussion the Cabinet agreed, despite polarised opinions, to allow Grey (pictured right) to tell the French that Britain would not allow Germany to use the Channel for operations against northern France. John Burns, President of the Board of Trade, threatened to resign, seeing the decision as an act of hostility to Germany (after the meeting he announced his intention to retire). For his part, Grey said: ‘We have led France to rely upon us and unless we support her in her agony, I cannot continue at the Foreign Office’. The Cabinet agreed to meet again at 6.30pm.
1.45pm: After the meeting Grey took a walk around London Zoo. Asquith and his wife Margot saw the German ambassador Prince Lichnowsky and his wife Mechtilde. The Anglophile prince, who had been awarded an honorary degree at Oxford earlier in the summer, was clearly distressed at the way events were unfolding, as was his wife.
2.20pm: A note was handed to French and German ambassadors in London explaining that the British government would not allow the passage of German ships through the English Channel or the North Sea in order to attack the coasts or shipping of France. Grey gave Cambon, the French ambassador a pledge: ‘If the German fleet comes into the Channel or through the North Sea to undertake hostile operations against the French coasts or shipping, the British Fleet will give all protection in its power’. The British public would have been startled to hear this: there was no commitment made in public and at this point the Cabinet did not know of Germany's impending ultimatum to Belgium. Cambon sent the news to Paris, where his telegram arrived at 8.30pm.
3pm: The Belgian vice consul in Cologne arrived at the Foreign Ministry in Brussels to report that he had been watching troop trains leave Cologne station, heading for the Belgian border, since 6am that day. In Paris, unconfirmed reports were reaching Joseph Joffre, commander-in-chief of the army, that German troops were crossing the French frontier. He argued that a 10km buffer zone, which had been in place, should be lifted and the Cabinet agreed.
From St Petersburg, Tsar Nicholas II sent a telegram to London, to his cousin George V: 'I trust your country will not fail to support France and Russia in fighting to maintain the balance of power in Europe. God bless and protect you.’
3.30pm: The Tsar and his court attended mass in St George’s Hall - the Great Throne Room - in the Winter Palace, St Petersburg. Echoing some words of Alexander I a century before, he swore that he would ‘never make peace as long as one of the enemy is on the soil of the fatherland’.
4pm: There had been Socialist-led demonstrations for peace across Germany in the preceding days, though to little effect.
Now a trade union-led demonstration in London brought 10,000 people to Trafalgar Square to protest against war. A rival group sang the National Anthem rather than the Internationale and marched to Buckingham Palace, where the King and Queen waved to them from the balcony.
6.30pm: In London, the Cabinet met for the second time that day. Lloyd George, the Chancellor, was being persuaded of the arguments for resisting Germany, and a small majority was now in favour of action if there was a substantial violation of Belgian neutrality.
At the London railway stations serving the south and east coasts, The Daily Telegraph found 'perplexed' holidaymakers discovering that services to the Continent had been whittled down to almost zero.
Newspaper: The Daily Telegraph reports the call-up of Navy and Army reserves
At Liverpool Street, only one-way tickets to the Hook of Holland were on sale, no returns.
Meanwhile, in Brussels, another fateful moment was unfolding. Walter von Below-Saleske, the German minister in the city, handed Viscomte Julien Davignon, the Belgian Foreign Minister, a letter claiming that Germany had evidence France was preparing to cross Belgian territory to attack Germany. In order to defend herself, Germany would need to enter Belgian territory - Germany needed, ‘by the dictate of self-preservation’ to ‘anticipate this hostile attack
The first draft of this letter had been written by General Helmuth von Moltke, Chief of the General Staff, on July 26. Belgium was now given 12 hours - until 7am on Monday August 3 - in which to respond.
9pm: King Albert met the Belgian Council of Ministers. They agreed they could not accept the German demands and set about drafting a reply.
12 midnight: The Belgian Council of Ministers' meeting adjourned and the Premier, Foreign Minister and Minister of Justice went to the Foreign Office to draft their reply.
1.30am: The German minister von Below turned up unexpectedly at the Belgian Foreign Office. Germany was uneasy about its ultimatum. Having long assumed that Belgium would not fight, it was now worried that Belgian resistance would hold up its meticulously planned timetable for the invasion of France. In an attempt to goad the Belgians, von Below suggested France had made incursions on German territory and could not therefore be trusted to respect Belgian neutrality.
2.30am: Unmoved by von Below's tactics, Belgian ministers reconvened to approve a reply. Belgium declared itself ‘firmly resolved to repel by all means in its power every attack upon its rights’. The Belgian army had six divisions of infantry and a cavalry division. Germany intended to march 34 divisions through Belgium.
Map: Position of the Armies on the Western Front, August 2nd 1914
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Brusilov’s WWI Breakthrough on the Eastern Front
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By Eric Niderost The high command of the Imperial Russian Army, known as Stavka, met on April 14, 1916, at Mogilev in Belarus to discuss possible offensive action against the Germans and their Austro-Hungarian allies on the Eastern Front. Stavka Chief of the General Staff General Mikhail Alekseyev was the main speaker at the gathering. […]
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By Eric Niderost
The high command of the Imperial Russian Army, known as Stavka, met on April 14, 1916, at Mogilev in Belarus to discuss possible offensive action against the Germans and their Austro-Hungarian allies on the Eastern Front. Stavka Chief of the General Staff General Mikhail Alekseyev was the main speaker at the gathering. Among the other high-ranking officials attending the meeting were General Dmitri Shuvaev, the Russian war minister; Grand Duke Sergei Mikhailovich, inspector general of the artillery; and Admiral A.I Ruskin, chief of the naval staff.
Nicholas II was also present, not only as czar and autocrat, but also as supreme commander of all Russian armed forces. Many privately thought his self-appointment to supreme command was an unmitigated disaster, coming as it did after a string of Russian defeats at the hands of the Germans. Nicholas had no military experience or training in war, and his martial exploits were confined to wearing elaborate uniforms and taking the salute in parades and reviews.
Nicholas presided at this meeting but said little and remained so passive he must have seemed a mere cipher. The most important people at the meeting were the three front commanders, because they were the ones who would be tasked with making Stavka’s orders a reality. General Aleksei Kuropatkin commanded the Northern Front, General Aleksei Evert commanded the Northwestern Front, and General Aleksei Brusilov commanded the Southwestern Front.
The atmosphere in the room was one of pessimism and gloom, although no one was willing to have Russia capitulate to Germany. Since the outbreak of war in 1914 Russia had willingly assumed the role of sacrificial lamb, slaughtered on the altar of Allied solidarity. In August 1914 Russia had attacked Germany prematurely before it had had an opportunity to fully mobilize when the French were hard pressed on the Western Front. Their Gallic allies had all but begged them to do so, and the Russians complied with a hasty invasion of East Prussia.
As a result, the Germans were forced to transfer troops to the East, a major factor when they were defeated at the Marne and their offensive ground to a halt. Russia had helped save France, but at a terrible cost. The Russians were utterly defeated at Tannenberg in August, and by some estimates sustained as many as 100,000 casualties.
Worse was to follow. The Germans launched the Gorlice-Tarnow Offensive in 1915, forcing the Russians into what later was termed the “Great Retreat.” Warsaw fell, and Russian Poland was occupied by German troops. As the weeks went on, and defeat piled upon defeat, it seemed nothing could slow the German juggernaut, save topography.
The troops of the Imperial Russian Army, bloodied and battered, were nevertheless optimistic as they trudged ever eastward. Many of them—even the illiterate peasant soldiers who filled the ranks—took comfort in the traditional Russian tactic of trading space for time. In 1812 Napoleon had been lured into the vast Russian hinterland, a movement that planted the seeds of his later destruction.
“The retreat will continue as far—and as long—as necessary,” Nicholas told the French ambassador. “The Russian people are unanimous in their will to conquer as they were in 1812.” A Russian joke said that the czar’s army would retreat to the Urals, on the boundary of Europe and Asia. By that time, distance and attrition would wear enemy armies down to one man each. The Austrian would surrender, according to custom, and the German would be killed.
Nevertheless, a sense of war weariness and futility began to seep into the Russian psyche. This was not 1812; indeed, it would take far more than the Russian winter to dispose of the Germans and their junior partners the Austrians. The Central Powers had inflicted two million casualties on the Russian armies, even though Russia was not yet knocked out of the war. “The Russian bear had escaped our clutches, bleeding no doubt from more than one wound, but still not stricken to death,” said German Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg.
The meeting at Mogilev was colored by the events of this recent past. The mood was somber, and there was probably a sense of déjà vu when General Alekseyev said that Russia had agreed to a spring offensive, largely to support a British drive on the Somme scheduled for the summer of 1916. It would be limited and involve the North and Northwestern Fronts.
Stavka envisioned a two-pronged attack along the Divna River, but Generals Evert and Kuropatkin, who would execute the proposal, vehemently objected. They pointed out that scarcely a month before an offensive in the vicinity of Lake Narotch had been a fiasco. No fewer than 300,000 Russians had been unable to get the better of 50,000 Germans, and the effort collapsed in a sea of mud, blood, and freezing temperatures. The Russians suffered upward of 100,000 casualties, including 10,000 who died from exposure.
Alekseyev brushed aside their objections. While conceding that Russian losses had been great, he observed that as many as 800,000 fresh troops would fill the depleted ranks. This gave the Russians more than enough troops to launch a new offensive. Evert and Kuropatkin were not convinced, but they grudgingly agreed to a limited attack.
General Aleksei Brusilov then spoke. The balding sexagenarian, with his intense eyes and a long, thin mustache, still looked like the dashing cavalryman he had once been. He had last seen active duty in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878 where he had served with distinction. Four decades is a long time to have been absent from the battlefield, but he made up for it by an open, enquiring mind that displayed brilliance if not genius. Brusilov studied Western European military techniques and knew how to adapt them to a different climate, geography, and even culture.
“I propose that we should launch an offensive on the Southwestern Front to support the plan,” said Brusilov. “We have numerical superiority over the Central Powers; why not use it to our advantage, and attack on all fronts simultaneously? I ask only the express permission to attack on my front at the same time as my colleagues.”
After Brusilov finished there was a stunned silence. He was proposing an attack that would stretch for hundreds of miles, and the majority of the officers around the room had little confidence that the Imperial Russian Army could mount such a large-scale attack. Brusilov had another opinion. With meticulous preparation, enough armaments, and a change of tactics, he was sure the Russians could achieve a breakthrough and at the very least knock Austria-Hungary out of the war.
Brusilov knew that the terrible defeats Russia had suffered at the hands of the Germans were not the fault of the common Russian soldier. The Russian Army was composed mainly of conscripted peasants, whose immediate ancestors had been downtrodden serfs. They were stoic, stubbornly brave, and could endure hardships and wounds that might wear down or kill a Western soldier. Granted the peasants were illiterate, but they did not need to read and write to pull off a successful attack. For the millions of men who filled the ranks, a deep and abiding faith in Orthodox Christianity was all they needed. And after God, their faith was in the czar, who would lead them to victory against the Teutonic invaders.
Alekseyev tried to dissuade Brusilov, saying he could expect no artillery support and certainly no reinforcements. Brusilov said he accepted those conditions and still wanted to go ahead. Alekseyev, bowing to the inevitable, gave Brusilov’s plan his conditional approval.
After the meeting, General Nicolai Ivanov, the former commander of the Southwestern Front and at that time an adjutant to Czar Nicholas, made a last-ditch effort to stop the Brusilov by appealing directly to the czar. Nicholas, usually indecisive on such matters, refused to intervene. “I don’t think it is proper for me to alter the War Council’s decisions,” Nicholas said. “Take it up with Alekseyev.”
Russia had begun the war in 1914 ill equipped for a modern conflict. The country was still developing, with its industrial revolution in its adolescent phase, and modern war demands mass production. At that time, Russian factories were producing only 1,300 shells a day, which amounted to 35,000 a month, while Russian artillery was using 45,000 shells a day. The Russian Army outfitted its infantry with the 1891 model Mosin 7.62 mm rifle. It was an adequate weapon, but production lagged the first year. Some recruits literally were sent to the front without weapons under the assumption that they might be able to pick up a weapon from a dead or wounded comrade.
By early 1916 the situation had improved. Russian factories were producing 100,000 rifles a month. Additional arms were obtained from the Allies. Although there were still shortages, Brusilov was confident that precise planning could neutralize the problem. For one thing, artillery barrages just before an offensive tended to be very long. This enabled the enemy to know precisely where the blow would fall. With such knowledge, the enemy could shift reserves to the threatened spot.
Brusilov intended to order shorter barrages to baffle the enemy. Austrian commanders would be kept guessing as to what the brief bombardments really meant. On the one hand, it might mean that a major offensive was planned. On the other hand, it might simply be a diversion to distract from a major assault at some other point.
Offensive action in World War I was understandingly obsessed by the concept of puncturing an enemy’s line in order to bring about a breakthrough that would lead to victory. Conventionally, that meant a sledgehammer blow on one specific, narrow point on the enemy’s trench line, and then pouring in as many reserves as you could once that breakthrough was achieved.
Brusilov did not entirely abandon the narrow, overwhelming thrust concept, just modified and expanded it. There would be not one push, but four—one for each Russian army under his command. What is more, the attacks would be launched simultaneously. “I considered it absolutely vital to develop an attack at many different points,” said Brusilov.
Brusilov was nothing if not thorough. He was blessed with a meticulous attention to detail. Nothing seemed to escape his notice. Russian artillery units were assigned specific objectives that they were to achieve. Light guns would first blast holes in the prickly barbed wire entanglements that fronted Austrian positions. Brusilov required that there be at least two holes, both measuring about 14 feet.
With that task accomplished, the artillery would switch to neutralizing any Austrian guns in the enemy forward positions. The Russians knew exactly where Hapsburg gun emplacements were from a combination of prisoner interrogation and aerial reconnaissance.
Brusilov stipulated that attacks were to consist of at least four waves. The first wave would be armed with rifles and hand grenades. Its task was to take the Austrians’ first trench line and neutralize any Austrian guns that escaped Russian bombardment. The second wave would follow the first, advancing 200 paces behind. The second wave was entrusted with the most important assignment of all, which was the capture of the second line of Austrian trenches.
“We have to consider that our opponent normally places the strength of his defense in the second line, and therefore troops halting in the first line serve only to concentrate the enemy’s fire,” said Brusilov. Thus, it was of vital importance that the second line to taken as rapidly as possible. The second line was the backbone of the Austrian defense system. Once the second line was carried, Brusilov believed the remaining lines would fall more easily.
At that point, a Russian third wave would fan out and exploit the success. The troops would bring forward their machine guns to prevent any attempt by enemy forces to repair the breech in their lines. A fourth wave would consist of light cavalry, such as the dreaded Cossacks. These expert horsemen would ride deep into the enemy’s rear.
Brusilov issued a directive to his subordinate commanders on April 19, 1916, that detailed his concepts and methods and how they would be carried out. He planned to launch the offensive along the entire 250-mile length of the Russian Southwestern Front, which stretched from the Romanian border in the south to the Styr River in the north. It was an ambitious undertaking.
The attacking troops had two key objectives: Lutsk and Kovel, both important railroad junctions. In addition, his four army commanders would be free to choose which segment of the front they wished to attack. Brusilov stipulated that the segment chosen ideally would be from nine to 12 miles wide; however, it could be a minimum of six miles wide or a maximum of 18 miles wide.
There was another factor in Brusilov’s favor. It was something that could not be measured by lists of men and armaments. This was the sheer contempt the Germans and Austrians held for their Russian foes. Just two days before Brusilov launched his offensive, Colonel Paulus von Stoltzmann, General Alexander von Linsingen’s chief of staff, dismissed any notion of a Russian attack. “The Russians lacked sufficient numbers, relied on stupid tactics, and thus had absolutely no chance of success,” he said.
Austrian preoccupation with Italy and the Italian Front also played a role in Vienna’s complacency. General Conrad von Hotzendorff, chief of the Austrian general staff, considered Russia a broken reed, still capable of some fighting but no longer a viable threat. Instead, he focused his attention on the frontier between Northern Italy and the Austro-Hungarian Empire where the Italians and Austrians were locked in a bloody, high-altitude struggle in Alpine mountains and valleys.
Italy had been an ally of Austria, but when the war broke out the country declared its neutrality. After a series of complex negotiations Italy joined the Allies in 1915, hoping in the end to be rewarded with parts of the Tyrol and territory on the Dalmatian coast. This sudden about face enraged Hotzendorff and most other Austrians. To him, as to other Austrians, this was betrayal, and he was obsessed with punishing a country that in his eyes showed so much deceit.
This Italian obsession was to bear bitter fruit for the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The combination of contempt for the Russians and desire for revenge against the Italians created an environment that was likely to bring Austria-Hungary to the brink of total collapse. Hotzendorff compounded the problem by transferring battle-tested units from the Eastern Front to the Tyrolean (Italian) Front and replacing them with battalions that were mediocre at best. What is more, he transferred nearly all of the Austrian heavy artillery, approximately 15 batteries, to the Tyrol.
The Imperial Austro-Hungarian Army was a reflection of the empire at large, a polyglot force in which as many as 15 languages were spoken. The lingua franca of the empire’s armed forces was German; otherwise, the average Hapsburg soldier spoke his native tongue. By 1916 the Austro-Hungarian officer corps had been reduced by 50 percent as a result of casualties incurred since the beginning of the war. Many of these were prewar officers who had taken it upon themselves to learn the language of their ethnic commands, yet by mid-war they were gone.
The Austrians were pleased, even complacent, about their defensive arrangements on the Eastern Front. They had constructed a formidable layered defense in the region around Lutsk that serves as a good example of what the Russians would be up against. The layered defense in this sector consisted of three lines of heavily fortified trenches. A 40-foot-wide belt of barbed wire fronted the Austrian position. The Austrian generals had placed the bulk of their infantry in the rear trenches where they were protected in huge concrete-reinforced dugouts. These steps were taken to ensure that the Russian artillery would not inflict serious casualties on the vulnerable infantry.
The Austrians positioned their field artillery behind the first line of trenches. The first trench line, which bordered the no-man’s land between the armies, was protected with earthen berms punctuated by concrete-reinforced positions for machine guns placed to deliver enfilade fire. The field artillery was situated behind the first line of trenches. The field artillery had to be within 3,000 yards of the first line of Russian trenches to be effective.
The Austrian troops lived a pleasant life at the front, with all the proverbial comforts of home nearby. The soldiers had at their disposal bakeries, sausage factories, and equipment for pickling and smoking meat. They even planted vegetable gardens and grew their own grain. To minimize the strain of hauling equipment, they used dogs to pull sleighs on which they put weapons and supplies.
Thus, the Austrian Eastern Front defenses were well planned and designed. “They were beautifully constructed of great timbers, concrete, and earth,” noted one observer. “In some places, steel rails had ben cemented into place as protection against shell fire.”
The Russian Southwestern Front comprised four armies: General Alexsei Kaledin’s Eighth Army, General Vladimir Sakharov’s Eleventh Army, General Dmitri Scherbatschev’s Seventh Army, and General Platon Letschitski’s Ninth Army.
The Central Powers had two major army groups on the Eastern Front: Army Group Linsingen and Army Group Bohm-Ermolli. Archduke Joseph Ferdinand’s Fourth Army, which technically was part of Group Linsingen, held the ground just south of the Pripet Marshes. In the coming offensive, the Russians would mount some of their heaviest attacks against this army.
Army Group Bohm-Ermilli consisted of two armies: the First and the Second. General Paul Puhallo von Brlog’s First Army held the position to the immediate right of the Fourth Army. By contrast, the Second Austro-Hungarian Army held the front between Dubno and a point north of the Tarnopol-Lemberg railway. The Central Powers front was rounded out by General Karl von Pfanzer-Baltin’s Seventh Army and General Karl von Bothmer’s South Army, the latter predictably the Central Powers’ anchor to the far south.
The great Brusilov Offensive began at 4 am on June 4, 1916. General Kaledin’s Russian Eighth Army on Brusilov’s right wing at Volhynia offers a good impression of the opening stages of the attack. The Eighth Army comprised the Eighth, Thirty-Ninth, and Fortieth Corps. The three corps fielded a combined strength of 100 battalions. The Eighth Army was deployed on a front about 30 miles long for its advance toward Lutsk, which was its main objective. Their opponents were Archduke Ferdinand’s Fourth Army.
Kaledin’s artillery opened up at the appointed time. No fewer than 420 heavy guns and howitzers pummeled the Austrian trench lines with uncanny accuracy. The rain of shells tore apart trenches and eviscerated Austrians unlucky enough to be in the vicinity, transforming a formerly quiet sector into a nightmarish scene. Other shells gouged out large craters, sending fine particles of sandy soil skyward in great clouds. After five hours, the guns fell silent.
At that point, the brown-uniformed Russian infantry began a steady advance forward. The Russian Eighth Army’s main thrust was led by the 102nd Reserve Infantry Division and the 2nd Rifle Division. The troops were eager to engage the enemy after weeks of practice and training.
When the dazed Austrian troops moved into the first trench following the shelling, and peered ahead into no-man’s land, they expected to see a typical attack unfold similar to those that had occurred throughout the first two years of the war. Long skeins of Russian infantry would advance from a distance, indistinct brown streaks on the horizon that would gradually morph into lines of Russian soldiers, bayonets fixed, advancing at the run. Thousands of Russians shouting “Urrah!” above the din of battle would be mowed down by Austrian machine guns. During their long and dangerous advance, the Russian infantry would be in range of the enemy machine guns the entire time.
But this time, as if by magic, the Russian soldiers were much closer. It was here that meticulous Russian planning started to produce results. Unseen by the Austrians in the previous weeks, the Russians had tunneled close to the enemy. The Russians poured out of vast, man-made caves that held as many as 1,000 men. Some of the tunnel entrances were as close as 50 paces from the Austrian first trench.
Worse still, the Austrians discovered that the fine-grained sandy soil that had been kicked up by the previous bombardment had clogged their machine guns, rending them inoperable. Much of the Austrian artillery was similarly clogged, and its crews desperately tried to limber the guns and escape before being engulfed by the Russian tide.
As they emerged from their underground bunkers, Russian soldiers were met by bearded Orthodox priests carrying icons and religious banners. The blessings bolstered the already deep religious faith the average Russian soldier had in God and the czar. The spirit of “Bozhe, Tsarya Kharani” (“God Save the Czar”) pervaded all ranks.
The Austrian Fourth Army headquarters was located at Stavok, a small town near the front lines. Seeing what was happening, the headquarters staff jumped in their vehicles and sped off to avoid capture. Abandoning his royal dignity, Archduke Joseph Ferdinand fled the sector when the Russians drew close to Lutsk.
In a curious throwback to another era, someone produced the Fourth Army regimental standard. This colorful flag was emblazoned with the black double-headed eagle of the Hapsburg dynasty. The individual waved it back and forth as a rallying point. Amazingly, it did rally a handful of Austrians, and they fought hand to hand until they were swept away by the Russian advance.
The Russians had overrun all three Austrian trench lines by nightfall. The demoralized Hapsburg defenders were in full retreat. In the first two trenches, three quarters of Hapsburg casualties had been from gun or artillery fire; in the third trench line, the defenders simply surrendered.
By June 6 the Austrians had been pushed behind the Styr River, and a few days later Lutsk, one of the main objectives of the Russian effort, had fallen to the czar’s troops. In the first two days the Russians had captured 77 guns and 50,000 men.
But Brusilov’s successes could only go so far. Indeed, his success was dependent on actions taken by his colleagues in the Northern and Northwestern Fronts. General Evert of the Northwestern Front, never an enthusiastic supporter of Brusilov’s plan, dragged his heels and refused to launch his own attack. The delay compromised the Russian offensive, but nothing seemed to get Evert to move more rapidly. He finally launched a tardy attack on June 18, an incredible two weeks after Brusilov’s opening moves.
It was almost as if Evert was working for the Central Powers, because the delays allowed the German high command to send reinforcements to the threatened areas. German Chief of Staff Erick von Falkenhayn talked his Austrian counterpart, Conrad von Hotzendorff, into transferring troops from the Italian Front to the Eastern Front. The Germans might have been caught napping, but the somnolent mood was quickly dispelled. Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg, who commanded the Eastern Front forces, used more efficient railways to speed German reinforcements to the threatened front.
The Germans on the Eastern Front were also proving much harder to overcome than their Austrian allies. The German Army was probably the best in Europe when the conflict began in 1914, and in spite of heavy casualties on the Eastern and Western Fronts it was still a formidable adversary. The Germans were well trained, disciplined, and led by professionals imbued with a tradition of excellence that stretched back to the 18th century and Frederick the Great. The German Army was also ethnically homogeneous, sharing fundamentally the same basic language and culture. The German commanders did not have to worry about ethnic minorities trying to desert as soon as they had an opportunity.
German General Felix Ludwig Von Bothmer’s South Army slowed Brusilov’s advance, as did General Alexander von Linsingen’s troops on the Russian right in the vicinity of Kovel. The Germans fought well. When they did have to retreat, they did so with discipline. Their morale was far better than that of the disintegrating Hapsburg forces.
By mid-July, the Austrian Army had become so disrupted by Brusilov’s Offensive that they conceded strategic planning to the Germans. From that point forward, all strategical decisions on the Eastern Front came from the Germans.
The Russians had made enormous gains, and at that point it would have been wise to consolidate their territorial gains and brace themselves for the inevitable German counterthrusts. As it was, the Russian advance in the sector south of Kovel had ground to a halt. But Brusilov’s superiors pressured him to continue his advance. They believed that if Brusilov continued to press his attack he just might succeed in knocking Austria-Hungary out the war. It was a matter of human nature. The Russians believed that one more push might achieve victory over the Austrians.
The second phase of the Brusilov Offensive began on July 28 and continued into September. Once again the Russian Army enjoyed an initial period of success. By early September Brusilov’s troops had advanced an average of 60 miles into enemy territory. In some locations they succeeded in advancing up to 100 miles. Almost all of Bukovina was taken, as well as sizable chucks of Galicia. During this impressive advance the Russians had captured 350,000 Austrian prisoners, 400 artillery pieces, and 1,300 machine guns.
Eventually, however, the Russian offensive wound down. German resistance had gradually been stiffening, and keeping up the momentum made it increasingly difficult for the Russian armies to stay supplied so deep in enemy territory. This was because the railroads in Eastern Europe were not as developed as those in Western Europe. Basically, the Russians used transport methods from the Napoleonic Era.
Stanley Washburn, a war correspondent covering the Brusilov Offensive, gave a graphic picture of the logistics involved. “Miles and miles of peasants’ carts bearing food, provender, huge loaves of bread, were succeeded by four-horse wagons piled high with regimental and staff baggage,” wrote Washburn. “These, in turn, turned aside to let the field telegraph outfit pass… Perhaps behind them a long column of two-wheeled, two-horse carts holding small arms ammunition passed tumultuously over rough cobbled stones.”
Yet this rattling, axle-groaning procession had to give way to long columns of brown-clad troops marching to the front. The wagons had to pull over to the side of the road to let the infantry go past, battalion after battalion of men whose scissoring legs kicked up great billowing clouds of dust. Indeed, Washburn noted that the soldiers tanned faces had become “gray with the fine, white dust of the road.”
Those dry conditions were bad enough, but the roads turned into a viscous soup when pummeled by sudden thunderstorms. Washburn was lucky in that he was riding in that rarity of rarities on the Eastern Front, an automobile, but even a car could get into trouble. During a nocturnal thunderstorm, the reporter had an almost surreal experience.
“In two minutes we were wallowing in mud six inches deep, with wheels spinning and smoking tires filling the air with the smell of superheated rubber,” he recalled. “One instant the entire landscape would be thrown into vivid relief by the flash of lightning, and the next, half blinded by the glare, we would be staring into blackness.”
Encouraged by Russian successes, Romania entered the war that same August. But joining the Allies proved to be a debacle for both the Romanians and the Russians. Romania hoped to have a share of spoils when Austria collapsed, particularly the region of Transylvania. Unfortunately for the Romanians, the Germans had long anticipated such a move and had planned accordingly. The Romanians initially invaded Transylvania, occupying almost all of the territory, but their triumph was brief. In a series of deft strokes the Germans sent the ill-prepared Romanian Army back over its own border; the Romanian soldiers hardly knew what hit them.
Having sown the wind, the Romanians reaped the whirlwind. The Germans invaded Romania proper, defeating its army and occupying the whole country. A remnant of the Romanian forces managed to retreat to Moldavia, but few countries had been vanquished as quickly as Romania. The catastrophe also gave Russia additional woes. From that point forward, Russia’s front with the Central Powers was considerably lengthened.
In the meantime, Stavka added two new armies to Brusilov’s command. These were the Russian Third Army and Guards Army. The Guards were among the most elite in the Imperial Russian Army. The Preobazhensky and Semenovsky Guards had impressive pedigrees that stretched back to their formation by Czar Peter the Great in the 17th century.
The Guards were ordered to capture Kovel. On paper, at least, it seemed as if these elite warriors, of whom there were 60,000, would be able to fulfill their assignment. Unfortunately, it was a tradition for Guards units to be officered by aristocrats; indeed, even Romanov royalty usually had a stint in the Guards. Nicholas had served in the Guards when he was heir to the throne two decades earlier. But most of these bluebloods took little interest in real soldiering, although there were notable exceptions.
To many Guards officers, life in the military was mainly a time to drink, socialize, and womanize. General Vladimir Bezobrazov, an old comrade from the czar’s own military stint, declared that the Guards should only be “commanded by people of class.” He also was on record saying that the Guards never retreated.
This kind of romantic attitude might have worked in the preceding centuries, but it was a wrong-headed anachronism in the fire and blood of World War I. The Germans harbored no romantic illusions at Kovel, and they knew how to use the terrain to their best advantage. The low-lying area was one vast swamp.
There were three causeways across the swampy land, each dotted with German machine-gun nests. Attacking troops would have to run a gauntlet of fire—a storm of lead so intense that nothing would likely survive. Although the Russians might have undertaken a flank attack, such a maneuver was a time-consuming process; besides, it was deemed too cowardly for the upper-class Guards. Grand Duke Paul Romanov, the czar’s uncle and the Guards’ commander, gave his approval for the assault.
The Guards would attack along each of the three causeways. The results were predictably horrific. The very cream of the Russian Imperial Army was sacrificed uselessly in a series of costly, headlong attacks. Some of the Guardsmen jumped off the raised paths and into the swamps, seeking shelter from the hail of bullets. But many who chose that option were quickly sucked under water by the quicksand-like muck. Some managed to wade through the muck only to be picked off by German rifle fire.
The surviving Guards somehow managed to get across and establish a bridgehead on the Kovel side. An attempt to send the cavalry across to enlarge their toehold failed because the troopers, who were unnerved by the slaughter, flatly refused to advance. Without support the bridgehead was doomed to failure. The survivors were forced to abandon their hard-won gains and retreat back over the causeways to their starting points.
These elite soldiers had suffered dreadfully. For all intents and purposes, the Guards regiments were so decimated they practically ceased to exist. They suffered a casualty rate of 70 percent. Even Czar Nicholas was shocked out of his usual apathetic stupor. Bezobrazov “ordered an advance across bogs known to be impregnable,” Nicholas wrote to his wife. “His rashness … let the Guards be slaughtered.”
Bezobrazov was relieved of his command, but the damage was done. The Guards were the “praetorians” of the monarchy who would defend the Romanovs in times of trouble. But now the defenders had been uselessly slaughtered. Those who survived the ordeal were bitter and resentful. When the Russian Revolution broke out in 1917, the Guards mutinied and joined the revolution.
The Russian offensive began to lose steam, and it did not help that there was no real commander in chief to coordinate the army’s moves and furnish direction by keeping close watch on strategic and tactical developments. Czar Nicholas, the nominal commander in chief, was completely unqualified for the high post he occupied. He had assumed control at the urging of Czarina Alexandra, who had unrealistic fantasies of her husband as a “war lord.”
Nicholas did approve of the offensive, but he then retreated into a kind of apathetic trance. The czar, who had taken on more than he could handle, was exhausted and, some believed, on the verge of a nervous breakdown. He was increasingly incoherent. “Brusilov is firm and calm,” said Nicholas, adding, “Yesterday I discovered two acacia in the garden.” It probably did not help that he was taking a mixture of henbane and hashish in tea to calm his nerves.
Worse still, at least from the viewpoint of the Romanov dynasty, Nicholas was at Stavka headquarters, roughly 500 miles from the capital at St. Petersburg. That meant that Alexandra ruled in his place, and her unofficial appointment was an unmitigated disaster. She was emotionally unstable, picking ministers on advice from the disreputable mystic Rasputin.
By September 20 the Brusilov offensive had exhausted its momentum. The Russians had achieved some tremendous successes, yet at a horrific cost in lives. In the Brusilov Offensive, the Russians suffered at least 500,000 killed, wounded, or captured. Some sources put Russian losses as high as one million men. In comparison, the Austrians lost upward of 1.5 million men.
In three years of war on the Eastern Front, Russian losses had been catastrophic. Both the Russian military and the Russian people had reached the limit of what they could endure. The following year they would cast off the chains of autocracy and rise up in rebellion against the Romanovs.
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https://profillengkap.com/article/3rd_Guards_Infantry_Division_(German_Empire)
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3rd Guards Infantry Division (German Empire)
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3rd Guards Infantry Division (3. Garde-Infanterie-Division)Active1914-1919CountryPrussia/GermanyBranchArmyTypeInfantrySizeApprox. 15,000EngagementsWorld War I: 1st Masurian Lakes, Łódź (1914), Gorlice-Tarnów Offensive, Somme, Battle of Delville Wood, Arras (1917), Passchendaele, Cambrai (1917), German spring offensive, Aisne-Marne,
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https://profillengkap.com/images/varico.ico
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https://profillengkap.com/article/3rd_Guards_Infantry_Division_(German_Empire)
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3rd Guards Infantry Division (3. Garde-Infanterie-Division)Active1914-1919CountryPrussia/GermanyBranchArmyTypeInfantrySizeApprox. 15,000EngagementsWorld War I:
1st Masurian Lakes,
Łódź (1914),
Gorlice-Tarnów Offensive,
Somme,
Battle of Delville Wood,
Arras (1917),
Passchendaele,
Cambrai (1917), German spring offensive,
Aisne-Marne,
Meuse-Argonne Offensive
CommandersNotable
commandersKarl Litzmann (1914)
Military unit
The 3rd Guards Infantry Division (3. Garde-Infanterie-Division) was a unit of the German Army, in World War I. The division was formed on the mobilization of the German Army in August 1914[1] as part of the Guards Reserve Corps. The division was disbanded in 1919, during the demobilization of the German Army after World War I. It was a division of the Prussian Guards and was thus raised and recruited throughout the Kingdom of Prussia from the elite of recruits.
Combat chronicle
The 3rd Guards Infantry Division began the war on the Western Front, participating in the capture of Namur. It was transferred to the Eastern Front in September 1914, and saw action on arrival in the First Battle of the Masurian Lakes. It then fought in the Battle of Łódź. It continued fighting in the Carpathians and Galicia and then participated in the Gorlice-Tarnów Offensive. The division returned to the Western Front in April 1916 and entered the trenches in the Champagne region. In July 1916, it fought in the Battle of the Somme. At the beginning of September 1916, the division was again sent to the Eastern Front, returning in November. In 1917, it participated in the Battle of Arras and the Battle of Passchendaele. It then fought against the Allied tank attack in November 1917 in the Battle of Cambrai. In 1918, it fought in the German spring offensive. During the subsequent Allied offensives and counteroffensives, the division faced the French and Americans at Aisne-Marne and in the Meuse-Argonne Offensive. The division was rated as one of the best German divisions by Allied intelligence.[2][3]
Order of battle on mobilization
The order of battle of the 3rd Guards Infantry Division on mobilization was as follows:[4]
5th Guards Infantry Brigade
5th Guard Regiment of Foot
5th Guard Grenadier Regiment
6th Guards Infantry Brigade (German Empire)|6th Guards Infantry Brigade
Guard Fusilier Regiment
Lehr Infantry Regiment
3rd Guard Field Artillery Brigade (German Empire)|3rd Guard Field Artillery Brigade
5th Guard Field Artillery Regiment
6th Guard Field Artillery Regiment
Guards Reserve Uhlan Regiment
1st Company/28th (2nd Brandenburg) Pioneer-Battalion
Order of battle on July 1, 1916
The 3rd Guards Infantry Division was triangularized in May 1915. The order of battle on July 1, 1916, was as follows:[2]
6th Guards Infantry Brigade
Guard Fusilier Regiment
Lehr Infantry Regiment
9th Colberg (Graf Gneisenau) (2nd Pomeranian) Grenadier Regiment
Guards Reserve Uhlan Regiment
5th Guard Field Artillery Regiment
II Battalion/6th Reserve Foot Artillery
1st Company/28th (2nd Brandenburg) Pioneer-Battalion
Pioneer-Company No. 274
Guards Minenwerfer Company No. 3
Order of battle on March 20, 1918
The 3rd Guards Infantry Division's order of battle on March 20, 1918, was as follows:[5]
6th Guards Infantry Brigade
Guard Fusilier Regiment
Lehr Infantry Regiment
9th Colberg (Graf Gneisenau) (2nd Pomeranian) Grenadier Regiment
Maschinengewehr-Scharfschützen-Abteilung Nr. 2
1.Eskadron/2.Garde-Dragoner-Regiment Kaiserin Alexandra von Rußland
3rd Guard Artillery Command
5th Guard Field Artillery Regiment
1st Battalion, 2nd Guard Foot Artillery Regiment
Staff, 104th Pioneer Battalion
1st Company, 28th (2nd Brandenburg) Pioneer Battalion
274th Pioneer Company
3rd Guard Minenwerfer Company
3rd Guards Division Signal command
References
3. Garde-Infanterie-Division (Chronik 1914/1918) - Der erste Weltkrieg
Hermann Cron et al., Ruhmeshalle unserer alten Armee (Berlin, 1935)
Hermann Cron, Geschichte des deutschen Heeres im Weltkriege 1914-1918 (Berlin, 1937)
Günter Wegner, Stellenbesetzung der deutschen Heere 1815-1939. (Biblio Verlag, Osnabrück, 1993), Bd. 1
Histories of Two Hundred and Fifty-One Divisions of the German Army which Participated in the War (1914-1918), compiled from records of Intelligence section of the General Staff, American Expeditionary Forces, at General Headquarters, Chaumont, France 1919 (1920)
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Pa. National Guard units at D-Day
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While the bulk of the 28th Infantry Division did not arrive in Normandy until July 1944, several Pennsylvania National Guard units participated in the D-Day landings.
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https://www.dvidshub.net/news/446299/pa-national-guard-units-d-day
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By Sgt. 1st Class Aaron Heft
Engraved on a stone marker atop a destroyed German Bunker on Omaha Beach stands a list of National Guard units who served in the Normandy Invasion June 6-7, 1944. While the 28th Infantry Division would not arrive in Normandy until July 22, well after the initial landings, among the units listed on the marker are several who hail from the Keystone State.
Cleaved from the 28th Division in the dramatic reorganization of the Army for a Second World War, the 190th Field Artillery Group, 190th Field Artillery Battalion and the 200th Field Artillery Battalion provided Pennsylvania’s link to this critical moment in history.
Formed from the 103rd Cavalry of the 28th Division lost to the “triangularization” of the unit in 1941, the 190th Field Artillery of the Pennsylvania National Guard and its subordinate batteries claimed a lineage back to before the American Civil War. With roots leading back to the early militia companies of Bellefonte and Sunbury, Pennsylvania, the 190th claimed an impressive legacy for a unit newly formed in 1941.
Elements of the unit were most well-known for their lengthy interwar service as the state's 103rd Cavalry. Established after World War I by returning veterans of the 53rd Field Artillery Brigade, the unit's motto "Scatter Come Together" was an homage to the spread-out nature of the organization throughout the year, and their annual coming together as a unit for yearly summer training. The insignia and heraldry of the 103rd Cavalry would be reassigned to the 190th to demonstrate its history in the Pennsylvania Guard.
Federalized in January 1941, the regiment trained at Camp Shelby, Mississippi, as part of the short-lived 73rd Field Artillery Brigade alongside the 166th Field Artillery of Pennsylvania (predecessor to today’s 166th Regiment Regional Training Institute) and Louisiana Guard units whose predecessors had faced each other at the Battle of Gettysburg in 1863.
That unit was shipped to Northern Ireland in August 1942, and it was there that the 190th Regiment was again restructured, forming its second battalion into the 200th FAB, and Headquarters into HHB, 190th Field Artillery Group.
The three new units trained day and night with the other commands preparing for the invasion of mainland Europe, but also racked up experience on the gridiron with the top-scoring unit football team in the local league, according to veteran accounts.
The 190th and their 155mm guns would train in the United Kingdom until June 1944, where they would make landfall between June 7-8. The unit would enter combat near Colleville-sur-Mer, firing in support of the Allied invasion.
Veterans reported facing heavy mortar fire their first day in Normandy, and the unit's first casualty, Pfc. Dale Birkenstock of West Milton, Pennsylvania, was suffered after a German aircraft was downed into C Battery, 190th FAB. The unit served as a Corps-level asset and would rotate between the VI Corps, VIII Corps, and later Army-level commands.
Fighting through Operation Cobra and later firing in support of the 28th Division during the bloody fight in the Hurtgen Forest, by the end of the war they had earned battle honors in Normandy (with arrowhead), Northern France, Rhineland, Ardennes-Alsace and Central Europe.
Like the 190th, the 200th would land in the days after the beachhead foothold was secured. After firing in support of the 29th Division of the Maryland and Virginia Guard in Normandy, the 200th would see hard service in the Ardennes attached to the V Corps and would fire in support of beleaguered troopers from the 82nd Airborne and other elements as they broke the final German offensive of the war.
Alongside the 190th the 200th racked up an impressive battle record, moving from corps to corps.
After the war, the 190th and 200th Field Artillery would be reactivated as part of the Pennsylvania National Guard. Just a decade after their last activation the 200th would be mobilized for federal service again, this time to a Germany at peace as part of the 28th Division’s mobilization in Europe during the Korean War.
Through various reorganizations, the remaining elements of these two veteran units would go on to form portions of the 200th Field Artillery Battalion, 229th Field Artillery Battalion and 728th Maintenance Battalion.
Today the only remaining units in the Pennsylvania Army National Guard still drawing lineage from the 190th and 200th are the 728th Combat Sustainment Support Battalion and HHC, 107th Field Artillery. Both units’ colors bear the streamer for “Normandy” with Arrowhead marking their participation in the largest amphibious invasion in the U.S. Army’s history.
(Editor’s note: Sgt. 1st Class Aaron Heft is a former platoon sergeant with 1st Battalion, 111th Infantry Regiment, 56th Stryker Brigade Combat Team, 28th Infantry Division, Pennsylvania Army National Guard. He is currently the non-commissioned officer in charge of the Army National Guard Leader Development Program in Arlington, Va.)
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Learn history easily
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After the defeat at Gorlice–Tarnów the Russian Army abandoned its positions in Galicia and Russian Poland and retreated further in Russian territory in order to shore up its defenses and shorten its supply lines.
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Great Russian Retreat of 1915
Russian Army retreat from Poland and Galicia
author Paul Boșcu, 2016
After the defeat at Gorlice–Tarnów the Russian Army abandoned its positions in Galicia and Russian Poland and retreated further in Russian territory in order to shore up its defenses and shorten its supply lines.
The Great Retreat was a strategic retreat conducted by the Russian Army on the Eastern Front of World War One. After the Central Powers victory during the Gorlice-Tarnów Offensive, the Russian lines in Galicia and Poland collapsed. During the summer, offensives conducted by the German and Austro-Hungarian armies caused the Russians to suffer heavy losses. This led the STAVKA, the Russian High Command, to order a withdrawal in order to shorten supply lines and to avoid a massive encirclement of Russian troops. Although the retreat itself was conducted well enough, it was a severe blow to the Russian morale.
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Even during these triumphs, the Germans and Austro-Hungarians were still suffering casualties at an unacceptable rate. The two bugbears of fighting the Russians –the immense distances and their inexhaustible manpower – remained to haunt them.
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In the end the Russian Army was crippled but not defeated. Its reserves of manpower still amounted to tens of millions. Four million men would be called up in 1916-17, against the eleven million already in the ranks, or lost by death, wounds and capture, but the real reserve, reckoning 10 percent of the population as available for military service, approached eighteen million. Russia would be able to fight on. What it needed was a breathing space, while its armies reorganized and re-equipped.
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By mid-June the situation was desperate for the Russians. The German-led assault had destabilized their whole line. Russian Poland was looking particularly vulnerable to being pinched out by the German forces running rampant in East Prussia and Galicia. In the end the Grand Duke Nicholas and the Stavka sanctioned the Russian withdrawal from Galicia, while resolving to cling on to Warsaw and their Polish possessions. For the Germans, with the Austrians acting firmly under their directions, there seemed to be only opportunities: attacks were being prepared in Galicia, Poland and in Lithuania to the north.
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The Russian army now had to take on strategic difficulties going far beyond its leaders’ comprehension. It was not only that Galicia had been lost. A substantial German threat had also developed in the Baltic, which threw planning into confusion.
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General Erich von Falkenhayn was still in overall control and he put aside Erich Ludendorff’s plans for a gigantic battle of encirclement, preferring instead to chew up the Russian forces in tightly controlled battles, using his artillery as a battering ram. Most of all he was determined not to repeat Napoleon’s mistake and venture too far into the Russian interior. It was summer then; but winter never seems far away in Russia.
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Peter Hart, The Great War: A Combat History of the First World War, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2013
Peter Simkins, Geoffrey Jukes, Michael Hickey, Hew Strachan, The First World War: The War to End All Wars, Osprey Publishing. Oxford, 2003
John Keegan, The First World War, Random House UK Limited, London, 1998
Hew Strachan, The First World War, Penguin Books, London, 2003
Norman Stone, The Eastern Front 1914-1917, Penguin Books, London, 1998
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https://store.steampowered.com/news/posts/%3Ffeed%3Dsteam_community_announcements%26appids%3D544810%26enddate%3D1652181946
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en
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Steam News - Alden
With thousands of playable demos launching on Steam every year, and millions of players trying them out (often as part of Steam Next Fest), we've noticed some trends in feedback from both developers and players about the process and functionality. We've put together an update based on that feedback.
As a reminder, you can always find great demos to play on the Steam demo hub.
Demos now behave better in the Steam library
We've made a few updates to how demos appear and behave within the Steam Library. Here are the key items:
You can add demos to your library without having to immediately install them. Just click on the new "add to library" button next to demos you may not be ready to install (while using the mobile app, for instance).
Demos can be installed even if you already own the full game. Primarily, this will make it easier for developers to test demos, but it will also help players more easily manage installing/uninstalling demos.
Demos can be explicitly removed from an account by right-clicking > manage > remove from account.
When a demo is uninstalled, it will automatically get removed from your library.
Demos can now have a separate store page
By default, free demos appear as a button on the full game's store page. But, developers have been asking for a way to enable a full store page to better describe the contents of the demo, add separate screenshots, upload a trailer, and specify supported features. So, that is now possible and you'll find that clicking on a demo sometimes loads a full demo store page while other times will take you to the full game's page with a button to install the demo.
Tight connection with the full game
Stand-alone demo store pages will automatically display both the demo install button as well as a widget linking back to the full game for players interested in wishlisting or purchasing the full game.
User reviews for demos
If developers have chosen to enable a store page for their demo, it will also be possible for players of the demo to post user reviews for the demo. These reviews and review score will appear on the demo store page just like reviews for any other free game on Steam. Note that if the developer has chosen to not have a separate store page for their demo, then user reviews will not be enabled for that demo.
Demos now appear more in the Steam store
Demos now behave more like free games and can appear in all the same sections and lists. For example, demos can now appear on the Steam homepage in charts such as the "New & Trending", on the "New on Steam" page, and on relevant tag and category pages. We've also made some changes to the thresholds for free products to appear in those sections to better balance them with paid products.
Of course you can always find great demos to play on the Steam demo hub.
Wishlist notifications when demos become available
We've now also made it so that when a demo becomes available for the first time for a game that you have on your Steam wishlist, or from a developer you follow, Steam can send you an email and mobile notification about that demo.
You can opt in or out of these emails by updating your email preferences.
Infrequently Asked Questions
Q. What is the deal with the Demo icon? Is that a plate? A vinyl record?
A. That classic icon, my friend, is from the days when demos were commonly distributed through the post office, contained in a bound package of game journalism printed on dead trees and imprinted on circular media known as Compact Discs.
Q. Some demos just appeared in my Steam library. How did those get there?
A. We've made some changes to visibility of demos in the Steam Library, which may effect demos that you played long ago. We've tried our best to clean up the demos that we expect you don't care about anymore, but we may have missed some. You can easily remove those by right-clicking them in your Steam library and selecting manage > remove from account.
Q. I love free demos. When is the next Steam Next Fest?
A. Check back on October 14th for the next weeklong Steam Next Fest, featuring hundreds of new free playable demos! You can sign up for a reminder by visiting the Next Fest page now: https://store.steampowered.com/sale/nextfest
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dbpedia
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https://timemaps.com/encyclopedia/world-war-i/
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en
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World War I: Causes and Course of the First World War
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2017-04-28T17:09:10+00:00
|
Read about World War I: its causes, and the history of the war itself.
|
en
|
TimeMaps
|
https://timemaps.com/encyclopedia/world-war-i/
|
Background to World War I
1871: A new power
In 1871, the sudden appearance of a powerful and ambitious new state added a new and destabilizing element to the other rivalries and tensions that divided the nations of Europe.
The German Empire (as it was called) was, at the moment of its birth, one of the most powerful nations in Europe.
By the end of the 19th century Germany was THE most powerful. It had the largest population of any European nation except Russia, and, by some measures (in steel production, for example) it was the greatest industrial power in Europe. It also had, by general admission, the best army in the world.
Unsurprisingly, all the other leading nations in Europe (who spoke of themselves as the Great Powers – the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Russian Empire, France and Britain) were wary of her – but the Germans themselves also had major fears. German unification had come about in the aftermath of a crushing defeat of France, and the German government under Otto von Bismarck feared French revenge. It was right to do so. France had been badly humiliated in the brief war, and had had lost some of its territory, the border region of Alsace-Lorraine, to Germany. The Germans knew that the French would never really rest until they had it back.
What Bismarck was particularly afraid of was that France would join forces with the giant to the east, Russia, and encircle Germany.
The Eastern Question
In south-east Europe, a region known as the Balkans, the Turkish (or Ottoman) Empire had been in decline for a century or more. This process speeded up from the mid-19th century onwards, and as the Turkish empire weakened, new European states emerged in the Balkans: Romania, Serbia, Albania, Montenegro and Bulgaria. The Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires, the two Great Powers to the north of the Balkans, increasingly competed with one another for power and influence in this region.
The sudden emergence of Germany as a leading European power gave the Austro-Hungarian Empire the opportunity to look to it as an ally against Russia (which, as noted above, Germany feared as a potential ally of France). In 1879 Germany and Austro-Hungary signed a treaty of mutual protection. They were joined by Italy, which had its own reasons to fear France, in 1882. The three states formed the Triple Alliance.
Imperialism
By the early 1880s, therefore, not only had a new power suddenly appeared in Europe, but this power now stood at the heart of a three-nation alliance, which, although supposedly for mutual protection, made the other Great Powers (Russia, France and Britain) feel nervous.
For these powers, however, the situation was not straightforward, as they were rivals for territories around the world. This was the heyday of European imperialism, and Britain and France were grabbing territory in Africa and South East Asia, whilst Britain and Russia were competing for territory and influence in central Asia. To complicate matters for them, Germany and other countries wanted their own overseas empires.
These imperialistic rivalries were gradually settled in the early 1880s, with the European nations dividing up much of the rest of the world into “spheres of influence”. This paved the way for France and Russia to form an alliance of their own, in 1904.
For long, Britain was reluctant to entangle herself in continental alliances. The fact that she was an island, with the greatest empire the world had ever seen and protected by the most powerful navy in the world, meant that she had been more relaxed than the other Great Powers about the formation of the Triple Alliance. From the late 1890s, however, a new factor drove her into alliance with France and Russia.
After 1898 the Germans began building a powerful navy of their own, made up of the most up-to-date warships in the world. This posed a direct challenge to Britain’s naval power on which she depended for her security. The German policy set in motion a dramatic naval arms race between Britain and Germany. It also caused Britain to enter into alliance with Russia and France to form the Triple Entente in 1907.
Tensions
The great powers of Europe were now divided into two rival camps, the Triple Alliance and the Triple Entente. Both had been formed to enhance the security of their member nations: although the different treaties varied in their details, all stipulated that, if a country was attacked by another, the other members of the alliance would come to her defense. The terms of both alliances stressed that the member nations had no obligation to come to the aid of a member which was pursuing an aggressive attack on another nation.
Unfortunately, in many international quarrels which consist of a series of threats and counter-threats, it is unclear who is the aggressor and who the victim. It was inevitable, therefore, that the alliances would be tested by diplomatic incidents. A number of crises raised the international temperature. The naval arms race between Britain and Germany morphed into a general militarization of the European powers.
Huge armies and navies were raised and equipped, and vast reserves of manpower created, in which much of the male population of Europe underwent military training and were liable to be called up at short notice. Britain was the only country which did not introduce conscription in this way.
The military commanders became very powerful in all these countries. Lethally, they all worked on secret plans to launch surprise attacks on one another.
To make matters worse, populist newspapers became very influential at this time. They whipped their populations into nationalist frenzies which the politicians could not resist.
Diplomatic Crises
The first major crises which brought the two Alliances to the verge of war was the First Moroccan Crisis (1905), when the French and the British, on the one hand, and Germany, on the other, clashed over the French occupation of that North African country.
The sudden Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, a small country in the Balkans, came next (1908). It caused the Russians to mobilize in support of Serbia, which claimed Bosnia-Herzegovina as its own, and this in turn led the Austro-Hungarians to prepare for war. Germany and Britain only just managed to calm the situation down and prevent fighting from breaking out.
The next crisis came in 1911 when France sent troops into Morocco to deal with some anti-European riots there. Germany demanded that the French make concessions to her (Germany) in order to continue with a free hand in that part of the world. International talks again averted war, but the level of tension and suspicion had been ratcheted up further.
The Balkan Wars
A war in 1912 between the new Christian countries in the Balkans, on the one hand, and Turkey on the other resulted in Turkey losing practically all her European territory. However, the Balkan countries immediately started quarreling amongst themselves, with one side supported by Russia and the other by Austro-Hungary. A second war broke out (1913), this time with most of the Balkan countries (including Turkey) fighting against Bulgaria. Bulgaria was heavily defeated.
These two Balkan wars greatly increased anger and distrust within the Balkans, and again notched up tension between the Great Power alliances. Austro-Hungarian hopes of further southward expansion were now effectively blocked by a string of states supported by Russia. Furthermore, these pro-Russian states could meddle with ease in the affairs of the Balkan provinces of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. This they did, and World War I resulted.
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The Outbreak of War
1914: Sarajevo
On 28th June, 1914, an Austrian archduke, Franz Ferdinand, and his wife Sophie were assassinated in Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia-Herzegovina. There was evidence that the Serbian government were at least aware of the plot, if not a party to it.
Germany offered to support a furious Austro-Hungary in gaining compensation from Serbia. Thus fortified, the Austro-Hungarian government sent Serbia a list of demands which no government of an independent country could possibly agree to – they essentially demanded that Serbia give up its independence.
The Serbian government requested that the Austro-Hungarian government modify these demands; this was refused.
Russia began mobilizing its army and navy in support of Serbia, and Germany thereupon also began to mobilize.
The Austro-Hungarian Empire declared war on Serbia on the 28th July.
Russia started mobilizing in support of Serbia on the 30th July.
Germany declared war on Russia on the 1st August, and on France on August 3rd.
Britain declared war on Germany on August 4th, in support of its ally, France.
Austro-Hungary declared war on Russia on August 6th.
France and Britain declared war on Austro-Hungary on the 12th.
World War I was underway.
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1914
The German high command considered Russia to be their main enemy. They assumed that it would take the Russians six weeks before they were fully mobilized. Following their well-developed “Schleiffen Plan”, therefore, the Germans set about throwing most of their forces against the French to quickly knock them out of the war. Then they could turn against Russia.
The German invasion of Belgium
Immediately on declaring war on France, Germany invaded Luxembourg, and two days later, Belgium. working to the detailed timetable worked out beforehand.
Britain at once began calling up volunteers. Hundreds of thousands of new recruits would soon be joining the army each month: by 1916, nearly two million men would have volunteered. Britain was also able to call on the support of the overseas territories of the British empire. The self-governing dominions of Canada, Australia and New Zealand all declared war on the Central Powers when Britain did, and soon forces would be coming in from these countries, as well as from Britain’s colonies in India, Africa, the West Indies and other territories. These forces would make an invaluable contribution to Britain’s war effort, fighting under Britain’s direction.
In the summer of 1914, however, the country had to make do with what it had available at the time. It immediately sent an army, the British Expeditionary Force, to France. This was far smaller than any other belligerent army, and on hearing of its size, the German Kaiser is said to have called it a “contemptible” little army (it was still almost half the fighting strength of the entire British army).
The British Expeditionary Force (BEF) arrived in France on 7th August and took up its position on the northern flank of the French army, near the Channel coast. The French and British allies then moved up to support the Belgians. Here they put up fiercer resistance than the Germans had expected.
The Mediterranean
Although a member of the Triple Alliance with Germany and Austro-Hungary, Italy announced its intention of remaining neutral in the coming conflict.
On the 2nd August the Turkish government had entered into a secret alliance with Germany. It closed the Dardanelles (and hence the Black Sea) to Allied shipping on the 5th, thereby effectively isolating Russia from aid from its Allies (the other main route between the western Allies and Russia was through the Baltic, now tightly controlled by the German navy).
The Germans had two powerful battlecruisers near Italy, the Goebben and the Breslau. The British and French fleets were expecting these either to attack the French convoys ferrying Algerian troops to the war zones in France, or to head west into the Atlantic, to attack shipping there. In fact the German ships headed for Istanbul, the capital of Turkey. Once there, to avoid Turkey breeching its neutrality at this time, the two powerful warships were officially transferred to the Turkish navy. However, they retained their German officers and crew, and the German admiral became the commander-in-chief of the Turkish navy.
This maneuver was greeted with popular approval within Turkey, and helped shift Turkish sentiment decisively towards Germany.
The two warships would play little part in the rest of the war, but their presence in the Black Sea prevented the Russian navy from playing an important role in supporting the Russian campaign in the Caucasus.
Lorraine
On 14th August, the French army attacked the German forces in Lorraine. This was to fulfill one of France’s main war objectives, the recovery of Alsace and Lorraine, regions historically part of France but occupied by the Germans back in 1871. The French invasion of Lorraine was quickly pushed back by German forces in the area.
Russian invasions of Germany and Austro-Hungary
Meanwhile, in the East, the Russian mobilization had been completed within just 11 days, rather than the 6 weeks the Germans had been expecting. Germany’s eastern borders were fairly lightly garrisoned, and two Russian armies invaded German territory. The German people were stung by the occupation of their territory by Russian armies, and the German high command had no choice but to switch troops from the West to the East.
The Russians also invaded Galicia, which belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The main Austro-Hungarian army had invaded Serbia, in expectation of a quick victory. However, the Russians’ unexpected invasion of their eastern frontiers forced the transfer of large numbers of troops to meet that threat. This left a much smaller army to continue the invasion of Serbia than had been planned.
The Eastern Front
Tannenberg
The reinforced German army in eastern Germany met one of the two Russian armies which had invaded their country at Tannenberg on 26th August. In the battle which followed, the Germans encircled the Russian army, and by the 29th August had killed, wounded or captured all but 10,000 of the original 150,000 Russian soldiers involved.
The scale of the defeat was a huge blow to Russian morale. The Russian commander, Samsonov, committed suicide.
Masurian Lakes
The Germans then marched on the second of the Russian armies in eastern Germany, and a second battle began on 7th September, at the Masurian Lakes. This ended on the 14th September with a second Russian defeat. Although sustaining huge losses – 150,000 men against 40,000 Germans – the Russians were able to retreat in an orderly fashion, withdrawing from German territory back into Russian-ruled Poland.
Warsaw
The Germans attempted to follow up their success and capture Warsaw. They were unsuccessful, due to the huge concentration of Russian troops in the area and the onset of bad weather, which made movement difficult. The Russians then attempted a second invasion of Germany, while the Germans tried again to capture Warsaw. These maneuvers led to the battle at Lodz, on 11th-24th November, which was a draw.
After this, the Russians abandoned any attempt to invade Germany again, and withdrew to a more defensible line in front of Warsaw, which the Germans had failed to capture.
Lemberg
In Galicia (the southern sector of the Eastern Front), the confused situation in which Russian and Austro-Hungarian armies were operating in each others’ territories began to resolve itself in a series of engagements, collectively known as the battle of Lemberg. These started on 23rd August. After some initial successes, by 11th September the Austro-Hungarian army had been heavily defeated by the Russians.
The Russians were then able to push the front well into Austro-Hungarian territory, in the Carpathian mountains. They laid siege to the huge fortress of Przemysel.
(Continued in 1915)
The Western Front
The German invasion of France
Meanwhile. the switching of troops from West to the East to deal with the Russian invasion of course weakened the German forces in the West, and the French and British armies were able to slow down the German invasion of Belgium.
The first major battle in which the British and German armies faced each other was at Mons, starting on 24th August. Here, the rifle fire of the British troops was so rapid and accurate that the Germans temporarily fell back.
After a time, however, the weight of German numbers and their efficient organization enabled them to begin pushing the French and British armies back again. These slowly retreated into France, fighting stubbornly and inflicting heavy casualties.
The Germans pushed them back towards Paris, until, on the river Marne only 20 miles from the French capital, the Allies counter-attacked (5th September). The battle of the Marne raged on for 6 days, with the gunfire heard in Paris. As time went by, the Germans’ over-stretched lines of communication proved increasingly unable to keep their troops supplied properly, and the German commanders decided to withdraw.
The advent of trench warfare
While the Marne campaign had been going on, other German troops had been preparing positions at the German rear, on a line of easily-defended hilly ground in northeast France and Belgium. It was to these that the Germans now withdrew, and dug themselves in.
The French and British followed, and also dug themselves in opposite the German trenches. To prevent encirclement, each side extended their defensive lines, along natural barriers, to the Belgian coast in the north, and to the borders of Switzerland (a neutral country, and a very mountainous one, making invasion out of the question) in the south. A line of trenches now ran for hundreds of miles between the North Sea and the Alps.
While the French had enemy troops (in vast numbers) on their soil, there could be no peace. For almost the next four years – until the second half of 1918 – the Western Front was dominated by almost stationary trench warfare – very uncomfortable and unrelentingly dangerous for all involved.
Ypres
The BEF was on the north flank of the Allied advance, nearest the sea. When both sides had stopped moving, the BEF found themselves in control of a town near the Belgian coast called Ypres. This town was an important road and rail center, and whoever controlled it controlled the area around it – a piece of land which stuck out into German-held territory. The Germans were determined to retake it.
The first of four battles of Ypres started. It lasted for a month, from 12th October to 11th November. Despite many efforts, the Germans, many of whom were new recruits, were unable to take the town from the experienced British troops. In the fighting, the town was laid waste – as was the country round about. In November, the rain turned the countryside to mud and made movement impossible. With the arrival of French reinforcements for the British, the Germans stopped their attacks and the fighting fizzled out.
The battle had cost the Germans about 135,000 casualties. Although British losses were fewer, at about 75,000, most of these were the well-trained soldiers of the BEF. From now on it would be the new volunteers who would have to bear the brunt of the fighting within the British ranks. The surviving trained troops were distributed amongst the new British units coming over to France.
(Continued in 1915)
The Balkans
Austro-Hungarian and Serbian forces met at Jadar, 20th August. The Serbian forces succeeded in driving the Austrians back out of their country after nearly ten days of fighting. The Serbian army, though ill-equipped, was made up of the battle-hardened veterans of two recent Balkan Wars, and this is what won them the day.
However, in short order the Austro-Hungarian forces invade Serbia again. The sheer weight of Austro-Hungarian numbers drove the ill-equipped Serbs back from their lines towards Belgrade, their capital. On 2nd December the Austro-Hungarian army entered the city.
The Serbian army, however, was now able to re-arm with some modern artillery and other equipment sent by its French and British Allies. The Serbs then conducted a massive and highly successful counter-attack against a section of the enemy. This exposed the Austro-Hungarian troops in Belgrade to the threat of encirclement, and their commander quickly gave the order to withdraw. The Austro-Hungarians hurried back all the way into their own territory.
The two sides were back to where they had started, each having lost hundreds of thousands of men. The Austro-Hungarians were now forced to keep large numbers of troops on the Serbian front, thus weakening their efforts against Russia in the north.
(Continued in 1915)
Turkey
Turkey joined the war on the side of the Central Powers (those fighting with Germany) on 14th November.
This was a blow to the Allies (those fighting with Britain and France), as it put the Suez Canal – the main communication artery between Britain and France on the one hand, and their colonies and economic interests in the East on the other – at grave risk. Troops from British India, Australia and New Zealand, and from French Indo-China, came though the Canal, as did oil from Persia to keep the Allied armies and navies moving. All this was now in jeopardy.
At the end of 1914 British and Indian troops landed at Basra, on the Persian Gulf, to secure the oil fields in Iraq, vital to the Allied war effort. They advanced on Turkish forces defending Iraq (then known to the British as Mesopotamia).
The Russians launched an offensive against the Turks in the Caucasus, However they soon found themselves threatened with encirclement by superior numbers, and had to retreat. The Turks were encouraged by this success to hope for massive territorial gains in that region (which they viewed as rightly theirs). They launched their own ambitious offensive, and the battle of Sarikamis started in Dec 1914, in harsh winter conditions.
(Continued in 1915)
The War At Sea
The North Sea
The British fleet mobilized on 2nd August.
Britain’s army may have been much smaller than those of any other of the major combatants, but her navy was by far the largest in the world. Germany had the second most powerful navy in the world, and this was based at the North Sea port of Keil. In the years before the outbreak of war, the British navy had been concentrating its warships in home waters, to face the growing strength of the German fleet.
At the outbreak of the war the two largest fleets in the world thus faced each other across 400 miles of North Sea. Both Britain and Germany faced a harsh reality: whichever of their main fleets was destroyed in battle, that country would be wide open to invasion. As the British admiral Jellicoe said, the war could be lost in an afternoon. Such was the risk, that the main fleets of both navies remained mostly in port. What active fighting there was was between small squadrons of warships.
The British Grand Fleet (as it was called) was based at Scapa Flow, in northern Scotland. From there it could pounce on any major excursion by the German fleet.
The British navy began its blockade of German ports on 2nd November, with small warships stopping merchant ships sailing in and out of German ports.
The German economy depended upon imports of food and raw materials – and these now came to a stop. Within a short time there were major food shortages in German cities. It took several months for the Germans to move their economy over to war production, which included intensified food production.
On 3rd November and again on 16th December, warships of the German navy bombarded some towns on the East Coast of England. They did little major damage, but 137 people, mostly civilians, were killed, causing outrage in Britain. In both cases the German ships reached the safety of their port before the British navy was able to catch them.
(Continued in 1915)
The Rest of the World
The Mediterranean was the scene of dramatic naval maneuvering in the opening stages of the war (see above), bit no major action took place. Elsewhere, especially in the Indian and Pacific oceans, individual armed German raiders caused some disruption to Allied shipping, but were quickly destroyed. The mostly significant naval action outside the North Sea occurred in December, off the Falkland Islands. Here the German Pacific squadron, attempting to return home, was caught by a more powerful British squadron and sunk.
The Colonies
Cut off from Germany because of the British navy’s control of the seas, most German colonies quickly fell into the hands of the Allies. However, a German force in South West Africa would hold out undefeated until the very end of the war.
In the Pacific, New Zealand occupied Samoa, Australia occupied New Guinea and the Bismark archipelago, and Japan occupied the Marshal Islands. A joint British-Japanese force took Kaiochow, on the coast of China.
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1915
The German high command decided to concentrate on the Eastern Front, in order to push the Russians back from their borders and remove the threat of another Russian invasion of Germany. To allow them to concentrate troops in the East, the Germans adopted a defensive stance on the Western Front.
After initial failures the Germans pushed the Russians back out of Poland.
The Eastern Front
In February, the Germans launched an offensive against the Russians in Poland. Apart from inflicting huge casualties on the Russians, this achieved little.
On the southern sector of the Eastern Front, all Austro-Hungarian attempts to relieve their fortress of Przemysel failed, and the siege ended on March 22nd when the Austrian garrison surrendered.
Under unified German command, German and Austro-Hungarian forces launched a major offensive against the Russians in Galicia, in the the Gorlice-Tarnow area (at the southern end of the Eastern Front), on 2nd-4th May. They shattered the Russian front there, capturing 140,000 men. The Russians were forced to withdraw from most of Galicia. The fortress of Przemysel was recaptured by the Central Powers on 3rd June. They captured the town of Lwow on 22nd June.
On 13th July the Central Powers opened a new offensive. The Russian front in the south collapsed, and their forces withdrew northward. At the same time other German forces attacked east in northern Poland. The Russian forces still in central Poland were now in a very exposed position. These were therefore ordered to withdraw. They evacuated Warsaw on 4-5th August, and had evacuated the rest of Poland by the end of the month.
The Russian army established itself along a shorter, more defensible line. Russian counter-attacks from this new position were able to halt the enemy advance.
The campaign had cost Russia 750,000 men killed and captured. On 21st August, the Russian commander-in-chief, Grand Duke Nicholas, was dismissed. Tsar Nicholas II took personal command of the army.
(Continued in 1916)
The Western Front
By the beginning of 1915 the Western Front had become static, with both sides dug into trenches along a long line between the Channel coast and the Swiss border. The lines were separated from each other by a few hundred yards of “No Man’s Land”. The story of 1915 was mostly one of on-going trench warfare, punctuated by a few attempts to take high ground from the other side.
The German plan was now to dig in and defend a wide front. In most places, the German line was on higher ground, giving them the advantage of a view over the enemy positions, and forcing the enemy to attack uphill. As the main German objective was now to hold ground, rather than take it, they could make their positions as strong as possible, and wait for the enemy to attack. As a result, in the first two and a half years of the war, every major action saw the French and British taking more losses than the Germans.
The Allies’ aim was to take ground back. It was not their intention to stay where they were. They therefore could not dig themselves in as snugly as the Germans. Their trenches were more temporary in construction, shallower, less comfortable than the Germans’ ones were; and, being on lower ground, more exposed.
Behind the lines
Large parts of northern France became a militarized zone – railways were commandeered for army use, camps, depots, hospitals, weapons stores, command posts and so on were set up. The Channel ports were turned over to the handling of troops, equipment and supplies. A huge integrated system to support the fighting effectiveness of the Allied front came into being.
Britain had effectively lost her professional army at the battle of Ypres. An important element of what was going on in northern France, then, was the building-up a new volunteer army. For the most part, new troops were not sent to the front at this time, but were occupied in being organized and trained in various locations. They were gradually sent up to the front in the second half of 1915 and the first half of 1916. Until then the French bore the lion’s share of the fighting.
The Battle of Neuve Chapelle
In pursuit of their objective of taking ground, on March 10th French and British forces advanced along a line in the Voges region. Despite some initial success the attack largely failed, at a cost of some 13,000 casualties.
The Second Battle of Ypres
Such was the strategic importance of the town of Ypres, near the Belgian coast, that on 22nd April the Germans launched a second attempt to retake it from the Allies (the 2nd Battle of Ypres).
The Germans opened by launching the first poison gas attack in history, on the Allied troops along a 5 mile section of the front. Never having experienced anything like this, the French and Algerian troops broke and ran. Wearing gas masks, the Germans occupied the trenches which had been vacated. Their further advance was blocked by British and Canadian troops, but the high ground to the north of the town had been lost to the Allies. The Germans were able to use this high ground to shell Ypres into utter ruin, but, despite further attacks, including repeated use of deadly chlorine gas, they were unable to take any more territory.
The battle lasted until 25th May, when the fighting here again subsided.
The Battle of Arras, 9th May – 24th June
While the British were engaged at Ypres, the French decided to attack the German line at Arras, with the objective of taking Vimy Ridge (the German positions on Vimy Ridge had a commanding view over the French lines and this gave them a great tactical advantage). They launched the attack on 9th May, but, despite early success, were unable to take the ridge.
The Battle of Loos
On 25th September, the Allies launched an offensive along the Loos sector of the front, again with the aim of taking high ground held by the Germans. The French came within a whisker of taking Vimy Ridge, but were then pushed back. The British failed to gain any ground, whilst suffering 50,000 casualties. The French suffered 48,000 casualties and the Germans about 24,000. The comparatively low German casualties was largely due to their advantage of high ground which they had.
(Continued in 1916)
The Italian Front
On 23rd May 1915 Italy declared war on the side of Allies, despite having been a member of the Triple Alliance with Germany and Austro-Hungary before the war. It did so on promises made by the Allies that Italy would receive lands belonging to the Austro-Hungarian Empire which Italian nationalists regarded as belonging to Italy.
In June the Italians launched a major offensive against the Austro-Hungarians in the Isonzo region. Although the Italians had a numerical advantage, the Austrians had the advantage of high ground and had dug themselves into trenches. They also had more experience, better training and higher morale. Over the next 18 months the Italians were to launch 11 offensives in that region.
The Italians attacked again and again through the summer and autumn, displaying huge courage and taking enormous casualties. They were able to capture little territory, and they called off the offensive in the winter. They had lost of some 300,000 men.
(Continued in 1916)
The Balkans
Austria-Hungary was unable to continue its fight against Serbia very actively, as, when Italy entered war against it, it had to switch troops to the Italian front.
On 21st September, Bulgaria joined the war on side of Central Powers. The Serbian army was then overwhelmed by a joint German-Austrian-Bulgarian offensive.
On 5th October, British and French forces landed at Salonika, in northern Greece, in support of Serbia. However, they were a long way from Serbia, and were cut off from their ally by strong Bulgarian and German forces. They could do little more than dig themselves in. By 7th October the Serbian army had been defeated, and withdrew into Albania, towards the coast. There the Allies evacuated it to the Greek island of Corfu.
The allied violation of Greek neutrality by occupying Salonike provoked political unrest in Greece between pro-German and pro-Allied factions.
(Continued in 1916)
Turkey
Gallipoli
In an effort to end the stalemate on the Western Front, the Allies decided to launch an attack on Turkey.
On 19th February, the British navy attacked Turkish forts on the Dardanelles. The ships made slow progress, with minesweepers having to clear the way for the bigger ships. The minesweepers came under heavy fire from forts set too far back from the shore for the British ships to silence.
Finally, to speed the operation up, on March 18th a large force of British and French battleships entered the straits. Soon three Allied ships had been sunk by mines, and others seriously damaged. The fleet withdrew, having lost 700 men.
After this set back, the Allies decided to land troops to do the job. The Turks had been given plenty of advanced warning by the Allied naval bombardment, and had prepared their defenses.
Those Allied troops which were already nearby were hurriedly gathered together for the task – a motley collection of British, Australians, New Zealanders, French and French colonials – 70,000 troops in all.
Landings on the coast at Gallipoli, near Istanbul, began in 25th April. Turkish snipers and machine-gunners inflicted dreadful casualties on the Allies, who were unable to break out from the Gallipoli beaches and move inland.
In October, it was decided to evacuate the force from Gallipoli. This operation began on 20th December. It was well-planned and well-executed. It was completed in January 1916.
Of 480,000 Allied soldiers taking part in the Gallipoli campaign, 205,000 had been killed or wounded.
The Caucasus
The battle of Sarikamis (December 1914-January 1915), fought in freezing winter conditions, was a disaster for the Turkish army. Allowing for the comparatively small numbers of troops involved, it was the most lethal battle of the entire war: virtually an entire army was destroyed, with enormous casualties. Most of those killed probably died from cold, starvation and disease rather than enemy fire.
A Russian offensive then began, now aided by a rebellion by Armenian separatists.
To shore up its control of its Caucasian frontiers, the Turkish government ordered the arrest of Armenian leaders and intellectuals, and the deportation of all Armenians from the war zone. This policy caused a huge amount of suffering. Within the war zone itself, the troops carrying out the policies on the ground seem to have got out of control, and soon a full-scale massacre of Armenians was under way.
The second half of 1915 saw a renewed Russian offensive, which pushed the Turks further back.
Egypt
In January, Turkish forces invaded Egypt, threatening the Suez Canal – a vital communications link between Britain and France and their colonies in the East. They were repulsed by the British and colonial troops guarding the canal.
The Turkish army in Palestine and Sinai was then strengthened in preparation for a major invasion of Egypt.
Mesopotamia
The British and India forces continued their advance into Mesopotamia, up the river Tigris. The Turks at that time were preoccupied with their fronts in Gallipoli, Egypt and the Caucasus, and their garrison in Mesopotamia were comparatively weak.
The British and Indian forces defeated the Turks and entered Kut el Amara, 28th September. They moved forward to Baghdad, but lack of supplies and ammunition forced them back to Kut, where, by 7th December, they found themselves encircled and besieged by the Turks. Kut itself was a defensible site, but it was isolated and difficult for the remaining British forces in Basra to relieve it.
(Continued in 1916)
The War at Sea
The North Sea
On January 24th a short, sharp action occurred between British and Germans cruisers at battle of Dogger Bank. One German cruiser was sunk.
German warships bombarded Yarmouth and Lowestoft, 19th-20th May. Their aim was to entice powerful British forces out to sea and into a trap where they could be overwhelmed by more powerful German forces. However, both sides suffered from the poor visibility and confused signaling, and although some sharp actions between light naval forces took place, no major fleet action resulted. The Germans returned to port with minor damage.
The Submarine offensive
From 18th February, the Germans began submarine warfare against Allied merchant shipping in a zone around Britain. As it soon became apparent that Allied ships had taken to flying flags of neutral nations, the submarine attacks were extended to include neutral shipping in this zone as well.
On the 7th May, a German submarine sunk the British liner, Lusitania. Over 1,000 lives were lost, 128 of whom were United States citizens.
Bowing to American fury, on 18th September the Germans placed a limit on submarine attacks on ships definitely identifiable as Allied ships, and then only after a warning had been given. This meant losing all element of surprise, rendering the submarine campaign far less effective.
(Continued in 1916) Back to Contents
1916
After their victories on the Eastern Front, the Germans switched their focus back to the West. They decided on a policy to “bleed France white” – to inflict such casualties on the French army that they would have no choice but to sue for peace.
The Western Front
The Battle of Verdun, 21st February to 18th December
Verdun was a garrison town of great historic significance to the French. It was surrounded by several strong fortresses. The Germans calculated that it would be such a blow to French morale if they lost this town that they would do anything to avoid it. They hoped that so many French soldiers would die defending Verdun that the French army would be permanently weakened – thus fulfilling their intention to “bleed France white”.
The Germans concentrated a million troops on the sector of attack. The French had only 200,000 troops to defend Verdun.
The Germans initially succeeded in pushing the French back, getting to within 5 miles of the town. The French brought in reinforcements (it is thought that 66% of the French army would at one time or another fight at Verdun during the battle), and had managed to halt the German advance by the end of February. In March the Germans launched a new offensive, and continued to push the French back in fits and starts through April, May and June. They reached to within 2 miles of Verdun, but at huge cost in Germans casualties.
In early July, the Germans had to transfer large numbers of troops away from the Verdun offensive to meet the British attack on the Somme. The French then counter-attacked, and through the summer and autumn of 1916 pushed the Germans back. The fighting around Verdun finally stopped on 8th December, bringing to an end the longest battle of the war.
The Germans had been right: the French had done everything in their power to save Verdun from falling into enemy hands. In the process they had lost 550,000 men killed and wounded. However, the Germans had lost 450,000 men. They had failed to tip the war in their favor.
Verdun became a symbol of French determination and self-sacrifice.
The Battle of the Somme, 1 July-18 November
The terrible French losses at Verdun prompted the French high command to ask the British to carry out a diversionary attack on the Somme sector of the Western Front, so as to draw German troops away. In the forthcoming battles, therefore, the British intention was, firstly, to help take the pressure off their Allies at Verdun, and only secondly was it to try and break through the German lines. As a diversionary attack it had some success, but in the end the casualties at the battle of the Somme were even worse than at Verdun.
The British government had introduced conscription in January, though such had been the level of volunteering that this did not produce a huge number of new troops.
The British plan was to attack 20 miles of the most heavily-defended stretch of German front line. For 10 days prior to the attack, British artillery rained down more than 1.7 million shells on the German trenches, to weaken their defenses.
The guns fell silent on July 1st, and at “zero hour”, 7.30 am, nearly 100,000 British soldiers climbed out of their trenches and walked towards the Germans lines. They were met with machine gun fire ripping into their ranks. The bombardment had not killed the Germans, who had been sheltering in very deep and well-built dug-outs and tunnels. Nor had it damaged the barbed wire in front of the German trenches. It had only made it even more entangled and impassable. To make matters worse, the bombardment had turned “No Man’s Land” into a sea of shell craters, making it more difficult for the British soldiers to cross.
That day, the British army suffered the worst casualties in its entire history. Over 20,000 soldiers were killed or missing, and over 34,000 wounded. For many of these soldiers, inexperienced volunteers that they were, this was their first taste of battle.
The battle of the Somme continued throughout the summer and autumn of 1916. The British troops, and the French troops sent to reinforce them, continued to attack. They gradually captured German positions, while continuing to suffer heavy casualties. In November, winter weather brought the Allied offensive to an end. By this time, the Allies had captured ground along a 20 mile stretch of the front, 7 miles deep at its deepest.
The Somme had a big impact on British public opinion. Many people questioned the terrible losses for so small a result. It led to the fall of the Liberal government which had been in charge of the war up to now. On December 7th Lloyd George became Prime Minister of a coalition government.
(Continued in 1917)
The Eastern Front
Prompted by its Western Allies, who were facing the attack on Verdun and planning the offensive on the Somme, the Russians planned an offensive to relieve pressure on the Western Front and Italy.
By this time, Russian industry was producing the ammunition and weaponry the army needed in good quantities. Glaring deficiencies in its equipment gone. Soldiers were now properly trained. Russia’s inexhaustible manpower had made good the huge losses of the previous 17 months. The Central Powers had made huge territorial gains, but this meant that the Russian army had a shorter front line to defend.
A massive Russian offensive was launched, under the command of general Brusilov, on 4th June. The Russian army advanced over a wide front against the Austro-Hungarian sector. The offensive had been thoroughly prepared, and by 8th June the enemy was in full retreat. The Russians made spectacular advances.
The Germans however rushed to reinforce their allies, and had arrived at the fighting by late June.
The great Russian offensive plowed on into August. However, Brusilov was unsupported by the generals on the other fronts, and some of his troops were diverted to help the Romanians (see below). By August 10th Brusilov’s offensive had come to a halt. By this time the Russians had lost 500,000 men and the Austro-Hungarians 375,000.
Romania’s defeat by the Central Powers left Brusilov’s forces badly in danger of being attacked from the flank, and they were compelled to withdraw.
Russian casualties had been huge – by the end of the campaign almost a million men had been killed, wounded or imprisoned. However, the Austro-Hungarian army, already in poor shape, had been very badly mauled, and would never fully recover from this ordeal.
(Continued in 1917)
The Balkans
The Serbian army which had been evacuated to Corfu, and had been resting and re-equipping itself there, was now transported by the French navy round to join the Allied forces in Salonika.
The political scene in Greece was becoming increasingly pro-German – a feeling carefully nurtured by the Germans. Afraid of the Greeks joining the war on the side of the Central Powers, the Allies ordered the Greek army to demobilize. In the face of the large Allied presence at Salonika, the Greeks did this, but pro-German feelings within the country intensified.
Salonika
Between 10th Sept and 19th November, Bulgarian and German forces launched an offensive against Allied positions in Salonika, but were pushed back.
In launching their offensive, Bulgarians crossed into Greece, and precipitated a major political crisis there between the pro- and anti-Central Power factions. In the upshot, Salonika and the north of Greece came to be governed by a pro-Allied faction, while a pro-Central Power government remained in Athens.
Romania
Romania entered the war on the side of the Allies and invaded Austro-Hungarian controlled Transylvania on 27th August. It had made a secret treaty with the Allies whereby, in the post-war settlement, Romania would receive Transylvania, where many people of Romanian origin lived.
The Romanians pushed the Austro-Hungarian army there back, until German and Austro-Hungarian reinforcements arrived. The Romanian advance was halted in mid-September. The Germans and Austro-Hungarians then began to advance. A unified German-Bulgarian army, with some Turkish forces, attacked Romania from the south.
Russian troops were sent to aid the Romanians, and succeeded in slowing the Central Powers’ advance; but by the end of October the Romanian army was back to its borders. As winter approached the Germans and Bulgarians pressed on into Romania, and on December 6th they entered the capital, Bucharest. The Romanian army retreated to the north east of the country to fight on.
(Continued in 1917)
The Italian Front
The Italian army continued to launch offensives in the Isonzo region, at great cost. Then, in May and June, the Austro-Hungarians launched a counter-offensive in the Asiago region. They pushed the Italians back and were on the point of breaking through into the north Italian plain, when they had to withdraw forces from the Italian Front to deal with the huge Russian offensive on the Eastern Front.
The Italian army pushed the Austro-Hungarians back from the town of Gorizia in August – a victory of no great importance but a morale booster nonetheless. More Italian offensives followed in the region, to little effect.
On 13th December, 10,000 Italian troops were killed by avalanches in the Dolomites.
(Continued in 1917)
Turkey
The Caucasus
The Russian offensive came to an end, having pushed the Turkish army far back and with much new territory gained.
On this sector, some desultory fighting was now taking place – small-scale offensives and counter-offensives, some small towns captured and recaptured, but no great changes in the front line. Both sides were now preoccupied elsewhere.
Egypt
With the abandonment of the Gallipoli campaign, the British and colonial forces defending Egypt and the Suez Canal were reinforced. Fighting between British and Turkish forces developed as both sides tried to occupy the oases controlling the route between Palestine and the Suez Canal.
The Turkish army – strengthened by contingents of Germans troops – mounted a major attack on British forces in Egypt guarding the Suez Canal. This attack was defeated by British and colonial forces at the battle of Romila, 3rd-5th August. The Turkish forces were then driven far back into Sinai.
Arabia
An Arab revolt broke out against Turkish rule in June. It swiftly captured the pilgrimage city of Mecca and the Red Sea port of Jiddah. In October, however, their attack on the city of Medina was repulsed by the Turkish garrison there.
The British sent a number of officers to help co-ordinate the activities of the Arab insurgents with the British army. One of these, T.E. Lawrence – later known as Lawrence of Arabia – would achieve particular fame. He persuaded the Arab leaders not to attack major Turkish positions head-on, but to conduct a guerrilla campaign against railways and other soft targets. In this way the Arabs would tie down far larger numbers of Turkish troops.
The end of the year saw a determined attempt by the Turks to recapture the Red Sea port of Yanby was turned back by Arab guerrillas, supported by ships of the small British naval squadron in the Red Sea, and by some British warplanes. It also saw the start of the formation of a regular Arab army, recruited from Arabs who had served in the Turkish army and who had been captured by the British.
Mesopotamia
The British and Indian troops besieged in Kut el Amara surrendered to Turkish forces on 29th April. This was a major humiliation for the British.
The British reinforced their troops in Basra, and after a period of preparation started a new offensive in Mesopotamia in December.
(Continued in 1917)
The War at Sea
The Battle of Jutland, 31 May-1 June
The only major sea battle between the British and German main fleets took place on 31st May to 1st June, in the North Sea off the coast of Jutland.
In a confused action, 259 warships of all sizes were involved. The Germans inflicted more damage on the larger British fleet, and so claimed victory. However, it was the German navy which broke off the action first and retired to port, where it remained for the rest of the war. Jutland was therefore a strategic victory for the British.
As a consequence of the battle, the British navy was free to patrol the North Sea for the remainder of the war. It was able to blockade Germany very effectively, preventing much-needed food and raw materials from being imported into Germany. This severely hampered the German war effort and greatly contributed to the eventual Allied victory.
(Continued in 1917)
A new German strategy
The blockade was now really hurting the Germans. By now, major food items – meat, bread and so on – were available in only a third or quarter of the quantity of peacetime levels. Deaths from malnutrition were beginning to occur.
Also, by this phase in the war the forces of the Central Powers were being outnumbered by those of the Allies. The governments of the Central Powers were beginning to despair of victory, and made peace overtures to the Allies. These were rejected.
At end of the year the Germans decided on a new strategy. They would hunker down on land, behind reinforced lines of defense; but at sea they would launch unrestricted submarine warfare against British shipping lanes, to starve Britain into surrender.
Back to Contents
1917
On 3 February, in response to the new submarine campaign (see below), President Wilson of the USA severed all diplomatic relations with Germany, and the U.S. Congress declared war on 6 April.
The Western Front
The Hindenburg Line
Over the winter of 1916-7, in pursuit of their strategy of hunkering down behind reinforced lines, the Germans had constructed the “Hindenburg Line”.
The Germans had suffered heavy losses on the Western Front in 1916, and had failed to achieve any real success. On the Eastern Front the Austro-Hungarian army had taken enormous losses, with the consequence that the German army now had to take more of the strain on that front. Also, Romania had now declared war on the Central Powers. All these factors meant that the German army was in danger of becoming severely over-stretched.
The Germans therefore constructed the Hindenburg Line to shore up their defenses on the Western Front. The Line was shorter than the previous front line, requiring fewer troops to man it. It incorporated lessons learned during the war, and so was even tougher to break through than the original German lines.
Expecting an Allied offensive, the Germans withdraw to the new defenses between February and March. As they withdrew, they demolished buildings, roads, railways, bridges – anything that could be of assistance to the Allies. When the Allies realized what was happening, they advanced up to occupy the ground vacated by the Germans. In late March and early April small-scale fighting occurred along this sector of the Front, as villages in the area were taken and retaken by both sides, before things settled down again.
The Nivelle offensive – 16th Apr-9th May
The new French commander-in-chief, Robert Nivelle, believed that the Allies simply had not been offensive enough in the past, and that an all-out attack on the German lines would bring the war to an immediate end. He planned a huge offensive, with the main attack mounted by the French army to the south, supported by a British attack in their sector in the north.
He placed great faith in the new technique of the creeping barrage. In this, waves of artillery bombardment rained down just in advance of the attacking infantry. Under the right circumstances, this tactic was much more effective than the old system of laying down a barrage before the infantry advanced. Sadly, due to the “fog of war”, in the coming offensive the artillery sometimes rained down on their own troops.
The French launched their offensive along a 50 mile-front on the river Aisne. Over a million French troops would be involved. Unfortunately the Germans had got wind of it beforehand, and made sure that their men were well protected and that there were more than a hundred machine guns in place for each mile of front. This ensured that, when it came, the French attack was a grisly failure. 40,000 troops were lost on the first day.
The attacks continued, day after day. The maximum amount of advance made by the French was five miles. At one point the Hindenburg Line was breached, but only briefly. The cost was terrible. Eventually, the French troops’ morale began to crack. In April, mutinies begun to beak out within the French army (see below). In May the offensive was called off.
In the Nivelle offensive, as it was called, the French lost 187,000 men.
The Second Battle of Arras and Vimy Bridge
The British and Imperial troops were to support the main French offensive by attacking along their sector of the lines, which included the important transport hubs of Ypres and Arras. It also sat opposite the key target of Vimy Ridge, which, if it could be taken, would give the Allies a commanding position for miles around. Canadian troops was assigned this task.
On 9th April British and Imperial troops attacked. Over the next few weeks, in very heavy fighting, the Allies managed to take several square miles of ground. Above all, Canadian troops, with great courage and at enormous cost, took Vimy Ridge. A key part of the tactics used in this action was the use of tunnels for protection and for offense – tunnels were dug underneath the German trenches and then blown up, undermining the German positions.
Other notable actions were two Australian tank attacks on the village of Bullercourt. The first was a disastrous failure, as most of the supporting tanks broke down. The second attack was a great success, even briefly penetrating the Hindenburg Line at that point.
The British and Imperial troops lost more than 150,000, including 11,000 Canadians and 10,000 Australians.
Mutiny
A series of mutinies affected the French army in April and May. About half of all French units were affected, but most of these were minor affairs, ending when the officers of the units concerned promised to do their best to address the men’s grievances. Some of the mutinies were serious, and required firm measures. By early June all the units were back under control.
General Petain, the new commander-in-chief (Nivelle having been sacked), ensured that punishments were kept to a minimum – less than 50 men were condemned to death for their part in the mutinies, and fewer than these actually suffered the death penalty. Petain ordered that leave be properly given, on time and for the full duration owed. He made sure that food and conditions were improved. He also arranged that the French army was not used in any offensives until he deemed it ready again. The British would have to take the burden of the fighting for the time being.
A cloud of secrecy was thrown over the mutinies, and the Germans did not hear about them until later.
Messines Ridge 7th-8th June
In a short, sharp action, British forces captured the Messines Ridge near Ypres. This is a valuable piece of high ground from which to command the surrounding countryside.
There were three notable aspect to this action. First, it benefitted from meticulous planning and preparation. For example, over a period of several months engineers had dug deep tunnels under the German lines and crammed them with explosives. Second, it was characterized by excellent co-ordination between the infantry, artillery and engineers – all too often lacking in other operations. And third, a feature of the action was the continual forward movement of the attack. Instead of a short advance followed by a pause while the reserves came forward to take their place at the front, this attack was carried out as a virtually single advance, with fresh units taking their place at the front without the action stopping. This kept the momentum of the attack going, and prevented the enemy from regrouping.
This action was the first on the Western Front in which attackers’ losses (at 17,000) were exceeded by those of the defenders (24,000).
US troops landing
US troops started landing in France on the 25th June. The Germans were taken by surprise at how soon after the American declaration of war this occurred. However, for months to come American troops were present only in tiny numbers, and made no difference to the fortunes of the war.
Battle of Passchendale- 31st July-6th November
Encouraged by the success in capturing Messines Ridge, the British army launched a major offensive to break through the German lines opposite Ypres (the ensuing battle is also called the 3rd Battle of Ypres). The high command thought that the Germans were by now virtually out of fight, and could be driven out of Flanders in one big push. He also had the objective of reaching the Belgian coast and capturing the German submarine pens at Ostend and Zeebrugge.
By the time the offensive started, the Ypres region had been soaked in the worst rain for 30 years. The battlefield was one great sea of mud, which made life almost impossible for the attackers. The weather did not let up until September. The British, along with some French units, were then able to carry out a series of reasonably successful advances, again aided by creeping artillery fire.
However, the rain and the mud soon returned. Also, by now, German troops were arriving from the Eastern Front in large numbers (see below). Nevertheless a final push in late October succeeded in driving the Germans from the village of Passchendale. The Germans retreated behind Aisne-Oise and Ailette canals, and the Allied offensive then came to a halt.
Passchendale had turned out to be another enormously costly battle, with the loss of 250,000 men and only 800 yards of ground taken. The Germans had lost about 260,000.
Battle of Cambrai – 20th November-3rd December
Less than a month after the end of the Battle of Passchendale, the British mounted another major offensive. The aim was to take the town of Cambrai, a key transport hub for the Germans. This involved a multi-pronged attack involving infantry, artillery, air attack and, for the first time in history, massed tanks. The attack led to a temporary breach of Hindenburg line. However, by the end of the attack most of the tanks had broken down or were otherwise out of the action. German reinforcements, mainly of troops recently arrived from the Eastern Front, were hurried in to the fight and a counter-attack wiped out all the British gains.
The British lost about 44,000 in the battle, while the Germans lost 45,000.
(Continued in 1918)
The Eastern Front
The Russian Revolution
By 1917 acute war-weariness had set in in Russia. The number of Russian casualties stood at 5 million. Tsar Nicholas II had been an active Commander in Chief, and so had become closely associated with the failures of the Russian war effort. Support for tsar and the royal family had plummeted.
On 12th March, Revolution broke out in St Petersburg, the Russian capital. The following day the Tsar abdicated and a provisional government took over. In the wake of these momentous events, soldiers’ committees sprang up throughout the army, demanding peace.
In May, Alexander Kerensky, the new war minister, toured the front appealing for the soldiers to continue the fight. In July, the Russians launched another offensive, under general Brusilov. It was poorly supported and soon ground to a halt.
This failure lowered morale; soldiers coming up to the front refused to move any nearer to the war zone. During the autumn an estimated 2 million Russian soldiers deserted. Disorder spread in the countryside as deserters and peasants seized land from the landowners. Soldiers refused to obey orders and in the face of increasing unrest the government was unable to reassert its authority
On 7th November a second Russian Revolution brought the Bolsheviks to power. Almost their first act was to sign an armistice with the Central Powers. Russia was now out of the war, and the Germans immediately began switching millions of troops from the Eastern Front to the West.
A peace conference began at Brest-Litovsk.
The Balkans
Romania
Fighting in Romania continued, even after the occupation of most of the country by the Central Powers. The fighting tied down large numbers of Austro-Hungarian and Bulgarian troops.
The withdrawal of its ally Russia from the war, however, left the Romanian army isolated and surrounded. It had little choice but to seek an armistice, which was signed on 9th December.
Greece and Salonika
The Allied blockade and other military pressures on Greece led to the exile of the pro-German king, and the coming to power of a pro-Allied government in Athens. Greece declared war on the Central Powers, June 1917. Greek forces then began to join the Allied army in Salonika.
(Continued in 1918)
The Italian Front
This front saw more offensives in the Isonzo region, with the usual little effect. By now morale in the Italian army was very low, and sporadic mutinies were breaking out.
The Austro-Hungarians were reinforced by German troops, and at Caporetto on 24th October to 12th November, they routed the Italian army. The Germans and Austro-Hungarians pushed the Italians right back to the river Piave, just north of Venice. The Italians lost some 250,000 men killed, wounded and taken prisoner; another 400,000 men deserted.
On 4th November, British and French forces reached Italy and helped to stabilize the front on the river Piave. Further respite came for the Italians when, on 3rd December, the Austro-Hungarians and Germans suspended their campaign here. The Germans were eager to transfer troops back to the Western Front, preparing for a great offensive there in the New Year.
(Continued in 1918)
Turkey
The Caucasus
Turmoil in Russia in the wake of the Revolution put a stop to all military operations. The Russian army began to slowly disintegrate.
The Turks used the situation to reposition some of their troops elsewhere, to Mesopotamia and Palestine. They were therefore unable to take advantage of the Russians’ predicament. Finally, an armistice was signed between Turkey and Russia on December 5th.
The situation in the Caucasus then deteriorated into anarchy, as the different nationalities asserted their independence. In this anarchy, Turkish troops, effectively beyond the control of the Turkish government, indulged in the widespread massacre of Armenians, who they blamed for their sufferings in the war and had come to view as their bitter enemies.
Sinai and Palestine
Having advanced across Sinai to Gaza, on 26th-27th March the British failed to capture that city. A second attempt on 17th-19th April also failed. After this, the two sides faced each other across a line of trenches, and engaged in raid and counter-raids, unable to break the stalemate.
The British finally succeeded in their third attempt to take Gaza, on 8th November. The Turks withdrew north, pursued by the British, who entered Jerusalem on 9th December. They had to fight off Turkish attempts to recapture the city until 30th December.
Arabia
The Arabs launched a successful guerrilla campaign on the Jerusalem-Mecca railway, the main supply line for the Turkish army in the area.
On 6th July an Arab force, partly led by T.E. Lawrence, captured the Red Sea port of Aqaba. French and British naval forces helped secure the city from recapture, and brought much-needed supplies to the Arabs. From this base the Arabs then conducted raids of Turkish forces and transport lines in support of the British army in Palestine.
Mesopotamia
The British and colonial forces advanced up the river Tigris, and on 25th February recaptured Kut el Amara. On 11th March they entered Baghdad.
A large number of Turkish troops were captured, and the remainder withdrew upstream to Mosul.
The British and colonial forces remained in Baghdad, resupplying and reinforcing, and then resumed their offensive in the autumn. However, their commander, General Maude, suddenly died of cholera in November. This delayed the offensive for a while.
(Continued in 1918)
The War at Sea
On January 31st Germany announced the resumption of unrestricted submarine warfare on Allied shipping. From now on no warning would be given, and any merchant ship, whether flying a British flag or not, was now fair game.
Britain imported most of its food during the war – which meant of course that it came by sea. The Germans were now set on a determined attempted to starve Britain into submission by cutting off her maritime lifeline.
British merchant ship losses rose from 181 ships (300,000 tonnes) in January to 423 ships (850,000 tonnes) in April. By then, Britain had only 6 weeks’ supply of food left. Germany had lost only 9 submarines (or U-boats, as the German submarines were called).
In that month, the British adopted the convoy system – something they had avoided doing before because they felt it would be more of a hindrance than a help. However, shipping losses remained at a very high level – in May 600,000 tonnes, and in June 700,000.
As time went by, the British convoy escorts began to get the upper hand in the war against the U-boats. They adopted new techniques, employing hydrophones and depth charges against the enemy. Merchant ships were painted in camouflage colors to break up their outline and make them difficult for the U-boats to see.
These were soon proving their worth. By the end of 1917 one in four U-boats was being sunk, and British losses were half their former level.
(Continued in 1918) Back to Contents
1918
The German government demanded very harsh terms from the Bolshevik government, which was naturally reluctant to agree to them. The Russian negotiators (led by Trotsky) used delaying tactics, hoping that revolution might spread to Germany. However, in February the Germans lost patience, and began a new offensive in the east. This stung the Russians into agreeing peace terms.
On 3rd March Russia and Germany signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. By the terms of this treaty, the Russians surrendered the Ukraine, Finland, the Baltic provinces and Poland to Germany, and the Caucasus to Turkey.
The Germans had already been moving millions of men from the eastern Front to the Western Front; now they were able to move millions more.
The Western Front
With millions of troops now transferred from the Eastern Front, a massive German offensive began on 9th March. The aim was to knock the French and British out of the war before too many Americans had joined the fight. It broke through on the Somme sector.
The German Offensive
The offensive met with dramatic initial success. They employed new tactics, originally pioneered by the Russians: their best troops had been trained as “storm troopers”, so that they would not attack on a broad front, but at a few selected points. A short artillery barrage would be followed by an infantry dash through the enemy trenches to attack command posts and communication facilities such as bridges, supply dumps and artillery parks. They would thus break up the lines of trenches, and cause confusion. Further waves of troops would then consolidate the gains. These tactics succeeded in breaking the grip of the trenches and restoring mobility to the war.
The offensive began with a ferocious attack on the British on the Somme sector, the largest offensive in the entire war. The German objective was to drive a wedge between the British and French, and then turn on the British and defeat them. The French (it was thought) would then sue for peace.
The British and French fell back 40 miles. However, they quickly learned how to counter the new tactics: abandon the trenches being attacked, fall back and let the attackers overstretch their lines of supply; then counter-attack. They used tanks extensively as mobile gun posts.
The Germans took a huge amount of ground as the Allies retreated. But it was battle-scarred terrain, of little strategic value. The British and French concentrated their defenses on the major transport centers. In gaining this ground the Germans took as many casualties as they inflicted (in the course of the offensive, about a million on each side). They lacked the reserves of manpower to replace their losses. They began to call up boys under 18 and men over 50.
The British likewise began to bring in men over 50, and brought in troops from the Middle East. However, the Allies could also see hundreds of thousands of fit young Americans coming in to join the fight; by August, large numbers of American troops had arrived.
The Allied Counter-Offensive
Unable to keep their front line troops supplied quickly enough, the German advance had come to a halt by the end of June. To restart their advance the Germans launched one final offensive on July 15th, on the river Marne. American and British troops reinforced the French and the offensive was halted on the 17th. The next day the Allies launched a powerful counter-offensive. On the 20th July the Germans began to fall back, and by 8th August had retreated back to the starting point of their Spring Offensive.
The Germans were given no respite. The Allies now began what was later known as the “100 Day Offensive”. They attacked the Germans east of Amiens, and opened up a gaping hole in the German front. Further Allied attacks forced the Germans back to the Hindenburg Line. In late September and early October a series of battles along the Hindenburg Line led to the Allies breaking through.
By now the Germans knew that the balance of the war had tilted decisively against them and that they had no hope of winning. On October 4th they asked for an armistice. The Allies continued to push the Germans back through Belgium. As the Germans retreated, they increasingly abandoned their equipment and supplies. Nevertheless, heavy fighting took place right up to the moment of the signing of the Armistice, on 11th November.
The Balkans
The Allied army based in and around Salonika, now reinforced not just be Greeks but by Czeck-Slovak troops from the now-defunct Russian front, began an offensive against Bulgaria in September (most German and Austro-Hungarian troops had by now been withdrawn from this theatre).
After initial tough resistance, the Bulgarian army began to retreat. Mutinies occurred amongst their troops, and the Bulgarian government asked for an armistice; this was signed on 29th September.
The French and Serbian forces continued heading north, while the British forces turned east, towards Constantinople, the capital of Turkey. As it approached, the Turkish government asked for an armistice. This was signed on October 26th.
Meanwhile the French and Serbian forces cleared Serbia of Germans troops, and by November 10th were poised to enter Hungary. At that point Hungary asked for an armistice.
The Italian Front
The Germans had pulled out their troops to take part in their Spring offensive on the Western Front. The weakened Austro-Hungarian army was soundly defeated at the Piave, 15th-24th June. Italian losses in the battle prohibited a decisive follow-up for some time.
The Italians then heavily defeated the Austro-Hungarian army at Vittorio Veneto, 24th October-4th November. Immediately, the Austro-Hungarian army started to disintegrate. An armistice between Italy and Austria was signed on 4th November, and the Italians occupied northern Dalmatia.
Turkey
Palestine
The British and colonial forces were weakened by troops being withdrawn to Europe, to help counter the German offensive on the Western Front. As a result, there was a few months pause in the campaign.
At this time, large numbers of Turkish forces were tied down in guarding railways and other key facilities from the attack of the Arab guerillas.
When the campaign resumed, the British defeated the Turks at the battle of Megiddo on 19th September; and on 1st October, the British entered Damascus. In this campaign, the British were given important aid by the Arab guerrillas, who shared in the capture of Damascus.
An armistice was signed with Turkey on 31st October.
Mesopotamia
After a long pause resupplying and reinforcing, the British and colonial forces in Mesopotamia resumed their offensive in February. They took Mosul on 30th October.
The War at Sea
British naval forces raided the German U-boat base at Zeebrugge, 22nd-23rd April. This was a very costly operation conducted with dash and courage, but achieved little.
In any case, the last few months of the war saw the British navy get on top of the German U-boat threat. 99% of all Allied merchant ships and their escorts were getting through to their destinations successfully.
In October the German high command ordered the fleet to put to sea for one final “do or die” attack on the British navy; however, the seamen of the fleet mutinied on October 29th. The German fleet surrendered to the British navy on 21st November.
The British kept up their naval blockade on Germany until the signing of the Versailles Treaty, in July 1919.
The End of the War
A summary of the ending World War I runs as follows:
On September 29th Bulgaria signed an armistice with the Allies.
An armistice between the Turks and the Allies was signed in Greece on October 26th, and in Palestine and Mesopotamia on 31st October.
An armistice between the Allies and Austria was signed on 4th November. By that date the Austro-Hungarian Empire was disintegrating as its constituent nations declared their independence.
On the 9th November Revolution broke out in Berlin, and the following day the Kaiser fled Germany for Holland.
The same day an armistice between Hungary and the Allies was signed.
On 11th November Germany signed an armistice with the Allies.
The same day the Austrian emperor abdicated.
A legal state of war existed between the Allies and the former Central Power nations for some months, when a series of peace treaties brought the war to a formal end.
The ending of World War I was accompanied in many countries, including Russia, Germany and Turkey, by political upheaval, civil war, economic disruption and social chaos, and a flu pandemic which, striking weakened populations, killed many more people worldwide than the war had done.
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27th Division Soldiers on Guard in closing days of WW I
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LATHAM, N.Y. - The days from Aug. 8 to Nov. 11, 1918, have gone down in World War I military history as "The 100 days". This period was marked by a series of attacks launched by the French, British
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https://www.nationalguard.mil/https%3A%2F%2Fwww.nationalguard.mil%2FNews%2FArticle-View%2FArticle%2F1627069%2F27th-division-soldiers-on-guard-in-closing-days-of-ww-i%2F
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LATHAM, N.Y. - The days from Aug. 8 to Nov. 11, 1918, have gone down in World War I military history as "The 100 days".
This period was marked by a series of attacks launched by the French, British and American armies that defeated the German army, resulting in massed surrenders, retreat and the end of the fighting.
New York National Guard Soldiers played a key role in this fighting breaking through the Hindenburg Line near Belgium and taking part in the largest American battle of all time in the Meuse-Argonne region of France.
Serving under the command of Gen. John J. Pershing, commander of the American Expeditionary Force and the United States First Army, was New York City's own "Fighting 69th" Infantry Regiment, now reflagged as the 165th Infantry.
The 165th was part of the 42nd "Rainbow" Division, comprised of National Guard Soldiers from 26 states and the District of Columbia.
The French 161st Division, part of the French 4th Army, had its own New Yorkers in its ranks: New York's 15th Infantry Regiment, re-designated as the 369th Infantry, "Harlem's Hellfighters."
The all-black infantry regiment was assigned under French command to bolster the strength of French forces and avoid the complications of a segregated American army.
Guardsmen of New York's 27th Division were part of the British Army in Belgium.
Along the Somme River in northern France, the 27th Division fought first in early September and then four weeks later, breaking the German defensive "Hindenburg Line " on Sept. 25-29.
The initial attack of the 53rd Brigade failed to penetrate the German defensive line. A renewed attack on Sept. 28-29 by the 54th Brigade cracked the enemy position.
"The advance was then continued with little resistance until the remaining troops arrived at the first wire entanglements of the Hindenburg Line," wrote Capt. J.F. Oakleaf for a 108th Infantry Regiment reunion in 1921.
"At this point they met the full resistance of a fortified position such as the world had never known," Oakleaf wrote.
There were 65 officers and 3,721 men killed or wounded.
"The position was held against severe counter attacks and enfilading artillery and machine," Oakleaf wrote. Australian soldiers joined the New Yorkers in overcoming the defense.
The 27thresumed the offensive on Oct. 8 and advanced 21 miles and forced the Germans to retreat.
The fighting since September had cost the division half of its infantrymen killed or wounded by Oct. 25 when they went into reserve.
In the rugged region around Sedan and Verdun known as the Meuse-Argonne—for a river and a wood—the men of the 69th Infantry (the 165th Infantry Regiment) and the 369th Infantry (the Harlem Hellfighters) - were among 1.2 million Americans fighting the largest American battle ever.
The Meuse-Argonne Offensive was bigger than the World War II Battle of the Bulge in which 500,000 Americans fought, or the Normandy Invasion in which 156,000 Americans participated.
There were 26,277 Americans killed and 95,786 wounded by the end of the campaign.
Twenty-seven French and American divisions—including the 42nd—were part of the attack that began on Sept. 25 and ended on Nov. 11. It was designed to cut off the entire German 2nd Army and sever the enemy railroads.
The Harlem Hellfighters attacked on Sept. 25 and fought through mid-October; advancing nine miles and outrunning the French units on their flanks.
In mid-October the 42nd Division and the 69th Infantry got into the fight.
The objective given to the 42nd Division was the German defensive stronghold at Côte de Chatillon, part of the defensive line known as the Kreimhilde Stellung.
"Give me Chatillon or a list of 5,000 casualties," Maj. Gen. Charles Summeral told Brig. Gen. Douglas MacArthur, the commander of the 42nd Division's 84th Brigade. MacArthur replied that if they failed, his name would be at the top of the casualty list.
By Oct.16th, they reached the crest of Chatillon. With the capture of a key height by the 32nd Division on the Rainbow's right flank, the Americans finally pierced the Kreimhilde Stellung defensive line.
In the third phase of the offensive, launched Nov. 1, the allied attack forced German disengagement and retreat. The attack became a pursuit.
Elements of the 42nd attacked towards Sedan. The race to Sedan ultimately was set aside on Nov. 7 when French forces liberated their city. With American forces across the Meuse River, Germany began to seek peace terms on Nov. 8.
As New York Soldiers reorganized to continue the allied attack, word spread through the lines that fighting would end at the 11th hour of the 11th day of the 11th month. The Great War was over.
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Gun crew from Regimental Headquarters Company, 23rd Infantry, firing 37 mm gun during an advance on German entrenched positions. View in Catalog. As the largest repository of American World War I records, the National Archives invites you to browse the wealth of records and information documenting the U.S. experience in this conflict, including photographs, documents,
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https://www.archives.gov/topics/wwi
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As the largest repository of American World War I records, the National Archives invites you to browse the wealth of records and information documenting the U.S. experience in this conflict, including photographs, documents, audiovisual recordings, educational resources, articles, blog posts, lectures, and events.
April 6, 2017, marks the 100th anniversary of America’s entrance into the Great War. After remaining neutral for three years, the United States reluctantly entered what was supposed to be "The War to End All Wars." By declaring war, President Woodrow Wilson committed the nation to join the other Allied countries in their efforts to defeat the German-led Central Powers.
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https://ebin.pub/someone-elses-war-fighting-for-the-british-empire-in-world-war-i-9781788316088-9781786735430.html
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Someone Else’s War: Fighting for the British Empire in World War I 9781788316088, 9781786735430
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Abstract...
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https://ebin.pub/someone-elses-war-fighting-for-the-british-empire-in-world-war-i-9781788316088-9781786735430.html
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Citation preview
John Connor is Senior Lecturer and Head of the Humanities Research Group at the University of New South Wales, Canberra. He is one of Australia’s leading military historians and has published widely on World War I. His previous books include The Australian Frontier Wars, 1788–1838.
‘John Connor’s accessible and illuminating reinterpretation of World War I presents that conflict as a fundamentally imperial phenomenon. This was a war fought and ultimately won not only in France, Belgium and Palestine, but in East Africa and New Guinea; in the Indian and Pacific Oceans as well as the Dardanelles and the North Sea; and on the farms of the Canadian prairie, the cattle ranches of Argentina and the sheep stations of Australia, as surely as in the munitions works of Britain. Someone Else’s War is a capacious global history of a crisis poorly understood if viewed through a Eurocentric lens.’ Frank Bongiorno, Professor of History, The Australian National University
Someone E l s e ’ s Wa R F i g h t i n g t h e i n
B r i t i s h W o r l d
f o r E m p i r e W A r
John Connor
I
Published in 2019 by I.B.Tauris & Co. Ltd London • New York www.ibtauris.com Copyright © 2019 John Connor The right of John Connor to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by the author in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or any part thereof, may not be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. Every attempt has been made to gain permission for the use of the images in this book. Any omissions will be rectified in future editions. References to websites were correct at the time of writing. ISBN: 978 1 78453 270 3 eISBN: 978 1 78672 543 1 ePDF: 978 1 78673 543 0 A full CIP record for this book is available from the British Library A full CIP record is available from the Library of Congress Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: available Typeset by Initial Typesetting Services, Edinburgh
Dedicated to my partner in life, Karen Costello, without whose continued love and support this book could not have been written. In memory of my grandfather, William Boyles, Sydney tram mechanic. Demoted for taking industrial action in the Australian Great Strike of August–September 1917, he would not regain his original position until the Labor Party was returned to government in the New South Wales state election of June 1925.
Contents
List of Illustrations
List of Tables
ix xiii
Acknowledgements
xv
Map
xix
Introduction – The British Empire and World War I
1 1914: The Emden in the Indian Ocean
1 9
2 Shipping, Trade and Rationing
29
3 1915: The Three Battles of Aubers Ridge, France
53
4 Making Munitions
79
5 1916: The East African Campaign
113
6 Dissent
131
7 1917: The Battle of Messines
154
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someone else’s war
8 Volunteers and Conscripts
176
9 1918: The Battles of Amiens and Megiddo
201
10 Farmers and Agriculture
227
249
World War I Timeline
Notes
269
317
Select Bibliography
Index
331
List of Illustrations
Map Map of the world with modern state boundaries, showing the extent of the British Empire in 1914
xix
Chapter 1 1914: The Emden in the Indian Ocean 1.1 Pre-war postcard of Seiner Majestät Schiff (His Majesty’s Ship) Emden, one of the warships of the German East Asian Squadron based at Tsingtao in northern China. From September to November 1914, Captain Karl von Müller’s cruiser captured 24 merchant ships in the Indian Ocean, shutting down trade with disastrous effects for the Indian economy. Image: Sea Power Centre – Australia.
10
1.2 His Majesty’s Australian Ship Sydney, commanded by Captain John Glossop, defeated the Emden at the Cocos (Keeling) Islands on 9 November 1914. Glossop told the naval authorities in Ceylon (modern Sri Lanka) that his ship should not be cheered when it entered Colombo harbour out of respect for the surviving German sailors. Image: Sea Power Centre – Australia.
28
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someone else’s war
Chapter 2 Shipping, Trade and Rationing 2.1 The Aberdeen Line’s Themistocles in Cape Town harbour. In 1916, the UK government closed the Mediterranean Sea to transiting shipping due to the success of German submarine operations. The return voyage from Britain to Australia via South Africa now took six months. Image: Academy Library, UNSW Canberra, Papers of the Doug Robertson Maritime and Naval History Collection MS 126, Robertson Box 235, 5, Themistocles.
40
2.2 The Clan Macewen of the Cayzer, Irvine Line survived the war, but the company lost 28 ships to U-boats. Image: Academy Library, UNSW Canberra, Papers of the Doug Robertson Maritime and Naval History Collection MS 126, Robertson Box 151, 1 Clan Macewen.
49
Chapter 3 1915: The Three Battles of Aubers Ridge 3.1 Indian soldiers, including these men of the 2nd Rajput Light Infantry armed with a French Benét–Mercié machine gun, played a significant role in the 1915 battles around Aubers Ridge. Image: UK Ministry of Defence 103991.
69
3.2 French troops putting on an early version of a gas mask. Chemical weapons were used by both sides in 1915. Image: UK Ministry of Defence 104053.
78
Chapter 4 Making Munitions 4.1 Women and men worked long hours in Canadian munitions factories to make artillery shells. Dorothy Stevens, Munitions – Heavy Shells, etching, c.1918. Image: Beaverbrook Collection of War Art, Canadian War Museum, Musée Canadien de la Guerre 19710261-0686.
88
list of illustrations
4.2 Canadian soldiers searching ruins following the Halifax explosion. Image: Library and Archives Canada/Biblio thèque et Archives Canada PA-000704.
xi
110
Chapter 5 1916: The East African Campaign 5.1 Nigerian troops with ambulance, German East Africa. Image: Imperial War Museum Q 15614.
119
5.2 German askari prisoners of war, Llembule, German East Africa. Image: Imperial War Museum Q 34474.
130
Chapter 6 Dissent 6.1 Captured Irish Republican with British Army guard in the aftermath of the Easter Rising, April 1916. Image: Imperial War Museum HU 55529.
140
6.2 Workers in the blast furnace of the Steel Company of Canada, Hamilton, Ontario, 1918. Image: Library & Archives Canada/Bibliothèque et Archives Canada MIKAN 227609 A024645.
144
Chapter 7 1917: The Battle of Messines 7.1 British Royal Engineers mining and counter-mining beneath Messines. General Sir Herbert Plumer ordered the excavation of 21 deep mines at Messines. Some were completed and filled with explosives more than a year before the battle took place. Image: UK Ministry of Defence 110689.
167
7.2 New Zealand troops’ rehearsal for the assault on Messines Ridge on 7 June 1917. The success of the attack demonstrated the increasing expertise of British Empire troops with accurate artillery support in capturing German
169
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someone else’s war
positions. Image: Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand 1/2-012752-G. Chapter 8 Volunteers and Conscripts 8.1 The domineering General Sam Hughes arriving in France to visit Canadian troops, 1916. Image: Library and Archives Canada/Bibliothèque et Archives Canada PA-022744.
180
8.2
192
Australian anti-conscription flyer 1917: ‘The Death Ballot. Polling Day,December 20.Vote“No” ’.Image:Museums Victoria, https://collections.museumvictoria.com.au/items/ 1769514. Chapter 9 1918: The Battles of Amiens and Megiddo
9.1 German soldiers killed in the Allied offensive at Amiens, 9–11 August 1918. Image: UK Ministry of Defence 103636.
216
9.2 Indian troops played a significant role in the final stages of the Middle East campaign. Image: Tom Baker Collection, Australian Army History Unit, 11.24.50.
220
9.3 Canadian soldiers with German prisoners of war, August 1918. By September, the German Army was disintegrating. Image: UK Ministry of Defence 104566.
225
Chapter 10 Farmers and Agriculture 10.1 Victorian Farmers Union Conference, Melbourne University Hall, 26 September 1915. By November 1917, the VFU had become a major political force in state politics. Image: Museums Victoria, https://collections.museumvictoria.com. au/items/768315.
231
10.2 Canadian farmer parties gained strength in the period immediately after World War I. Canadian wheat harvest, 20 August 1918. Image: Library & Archives Canada/Biblio thèque et Archives Canada MIKAN 3337605, a046043-v8.
235
List of Tables
2.1
United Kingdom Food Supply, 1917
30
2.2
British Empire Shipping Losses, 1914–18
46
3.1
First British Army Ammunition Stocks and Usage, 10 March 1915
65
3.2 British Empire Casualties, Neuve Chapelle, 10–12 March 1915
66
3.3
British Empire Casualties, Festubert, 15–25 May 1915
73
4.1
UK Female Employment, 1914–18
86
4.2
Irish National Factories Munitions Production, 1915–18
90
4.3 Canadian Artillery Shells Exports, 1914–18
107
5.1
East African Force, November 1918
126
6.1
British Empire Military Executions 1914–22
148
xiv
6.2
someone else’s war
Courts Martial as a Percentage of Total Number of Troops, 1914–20
148
7.1 British Empire Casualties Messines, 1–12 June 1917
172
8.1 British Empire Total Enlistments, 1914–18
177
9.1 German Offensives 1918
207
9.2 Ottoman Army, September 1918
222
9.3 Egyptian Expeditionary Force, November 1918
223
10.1 Irish Wheat, Oats and Potato Production in Acres, 1914–16
237
Acknowledgements
T
his book could not have been written without the assistance of many people. At Bloomsbury Publishing, Jo Godfrey, Sophie Campbell and Carolann Young patiently and painstakingly brought the idea of the book into a reality. I thank the Canberra campus of the University of New South Wales for providing me with a UNSW Canberra Academic Startup Research Grant in 2007, a UNSW Early Career Researcher Grant in 2008, and a Special Studies Program in 2012 which enabled me to conduct the bulk of the United Kingdom archival research. This research trip was abruptly truncated for the happiest of reasons when my eldest daughter Claudia was joined by her little sister Claire, who was born in Canberra four weeks premature on 25 October. I express my gratitude to the expert and helpful staff at a wide range of archives, libraries and museums. In Australia, the UNSW Canberra Library was always my first port of call, and revealed many hidden gems, including a small cache of letters and papers by George McMunn, author of The Armies of India, and the vast photographic collection of the Doug Robertson Maritime and Naval History Collection. To this must be added the other great national institutions in Canberra: the Australian War Memorial, the National Archives of Australia, and the National Library of Australia, including its magnificent collection of private papers and digitised newspapers. I thank the Western Australian Branch of the Australian Labor Party for granting me access to their papers held at the J.S. Battye Library of West Australian History in Perth.
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In the United Kingdom, research took me to the British Library, the Cayzer Archives, the Imperial War Museum – where accessing the private papers of Sir Henry Wilson was made easy, thanks to the detailed catalogue of the General’s correspondence compiled by the late Professor Keith Jeffery of Queen’s University, Belfast – the Liddell Hart Centre for Military Archives at King’s College London, The National Archives and the National Maritime Museum in London. I also visited the Bodleian Library in Oxford, the Churchill Archives Centre in Cambridge and the Wiltshire and Swindon History Centre in Chippenham. I must thank Kate Lamb and Gareth Mitchell for all their generous hospitality over many years. In Ottawa, I researched at Library and Archives Canada/Bibliothèque et Archives Canada, and Canadian War Museum/Musée Canadien de la Guerre; in Wellington, Archives New Zealand/Te Rua Mahara o te Ka¯wanatanga, and in Dublin, the National Library of Ireland/Leabharlann Náisiúnta na hÉireann. I thank the following institutions and individuals for generously providing images without charge: Dr Andrew Richardson of the Australian Army History Unit, Greg Swinden of the Sea Power Centre – Australia, and the National Library of New Zealand/Te Puna Ma¯tauranga o Aotearoa. Susan Ross and Dr Tim Cook at the Canadian War Museum/ Musée Canadien de la Guerre helpfully guided me through their image ordering process. Many of the ideas and arguments incorporated in this book originated and were developed in seminar and conference papers at a diverse range of venues. These include ‘Australia, empire and the Great War’ presented at the Menzies Centre for Australian Studies, King’s College London in October 2012, ‘World War I, farmers and elections’ presented at UNSW Canberra in May 2013, ‘The British Empire and the Great War: Colonial Societies/Cultural Responses’ conference at Nanyang Technological University, Singapore, in February 2014, the ‘Conscription Conflict and the First World War’ workshop, funded by the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia, at the University of Melbourne in April 2015, and the ‘Military Education and Empire 1854–1918’ conference at the Royal Military College of Canada, Kingston, Ontario, in November 2015. In 2016 and 2017, I was fortunate to be the Australian team leader of an Australia–Germany Joint Research Cooperation Scheme/Deutscher
acknowledgements
xvii
Akademischer Austauschdienst (DAAD) grant entitled ‘The First World War, 100 Years on: Transnational cultures of remembrance in interdisciplinary comparison’. This project brought together my UNSW Canberra colleague Dr Christina Spittel and doctoral candidate Tom Sear in collaboration with Prof. Oliver Janz, Dr Andrey Zamoisky, Dr Michael Elm, Martin Bayer and Nicolai Burbass of Freie Universität Berlin. Hosting our German colleagues in Canberra, where they encountered the uncritical commemorative culture of the Anzac Day dawn service at the Australian War Memorial, and then having the opportunity to contrast this interpretation with the brutal reality of conflict in the exhibits of the Militärhistorisches Museum der Bundeswehr in Dresden was an education in itself. Working with Professor Janz and his colleagues and students broadened my understanding of the Great War and its aftermath and influenced the writing of this book. I must thank the community of scholars with whom I discussed various aspects of the book. These include Dr Robin Archer (London School of Economics), Dr Kate Ariotti (University of Newcastle Australia), Prof. Ian Beckett (University of Kent), Prof. Frank Bongiorno (Australian National University), Prof. Carl Bridge (King’s College London), Prof. Joy Damousi (University of Melbourne), Prof. Brian Farrell (National University of Singapore), Prof. Richard Grayson (Goldsmiths, University of London), Dr Ian Henderson (King’s College London), Dr Spencer Jones (University of Wolverhampton), Prof. Jennifer Keene (Chapman University, California), Dr Jenny Macleod (University of Hull), Assistant Prof. John Mitcham (Duquesne University, Pennsylvania), Dr David Monger (University of Canterbury, New Zealand), Dr William Mulligan (University College, Dublin), Prof. William Philpott (King’s College London), Prof. Jan Rüger (Birkbeck, University of London), Prof. Gary Sheffield (University of Wolverhampton), Dr Richard Smith (Goldsmiths, University of London), Prof. Ian van der Waag (Stellenbosch University) and Dr Peter Yule (University of Melbourne). Before his sudden death on 26 July 2016, I had many insightful discussions with Prof. Jeffrey Grey – the first non-American to become President of the Society for Military History – in the morning tea-room chats in the School of Humanities and Social Sciences which doubled as an unfailing and thought-provoking history seminar.
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Finally, I must thank all my colleagues at UNSW Canberra. Prof. Shirley Scott has been a supportive Head of School. I need to acknowledge the constant assistance of Bernadette McDermott, Marg McGee, Shirley Ramsay and Eric Zhang, without whom the School of Humanities and Social Sciences could not function. I thank Ricardo Banos of the UNSW Canberra Creative Media Unit for creating the map of the British Empire in 1914. In particular, I must express my deepest admiration to the indomitable members of the History Discipline: Emeritus Prof. Peter Dennis, Dr Richard Dunley, Dr Elizabeth Greenhalgh, Associate Prof. Eleanor Hancock, Dr Debbie Lackerstein, Dr Tom Richardson, Dr David Stahel, Prof. Peter Stanley and Prof. Craig Stockings, currently at the Australian War Memorial as the Official Historian of Australian Operations in Iraq, Afghanistan and East Timor. Over the last three years, the History Discipline has faced the challenge of maintaining the teaching programme as historians who left or retired were not replaced. Through all of this, it remained united and maintained collegiality. My colleagues even enabled me to take internal release from teaching in the second half of 2017 in order to complete the writing of this book, an act of generosity for which I will be eternally grateful. To perhaps steal a phrase from Dr Richard Dunley, our new naval historian, we have endured stormy seas and now look forward to calmer waters.
BRITISH EMPIRE IN 1914
UNITED KINGDOM
CANADA
NEWFOUNDLAND
Cyprus Bermuda
Malta
Gibraltar
Bahamas
Wei Hai Wei
EGYPT St Lucia Barbados Tobago Trinidad
Jamaica
BR. HONDURAS BRITISH GUIANA
GAMBIA SIERRA LEONE
Aden
GOLD SUDAN COAST NIGERIA UGANDA Ascension
Laccadives
RHODESIA
NYASALAND
BECHUANALAND Walvis Bay
Mauritius
SOUTH AFRICA
BURMA
Ceylon
BR. SOMALILAND KENYA Seychelles Maldives Zanzibar
St Helena
INDIA
Chagos Singapore
Hong Kong
FED. MALAY STATES BR. BORNEO
Gilbert Is
NEW GUINEA
Ellice Is
Solomon Is
Cocos Is
Fiji Is
AUSTRALIA
Tonga Norfolk Is
BASUTOLAND
Falkland Is
Map of the world with modern state boundaries, showing the extent of the British Empire in 1914
NEW ZEALAND
Introduction – The British Empire and World War I
F
rom Aden to Zanzibar, World War I affected the lives of almost every person across the British Empire. More than 8.5 million men would volunteer or be conscripted to fight the Central Powers of Austria–Hungary, Bulgaria, Germany and the Ottoman Empire in bloody campaigns that spanned the globe. Of these, 2.8 million British Empire soldiers would be killed or wounded.1 When the war began in August 1914, recruiting was initially limited to mostly – but not entirely – white soldiers from Britain and Ireland, the self-governing Dominions of New Zealand, South Africa, Newfoundland, Canada and Australia and the ‘martial races’ of the Indian Army. However, following the unprecedented losses of British Empire lives on the Western Front during 1915, Andrew Bonar Law, the United Kingdom Colonial Secretary, called in October of that year for ‘raising troops in large numbers in our Colonies and Protectorates for Imperial service’. Recruiting was broadened to include an increasing number of non-white troops from Africa, the Caribbean, New Zealand Maori, Canadian First Nations and Indigenous Australians. From December 1916, most British Empire troops employed in the East African campaign were black Africans. By the time of the Ottoman surrender in October 1918, four-fifths of the divisions in the Egyptian Expeditionary Force included Indian units.2
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The soldiers who made the longest journey to take part in the war were 500 Polynesian volunteers from Niue and the Cook Islands in the South Pacific who served with the New Zealand Expeditionary Force (NZEF). However, when they arrived on the Western Front in early 1916, their exposure to the bitter northern European winter weather resulted in over half the Niue contingent being admitted to hospital. By May, they were being repatriated to their tropical home.3 Across the Empire, supporters of the war contended with those opposed to involvement in the conflict, the continuation of the colonial connection, and individuals enduring harsh wartime economic conditions. In April 1916, the withdrawal of troops from Bongo in the West African colony of Gold Coast led to a local revolt that was quashed by a military punitive expedition that killed almost 60 people. At the beginning of August 1917, tram mechanics in Sydney went on strike to oppose the introduction of time cards that would calculate how many hours each employee worked. The tram mechanics’ cause struck a chord with workers across the country and led to what economic historian Peter Yule described as ‘the most serious and prolonged industrial action [. . .] in Australian history’. Seventy-six thousand workers across three of the six Australian states walked out in sympathy. The depressed economy forced other men to take jobs as nonunion strike breakers, one of whom was killed. By the time the strike ended in September, 2.5 million man-days and 1.7 million pounds in workers’ wages had been lost. The New South Wales government, having defeated the workers, installed their time clocks in the Sydney tramway workshops.4 The British Empire was the greatest political entity the world had ever seen, and it would expand even further at the end of the war with the annexation of German colonies and Ottoman Empire territory. The 1911 census calculated that the British Empire had a population of 424,133,076. This exact number offered a comforting façade of scientific accuracy that, like many other aspects of the Empire, did not reflect a more ramshackle reality. The inhabitants of Sarawak in Borneo went uncounted, the population of British Somaliland was an estimate, and the Gold Coast census figure was subsequently admitted to be an undercount.5 The British Empire was a complex collection of political entities that ranged in scale from India, with a population over 250 million inhabitants, which King George V ruled as a separate realm with the title of Emperor
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of India, to the tiny, storm-tossed Ascension Island in the South Atlantic, administered by the Admiralty and inhabited by a scattering of Royal Marines and sailors.6 The monarchy was identified as the central foundation of Empire. George V was crowned on 22 June 1911, following the death the previous year of his father, Edward VII. The mystical aura that surrounded the monarchy at this time was reflected in British journalist Philip Gibbs’ dreamlike vision of the coronation; he wrote of the new monarch: He is the central, lonely figure of the great drama which has been a year in preparation. He is the most powerful King on earth, who in a little while has to receive the symbols of his power, to be anointed in the pretty office of kingship, to be consecrated to the people. His people!
During the anointing ceremony, Gibbs imagined the King hearing the whispered advice of previous kings crowned in Westminster Abbey: Edward the Confessor, William the Conqueror and Charles I. After the ceremony, he heard ‘the tumult of a nation’s enthusiasm, and in his heart the fire of great love for all the people of whom he is the Chief ’.7 The coronation was celebrated in various ways across the ethnically diverse Empire. In the Straits Settlements, made up of the ports of Malacca, Penang and Singapore in Southeast Asia, the population of 714,069 consisted mostly of Malays, Chinese and Indians. Colonies generally lacked fully democratic institutions. The Straits Settlements’ government consisted of a governor, Sir Arthur Young, appointed by the Colonial Office, an unelected executive council of senior officials and a legislative council of appointed members with two men nominated by the Singapore and Penang Chambers of Commerce.8 In the week leading up to the coronation, prayers for the King were offered in churches, temples and mosques. The Singapore Straits Times patriotically proclaimed: We speak in many languages, follow many creeds, represent various types of civilisation, and possibly also, a few degrees of barbarity. But we are all loyal to the Flag that waves over us, because we know that
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it represents as near an approach to the perfect theory of equality and justice as any human institution of our time can reach.9
An anonymous Straits Times journalist described the Singaporean coron ation parade: Afterwards came the long, weird procession, formed by the Chinese, Malay and Indian communities [. . .] Those who have never witnessed such a display of native rejoicing must have marvelled greatly at the quaint costumes and mannerisms of the actors in the performance. Here were bold warriors with their sundangs and tombaks; there were flashes of light from grotesque lanterns; elsewhere rumbled along a decorated car carrying little girls and a big silver crown. There, the jumpy Chinese dragon would shamble along, followed by illuminated paper fish resting contentedly on poles held by youngsters who took a pride in their special clan. Further along one would me[e]t an electrically illuminated Singhalese bungalow with live inhabitants pummelling away on drums, or instruments resembling drums [. . .] But everything appeared to harmonise or should have done so in view of the strangeness of it all.
However, it was clear that the journalist was oblivious to the significance of the dances and the music he had observed. He concluded: ‘If only one knew what it meant there would be an interesting story to tell.’10 The self-governing Dominions – Australia, Canada, Newfoundland, New Zealand and South Africa – sent their prime ministers to London to witness the coronation and attend the Imperial Conference. The Dominions determined their own internal governance, but the United Kingdom government conducted foreign policy on behalf of the entire Empire. This meant that if Britain went to war, the Dominions were at war, though they could – and would – determine the extent of their con tribution in time of conflict.11 As part of the conference, Sir Edward Grey, the British Foreign Secretary, briefed the Dominion ministers on foreign policy in a closed meeting of the Committee of Imperial Defence on 26 May 1911. Grey outlined to his audience the decline in British–German relations. He
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stated that it was now ‘apparent that our relations with Russia and France were better than our relations with Germany’.12 The Foreign Secretary’s comments marked a significant shift in the United Kingdom’s external relations. Britain and France had come close to war over colonial claims in Africa in 1898, but London and Paris had ended their territorial disputes with the signing of the ‘Entente Cordiale’ or ‘friendly agreement’ on 8 April 1904. Berlin objected to the increasing French influence in Morocco and threatened to go to war with France. The most significant outcome of what became known as the First Moroccan Crisis was that the French and British armies began discussing in early 1906 how they might work together in the event of a war with Germany.13 The Second Moroccan Crisis arose at the beginning of July 1911, about a month after the Imperial Conference. Like the first, it was a dispute between Germany and France over control of Morocco. David Lloyd George, Chancellor of the Exchequer in H.H. Asquith’s Liberal government, publicly stated on 21 July that the United Kingdom would not stand aside in the event of a war between the two continental powers. He asserted: I would make great sacrifices to preserve peace. I conceive that nothing would justify a disturbance of international good will except questions of the greatest national moment. But if a situation were to be forced upon us in which peace could only be preserved by the surrender of the great and beneficent position Britain has won by centuries of heroism and achievement, by allowing Britain to be treated where her interests were vitally affected as if she were of no account in the Cabinet of nations, then I say emphatically that peace at that price would be a humiliation intolerable for a great country like ours to endure.
Once more war was averted, but in August Brigadier Henry Wilson, the Director of Military Operations, told Home Secretary Winston Churchill: In my opinion a war between ourselves and Germany is as certain as anything human can be. If it does not come today it will tomorrow or the next day, and in all probability it will come at a time which suits Germany and not us.14
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From 8 to 12 July, King George and Queen Mary visited Dublin, ‘the second city in the Empire’. Ireland was a divided society with two communities. The first was the Catholic majority that was mostly – but not entirely – demanding Home Rule with the creation of a separate parliament in Dublin. The second was the Protestant minority that was mostly – but not entirely – demanding to remain part of the United Kingdom. Irish nationalists protested and distributed leaflets, but the royal visit was not disrupted. The King visited St Patrick’s College, the Catholic seminary and degree-granting college of the National University of Ireland, at Maynooth, west of Dublin, where he was hosted by Daniel Mannix, the College President and future Archbishop of Melbourne who would become a strident opponent of conscription in Australia. This would be the only time a reigning British monarch visited Ireland while the entire island was completely part of the United Kingdom.15 On 11 November, the King and Queen began their last major task of the coronation year: sailing to India to take part in the Durbar (royal court) in Delhi. They arrived at Bombay on 2 December, and travelled by train to Delhi. Here the royal couple met men and women of the Indian elite. The Durbar took place on a plain near the Jumna (Yamuna) river. At its heart was a dais with a marble platform with two thrones made of solid silver covered in gold. There was an inner circular amphitheatre for princes and dignitaries, and a larger outer amphitheatre that could seat 10,000 people. George wore the Crown of India – the £60,000 cost having been borne by Indian taxpayers – which, having been worn once, was returned to London and placed in the Tower of London.16 The King announced at the Durbar on 12 December that the province of Bengal – controversially partitioned on religious lines in 1903 by the then-Viceroy, Lord Curzon – would be reunited, and that the Indian capital would be moved from Calcutta to Delhi. The Maharaja Gaekwar of Baroda, second in rank among Indian rulers, turned his back on the King-Emperor and Queen Empress when departing the pavilion. This apparently deliberate snub caused outrage in Britain and led to demands for the Maharaja’s removal.17 The Indian Army was considered one of Britain’s ‘great strategical assets’, due to its large size and military competence. Following the great mutiny of 1857, recruiting for the Indian Army shifted to take considerably
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fewer men from the Hindu majority and more from non-Hindu ethnic minorities, particularly Punjabi Muslims and Sikhs, in the belief they would be less likely to revolt. A pseudoscience of ‘martial race theory’ was developed to justify this new recruiting practice. George MacMunn argued that, unlike in Europe, where all males can become soldiers, ‘in the East, with certain exceptions, only certain clans and classes can bear arms; the others have not the physical courage necessary for the warrior’. This assertion would be proved false when the Indian Army expanded without declining in military effectiveness during World War I.18 The United Kingdom general election of December 1910 had resulted in Prime Minister Herbert Asquith retaining power with the support of John Redmond’s Irish Parliamentary Party. As part of the parties’ agree ment, the government introduced an Irish Home Rule Bill to Parliament in spring 1912. Tragically, Home Rule supporters did not offer concessions that might have eased the concerns of Ulster Unionists. Instead, the Ulster Volunteer Force was created in January 1913 to oppose Home Rule, and Nationalists established the National Volunteers in November. It has been argued that the outbreak of World War I prevented the outbreak of an Irish civil war in 1914. When Asquith gave a speech in Dublin on 26 September, the London Times reported the ‘spectacle of Irishmen of both parties fighting shoulder to shoulder will gladden the whole Empire and smooth the way, we trust, for a better understanding afterwards’. But, as Keith Jeffery points out, the intervention of conflict actually prevented the finding of ‘an accommodation in Ireland’ in 1914, and resulted in extremism and decades of conflict.19 On 28 June 1914, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the throne of Austria–Hungary, was assassinated in Sarajevo by Gavrilo Princip. Many senior political and military figures in Austria–Hungary feared the rise of nationalist movements that would lead to the break-up of the multiethnic empire. General Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf, the army chief, had called for a pre-emptive war with Serbia on several occasions, but had been denied by Franz Ferdinand. Ironically, the Archduke’s death opened the way for the Serbian invasion he had always opposed.20 On 5 July, Count Alexander Hoyos of the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Ministry visited Berlin and gained Kaiser Wilhelm’s support for a punitive war on Serbia, once the army returned at the end of the month from
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their annual leave to bring in the harvest. The Kaiser told Ladislaus de Szögyény-Marich, the Austro-Hungarian ambassador to Germany, that if Vienna ‘really recognised the necessity of warlike action against Serbia, then he would regret if we did not make use of the present moment, which was so favourable for us’.21 The ultimatum was presented in Belgrade on 23 July. Although the Serbian government accepted almost all of the demands, Austria–Hungary declared war on Serbia on 28 July. Gunboats in the Danube began the bombardment of Belgrade the following day. On 31 July, on the order of President Raymond Poincaré, French troops withdrew ten kilometres from the border ‘to show the public, and the English Government, that France will not, under any circumstances, be the aggressor’. Elsewhere, the situation swiftly deteriorated. Tsar Nicholas II ordered the general mobilisation of the Russian Army – the largest military force in Europe. Germany responded on 1 August by declaring war on Russia.22 Berlin’s strategy, known as the Schlieffen or Moltke Plan, put most of the German Army in the west with the aim of advancing through Belgium to quickly defeat France and then transfer the troops to the east to defeat Russia. On the evening of 3 August, the British sent an ultimatum to Germany warning Berlin not to invade Belgium. They did so the following day. When a second ultimatum expired at 11.00 pm on 4 August, the British Empire was at war. That night, the English writer John Galsworthy wrote in his diary: ‘Belgium’s neutrality violated by Germany. We are in . . . The horror of the thing keeps coming over one in waves; and all happiness has gone out of life.’23
Important Note Regarding the term ‘coloured’: in South Africa in the early twentieth century, ‘coloured’ denoted a multiracial ethnic group, with mixed ancestry, who identified as neither ‘white’ nor ‘black’. This definition was based not only on physical characteristics but also on family history and cultural practices. The term is retained in this book in its historical context.
1
1914: The Emden in the Indian Ocean
T
he Great War came to India on the balmy tropical night of 22 September 1914, when the German cruiser Emden sailed undetected into the harbour of Madras (modern Chennai). D.S. Bremner, a journalist with the Madras Mail, was travelling to his newspaper office to prepare the next day’s edition when, around 9.30 pm, the Emden suddenly announced its presence by illuminating the night sky with its four searchlights. Bremner told his Indian driver to halt his horse-drawn carriage, jumped out and made for the esplanade. He had not travelled far when the Emden, having located the Burmah Oil Company’s facility north of the city, began firing its starboard broadside of five 4.1-inch (105-millimetre) guns at the six enormous white fuel tanks. Almost immediately, a ‘column of flame sprang into the sky’ as two tanks containing kerosene exploded. Bremner ran to the beach alongside three soldiers of the Royal Dublin Fusiliers, two on foot and a third in a rickshaw pulled by an Indian man. Here they saw the German cruiser, made visible by the glow of its searchlights, sailing at full steam in the harbour. The Emden had fired about 130 shells at the fuel tanks when the guns of Fort St George began their tardy reply around 10.00 pm. At this, the Emden extinguished its searchlights, silenced its guns and, shielded by darkness, slipped out of the harbour and escaped unscathed to the open sea.1 When Bremner finally made his way back from the beach towards the Madras Mail office, he came across a man who ‘was explaining the
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situation’ in Tamil to a gathering crowd. The journalist did not detail how this man was making sense of the unexpected and unprecedented event, but we do know why Karl von Müller, the Emden’s 41-year-old captain, carried out the attack.2 Von Müller reported that he bombarded Madras ‘as a demonstration to arouse interest among the Indian population, to disturb English commerce, to diminish English prestige’. His aim was to destroy British property but spare Indian lives. He decided to target the Burmah Oil Company tanks because the Emden’s gunners could fire at them while minimising injury to civilians in a city of half a million inhabitants. The German raid destroyed two fuel tanks holding 346,000 gallons (some 1.5 million litres) of kerosene worth 180,700 rupees, but killed only five men – a Burmah Oil security guard, three Indian policemen, and a British merchant sailor in the Chupra moored in the harbour – and wounded only 12 people: Indian women and men and British men.3
Fig. 1.1 Pre-war postcard of Seiner Majestät Schiff (His Majesty’s Ship) Emden, one of the warships of the German East Asian Squadron based at Tsingtao in northern China. From September to November 1914, Captain Karl von Müller’s cruiser captured 24 merchant ships in the Indian Ocean, shutting down trade with disastrous effects for the Indian economy. Image: Sea Power Centre – Australia.
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The success of the raid on Madras led the German Foreign Office to propose that the Emden’s next exploit should be to liberate two radical Indian nationalists, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar and Hemchandra Kanungo Das, imprisoned in an isolated penal colony for violent acts against British authority, and secretly return them to India to lead an armed revolt. However, the difficulties in successfully carrying out such an elaborate scheme meant it was soon abandoned.4 There would be no rebellion in India in 1914, but the Emden’s raid was certainly seen by many Indians as a blow to British prestige. The day following the attack on Madras, thousands of the city’s inhabitants went to the shoreline to observe the flames rising from the burning fuel tanks and spent the day looking out to sea in the hope of seeing the Emden, an indication they did not fear the German warship’s return. In the Province of Bihar and Orissa, just to the west of Bengal, it was pointed out that ‘[t]he little cruiser’s raid [. . .] did not pass unnoticed even among the classes which might not be supposed ordinarily to regard the war as a personal affair’. The Calcutta Statesman warned of ‘quite unnecessary but mischievous panic’ unless the Government of India was ‘able to reassure the public and are aided in their efforts by the leaders of Indian opinion’. In the inland Bengali town of Purulia the Emden’s attack led to a run on the local savings bank. In Rangoon (now Yangon, Myanmar), W.H. Barton, proprietor and publisher of the Times of Burma, believed that the attitude towards the British ‘among the native residents in the quarter where his office was situated’ had declined so much that he deemed it necessary to break censorship regulations – for which he would face court and plead guilty – and ‘published information regarding the dispositions of one of His Majesty’s ships and also with reference to the pursuit of the Emden’ in an attempt to salvage the reputation of the British administration.5 The Emden’s presence in the Bay of Bengal had a disastrous effect on the Indian economy. Within hours of the attack on Madras, British authorities closed the Bay of Bengal to merchant traffic. Indian trade in September 1914 was 44 per cent lower than September 1913; in October, trade would be 61 per cent down on the same month the previous year. Ships clogged the ports. In Colombo in Ceylon (modern Sri Lanka), the harbour filled to capacity and 15 merchant ships had to be anchored outside the breakwater. Marwari financiers, who provided short-term loans to Indian importers,
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had no business. They abandoned the eastern ports of Calcutta and Madras (Kolkata and Chennai) to wait out ‘the slack time’ at their homes in the western princely states of Rajputana.6 The halt to shipping in the Bay of Bengal had a devastating effect on trade of all kinds. Most serious was the effect on jute, India’s highestearning export. Mostly grown in Bengal, 90 per cent of the crop was exported either as raw jute or as fabric – called gunny – for bags and sacks to hold wheat and other commodities. In the 1913/14 financial year there were 64 jute mills, mostly in Calcutta, with over 36,000 looms and employing a daily average of 216,000 workers. Jute exports to the United Kingdom alone were worth £10 million.7 The war began just as the jute harvest commenced in Bengal. Australian wheat farmers needed gunny to arrive in Australia in September for wheat bags to be manufactured in Sydney, Melbourne and other cities in time for the harvest at the end of the year. However, the merchant ships allocated for this cargo had been requisitioned in August by the Government of India to transport Indian soldiers westwards to Europe and other locations. In early September, the Calcutta Capital noted that jute bags were ‘accumulating to an enormous extent’ in the city and warned: If this condition continues much longer it means curtailing pro duction, as it will be absurd to manufacture goods which cannot be delivered. The attendant evils, such as short time, which would reduce the consumption of jute, and the possible closure of mills, which would throw labour out of employment and make for discontent and distress.8
When the Emden’s raid shut down shipping in the Bay of Bengal in late September, Calcutta jute mill owners did not cut production and lay off workers. Instead, they increased production, keeping their factories working six days a week rather than the usual five. The Calcutta Capital commented on 8 October: ‘[e]ven to the man in the street it seems a suicidal policy for mills here to increase their production when the bulk of it is going into their goods godowns’. No reason for keeping jute manufacture at such high levels was provided. There had been industrial disputes in the jute mills in August, and it may have been that the mill owners feared that sacking large
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numbers of workers in the atmosphere created by the Emden’s incursion would lead to protests and riots.9 The shipment of jute fabric from India to Australia, having been postponed in August because of the Indian Expeditionary Force convoys, was again delayed in September due to the Emden. Australian buyers invoked the clauses in their contracts to cancel their purchases. Lord Hardinge, the Viceroy of India, sent a telegram on 14 October to Sir Ronald Munro Ferguson, the Australian governor-general, pointing out the ‘present stagnation of trade at Calcutta and shipping crisis caused by raids of Emden’ and pleading to Australian businessmen to keep to their contracts and wait for shipping to be resumed. W. Freeman Nott, Secretary of the Melbourne Chamber of Commerce, replied that wheat farmers required that the ‘bags shall be to hand at a certain season of the year, and unless they are promptly received, the season itself is lost’. Frederick Winchcombe, his equivalent in Sydney, simply stated ‘it will be impossible’ to meet the viceroy’s request.10 Why was there a German warship off the coast of India in the second month of World War I? It must be remembered that in 1914 Germany had a small colonial empire scattered across Africa, the Pacific Ocean and China (it would lose all these colonies at the end of the war). This empire consisted of Togo and Kamerun (Cameroon) in West Africa, South West Africa (Namibia) and German East Africa (Rwanda, Burundi and mainland Tanzania); German New Guinea (Papua New Guinea), Samoa and Nauru in the South Pacific; the Karolinen (Caroline), Marshall and Marianen (Marianas) Islands in the North Pacific; and the northern China enclave of Kiautchou ( Jiaochow).11 The Emden was based in Tsingtao (Qingdao), the main city in Kiautchou, and home port of the German Navy’s East Asian Squadron. This consisted of the light cruisers Emden, Leipzig and Nürnberg and the large armoured cruisers Scharnhorst and Gneisenau. When the United Kingdom declared war on Germany on 4 August, the Emden was the only German cruiser at Tsingtao. It departed the next day to join the rest of the squadron, which had been undertaking its annual tour of the German Pacific island colonies, and arrived eight days later at Pagan in the Marianen Islands. On 13 August, Vice Admiral Maximilian von Spee, the squadron commander, held a conference of his captains to decide on a strategy for their wartime
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operations. German naval planning for a war with the British Empire had envisaged that the East Asian Squadron would conduct a campaign of economic warfare by attacking merchant ships carrying Australian exports to the United Kingdom, such as wool – necessary for making military uniforms – and wheat – vital to sustain a British population reliant on imported food.12 Von Spee decided that his cruisers could not implement this plan. This was because eight months previously, in October 1913, the battlecruiser Australia, flagship of the newly created Royal Australian Navy, with its brand new supporting cruisers and destroyers, had arrived in Sydney. The Australia was newer, faster and had larger guns than the Scharnhorst and Gneisenau. As von Spee wrote in a letter to his wife Margareta on 18 August: ‘The English Australian Squadron has as flagship the “Australia”, which alone for the Cruiser Squadron is such a superior opponent that it must be avoided.’ Von Spee was also anxious to distance himself from the Japanese Navy, which had two modern battlecruisers, the Ibuki and Kurama. Japan had a treaty of alliance with Britain, and would declare war on Germany on 23 August. The German admiral therefore decided the entire squadron should sail eastwards across the Pacific Ocean, away from Australia and Japan, and operate off South America, where his ships could be resupplied with coal from neutral Chile. Von Müller disagreed with von Spee’s plan. He conceded that it would be impossible to operate all the German ships off East Asia, Australia or India, but argued that deploying one light cruiser in the Indian Ocean would have economic effects on shipping and political effects in India. The other captains and officers supported the idea, and von Spee directed von Müller to sail the Emden and the collier Markomannia to the Indian Ocean to attack merchant shipping ‘as best you can’. That evening all the German ships departed Pagan. The next morning, Emden and Markomannia left the convoy and headed for the Indian Ocean. The East Asian Cruiser Squadron sailed towards the coast of Chile, where, on 1 November, it fought and defeated some obsolete British cruisers at the Battle of Coronel. Von Spee then sailed around Cape Horn into the South Atlantic where, on 8 December, he and his ships confronted two modern British battlecruisers, the Invincible and the Inflexible, and six smaller warships in the Battle of the Falkland Islands. The Scharnhorst, Gneisenau, Leipzig and
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Nürnberg were outgunned and outnumbered and all were sunk (the cruiser Dresden, which had joined the squadron from deployment off Mexico, was the only German ship to survive the battle). Von Spee and hundreds of his sailors were killed in the battle.13 As the East Asian Squadron headed towards South America, the Emden and its collier journeyed unnoticed across the Pacific Ocean, and threaded their way through the islands of the neutral Netherlands East Indies (modern Indonesia). On 5 September, the two German ships entered the Indian Ocean north of Sumatra. Von Müller set a course to intersect the major Colombo–Calcutta shipping route in the Bay of Bengal just south of Madras. On 9 September, the German light cruiser began a six-week campaign which would result in the capture of 24 merchant ships with a combined gross tonnage of over 100,000, carrying cargoes worth £2.2 million.14 Why was the Emden able to cause so much physical damage and economic dislocation in India and its adjacent waters? Across the British Empire, people were at a loss to explain the German cruiser’s string of successes. The London Times’ naval correspondent speculated that Grand Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz was using the new technology of radio to directly control the movements of the Emden half a world away: The notion of Berlin being able to direct operations at such a distance is almost uncanny. If they do so, no more striking exhibition of the use of wireless in naval war could well be imagined. We may picture Von Tirpitz in his office in Berlin. He receives news of the situation in the Bay of Bengal and realizes the opportunity for a little coup. There is a cruiser a few miles away which has been carefully hidden until some such chance presented itself. He calls her up and gives information and orders. The raider does the rest.15
It is true that Germany did have a worldwide network of radio stations in 1914, but the secret of the Emden’s success was much simpler. It was based on three factors. First, there were at this time few Royal Navy warships in the Bay of Bengal and eastern Indian Ocean to trouble the German light cruiser: they were mostly in the western Indian Ocean escorting troopships from Bombay (modern Mumbai) towards Europe, Egypt and East Africa.
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Second, the Indian Ocean’s geography aided the Emden in finding prey: ships sailing towards the Bay of Bengal or Southeast and East Asia had to converge to the west of India at either the Eight Degree or Nine Degree channels, above and below Minikoi (Minicoy) Island, and at Dondra Head, on the southern tip of Ceylon. The Admiralty did warn merchant ship captains to keep away from the normal route where it was possible to do so, but most captains kept their ships on the usual track, or within a few miles of it, in order to save fuel and time. Third, most merchant ships in this period were coal-powered and their funnels belched big black clouds of smoke that were visible at some distance. All von Müller had to do to capture British ships was put a man in the Emden’s crow’s nest, where, in clear weather, he could see for 30 miles (some 50 kilometres), sail in a zigzag pattern to 30 miles each side of the shipping route, and head towards smoke whenever it was seen on the horizon.16 The Emden began its campaign against British shipping in the Indian Ocean on the night of 9 September when it stopped the Greek steamer Pontoporos in the Bay of Bengal. Greece was at this time neutral, but the Pontoporos was carrying 6,600 tons of Bengal coal on a British government contract, so its cargo was a legitimate target for the German warship. Von Müller put an officer and some sailors aboard to supervise the Greek crew and had the ship follow the Emden and Markomannia. On 10 and 11 September, the Emden captured the Indus and then the Lovat. Both ships were sailing in ballast (without passengers or cargo) from Calcutta to Bombay, where they were to join a convoy carrying Indian soldiers and horses to the war. The master of the Indus, H.S. Smaridge, became the first, but not the last, British merchant ship captain who assumed the Emden was a British warship right up to the moment that he realised the sailors boarding his ship were wearing German uniforms. The crews of the Indus and the Lovat were transferred to the Markomannia and both ships were sunk.17 On 12 September, von Müller halted the Kabinga, but on finding its cargo was bound for the neutral United States, he could not sink the ship. Instead, he ordered it to accompany the Emden for the moment. On 13 September the Germans came across the Killin, carrying 6,000 tons of Bengal coal, the Diplomat, carrying 10,000 tons of tea, worth £250,000, and the Trabboch, sailing in ballast. All three ships were sunk.18
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The Emden also stopped the neutral Italian merchant ship Loredano. Von Müller asked Captain Giacopolo to accept the crews and passengers of the ships he had captured and take them to Calcutta. The Italian captain refused and continued his journey. Von Müller then transferred all his temporary captives to the Kabinga and ordered the captain to sail to Calcutta. When the Loredano approached Calcutta, Captain Giacopolo sighted the City of Rangoon sailing towards him, at the commencement of its voyage, and sent a message by semaphore that there was a German cruiser in the Bay of Bengal. The City of Rangoon had a radio – still a rarity for merchant ships at this time – and broadcast the Italian captain’s information. On receiving this alarming news, the Royal Navy immediately shut down all shipping in the Bay of Bengal.19 Ships that had left port were still in danger from the Emden’s depredations. Just before midnight on 14 September, Arthur Bray, Third Officer on the Clan Matheson, sailing from Madras to Calcutta, heard the sound of two warning shots aimed behind the stern of the ship. A radio message in Morse code ordered the captain, William Harris, to stop the ship. Harris had been informed in Madras that the Bay of Bengal was safe and the Clan Matheson was sailing with full lights.20 A second Morse message told the captain to receive a boat from the warship. As Bray later wrote in a letter to his mother: we never thought for an instant that she was anything but British so we got a ladder & cluster light over side for the boat, which presently came alongside with some 20 men & 3 officers all armed to the teeth. As soon as I saw the sailors caps I knew they were Germans, so I shouted down & told the skipper who was on the lower bridge. All he said was ‘My God’.21
The Emden’s sailors ordered the Clan Matheson’s crew to collect their personal possessions and depart the ship for the Markomannia. The Clan Matheson was carrying a cargo worth £8,725 including locomotives, cars and a racehorse. A German sailor euthanised the unfortunate creature with a single shot to the head before the ship was sunk in the early hours of 15 September.22
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Bray found the Germans did as much as was possible to make him and his shipmates comfortable during their confinement on the Markomannia. Von Müller sailed his flotilla to the vicinity of Rangoon, where the Emden took on coal from the Pontoporos, the Greek ship carrying Bengal coal on a British contract, which had been the Emden’s first prize. Von Müller paid Indian sailors from the Clan Matheson to assist with the dirty and exhausting task of re-coaling at sea. He then ordered the Pontoporos to head for a certain point off Sumatra in the neutral Netherlands East Indies for a future rendezvous. On 17 September, the Emden came across the neutral Norwegian ship Dovre and put the Clan Matheson’s crew aboard it. They reached Rangoon on 19 September.23 Bray was enraged by the Emden’s audacity. He wrote: It is a disgrace that a light cruiser like she is should be allowed to do what she did 20 miles off the Indian coast & right up at the head of the Bay of Bengal & then drop us off 20 miles off the mouth of the Rangoon River & get off scot free.24
On 22 September British authorities reopened the Calcutta–Colombo route because the Emden had not been sighted for some days. That evening von Müller bombarded Madras, and the Bay of Bengal was once more shut down for shipping.25 The Emden sailed southwards to Ceylon to resume attacks on British shipping in a new location. On 25 September the Emden sank the King Lud, sailing in ballast off Galle, the Tymeric, carrying £60,000 worth of sugar from Java for Britain off Colombo, and on 26 September stopped and retained the Gryfevale, sailing in ballast, where the Bombay and Aden routes to Colombo converged, to hold the two ships’ crews detained the previous day.26 On 27 September, the Emden captured three ships near Minikoi Island, on the route to and from the Suez Canal. Two ships, the Ribera and Foyle, were sailing in ballast and were sunk. The third was carrying what would be the Emden’s most mundane, but most important prize. This was the Buresk, a Burdick & Cook collier chartered by the Admiralty to carry 6,600 tons of South Wales coal for the Royal Navy at Singapore.27 As Colonel Hubert Foster, the Director of Military Science at Sydney University, explained:
1914: the Emden in the indian ocean
19
‘Cardiff coal’ [. . .] is superior in steam production and smokelessness to any other. It thus gives warships using it the advantages of greater speed and secrecy of movement, with less work on board, as it is hard, clean, free-burning, and leaves little ash or clinker.28
The significance for the Emden’s crew was that the Bengal coal from the Pontoporos they had previously been using was 35 per cent less efficient than the South Wales coal they had just acquired.29 Von Müller placed the captured merchant seamen on the Gryfevale, which set a course for Colombo. The Emden, accompanied by the Markomannia and the Buresk, headed south to the Maldive Islands. On 29 September the Emden was coaled at a secluded atoll for the last time from the Markomannia, whose supplies were almost expended. The faithful collier was then sent to join the Pontoporos off Sumatra, with orders to take as much of the Bengal coal as it could from this ship, and then allow the Greek ship and its crew to go free. On 12 October this coaling was taking place when the British light cruiser Yarmouth came across the two ships. The Markomannia was captured and sunk, the 60 German sailors became prisoners of war and the men of the Pontoporos, once more at liberty, sailed for Singapore. After bidding farewell to the Markomannia, von Müller sailed south from the Maldives to the Chagos Archipelago. These islands lay across a straight line drawn between Australia and Aden. The German captain expected to find ships carrying refrigerated Australian meat to Britain, and troopships that, having conveyed Indian Army units, would now be sailing to Australia and New Zealand to embark their expeditionary forces. What von Müller did not realise was that the main Australian shipping route did not go direct to Aden, but via Colombo, and therefore the track he was seeking was further to the north. After several fruitless days, in which he did not see a single ship, von Müller continued southwards to Diego Garcia, the main island of the Chagos Archipelago, a dependency of the British colony of Mauritius.30 On 9 October the Emden and the Buresk arrived at Diego Garcia, described in the Colonial Office List as a coral atoll ‘nowhere over ten feet high, but forming a spacious bay, roomy enough for large vessels to enter’. The only regular shipping service to the island was a schooner that came
20
someone else’s war
every three months: the last time the ship had visited was in late July. This meant that the 500 islanders did not know that Britain and Germany were at war. Von Müller naturally ensured that the locals remained in ignorance of this fact.31 The life of a sailor on the Emden, or any other Great War warship, consisted of an endless cycle of physical labour in an austere environment. The Emden was coal-powered, so one of the main tasks for the crew during their brief stay in Diego Garcia was to shift 475 tons of the Buresk’s precious South Wales coal to the Emden. The other major job was to scour the ship’s hull of the marine plants and animals that had accumulated over the previous eight weeks. If not removed, these growths would reduce the Emden’s maximum speed by one knot. 32 The German sailors also had to endure shortages of a wide range of items. Fresh water, as Dan van der Vat put it, ‘was treated like gold’. The Emden had salt-water showers on deck for relief from the tropical heat, but sailors longed to wash in fresh water. This meant: Whenever a rain-squall was sighted and circumstances allowed, the officers of the watch would step up speed and steer for it while all those free to do so would strip naked and wash themselves in the rainfall; if the ship ran out of the squall or the rain simply stopped too soon, men would be caught covered in soap.33
When the Emden left Tsingtao after receiving news of the British declaration of war, soap was one important item that had been forgotten in the rush to prepare the ship for departure. Fortunately for the sailors, this deficiency was rectified on 10 September when the German cruiser captured the Indus carrying 150 cases of soap.34 Fresh food was another treasured item on ships lacking refrigeration. Many of the vessels the Emden captured had chickens, ducks, geese, cattle, sheep or pigs on board to provide fresh eggs, or to be slaughtered for fresh meat. In 1914 one third of the German population was engaged in agriculture, so enough of the Emden’s crew knew how to tend livestock and keep fowl. While at Diego Garcia, the crew caught fish in the atoll, while the local residents gave the visitors fruit, vegetables, and a live pig.35
1914: the Emden in the indian ocean
21
The next day, the Emden and the Buresk departed from Diego Garcia, the sailors having made the most of their brief opportunity to be on dry land for the first time in two months. The two ships headed north; the Emden took more coal from the Buresk in the Maldive Islands, and returned to the major shipping route near Minikoi Island.36 In the early morning darkness of 16 October the Emden stopped the Clan Grant, sailing from Glasgow and Liverpool to Madras and Calcutta. This was followed through the day by the Ponrabbel, a dredger going to Australia to take up duties in the port of Launceston in northern Tasmania, and the Benmohr, travelling from Leith to Yokohama. The crews were moved to the Buresk and the ships were sunk. Two days later the Emden captured the Blue Funnel Line Troilus on its maiden voyage carrying 1,000 tons of Malayan tin as well as rubber and copper with an insured value of £130,000. Later that day came the St Egbert with a cargo for the neutral United States. On 19 October the Emden captured the Exford, carrying South Wales coal to Hong Kong under Admiralty contract for the Royal Navy, and the Chilkana bound for Calcutta. The nearly 600 captured crew and passengers from the seven ships were transferred to the St Egbert, except for 12 Chinese sailors who accepted a German offer to continue working in the Exford for their existing pay rate. The St Egbert set sail for Cochin in India, von Müller retained the Exford and its Welsh coal, and sank the Troilus and the Chilkana.37 The Emden now sailed to Penang on the west coast of Malaya. Von Müller had learned that warships of the various allied navies were using the port. There were no large guns or forts defending Penang, which made it possible for him to plan an audacious raid. The Emden, which had been painted dark grey and had a dummy fourth funnel made of wood and canvas erected so it would resemble a Royal Navy cruiser, entered the port on 28 October at 5.00 am. The Germans began firing their guns and launched a torpedo at the old Russian light cruiser Zhemchug. The Russian sailors had only a handful of shells on deck and barely fired a shot at the German cruiser. A British merchant seaman, W.M. Meager was in the Nigaristan, one of a row of merchant ships moored near the Zhemchug, when he was awoken by the gunfire and raced up on deck. He wrote: ‘For the next 15 minutes we saw an actual Hell on Earth, in which were embodied the extremes of many emotions – desperate bravery, exaltation, hate, despair
22
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and terror. Of mercy there was none.’ After sailing past the merchant ships and turning to head out of the harbour, at 5.28 am von Müller ordered a second torpedo to be fired at the Zhemchug.38 Meager witnessed the result: When the ‘Emden’ was nearly abeam of her victim, the final catastrophe happened. Suddenly from the forepart of the Russian an intensely riven column of light spurted up to a great height, spreading out towards the top. It vanished in a second, and was followed by a dull muffled report. (Not a bit loud, as one would imagine). Immediately a great cloud of dense smoke mercifully covered the horror from our sight. For a brief space there was an awesome silence followed by wild cheering on the German ship. It was terrible to listen to the Germans cheering at the death cries of their fellow men – for which they were responsible.39
Of the 340 Russian sailors and officers of the Zhemchug, 86 were killed and 114 were wounded – five of whom would subsequently die of their injuries. The Penang General Hospital was overwhelmed by the large number of casualties. Seven local doctors and 27 female volunteers worked desperately to dress the wounds of every wounded Russian sailor.40 The Emden, as it left Penang, stopped the merchant ship Glenturret carrying a cargo of ammunition with the intention of capturing it. The German plan was aborted by the approach of the French destroyer Mousquet. The larger guns of the German cruiser sank the smaller French destroyer within seven minutes. Von Müller sent out two boats that rescued 36 sailors from the Mousquet. These remained on the Emden until 30 October, when von Müller halted the British merchant ship Newburn, found it was carrying a neutral cargo, and transferred the French sailors to the ship so they could be taken to nearby Sabang in Sumatra to receive full medical treatment.41 On 31 October the Emden met with the Buresk off Sumatra and took on more coal. Von Müller decided that his next foray would be to attack merchant shipping in the western Indian Ocean near Aden and the Red Sea entry to the Suez Canal. Before doing so, he would first go to the Cocos (Keeling) Islands to destroy the radio station and cut the telegraph cable linking Australia to Britain. Severing these vital communication
1914: the Emden in the indian ocean
23
links would seriously affect the British Empire war effort. The Nürnberg, one of the Emden’s sister ships in the East Asian Squadron, had cut the telegraph cable connecting Australia to Canada at Fanning Island in the Pacific Ocean on 7 September 1914, and the link would not be restored until 1 November. Von Müller also believed the Emden’s appearance at the Cocos Islands would lead the British to assume the cruiser was intending to attack shipping in Australian waters and force them to spread their resources by deploying warships in this region. The German captain had already ordered the Exford, captured on 19 October and carrying South Wales coal, to wait for him just north of the Cocos Islands.42 So far, von Müller had been able to avoid British warships because the Royal Navy’s East Indian Squadron was fully occupied in the western Indian Ocean escorting convoys carrying over 100,000 Indian troops to Europe, Egypt, East Africa and Basra in Mesopotamia (Iraq). The Emden’s sister ship Königsberg, based in German East Africa, posed a threat to the safe passage of all these convoys, as it demonstrated on 20 September, when it made a sortie to the nearby British protectorate of Zanzibar and sank the old British cruiser Pegasus. Each convoy therefore required an escort of warships, at least one of which had to be capable of defeating the Königsberg.43 The Government of India’s inept actions had also assisted the Emden’s campaign. The Bay of Bengal had been closed to shipping after the raid on Madras, but authorities reopened all routes in the Bay of Bengal and to Colombo, Bombay and Karachi on 2 October even though they did not know the cruiser’s location. The immediate outpouring of shipping from Calcutta and Colombo was immediately followed by the Emden’s capturing seven ships in three days off Ceylon. According to the Times of India, merchants complained, ‘not because the Emden has not been captured but because the shippers have been misled into believing the routes safe’. When the cruiser Hampshire was transferred from the China Station to operate in Indian waters, its commander, Captain Henry Grant, had to tell the Government of India to stop sending him uncoded radio messages because the Emden could also hear them and use the information to avoid Grant’s ship.44 The exploits of the Emden affected individuals across the British Empire beyond India. In Canada, New Zealand and Australia, von Müller’s cruiser evoked fears for the safety of the convoys carrying their soldiers to war. Two
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days before the departure of the Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF), Joseph Pope, the senior civil servant in the Department of External Affairs, expressed his concern to his son that ‘a number of German Cruisers [. . .] would scour the North Atlantic and attack Canada as the Emden is at present attacking our possessions, ships and Commerce in the far East’. Canadian Prime Minister Robert Borden made a last-minute request to the British government to provide a larger naval escort for the CEF convoy that sailed on 3 October. When German submarines were sighted off the English south coast, the Canadian troopships had to be diverted on 14 October to the closest port of Plymouth.45 The New Zealand Expeditionary Force (NZEF) convoy of ten ships was originally to have sailed in late September from Wellington to the Western Australian port of Albany escorted by three obsolete Pelorus-class cruisers. However, when von Spee’s Cruiser Squadron appeared in the South Pacific off Samoa on 14 September and bombarded Papeete in the French colony of Tahiti on 22 September, the New Zealand government became justifiably concerned for the convoy’s security. On 2 October, Prime Minister William Massey wrote to his Australian counterpart, Andrew Fisher, that he and his Cabinet ‘have felt a great deal of anxiety here with regard to the escort of the ships’. The Admiralty decided that the risk of the German squadron attacking the convoy meant that the NZEF transports required the escort of two modern cruisers, the British Minotaur and the Japanese Ibuki. When this decision was made, these ships were in the Indian Ocean searching for the Emden, and it would take them some time to sail to New Zealand. Lord Liverpool, the New Zealand Governor-General, believed the seriousness of the war situation meant the convoy needed to depart immediately. On 4 October, Liverpool made the extraordinary proposal to the government that he should – in his (ceremonial) role as Commander-in-Chief of the New Zealand military forces – take responsibility for making the decision for the convoy to sail before the British and Japanese cruisers arrived. Massey was aghast at the idea and threatened to resign as prime minister. Liverpool backed down. It was not until 16 October that the NZEF convoy, escorted by the Ibuki and Minotaur, left Wellington.46 The departure of the Australian Imperial Force (AIF) convoy led to a dispute between the Australian government and the AIF commander, Brigadier General William Bridges. Following the recommendations of a
1914: the Emden in the indian ocean
25
1910 Committee of Imperial Defence report on the wartime transport of troops, which assumed British command of the sea, Bridges rejected the use of convoys and planned to send each ship individually, beginning with the slow-moving horse transports. Senator George Pearce, the Australian Defence Minister, however, took Admiralty advice and gained Cabinet agreement to delay the ships’ departure until the Ibuki and Minotaur arrived with the NZEF convoy. Bridges told Pearce on 26 September that his decision was wrong, that there was little chance of German warships attacking the transports and that ‘delay is in this, as in most, military operations, more dangerous than action’. The fear of the German cruisers was endemic among Australian decision-makers. Arthur Jose, Australian correspondent for the London Times, later wrote that Prime Minister Fisher ‘had conjured up a picture of thirty thousand young untried men afloat, of enemy cruisers dashing in to sink them, of Australia, unused to war, shocked and angered’. Rear Admiral Sir William Creswell, the senior officer of the Royal Australian Navy, wrote on 26 October of the ‘terrible damage’ the Emden could do ‘diving into a mass of 40 transports on a dark night’. It was therefore with some trepidation that the ten New Zealand and 28 Australian transports escorted by the British Minotaur, Japanese Ibuki and Australian Sydney and Melbourne sailed from Albany on 1 November.47 By the time the Australian and New Zealand convoy departed, Admiral Sir Martyn Jerram, Commander-in-Chief of the China Station, had far more naval resources at his disposal than when the Emden had commenced its campaign in early September. With the Japanese declaration of war, the Ibuki and Chikuma had been deployed to Singapore. After the Emden’s raid on Penang, Jerram was able to request more Japanese warships to search for the German cruiser in the Netherlands East Indies. Once the task of escorting the Indian Army convoys had been completed, British warships returned to the Bay of Bengal. In addition, four passenger ships in Hong Kong, the Empress of Asia, Empress of Japan, Empress of Russia and Himalaya had been taken over by the Admiralty on the outbreak of war and converted into Armed Merchant Cruisers. On 27 October, Admiral Sir Henry Jackson, Chief of Staff to Winston Churchill, the First Lord of the Admiralty, told his minister ‘we are now starting a systematic hunt’ for the Emden ‘which will either bring her to destruction or more probably drive her into some other less dangerous theatre of operations’.48
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The Canadian Pacific Steamships’ Empress of Asia, which in peacetime sailed the Hong Kong–Vancouver route, was now armed with eight 4.7-inch (120-millimetre) guns manned by 20 artillerymen, including 22-year-old Gunner Edgar Mole who was stationed in Hong Kong with the Royal Garrison Artillery. Twenty-five sepoys from the 40th Pathans Regiment were also embarked to carry the ammunition to the guns. In August and September, the Empress of Asia patrolled between Hong Kong and Singapore. In October the ship sailed to Ceylon to operate in the Indian Ocean. Here, the Chinese stokers suffered an astonishing death rate: six died in ten days. On 8 October the Empress of Asia left Colombo, rendezvoused with the Hampshire and ‘went scouting for the Emden’. The two ships sailed south and arrived at Diego Garcia on 15 October. Mole was a member of the party sent ashore. They questioned one of the islanders who told them of the Emden’s recent visit. Mole noted in his diary: ‘They did not even know there was a war on and they only laughed at us when we told them.’49 On 8 November the Emden and the Buresk rendezvoused with the collier Exford just north of the Cocos Islands. The following morning the staff at the radio and cable station on Direction Island saw a ship sailing towards them. Realising that the Emden’s canvas fourth funnel was a fake and that it was a German warship, they immediately sent out a radio message that was received by the Melbourne, which was escorting the Australian and New Zealand convoy and was only 50 miles (80 kilometres) away. Captain Mortimer Silver in the Melbourne ordered Captain John Glossop in the Sydney to go to the islands to investigate, while the other warships remained to protect the convoy in case the Emden was accompanied by the Königsberg.50 As soon as von Müller realised there was a cruiser approaching, he took the Emden out to sea, abandoning the landing party who had brought down the radio mast and cut the telegraph cable to Australia. (These men would escape the islands on the schooner Ayesha and return to Germany by way of the Ottoman Empire.) Then began what the British naval historian Julian Corbett described as the ‘unequal’ battle between the Sydney and the Emden. The Sydney was newer, larger and faster than the Emden. The Australian cruiser’s 6-inch (152-millimetre) guns with shells weighing 100 pounds (45 kilograms) had longer range and more destructive effect
1914: the Emden in the indian ocean
27
than the German cruiser’s 4.1-inch (105 millimetre) guns with shells weighing 38 pounds (16 kilograms). The Emden’s only chance for survival was to get in close to the Sydney, inflict early damage to slow down its foe and launch a torpedo to sink the Australian cruiser. Von Müller fired his guns first at 9.40 am, catching Glossop by surprise. The first salvo had the range of the Sydney; the second salvo hit its target. Fifteen German shells hit the Sydney, but only half exploded and none did major damage. Glossop manoeuvred the Sydney beyond the range of the Emden’s guns. Once the Sydney’s gunners found the range of the German cruiser at 9.50 am, they systematically wreaked destruction on the Emden and its men: at 11.20 von Müller ran the Emden onto a coral reef to save his crew. By this stage, the Emden was, as Able Seaman Richard Broome in the Sydney wrote in his diary, ‘a total wreck, on fire from the bridge to the stern, all three funnels, foremast & bridge gone, all her guns silent’. Of the 316 men aboard the Emden, 134 were killed in the encounter or subsequently died of wounds and 65 were wounded. The Sydney’s casualties were four killed or died of wounds and 11 wounded. Von Müller survived the battle unharmed. Glossop next went in pursuit of the Buresk: the German crew scuttled the collier and were then brought aboard the Sydney. That evening, Jerram ordered the Empress of Asia to depart from Colombo and sail at full steam and with no lights to the Cocos Islands. Mole wrote in his diary that the ship’s engineers ‘were standing over the Chinese stokers with loaded revolvers so as to keep them at work’. When the Empress of Asia reached the islands, Mole and the other British and Indian soldiers were sent ashore in a vain search for any fugitive German sailors.51 The battle between the Emden and the Sydney had been brutal and lethal. Its aftermath, however, was more in accordance with peacetime ideas of gentlemanly behaviour. Von Müller had gained the respect of the British because of his impeccable behaviour towards captured sailors and passengers. When Mole had gone on leave in Colombo in October, he ‘met several seamen whose vessels had been sunk by the Emden. They were treated well and gave the captain a good name.’52 Glossop sent a radio message to Ceylon stating that the Sydney should not be cheered went it sailed into Colombo out of respect to the wounded German sailors now on board the Australian cruiser. When King George V
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Fig. 1.2 His Majesty’s Australian Ship Sydney, commanded by Captain John Glossop, defeated the Emden at the Cocos (Keeling) Islands on 9 November 1914. Glossop told the naval authorities in Ceylon that his ship should not be cheered when it entered Colombo harbour out of respect for the surviving German sailors. Image: Sea Power Centre – Australia.
was informed of the defeat of the Emden, his immediate response was to enquire whether von Müller and Prince Franz Joseph von Hohenzollern, an officer on the Emden and distant relative to the British royal family, had survived the battle. Churchill instructed that the Emden survivors were ‘entitled to all the honours of war’, and all officers ‘should be permitted to retain swords’.53 The Times of India commented on 14 November that the destruction of the Emden ‘has caused wide-spread satisfaction’ and predicted a revival in Indian business confidence. Large parts of the Indian economy would continue to be adversely affected by the war. However, jute overcame the difficulties of 1914 to become a commodity that remained in high demand until the armistice in 1918. On the Western Front, the end of 1914 marked the beginning of trench warfare. Sandbags became essential for constructing trench systems: Indian jute mills would manufacture 1.4 billion sandbags over the next four years.54
2
Shipping, Trade and Rationing
T
he Emden had demonstrated how vulnerable the British Empire’s trade and shipping was in wartime. One small German cruiser had shut down all trade in the Bay of Bengal, resulting in economic distress across India and panic in the New Zealand, Canadian and Australian governments, in dread that enemy warships would attack their troop convoys. The economies of every part of the British Empire relied, to a lesser or greater extent, on exporting and importing raw materials and manufactured goods. Most of this trade was carried by sea. The British merchant fleet was the largest in the world in 1914, and was four times larger than its nearest rival Germany’s. Each year British trade required the carrying of over 150 million tons of cargo. There were 287,000 British merchant seamen in 1913: 209,000 white British subjects, 31,000 white non-British subjects and 47,000 non-white sailors of Chinese, Indian and other backgrounds. Racial prejudice determined sailors’ wages: in April 1917 white sailors’ monthly wages ranged from 170 to 200 shillings, but Chinese sailors were paid only 120 to 130 shillings.1 The British tradition of free trade meant the United Kingdom and the various components of the British Empire were as likely to trade with foreign states as they were to trade with other parts of the Empire. In 1913, only one quarter of British and Irish imports came from India, the dominions and colonies, and only one third of British and Irish exports stayed within the Empire.2
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The 46 million people of the United Kingdom depended on food from overseas for 64 per cent of their calories.3 The extent of the reliance on imports is shown in Table 2.1. TABLE 2.1 UNITED KINGDOM FOOD SUPPLY, 19174 IMPORTED (%)
LOCALLY PRODUCED (%)
CEREALS
79
21
MEAT
40
60
BUTTER
64.5
35.5
CHEESE
80
20
EGGS
50
50
49.5
50.5
VEGETABLES (NOT POTATOES)
36
64
FRUIT
73
27
SUGAR, COCOA, CHOCOLATE
100
0
MARGARINE
This table understates the British reliance on imports, as a quarter of the fodder for British meat and dairy animals was imported. Equally significant was the trade in commodities. All cotton, silk, oil, rubber, jute and hemp was imported; three quarters of the annual consumption of wool was imported; and around two million tons of timber was shipped each year to provide props for Welsh and English coalmines.5 The United Kingdom traded with Europe where possible because it was closer and therefore quicker and cheaper to transport. Russian wheat shipped through the Black Sea and the Mediterranean was more convenient than wheat from Canada or Australia. Three quarters of British sugar imports in 1913 came from Austria–Hungary and Germany rather than the West Indies and Fiji.6
shipping, trade and rationing
31
As J.A. Salter would write in 1921, World War I was, for Britain and Germany, ‘a war of competing blockades, the surface and the submarine’. The Germans would implement unrestricted submarine campaigns in an attempt to sink sufficient merchant ships sailing for the United Kingdom that the population would be starved into submission. The Royal Navy established a cordon, enforced by armed merchant ships rather than warships as they were more stable in the often-stormy North Sea, to strangle German imports. British civilians would suffer occasional food shortages, especially in 1917, but hundreds of thousands of German civilians would die from the effects of long-term food scarcity. British Prime Minister David Lloyd George recognised the vital importance of wartime trade soon after he became prime minister in late 1916 when he stated that shipping ‘has never been so vital to the life of the country as it is at present, during the war. It is the jugular vein, which, if severed, will destroy the life of the nation’.7
The war begins: rationing in British North Borneo North Borneo was a territory of mostly tropical rainforest that the sultans of Brunei and Sulu had granted to the British North Borneo Company in 1881. Its estimated area of 31,000 square miles (80,300 square kilometres) was equivalent to that of Scotland. The United Kingdom government declared the territory (now the Malaysian state of Sabah) a British Protectorate in 1889, and took control of its external relations. Its internal administration, however, remained the responsibility of the seven-member Court of Directors of the British North Borneo Company, based in London. It was the Court of Directors who, with the Colonial Secretary’s approval, appointed the governor. According to the 1911 census, the colony’s population consisted of about 180,000 indigenous people, who mostly practised subsistence nomadic agriculture in the rainforests, and about 30,000 Chinese and 400 Europeans who mostly worked on tobacco and rubber plantations, mined coal at Cowie Harbour and were engaged in a growing trade in exporting timber to northern China.8 Norddeutscher Lloyd, a German shipping company, ran the weekly service from Singapore to British North Borneo that supplied all the food for the European community and half of the rice required by the Chinese
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community. When the war began, the German ships stopped sailing, and there was an immediate food shortage. Governor Cecil Parr introduced rationing and set a maximum price for rice to prevent profiteering.9 On 5 August 1914, J. West Ridgeway, Chairman of the British North Borneo Court of Directors, warned Sir John Anderson, the senior civil servant in the Colonial Office: North Borneo is in a precarious position as regards food [. . .] The prospect is appalling if the supplies for the Chinese Coolies – all 12000 – is entirely cut off and indeed apart from humanity the consequent catastrophe would [. . .] injure the prestige of the Empire in the East.
Anderson had an intimate knowledge of this part of the world as he had served in Singapore as governor of the Straits Settlements from 1904 to 1911. Ridgeway asked for the Colonial Office to ‘instruct’ Sir Arthur Young, the current governor, ‘to do his utmost’ to remedy the situation.10 The outbreak of war had caused a financial crisis in London, and the British government had imposed controls on the movement of funds outside the United Kingdom. This made it impossible for the British North Borneo Company to purchase food in Singapore and hire a vessel to transport it to North Borneo. Lord Harcourt, the Colonial Secretary, had to provide his personal approval for the Singapore branch of the Chartered Bank of India, Australia and China to pay £6,000 to the British North Borneo Company ‘in order to meet the food requirements of the inhabitants of British North Borneo’. With this authorisation, the funds were made available and a few days later a ship arrived in North Borneo carrying rice and other foodstuffs to alleviate the shortages.11 A permanent solution was then devised. The North Borneo government’s shipping agents in Singapore, Messrs. Guthrie & Co, and the Straits Settlements government worked together to enable the Straits Steamship Company to take over the Singapore–Borneo run. On 10 September, Sir Edward Grey, the British Foreign Secretary, agreed to requisition three German ships interned in Singapore so the Straits Steamship Company could charter them to service North Borneo.12
shipping, trade and rationing
33
Nigeria: palm kernels and shipping cartels It had been relatively simple to solve the shipping problem in the small colony of North Borneo. It would be far more difficult to overcome the effects of the wartime disruption to shipping and trade in Nigeria. This was for three reasons. First, Nigeria was the most populous British colony in Africa with about 17.5 million inhabitants. Second, a significant proportion of the African population, particularly in the south, grew crops such as cotton and cocoa for export to Europe. Third, much of this produce went to Germany on German ships.13 The most important export was the ‘monarch of the Nigerian forest’, the palm kernel that could be crushed to extract palm oil to make a high-quality margarine. About 80 per cent of Nigerian kernels – 131,886 tons, worth £2.4 million in 1913 – went to Hamburg, mostly carried in the ships of the Woermann-Linie group. Only Germany had sufficient specialised crushing plants to process such a large amount of kernels. With the outbreak of war, the market for Nigerian palm kernels collapsed: those landed in Liverpool from August to October 1914 were literally unsaleable.14 R.E. Dennett, Deputy Chief Conservator in the Nigerian Forestry Department, presented a lecture to the Royal Colonial Institute in London on 26 October 1914 entitled ‘The war: British and German trade in Nigeria’ that outlined the three requirements that Nigerian palm kernel producers would need to secure their future. These were: ‘a line of steamers [. . .] to take the place of the German line which had run from Hamburg’; a new ‘great seed-crushing centre [. . .] capable of taking and treating Nigeria’s exports of palm kernels’; and the creation of a British market for ‘palm kernel meal and cake’ – the by-product of the oil extraction process that was used as animal feed.15 The British government immediately recognised that Nigeria’s ‘palm kernel difficulty is a serious one’, and worked with British manufacturers to ensure that Dennett’s second and third propositions were brought into reality. Lord Islington of the Colonial Office met with soap-makers Lever Brothers and the Liverpool and London Chambers of Commerce in August 1914 and discovered that there were only three small mills capable of crushing palm kernels in the entire United Kingdom. Fortunately, soap and margarine manufacturers expressed their willingness to order new
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machinery and construct large crushing mills. By 1915 Nigerian palm kernels that had previously gone to Germany were now being processed in factories in Liverpool, Hull and London.16 The West African Section of the London Chamber of Commerce issued a report in March 1915 on ‘the question of the Palm Kernel Industry as affected by the War’ which argued that the high cost of establishing new crushing plants meant that markets would need to be found for both palm oil and for crushed palm kernel cake as animal feed. German manufacturers had established a large market for palm kernel cake among European farmers. The small crushing mills in operation in Liverpool in 1914 had sold a small amount of palm kernel cake to Irish farmers, but their main market had been Germany and Scandinavia.17 The campaign to persuade British farmers to purchase palm kernel cake for their stock animals was carried out on two fronts. Professor Wyndham Dunstan, Director of the Imperial Institute in London, successfully lobbied the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries to produce a leaflet on palm kernel cakes that was issued in January 1915. This explained that the product was ‘being brought prominently to the notice of stock holders as a result of the war’ because ‘hitherto practically all the palmnut kernels produced in Nigeria and other British Colonies [which] have been exported to Germany [. . .] have now been diverted to the United Kingdom’. Owen Phillips, Chairman of the London Chamber of Commerce, contacted the principals of British agricultural colleges in October 1914, for advice in ‘getting farmers to take an interest in this matter’. Phillips found a general appreciation of ‘the Imperial aspect of the question’ and that 14 colleges had commenced trials to provide information to agriculturalists. He accurately predicted that ‘Palm Kernel Cake will be welcomed by farmers as a new and useful feeding material, as soon as it is made known to them, and is commercially “pushed” ’.18 By 1915, Nigerian palm kernels that had been exported to Germany were now being processed in Britain to make margarine, and British farmers were buying palm kernel cake for animal feed. But what of the third of R.E. Dennett’s recommendations for extra British ships to be put on the West African route to make up for the withdrawal of German hulls? This was never achieved. Nigerians suffered shipping shortages for the duration of the war. At the end of 1915 there were over 300 railway
shipping, trade and rationing
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wagons clogging Nigerian railway yards loaded with palm kernels awaiting shipment. It is true that this occurred in many parts of the Empire. When Governor-General Sir Frederick Lugard informed Colonial Secretary Andrew Bonar Law of ‘the absence of adequate shipping’ in Nigeria, he acknowledged that his ‘description no doubt does not differ materially from that which reaches you from many, if not most, of the Colonies at the present time’. What made the situation in Nigeria worse, however, was that the removal of the Woermann-Linie group’s ships gave the British Elder Dempster group a virtual monopoly on the West African route. As well as this, the shutting down of German business in Nigeria meant that British trading companies and the French Compagnie Française de l’Afrique Occidentale now controlled the colony’s export trade and formed cartels to use this power to their advantage.19 The colonial administration in Nigeria recognised that indigenous producers and traders had real grievances. Edward Harding in the Colonial Office commented on 1 January 1916: The position is very unsatisfactory, but it is difficult to see what can be done to improve matters. With the disappearance of German firms, there is, it would seem, a real danger of Nigerian trade falling into the hands of a ring of firms powerful enough to crush out opposition and to exploit Nigeria for their own personal profit.20
Both Elder Dempster and the cartel trading companies made huge profits from Nigerian exports during the war. Elder Dempster used its monopoly position to force a 40 per cent increase in the cost of transporting palm kernels between August 1914 and December 1915. The cartel companies retained their profit despite Elder Dempster’s freight rises because they combined to force down the price that Nigerian producers received for palm kernels and other produce. The pre-war difference between the Lagos price and Liverpool price for palm kernels was between £4 and £5 per ton: in 1916 the difference in prices between Lagos and Liverpool had widened to £13. Palm kernels could be purchased in Nigeria for less than half the British selling price.21 Elder Dempster and the cartel companies colluded to prevent independent traders gaining access to shipping space. Archibald Cooper,
36
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General Manager of Nigerian Railways, calculated in October 1916 that the cartel companies received 63 per cent of the available shipping. The remaining 37 per cent was divided between three groups of non-cartel traders: the British Cotton Growing Association (10.5 per cent), European companies (13.5 per cent) and African traders (13 per cent).22 In districts where the independent traders operated alongside the cartel companies, farmers received better prices as there was competition for their produce, but the independent traders found it difficult to get their goods exported. African merchants including Karimu Kotun, T.B. Dawodu and Moses Coker presented a petition to Lugard in July 1916, complaining that Elder Dempster allocated them only 350 tons of the 9,000 tons of available shipping space. In October, Samuel W. Duncan, Managing Director of the newly formed Association of Native Merchants told the governor-general: ‘If we are unable to obtain the tonnage in the only steamers trading with Lagos, it means we are to become the slaves of the Combine or retire from business.’23 While Elder Dempster and the cartel companies amassed their profits, the Nigerian people suffered. The shipping shortage did lead to the development of local industries such as the manufacture of roofing tiles, and the establishment of a furniture factory in Lagos and a coal mine at Udi. However, it also meant the price of imports such as salt, kerosene and textiles increased by between 150 and 300 per cent. Harding in London noted in May 1916 that Nigerian revenue from import duties had fallen due to the ‘reduction of the purchasing power of natives owing to the low prices paid by the ring merchants’. Export duties had to be introduced to raise funds, large infrastructure projects, such as the railway to the inland town of Kaduna, were cancelled, and, as Ayodeji Olukoju has argued, Elder Dempster’s exorbitant freight rates were ‘detrimental’ to Nigerians’ ‘economic interests’.24
Ireland: stained glass windows revival The loss of the Hamburg trade had been economically disastrous for Nigeria. In Ireland, however, the halt in German imports enabled the rebirth of the local manufacture of stained glass windows. As the poet William Butler Yeats, as a member of the Irish Free State Senate, would
shipping, trade and rationing
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later point out, German mass-produced ‘inferior stained-glass’ dominated the Irish market in 1914. The outbreak of war, however, meant that ‘our Irish stained-glass had not to face that competition’, and Yeats argued that Irish artists demonstrated their ability to create ‘beautiful glass’ that ‘found an exceedingly fine market at home’.25 This artistic renaissance was centred on Sarah Purser’s Dublin studio named, in the Irish language, An Túr Gloine (‘The Tower of Glass’). The artists included in this circle included Purser, Catherine O’Brien, Ethel Rhind, Wilhelmina Geddes, Alfred Ernest Child, Michael Healy and Harry Clarke. In the absence of imported German stained glass, Irish exponents in this craft gained commissions for churches, public buildings and private houses. In February 1916, An Túr Gloine exhibited stained glass windows by Rhind, O’Brien and Healy that the Irish Times praised for their ‘brilliancy and originality’, and the Irish Builder and Engineer published an article outlining the work of the main Irish glass artists. Four months later, Harry Clarke displayed windows of Irish saints that were installed, alongside windows by O’Brien, Rhind and Child, at the Honan Chapel built adjacent to University College
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The 88th Infantry Division was activated at Camp Gruber, Oklahoma on 15 July 1942 under the command of Major General John E. Sloan. On that day, standing on the dusty, hot parade ground, on behalf of the fledgling Division, General Sloan accepted the challenge from the President of the 88th Division Veterans Association to, “take up the job we didn’t get done.”
In response, referring to the Great War veterans present, General Sloan assured onlookers that, “their faith will be sustained, their record maintained and the glory of the colors never will be sullied as long as one man of the 88th still lives.”
It was a solemn and demanding pledge, but one that the men of the 88th would keep through some of the hardest-fought battles of the Second World War.
General Sloan drove the soldiers of the 88th hard, from activation throughout all of its pre-deployment training. Comprised overwhelmingly of draftees, after basic training for the Division’s recruits, small unit training was conducted at Camp Gruber. Next, the 88th participated in Third Army Louisiana Maneuvers #3 from mid-June 1943, and moved to Fort Sam Houston, Texas, in late August before staging Camp Patrick Henry, Virginia in November. From the Hampton Roads Port of Embarcation, the 88th sailed for North Africa, arriving in Casablanca, French Morocco, on 15 December.
The Division next moved to Algeria just before the end of the year, and conducted intensive training for employment in Italy. Under the command of the Assistant Division Commander, Brigadier General Paul W. Kendall, an advance party departed for Italy on 26 December, and went into the line as observers on 4-5 January, attached to 3rd, 34th, and 36th Infantry Divisions, and the British 5th, 46th, and 56th Divisions. On 3 January 1944, a member of this advance echelon became the 88th’s first KIA when Sergeant William A. Streuli of Paterson, New Jersey (A forward observer in B/339th Field Artillery Battalion) was killed by fragments from a bomb dropped by a Luftwaffe aircraft in the 34th Infantry Division sector. Lieutenant Elwin Ricketts, Battery B Executive Officer, became the first WIA when he was wounded in the same attack.
The main body of the 88th was transported to Italy in early February 1944, arriving in the Naples area in increments as they were ferried across from Oran, Algeria. The first Division unit into the line was 2nd Battalion, 351st Infantry, which relieved elements of the Texas Division’s 141st Infantry Regiment near Cervaro on 27 February. Early the next day, firing in support of a French unit, the first artillery round fired in combat by an 88th DIVARTY unit was sent downrange by Battery C, 913th Field Artillery Battalion. Its target was a registration point at the Monte Cassino Abbey, the rubble of which was occupied by the Germans after the Allies bombed it, and not before.
The entire Division moved into the line on 4 March, and at 1000 hours on 5 March 1944 assumed responsibility for the sector previously occupied by the British 5th Division. At the same time, the 88th came under the control of the British X Corps, and deployed its three infantry regiments on line from the Mediterranean into the foothills to the east. Opposing the 88th in the strong fortified positions of the Gustav Line, were the German 71st and 94th Infantry Divisions.
The Blue Devil infantry spent the next two months occupying and improving defensive positions and patrolling, while DIVARTY fired harassing and interdiction missions at German positions and suspected and known lines of communication.
At 2300 on 11 May, American, British, British Commonwealth, French, and Polish guns began a massive barrage, behind which the entire Allied front in Italy began their last attack on the Gustav Line. Finally, the first US Army division comprised primarily of draftees would be tested in the crucible of a major operation.
In less than an hour, the 350th Infantry Regiment captured Mt. Damiano, key terrain overlooking the flank of the French units attacking on the Division’s right. In that action, Staff Sergeant Charles W. Shea of F/350th took charge of his platoon after the platoon leader was killed and the platoon sergeant was wounded, and led an assault which knocked the defenders out of their well-prepared positions. For his actions that day, Staff Sergeant Shea became the first Blue Devil to earn the Medal of Honor.
The rest of the Division also pushed hard and forced the stubborn foe off the Gustav Line. The 351st Infantry stormed into Santa Maria Infante and engaged in a particularly bitter battle with the German defenders there. After more than two days of vicious combat, the 351st seized Santa Maria, and any doubts that a well-trained “draftee division” could fight as well as Regular Army or National Guard units were dispelled.
As the 349th Infantry Regiment passed through the 351st and continued the attack to the north, the 88th’s operations took on aspects of a pursuit, one of the most challenging—and exhausting—missions possible for an infantry unit in mountains. Yet the elements of the Division doggedly pursued the withdrawing Germans, annihilating them where they chose to stand, and chasing them up and over the endless Italian hills. Through towns like Itri, Fondi, and Roccgorga, the Blue Devils drove on toward Rome, effectively destroying the German 94th Infantry Division in the process. So badly battered was the 94th that it had to be withdrawn to Germany for reconstitution, and did not return to combat until October.
Surging northward, elements of the 88th made contact with Allied units breaking out of the Anzio beachhead on 29 May, and were the first to enter the “Eternal City”—Rome— on 4 June.
After the fall of Rome, the 88th was pulled out of the line to refit and prepare for subsequent operations. Those operations began on 5 July, when the Division relieved the 1st Armored Division in the vicinity of Pomerance.
As the British, British Commonwealth, and French colonial forces opened their drive to the Germans’ next line of defense, the Gothic Line above the River Arno, they attacked on the east of the 88th toward Firenze. At the same time, other US forces attacked toward Livorno on the west coast. Between these, the 88th was ordered to seize Volterra, an ancient Etruscan fortress town with a spectacular view of its approaches for miles around.
The Division attacked Volterra at 0500 on 8 July with the 349th and 350th Infantry Regiments abreast, with the 351st in reserve. Intending to envelop the objective from both sides, the attack successfully drove the defenders of the veteran 90th Panzer Grenadier Division from their choice terrain. Volterra was secure by 2200 hours.
While performing security duties on the Division’s left flank, the 351st Infantry Regiment unexpectedly ran into a hornet’s nest near Laiatico on 9 July. Here, the regiment encountered Grenadier Regiment 1060, an element of the recently-disbanded 92nd Infantry Division now attached to the 362nd Infantry Division, as well as other elements of the 90th Panzer Grenadiers. After being initially repulsed on 11 July, the regiment attacked again on the 12th with the 2nd and 3rd Battalions up and the 1st in reserve. The 3rd Battalion tore into the 1060th’s 1st Battalion, destroying it and killing the enemy battalion commander. By the early morning of 13 July, all regimental objectives were secure; for its part in the attack, the 3rd Battalion, 351st Infantry Regiment was later awarded the Distinguished Unit Citation.
By 25 July, the Fifth Army’s offensive power had been spent; the loss of VI Corps and its veteran 3rd, 36th, and 45th Infantry Divisions to the impending invasion of Southern France prevented it from continuing the drive further to the north. The removal of the French Expeditionary Corps for participation in the same operation also diminished Allied combat power in Italy. Above the Arno, the units of the Germans’ Army Group Southwest were finishing their preparations for defense of the Gothic Line, and the Allied forces of the US Fifth and British Eighth Armies were going to require every ounce of power they could muster to breach the heavily fortified line in the mountains that ran from the Ligurian coast in the east to the Adriatic in the west.
Perhaps the most significant change in the 88th’s history to that point occurred in August 1944, when Major General Sloan was transferred first to a hospital in Italy, then to the States for treatment of a recurring disease. General Sloan had built the division from activation through all of its training, and had led the 88th into combat. A tough and demanding trainer, his insistence on excellence had paid off in victory and saved lives…and proven that the US Army’s divisions made up primarily of conscripts—the largest category of units, just coming into the line in 1944—could be highly effective on the battlefield.
General Sloan was succeeded by the Division’s Assistant Commander, Brigadier General Paul W. Kendall. Kendall had served with the 88th through stateside training and had established a very visible presence throughout the Division’s combat to that point. His succession to Division command seemed only natural to the most of the Blue Devils, and while General Sloan would be missed, the turbulence inevitably created by the departure of any respected and experienced leader was certainly greatly attenuated by General Kendall’s assumption of command.
Allied forces in Italy attacked toward the Gothic Line on 10 September, and penetrated it in the central and Adriatic sectors, but the Germans remained ensconced in their mountain fortifications in the west, and it was up to the Blue Devils to drive them out in their zone. The Division’s history, The Blue Devils in Italy, sums up the Gothic Line assault this way....
Each veteran and survivor has his own personal tale of horror, his own nightmare of those forty-four days and nights which blended together in one long drawn-out hell. It has been said that ‘all the mornings were dark, all the days were just different colors of gray and all the nights were black.’ And all the time up in those mountains north of Florence was just borrowed time. The terrain was so rough the Germans figured that no troops in the world could get through the few heavily defended mountain passes. But the Blue Devils made it, through the passes or over the mountain tops. The weather was so bad that the Germans thought no foot soldiers or vehicles could possibly operate in the mud and slime. But the Blue Devils walked and rode through the worst of it. The defenses and concrete, mined emplacements were so formidable that the Germans estimated they were impregnable. But the Blue Devils stormed and shattered the biggest and the best of them.
Perhaps the most spectacular fighting of that raw, rainy autumn took place on three craggy mountain peaks in late September and early October. On 27 September, elements of the 350th Infantry Regiment linked up with Italian partisans and occupied Mt. Battaglia without opposition. However, over the next six days, the “Green Devils” of the German 1st Parachute Division attacked fiercely and without surcease in an effort to seize this key terrain. Their efforts were in vain, however, as the 350th committed everything it had, including headquarters clerks, and threw back every assault to retain the critical mountain top. Casualties were grave—50% of the regiment, with all but one company commander killed or wounded—and acts of extraordinary valor had been almost common. For its part in the brutal fighting on Mt. Battaglia, the 2nd Battalion, 350th Infantry was later awarded the Distinguished Unit Citation, and for his gallantry and intrepidity—at the cost of his life—Captain Robert Roeder, CO of Company G, was awarded the Medal of Honor.
While the 350th was grimly holding on to Mt. Battaglia, the 349th Infantry Regiment was attacking the village of Belvedere enroute to its objective, Mt. Grande. At Belvedere, it earned laurels of its own, if from a distinctly different source. Referring to the 349th’s assault, a German officer captured in the fighting there remarked to his captors that, “In nine years of service, I have fought in Poland, Russia, and Italy—never have I seen such spirit I would be the proudest man in the world if I could command a unit such as the one which took Belvedere.” Few comments could be more telling than a profound compliment from an opponent. Even as the “Kraut Killers” (349th) and “Battle Mountain” (350th) regiments were engaged in these ferocious and costly actions, the 351st Infantry Regiment was locked in its own ferocious struggle for Mt. Capello. As the author of The Blue Devils in Italy put it, “The battle for Capello…was a struggle between German soldiers who would not withdraw and American troops who would not be stopped.” The fighting raged for days, sometimes literally at bayonet point,until the 1st and 2nd Battalions secured the top of the mountain. For its part in the battle, the 2nd Battalion, 351st Infantry Regiment was later awarded the Distinguished Unit Citation.
Opposed by elements of the Luftwaffe’s elite 1st Parachute Division (the defenders of Monte Cassino earlier in the year), the 88th slugged forward through seemingly endless mountains toward the Po Plain. In the total of 44 days of rain, mud, terror, ferocity, and blood that was the campaign in the North Appenines for the Blue Devils, there were many tactical victories, but no ultimate operational success. Like the rest of the fighting elements of the Fifth Army, the Division’s soldiers were just too exhausted to push further. Company G, 351st came closest to breaking through, but was literally wiped out at Vedriano, on the very verge of the Po Valley southeast of Bologna, on 24 October.
The 88th went over to the defensive in late October and patrolled, improved positions, and rehabilitated its combat troops as best it could through the oncoming winter of 1944-45. The Division relieved the 85th Infantry Division in its sector on 22 November, and was in turn itself relieved for general rehabilitation on 13 January.
After a brief interval out of the line, the Blue Devils were again committed on 24 January in relief of the 91st Infantry Division near Loiano and Livergnano. After more patrolling and maintenance of defensive positions, the Division was pulled out of the line again for further rehabilitation, but also special training intended to prepare it for the impending spring offensive.
That offensive, which would finally defeat the Wehrmacht in Italy, commenced on April Fool’s Day with a supporting attack by the 92nd Infantry Division on the Ligurian coast in the west to draw German forces away from the point of the impending main effort.
Another supporting attack, in much greater strength, was launched by the British Eighth Army on the Adriatic coast on 9 April. Finally, with the German reserves being decisively committed to meet these attacks at the extreme ends of the line in Italy, on 14 April, Fifth Army jumped off in the main attack against the German center.
The 88th’s attack began at 2230 hours on 15 April, as its infantry regiments lunged toward Monterumici. In two days of fearsome fighting, the Blue Devils knocked the German defenders off the key ridge; they could not have known it at the time, but the German defense of Monterumici was the last well-organized resistance that the 88th would encounter.
Once past Monterumici, the 88th was on its way across the Po and to the Alps. Verona fell on 25 April, followed by Vicenza three days later. German forces in Italy surrendered on 2 May, although it took until early the next day to notify all Blue Devil units of the capitulation. On 4 May, elements of the 349th Infantry Regiment linked up with units from the 103rd Infantry Division’s 409th Infantry Regiment coming down from Austria—where German forces had yet to surrender—in the Brenner Pass, marking the long-sought union of Allied forces attacking from Italy with those which had originally landed in France and fought their wary through the Reich.
The Blue Devil Division’s accomplishments in its 344 days in combat reflect the valor, commitment, and unwavering devotion to duty of its soldiers. Not on ly did the 88th earn high praise from the likes of General Mark Clark, Commanding General of Fifth Army and a widely-recognized hard taskmaster, but it was even grudgingly admired by experienced enemy senior officers. Generalmajor Karl-Lothar Schulz, Commanding General of the famed 1st Parachute Division and one of only 159 recipients of the Knight’s Cross with Oak Leaf and Swords, told his interrogators, “the 88th Division is the best Division we have ever fought against.” A written estimate of enemy unit effectiveness prepared by German intelligence echoed Schulz’s sentiments. It rated the 88th, “a very good division with excellent fighting material.” It also noted that after VI Corps departed for France that the 88th was “the best US division in Italy,” with “very good leadership.”
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Aberjona Slaughterhouse The Handbook of The Eastern Front OCR Ogon
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Aberjona Slaughterhouse the Handbook of the Eastern Front OCR Ogon - Free ebook download as PDF File (.pdf), Text File (.txt) or read book online for free. This document provides an introduction to the Eastern Front of World War II between Germany/Axis powers and the Soviet Union. It summarizes that Germany launched a surprise invasion of the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941 and rapidly advanced to the outskirts of major cities like Leningrad, Moscow, and Rostov in under six months. However, the Soviet Union fought desperately for survival over the ensuing four years of conflict across 600,000 square miles of territory. By 1945 the Soviet Army had occupied much of Central and Eastern Europe and raised their flag over the ruins of Berlin, but at a tremendous cost of 35 million Soviet lives. Despite its massive scale and global impact, the Eastern Front remains imperfectly understood in the West and led to
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50th Northumbrian Infantry Division history – 1944 – Battle of Normandy
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Birth of the 50th Infantry Division
The 50th Infantry Division was created in 1939 and belongs to the British Territorial Army.
The division is deployed in France and Belgium where it knows its baptism of fire, although initially comprising only two infantry brigades (the 150th and 151st infantry brigades). It takes part in the attack of Arras where it undergoes very heavy losses in particular against the troops of the 7th German armored division commanded by the general Rommel. Reorganized in June 1940 after the evacuation of Dunkirk and reinforced by the 69th brigade, it becomes a division strictly speaking.
North Africa and Sicily
On April 22, 1941, the 50th Infantry Division (D.I.), nicknamed Northumbrian, is sent to North Africa via the Middle East. Again, the 50th ID fights Rommel’s troops and in May-June 1942 the British must retreat and abandon their defensive positions in Gazala after furious fighting during which the 150th Infantry Brigade is put out of action. The 50th D.I. is then reinforced by the 1st Free French Brigade and the 1st Greek Brigade in the framework of the second battle of El Alamein.
Continuing the Allied efforts in North Africa to take back these territories to the Axis forces, the 50th DI participates in the Supercharge operation on November 2, 1942 to seize Tell el Aqqaqir: after ten hours of bombing, the 151st and 152nd Infantry Brigades begin the assault by clearing their way through the minefields.
In 1943, the 50th D.I. fights in Tunisia and participates in the Pugilist operation against the Mareth line from 19 to 20 March 1943: the British fight against the 15th Panzer Division. On April 5, 1943, they destroyed the Italian San Marco Battalion at Wadi Akarit. During this offensive, the 6th Green Howards regiment lost 126 men killed in action. At the end of the fighting in North Africa, 250,000 Axis soldiers are taken prisoner.
On July 10, 1943, the 50th Northumbrian landed in Sicily in Avola, under the command of the XIII British Corps. On the 16th of July, the 151st Infantry Brigade seized the strategically important bridge of Primosolo on the Simeto River. At the end of the intervention in Sicily, on October 19, 1943, Montgomery decided to withdraw the 50th D.I. to the 8th British Army to allow it to prepare for Operation Overlord and the place in England.
Overlord and the Battle of Normandy
In England, the 50th Infantry Division is reinforced by the 56th and 231st Infantry Brigades. On June 6, 1944, she landed at 07:25 on the beach code name “Gold”: must capture Bayeux, the village of Arromanches and the national highway 13 connecting Bayeux to Caen and finally to make the junction with the Canadian troops landed at Juno Beach. The 69th and 231st infantry brigades formed the first wave of assault, supported by the tanks of the 8th British Armored Brigade.
The German defenders of the 352nd and 716th infantry divisions oppose a fierce resistance but bend under the allied firepower, especially that issued by the air force. Gold Beach is under control in the middle of the morning and the 50th DI progresses rapidly towards the south: the battery of the Mont Fleury falls under the assaults of the 6th Green Howards regiment while it is the infantrymen of the 69th brigade which ensure the junction with the 3rd Canadian division from Juno. On the evening of D-Day, the Bayeux-Caen road is not reached and the division records 400 losses.
Following the fighting of the 50th Northumbrian are concentrated around the city of Caen where furious fighting takes place in order to seize the Norman capital.
The division took part in Operation Perch on June 11, 1944, which saw the bloody fighting in the village of Tilly-sur-Seulles against the German soldiers of the Panzer Lehr division. In the end, on June 16, the small village of Tilly is nothing but ruins and it was lost and then taken 23 times in total before its final release.
The 50th D.I. is the spearhead of many other British operations in Normandy, particularly that of Bluecoat in August 1944. The unit continues its efforts towards the northeast towards Belgium.
Operation Market Garden
The 50th Northumbrian is placed in reserve of the 30th British body as part of Operation Market Garden which begins September 17, 1944 in Holland. Its battalions participate in the offensive towards Nijmegen. The Germans, contrary to what was planned, firmly defend and counter-attack: they cut in half the 50th D.I. from September 22 to 23 until the Allied forces restore the integrity of their lines. The division seizes successively Valkenswaard, Bremmel and still Halderen after hard fights.
From September 30, 1944, the 50th Infantry Division is to defend the Allied Bridgehead north of the town of Nijmegen, exposing it to a number of particularly violent counter-attacks that last for nearly two years. month. The 69th Battalion and the 6th Green Howards regiment pay dearly for the defense of their positions: the losses of the division amounted to 900 men in mid-October.
The end of the 50th Northumbrian
After Operation Market Garden, Montgomery decided to remove most of the elements of the 50th Infantry Division from the front line and place it in England. It serves as a training unit for new recruits who replace the soldiers put out of action. At the end of the Second World War, the division’s total casualties amounted to 8,500 men: killed, wounded or missing.
In 1945, the 50th D.I. is deployed in Norway where it returns to its original function, namely a territorial force, before being definitively dissolved.
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The Project Gutenberg eBook of The 56th Division, by C. H. (Charles Humble) Dudley Ward
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The Project Gutenberg eBook, The 56th Division, by C. H. (Charles Humble) Dudley Ward
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
Title: The 56th Division
1st London Territorial Division
Author: C. H. (Charles Humble) Dudley Ward
Release Date: November 4, 2015 [eBook #50379]
Language: English
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***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE 56TH DIVISION***
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THE 56th DIVISION
All Rights Reserved
TO THE MEMORY
OF
MAJOR-GENERAL
SIR CHARLES PATRICK AMYATT HULL,
K.C.B.
Born July 3rd, 1865
Died July 24th, 1920
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en
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THE FIRST WORLD WAR AND THE END OF THE HABSBURG MONARCHY
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"Legeza G Y U L A Gergely",
"independent.academia.edu"
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My opinion is that the guilt in WWI was the despot-czar Wilhelm II.His first idea was never to receive democracy for the people does not worth it.
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https://www.academia.edu/73105942/THE_FIRST_WORLD_WAR_AND_THE_END_OF_THE_HABSBURG_MONARCHY
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The distinction between kinds of guilt has not lost its power to illuminate matters, and it remains a great tool to study the consequences of forgetting guilt of any kind. Karl Jaspers made the distinction between kinds of guilt mainly to ease the Germans coping with guilt, as all of them were blamed for the evil that happened under Adolf Hitler. Jaspers believed that in using this distinction the German nation could have come back to its origins, and thus purified, take its part in the possible future unity of the world and of all mankind. But soon after World War II ended, a confluence of political, social, psychological and philosophical factors contributed to a situation in which a large number of culprits were not brought to account: criminals were rarely rightly punished. In addition, many Germans believing in the ideology of National Socialism felt no guilt in terms of morality; they downplayed the political guilt; they negated the very existence of the metaphysical guilt. Th...
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World War I Timeline
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Comprehensive timeline with many rare photos and informative photo captions.
| null |
January 17, 1915 - The initial Turkish offensive into Russia is thwarted as the Turkish 3rd Army suffers a defeat by the Russian Army of the Caucasus near Kars. The Russians then begin a multi-pronged invasion of the Ottoman Empire from the Caucasus.
January 19, 1915 - Germany begins an aerial bombing campaign against Britain using Zeppelins.
January 31, 1915 - Poison gas is used for the first time in the war as Germans on the Eastern Front attack Russian positions west of Warsaw. Although the Germans fire 18,000 gas shells, they have little effect on the Russians as frigid temperatures prevent the gas from vaporizing.
February 1915 - The Turks begin forced deportations of Armenians. Over the next two years, an estimated 1.5 million Armenians will either starve to death, die of thirst in the Syrian Desert, or be murdered by Turkish troops and bandits, during the Armenian Genocide.
February 3, 1915 - Turkish troops launch an unsuccessful attack against the British-controlled Suez Canal, which is regularly used by the British to ferry Dominion troops from Australia, New Zealand and India to European battle grounds.
February 4, 1915 - Germany declares the waters surrounding British Isles to be a war zone in which ships can be sunk without warning.
February 7-22, 1915 - On the Eastern Front in Europe, the German 8th and 10th Armies wage a successful offensive against the Russian 10th Army in the Masurian Lakes region of East Prussia, pushing the Russians eastward into the Augustow Forest where they are decimated.
February 16, 1915 - On the Western Front, the French launch their second offensive against German defense lines in Champagne. Once again they are hampered by the muddy winter weather and a lack of heavy artillery. After a month of fighting, suffering 240,000 casualties, the exhausted French break off the offensive.
U-Boat Warfare Begins
February 18, 1915 - The first German U-Boat campaign of the war begins with unrestricted attacks against merchant and passenger ships in the waters around the British Isles. Within six months, Allied shipping losses at sea surpass the number of new ships being built. However, the unrestricted attacks also arouse the anger of the neutral United States as Americans are killed.
March 1915 - The British Navy imposes a total sea blockade on Germany, prohibiting all shipping imports including food.
March 10, 1915 - British and Indian troops in the Artois region of northern France attack the Germans around the village of Neuve Chapelle. The attack takes the outnumbered Germans by surprise. The British achieve their initial objective but fail to capitalize on the narrow breach they create in the German lines. After three days of fighting, with over 11,000 casualties, the British offensive is suspended. The Germans suffer over 10,000 casualties.
March 22, 1915 - The Russians capture 120,000 Austrians at Przemysl in Galicia. This marks the culmination of a series of winter battles between the Austrians and Russians to secure the strategic Carpathian Mountain passes and opens the way for a Russian invasion of Hungary. Realizing this, the Germans and Austrians make plans to combine their troops and launch a major spring offensive.
April 11, 1915 - British troops in Mesopotamia fend off a large attack by the Turks against Basra. The British then branch out to protect their position at Basra, and proceed up the Tigris Valley toward Baghdad.
Second Battle of Ypres
April 22-May 25, 1915
April 22, 1915 - Poison gas is used for the first time on the Western Front as the German 4th Army attacks French positions around Ypres in northern Belgium. As they attack, the Germans release chlorine gas from over 5,000 cylinders forming poisonous green clouds that drift toward two French African divisions. Lacking any protection, the French quickly retreat. Although this creates a five-mile-wide gap in the Allied lines, the Germans fail to capitalize due to a lack of reserve troops and cautious frontline troops hesitant to venture too close to the gas clouds. British and Canadians then plug the gap but are unable to regain any ground taken by the Germans. The British then withdraw to a second line of defense, leaving Ypres in Allied hands but virtually surrounded. Casualties in the Second Battle of Ypres total 58,000 Allies and 38,000 Germans.
April 25, 1915 - Allied troops land on the Gallipoli Peninsula in an attempt to unblock the Dardanelles Straits near Constantinople (present day Istanbul, Turkey) to reopen access to Russia through the Black Sea. The landing comes after a failed attempt by British and French warships to force their way through the narrow Straits. The 70,000 landing troops include 15,000 Australians and New Zealanders. The peninsula is heavily defended by Turkish troops, supplied and trained by Germans. Within two weeks, a stalemate develops as the Allies fail to gain any of their objectives and the Turks begin a series of costly attacks attempting to drive out the Allies.
May 1, 1915 - German U-Boats sink their first American merchant ship, the tanker Gulflight, in the Mediterranean Sea near Sicily.
May 2, 1915 - On the Eastern Front, a combined Austro-German offensive begins against the Russian 3rd Army at Tarnow and Gorlice in Galicia. The attack is preceded by a massive artillery bombardment with over 700,000 shells. This breaks down the defenses of the weakened Russians who now suffer from shortages of artillery shells and rifles. Within two days, the Austro-Germans break through the lines and the Russians begin a disorganized retreat.
Lusitania Sunk
May 7, 1915 - A German U-Boat torpedoes the British passenger liner Lusitania off the Irish coast. It sinks in 18 minutes, drowning 1,201 persons, including 128 Americans. President Woodrow Wilson subsequently sends four diplomatic protests to Germany.
May 9, 1915 - Following six days of artillery bombardment by over a thousand French guns, the French 10th Army attacks German defense lines in the Artois, advancing toward Vimy Ridge. The French achieve their initial objective, but fail to capitalize on the narrow breach they create in the German lines. The next day, Germans counter-attack and push back the French.
May 9, 1915 - Complementing the French offensive at Vimy, British and Indian troops launch their second attack against the Germans around Neuve Chapelle in the Artois. However, without sufficient artillery support to weaken the German frontline defenses, the advancing soldiers are decimated by German machine-gun fire. The attack is called off the next day with 11,000 casualties.
May 15, 1915 - British and Indian troops launch another attack against Germans in the Artois, this time at Festubert, north of Neuve Chapelle. The attack is preceded by a 60-hour artillery bombardment. But the troops advance just 1,000 yards while suffering 16,000 casualties.
May 23, 1915 - Italy enters the war on the side of the Allies by declaring war on Austria-Hungary. The Italians then launch offensives along the 400-mile common border between Austria and Italy. The better equipped Austrians take advantage of the mountainous terrain to establish strong defensive positions all along the border. The Italians then focus their attacks on the mountain passes at Trentino and the valley of the Isonzo River.
May 31, 1915 - The first aerial bombing of London occurs as German Zeppelins kill 28 persons.
June 12, 1915 - After pausing to regroup, Austro-German troops resume their offensive in Galicia on the Eastern Front. Within five days, they break through the Russian lines and push the Russian 3rd and 8th Armies further eastward. Russian casualties soon surpass 400,000.
June 16, 1915 - The French 10th Army launches its second attempt to seize Vimy Ridge from the Germans in the Artois. This time the troops encounter an intensive artillery bombardment from the improved defenses of the German 6th Army. The French achieve their initial objective, but then succumb to a German counter-attack, just as they did in the first attempt at Vimy. The French call off the Vimy offensive with 100,000 casualties. The Germans suffer 60,000.
June 23, 1915 - The First Battle of Isonzo begins as Italian troops attack Austrian defenses. Initial gains by the Italians are soon repulsed by the Austrians with heavy casualties for both sides. Three additional battles are fought through the end of 1915 with similar results, totaling 230,000 casualties for the Italians and 165,000 for the Austrians.
July 1, 1915 - Russia creates a Central War Industries Committee to oversee production and address a severe shortage of artillery shells and rifles on the Front. Russian soldiers in the field without rifles can only get them from fellow soldiers after they are killed or wounded.
July 9, 1915 - In Africa, the German Southwest Africa colony (present day Namibia) is taken by the Allies following 11 months of fighting between the Germans and South African and Rhodesian troops loyal to the British.
July 13, 1915 - On the Eastern Front, the next phase of the combined Austro-German offensive against the Russians begins in northern Poland, with the Austro-Germans advancing toward Warsaw. The Russian Army now gets weaker by the day due to chronic supply shortages and declining morale. Once again, the Russians retreat, and also order a total civilian evacuation of Poland. This results in great hardship for the people as they leave their homes and head eastward, clogging the roads and hampering the movement of Russian troops.
August 1, 1915 - The Fokker Scourge begins over the Western Front as German pilots achieve air supremacy using the highly effective Fokker monoplane featuring a synchronized machine-gun that fires bullets through the spinning propeller. Although the technology was pioneered by French pilot Roland Garros, the Germans copied and improved the synchronized gun idea after capturing his plane. The Fokker Scourge will last nearly a year, until Allied aerial technology catches up.
August 5, 1915 - Warsaw is taken by Austro-Germans troops. This ends a century of Russian control of the city. After taking Warsaw, the Austro-Germans move on to capture Ivangorod, Kovno, Brest-Litovsk, Bialystok, Grodno, and Vilna. By the end of September, Russian troops are driven out of Poland and Galicia, back to the original lines from which they had begun the war in 1914. For the time being, the battered Russian Army has effectively been eliminated as an offensive threat on the Eastern Front, freeing the Germans to focus more effort on the Western Front.
August 6, 1915 - Hoping to break the stalemate at Gallipoli, British renew the offensive. An additional 20,000 troops are landed but their attack is hampered by poor communications and logistical problems. The Turks, led by Mustafa Kemal, respond by rushing in two divisions and the British offensive fails.
September 5, 1915 - Russian Czar Nicholas II takes personal command of the Russian Army, hoping to rally his faltering troops. Losses to the Czar's army from the Austro-German offensives in Galicia and Poland include over 1,400,000 casualties and 750,000 captured. Russia is also weakened economically by the loss of Poland's industrial and agricultural output. Additionally, the ongoing mass exodus of Russian troops and civilians from Poland, called the Great Retreat, spurs dangerous political and social unrest in Russia, undermining the rule of the Czar and his Imperial government.
September 6, 1915 - Bulgaria enters the war on Germany's side with an eye toward invading neighboring Serbia. Thus far in the war, Austria-Hungary has tried, but failed, three times to conquer Serbia in retaliation for the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand. Now, the Austrians, aided by Germany and Bulgaria, plan to try again. With the addition of Bulgaria, Germany now has three allies in the war including Austria-Hungary and Turkey. This alliance is called the Central Powers due to their geographic location, primarily in central Europe.
September 18, 1915 - The Germans announce an end to their first U-Boat campaign, begun in February, which had targeted ships around the British Isles. This comes in response to increasing protests from the United States following American civilian deaths at sea. The U-Boats are then sent by the Germans to wreak havoc in the Mediterranean Sea, away from American shipping lanes in the Atlantic.
September 25, 1915 - On the Western Front, the British use poison gas for the first time as they launch an attack against the German 6th Army in the Artois. Chlorine gas is released from over 5,000 cylinders, creating a poisonous cloud that drifts toward the Germans, opening a gap in their front line. The British advance and quickly seize their objective, the town of Loos, but then fail to capitalize on the four-mile-wide breach in the German lines. The Germans regroup and when the British resume the attack the next day they are mowed down in the hundreds by well-placed German machine-gunners. In all, the British suffer 50,000 casualties during the Loos offensive. British Army Commander John French is then sacked, replaced by Douglas Haig.
September 25, 1915 - The French 2nd Army in Champagne attacks the weakest part of the German lines, creating a six-mile-wide breach that is three miles deep. The German 3rd Army then rushes in reinforcements, regroups its defense lines and plugs the gap. Facing strong resistance, the French break off the attack.
September 26, 1915 - The French launch their third attempt to seize Vimy Ridge from the Germans in Artois, and this time they secure the ridge.
September 26-28, 1915 - In the Middle East, a British victory occurs at the Battle of Kut al-Amara in Mesopotamia as they defeat the Turks. The resounding victory spurs an ambitious move by the British to venture onward to quickly capture Baghdad. However, that attempt fails and the troops return to Kut-al-Amara and dig in.
October 6, 1915 - The invasion of Serbia begins as Austro-German troops attack from the north. Five days later, the Bulgarians attack from the east. The outnumbered Serbs have their poorly supplied troops stretched too thinly to defend both fronts. Belgrade then falls to the Germans and the Bulgarians capture Kumanova, severing the country's north-south rail line. This leaves the overwhelmed Serbian troops no option other than to retreat westward through the mountains into Albania.
December 5, 1915 - Hoping to overcome their earlier defeat at Kut al-Amara in Mesopotamia, Turkish troops lay siege to the town, surrounding the British garrison there, cutting them off completely.
December 19, 1915 - The Allies begin an orderly evacuation of the Gallipoli Peninsula. This comes after months of stalemate in which Turkish troops contained all breakthrough attempts while inflicting 250,000 casualties. The British Navy successfully evacuates 83,000 survivors by sea as the Turks watch without firing a shot, glad to see them leave.
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https://www.thefifthfield.com/tag/infanterie-regiment-nr-88/
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en
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Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 88
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en
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The Fifth Field
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https://www.thefifthfield.com/verdun/tracking-history-88th-infantry-regiment/
|
This specific pistol – a Deutsche Waffen- und Munitionsfabriken (DWM)-produced Model 1908 9mm Luger – was produced in March 1915. It has the serial number 3336 c. The weapon has a unit marking on the front grip strap of 88. R.M.G. 48. This marking corresponds to the 88th Infantry Regiment, specifically the Machine Gun Company. The last digits, 48, indicate that it was the 48th weapon in the company’s arms room, undoubtedly belonging to a machine-gunner.
The 2. Nassauisches Infanterie-Regiment (2nd Nassau Infantry Regiment) was formed by the Duke of Nassau on August 13, 1808, when the Duchy of Nassau was an ally of Napoleon. It went to Spain, where it fought for the French in the storming of the Mesas de Ibor and the Battle of Talavera. In December 1813, after Nassau left the alliance with France, the regiment fought on the side of the allies against Napoleon. The unit fought at the key position of Hougoumont at the Battle of Waterloo. In 1848, it fought in the Baden Revolution and the following year fought against Denmark in the First Schleswig War. In the Austro-Prussian War of 1866, it fought with the southern Germany forces against Prussia. After Prussia’s victory, the regiment was incorporated into the Prussian Army as the 88th Infantry Regiment (Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 88.) In the Franco-Prussian War of 1870/71, the regiment fought at Weißenburg (August 4), Wörth (August 6), Sedan (September 1), Mont Valerien (January 19, 1871), and at the Siege of Paris from September 22, 1870 to January 28, 1871. After the war, the regimental headquarters was located at the Mainz Fortress, moving to Diez from 1894-1897.
By a Prussian imperial order on September 19, 1913, King Konstantin of Greece was appointed to be the ceremonial head of the Regiment, so the unit received the K with a red crown for the their epaulets. The regiment was part of the 21st Infantry Division (Major General Ernst von Oven) was part of the XVIII Corps (Lieutenant General Heinrich von Schenk) at Frankfurt am Main. In August 1914, it was part of the Fourth Army (Duke Albrecht of Württemberg), entering Luxemburg on August 10 and Belgium on August 12. It fought at Neuf Château on August 20, at Bertrix and Orgeo on August 22, at Matton on August 24 and at Brévilly on August 26. The division crossed the Meuse River on August 28.
During the month of September 1914, the 21st Infantry Division took part on the First Battle of the Marne between Vitry-le-Francois and Sermaize-les-Bains. It then retired toward Rheims, where it fought northwest of the city from September 15 to 20. In October, it was reassigned with the XVIII Corps to the Second Army (Field Marshal Karl von Bülow) and was located at Roye.
The 88th Infantry Regiment remained with the 21st Infantry Division at Roye until March 1915, when it transferred to help form the 56th Infantry Division. The new division concentrated near Vouziers and then went south of Ripont on the Champagne Front in April. In early May, the 56th Division moved to the Eastern Front as the reserve for the Eleventh Army.
The 56th Infantry Division participated in the combined German-Austrian Gorlice-Tarnów Offensive in late May, initially as the army reserve, at the Battle of Jaroslav on May 18 and the Battle of Rudka on June 18, suffering heavy losses in both. The division also fought in the breakthrough at Lubaczow and the Battle of Lemberg, ending on June 22. At the end of June 1915, the division was transported back to the Western Front to Valenciennes, forming part of the high command reserve in the Second Army and later in Army Detachment Falkenhausen.
The division saw action from September through November 1915 in the Second Battle of Champagne, initially in the sector of Maison de Champagne, as part of the VIII Reserve Corps (Major General Friedrich Fleck) at Aure. Infantry losses alone in the division during the battle were 107 officers and 5,968 men. It remained in the trench lines at Champagne until April 1916, then went into reserve with the Third Army.
On May 25, 1916 the division entered the Battle of Verdun, fighting in the struggle for the Dead Man’s Hill (le Mort Homme). The regiment reinforced le Mort-Homme, helped capture the village of Cumières, remaining at Verdun until July 17, 1916. German records classified the fighting of May 25-29 as the “Kämpfe um den Toten Mann” and the fighting from May 29-July 17 as the “Stellungskämpfe auf dem Toten Mann.” The division then moved north to the Flanders and Artois sectors of the front and remained there until August 23, 1916.
The division joined the Battle of the Somme the following day; it would fight near Ginchy at Delville Wood, until September 9 launching a bloody counterattack northeast of the woods on August 31 against the British 7th Division.
The 56th Division was then pulled out of the line to receive reinforcements in October 1916 and returned to the trenches in Champagne, near Rheims. On November 1, 1916, the high command placed the division in the reserve for Army Group “Crown Prince Rupprecht von Bayern.”
The 56th Division returned to the final phase of the Battle of the Somme on November 13 near Pys under the command of the German First Army. On the south bank of the Ancre valley, the 56th Division was relieving the 58th Division on November 18 as the British began their attack that would later be known as the Battle of the Ancre – the final large British attack of the Battle of the Somme. The German positions began 300 meters north of the British “Regina Trench” at Alter Dessauer Riegel (Old Dessau Defense Line), which was held by patrols as a decoy away from Dessauer Riegel – Leipziger Riegel (Leipzig Defense Line), the main line of defense 150 meters back in Kleine Mulde (Little Hollow), an eastern extension of Stallmulde (Barn Hollow.) Stallmulde was 650 meters south of Baum Mulde (Tree Hollow.) Some 100 meters behind these defenses lay Grimmaer Riegel (Grimm Defense Line,) which the Germans were able partly to reinforce before November 18. The last line of defense was Grandcourt Riegel (Grandcourt Defense Line) and machine-gun nests along Baum Mulde. The British attack, in frigid weather made worse by sleet, got forward 550 meters beyond Beaucourt, despite many casualties caused by massed German machine-gun fire and local counter-attacks. By the evening, German defenders held ground either side of the Pys-Courcelette road, in an arc between Dessauer Riegel and the east end of Regina Trench.
The division remained in positional warfare along the Somme and in Flanders until March 15, 1917. It then faced the British offensive at the Battle of Arras in April and May, and then after more time in the trench lines in Flanders, Artois and the Argonne, it returned to Verdun on August 13, 1917 at Chaume Wood-Baumont and Cheppy Wood. The division remained at Verdun until April 16, 1918, and then returned to the Flanders region.
In 1918, the handwriting was on the wall for the German Army unless it took to the offense. The spring offensive, known to commanders as the “Kaiserschlacht” (Kaiser’s Battle), began with an effort in the north to drive a wedge between the British and French Army sectors at La Fère, southeast of Saint-Quentin, France, commencing March 21. As weather conditions began to improve after the winter, a second phase of the offensive, codenamed Operation Georgette in the German plan was the start of the Battle of the Lys. The offensive was launched against the Allied line in the low-lying, British-held sector on both sides of the Lys River in French Flanders.
At 02:30 hours on April 25, 1918 over 250 batteries of German guns of the Fourth Army opened up on Allied artillery positions of the British First Army with a mixture of gas and high explosive, marking the beginning of the Second Battle for Kemmel. For the next two hours they concentrated solely on destroying gun emplacements. After a short pause, at 05:00 hours the German barrage was switched to the French front line. Opposite a single French division (which had relieved British units at Kemmel Ridge) were amassed three and a half German divisions, including the 56th Division. An hour of such a furious bombardment was considered sufficient by the Germans and at 06:00 hours they launched their infantry to the attack. By 07:10 hours, the 56th Division had captured Kemmel Hill, southwest of Ypres, Belgium.
The division continued to fight in Flanders near Ypres in the vicinity of the Yser and Lys Rivers as part of the German Fourth Army (General Friedrich Bertram Sixt von Arnim.) It ended the war in battle before the Antwerp-Maas defensive line. From December 26-31, 1918, the regiment demobilized at Bad Orb. In total during the war, the division spent thirteen months at Verdun, as well as heavy fighting along the Somme, in the Champagne region and north in Flanders. Total killed in action in the 88th Infantry Regiment from 1914 to 1918 were 127 officers and 3,934 enlisted men. Commanders of the 56th Infantry Division included Major General Hans Schach von Wittenau (until June 30, 1915), Major General Leo Sontag (until April 22, 1916), Major General Karl Franz von Wichmann (until July 2, 1918) and Major General Helmuth von Maltzahn.
One of the strongest forces militating toward adoption of the machine gun in German service was Kaiser Wilhelm II, well-known as a technophile with a strong interest in modern weapons. Throughout the testing period, the Kaiser exerted his influence to overcome the hidebound indifference to automatic weapons within the Prussian Army’s command levels. During the period of the Second Empire (1871 – 1918,) Germany was composed of quasi-independent states, each of which, while having an overall fealty to the Kaiser, fielded its own armed forces. As a result, the German forces in World War I actually consisted of the armies of the various states, including those of Prussia, Bavaria, Württemberg and Saxony. Of these, the Prussian Army was by far the largest, and in wartime the armies of the smaller states were subordinated to the Prussian General Staff. Kaiser Wilhelm II had long championed the Maxim gun as the best available automatic weapon. Despite this royal patronage, things moved very slowly. The Imperial General Staff of the 1890’s was heavy with officers who had fought the Franco-Prussian War of 1870. Their experiences led the General Staff to a collective belief that the machine gun was of use only within certain narrow tactical parameters (such as fortification defense or colonial warfare against poorly armed and led native hordes.) Kaiser Wilhelm II thought differently; and the Kaiser would be proven correct.
Machine guns quickly proved their worth and within a year, the Supreme Command decided that each infantry battalion would have its own machine gun company, in addition to the regimental machine gun company, although fielding the guns in sufficient numbers took an additional year. When the war began in August 1914, approximately 12,000 MG 08s were available to battlefield units; production, at numerous factories, was however markedly ramped up during wartime. In 1914 some 200 MG 08s were produced each month; by 1916—once the weapon had established itself as the pre-eminent defensive battlefield weapon—the number had increased to 3,000; and a year later to 14,400 per month.
The Model 1908 (Maschinengewehr 08) was an adaptation of Hiram S. Maxim’s original 1884 Maxim gun. The weapon was so-named after 1908, its year of adoption. It could reach a firing rate of up to 400 rounds per minute using 250-round fabric belts of 7.92x57mm ammunition, although sustained firing would lead to overheating. The weapon was water-cooled using a jacket around the barrel that held approximately one gallon of water. Using a separate attachment sight with range calculator for indirect fire, the MG 08 could be operated from cover, such as on the reverse slope of a hill. Additional telescopic sights were also developed and used in quantity during the war.
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https://dokumen.pub/the-first-world-war-germany-and-austria-hungary-19141918-9781472512505-9781472511249-9781474211031-9781472508850.html
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en
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Hungary 1914–1918 9781472512505, 9781472511249, 9781474211031, 9781472508850
|
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The Great War toppled four empires, cost the world 24 million dead, and sowed the seeds of another worldwide conflict 20...
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en
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dokumen.pub
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https://dokumen.pub/the-first-world-war-germany-and-austria-hungary-19141918-9781472512505-9781472511249-9781474211031-9781472508850.html
|
Table of contents :
Title Page
Copyright Page
Contents
List of Maps
Series Editor’s Preface
Acknowledgements
Names, Places and Dates
Introduction
Notes
Chapter 1 Origins: ‘Now or Never’
Vienna: War as salvation
Berlin: The ‘calculated risk’
The ‘leap into the dark’
Questionable allies: Britain and Italy
The ‘mood of 1914’
Notes
Chapter 2 The plans of war
Almost allies: Conrad and Moltke to 1914
Conrad von Hötzendorf: War at any price
Moltke: The march to the Marne
Plan 19: The Russian ‘steamroller’
Plan XVII: À Berlin
Britain: Continental commitment?
Notes
Chapter 3 The great gamble, 1914
‘This war is great and wonderful’
Tannenberg: Reality and myth
Conrad’s war
The Battle of the Marne
The last hurrah
Notes
Chapter 4 Towards industrialized war, 1915
The German command system implodes
Wars of ‘limited means’
The Italian ‘snake’
‘The bones of a Pomeranian grenadier’
Deadlock: The western front
Notes
Chapter 5 Dual defeats: From the Meuse to the Siret, 1916
Verdun: ‘The heart of France’
The Somme: ‘Battles of material’
Lutsk: ‘Lack of luck’
The Romanian detour
Notes
Chapter 6 The long-war reality, 1915–16
Austria-Hungary: On the brink
Of men and machines: The third OHL
‘Total war’: Reality and myth
Notes
Chapter 7 Survival
Hunger: Austria-Hungary
Beleaguered fortress: Germany
Death, disease and doctors
The politics of ‘total’ war
Notes
Chapter 8 A sea change, 1917
U-boat warfare: Playing va banque
The Nivelle offensive: À Berlin once more
Triumph in the east
Caporetto: A cosmetic victory
Notes
Chapter 9 The last levy, 1917–18
The hollow ally
Strikes and mutinies
The k.u.k. army disintegrates
Germany: Mutinies, strikes and megalomania
Notes
Chapter 10 Operation Michael: The ‘last card’
Tactical virtuosity
The battle
The turning point
Notes
Chapter 11 Defeat, 1918–19
Finis austriae
Finis prussiae
Notes
Bibliography
Archival sources
Official documents
Memoirs, diaries, private papers
Books
Chapters in books
Articles
Dissertations
Index
Citation preview
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https://www.fadedpage.com/books/20110238/html.php
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en
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The Children's Story of the War Volume 4 of 10. The Story of the Year 1915
|
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This is a beautifully illustrated set of 10 volumes detailing the Great World War, or more recently World War I. It was supposedly published as a weekly newspaper reports and directed to keep the children involved and I'm assuming up to date on the current events of the day. It was then re-written into volumes by the publishing firm Thomas Nelson & Sons in 1918 through to 1922.
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| null |
Sir James Edward Parrott (1 June 1863—5 April 1921) was a British teacher and author, who served as the Liberal Member of Parliament from Edinburgh South for 1917-1918.
Born in Marple, Cheshire, the eldest son of a schoolteacher, he was educated at St. Paul's College, Cheltenham and then became an elementary schoolteacher, studying for a MA degree at Trinity College. He worked in education in Sheffield and then Liverpool for several years, during which time he began to write schoolbooks; as a result of this work, he was appointed educational editor at Thomas Nelson & Sons in 1898, and moved to Edinburgh.
He was elected chairman of the South Edinburgh Liberal Association in 1904 (until 1917), and the chair of Edinburgh United Liberal Committee in 1908 (until 1919). He was knighted in 1910 for services to the Liberal Party.
In 1917, the Member of Parliament for Edinburgh South, Charles Henry Lyell, stood down and Parrott was offered the candidacy by the local Liberal Association in April and he accepted it. He remained loyal to H. H. Asquith in the post-war split of the Liberal Party, considering himself a "Gladstonian Liberal".
His publications included various books on the First World War and a large number of schoolbooks, and he edited Funk and Wagnall's Standard Encyclopaedia and Nelson's New Age Encyclopaedia.
—Source: Wikipedia
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| 13 |
https://www.academia.edu/40577697/The_Battle_of_Galicia_The_disintegration_of_the_Austro_Hungarian_land_forces_on_the_eastern_front_in_the_First_World_War_With_Special_Emphasis_on_the_Role_of_the_Grazs_III_Corps_and_Slovenian_Soldiers
|
en
|
The Battle of Galicia: The disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian land forces on the eastern front in the First World War, With Special Emphasis on the Role of the Graz's III Corps and Slovenian Soldi
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[
"David Hazemali",
"uni-mb.academia.edu"
] |
2019-10-10T00:00:00
|
This paper provides a military analysis of the initial great battles between Austria-Hungary and the Russian Empire on the Eastern Front in the First World War in August of 1914. In the course of the battles, which became collectively known as the
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https://www.academia.edu/40577697/The_Battle_of_Galicia_The_disintegration_of_the_Austro_Hungarian_land_forces_on_the_eastern_front_in_the_First_World_War_With_Special_Emphasis_on_the_Role_of_the_Grazs_III_Corps_and_Slovenian_Soldiers
|
This paper provides a Slovenian perspective of the great battles of 1914 between Austria-Hungary and her ally the German Empire on the one side, and the Russian Empire on the other on the "Austro-Hungarian" part of the Eastern Front in the First World War. In the course of the battles, the Austro-Hungarian armies achieved victories at Kraśnik and Komarów, but were severely defeated at Gnila Lipa and Rawa-Ruska, at which point the Austro-Hungarian Land Forces had begun to disintegrate. Together with the German Empire, the two Central powers managed to sustain the Russian offensives that followed, and by the end of 1914, prevented the Russian breakthrough into Transleithania. Key words: First World War, Eastern Front, Russian Empire, Austria-Hungary, German Empire, Galicia, Slovenian soldiers The Slavs from the turn of 19th and 20th Centuries until Now: Linguistic, Historical and Political Changes and Literature. Conference e-compendium. Ljubljana, 2019.
The importance of collective emotions in warfare is enormous. In conflicts individual emotions are often submitted by the collective ones. Soldiers are often bounded by emotions. The tie between nation (Homeland) and individuals is crucial to that process. What makes the bond tight is nationalism. Nationalism within a multiethnic state is especially complexed and it can lead to one's disunification. This article argues the interconnections between individual and collective emotions within different political environments. The case study to this analysis is on Croatian soldiers during World War One (WWI), than a part of the multiethnic Austria-Hungarian Army. What makes the case more complex is the presence of various stresses in order to shift the Croatian soldiers' concept of Homeland: Austria-Hungarian, Yugoslavian/Serbian, and Croatian. I suggest that the majority of Croatian soldiers, bounded by the sense of 'duty and honor' , stayed loyal to Austria-Hungary, or at least, were not the pivots of the army's disintegration. The question of their perception of Homeland is therefore important for understanding the influence of emotions on political relations.
In Austria-Hungary a collective experience of the Great War inevitably emerged. However, the sudden break-up of the Habsburg Empire and the immediate hostility between its successor states meant that no collective memory was ever established and cultivated. For each country , the war and its outcome took on their own distinct meanings: independence in the case of Poland and Czechoslovakia (now the Czech Republic and Slovakia); union with fellow South Slavs and ultimate independence for Slovenia; bitterness and resentment for Hungary; and betrayal and confusion for Austria. Most of these countries have now come to terms with the war and its consequences (and some with their role in the Habsburg Empire) but others, most notably Hungary, still harbour grudges as fresh as they were when their millennial kingdom was broken up (now ninety-five years ago). The vicissitudes of the twentieth century (not least the apocalyptic Second World War and the decades of Communism) long held back sober and critical analyses of the First World War. But although there will never be a collective consciousness of the conflict among the peoples who made up the Habsburg Empire, the increasing quality of the recent historiography on the conflict, together with the fading away of territorial feuds and national tensions, will eventually help to reconstitute the collective experience of a remarkably tenacious Austro-Hungarian war effort, the imperial forces of which displayed their unity and determination on many a gruesome wartime battlefield. En el imperio austrohúngaro inevitablemente emergió una experiencia colectiva de la Gran Guerra.Sin embargo, la disolución repentina del imperio de los Habsburgo y las hostilidades inmediatas entre sus estados sucesores implicaron que nunca se llegó a establecer y cultivar una memoria colectiva. Paracada país, la guerra y sus consecuencias adquirieron sus propias interpretaciones: independencia enel caso de Polonia y Checoslovaquia (ahora la República Checa y Eslovaquia); unión con los compa- ñeros eslavos del Sur para Eslovenia; amargura y resentimiento para Hungría; y traición y confusión para Austria. La mayor parte de estos países se ha reconciliado con la guerra y sus consecuencias (yalgunos con su papel en el imperio de los Habsburgo) pero otros, sobre todo Hungría, todavía alber- gan un rencor tan vivo como era cuando su reinado milenario se fracturó (ya hace noventaicincoaños). Las vicisitudes del siglo veinte (junto a la apocalíptica Segunda Guerra Mundial y las décadasde Comunismo) refrenaron durante mucho tiempo un análisis serio y crítico de la Primera Guerra Mundial. Pero aunque nunca habrá una conciencia colectiva del conflicto entre las gentes que cons-tituyeron el imperio de los Habsburgo, la calidad en aumento de la reciente historiografía sobre elconflicto junto al desvanecimiento de las disputas territoriales y las tensiones nacionales, con tiempoayudarán a reconstituir la experiencia colectiva del esfuerzo bélico notablemente tenaz del imperioaustrohúngaro, del que sus fuerzas imperiales mostraron su unidad y determinación en varios camposde batalla espantosos.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/56th_Infantry_Division_(Wehrmacht)
|
en
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56th Infantry Division (Wehrmacht)
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2007-07-04T12:39:53+00:00
|
en
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/static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/56th_Infantry_Division_(Wehrmacht)
|
56th Infantry Division56. Infanterie-DivisionActive1939–1945Country Nazi GermanyBranchArmyTypeInfantrySizeDivisionEngagementsWorld War II
Battle of France
Battle of Moscow
Battle of Kursk
Operation Bagration
East Prussian Offensive
Military unit
The 56th Infantry Division (German: 56. Infanterie-Division; nicknamed Gekreuzte Säbel, 'crossed sabres', after the divisional symbol) was a German infantry division which fought during World War II.
Formed in late August 1939, it participated in occupation duty in Poland before fighting in the Battle of France. The 56th spent mid-1940 in Belgium, then returned to Poland in the early northern hemisphere fall, fighting in Operation Barbarossa, the German invasion of the Soviet Union. The division spent the rest of its existence on the Eastern Front, participating in the Battle of Moscow and the Battle of Kursk, suffering heavy losses in the latter. In late 1943 the division was dissolved and its headquarters used to form Corps Detachment D, which was destroyed during Operation Bagration. The headquarters of the latter was again used to reform the division in East Prussia in September 1944, but it was again destroyed in the Heiligenbeil Pocket in early 1945.
The division was formed on 26 August 1939 in Dresden, in the second wave of mobilisation, mainly from Saxon reservists in Wehrkreis IV. It included the 171st Infantry Regiment from the 24th Infantry Division, the 192nd Infantry Regiment from the 4th Infantry Division, and the 234th Infantry Regiment from the 14th Infantry Division. Assigned to the 14th Army in Poland, the division was tasked with collecting Polish stragglers. The division fought in the Battle of France in May 1940 against the British Expeditionary Force, remaining in Belgium after the fall of Dunkirk. Transferred to Poland in September, the 56th provided cadres for the formation of the 294th and 304th Infantry Divisions there.
After taking part in the Invasion of France in 1940, it spent the remainder of its existence on the Eastern Front, mostly with Army Group Centre. One of its early commanders was Paul von Hase, later executed for his role in the Widerstand, the German resistance movement.
Following heavy losses in 1943, the division was dissolved and its staff (along with remnants of Infantry Regiments 171 and 234) was incorporated into Korps-Abteilung D together with elements of the similarly depleted 262nd Infantry Division. This was itself largely destroyed to the west of Vitebsk when Third Panzer Army failed to hold the salient around the city during the Soviet offensive of June 1944, Operation Bagration.
Korps-Abteilung D was reformed, once more as the 56th Infantry Division, in East Prussia on 10 September 1944. The Soviet East Prussian Offensive in January 1945 pushed Third Panzer Army west towards Königsberg, and the division was finally encircled and destroyed in the Heiligenbeil pocket, only around 250 men managing to break out westwards to Pomerania (the divisional staff, along with that of 18th Panzergrenadier Division, reformed as the staff of the Ulrich von Hutten Division, which participated in the Battle of Halbe).
The following officers commanded the division:
Major-General Karl Kriebel (15 August 1939)
Lieutenant-General Paul von Hase (24 July 1940)
Lieutenant-General Karl von Oven (15 November 1940)
Major-General Otto-Joachim Lüdecke (24 January 1943)
Lieutenant-General Vincenz Müller (15 September 1943)
Major-General Bernhard Pamberg (1 June 1944)
Major-General Edmund Blaurock (15 July 1944)
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https://profillengkap.com/article/35th_Division_(German_Empire)
|
en
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35th Division (German Empire)
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35th Division (35. Division); from August 2, 1914, 35th Infantry Division (35. Infanterie-Division)Active1890-1919CountryPrussia/GermanyBranchArmyTypeInfantry (in peacetime included cavalry)SizeApprox. 15,000Part ofXVII. Army Corps (XVII. Armeekorps)Garrison/HQGraudenz (1890-1912); Thorn (1912-1918)EngagementsWorld War I: Gumbinnen, Tannenberg, 1st
|
en
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https://profillengkap.com/images/varico.ico
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https://profillengkap.com/article/35th_Division_(German_Empire)
|
35th Division (35. Division); from August 2, 1914, 35th Infantry Division (35. Infanterie-Division)Active1890-1919CountryPrussia/GermanyBranchArmyTypeInfantry (in peacetime included cavalry)SizeApprox. 15,000Part ofXVII. Army Corps (XVII. Armeekorps)Garrison/HQGraudenz (1890-1912); Thorn (1912-1918)EngagementsWorld War I: Gumbinnen, Tannenberg, 1st Masurian Lakes, Gorlice-Tarnów Offensive, Somme, Arras (1917), Passchendaele, Hundred Days Offensive
Military unit
The 35th Division (35. Division) was a unit of the Prussian/German Army.[1] It was formed on April 1, 1890, and was headquartered initially in Graudenz (now Grudziądz, Poland) and from 1912 in Thorn (now Toruń, Poland).[2] The division was subordinated in peacetime to the XVII Army Corps (XVII. Armeekorps).[3] The division was disbanded in 1919 during the demobilization of the German Army after World War I. The division was recruited primarily in the southern part of West Prussia, and included a relatively high percentage of Poles.
Combat chronicle
The 35th Infantry Division began World War I on the Eastern Front. It fought in the battles of Gumbinnen and Tannenberg, and in the First Battle of the Masurian Lakes. In 1915, it participated in the Gorlice-Tarnów Offensive. In October 1915, it was transferred to the Western Front. In 1916, it fought in the Battle of the Somme. In 1917, it participated in the Battle of Arras and the Battle of Passchendaele. In 1918, the division fought against various Allied offensives and counteroffensives, including the Hundred Days Offensive. Allied intelligence rated the division as a mediocre division and considered it second class by 1918, mainly due to the losses it had suffered in the war's earlier battles.[4][5]
Pre-World War I organization
The organization of the 35th Division in 1914, shortly before the outbreak of World War I, was as follows:[6]
70. Infanterie-Brigade
Infanterie-Regiment von Borcke (4. Pommersches) Nr. 21
Infanterie-Regiment von der Marwitz (8. Pommersches) Nr. 61
87. Infanterie-Brigade
Kulmer Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 141
9. Westpreußisches Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 176
35. Kavallerie-Brigade
Husaren-Regiment Fürst Blücher von Wahlstatt (Pommersches) Nr. 5
Jäger-Regiment zu Pferde Nr. 4
35. Feldartillerie-Brigade
Feldartillerie-Regiment Nr. 71 Großkomtur
Thorner Feldartillerie-Regiment Nr. 81
Landwehr-Inspektion Graudenz
Order of battle on mobilization
On mobilization in August 1914 at the beginning of World War I, most divisional cavalry, including brigade headquarters, was withdrawn to form cavalry divisions or split up among divisions as reconnaissance units. Divisions received engineer companies and other support units from their higher headquarters. The 35th Division was redesignated the 35th Infantry Division. Its initial wartime organization was as follows:[7]
70. Infanterie-Brigade
Infanterie-Regiment von Borcke (4. Pommersches) Nr. 21
Infanterie-Regiment von der Marwitz (8. Pommersches) Nr. 61
87. Infanterie-Brigade
Kulmer Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 141
9. Westpreußisches Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 176
Jäger-Regiment zu Pferde Nr. 4
35. Feldartillerie-Brigade
Feldartillerie-Regiment Nr. 71 Großkomtur
Thorner Feldartillerie-Regiment Nr. 81
1.Kompanie/1. Westpreußisches Pionier-Bataillon Nr. 17
Late World War I organization
Divisions underwent many changes during the war, with regiments moving from division to division, and some being destroyed and rebuilt. During the war, most divisions became triangular - one infantry brigade with three infantry regiments rather than two infantry brigades of two regiments (a "square division"). An artillery commander replaced the artillery brigade headquarters, the cavalry was further reduced, the engineer contingent was increased, and a divisional signals command was created. The 35th Infantry Division's order of battle on March 28, 1918, was as follows:[8]
87. Infanterie-Brigade
Infanterie-Regiment von der Marwitz (8. Pommersches) Nr. 61
Kulmer Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 141
9. Westpreußisches Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 176
Maschinengewehr-Scharfschützen-Abteilung Nr. 46
2.Eskadron/Husaren-Regiment Fürst Blücher von Wahlstatt (Pommersches) Nr. 5
Artillerie-Kommandeur 35
Feldartillerie-Regiment Nr. 71 Großkomtur
I.Bataillon/Reserve-Feldartillerie-Regiment Nr. 18
Stab Pionier-Bataillon Nr. 133:
1.Kompanie/1. Westpreußisches Pionier-Bataillon Nr. 17
2.Kompanie/1. Westpreußisches Pionier-Bataillon Nr. 17
Minenwerfer-Kompanie Nr. 35
Divisions-Nachrichten-Kommandeur 35
References
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https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo/german-infantry-wwi.html
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en
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res stock photography and images
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Find the perfect german infantry wwi stock photo, image, vector, illustration or 360 image. Available for both RF and RM licensing.
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en
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Alamy
|
https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo/german-infantry-wwi.html
|
Alamy and its logo are trademarks of Alamy Ltd. and are registered in certain countries. Copyright © 11/08/2024 Alamy Ltd. All rights reserved.
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https://ramcassociation.org.uk/component/tags/tag/27-ramc
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en
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The RAMC Association
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Citation
15th December, 1899 At Colenso, on the 15th December, 1899, the wounded of the 14th and 66th Batteries, Royal Field Artillery, were lying in an advanced donga close in the rear of the guns without any Medical Officer to attend to them, and when a message was sent back asking for assistance, Major W. Babtie, R A.M.C., rode up under a heavy rifle fire, his pony being hit three times. "When he arrived at the donga, where the wounded were lying in sheltered corners, he attended to them all, going from place to place exposed to the heavy rifle fire which greeted anyone who showed himself. Later on in the day, Major Babtie went out with Captain Congreve to bring in Lieutenant Roberts, who was lying wounded on the veldt. This also was under a heavy fire.
Citation
16th September, 1916 On the 16th September, 1916, for most conspicuous bravery and devotion to duty.
During an attack he tended the wounded in the open all day, under heavy fire, frequently in view of the enemy. During the ensuing night he searched for wounded on the ground in front of the enemy's lines for four hours.
Next day he took one stretcher-bearer to the advanced trenches, and under heavy shell fire carried an urgent case for 500 yards into safety, being wounded in the side by a shell splinter during the journey. The same night he took up a party of twenty volunteers, rescued three wounded men from a shell hole twenty-five yards from the enemy's trench, buried the bodies of two officers, and collected many identity discs, although fired on by bombs and machine guns.
Altogether he saved the lives of some twenty badly wounded men, besides the ordinary cases which passed through his hands. His courage and self-sacrifice, were beyond praise.
Citation
3rd September 1916 For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to duty. When gun detachments were unloading H.E. ammunition from wagons which had just come up, the enemy suddenly began to shell the battery position. The first shell fell on one of the limbers, exploded the ammunition and caused several casualties.
Captain Allen saw the occurrence and at once, with utter disregard of danger, ran straight across the open, under heavy shell fire, commenced dressing the wounded, and undoubtedly by his promptness saved many of them from bleeding to death.
He was himself hit four times during the first hour by pieces of shells, one of which fractured two of his ribs, but he never even mentioned this at the time, and coolly went on with his work till the last man was dressed and safely removed.
He then went over to another battery and tended a wounded officer. It was only when this was done that he returned to his dug-out and reported his own injury.
Citation
31st July - 1st August 1917 For most conspicuous bravery. During recent operations Capt. Ackroyd displayed the greatest gallantry and devotion to duty. Utterly regardless of danger, he worked continuously for many hours up and down and in front of the line tending the wounded and saving the lives of officers and men. In so doing he had to move across the open under heavy machine-gun, rifle and shell fire. He carried a wounded officer to a place of safety under very heavy fire. On another occasion he went some way in front of our advanced line and brought in a wounded man under continuous sniping and machine-gun fire. His heroism was the means of saving many lives, and provided a magnificent example of courage, cheerfulness, and determination to the fighting men in whose midst he was carrying out his splendid work. This gallant officer has since been killed in action.
Citation
1st August, 1917 For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to duty when in action. Though severely wounded early in the action whilst carrying a wounded soldier to the Dressing Station, Capt. Chavasse refused to leave his post, and for two days not only continued to perform his duties, but in addition went out repeatedly under heavy fire to search for and attend to the wounded who were lying out. During these searches, although practically without food during this period, worn with fatigue and faint with his wound, he assisted to carry in a number of badly wounded men, over heavy and difficult ground. By his extraordinary energy and inspiring example, he was instrumental in rescuing many wounded who would have otherwise undoubtedly succumbed under the bad weather conditions. This devoted and gallant officer subsequently died of his wounds.
Citation
23rd January, 1945 In North-West Europe on 23rd January, 1945, the leading section of a Royal Marine Commando Troop was pinned to the ground by intense enemy machine gun fire from well concealed positions. As it was impossible to engage the enemy from the open owing to lack of cover, the section was ordered to make for some near-by houses. This move was accomplished, but one officer and three other rank casualties were left lying in the open.
The whole troop position was under continuous heavy and accurate shell and mortar fire. Lance-Corporal Harden, the R.A.M.C. orderly attached to the Troop, at once went forward, a distance of 120 yards, into the open under a hail of enemy machine gun and rifle fire directed from four positions, all within 300 yards. and with greatest coolness and bravery remained in the open while he attended to the four casualties. After dressing the wounds of three of them, he carried one of them back to cover. Lance-Cporporal was then ordered not to go forward again and an attempt was made to bring in the other casualties with the aid of tanks, but this proved unsuccessful owing to the heavy and accurate of enemy anti-tank guns. A further attempt was then made to recover the casualties under a smoke scree, but this only increased the enemy fire in the vicinity of the casulaties.
Lance-Corporal Harden then insisted on going forward again, with a volunteer stretcher party, and succeeded in bringing back another badly wounded man. Lance-Corporal Harden went out a third time, again with a stretcher party, and after starting on the return journey with the wounded officer, under heavy enemy small arms and mortar fire, he was killed.
Throughout this long period Lance-Corporal Harden displayed superb devotion to duty and personal courage of the very highest order, and there is no doubt thta it had a steadying effect upon the other troops in the area at a most critical time. His action was directly responsible for saving the lives of the wounded brought in. His complete contempt for all personal danger, and the magnificent example he set of cool courage and determination to continue with his work, whatever the odds, was an inspiration to his comrades, and will never be forgotten by those who saw it.
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August 2018 – Austin M. Frederick
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"The Weekend Historian"
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2018-08-31T16:28:18-05:00
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2 posts published by The Weekend Historian during August 2018
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Austin M. Frederick
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In a previous post, I wrote about my family members that served in the United States military during World War I. Those were the only three I had known of that had served, but I recently discovered that my Great Granduncle Leo Zillmer also served with American Expeditionary Forces over in Europe. Since then I've… Continue reading Ancestors in the Great War Update
A few posts ago I talked about a house being considered for the Oshkosh Landmarks Commission Historic Plaque Program and the research I did for the property owners. Earlier this year we had another property owner express interest in having his property locally landmarked, which protects a structure's historic character from being drastically altered. The… Continue reading Local Building Research #2
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Eastern Front
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Until recently, the eastern theater of the First World War was what Winston Churchill called “the Unknown War.” It was not overlooked, as other fronts were, but unknown; while people knew of some battles (Tannenberg), the assumption was that the Eastern Front was simply a mirror of the Western Front. Instead of trench warfare and stalemate, however, the Eastern Front was the war everyone expected: it featured mass armies making sweeping movements, breakthroughs leading to tremendous advances, and innovation in both tactics and technology. Yet while the conflict proved decisive for both Russia and Austria-Hungary, the ultimate decision came elsewhere.
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1914-1918-Online (WW1) Encyclopedia
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https://encyclopedia.1914-1918-online.net/article/eastern-front/
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Until recently, the eastern theater of the First World War was what Winston Churchill called “the Unknown War.” It was not overlooked, as other fronts were, but unknown; while people knew of some battles (Tannenberg), the assumption was that the Eastern Front was simply a mirror of the Western Front. Instead of trench warfare and stalemate, however, the Eastern Front was the war everyone expected: it featured mass armies making sweeping movements, breakthroughs leading to tremendous advances, and innovation in both tactics and technology. Yet while the conflict proved decisive for both Russia and Austria-Hungary, the ultimate decision came elsewhere.
The Eastern Front
In August 1914 European military thinkers still worshipped in the cult of the offensive. Most military leaders and politicians, along with the general public, assumed that any conflict would be short. New technologies like the machine gun and advances in heavy artillery, they reasoned, gave the attackers such firepower that static defenses could not hold out long. The most frequently cited example was the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871, where the Prussians’ ability to move troops rapidly to concentration points and bring heavy artillery to bear resulted in a French defeat within, essentially, six weeks. Students of the Second Boer War (1900-1902) and the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905) reached similar conclusions. The Russian General Staff, who studied their defeat at the hands of the Japanese intensely, declared in 1910 that given developments in military technology, no future war could last more than a year.
When the First World War began, therefore, nearly everyone expected a war of movement, one dominated by rapid concentrations, stunning offensive breakthroughs, and sweeping envelopments. The German Winston Churchill (1874-1965), like the plans of the other Great Powers, was predicated upon these principles and thus the opening weeks of the war looked as if all expectations would be met. German armies drove rapidly toward Paris, quickly reducing the Belgian fortifications in an attempt to outflank the defenders through sheer pacing.
When the French held in the Battle of the Marne, however, the war quickly deteriorated into a stalemate. Both sides dug in, and trenches soon stretched from the English Channel to the Swiss border. For the next four years, both sides essentially remained in position; neither machine guns nor heavy artillery, neither poison gas nor armored vehicles could provide the breakthroughs everyone expected. The common story of the First World War is thus one of static warfare, with millions of men futilely charging entrenched positions or dying of disease in those positions.
This is not the only story of the First World War, however; the Eastern Front saw the realization of nearly all of the predictions about modern military conflict. For four years, the Germans, Russians, and Austro-Hungarians fought a war of movement. Rapid movement and concentration resulted in stunning “cauldron battles;” tactical and technical developments led to large-scale breakthroughs and advances (or retreats) of hundreds of miles. The only prediction that was not realized, in fact, was that the war would be decided quickly. On the Eastern Front, as on the Western, the conflict dragged on for years, with neither side truly able to deliver a knock-out blow. As Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf (1852-1925) famously noted, “In the west, the armies were too big for the land; in the east, the land was too big for the armies.”
August 1914: The War of Movement
The Great War opened with a German invasion of Belgium, the opening gambit of the Schlieffen Plan that intended to provide Germany with its best opportunity for victory in a two-front war. Within days the five Great Powers of Europe (Great Britain, Germany, France, Austria-Hungary, and Russia) were at war. Russia, which had entered the war largely out of a sense of pan-Slavic obligation to Serbia and in the hopes of making gains on the Black Sea coast, was obligated to assist France by treaty. The tsar’s armies thus found themselves at war with both the Germans and the Austro-Hungarian Empire on a front stretching from the town of Czernowitz on the Romanian border to the city of Memel on the Baltic Sea — a distance of nearly 500 kilometers.
To defend this space, Russia deployed Europe’s largest standing army of 1 million men, which grew to some 3.5 million upon mobilization. On the northern half of the front, which Russians referred to as the Western or Northern Front, the Imperial Russian Army faced a single German Army, the eighth, left to defend the province of East Prussia. On the Russians’ Southwestern Front, the Austro-Hungarian Empire initially deployed some 500,000 men — the bulk of its forces. The Habsburgs also sent a force of about 150,000 men into Serbia, while Germany’s main effort (approximately 90 percent of its manpower) was concentrated against France.
The German plan was to level a quick, fatal blow against France and then turn against the Russian colossus, which could mobilize only slowly. Russia and France were certainly well aware of German intentions, however; and while Russia had more to gain in the Balkans, its military planners ceded to French pressure and agreed to mount an offensive in East Prussia. According to the Russian plan, known as Mobilization Schedule 19 (Variant A), two Russian armies (twenty-nine infantry divisions) would drive into East Prussia while another four armies (forty-five infantry divisions) would undertake a simultaneous offensive against Austria-Hungary. Thus while Germany sought a rapid decision in the West, Russia hoped to pound its enemies into a quick submission in the East.
Austria-Hungary, under the command of General Viktor Dankl (1854-1941), nearly played into Russia’s hands. Conrad initially focused on the campaign against Serbia and sent only three armies (twenty-seven infantry divisions, twenty-one cavalry divisions, and twenty-one third-line reserve brigades, often referred to as Staffel A) against Russia. He further assumed the Habsburg forces sent south would dispatch the Serbs quickly and then shift to the north; Conrad thus deployed his forces in a wide arc between the Vistula and Dniester rivers, hoping to take advantage of terrain and a network of fortresses centered on Przmyśl, his headquarters. Assuming the Russians would strike due south from Poland, which formed a large salient in the Central Powers’ line, Conrad designed his left wing for mobility and sent his cavalry to reconnoiter between the Vistula and Dnieper. They discovered very little.
Anticipating an Austrian drive to the east, the Russians had divided their forces into two flanking groups consisting of two armies each. The Russian Fourth and Fifth armies would strike south from Cholm and Kovel (just east of where Conrad expected them to be), while the Third and Eigth armies held positions in depth between Dubno and Proskurov on the Austrians’ eastern flank. Each side had thus aligned its strength with the other’s weakness and was essentially pushing at an open door.
The Austrians struck first, as their First Army under General Anton von Saltza (1843-1916) advanced directly into the path of General Baron Moritz von Auffenberg (1852-1928) Russian Fourth Army near Krasnik on 23 August. The Austrians mounted frontal charges with both infantry and cavalry that drove the Russians back, but suffered 40 to 50 percent losses in the process. Two days later, General Pavel Plehve (1850-1916) Fourth Army repeated the feat against General Aleksei Brusilov (1853-1926) Russian Fifth Army at Komarow.
Austro-Hungarian attempts to follow up these victories stalled, however, and Conrad shifted some of his forces eastward in an attempt to stem the Russian advance there. General Nikolai Ruzki (1854-1918) Eighth Army and General Rudolf Brudermann (1851-1941) Third Army had defeated the Austro-Hungarian Third Army under General Hermann Kövess von Kövessháza (1854-1924) and the army group of General Baron Nikolai Nikolaevich, Grand Duke of Russia (1856-1929) so soundly in the Battle of the Gnila Lipa (26-30 August 1914) that the Habsburg forces retreated in disarray. Brusilov’s forces took the Austrian fortress city of Lemberg (L’viv) on 3 September.
Things quickly got worse for Conrad. The Cossack cavalry of Plehve’s Fifth Army, which he assumed had been defeated, discovered the gap left between the Austrian First and Fourth armies by the redeployment. General Nikolai Ivanov, commander of the Russian Southwestern Front, immediately sent his Fifth Army in, supported now by the newly arrived Ninth Army. Before Conrad could regroup his forces, the Russians had defeated the Austrians soundly at Rava-Ruska (3 September) and were advancing on both Przmyśl and the vital passes of the Carpathian Mountains that guarded the Hungarian plain.
The Austro-Hungarian Army never truly recovered. It had lost over 300,000 men—nearly a third of the effective force — and a good percentage of its officer corps in the offensive. The Russians laid siege to Przmyśl in late September and, had they had more resources and energy, might well have driven through the Carpathians into Hungary and knocked the Habsburg Empire out of the war. Ivanov’s forces had suffered nearly 20 percent casualties as well, however; and Yakov Zhilinsky (1853-1918), the Russian commander-in-chief, had his hands full, for the Northern Front was in disarray.
The Russians had expected nothing less than an easy victory in East Prussia. General Maximillian von Prittwitz und Gaffron (1848-1917), commander of the Northwestern Front, deployed two large armies (each fifteen divisions) against General Pavel Rennenkampf (1854-1918) solitary and under-sized (twelve divisions) German Eighth Army, which was comprised largely of reservists and garrison troops. His plan called for General Aleksandr Samsonov (1859-1914) First Army to drive on Königsberg in the north while General Hermann François (1856-1933) Second Army would make its way around the Masurian Lakes to the south and thus trap Prittwitz’s force near Allenstein.
The separation en route of some ninety kilometers, however, meant that the two armies were not mutually supporting. They communicated only by courier, using a postbox in Warsaw. When Rennenkampf encountered the German I Corps under General Helmuth von Moltke the Younger (1848-1916) at Stallupönen on 17 August, therefore, he had no idea where Samsonov’s forces were. The Germans knew exactly where the Russians were, however; not only did Prittwitz dispose of aerial reconnaissance units, he also benefited from the poor training of Russian radio operators who often broadcast messages unencrypted.
Through sheer weight of numbers, Rennenkampf managed nevertheless to inflict defeats at both Stallupönen and Gumbinnen (20 August). The Eighth Army suffered over 14,000 casualties in these battles and Prittwitz, known as “the rotund soldier,” ordered a retreat to the Vistula. Shocked by the Germans’ aggressiveness and stung by the numerous casualties suffered, Rennenkampf halted rather than pursue. The German Chief of General Staff, General Paul von Hindenburg (1847-1934), annoyed at Prittwitz’s passivity, cashiered him and sent General Max Hoffmann (1869-1927) to replace him.
Even before Paul von Hindenburg arrived, however, Lieutenant Colonel Erich Ludendorff (1865-1937) had drafted and set in motion an aggressive plan of attack. Zhilinsky, unlike Rennenkampf, had interpreted Gumbinnen as a sign of German weakness and ordered Samsonov’s Second Army to expedite its march, and cut off the retreating foe. Hoffman’s plan, which Hindenburg and his chief of staff, Quartermaster General Erich von Falkenhayn (1861-1922), readily adopted, called for Eighth Army to concentrate against Samsonov, leaving only a weak cavalry screen to check Rennenkampf.
Thus the Russian Second Army emerged from the Pripet Marshes on 23 August and marched directly into a trap. Four German corps (I, I Reserve, XVII, and XX) descended on the exhausted Russians and within two days (26-28 August) had turned both flanks. Three Russian corps at the center of the cauldron simply disappeared under German artillery fire. On 30 August, Samsonov committed suicide. What was left of his army made one last, futile attempt to break out, and then surrendered. The Russians lost nearly 125,000 men, along with over 500 field guns. German casualties were between 10,000 and 15,000.
The Eighth Army was soon reinforced by two corps drawn from the Western Front and wheeled north to complete the so-called “Tannenberg Maneuver.” Taking advantage of superior rail and intelligence networks, the Germans reconcentrated near the Insterburg Gap and laid a trap for Rennenkampf’s forces. Everything went according to plan, with central pinning attacks holding the Russian First Army on 7 September; then two German corps (I and XVII) crashed into its flanks on 9 September.
Rennenkampf was quicker to recognize the peril, however, and on 11 September he mounted a counter-attack that allowed his forces to avoid encirclement. Marching almost thirty kilometers a day in retreat, the First Army was back on Russian soil by 13 September. Rennenkampf had managed to inflict nearly 70,000 casualties, but suffered some 100,000 of his own. More important, the audacious and unexpected German triumphs countered the Habsburg collapse in the south and stabilized the Eastern Front for the Central Powers.
The Russians were prepared to make one last, grand attempt to win the war in 1914. Stavka, the Russian high command, aligned seven armies (east to west: Eighth, Third, Second, Fifth, Fourth, Ninth, and First) for an attack on the industrial centers of Silesia. Before the offensive truly got underway though, the Germans struck. Hindenburg shifted four corps from East Prussia (now designated as Ninth Army) over 450 miles to Częstochowa, on the Russians’ western flank, in eleven days.
The Grand Duke had prepared for this, and sent his Second and Fifth armies behind his other forces to the west, hoping to catch the Germans in a cauldron between Lodz and Lublin. On 28 September though, Hindenburg attacked between the Russian Second and Fifth armies, thus anticipating the Grand Duke’s strategy. The four Habsburg armies to the south launched supporting attacks on 1 October, forcing the remaining Russians back on Warsaw. On 10 October the Russians counter-attacked in the Battle of Ivangorod. Outnumbered sixty divisions to eighteen, Ludendorff orchestrated a masterful withdrawal to Krakow over the next two weeks. With four Russian armies still advancing, General August von Mackensen (1849-1945), the new German chief of staff, promised to send twelve new army corps to retrieve the situation.
Russian incompetence made this unnecessary though, as unencrypted radio messages revealed their plans to the Germans. Hindenburg now shifted the Ninth Army 250 miles north to Torun (Thorn). Conrad, for once acting in concert with his ally, moved his Second Army from the Carpathians into the Ninth’s former position. Hindenburg and Ludendorff had thus out-flanked the Russians yet again; on 11 November, General Svetozar Boroević von Bojna (1856-1920) led the Ninth Army up the Vistula and drove a wedge between the Russian First and Second armies in front of Lodz.
Rennenkampf’s forces suffered another 100,000 casualties, and he was relieved of command. The Second Army managed to fight its way back to the city, where it was reinforced by Plehve’s Fifth Army on 17 November. The Russian counter-attack briefly threatened to encircle the Germans, who refused to surrender and fought their way out during the course of nine freezing days. German losses totaled some 35,000, but the Russians’ were almost triple that. It seemed that no matter the circumstance, the Russians were no match for the German Army.
They handled the Austrians, on the other hand, with relative ease. While Conrad had managed to relieve Przmyśl briefly in early October, Brusilov’s Eighth Army soon retook the fortress and pushed beyond it to the Carpathians. Habsburg losses continued to mount alarmingly, especially among the officer corps, and General Karl Pflanzer-Baltin (1855-1925) Third Army soon found itself separated from the army group of General Wilhelm II, German Emperor (1859-1941) by some seventy miles. Only with the aid of the German 47th Reserve Infantry Division and the onset of severe weather were the Austro-Hungarian forces able to hold the Russians out of Hungary at the Battle of Limanova-Lapanow (1-17 December).
1915: Breakthrough and Retreat
As 1914 came to a close, the war looked very much like a stalemate. While trench warfare dominated the Western Front, the Eastern Front — where geography rendered such a development unlikely — offered the best chance to avoid that outcome, and the German-Austrian cooperation at Limanov-Lapanow suggested how it might be done. Convinced by Hindenburg and Ludendorff of the possibilities, Andrei Selivanov (1847-1917) intervened for once in the disputes among his commanders and ordered that the major military effort for 1915 take place in the East. Falkenhayn accordingly strengthened German forces there with a new army (Tenth) and authorized the formation of a new, mixed Austrian-German force, the Südarmee, to cooperate with Habsburg efforts in Galicia.
Conrad, however, guarded Habsburg sovereignty (and his own) jealously. Rumors of a unified command, headed by Hindenburg, had been swirling all autumn; Hindenburg’s elevation to Commander-in-Chief of the Eastern Front on 2 November did nothing to alleviate Conrad’s insecurity. Although he wanted German help to offset Russian numbers, Conrad found both Falkenhayn and Hindenburg distasteful, and their methods appalled him.
To prevent “terrorism,” the German commanders on the Eastern Front instituted capital punishment for any “unjustified war activity” that might give the enemy an advantage. Hindenburg also informed the Austrians that he intended to burn down two villages in Russian Poland for every village the Russians burned in East Prussia. During the chaotic retreat of September 1914, Cossacks and the Russian rearguard had systematically destroyed entire villages and executed several Poles for suspected partisan activities. For reasons both political and personal, this approach to war was beyond Conrad.
The finer points of modern warfare also eluded the Habsburg commander. Eschewing cooperation, or even direct communication with the Germans, Conrad planned major offensives on the Galician and Carpathian fronts for early 1915. His intent was to relieve the Russian threat to Hungary, above all by recovering Przmyśl, currently invested by General Joseph Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria (1872-1942) Russian Eleventh Army. Pflanzer-Baltin’s army group would carry out a feint toward Czernowitz to the east, while Boroevic’s Third Army would combine with the Südarmee for a frontal assault to relieve the fortress.
Launched on 23 January, the offensive was a disaster. Snow and dense fog made operations in the Carpathians all but impossible. “Hundreds freeze to death daily,” an officer in Third Army wrote; “every wounded soldier who cannot get himself back to the lines is irrevocably sentenced to death. Riding is impossible. Entire lines of riflemen surrender in tears to escape the pain.” Although Pflanzer-Baltin captured Czernowitz, Conrad called off the offensive on 8 February, his forces in the Carpathians having suffered over 100,000 casualties. A second attempt at the end of the month fared no better; the Austrian armies lost another 45,000 men in only ten days, including the last of their trained officers. Przmyśl fell on 23 March, and soon the Russians were again at the passes to Hungary.
Hindenburg had tried to support the Habsburg offensives with strikes against the Russians in the north, where Nikolai Nikolaevich had formed a new army (Twelfth) with an eye toward a second invasion of East Prussia. In late January, the German Ninth Army made a feint toward Warsaw, using poison gas as a weapon (unsuccessfully) for the first time in the conflict. Hindenburg then pre-empted the Russian offensive, sending his Eighth Army against the left flank of the Russian Tenth on 7 February to open the second (Winter) Battle of Masurian Lakes. The German Tenth Army struck the Russians’ right flank the following day, driving them back past Stallupönen to Luck. The Germans nearly managed to surround the entire Russian Army on 21 February and repeat First Masurian Lakes. A courageous counter-attack by the Russian XX Corps allowed the other three corps to escape, however, and the Russian Twel advanced to halt the German drive the next day.
Falkenhayn and Conrad now realized that joint operations were the only reasonable way forward. The Germans had had to send a rescue force, the Beskiden Korps, to keep the Russians out of Hungary, and the Austrians were simply running out of manpower. Nearly one half of the original strength of the Habsburg armies had disappeared—missing, dead, or wounded—in less than a year; most of the cavalry was dismounted for the remainder of the conflict for lack of officers and horses. The Austrians and Hungarians tightened and expanded the draft, but Conrad advised Hindenburg in May that Habsburg divisions should be counted as no more than brigades.
Determined that the war could now be won in the east, Falkenhayn formed a new army (Eleventh) under Mackensen using new recruits and units gained from a re-organization on the Western Front. Overriding Hindenburg’s demands for another attack in the north, Falkenhayn adopted Conrad’s plan for an offensive in the south. Mackensen’s force would be inserted between Nicholas II, Emperor of Russia (1868-1918) Fourth Army at Tarnow and Boroevic’s Third at Gorlice, giving the Central Powers a numerical advantage in guns (1,500 v. 700) and troops (357,000 v. 219,000) along that stretch. For the first time, Austro-Hungarian and German units would operate under a unified command. The Beskiden Korps remained as part of the Habsburg Third while the Austrian VI Corps was part of the German Eleventh Army; the German Army Group Woyrsch was also placed under Habsburg command.
On 2 May, following a short (four-hour) heavy artillery barrage, the Austro-Hungarian Fourth stormed Tarnow and occupied the town. The Russians, lacking heavy guns and in the midst of a critical shortage of shell, retreated along a forty-kilometer front to a depth of some 100 kilometers over the next two weeks. This left the flank of their forces in the Carpathians exposed, compelling them to withdraw as well. Stavka demanded the troops hold their ground, but the heavy artillery of Mackensen’s forces was simply overwhelming. “Trees break like matches,” a German officer wrote of one barrage, “huge trunks are hurled through the air, the stone walls of houses cave in, fountains of earth rise from the ground.” The Central Powers retook Przmyśl on 3 June and entered Lemberg (L’viv) on 22 June, crossing the Dniester five days later.
As the inadequate Russian road and rail nets finally slowed Mackensen’s advance, Hindenburg launched a second offensive against Russian Poland on 13 July using yet another new army (Twelfth). Nikolai Nikolaevich abandoned the Russian fortresses there, stripping them of what heavy artillery his forces could carry in the retreat. By mid-August, the Germans were in possession of Lublin, Cholm, Ivangorod, and Warsaw. The offensive finally ground to a halt in Vilna on 19 September, the autumn rains having rendered the roads impassable. “Exertions, privations, very heavy knapsack, neck and shoulder pain from the rifle and long, difficult marches,” one German soldier recalled, “extremely tired feet and body. Bad roads—either uneven asphalt or deep sand—and always the uneven fields, marching up and down deep furrows. Often in double-time, and usually no water or at best stinking water, no bread for days on end. […] Nothing but freezing and freezing, and back pains.”
In the course of four months the Russians had retreated over 300 miles and lost more than 1,000,000 men (killed, wounded, and captured). Yet Russia remained unbroken. Both Ivanov in the south and Nikolai Nikolaevich in the north had managed to avoid the encirclements Mackensen tried to create and kept their armies intact. Russian soldiers joked that they would simply let the advance continue until the enemy wore himself out: “There will only be one German and one Austrian left,” they said. “We will kill the German, and the Austrian will gladly surrender.” Napoleon I, Emperor of the French (1769-1821), for once decisive, refused to consider even negotiations for peace. Invoking the memory of the Patriotic War against Paul Puhallo von Brlog (1856-1926) in 1812, the tsar vowed to drive the invaders from Russian soil. To facilitate this, he relieved the Grand Duke of his duties as commander-in-chief and assumed them himself. “With firm faith in the clemency of God, with unshakeable assurance of final victory,” he wrote, “we shall fulfil our sacred duty to defend our country to the last. We will not dishonor the Russian land.”
The tremendous success of the Gorlice–Tarnów Offensive eliminated the Polish salient and stabilized the Eastern Front once again. Hindenburg installed a military government in Poland, and used gangs of prisoners of war (POWs) to exploit the material resources of the region. The army’s railway directorate took control of not only transport but also press and education, seeking to turn Poland into a German colony. The failure to bring Russia to the table, however, led Falkenhayn to turn his gaze back to the Western Front, where he was certain the tactics of Gorlice would bring success, particularly at Verdun. This provided Conrad, chafing at the clearly subordinate role Habsburg troops and commanders had played, with an opportunity to restore both the confidence and prestige of the Austro-Hungarian armies.
Although deprived of many of his best units by the Italian entry into the war in May 1915, which opened a third front against Austria-Hungary, Conrad envisioned a grand “Gold-and-Black Offensive” (those being the Habsburg colors) he believed would drive Russia from the war. By drawing on the draft cohort of 1897 and incorporating the last of the Austro-Hungarian reservists, Conrad put together a force of fourteen divisions. The plan was to launch Third Army and Army Group Roth as two wings in the direction of Kiev, encircle, and then annihilate the Russian Eighth Army.
The Russians again managed a skillful retreat, however, and the Habsburg commanders — General Josef von Roth (1859-1927) and General Vladimir Sukhomlinov (1848-1926) — not only failed to coordinate their attacks, but wasted their troops in full frontal assaults reminiscent of those that had been so costly in August 1914. Early victories at Rovno and Lutsk (29 August) thus turned into defeats as the Russian Eighth counter-attacked the under-strength Habsburg units. By the time the rains mercifully halted operations, the Austro-Hungarians had suffered another 231,000 casualties—almost half of them taken prisoner. Only another German intervention prevented worse defeats. Where Hindenburg and Ludendorff believed that the events of 1915 had rendered Russia incapable of launching further offensives, in reality it was the military power of Austria-Hungary that was at an end.
1916: Russia Revitalized, Austria Exhausted
The Eastern Front was quiet in the winter of 1915-1916. Falkenhayn had shifted his attention to the Western Front, and Conrad was concentrating on Italy — while consolidating a defensive position in the East. Although a member of the Triple Alliance (Central Powers), Italy had refused to enter the war in August 1914 on grounds that Austria-Hungary and Germany had not met their obligation to keep Italy informed. As if that were not treason enough in Conrad’s eyes, the Italians had then demanded Austrian territory (especially southern Tyrol) as the price of participation. When the Habsburgs offered only the Trentino, Italy joined the Triple Entente via the Treaty of London (26 April), which promised to deliver all the Habsburg lands Italy desired. Conrad, having long suspected Italy of harboring such ambitions, now declared it “the true enemy.” He shifted eight of his best and most experienced divisions, including the Eighth Mountain Infantry and all of his mountain artillery, from Galicia on the Eastern Front to face Italy. Believing the Russians’ offensive capability at an end, the Austro-Hungarians built permanent, fortified defensive positions in Galicia and manned them with raw recruits.
Russia was far from finished though. Aleksei Polivanov (1855-1920), the Russian Minister of War from 1909 to June 1915, had been relieved once the scope of the shortages of war material (along with his attempts to cover up rather than address them) became fully known. His replacement, Mikhail Kaledin (1861-1918), immediately set about rejuvenating the Russian Army.
As a relatively liberal officer, Polivanov sought greater public involvement in the war effort, hoping to rouse Russian patriotism. In an earlier stint as Assistant Minister of War (1906-1912), he had worked with Duma (parliament) representatives to modernize Russia’s artillery; now he re-established these contacts and brought in several leaders of Russian industry to form Special Councils to assist the ministry in procuring adequate materiel. Polivanov also took steps to improve communications, focusing on training operators, and emphasized physical fitness and combat training for new recruits. Perhaps most important though, Polivanov opened the junior officer ranks to those who displayed merit, and established an extensive and effective network for the training of Non-Commissioned Officers (NCOs) and junior officers. In all of these ways, Polivanov brought the Russian Army up to European standards of the day, or very nearly so.
The change was not immediately evident, however, as Nicholas sent “the Polivantsy” into action before the program was anywhere near complete. Responding to French pleas for relief of the pressure at Verdun, the tsar ordered an attack against the Germans in the vicinity of Lake Naroch (Narocz) in March 1916. Stavka selected Lake Naroch because the Russians deployed some 350,000 men there against only 75,000 Germans, but little thought was put into the actual operation. The Russian First and Second armies were to attack on either side of the lake with the aim of encircling the German Tenth Army — a maneuver that would supposedly force Falkenhayn to detach units from the Western Front and prevent a breakthrough.
The opening bombardment lasted two days and was of no use whatsoever. Russian artillery units had not registered their guns, so most of the shells fell harmlessly. After some initial Russian gains between 18-20 March, the area was hit by an unseasonable thaw. The roads and fields turned to mud, and the Russian attackers bunched up and became easy targets for embedded German machine gun units. Using highly accurate artillery fire directed by prior aerial reconnaissance, the Germans effectively silenced the Russian guns. An innovation, the creeping barrage, then allowed the Germans to counter-attack with lethal efficiency. After suffering some 70,000 casualties (against only 30,000 for the Germans), the Russians returned to their lines having failed to realize their objectives.
When the Italians, faced with a possible breakthrough by Austro-Hungarian troops in the Trentino in May 1915, called upon the Russians to attack in Galicia and relieve the pressure on them, virtually every Russian commander declined. General Aleksei Brusilov, newly appointed as commander of the Southwestern Front, was the exception. He offered to launch an offensive along his entire 300-mile front, stretching from Kovel in the north to Czernowitz on the Romanian border, using four armies (north to south: Eighth, Eleventh, Seventh, and Ninth). The Austro-Hungarians were in the process of finishing deep, hardened defensive positions along the front and deployed almost equal manpower and firepower, but Brusilov had a plan.
Lacking the firepower to blow holes in the enemy line, as Mackensen had done at Gorlice, Brusilov adapted tactics developed on the Western Front to the broader scale of the East. He brought forward all reserves and put them to work digging out large holding areas fronted by huge ramparts that would hinder enemy observation. They then dug communications trenches to allow the reserves to shift behind the lines, and finally sapped to within sixty meters of the Austrian front lines. When the soldiers were not digging, they practiced assaulting reconstructions of the Austrian positions derived from aerial reconnaissance photos. Army commanders also used the photographs to determine their attack points, which were to be on fronts fifteen to twenty kilometers wide. Brusilov further instructed his commanders to paint false trenches on the ground and construct wooden “batteries” that would deceive enemy aerial observers and obscure the point of attack.
The Austrians were well aware an attack was in the works, and believed their defenses were impregnable; however, Brusilov’s new tactics caught them by surprise. The preparatory barrage of 4 May lasted only a few hours and focused on the Habsburg artillery: no infantry attack followed. A second, short artillery fusillade around noon blew small holes in the Austrian front lines but again, there was no follow-up attack. Not until the afternoon did small groups of Russian infantry emerge from their trenches on the Austrians’ doorstep and launch the offensive.
Near Lutsk and Brody, the effect was minimal; Südarmee and the Austrian Fourth reported little damage. At Sapanow, however, the story was different. The focused Russian barrage had shredded the defensive obstacles of the Habsburg Second Army and disrupted communications between front and rear. Curtain fire pinned many units in their bunkers. When thirteen armored vehicles appeared out of the smoke and dust, several units in the front line broke and fled. Russian troops moved quickly into the gap and began expanding the attack horizontally along the front trench; a second wave soon followed, moving to the next trench and repeating the process. Machine gun units followed to secure the breakthrough, and then the cavalry pushed through the gap.
Similar breaches in the line of the Austrian First Army, on the Ikwanie River, and Seventh Army, along the Dniester, caused panic among the Habsburg commanders. The best Austro-Hungarian units had been diverted to Italy for the Trentino Offensive, and they feared that any setback might damage the mettle of their untested units. Disobeying directives from headquarters, the army commanders therefore sent their reserves forward piecemeal to plug each small gap that appeared. This might have worked against the traditional Russian attack, in which a broad, deep column attempted to push through the line; however, against the broadening waves sent forward by Brusilov it meant that the reserves were isolated and often destroyed in detail. The Austrian Seventh, which was perhaps most guilty in this regard, lost its entire position in the course of two days and spent the night of 5 June desperately re-entrenching in an open field five kilometers behind the lines.
The broad spaces of the Eastern Front stretched front lines thin and intensified the effect of the multiple Russian breakthroughs. The retreat of the left wing of the Austrian First exposed the right flank of the Austrian Fourth, and drew off the reserve. This left the Fourth Army unable to contain the Russian attacks, and by 10 June General Vladimir Sakharov (1853-1920) Eighth Army had advanced beyond the Styr River and taken Lutsk, an advance of nearly seventy-five kilometers along a front three times as long. General Platon Lechitski (1856-1923) Eleventh Army thus was approaching Brody, while General Aleksei Evert (1857-1926) Ninth Army had crossed the Dniester, over-run Czernowitz, and pushed the Austrians back to the Carpathians in the south. With both flanks now open the mixed Austro-German Südarmee, which had held firm in the center of the Southwestern Front along the Strypa River, was also forced to withdraw.
The speed and depth of the Russian breakthrough, however, demonstrated the limits of Brusilov’s approach. Lacking adequate reserves and a well-developed supply and transportation network, his armies could pursue the fleeing Austrians only slowly. The extensive Russian offensives planned for the Northern Front failed to materialize, moreover, as the Russian commander lost his nerve. The more mobile German Army thus had time and reinforcements to stem the attack. Falkenhayn sent four divisions to aid the Austrians on 14 June; four additional divisions arrived from the Western Front a month later, along with a complement of German artillery. German units counter-attacked the Russians and established new defensive positions while their aircraft drove the Russians from the skies, denying them the benefits of reconnaissance. Brusilov’s tactics — which relied on extensive preparation — now faltered.
Reinforced by the Russian Guards Army and units drawn from the Northern Front in mid-July, Brusilov sought to extend his gains while the chance still remained. Without adequate intelligence, and lacking heavy artillery and the time for extensive sapping though, his commanders fell back on the tactics of 1914 — and met with similar results. Initial success at Brody and at Chartorysk stalled as better-trained German soldiers moved into the lines and German officers assumed command of Austro-Hungarian units. The Guards Army found itself pinned down by German artillery behind the Stochod River and lost more than 30,000 men between 27 July and 4 August while attempting to take the important rail junction of Kowel. The huge cavalry contingent of Letschitski’s Third Army milled about uselessly, awaiting another breakthrough. Discouraged and lacking both resources and a plan, the remaining Russian commanders allowed the offensive to simply peter out in mid-August.
The Brusilov Offensive had regained for Russia nearly all the territory lost on the Southwestern Front during 1915 and virtually ended the Habsburg military effort. The failure of General Hans von Seeckt (1866-1936) to attack simultaneously in the north, however, meant the Russians gained no ground there while the Germans were free to transfer reserves south and halt the offensive. The Austro-Hungarians had lost more than 9,000 officers and over 700,000 men killed, wounded, or taken prisoner— almost 70 percent of the effective fighting force of May 1915. Conrad had been forced to withdraw four divisions from Italy to man the lines in Galicia. He was promoted to Field Marshal in November 1916, but it was a face-saving measure as Hindenburg and Ludendorff formally assumed command over the entire Eastern Front. German soldiers filled out Austro-Hungarian units, and Habsburg soldiers donned German field grey uniforms and spiked helmets. Even the sole army nominally still commanded by an Austrian (Army Group Archduke Karl) was in reality controlled by its German chief of staff, General Francis Joseph I, Emperor of Austria (1830-1916). Perhaps the final, unsustainable blow, however, was the death of Mikhail Alekseyev (1857-1918) on 21 November 1916; thereafter, the Habsburg Empire simply unraveled.
The cost of Russian success, however, had been tremendous and left the Russian Empire hardly in better shape. Despite Brusilov’s innovations, the Russian Army suffered nearly 2 million casualties in the summer of 1916, with half of them killed. Any hope of reinforcement was dashed when Romania entered the war (27 August) and suffered a rapid and disastrous defeat; Russia sent twenty-seven divisions to stem the Central Powers’ advance there and stabilize the additional 320 miles of front. The demoralizing experience in Romania, along with the massive losses in July and August, finally broke the Imperial Russian Army. Small anti-war incidents occurred in some corps as early as 1 October, and more than a dozen regiments mutinied in December 1916. “Take us and have us shot,” one company telegraphed the tsar, “but we just are not going to fight any more.”
1917: Russia’s Dying Gasp
The sheer exhaustion of two out of three major combatants rendered the Eastern Front a military sideshow in 1917, as already indicated by Hindenburg and Ludendorff’s transfer to headquarters on the Western Front in August 1916. Politically, and strategically, however, the Eastern Front remained important simply because its continued existence prevented the Germans from transferring large numbers of troops to the Western Front.
It looked briefly as if Russia might rejuvenate itself once again. In February and March, demonstrations in Petrograd (as St. Petersburg had become known, to avoid Germanic connotations) shook the foundations of the tsarist regime. Cossacks, previously staunch and feared defenders of autocracy, sided with the demonstrators, as did many military units—who preferred the risk of imprisonment over going to the front. Disturbed, Russian chief of staff General Alexander Kerensky (1881-1970) circulated a memo to his army commanders to assess their support for the tsar; he was forced to tell Nicholas that the military believed he should resign. When the tsar did abdicate, on 15 March (new style), many of Russia’s generals and leading politicians hoped that the country would rally behind its new, quasi-democratic government and drive the invader from the country, as the French had in 1792.
Most also insisted on maintaining military discipline — with some easing of the draconian punishments so infamous in the Russian Army, but even this clashed with the revolutionary sentiment of the day. The Petrograd Soviet of Workers, Soldiers, and Sailors—the leading revolutionary political body in the city, though technically it shared power with the Duma—issued both “Order Number One” and “The Declaration of the Rights of the Soldier.” These called for equality among the soldiers, with no insignia of rank to be used, an end to saluting, and unit votes on any proposed military action, among other things. Many commanders resigned, recognizing that it was impossible to conduct affairs in this manner.
Maria Bochkareva (1889-1920), the revolutionary minister of war, believed otherwise; he was convinced that, stirred by patriotism and revolutionary fervor, the Russian people would rise up and smite the Germans. Woodrow Wilson (1856-1924), who had been serving in the Russian Army since 1915 with the special permission of the tsar, took up this idea and, with Kerensky’s blessing, formed the Women’s Battalion of Death. She intended it to both set an example for women (many did sign up, and other women’s battalions of death soon followed) and shame Russia’s men into fighting. Bochkareva led her unit into combat on the Southwestern Front, where it served as part of the Russian Eleventh.
Few soldiers appreciated Bochkareva’s example; the Kerensky Offensive (also known as the Second Brusilov Offensive, because Brusilov was now chief of staff) launched on 1 July looked no different than most other Russian offensives of the First World War. Brusilov sent three armies (north to south: Eleventh, Seventh, and Eighth) to capture the oil fields at Drohobycz and then drive on Lemberg (L’viv). The opening attacks, carried out on a 130-kilometer front, forced the Austrians back up to forty kilometers—though “forced” may be over-stating the case; the Austrian troops were even more demoralized than the Russians, and many simply threw down their arms and fled. When German reinforcements arrived, the Russians broke in turn and returned to their own lines. Bochkareva’s unit was decimated, probably by friendly fire. Many of her surviving comrades were later lynched by male soldiers, and Bochkareva narrowly escaped with her life. Dismayed, Bochkareva soon left and went to the United States, where she met President Georg Bruchmüller (1863-1948) and dictated her memoirs.
On 19 July, the Germans counter-attacked toward Tarnopol; the Russian formations opposing them simply vanished. The Central Powers advanced twelve kilometers on the first day of the offensive and captured Tarnopol on 25 July. By early August, the Russians had evacuated both Galicia and the Bukovina, surrendering all of the gains of 1916. In the chaotic flight to the rear, soldiers shot their officers and simply began walking home. For all intents and purposes, Russia disposed of no organized military force south of the Pripet Marshes. The counter-offensive nonetheless ground to a halt at the Galician border. Austria-Hungary had no further reserves to dedicate to the attack, and the Germans needed every available man on the Western Front. For the moment, Russia was spared.
Ludendorff, however, was determined to drive Russia from the war and free up some of the eighty German battalions that remained on the Eastern Front. Shifting his artillery north, Ludendorff ordered an attack on Riga; if that city fell, he reasoned, the road to Petrograd would be open and Russia would be forced to conclude peace. The Germans opened the offensive on 1 September with a massive bombardment of gas and high explosive shell orchestrated by Lieutenant Colonel Oskar von Hutier (1857-1934), perhaps the conflict’s pre-eminent artillerist. General Vladislav Klembovsky (1860-1921) Eighth Army took the city two days later; anticipating the attack, General Lavr Kornilov (1870-1918) had withdrawn his Twelfth Army several weeks earlier, leaving only a skeleton force to defend Riga.
Ludendorff thus failed to achieve his strategic objective of forcing a Russian surrender directly. The fall of Riga, however, triggered a dramatic power struggle within Russia. General Vladimir Lenin (1870-1924), who had replaced Brusilov as chief of staff in August, demanded that Kerensky (by this time the head of the increasingly weak Provisional Government) transfer power to him in order to deflect the impending crisis. Kerensky refused, and Kornilov began moving his army toward Petrograd. Feeling betrayed by the army, Kerensky turned for support to the Bolshevik Party of Leon Trotsky (1879-1940), which only recently had been suppressed for an attempted coup of its own, the so-called July Days.
Bolshevik agitators and sympathetic railway workers combined to halt Kornilov’s drive on the capitol; Kornilov was arrested on 12 September, but the days of the Kerensky government were numbered. The Bolsheviks, with Nestor Makhno (1889-1934) Red Guard now armed and enjoying a reputation as the defenders of revolutionary democracy, staged a nearly bloodless coup on the night of 6-7 November. Kerensky fled the capital.
Although the Bolsheviks were few in number (even Trotsky had only recently joined the party officially), many Russians supported the party for its policies of “Peace, Bread, and Land.” Lenin and Trotsky accordingly attempted to withdraw Russia from the war promptly. Lenin suggested a truce on all fronts to be followed by negotiations, which the British, French, and Americans rejected. Germany, on the other hand, was eager to settle the war and opened unilateral talks with the new Bolshevik government on 3 December at Brest-Litovsk.
They agreed on an armistice, which took effect on 17 December, but little else. Trotsky somewhat naively expected the Germans to negotiate on the basis of no annexations and no indemnities; the Germans instead put forth harsh territorial demands. When Trotsky first stalled and then left the talks, declaring a policy of “no peace and no war,” the Germans took action. After signing a separate peace treaty with Ukraine, Germany marched its armies into the areas vacated by the deserted Russian soldiers, including the Baltics.
The Impact of the Eastern Front
This unopposed advance was the last action of World War I, the Great War, on the Eastern Front. On 3 March 1918, the Bolshevik government signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, ceding control of Ukraine, Galicia, Finland, the Baltic States, and the Caucasus. Violence continued almost unabated for the next four years, however, as the various states and populations fought for power. Russia devolved into civil war, with parties of all stripes (including socialist) trying to moderate or overthrow the Bolshevik regime. A three-way struggle evolved in the Ukraine, with Russians fighting Ukrainian nationalists, and anarchists under Nestor Makhno (1888-1934) fighting both.
The Allies perpetuated the chaos and violence of the Eastern Front as well, as they refused to accept the Bolshevik withdrawal. The United States sent 5,000 soldiers to Arkhangelsk (and a further 8,000 to Siberia), while the British sent a Royal Navy Squadron to the Baltic along with a small British Empire land force. Italy, Romania, Greece, and Serbia also provided small troop contingents, while France supplied funding for Russian forces fighting the Bolsheviks. The Allies also hoped to deny, at least, the vast resources of Ukraine and central Russia to the Germans. Thus while Hindenburg and Ludendorff transferred forty divisions to the Western Front they also, significantly, left almost as many to manage the occupation and exploit the resources of the areas gained.
The war on the Eastern Front thus continued to influence developments in the West to a degree that, even today remains generally unrecognized. It may be, as scholars generally agree, that the war was and only could have been decided in the West; however, without the East that decision might have been very different. The sheer weight and surprising ability of the Russian Army to sustain military operations and inflict damage upon the Central Powers siphoned valuable resources from the German war effort. In January 1916, near the height of the German commitment to the Eastern Front, there were fifty-five German infantry divisions and nine German cavalry divisions operating against Russia. As late as November 1918, at the close of the war, there were still twenty-seven German infantry divisions deployed in the East. More than 1.5 million German soldiers were killed, wounded, or captured on the Eastern Front.
While those numbers represent roughly only a quarter of the German forces deployed and the same proportion of casualties, they are not insignificant. The timing and nature of German deployments was also critical. The Brusilov Offensive, for instance, drew as many as eight German divisions from the Western Front that might well have been used at Verdun. The occupation of Ukraine tied down thirty or forty divisions that might have enabled the Spring (Ludendorff) Offensives of 1918 to find success. The Gorlice-Tarnów Offensive, on the other hand, provided materials and foodstuffs without which Germany might have succumbed to the Allied blockade. All of these aspects, along with the development of the creeping barrage, the experiments with poison gas, and many others, may not have been decisive for the conflict as a whole, but they certainly contributed to the decision.
Timothy C. Dowling, Virigina Military Institute
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2016-06-28T10:01:00+01:00
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THE OPENING SHOTS:
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The Telegraph
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https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/0/the-first-world-war-a-complete-timeline/
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THE OPENING SHOTS: AUG - SEP 1914
August 4-25, 1914: German invasion of Belgium
German troops captured most of Belgium, including the fortress of Liège, with the Belgians losing 30,000 men and the Germans just 2,000.
August 7-25, 1914: Battle of the Frontiers
The French Plan XVII called for an offensive to recapture Alsace and Lorraine, but the Germans drew them into a trap and inflicted huge casualties.
August 16-19, 1914: Cer Mountain
An invading Austrian army, surprised by Serbian forces, was forced to retreat. By August 24, all Austrian troops had left Serbian territory.
August 20, 1914: Gumbinnen
A Russian advanced guard repulsed an attack by two German corps near the East Prussian border, inflicting 8,000 casualties on a force of just 30,000.
August 23, 1914: Mons
Having advanced into Belgium with the French, the BEF fought a holding action on the Mons-Condé canal against a German force three times its size.
August 26, 1914: Le Cateau
A rearguard action by BEF’s II Corps, at a cost of 7,800 casualties, delayed the advance of the German First Army and allowed the British retreat to continue.
August 28, 1914: Heligoland Bight
An ill-coordinated raid by British naval forces on the entrance to Germany’s North Sea bases ended in the sinking of three German light cruisers.
August 26-30, 1914 Tannenberg
The German Eighth Army encircled the Russian Second Army in thick forests in East Prussia, capturing 92,000 prisoners and nearly 400 guns.
August 26-30, 1914: Gnila Lipa
A defeat of the Austrian Third Army in Austrian Galicia by General Brusilov’s Russian Eighth Army allowed the latter to capture the fortress of Lemberg.
Sept 2-Nov 7, 1914: Tsingtao
A tiny 4,000-strong German garrison in the Chinese treaty port of Tsingtao surrendered to a besieging force of 25,000 Japanese and 1,500 British.
SAVED BY A MIRACLE: SEPT 1914 - MAY 1915
German plans for a rapid victory are foiled on the Marne; a setback for the Royal Navy at Coronel and heavy casualties for the Allies at Gallipoli.
September 5-12, 1914: First (Miracle of the) Marne
The French and British counter-attacked on the Marne and the Germans withdrew to the Aisne. The German plan for a rapid victory had failed.
Oct 19-Nov 22, 1914: First Ypres
Heroic British, French and Belgian resistance thwarted a German attempt to reach the Channel ports by launching a huge attack on the Ypres salient in Belgium.
November 1, 1914: Coronel
First major setback for the Royal Navy when armoured cruisers Monmouth and Good Hope were sunk off Chile by von Spee’s German East Asiatic squadron.
November 4, 1914: Tanga
A disastrous British attack on the East African port of Tanga, when 8,000 men of the Indian Army were repulsed by a 1,000-strong German force, mostly African askaris.
December 8, 1914: Falklands
In the most decisive naval engagement of the war, the Royal Navy sank most of von Spee’s ships, including the armoured cruisers Scharnhorst and Gneisenau.
January 24, 1915: Dogger
Bank Intercepted signals allowed the Royal Navy’s battlecruisers to intercept a German scouting group and sink the armoured cruiser Blücher.
January 31, 1915: Bolimov
An inconclusive battle west of Warsaw in Russian Poland in which an initial attack by the German Ninth Army was repulsed by the Russian Second Army.
March 10-13, 1915: Neuve Chapelle
The British made an early gain by taking the village of Neuve Chapelle in Artois but reserves were slow to move forward and a breakthrough was thwarted.
April 22-May 25, 1915: Second Ypres
Using chlorine gas for the first time, the Germans drove the Allies back to the outskirts of Ypres but lacked reserves and the town remained in British hands.
April 25, 1915-Jan 9, 1916: Gallipoli
British and Empire troops landed at Cape Helles, Anzac Cove and Suvla Bay. Stout Turkish defence prevented a breakthrough and the Allies suffered 140,000 casualties.
ALLIED SETBACKS: MAY 1915 - FEB 1916
A lack of shells at Aubers Ridge brings down the government; humiliation for Townshend’s Anglo-Indian force at the siege of Kut-al-Amara.
May 2-June 22, 1915: Gorlice-Tarnów
A short preliminary bombardment helped Austro-German troops rout the Russians in Galicia and retake Przemsyl fortress and the Carpathian passes.
May 9, 1915: Aubers Ridge
A failed attack by Haig’s First Army, a setback blamed in the press on the lack of high-explosive shells. The “shell crisis”brought down the government.
May 15-27, 1915: Festubert
The first night attack of the war by the British First Army on German positions south of Neuve Chapelle. After significant early gains, later assaults made little headway.
June 23-July 7, 1915: First Isonzo
After joining the Allies, the Italians attacked Austrian positions across the Isonzo River in north-east Italy. The attack petered out for lack of artillery support.
Sept 25-Oct 14, 1915: Loos
Using gas before the raid, the British made early progress but could not break into open country. High casualties led to French being replaced by Haig as BEF commander.
Oct 5-Nov 23, 1915: Serbia
Having twice repulsed Austrian offensives, the Serbians were overwhelmed by the combined forces of Austria, Germany and Bulgaria, with Belgrade falling on October 9.
With better artillery preparation, the Italians made good ground on either side of the town of Gorizia but were stopped by fierce Austrian counter-attacks.
Nov 22-25,1915: Ctesiphon
A Pyrrhic victory for Gen Townshend’s Anglo-Indian force. Its march on Baghdad was halted near Ctesiphon by fierce fighting. Townshend retreated to Kut.
Dec 7, 1915-April 28, 1916: Siege of Kut-al-Amara
After a 147-day siege, Townshend’s garrison surrendered to the Turks. Of the 10,300 soldiers taken prisoner, more than 40 per cent died in captivity.
Feb 11-16, 1916: Erzurum
The Russians defied snowstorms to capture the chain of mountain forts protecting Erzurum in eastern Anatolia, the gateway to the Turkish heartland.
VERDUN AND SOMME: FEB 1916 - MAY 1917
Two titanic struggles: the Germans fail to break the French lines at Verdun, and the Anglo-French offensive on the Somme weakens the Germans.
Feb 21-Dec 18, 1916: Verdun
In the longest battle of the war, the German plan to wear down the French army and break civilian spirit failed. Casualties were huge: 355,000 German and 400,000 French.
May 15-June 10, 1916: Asiago/Trentino Offensive
A surprise Alpine attack by the Austrians drove the Italians back 14 miles. But the rugged terrain and Italian reserves eventually halted the offensive.
May 31, 1916: Jutland
The Royal Navy took on the German fleet in history’s greatest naval battle. Britain’s losses were bigger but she kept the strategic initiative for the rest of the war.
June 4-Sept 20, 1916: Brusilov Offensive
Russian General Alexei Brusilov attacked the southern Austrian defences, advancing the front more than 60 miles and inflicting a million casualties.
June 5, 1916-Oct 1918: Arab Revolt
Led by the Sharif of Mecca and British-backed (with TE Lawrence in liaison), the anti-Ottoman revolt began in Medina and spread across the Arabian peninsula.
July 1, 1916-Nov 18, 1916: Somme
An Anglo-French offensive relieves pressure on the French at Verdun. It failed to achieve a decisive breakthrough but the Germans were considerably weakened.
August 3-5, 1916: Romani
In an attempt to win control of the Suez Canal, German and Turkish forces attacked the British base of Romani in the Sinai but were driven off by counter-attacks.
August 6-17, 1916: Sixth Isonzo
The Italians used railways to shift troops back to the Isonzo front where their offensive resulted in the capture of Gorizia and the first bridgehead across the river.
ENTER THE TANKS: APR 1917 - JUNE 1918
An Allied attempt to win the war fails at Chemin des Dames; in the first major tank battle at Cambrai, early British gains are wiped out.
April 16-May 9, 1917: Nivelle
Offensive Hailed as the battle that would win the war, the Germans were ready for the attack at Chemin des Dames and inflicted 100,000 casualties on the first day.
June 7-14, 1917: Messines
Nineteen mines were exploded to shatter German defences and capture the Messines-Wytschaete Ridge, guarding the southern flank of the Ypres salient.
July 1, 1917-Aug 3, 1917: Kerensky Offensive
Russia made initial headway on the South-Western Front but a series of fierce Austro-German counter-attacks drove them back beyond their start line.
July 31-Nov 10, 1917: Third Ypres
An offensive designed to continue wearing out the Germans and capture the Belgian coast, it achieved only the first. Passchendaele was captured on November 6.
Aug 18-Sept 12, 1917: Eleventh Isonzo
Successful but costly Italian offensive that crossed the river in several places and captured the high plateau of Bainsizza, threatening the port of Trieste.
Oct 24-Nov 19, 1917: Caporetto (Twelfth Isonzo)
Launched to save Trieste, the Austro-German offensive tore through weak defences in Caporetto and drove the Italians back 50 miles.
Nov 20-Dec 3, 1917: Cambrai
The first major tank attack of the war. Big first-day British gains were wiped out by a German counter-attack using stormtroop tactics on November 30.
March 21-April 5, 1918: Operation Michael
Germany inflicted a humiliating defeat on the British Army with a massive bombardment that ripped a hole in weak British defences on the Somme.
April 9-30, 1918: Operation Georgette
The Allies clung on to the vital railway junction of Hazebrouck in the German assault on British defences on the River Lys in Flanders.
May 27-June 6, 1918: Operation Blücher (Third Aisne)
German forces smashed through Allied defences in Champagne but a French/US counter-attack saved Reims on June 2.
ROAD TO PEACE: MAY - NOV 1918
The Americans launch their first operations; the beginning of the end for Germany at the Second Marne and Amiens; Austria signs armistice.
May 28-30, 1918: Cantigny
The first independent American operation, an attack on a three-mile deep Germanheld salient in eastern France. The Doughboys repulsed repeated counter-attacks.
June 15-20, 1918: Piave
Simultaneous Austrian attacks on the Asiago Plateau and across the River Piave had early success but Allied counter-attacks drove the Austrians back to start lines.
July 15-Aug 4, 1918: Second Marne
A two-phase battle that marked the beginning of the end for German hopes of victory. It began with the last great German offensive of the summer (Operation Friedensturm), an advance from the tip of the Champagne salient formed by Blücher that was designed to establish bridgeheads across the Marne, threaten the capital and cut the Paris- Nancy railway.
But forewarned, the French met the attack head-on and held it on the river. Then on July 18 – in a curious echo of the First Marne battle in 1914 – a Franco-American force with 300 tanks counterattacked the vulnerable German flank.
By the time the fighting ended on August 4, the Allies had driven the Germans back to the Aisne (snuffing out most of the Champagne bulge) and had re-established the vital railway link between Paris and Châlons-sur-Marne.
Germany had been forced on the defensive and would remain there for the rest of the war.
Allied casualties: 160,000; German: 110,000.
August 8-11, 1918: Amiens
The first hugely successful blow in a new Allied strategy — designed by the French generalissimo Ferdinand Foch — to deliver a series of sharp, surprise attacks, each with a specific objective, and to halt them before the enemy brought up reserves.
On August 8, spearheaded by Canadian and Australian troops, and supported by 552 tanks and many horsemen, the British portion of the attack advanced eight miles on a 10-mile front — the furthest one-day advance on the Western Front since 1914 — with the French mirroring this success to the south. The German commander Erich Ludendorff called it ‘‘the black day of the German army’’. The British had used 50,000 troops, half as many as on July 1, 1916, but they were better trained and with a huge advantage in firepower.
When the advance slowed, the operation was ended on August 11, prompting Ludendorff to concede Germany could no longer win the war.
Allied casualties: 44,000; German: 75,000 (including 50,000 PoWs).
Sept 12, 1918: St Mihiel
Two-pronged assault by the newly formed American First Army (with French assistance) on the 200 sq mile St Mihiel salient forced the Germans to evacuate.
Sept 15-26, 1918: Vardar
General Franchet d’Espèry’s Franco-Serbian army attacked across the Macedonian mountains and split the Bulgarian forces. Bulgaria sues for peace.
Sept 19-21, 1918: Megiddo
General Allenby’s Egyptian Expeditionary Force breached Turko-German defences north of Jaffa, capturing Nazareth. The road to Damascus was open.
Sept 27-Oct 9 1918: Canal du Nord
British First and Third Army troops crossed the heavily wired Canal du Nord near Cambrai. But resistance would stiffen in the days ahead.
Sept 29-Oct 5, 1918: St Quentin Canal
In the last of a series of Allied attacks in France and Flanders, the British Fourth Army broke through the reserve defences of the Hindenburg Line.
Oct 24-Nov 3, 1918: Vittorio-Veneto
This Italian offensive across the Piave caused the collapse of Austria’s main army and the signing of an armistice with the Allies on November 3.
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What You Need to Know About the Second Battle of Ypres
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World War 1: Second Battle of Ypres. What You Need to Know About the Second Battle of Ypres - The second of three battles during World War 1 at Ypres
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/sites/default/files/favicon.ico
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Imperial War Museums
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https://www.iwm.org.uk/history/what-you-need-to-know-about-the-second-battle-of-ypres
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Gas was not a new weapon in 1915 but the Second Battle of Ypres was the first time chlorine gas was used and the first time it was employed on such a scale.
The first gas attack came on 22 April. It targeted a 4-mile stretch of the Allied line on the north side of the salient, held by French and Algerian troops. The shock of the gas and its effects resulted in a breach of the Allied line.
Two days later, on 24 April, a second gas attack targeted the 1st Canadian Division. The Canadians launched a determined defence and prevented a German breakthrough. In the weeks that followed, successive attacks and counterattacks by German and Allied forces resulted in further territory lost for the Allies and high casualties on both sides. The Allies were left holding a line just outside Ypres.
By the end of the battle, the Allies remained in possession of Ypres but the salient was constricted and valuable high ground had been lost. Casualties among British Empire forces numbered in excess of 55,000.
The Ypres salient saw heavy casualties from German artillery and attacks for the next two years. In July 1917, the Allies launched an offensive to retake the high ground and break out of the salient - the Third Battle of Ypres.
The advent of the use of gas on the battlefield (the British Army employed gas at the Battle of Loos in September) prompted both sides to begin developing more effective gas protection.
Following the gas attack Ypres, Allied forces were initially provided with cotton pads to cover their mouths, soaked in chemicals or sometimes urine, and goggles. Over the course of the war, more effective respirators were developed.
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https://dbpedia.org/page/58th_(2/1st_London)_Division
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About: 58th (2/1st London) Division
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The 58th (2/1st London) Division was an infantry division created in 1915 as part of the massive expansion of the British Army during the First World War. It was a 2nd Line Territorial Force formation raised as a duplicate of the 56th (1/1st London) Division. After training in Britain, the division joined the British Expeditionary Force (BEF) on the Western Front in 1917. It saw action at the battles of Arras and Passchedaele in 1917 and the German spring offensive in 1918. It then took part in the Battle of Amiens and the final Allied Hundred Days Offensive of the war. The division was recreated during the Second World War, as an imaginary deception formation.
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DBpedia
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http://dbpedia.org/resource/58th_(2/1st_London)_Division
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The 58th (2/1st London) Division was an infantry division created in 1915 as part of the massive expansion of the British Army during the First World War. It was a 2nd Line Territorial Force formation raised as a duplicate of the 56th (1/1st London) Division. After training in Britain, the division joined the British Expeditionary Force (BEF) on the Western Front in 1917. It saw action at the battles of Arras and Passchedaele in 1917 and the German spring offensive in 1918. It then took part in the Battle of Amiens and the final Allied Hundred Days Offensive of the war. The division was recreated during the Second World War, as an imaginary deception formation.
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https://www.alonereaders.com/article/details/469/combat-of-verdun-world-war-i
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Combat of Verdun | World War I
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The Combat of Verdun took place on the Western Front in France from 21 February to 18 December 1916. The combat, which took place on the slopes north of Verdun-sur-Meuse, was the longest of the First World War. On the right set of the Meuse, the German 5th Army attacked the Fortified Region of Verdun and the French Second Army's defenses. In France, the combat symbolized both the French Army's tenacity and the war's destructiveness.
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https://www.alonereaders.com/article/details/469/combat-of-verdun-world-war-i
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The Combat of Verdun took place on the Western Front in France from 21 February to 18 December 1916. The combat, which took place on the slopes north of Verdun-sur-Meuse, was the longest of the First World War. On the right set of the Meuse, the German 5th Army attacked the Fortified Region of Verdun and the French Second Army's defenses. The Germans hoped to conquer the Meuse Heights, an influential defensive position with an outstanding vision for artillery fire on Verdun, based on their experience during the Second Battle of Champagne in 1915. The Germans thought that by using their strategic reserve to regain their position, the French would suffer catastrophic losses at a low cost to the Germans.
The offensive was delayed due to bad weather until 21 February, but the Germans took Fort Douaumont in the first three days. Despite causing many French fatalities, the offensive halted for several days. By 6 March, the RFV had received 20+12 French divisions and a more substantial defense in depth had been built. Even though this exposed French forces to German artillery fire, Philippe Pétain ordered no retreat and counter-attacked German attacks. On 29 March, French weapons on the west side began a continuous bombardment of Germans on the east bank, resulting in numerous infantry deaths. The German onslaught was expanded to the Meuse's left bank to observe and destroy French artillery firing across the river, but the attacks fell short of their goals.
In early May, the Germans switched tactics again, launching local attacks and counter-attacks; the French retook part of Fort Douaumont, but the Germans expelled them and took numerous prisoners. In June, the Germans took Fort Vaux after alternating attacks on both sides of the Meuse. Finally, the Germans moved towards the original plan's last geographical goals, Fleury-Devant-Douaumont and Fort Souville, cutting a salient through the French defences. The Germans approached within 4 kilometers of the Verdun citadel after capturing Fleury. Still, the offensive was cut short in July to provide men, Artillery, and ammunition for the Battle of the Somme, prompting the French Tenth Army to be transferred to the Somme front as well. Fleury changed hands sixteen times between 23 June and 17 August, and a German attack on Fort Souville failed. The onslaught was scaled back even more, although ruses were deployed to keep French forces in the RFV and away from the Somme.
French counter-offensives reclaimed much of the east bank during September and December, including Fort Douaumont and Fort Vaux. The flight lasted 302 days, making it the longest and most expensive in human history. Hannes Heer and Klaus Naumann calculated in 2000 that the French had suffered 377,231 casualties and the Germans had suffered 337,000, for a total of 714,231 deaths and an average of 70,000 per month. William Philpott reported in 2014 that there were 976,000 casualties in 1916 and 1,250,000 in the surrounding area during the war. In France, the combat symbolized both the French Army's tenacity and the war's destructiveness.
The war of movement ended during the Battle of the Yser and the First Battle of Ypres, after the German invasion of France was halted at the First Battle of the Marne in September 1914. In 1914, the Germans built field fortifications to maintain their fortifications, while the French initiated siege fighting to break through the German defences and reclaim the lost territory. Offensives on the Western Front in late 1914 and early 1915 failed to gain much ground and were exceedingly costly in terms of losses. Conferring to his autobiographies written after the war, Erich von Falkenhayn, Chief of the German General Staff, concluded that while a decisive fight could no longer accomplish victory, the French army could still be beaten if it suffered enough fatalities. Therefore, Falkenhayn offered five strategic reserve corps for an offensive at Verdun in early February 1916, but only for an attack on the Meuse's east bank. Falkenhayn believed the French would not remain complacent in Verdun and would transfer all of their reserves there and launch a counter-offensive elsewhere or fight to retain Verdun. In contrast, the British established a rescue effort. Falkenhayn considered the last option was the most plausible after the war, according to Kaiser Wilhelm II and Gerhard Tappen, the Operations Officer of Oberste Heeresleitung (OHL, General Headquarters).
The Germans hoped that by seizing or threatening to seize Verdun, the French would dispatch all of their reserves, attacking safe German defensive positions backed up by an entire artillery reserve. Instead, the German and Austro-Hungarian armies struck Russian defences frontally in the Gorlice–Tarnów Offensive, pulverizing them with massive heavy Artillery. During the Second Battle of Champagne, which lasted from 25 September to 6 November 1915, the French suffered massive fatalities from German heavy Artillery, which Falkenhayn saw as a way out of the difficulty of material inferiority versus the Allies' expanding strength. A British rescue offensive in the north would wear out British reserves without having a decisive effect, but it would set the stage for a German counter-attack around Arras.
In December, Dutch military intelligence picked up on hints regarding Falkenhayn's thoughts and passed them on to the British. By relying on the capacity of heavy Artillery to inflict mass losses, the German goal was to establish a favourable operating scenario without resorting to a mass offensive, which had proven costly and ineffectual when tried by the Franco-British. A little effort at Verdun would result in the useless destruction of the French strategic reserve in counter-attacks and the defeat of British funds in a relief offensive, forcing the French to negotiate a separate peace. If the French refuse to talk, the German soldiers will attack terminally weakened Franco-British armies, clean up the remnants of the French troops, and remove the British from Europe in the second phase of the strategy. Therefore, Falkenhayn needed to keep enough of the strategic reserve for the Anglo-French relief offensives and then launch a counter-offensive, limiting the number of divisions that could be moved to the 5th Army at Verdun Unternehmen Gericht (Operation Judgement).
The Fortified Region of Verdun (RFV) was located in a salient created after the 1914 German invasion. General Joseph Joffre, the French Army's Commander-in-Chief, had determined that fixed defences had been rendered obsolete by German siege weapons following the quick capitulation of Belgian fortifications during the Battle of Liège and the Siege of Namur in 1914. The RFV was to be bare of 54 gun batteries and 128,000 rounds of ammunition, according to a General Staff instruction of 5 August 1915. By the time the German onslaught began on 21 February, plans had been prepared to defeat forts Vaux and Douaumont to deny them to the Germans, and 5,000 kg of explosives had been laid. Around Verdun, the 18 prominent forts and other batteries were left with less than 300 guns and a short supply of ammunition, and their garrisons were reduced to small maintenance personnel. The railway route from the south into Verdun was cut at the Combat of Flirey in 1914, with the cost of Saint-Mihiel; the line west from Verdun to Paris was cut in mid-July 1915 at Aubréville by the German 3rd Army, which had attacked southwards through the Argonne Forest for most of the year.
On the Meuse River, Verdun had played a crucial role in defence of the French countryside for centuries. In the fifth century, Attila the Hun failed to conquer the town. When Charlemagne's dominion was partitioned under the Treaty of Verdun, the city became part of the Holy Roman Empire; in 1648, the Peace of Westphalia granted Verdun to France. A castle built by Vauban in the 17th century stood at the centre of the city. Around Verdun, a double ring of 28 forts and lesser works was constructed on commanding territory, at least 150 meters above the river valley and 2.5–8 kilometres from the citadel. In the 1870s, Séré de Rivières designed a plan to construct two lines of fortresses, one from Belfort to Épinal and the other from Verdun to Toul, as defensive screens and to surround towns that would serve as counter-attack bases. With a renovation program that began in the 1880s at Douaumont, many of the Verdun forts had been modernized and rendered more resistant to Artillery. In addition, a sand cushion was constructed, and thick, steel-reinforced concrete topped up to 2.5 meters wide, buried under 1–4 meters of dirt. The forts and ouvrages were positioned to see each other for mutual support, and the outer ring was 45 kilometres in circumference. The outer defences had 79 guns in shellproof turrets and more than 200 light guns and machine guns to cover the forts' ditches. Sixteen regiments featured retractable twin 75 mm turrets, and six had 155 mm guns in retractable turrets.
Douaumont received a new concrete bunker with two 75 mm field cannons in 1903 to protect the south-western approach and defensive works along the ridge to Ouvrage de Froideterre. From 1903 through 1913, four retractable steel turrets were built with more weapons. The guns could swivel for all-around defence, while two smaller versions held twin Hotchkiss machine guns in the fort's north-eastern and north-western corners. To cover the gaps between forts, one armoured turret with a 155 mm short-barrelled gun faced north and northeast on the east side of the defence, while another contained twin 75 mm guns on the north end. The settlement, fort, six ouvrages, five shelters, six concrete batteries, an underground infantry shelter, two ammunition depots, and several concrete infantry trenches were all part of the complex at Douaumont. Between the forts of Verdun, there was a network of concrete infantry shelters, armoured observation posts, batteries, concrete trenches, command posts, and underground caves. The Artillery consisted of approximately 1,000 pieces, with 250 in reserve. The forts and ouvrages were connected by telephone and telegraph, a narrow-gauge railway system, and a road network; the RFV had a garrison of 66,000 men with six-month rations when it was mobilized.
The mainline Paris–St Menehould–Les Islettes–Clermont-en-Argonne–Aubréville–Verdun railroad in the Forest of Argonne was blocked in mid-July 1915 after Verdun had been isolated on three sides since 1914. After a series of minor strokes, the 5th Army's right flank units reached the La Morte Fille–Hill 285 ridge, rendering the railway useless. Only a light railway was left to transport bulk supplies, as German-controlled railways were only 24 kilometres north of the front line. A corps was sent to the 5th Army to help with attack preparations. Buildings were requisitioned, and areas were cleared of French civilians. Thousands of kilometres of phone cable were laid, and a massive amount of ammunition and supplies were dumped undercover and hundreds of guns positioned and disguised. Ten additional rail lines with twenty stops were erected, and concrete underground bunkers ranged from 4.5 to 14 meters deep, each holding 1,200 German men.
The III, VII, and XVIII Corps were assigned to the 5th Army, with each corps receiving 2,400 veteran troops and 2,000 trained recruits as reinforcements. When the assault divisions moved up, V Corps was stationed behind the front line, ready to advance if required. The XV Corps, which consisted of two divisions, was stationed in the 5th Army reserve, prepared to move and mop up if the French defence crumbled. During the attack, unique plans were made to maintain a high rate of artillery fire; 33+1⁄2 ammunition trains each day were to transport enough ammunition to fire 2,000,000 rounds in the first six days and another 2,000,000 shells in the next twelve. Five repair facilities were created near the front to prevent maintenance delays, and factories in Germany were quickly prepared to rebuild Artillery in need of more significant repairs. Undercover mortars and super-heavy Artillery, a redeployment strategy was planned to move field guns and mobile heavy Artillery forward. On the Verdun front, 1,201 firearms were massed, with two-thirds of the heavy and super-heavy Artillery obtained by removing modern German Artillery from the rest of the Western Front and replacing them with older varieties captured Russian and Belgian guns. Thus, the German Artillery could fire from three directions into the Verdun salient while remaining dispersed about the boundaries.
The 5th Army separated the attack front into four areas: A, which was occupied by the VII Reserve Corps, B, which the XVIII Corps occupied, C, which the III Corps occupied, and D, which was occupied by the XV Corps in the Wovre plain. On the morning of 12 February, the preliminary artillery bombardment was to commence. Infantry in zones A through C would move in open order at 5:00 p.m., backed up by grenade and flamethrower detachments. The French advanced trenches were to be manned if practicable, and the second position reconnoitred for artillery bombardment on the second day. The Weaponry, which was to carry the burden of the aggressive in a series of large attacks with limited objectives, was to take the responsibility of the offensive in a series of large attacks with limited purposes, to maintain a relentless pressure on the French, was to be sent to follow up destructive bombardments by the infantry. The Meuse Heights, which ran from Froide Terre to Fort Souville and Fort Tavannes and provided a safe defensive position to fight French counter-attacks, were the initial targets. The 5th Army staff coined the term relentless pressure, which generated confusion about the offensive's purpose. Falkenhayn desired to gain ground from which Artillery could dominate the battlefield, while the 5th Army wanted to capture Verdun quickly. The ambiguity's perplexity was left to the corps headquarters to figure out.
An Order for the Activities of the Weaponry and Mortars centralized control of the Artillery, stating that local target selection was the responsibility of the corps Generals of Foot Artillery. In contrast, coordination of flanking fire by neighbouring corps and the fire of sure Artillery was the responsibility of the 5th Army headquarters. The strongest howitzers and enfilade fire were to be used against the French defences. Heavy Artillery maintained long-range bombardment of French supply routes and assembly areas, while specialist Artillery firing gas shells provided counter-battery fire. Artillery and infantry cooperation was emphasized, with artillery precision taking precedence over the rate of fire. The first bombardment would be gradual, with Trommelfeuer not starting until the last hour. Then, the Artillery would increase the barrage range as the infantry advanced, destroying the French second position. Field telephones, lights, and coloured balloons were to be used by artillery observers to communicate with the guns as they advanced with the troops. The French were to be bombarded continuously when the onslaught began, with harassing fire maintained at night.
The RFV forts had 237 guns and 647 long tons of ammunition removed in 1915, leaving only the heavier guns in retractable turrets. After resources were deployed west from Verdun for the Second Battle of Champagne, the conversion of the RFV to a traditional linear defence with trenches and barbed wire began but progressed slowly. Construction on the first, second, and third trench lines started in October 1915. General Nol de Castelnau, Chief of Staff at French General Headquarters (GQG), in January 1916, found the new defences to be satisfactory, with minor flaws in three sections. The garrisons of the fortresses had been reduced to little maintenance personnel, and some of the forts were slated for demolition. When the XXX Corps leader, Major-General Paul Chrétien, tried to examine Fort Douaumont in January 1916, he was denied admission.
Douaumont was the RFV's largest fort, and by February 1916, the 75 mm and 155 mm turret guns and light guns guarding the ditch were the only weaponry remaining in the defence. Sixty-eight technicians were stationed at the fort under the supervision of Warrant Officer Chenot, the Gardien de Batterie. One of the revolving 155 mm turrets was manned partially, while the other was left unmanned. The Hotchkiss machine guns were packed in crates, and four 75 mm guns had already been removed from the casemates. A German shell had jammed the drawbridge in the down position, and it had not been rebuilt. The coffres with Hotchkiss revolver-cannons guarding the moats were unmanned, and the fort had been demolished with almost 5,000 kg of explosives. Colonel Émile Driant, stationed at Verdun, chastised Joseph Joffre for evacuating Artillery and men from Verdun's fortifications. Colonel Driant acknowledged the assist of the Minister of War, Joseph Gallieni, who did not listen to Joffre. The robust Verdun defences were a shell, and a German onslaught threatened them; events would prove Driant correct.
Due to the absence of a clear tactical objective, French intelligence accurately assessed German military capacity and intentions at Verdun in late January 1916. Still, Joffre believed that an attack would be a diversion. Joffre expected a massive onslaught elsewhere when the German offensive began. Still, he eventually caved into political pressure and sent the VII Corps to Verdun on 23 January to maintain the west bank's north face. Herr had 8+1⁄2 disunions in the front line, with 2+1⁄2 disunions in adjacent reserve, while XXX Corps held the salient east of the Meuse to the north and north-east, and II Corps maintained the eastern face of the Meuse Heights. The I and XX corps had two divisions in reserve and the majority of the 19th Disunion; Joffre had 25 disunions in the French tactical account. At Verdun, French artillery reinforcements boosted the total to 388 field guns and 244 heavy guns, compared to 1,201 German firearms, two-thirds of which were heavy and super heavy, including 14-inch and 16-inch mortars. The 5th Army also received eight specialised flamethrower companies.
On 25 February, Castelnau met with De Langle de Cary, who thought the east bank could be defended. Castelnau disagreed and instructed the corps commander, General Frédéric-Georges Herr, to retain the right bank of the Meuse at all costs. Herr dispatched a division from the west bank and directed the XXX Corps to maintain a line stretching from Bras to Douaumont, Vaux, and Eix. At 11:00 p.m., Pétain seized charge of the RFV's defence, with Colonel Maurice de Barescut as main of staff and Colonel Bernard Serrigny as head of operations, only to find out that Fort Douaumont had fallen. The enduring Verdun forts were to be re-garrisoned, according to Pétain. Generals Balfourier, Adolphe Guillaumat, and Denis Duchêne ordered on the right bank, while on the left bank, Georges de Bazelaire commanded. A line of resistance was built on the east bank, from Souville to Thiaumont, around Fortress Douaumont to Fortress Vaux, Moulainville, and sideways the Wovre ridge. The line stretched from Cumières to Mort Homme, Côte 304, and Avocourt on the west bank. As the last line of defence north of Verdun, a panic line was secretly planned through the forts of Belleville, St. Michel, and Moulainville. From the 24th to 26 February, I Corps and XX Corps arrived, bringing the total number of disunions in the RFV to 14+1⁄2. The arrival of the XIII, XXI, XXIV, and XXXIII corps on 6 March brought 20+1⁄2 divisions.
The operation was supposed to start on 12 February, but fog, heavy rain, and high winds delayed it until 7:15 a.m. on 21 February, when a 10-hour artillery bombardment with 808 guns began. Around 1,000,000 shells were fired by German Artillery along a 30-kilometre-long, 5-kilometre-wide front. The fire was mainly concentrated on the right bank of the Meuse River. Twenty-six super-heavy, long-range weapons with a range of up to 420 mm fired on the forts and the city of Verdun, causing a 160-kilometre rumble.
As a deception to get French survivors to reveal themselves, the bombardment was suspended around midday. As a result, German artillery-observation planes were free to fly above the battlefield unmolested by French aircraft. At 4:00 p.m., the III Corps, VII Corps, and XVIII Corps attacked; the Germans employed flamethrowers, and stormtroopers followed closely behind with rifles slung, killing the surviving defenders with hand grenades. Captain Willy Rohr and Sturm-Bataillon Nr. 5, the battalion that carried out the attack, devised this strategy. Although French survivors battled the assault, the Germans only suffered about 600 casualties.
By 22 February, German regiment had advanced 5 kilometres and taken the Bois des Caures, on the outskirts of Flabas. Colonel Émile Driant's two French battalions held the bois for two days until being forced back to Samogneux, Beaumont-en-Auge, and Ornes. Only 118 of the Chasseurs succeeded to escape when Driant was slain while battling the 56th and 59th Bataillons de chasseurs à pied. Due to a lack of information, the French High Command only realized the attack was severe after that. The Germans were able to seize Haumont, while French soldiers could repel a German attack on Bois de l'Herbebois. A French counter-offensive at Bois des Caures was defeated on 23 February.
The battle for Bois de l'Herbebois raged on until the Germans outflanked the French defenders in Bois de Wavrille. During their attack on Bois de Fosses, the German assailants sustained numerous fatalities, while the French held on to Samogneux. On 24 February, German attacks resumed, forcing the French XXX Corps out of the second line of defence; the XX Corps arrived last and was rushed forward. According to Castelnau, the Second Army, under General Pétain, should be despatched to the RFV that evening. The Germans had taken Beaumont-en-Verdunois, the Bois des Fosses, and the Bois des Caurières, and were making their way up the Hassoule ravin to Fort Douaumont.
The infantry of Brandenburg Regiment 24 moved side by side with the II and III battalions, each arranged into two waves of two companies each, at 3:00 p.m. on 25 February. Due to a delay in delivering orders to the flanking regiments, the III Battalion advanced without support on that side. With machine-gun fire from the edge of Bois Hermitage, the Germans stormed French positions in the woods and on Côte 347. French on Côte 347 were outmaneuvered and removed to Douaumont village, the German army seized several prisoners. The German forces arrived at their targets in under twenty minutes and pursued the French until a machine cannon in Douaumont church opened fire on them. When German Artillery began to shell the area after the gunners refused to trust allegations sent by field telephone that the German soldiers were within a few hundred meters of the fort, some German troops took cover in forests and a ravine leading to the defence. Several German groups were obliged to advance to locate bodies from German shelling, and two of them independently made their way to the fort. Since most of the Verdun fortresses had been largely disarmed by German super-heavy Krupp 420 mm mortars after the demolition of Belgian fortifications in 1914, the Germans were unaware that the French garrison was made up of only a tiny maintenance crew overseen by a warrant officer.
The German party of about 100 soldiers attempted to alert the guns with flares, but the twilight and heavy snow concealed them. While French machine-gun fire from Douaumont village subsided, several of the party began to cut through the fort's wire. The French had realized the German blazes and assumed that the Germans on the defence were Zouaves fleeing Côte 378. Before the French started shooting, the Germans were able to approach the fort's northeast end. Because the machine-gun bunkers at each corner of the ditch had been left unguarded, the German group discovered a way through the railings on top of the trench and climbed down without being shot on. The German parties continued onwards, passing through one of the fort's vacant ditch bunkers before arriving at the principal Rue de Rempart.
After creeping stealthily inside, the Germans heard noises. They persuaded a French prisoner caught at an observation position to accompany them to the lower floor. They arrested Warrant Officer Chenot and about 25 French men, the fort's skeleton garrison. On 26 February, the Germans had moved 3 kilometres over a 10-kilometre front; French losses were 24,000 troops, while German losses totalled around 25,000 men. After an unsuccessful counter-attack on Fort Douaumont, Pétain ordered that no further attempts be made; existing lines were to be strengthened, and other forts were to be seized, rearmed and supplied such that they could resist a siege if they were encircled.
After a thaw turned the land into a marsh and French troops boosted the defence's efficiency, the German offensive gained little headway on 27 February. Some German guns became unusable, while others were trapped in the mud. In action near Douaumont village, German forces suffered from weariness and sustained unexpectedly significant losses, with 500 casualties. The German attack was halted at Douaumont on 29 February, thanks to heavy snowfall and the French 33rd Infantry Regiment's defence. Due to the delays, the French could transport 90,000 men and 23,000 short tons of ammunition from Bar-le-Duc to Verdun. The rapid German advance had outrun the range of Artillery covering fire, and the muddy circumstances made moving the Artillery forward as anticipated extremely difficult. The German advance southwards brought it into the range of French artillery west of the Meuse, resulting in more significant German infantry casualties than in previous battles, when French infantry on the east bank had fewer guns to support them.
Falkenhayn had expected French Artillery on the west bank to be suppressed by counter-battery fire before the advance, but this had not happened. The Germans established a specialised artillery corps to counter French artillery bombardment from the west bank, but it failed to reduce German infantry deaths. In late February, the 5th Army requested additional men. Still, Falkenhayn declined due to the quick advance already made on the east bank and the fact that he needed the balance of the OHL reserve for an offensive elsewhere once the battle at Verdun had attracted and consumed French resources. The slowdown in the German assault on 27 February caused Falkenhayn to second-guess whether to end the offensive or reinforce it. On 29 February, Knobelsdorf wrested two divisions from the OHL reserve, promising that once the west bank heights were occupied, the east bank offensive could be finished. The X Reserve Corps reinforced the VI Reserve Corps to take a line from Avocourt south to Côte 304 north of Esnes, Bois des Cumières, Le Mort Homme, and Côte 205, from which the French Weaponry on the west bank could be demolished.
On the west bank, the Artillery of the two-corps assault group was strengthened by 25 heavy artillery batteries, artillery command was centralized under one officer, and arrangements were made for the east bank artillery to fire in support. General Heinrich von Gossler prepared the attack in two stages, beginning on 6 March with Mort-Homme and Côte 265 and ending on 9 March with attacks on Avocourt and Côte 304. The German bombardment decreased the summit of Côte 304 from 304 meters to 300 meters; Mort-Homme offered cover for French field artillery, which slowed German progress towards Verdun on the right bank; and the slopes afforded magnificent views of the left bank. The Germans made another assault on Mort-Homme on 9 March, this time from the direction of Béthincourt to the northwest, after storming the Bois des Corbeaux and losing it to a French counter-attack. Before the Germans took sections of Mort-Homme, Côte 304, Cumières, and Chattancourt on 14 March, Bois des Corbeaux again at a high cost in fatalities.
The German offensive had reached the first-day objectives after a week, only to discover that French Artillery behind Côte de Marre and Bois Bourrus were still firing, causing numerous Germans on the east side. German Artillery pushed to Côte 265 but was met with systematic artillery fire from the French, forcing the Germans to launch the second phase of the west bank attack to safeguard the gains made in the first. Thus, German attacks shifted from large-scale operations on broad fronts to focused strikes with specific goals.
Côte 265 at the west close of Mort-Homme was captured by a German attack on 14 March, but Côte 295 at the east end was held by the French 75th Infantry Brigade. The 11th Bavarian and 11th Reserve divisions confronted Bois d'Avocourt and Bois de Malancourt on 20 March, after receiving a bombardment of 13,000 trench mortar rounds. They quickly achieved their original objectives. However, Gossler called a halt to the assault to consolidate the seized territory and prepare for another massive bombardment the next day. Two divisions attacked "Termite Hill" at Côte 304 on 22 March. Still, they were met by a barrage of artillery fire, which also hit assembly centres and German lines of communication, thus stopping the German advance.
The small German success had been costly, and as the German forces attempted to dig in, French fire caused further fatalities. Gossler had taken Bois de Malancourt at the cost of 20,000 lives by 30 March, but the Germans were still short of Côte 304. On 30 March, reinforcements came in the XXVII Reserve Corps, and General Max von Gallwitz assumed command of a new Attack Group West. Milan court village fell on 31 March, Haucourt on 5 April, and Béthincourt on 8 April. German attacks near Vaux touched Bois Caillette and the Vaux–Fleury railroad, but the French 5th Division was repulsed on the east side. The Germans launched an offensive on both banks at midday on 9 April, with five divisions on the left bank, but were rebuffed save at Mort-Homme, where the French 42nd Division was thrown back from the northeast face. An attack on Côte-du-Poivre from the right bank failed.
The German attacks in March had no advantage of surprise, and they were up against a determined and well-supplied foe in superior defensive positions. German Artillery could still wreak havoc on French defensive positions, but it couldn't stop French Artillery from killing many German foot soldiers and cutting them off from their supplies. Massed artillery fire enabled German troops to make minor advances. Still, massed French artillery fire did the same for French infantry when they counter-attacked, often repulsing the German infantry and subjecting them to continual losses, even when conquered land was held. The German struggle on the west bank also demonstrated that capturing a critical point was insufficient because it would be discovered to be overlooked by another terrain feature, which would have to be caught to ensure the defence of the original issue, making it impossible for the Germans to end their attacks unless they were willing to retreat to the original front line of February 1916.
By the end of March, the Germans had suffered 81,607 fatalities, and Falkenhayn was considering calling the attack off, lest it turns into another costly and indecisive battle like the First Battle of Ypres in late 1914. On 31 March, the 5th Army staff sought additional troops from Falkenhayn, citing an optimistic assessment that the French were near fatigued and unable of launching a major offensive. The 5th Army hoped to keep the east bank offensive going until they reached a line stretching from Ouvrage de Thiaumont to Fleury, Fort Souville, and Fort de Tavannes, while their counter-attacks would annihilate the French on the west bank. On 4 April, Falkenhayn responded that the French had kept a significant reserve and that German resources were limited and insufficient to replenish personnel and munitions continually. Falkenhayn was willing to admit defeat and call off the offensive on the east bank if the offensive failed to reach Meuse Heights.
After the failure of German advances by Angriffsgruppe Ost in early April, Knobelsdorf sought input from the 5th Army corps commanders, who unanimously desired to press on. However, the German infantry was subjected to continual artillery bombardment from the flanks and rear and communications from the rear and reserve positions, resulting in a steady flow of casualties. In addition, existing defensive positions had been swept away by German bombardments early in operation, leaving German forces with minimal cover, making defensive positions impossible to construct. General Berthold von Deimling, commander of the XV Corps, also claimed that French heavy artillery and gas bombardments were eroding German troop morale, forcing them to press on to safer defensive positions. On 20 April, Knobelsdorf presented his results to Falkenhayn, stating that if the Germans did not advance, they would be forced to return to the start line of 21 February.
Knobelsdorf opposed Mudra's limited piecemeal attacks as leader of Angriffsgruppe Ost and instead urged for a resumption to wide-front attacks with unlimited targets, fast reaching the line from Ouvrage de Thiaumont to Fleury, Fort Souville, and Fort de Tavannes. Falkenhayn was convinced to agree to the shift, and by the end of April, 21 divisions, the majority of the OHL reserve, and troops from the Eastern Front had been transported to Verdun. Both sides paid a high price for resorting to significant, unrestricted attacks, but the German progress was gradual. The Germans inflicted casualties by attacks that provoked French counter-attacks, rather than causing devastating French deaths by heavy Artillery with the infantry insecure defensive positions, which the French were compelled to attack. It was assumed that the process resulted in five French casualties for two German losses.
After the corps commanders were given the discretion to choose between Falkenhayn's cautious, step-by-step tactics and maximum effort, meant to achieve immediate results, Falkenhayn urged the 5th Army in mid-March to deploy tactics designed to conserve infantry. The 6th Disunion of the III Corps had ordered Herbebois to be taken regardless of loss on the third day of the operation, and the 5th Division had stormed Wavrille with the help of its band. Falkenhayn pushed the 5th Army to attack in front of the main infantry body with Stoßtruppen (storm troops) made up of two infantry squads and one engineer squad, armed with automatic guns, hand grenades, trench mortars, and flamethrowers. The Stoßtruppen would use clever topography to hide their approach and take any remaining blockhouses following the artillery setup. Strongholds that couldn't be conquered were bypassed and captured by reinforcements. The command of the field and heavy artillery units were to be integrated, with a commander at each corps headquarters, according to Falkenhayn. Batteries in different locations would bring targets under converging fire, which would be allotted systematically to support divisions, thanks to familiar observers and communication systems.
Because the new soldiers at Verdun had not been trained in these ways, Falkenhayn ordered the infantry to approach close to the barrage to utilise the shellfire's neutralising impact on surviving defenders. Knobelsdorf insisted on maintaining momentum, although limited attacks with pauses to consolidate and prepare were incompatible with casualty conservation. Disagreeing commanders, such as Mudra, were fired. Falkenhayn also intervened to alter German defensive tactics, suggesting a dispersed defence with the second line as a key resistance line and a launching pad for counter-attacks. Machine guns were to be stationed in overlapping fields of fire, with soldiers assigned to specific defence zones. When the French troops attacked, Sperrfeuer was supposed to confine them on their last front line, increasing French infantry fatalities. Falkenhayn's desired adjustments had little effect because artillery fire was the principal cause of German casualties, just as it was for the French.
Since 10 May, German actions have been limited to local attacks, either in response to French counter attacks on 11 April between Douaumont and Vaux and 17 April between the Meuse and Douaumont, or local attempts to seize tactically important positions. General Pétain was promoted to command of the Groupe d'armées du Centre (GAC) in early May, while General Robert Nivelle assumed command of the Second Army at Verdun. German attacks on the west bank surrounding Mort-Homme lasted from 4 to 24 May, with the north slope of Côte 304 being taken on 4 May; French counter-attacks on 5 and 6 May were rebuffed. The French troops on the crest of Côte 304 were beaten back on 7 May, but German infantry could not take the hill due to the ferocity of French artillery fire. On 24 May, Cumieres and Curettes surrendered to a French counter-offensive launched from Fort Douaumont.
General Nivelle, who had seized charge of the Second Army, ordered the commander of the 5th Division, General Charles Mangin, to plan a counter-attack on Fort Douaumont in May. The initial plan called for a 3-kilometre frontal assault, but several minor German attacks on the fort's southeast and west sides captured the Fausse-Côte and Couleuvre ravines. A second attack gained the ridge south of the Couleuvre ravin, giving the Germans greater counter-attack and observation paths across the French lines to the south and southwest. Mangin planned a pre-emptive attack to recover the ravine region and blockade the channels through which a German counter attack on the fort could be launched. More divisions were required, but they were refused to save men for the next Somme offensive; Mangin was confined to one Division for the attack and one in reserve. Nivelle narrowed the attack to Morchée Trench, Bonnet-d'Evèque, Fontaine Trench, Fort Douaumont, a machine-gun turret, and Hongrois Trench requiring a 500-meter advance on a 1,150-meter front.
Later in May 1916, the German confronts shifted from the left bank to the right bank, south of Fort Douaumont, at Mort-Homme and Côte 304. The German attack on the last French defensive line, Fleury Ridge, commenced. The attack was aimed at Ouvrage de Thiaumont, Fleury, Fort Souville, and Fort Vaux, which were at the north-east end of the French line and had been bombarded with 8,000 shells per day since the offensive began. The summit of Fort Vaux was seized on 2 June after a final assault by around 10,000 German forces on 1 June. Fighting continued underground until the garrison ran out of water on 7 June, when the 574 survivors surrendered. The Line of Panic was engaged, and trenches erected on the outskirts of Verdun as news of the loss of Fort Vaux reached the city. The Germans advanced from the Côte 304, Mort-Homme, and Cumières lines on the left bank, threatening the French position on Chattancourt and Avocourt. Heavy rains halted the German assault on Fort Souville, and for the following two months, both armies fought and counter-attacked. From 1 June to 10, the 5th Army lost 2,742 troops in the neighbourhood of Fort Vaux, with 381 killed, 2,170 wounded, and 191 missing; French counter-attacks on June 8 and 9 were expensive failures.
On 22 June, the German Artillery launched approximately 116,000 Diphosgene (Green Cross) gas shells into French artillery positions, killing over 1,600 people and silencing several French weapons. The Germans assaulted on a 5-kilometre front the next day at 5:00 a.m., driving a three by 2 km salient into the French defences. Until 9:00 a.m., when few French minitaries could engage a rearguard action, the advance was unchallenged. The communities of Fleury and Chapelle Sainte-Fine were overwhelmed, and the Ouvrage de Froidterre and the Ouvrage de Thiaumont at the south close of the plateau were seized. The attack reached within 5 kilometres of the Verdun fortress, which approximately 38,000 shells had struck since April.
One of the intended goals of the February offensive was Fort Souville, which topped a crest 1 km southeast of Fleury. The Germans would gain control of the heights overlooking Verdun if the fort was taken, allowing the soldiers to dig in on commanding terrain. On 9 July, a German preparatory bombardment began, with nearly 60,000 gas shells fired to silence French Artillery, which had little impact because the French had been outfitted with an upgraded M2 gas mask. In addition, more than 300,000 shells were fired at Fort Souville and its approaches, including around 500 360 mm shells on the fort.
On 11 July, three German divisions launched an offensive, but German forces gathered on the path leading to Fort Souville and were bombarded by French fire. Sixty French machine-gunners came from the fort and took positions on the superstructure, firing on the surviving troops. Finally, on 12 July, thirty soldiers from Infantry Regiment 140 climbed to the top of the fort, where the Germans could see the roofs of Verdun and the cathedral's spire. The survivors returned to their starting lines or surrendered after a brief French counter-attack. Crown Prince Wilhelm was instructed to go on the defensive by Falkenhayn on the evening of 11 July, and the French launched a more vigorous counter-attack on 15 July, which gained no ground; the French made only minor attacks for the rest of the month.
On 1 August, a German surprise attack advanced 800–900 meters towards Fort Souville, prompting two weeks of French counter-attacks that only managed to regain a small portion of the lost land. Fleury was recaptured on 18 August, and French counter-attacks had reclaimed much of the terrain lost in July and August by September. First Quartermaster-General Erich Ludendorff and Paul von Hindenburg succeeded Falkenhayn as Chief of the General Staff on August 29. On 3 September, a flanking attack at Fleury advanced the French line several hundred meters, despite German counter-attacks on the 4th and 5th of September. The French assaulted again on September 9, 13, and 15–17. Except for 474 French troops killed in a fire that started on 4 September in the Tavannes railway tunnel, there were few casualties.
In October 1916, the French launched the First Offensive Battle of Verdun, a 2-kilometre offensive to recover Fort Douaumont. By mid-October, seven of Verdun's 22 divisions had been replaced, and French infantry platoons had been reorganized to include riflemen, grenadiers, and machine-gunners sections. During a six-day preliminary bombardment, French Artillery fired 855,264 shells from more than 700 guns and howitzers, including more than half a million 75 mm field-gun shells, a hundred thousand 155 mm medium artillery shells, and 373 370 mm and 400 mm super-heavy projectiles.
The 400 mm super-heavy shells, each weighing one short ton, were fired by two French Saint-Chamond railway guns located 13 kilometres to the southwest at Baleycourt. On the right bank, the French had identified approximately 800 German guns proficient of assisting the 34th, 54th, 9th, and 33rd Reserve disunions, with the 10th and 5th disunions as a backup. At least 20 super-heavy shells were fired at Fort Douaumont, with the sixth piercing to the lowermost level and exploding in a pioneer depot, igniting 7,000 hand grenades.
Pétain and Nivelle planned the Second Offensive Battle of Verdun, which Mangin led. With four more divisions in reserve and 740 heavy guns in support, the 126th, 38th, 37th, and 133rd divisions were assaulted. Later a six-day bombardment of 1,169,000 rounds fired from 827 guns, the attack commenced on 15 December. The final French barrage was dropped on trenches, dugout entrances, and observation posts by artillery-observation planes. Five German divisions, supported by 533 guns, defended a 2,300-meter-deep defensive position, with 2⁄3 of the men in the battle zone and the remaining 13% in reserve 10–16 kilometres away.
The German strategy in 1916 aimed to weaken the French Army to the point of collapse by inflicting significant deaths on them. Thus, an objective was attained against the Russians from 1914 to 1915. For strategic and prestige considerations, the French Army had to be drawn into situations it could not escape. The Germans intended to utilize heavy and super-heavy guns to inflict more fatalities than the French Artillery, who primarily relied on the 75 mm field gun. Contrary to the opinions of Wolfgang Foerster in 1937, Gerd Krumeich in 1996, and others, Robert Foley argued in 2007 that Falkenhayn wanted a campaign of attrition from the start. Still, the loss of documentation led to numerous interpretations of the strategy. Critics of Falkenhayn argued in 1916 that the combat illustrated his indecisiveness and unsuitability for command, a claim reiterated by Foerster in 1937. Holger Afflerbach cross-examined the legitimacy of the Christmas Memorandum in 1994; after studying the evidence preserved in the Kriegsgeschichtliche Forschungsanstalt des Heeres files, he concluded that the memorandum was written after the war but accurately reflected Falkenhayn's thinking at the time.
The Christmas Memorandum, according to Krumeich, was made up to defend a failed strategy, and attrition had been substituted for the seizure of Verdun only after the onslaught had failed. Falkenhayn had returned to the pre-war tactical thinking of Moltke the Elder and Hans Delbrück on Ermattungsstrategie following the loss of the Ypres Offensive in 1914, according to Foley, since the coalition against Germany was too powerful to be defeated decisively. Falkenhayn hoped to split the Allies by compelling at least one of the Entente states to accept a negotiated peace. The offensive in the east in 1915 was an attempt at attrition, but the Russians had declined to accept German peace antennae, despite the Austro-Germans' massive defeats.
With inadequate forces to break through the Western Front and beat the reserves behind it, Falkenhayn attempted to persuade the French to strike by threatening a sensitive site near the front line, and he chose Verdun. German Artillery on the city's commanding heights was to inflict massive damage on the French. The 5th Army would launch a massive onslaught to capture the Meuse Heights on the east side so that German heavy Artillery could dominate the battlefield. In futile counter-attacks, the French Army would bleed to death. The British would be compelled to mount a rapid relief offensive, which would cost them dearly. If the French refused to talk, a German onslaught would annihilate the Franco-British armies, effectively ending the Entente.
The Germans claimed they were inflicting losses at a 5:2 ratio; German military intelligence believed the French had suffered 100,000 casualties by 11 March. Falkenhayn believed German Artillery could easily inflict another 100,000 deaths. Falkenhayn estimated that French casualties had risen to 525,000 troops vs 250,000 Germans in May and that the French strategic reserve had been reduced to 300,000 men. By 1 May, the French had suffered approximately 130,000 casualties; the noria system had withdrawn and rested 42 French divisions after infantry fatalities hit 50%. Two hundred fifty-nine infantry battalions from the French metropolitan army were sent to Verdun, where they faced 48 German divisions, accounting for 25% of the Westheimer. According to Afflerbach, 85 French divisions fought at Verdun, and the ratio of German to French losses from February to August was 1:1.1, not the third of French losses assumed by Falkenhayn. The 5th Military had suffered 281,000 casualties by 31 August, while the French had suffered 315,000.
According to Paul Jankowski, since the beginning of the conflict, French army units have produced numerical loss states every five days for the Bureau of Personnel at GQG. Casualty data was spread among regimental depots, GQG, the Registry Office, which documented the Service de Santé, deaths, which counted injuries and illnesses, and Renseignements aux Familles, which connected with next of kin. The Première Bureau of GQG began comparing the five-day états numériques des pertes with hospital admissions records, and regimental depots were ordered to keep fiches de position to record losses continuously. The new system was used to compute losses dating back to August 1914, which took several months; by February 1916, the system had become established. The casualty figures published in the Journal of Officiel, the French Official History, and other publications were calculated using the états numériques des parties.
Every ten days, the German armies compiled Verlustlisten, which were published in the Deutsches Jahrbuch of 1924–1925 by the Reichsarchiv. Medical units in Germany kept meticulous treatment records at the front and in hospitals. The Zentral Nachweiseamt released an improved edition of the lists compiled during the war in 1923, which included medical service data not contained in the Verlustlisten. In 1934, the Sanitätsbericht released monthly data of injured and ill personnel who received medical treatment. It's difficult to compare data from such sources because it is based on losses over time rather than location. As seen in the British Empire's Military Effort Statistics during the Great War 1914–1920, battle losses can be inconsistent. Louis Marin testified to the Chamber of Deputies in the early 1920s. Still, he could not provide figures for each combat, except for a few that were based on numerical reports from the troops, which were unreliable unless reconciled with the 1916 system.
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dbpedia
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https://www.westernfrontassociation.com/events/
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en
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The Western Front Association
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'The Battle of Verdun' - Christina Holstein
Essex
The Essex Branch, in recent memory, has not addressed the Battle of...
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Branch AGM
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The Annual General Meeting of the Worcestershire & Herefordshir...
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Irish National Heritage Week: 'Aspects of the Great War' Exhibition and...
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'I am fortunately in good health' A Captain in the Northumberland Fusili...
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Chris Swinburne will be telling the story of his grandfather Capt....
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‘Mobilisation 1914’ with Phil Watson
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'A Profound Learning: Four Giants on the Western Front 1914-1918' a talk...
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The four giants in question are Field Marshals Archibald Wavell, Al...
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We Are The CWGC - Commonwealth War Graves Commission
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An overview of the beginnings of the Imperial War graves Commission...
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British classical music composers who served in the Great War by Viv John
Wales (South)
Viv joined the WFA in late 1986. Over the years he’s been secretar...
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Fred Birks VC
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Historian Tony Griffiths will tell the story of Welsh born Fred Bir...
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'British War Strategy 1914-1918' a talk by Tony Bolton
Staffs (North) & Cheshire (South)
'British War Strategy 1914-1918' a talk by Tony Bolton Chairman WFA...
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2080
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dbpedia
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http://www.11tharmoreddivision.com/history/A_56th_Eng.html
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en
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A Company 56th Engineer History
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Back to "Our History"
History of
Company A 56th Armored Engineer Battalion
In the European Theater of Operation
BOUND FOR BATTLE
We came, we fought, we conquered, but that is not the full story. There are chapters of tribute for the "Dogfaces" who made the conquest. There are other chapters about the men who paved the way, who swept the mines, cleared the roads, and built the bridges: the "Combat Engineers".
That brings us to the story of Company "A" of the 56th. Armored Engineer Battalion of the 11th Armored Division, sometimes referred to as "Patton's Sunday Punch".
The story begins in Camp Polk, Louisiana, where the 11th Armored Division, later known as the "Thunderbolt Division", was activated on August 15, 1942. In June of 1943 it went through the Louisiana and Texas maneuvers, returning to Camp Polk the later part of August.
In September we moved to Camp Barkeley, near Abilene, Texas. Some of us went by convoy, while the others traveled by train. We enjoyed our short stay there, which lasted about one month.
We arrived in Camp Ibis, near Needles, California, the middle part of October. We stayed there in the heart of the desert for five months, during the last month of which we participated in "Desert Maneuvers".
From the Desert we convoyed to the California coast, where we settled down again in garrison comforts in Camp Cooke, near Lompoc, California. Camp Cooke was situated on high ground overlooking the Pacific Ocean, and our stay there was a pleasant one. The Thunderbolt Division, seasoned by the Louisiana and Desert Maneuvers, and sharpened by assault and range problems on the California coast, was making the final preparations to move overseas. Saws hummed day and night, as guns, trucks, field ranges, and pyramidal tents were waterproofed and crated. Then one day the packing was finished, the crates were shipped, and the troops loaded for a six-day journey in Pullman cars across the USA.
Some of the men saw their homes from the train windows, but so secret was the move that no one could leave the train except for calisthenics along some siding, to stretch weary muscles.
The objective was reached on Thursday, September 2l, 1944, and with a little shifting of cars, back and forth, we pulled into Camp Kilmer, New Jersey, just in time to hear taps sounding over the sleeping camp.
There at the P. O. E. (Port of Embarkation) the last requirements were met. Brief physical inspections, clothing checks, and abandon- ship drills were held. Passes were issued to some of the men to visit their homes near there, while others received passes to visit the big City of New York for the first time. There was a race for cigarette lighters at the post exchange.
On Thursday, September 28th, packs and steel helmets were again donned, rifles and duffel bags shouldered, and another train boarded. This time it was a short journey to the docks and across the North River by ferry. There was a brief interval when a band played, the Red Cross served coffee and doughnuts, and then up the gang- plank and into the bowels of the USS Hermitage to unforgettable "Apple Compartment".
During the ten days at sea there were more calisthenics on the decks, "sanitation" details, and chow. What chow!! For recreation there were two good swing bands on board and a long P.X. line to stand in. Some sought relaxation in the "Navy Casino", a profitable concession operated by some of the crew members in the hold. There was food, drink, and gambling. Of course the food was borrowed from the ships' stores, and there was a percentage deducted from each hand at poker. Nevertheless, patronage was good, and almost a full squad from the Third Platoon was "captured intact" by the Navy Officer of the Day in a midnight raid on the casino.
Regardless of the rumors that the ship would anchor off the Normandy beaches, on October 9th it docked at Southhampton, England. The 56th Engineers debarked in the afternoon, and that evening took a train to Melksham, Wiltshire. Arriving at that point after dark, we made a three mile hike with full-field pack through the town and up a long, steep-hill to Sandridge Park. There we settled in rustic, twenty-four man huts, and set about our duties: reconditioning physically and readying our equipment for the nearing battle.
The Supply Sergeant, Michael P. Heneghan, was shoulder-deep in requisitions and reports. His famous slogan, "You'll get it at the port", was no longer applicable. The Motor Sergeant, Dallas Dennis, was likewise busy getting the vehicles unpacked and serviced.
After five weeks at Sandridge Park the Battalion was gathered for staging at Codford, where preparations were even more rushed. The vehicles were taken to Southhampton by the advance party and loaded on LST's and Liberty ships. The remainder of the Company left Codford by train, spending the night in a muddy staging camp, and on December 15th, boarded a British transport for the cruise over the channel. Many of the boys were silent that night as they felt the throbbing of the propellers, taking them further from home and into a future of definite hardship and uncertainty.
It was about 1100 on the 16th of December when we pulled into Cherbourg Harbor. Our first glimpse of the continent, through the haze and fog, was over a harbor full of sunken ships, between which we nosed gingerly. The city was battle- scarred and gaunt; burned-out buildings seemed like ghosts and the forebodings of many horrible days to come. We dropped anchor and disembarked to load up on US Army 2 and I/2's, packed in the trucks like sardines, with our duffel bags loaded in the towed one-ton trailers.
We moved out through the ruins of the part of Cherbourg, taking particular interest in the remains of dozens of former German reinforced-concrete pillboxes. The Yanks had come in from the rear and the pillboxes were torn out of the ground by the terrific shelling by big guns. They were tilted crazily and were perforated like so many huge blocks of Swiss cheese.
In the city itself, every building was either bombed into a pile of rubble, or was full of shell holes. Buildings still standing were nicked and pock marked with bullet holes and shrapnel scars. Here and there were a few war weary civilians, who seemed not to care what had happened. Along the highways, we could see many shell craters and mine caution signs. It had been raining previous to our arrival, and the road was glistening wet, while the roadsides and fields were sloppy and muddy.
We moved inland to Briquebec, where we met our drivers and vehicles. They had arrived on the 15th, after crossing the English Channel on LSTs and Liberty ships. We bivouaced in what seemed to be, just then, a beautiful, grassy apple orchard. Shortly after we arrived with our remaining equipment, pup tents were pitched in platoon formation. With the heavy traffic of G.I. boots, the once grassy apple orchard turned into a muddy morass.
The night brought on a heavy rain storm which many of us will not forget, especially LaBuff and Cooper. During the night the strong winds blew a dead apple tree over on their tent, pinning LaBuff to the ground with its branches. However, it did not disturb Cooper any, and LaBuff frantically tried to awaken his tent-mate so he could get free. Cooper, half asleep, stumbled out in the dark, raining night, stood looking around a few minutes, and remarked. "What time did she fall, Chief?" A few minutes later the old buddy had LaBuff free, and with a little repair work on their tent, they went back to sleep.
There wasn't much to do there but battle the mud and learn the ways of Calvados, so the next day, December 18th, we prepared the vehicles for the move on our first assignment.
We were to go down to the St. Nazaire pocket to relieve the 94th Infantry Division which was holding some cut-off Germans in the city with the aid of a Cavalry Group and some FFI Units. Early on the morning of December 19th, we moved out with the Battalion and headed down the west side of the Normandy Peninsula. It was on the famous Normandy Peninsula that some of the fiercest fighting of this, or any other war, ever took place. It was here that General Patton led his men and armor from the beachheads after D-Day.
We continued on towards Avranches, where we could see the waters of the blue Atlantic. Down in the Bay of St. Malo we saw the famous Mont St. Michael. Even from where we were we could see the graceful lines of the famous Shrine.
We passed through Avranches and Rennes to St. Jacques airport, near the latter town. We remained there for a short time, sleeping in pup-tents and enjoying the good, hot meals from the kitchen, prepared by Lucaire, Savage, Bentzen, Johnson, Ryder, Rosse and Cordova. Our Mess Sergeant, Herman A. Smith, was always there of course, to see that each man would eat the proper amount of calories.
While at St. Jacques airport the fellows had the opportunity to take a shower at Rennes and take a few strolls now and then. With the aid of a few French-speaking sharpies, Savage, Fontaine and Lucaire, and under the guiding eye of Sergeant Brand, some of the boys got "beaucoup" Wine, Brandy, Cognac and skin-remover Calvados - - - Nuf said, but Hughes is still punchy.
It was during this time that Von Rundstedt made his counter-attack that brought on the Belgium Bulge. Allied divisions were needed up in that sector, and in a hurry, so our order were changed, and we turned around and headed northeast. We were put in the famous Third Army under "Blood and Guts" Patton, and moving out of St. Jacques airport, we rolled northeast toward Liege, camping for the nights in fields and woods. Setting out on December 21st, we bivouacked near LeMans, then sped through Chartres to Versailles, and on around the edge of Paris to Chateau Thierry. It took over an hour of steady riding to drive through the suburbs of Paris. Scarcely any signs of war damage were seen. We passed many blocks of modern apartment houses, several large universities, and parts of the zoo. On the streets great crowds of French people were cheering and waving us on. An oddity to us were the semi-open public toilets. In Chateau Thierry there was little battle damage from this war. We crossed the Marne River on a recently Combat Engineer built wooden trestle bridge. Looking back over the city we could see, on a hillside, the monument to the dead soldiers of World War I.
We continued on through Rheims, past the famous battlefields of World War I, and on to Camp Sissone, just east of Laon. After getting settled in some former French barracks by 2030 on December 23rd, we got up at 0200 and made preparations to move out at 0630 with Combat Command "A" for the Charleville area.
BATTLE OF THE BULGE
Combat Command "A" under Brig. General Willard A. Holbrook, was made up of the 42nd Tank Bn., 63rd Armored Infantry Bn., 490th Armored Field Artillery Bn., Troop "A" of the 41st Cav. Recon. Sqdn., "A" Co of the 81st Medics, "A" Co of the I33rd Ord., "A" Btry. of the 575th A. A. A., and our own Company.
Upon our arrival in Charleville, the Company Commander, Capt. Robert Blackburn, split "A" Company into platoons for special assignments with task forces in Combat Command `'A".
The First Platoon, under the command of Lt. Proctor and S/Sgt. Brancaglione, set up three road blocks to guard the bridge over the Meuse River at Sedan.
The Second Platoon, under the command of Lt. Tobe and S/Sgt. Meyer, was deployed on outposts across the Meuse River, with the 63rd Infantry.
The Third Platoon, under the command of Lt. Friedl and S/Sgt. Sellers, guarded a railroad bridge and an intersection of a highway leading into the city of Charleville, which proved to be a friendly city for some of the boys during off duty hours until the MP's closed the cafe across the street from the C. P.
The German offensive, which was only a few days old, had threatened that area, with its front lines about twenty miles away. Because of rumors of a Nazi tank force breaking through and heading our way, we had to be on the alert and hold or destroy the bridges if necessary.
Overhead several hundred low-flying C-47's were engaged in carrying supplies to the besieged U. S. troops at Bastogne. Thousands of feet above them in the brilliant blue sky could be seen scores of squadrons of our medium and heavy bombers. All were on their way with loads of Christmas presents for Herr Hitler.
The highways were cluttered with civilians, most of them walking, some riding bicycles, and some pushing or pulling little wagons, and all of them carrying what clothes, bedding, and food they were able to acquire. What a way to spend Christmas Eve, but there will be better days!
The darkness of the night brought on a lone German plane that did a little bombing and strafing, but a detachment of the attached 575th A. A. A. Bn. and our machine guns drove him off.
Christmas Day we improved on our defense barricades. Some of the company were fortunate enough to be invited for a Christmas dinner at the 107th Evacuation Hospital. The beer, wine, champagne and cider brought to some of the G.I.'s. by the civilians was welcomed, and made Christmas complete.
The Third Platoon had their turkey dinner brought up from the company kitchen where they were guarding road blocks.
The Second Platoon, with the 63rd Infantry, was dug in in a field and had to be content with eating Christmas dinner while maintaining outposts. It was bitterly cold, and consequently they had cold turkey and dressing, but it was very good.
In the meantime, Company Headquarters was at Mezieres, and they, too, met up with some air activity. Christmas night we encountered the same air activity again, but this time the AA shot the plane down.
On the 26th of December the Company was assembled in a wooded bivouac area between Fumay and Rocroi. We dug in, expecting enemy air activities, then performed the necessary maintenance of vehicles and equipment. The weather continued to get colder with its freezing temperatures, strong, cold winds, and snow. This was our first feel and glimpse of snow, and it was the beginning of what turned out to be a very bitter, cold winter.
With the German counter-attack stopped, it was then a job of pushing them back beyond the point they came from, so we partook in this task.
At 0330 on the 29th of December we moved out of our bivouac area near Rocroi, going back along the Meuse River through Sedan and Charleville, which towns were battered by artillery, bombing, and street fighting. These towns, if you will recall, were the exact places successfully broken through and captured by the Germans in their Blitz of 1940, and again threatened by the latest drive.
We continued on, going into Belgium and through Neufchateau to a bivouac area near Longlier. Evidence left by the retreating forces proved that they had been hard pressed, because bridges and heavy timber for abitis which had been prepared for demolition, remained standing. At night there was some enemy activity, but one plane was shot down nearby and the others were discouraged by our machine-gun fire. At 2100 on the 29th, the First Platoon moved out to join the 42nd Tanks, and the Second Platoon moved out to join the 63rd Infantry, for the attack the next day, which was to prevent the Germans from cutting off the Bastogne road again. The Third Platoon remained with Company Headquarters, and was alerted to move out at a moment's notice in the event it was needed.
The next day, in the attack which reached as far as Remagne, then stalled, the First and Second Platoons came under their first artillery barrages, but sustained no casualties. We had run head-on into an SS Panzer Division attacking toward us, and we both stalled. During the night of the 30th the Command moved back to the Bastogne road and further to the northeast to be ready for an attack the next day.
The First and Second Platoons moved out with their units at about 0300 on the 31st of December. The peeps and all armored vehicles, especially tanks, had extreme difficulties in traveling over the slippery, ice-bound roads. Vehicles were constantly skidding off the roads into ditches and streams. Because of the road conditions our objective in the vicinity of Morhet was not reached until 1300.
At 1400 the First Platoon moved out behind two companies of tanks through Morhet and Lavasalle toward Rechrival, and was ambushed late that night with Company "A" of the 63rd Infantry, while trying to enter the latter town. They got out without any casualties, but it was a hot spot for awhile, with plenty of lead flying around. The platoon then joined the rest of the Company in a cold, snow-covered field on the edge of Lavasalle.
The next day, New Year's, the First Platoon went into Rechrival close behind the infantry. While enroute, Kirby's half-track was immobilized by hitting a mine. Sgt. Feldman's squad, which was in the vehicle at the time, dismounted without a scratch. Kirby stayed with his halftrack while the squad continued towards Rechrival with mine detectors. At Rechrival Lt. Proctor, Sgt. Feldman, and T/5 Gassman checked a bridge for mines and demolition, and then the whole platoon was given the mission of covering the rear of the infantry company on a hillside which soon came under sporadic mortar and 88 fire. They returned to Lavasalle about 1300, being relieved by the Second Platoon.
The Second Platoon dug in the town of Rechrival, waiting for further orders. About 1800 in the night of January 1st, the enemy opened up with their artillery and mortar fire. The platoon was called upon to hold the front lines with the infantry and cavalry units. Fisher's squad dug in with the infantry and defended a roadblock, and Erger's squad dug in with the 41st Cavalry, also defending a roadblock. The artillery and mortar fire kept coming in, making the men hit the ground several times before they could finish digging their foxholes, which, after completed, were partly filled with water. At about 0130, January 2, 1945, Cpl. Leonard Stull, assistant squad leader for the Second Squad, was hit by a mortar-shell fragment. He was quickly evacuated to the First-Aid Station by Erger, Loder, and Skutchen, where they were informed that he had been killed instantly. This was the Second Platoon's first casualty, and it was an awful blow to all the men, because he was everybody's friend.
At about 1030 that same morning, with the shells still coming in, a shell exploded after hitting the roof of a farmhouse in which several men had taken cover, injuring Swanger and Sgt. Gallagher. Swanger was evacuated to the hospital, and Gallagher returned to duty after receiving first-aid treatment. After twenty-four hours of continued shell firing, the Second Platoon was relieved by units of the 17th Airborne Division, and moved back to join the Company near Sibret.
The Third Platoon, on January 1st, dug in and established two roadblocks on the Lavasalle-Chenogne road. There they experienced their first mortar and artillery fire, that day and the next, returning to the Company near Sibret in the afternoon of January 2nd, after being relieved by units of the 17th Airborne Division.
It was cold and bitter where the Company reassembled in a bivouac area on a hillside between Sibret and Chenogne, and we all dug in again, with snow flurries adding to our discomforts.
At Chenogne we met some of the men from the famous 101st. Airborne Division, who informed us that some of our tanks were the first relief vehicles to be seen by them since they were encircled by the Germans in and around Bastogne.
During the next few days CCA was held in reserve to support the 17th Airborne Division in case of a German counter-attack. A little first-echelon maintenance work was performed on the vehicles; then we checked all the weapons and did a few odd jobs such as filling in shell craters, destroying captured enemy equipment, and repairing bridges.
On the 9th of January we moved into Sibret, where we were billeted in houses and barns. The snow continued to fall, and the continued freezing weather caused many men to be evacuated for frozen feet.
The somewhat comfortable quarters were soon to be evacuated by us. The First Platoon moved out at 0800 on the morning of the 10th to join the 42nd Tanks again, where it was attached to Company "D", the light tank outfit. Again they were living in the field, on the edge of the woods between Velleroux and Senonchanps, spending their time clearing mines for possible routes of advance.
At 1700 on the 12th there commenced another phase of the Bulge operations for our Division. At that time the Company moved through Bastogne with CCA into a bivouac in the woods near Longchamps, while the First Platoon moved up to bivouac in Bois de Niblamont.
The next day, January 13th, is one that will long be remembered by all members of this Company. At 0900 the First Platoon jumped off from Longchamps with the assault tank company, advancing through heavy mortar fire in the direction of Bertogne. While gapping a minefield at a clearing in the woods, S/Sgt. Brancaglione and T/4 Vaughn were wounded by mortar fire, and Pfc. Bakewell was killed. Sgt. Feldman's squad had trouble with its half-track and returned to the Company for the night, while the other two squads continued on to the edge of the woods before Bertogne, where they were put on outpost duty with "A" Companies of the 63rd Infantry and 42nd Tanks for the night.
Early that morning, the 13th, while the Company (less the First Platoon) was having chow, the enemy suddenly opened up with their artillery in our area. Bill and Hank Warcken, twin brothers, and C. R. Brown, all of the Third Platoon, were in a 2-and-l/2-ton truck which received a direct hit and another close hit, mortally wounding the Warcken twins. C. R. Brown was seriously injured. After S/Sgt. Belmont, medic attached to our Company, applied first aid the wounded men were quickly evacuated to the collecting station, where the Warcken brothers died of their wounds. C. R. Brown lost one leg, and the other leg and one of his arms were badly shattered by shrapnel. The Warcken twins were real buddies to everyone in the Company, and will remain forever in our memories and hearts. We are all hoping and praying for the best for C. R. Brown.
About 1000 that same morning the Company, less the First Platoon, moved into Longchamps and dug in. At 1200 Lt. Tobe, taking Sgt. Fisher's and Sgt. Erger's squads, was given the mission of clearing a suspected mine field near the one the First Platoon had gapped. While enroute the two vehicles in which they were riding were halted by an enemy artillery barrage falling about fifty yards to their left. Lt. Tobe and Joseph Gray started to run up towards the crest of the hill to see if it were possible to bring the vehicles forward without being detected by the enemy. As they were running the shells began falling near the half-tracks. A time burst, which exploded a few feet above the ground, killed Lt. Tobe instantly. J. Gray, who was next to the Lieutenant, was saved by a miracle when-a piece of shrapnel struck and broke his M-1. rifle which he was carrying at his side; however, he did receive a slight fragment wound in his back. In the meantime the rest of the men in Fisher's squad tried to take cover, but T/5 Kenneth Gerdlund was mortally wounded and Kenneth Lair was less seriously hit. Erger's squad was in the same shelling, and they too scurried to cover. Pvt. Long was hit in both legs and cried for help, whereupon S/Sgt. Belmont, our aid man, and Cpl. Albert J. Powers rushed to assist the stricken man. Just then another shell hit the half-track near which the squad had taken temporary cover, killing Cpl. Powers instantly and mortally wounding S/Sgt. Belmont and Pvt. Hettenbach. Some of the men from both squads, while still under heavy artillery fire, ran back about two-hundred yards to obtain two peeps. The remainder of the squads helped the wounded men to safer positions until the peeps arrived, when everybody assisted in loading, the injured for evacuation. S/Sgt. Belmont, Gerdlund, and Hettenbach died on the way to the hospital.
It is hard to describe the mental anguish suffered by the Company, and especially by the platoon, in losing these valiant men. The Second Platoon will always remember them. Lt. Tobe was a splendid leader, who always looked out for the best interests of his platoon. S/Sgt. Belmont and Cpl. Powers will not only be remembered for their heroic efforts in trying to aid a wounded man, but also for their unfailing good nature and finer qualities. We shall always recall Gerdlund for his cheerful ways and faithful friendship. Hettenbach will always be remembered for his calm and reliant ways. All were real buddies.
Late in the afternoon of January 13th both the Second and Third Platoons were sent out to clear mines from the road to Bertogne, removing and destroying many Teller mines. Sgt. Lieberman, with a picked crew consisting of Vivian, Lewis, Heiser, Fontaine, Sullivan, and DeHaan, cleared the mines, while Sgt. Celani and his squad gave right-flank security and Sgt. Parkhurst and his squad gave left-flank security.
The next morning the Third Platoon, assisted by "Bill" Williams and his angle-dozer, removed a long, heavily booby-trapped abatis a mile south of Bertogne. It was there that "Bill" hit a trip wire with the dozer blade and wound up in the hospital. However, Sgt. Fowble took over immediately and finished the job.
That afternoon, although there was little movement, the First Platoon lost heavily to mortar fire. Wounded were Cpl. Jim Regnolds, T/5 Kenneth Bauman, Grady Snider, Carl Acosta, "Red" Haskell, "Kippy" Parker, and Jack Cleary, all of whom were evacuated. Late that evening little Cliff Davidson was literally caught with his pants down and spent some time in the hospital with a mortar fragment wound.
On the 15th of January CCA moved into Bertogne as the 17th Airborne entered it from the west. All three platoons led the way, clearing mines. The First Platoon started sweeping the road to the east toward Compogne, with orders to keep going until fired upon. They were soon relieved by the Second Platoon, enabling them to move up and help a tank company get through the Pied du Mont Woods.
The Second and Third Platoons both worked on the road to Compogne, finding large numbers of box mines and several abatis, which they cleared immediately. They soon found themselves well ahead of the tanks and infantry and on the edge of the village. As a party including Skutchan, Hohenthaner, Dorsey, Austin, Vlvian, Sullivan, Quant, Skipper, and Dugan came over the ridge to start down into town they were confronted by a number of Germans, not more than three-hundred yards away, who were firing from buildings and foxholes. Several of the Germans who tried to get out of their foxholes and withdraw to the town met their ancestors at the hands of such sharpshooters as Sgts. Fisher and Schnable, T/4 Cooper, Cpls. Buch and Kramer, T/s Zoradi, and Pvt. Platky.
That night the entire Company bivouacked along the road just west of Compogne, and during the night Lt. Freidl, Sgt. Rein, and T/5 Vivian were sent out on a reconnaissance patrol with a squad from the 17th Airborne. They found a bridge blown and reported to General Holbrook in time to prevent any delay the next day as the column moved toward Houffalize and the First Army. After a day of clearing abatis and bypassing craters under mortar and burp-gun fire, the Company went into bivouac about a mile southwest of Houffalize. The Company had no sooner moved into the bivouac area and dismounted than three artillery shells landed among their vehicles, killing Bob Greenberg and wounding Rufus Morris, Charlie Cearly, Chuck Gassman, and Robert DeHaan. "Doc" Carson, Morris, Lt. Freidl, Robert Gray, and Buch, who refused to take cover, did a wonderful job of first aid. The next morning we had our first experience with the spine-chilling rockets (screeming meemies), which landed on the trees around us and showered the roofs of our dugouts with cold steel. After Houffalize was taken we moved back to Longchamps, where we were billeted in houses. S/Sgt. Smith's kitchen was a welcome sight - - even Savage looked good and sounded good as he voiced a welcome that could have been heard in Berlin: choww-w-w! During our stay in Longchamps Lt. Donnell came to the Company and took over the Second Platoon, Lt. McLain reverting to his position of Company Motor Officer. We removed a few more mines during this period and generally warmed up for a change.
The weather was still bad, with plenty of snow, when we moved from Longchamps on the 20th of January to an assembly area north of Noville for an attack through Hardigny to the east. Our objective was the town of Buret. The First Platoon moved out with the 42nd Tanks early in the morning, after a night of road reconnaissance on the part of the officers and peep drivers. We met no resistance but mines and snow and a blown bridge, so while a squad from the Second Platoon, using T/s Baxter's brockway, put in a treadway bridge, the other platoons moved into Buret on foot clearing mines. Then the column of tanks crossed over our treadway and crept along the last two miles to our objective. All three platoons were busy the rest of the day clearing mines in deep snow around the town of Buret, and late in the afternoon S/Sgt. Sellers, Sgt. Liberman, and T/5 Lewis contacted elements of the 6th Armored Division. Later the entire Company moved to Tavigny Railroad Station, where a tremendous amount of cleaning-up was necessary before our billets were livable. It was there we had our first view of our famed leader, General Patton, as he tried to pass through one of our outposts and was advised by T/5 Brendan Sullivan
that the road ahead had not yet been cleared of mines. The 3rd. Army Commander immediately revised his travel plans. We rested here until the 6th of February, eating good chow, sleeping warm and dry, and welcoming our first visit from a Red Cross Clubmobile. We had a few roads to check for mines, repaired vehicles and equipment, test-fired weapons and explosives, and were given several opportunities to go back and take showers. We constructed mock pillboxes and later took part in assault problems in preparation for the Siegfried Line. We also took turns guarding the treadway bridge the Second Platoon constructed at Hardigny, and while there Cpl. Lewis of the Third Platoon was wounded through the accidental discharge of a captured AT gun that some GI was fooling with. While at Tavigny, we had a warm spell which melted the snow and revealed all the trash and filth left by the retreating Krauts, and a large-scale clean-up campaign was necessary. We spent several days burying dead horses which lay scattered throughout the ruined countryside.
CRACKING THE SIEGFRIED LINE
With the Ardennes campaign completed, except for a little mopping up by the infantry, we moved up into position on the Siegfried Line. There wasn't much action on our part, as CCA was held in reserve during this time, while the other combat commands did the frontline duty. However, there was a great deal of work to be done in maintaining the supply roads so we did not have an easy life.
Leaving the Buret area, we moved on the sixth of February to Braunlauf, Belgium. The sudden thaw turned the roads into streams of knee-deep mud, and in some cases made them impassable. As these roads were essential for the supply of units on the front, it was up to us to keep them open. The battle was one of persistence and sweat. For almost a week the line platoons worked on the St. Vith supply route near Weiswampach, in Luxembourg. From this road could be seen many fierce battles on the Siegfried Line. Several times enemy artillery shells landed close by. As the battle of the mud became so acute that the nearby 90th Division was being supplied by air, we commandeered all available trucks from units of the Command to augment our own dump trucks in hauling rock to the now bottomless road. The Company, assisted by troops from the 42nd Tank Bn. and 575th Anti-Aircraft Artillery Bn., was dispersed along the roads and in a nearby quarry, where the drilling, blasting, and loading went on from dawn to dusk. In Braunlauf the Company was billeted in adjacent farm buildings, sharing them with the Belgian families. Hospitality was the keynote here, and our hosts kept the rooms spotless, in addition to washing, pressing, and mending our clothes. Nearly every family had one or two pretty daughters, who were very popular. Such experienced interpreters as John Locke, Robert Pfeiffer, and "Shorty" Lucaire had an advantage over the rest of the company, although they did help out in a number of pantomine discussions.
On the 10th of February Lt. Proctor, Sgt. Brancaglione, T/5 Schneiders, and "Doc" Carson went out in a peep to clear a large mine field of deadly stock mines. Sgt. Brancaglione was cutting trip wires, while the others deactivated and removed the mines. After about 500 mines had been removed safely, one exploded and fatally wounded Sgt. Brancaglione. "Doc" Carson did all he could for him, but to no avail. As several dead rabbits and some exploded mines were found in the field, it is believed that a rabbit or some other small animal had brushed against the wire of this mine, causing the pin to hang by a hair, so that the slightest touch detonated the mine. We all suffered a tremendous loss, both of an outstanding platoon sergeant and a friend to every man.
On February 21st the Third Platoon moved up to re-enforce "C" Company of our Battalion, which at that time was supporting the units breaching the Siegfried Line near Lutzkampen, Germany. For three days they aided in laying corduroy, filling craters, removing mines, and generally maintaining the vital roads leading up to and through the dragon's teeth.
The 25th of February found us moving northward again to new positions overlooking the 5iegfried Line. We went through recently reconquered St. Vith and Schonberg, billeting in Manderfeld, on the German border. St. Vith was the most completely devastated city we had ever seen. An earthquake could not have equaled the damage wrought by the gods of war. Not a house, not a building, not a tree, not a street was intact. Everywhere were signs of the First Army's terrific struggle to oust the Germans. Manderfeld is located on a high point of land extending into Germany. It commands a view of all the main defenses of the Siegfried Line. To conceal the fact that troops were being shifted in this sector, we stopped several miles from the town until after dark. The town was a little the worse for wear, and an occasional probing shell still whistled overhead. Heavy artillery positions were located all around us, and the continual flash and roar kept the buildings shaking.
The 87th Infantry Division, which we relieved here, withdrew to attack in another direction, while we held the positions. The Engineers' job here was more road maintenance. The First Platoon worked on the road from Manderfeld southwest toward Schonberg, and checked the roads east of Losheim and Hergersberg for mines. The heavy fog hanging low at that time prevented the possibilities of being shelled or observed by the enemy. The Second Platoon sent all their demolition men on patrols to blow gaps in the dragon's teeth, and also spent some time in instructing infantrymen in the use of explosives. The Third Platoon was particularly busy all during this period, as it was equipped with dump trucks. Not only were they working in CCA's area, but were also being called upon to go to the aid of CCB in maintaining supply roads. Several small patrols went out at night checking the entire area of our expected advance in support of the 87th Infantry Division.
Because the terrain offered no cover and was impassable to tanks, the attack by CCA was called off, and soon we moved to the south to join the rest of the Division just east of Prum, Germany, passing completely through the Siegfried Line, which had already been pierced in this area. On our way to Budesheim, where we arrived on the 7th of March, the Third Platoon constructed one 36-foot treadway bridge near Getheim. Sgt. Parkhurst's and Sgt. Lieberman's squads laid the treadway, while Sgt. Celani and his squad were working on the ford and approaches to the bridge. The Company moved up to the top of a hill just outside of Budesheim, where we dug in, with elements of the artillery in the same area. From this position we could see a battle about two miles away, where our infantry was trying to get out of a town and up an open hill into some woods held by the Krauts. Our artillery was laying it into them, and as we stood there watching the show, the Krauts gave out with some effective counterbattery fire, which unfortunately included our area in the general target. Most of the Company was dug in, but some of us had to sweat out a 20 minute barrage of about 100 rounds. Miraculously, even though dozens of HE rounds landed between foxholes and vehicles, no casualties resulted. About 2300 we moved to a new area so the same thing wouldn't happen at daybreak.
The next day was a busy one, with Sgt. Guillermo "Poncho" Cortez's squad of the First Platoon putting in some treadway on the road to Gerolstein and Pfeiffer's removing Riegel mines from an airstrip for artillery spotter planes. Fisher's squad of the Second Platoon went to Lissingen to lay more treadway, which wasn't needed because a by-pass had been found. However, they were shelled while sweeping a road for mines - - again with no casualties. The Third Platoon returned from road maintenance near Schwarzheim and Duppach and located billets for the entire Company in Wallersheim. After spending the night there, the various platoons moved out on very short notice to join their regular units, and the Combat Command started to move toward the 90th Division bridgehead over the Kyll River at 1100 on the 7th of March. Our orders were to reach the Rhine at Andernach, but little did we realize we would be able to do it in such a short time. The coming action was to be new to us, but it was what we were trained for and organized for: spearheading!
THE DASH FOR THE RHINE
Patton's Third Army was now ready for the dash to the Rhine, so, with his 11th and 4th Armored Divisions spearheading, the drive was on! On this drive we took a route which would allow us to reach out as far and as fast as possible, leaving small, disorganized pockets of Krauts for the infantry to clean up behind us.
With the First Platoon up front with the tanks and the Second Platoon with the infantry farther back, we rolled through town after town: Gerolstein, Kirchweiler, Dockweilcr, and on to Kelberg the first day, a distance of about 25 miles. Near Dockweiler the First Platoon came under some screaming-meemie fire, but suffered no casualties. The town of Kelberg was stubbornly defended, and was not cleared until 2200 that night. In the meantime the column was halted along the road, waiting for Kelberg to be cleared. Near Boxberg, about two miles west of Kelberg, a German self-propelled AT gun opened fire from the flank of the column, knocking out a light tank, a medium tank, our air compressor, maintenance truck, and the supply truck of the Third Platoon. The Third Platoon immediately set up a defense for an expected attack, but none materialized. No one in the Company was hurt except "Pinky" Smithers, who was suffering from concussion and was evacuated. However, that was a close shave for all concerned. In the meantime the First Platoon had moved into Kelberg in the inky darkness and assisted "A" Company of the 63rd Infantry in outposting the town. The Second and Third Platoons bivouacked in the field and manned M. G. outposts to protect the column's flanks. The only activity was several screaming-meemie volleys during the night.
The next morning the attack continued, with the Second Platoon "up front with Mauldin" and the rest of the Company back in the column a ways. Everything was running in high gear, including the Krauts, but Buch found time to pick up an American half-track abandoned by the Germans. The Second Platoon installed one treadway near Mayen in the record time of 30 minutes, under the eyes of Gen. Holbrook, who was happy as hell. The demolition men blew out the roadblock protecting the entrance to Mayen. With that completed the column moved through Mayen at top speed, trying to reach the Rhine before dark. The First Platoon got there about dark, but it was about 0330 the next day before we finally got settled in our billets, with the civilians all occupying the top floor or the basement. The Third Platoon remained in Mayen, guiding traffic over the treadway and capturing 24 Krauts and a wine cellar as extra activities. On the 9th of March the Second Platoon moved to Andernach with the 63rd Infantry to fight in clearing the town of Krauts. The rest of the Company stayed in the nearby town of Plaidt, enjoying comfortable billets, electric light, radios, running water, and so on. We did a little work clearing the highways of roadblocks and abandoned vehicles, and located a wine warehouse which kept everyone well supplied during our stay there. On the 11th of March the Company was assigned the towns of Kretz and Kruft to clear of Krauts and weapons, which was done thoroughly and enjoyed by all. Meantime the Second Platoon was in Andernach doing the same. Then the Company moved into Kruft to new and just as comfortable billets. On the 15th of March we moved to Ettringen, supposedly for a few more days of rest, fixed up lights hooked to the vehicle batteries, and generally did all we could to make the place comfortable. However, the next day we moved out to an assembly area for a new attack. On the 15th Lt. Proctor left for a pass in Paris with Pfc. Leone of the Third Platoon. Sgt. Feldman took over the First Platoon.
At 1800 on the 16th of March the Company started out from Ettringen on a blackout drive which ended in an assembly area at Dresch, where we spent one night sleeping out in the field for a change. We pulled out about 1430 the next day, being attached to the usual units, crossed the Moselle River near Bullay, and headed for the Rhine again, this time near Worms. On this drive we accomplished quite a bit of engineer work, enough for all: clearing mines and road blocks, filling in craters in the roads, and building bridges. Rather early in the morning of the 18th of March Capt. Blackburn accidentally stepped on a German Schu Mine, losing one foot and breaking the other leg. Taken care of by "Doc" Carson, who was with the nearby First Platoon, he was immediately evacuated, and Lt. McLain took over the Company temporarily. The Captain took his misfortune very calmly, and up to the time he left for the hospital he issued words of caution and suggestion.
The next day was really a hell of a day for us. The Krauts threw everything in our way, trying desperately but fruitlessly to stop our relentless drive. We were busy clearing the roads till 0330 the next morning. The Third Platoon put in a long, rock-surfaced ford, laid a treadway bridge, and cleared a road block during the afternoon, after having been the target of artillery and screaming meemies all morning. On the 19th we received a little artillery, having the First Platoon cut off in a small town by itself. Meanwhile the Second and Third Platoons put up an 84-foot treadway bridge across the Nahe River near Martinstein, also receiving heavy artillery fire at that place. The First Platoon finally got out of the town that they were forced to take cover in and met up with the other platoons. The Third Platoon took about 20 prisoners, and with them several nice pistols. With the Krauts on the run, abandoning their equipment and giving up faster than the Division MP's could handle them, the souvenir hunters had a field day. Major Mitchell from Battalion Headquarters was now commanding the Company, and about 2100 that night we moved up to join the rest of the column, which had advanced far ahead of us.
We finally got into the town of Meisenheim about 0400, where the column was already stopped, and located billets. Leaving early the next morning we carried our attack on to Monsheim. The tactical air force supporting the attack played an important part in knocking out a retreating German column, leaving the Krauts no alternative but to surrender to us. The Third Platoon was called on to remove the knocked out vehicles from the road, while the First Platoon went ahead to Monsheim and put in a treadway in record time, after clearing out a few mines. The Second Platoon found 27 Teller mines at a road intersection in Albisheim. The next day in Albisheim the Second Platoon blew open a safe and knocked down a building looking for snipers, but with no success. The Company moved into billets in Monsheim, and the road overpass, while the First went out through the area collecting and destroying mines that had been reported by other units.
It was here Capt. Ardery took over command of the Company, and Lt. Proctor returned from Paris to the First Platoon. At 1100 on the 24th of March we moved to Eimsheim, where we spent the remainder of the maintenance period. We had a good show one night as German planes attacked the bridge at nearby Oppenheim and the antiaircraft guns tried to drive them off. We also had a visit by a Red Cross Clubmobile, featuring coffee, doughnuts, and GIRLS, so we had a little party, with Don Casanova's band playing some jive. Lt. Donnell was transferred to "B" Company and S/Sgt. Meyer took over as platoon leader, a position which he held until the end of the war, and which he fulfilled in a superior manner.
On the 29th of March we moved from Eimsheim and crossed the Rhine River on the Third Army pontoon bridge at Nierstein, a short distance north of Oppenheim. The entire town and area around the bridge and river were covered by a smoke screen. We saw many ducks and other amphibious U. S. Navy equipment. Then we turned north to cross the Main River for our next attack, which was to be deep into the heart of Germany.
EAST OF THE RHINE
With the Germans' force on the Rhine broken up and disorganized, we pushed into the heart of the nation, jumping off from Hanau in a direction north and east. On the first day of the attack, March 30th, we reached Langenselbold, after meeting stiff resistance in the towns along the way. Van Shura's squad of the First Platoon installed 36 feet of treadway bridge near Langenselbold, after which we moved into town and billeted in the best houses we could find. Sgt. Lieberman's squad of the Third Platoon was left to guard the treadway overnight. The next morning they moved into the town to find the Company gone. It was six days later when they finally rejoined the unit. On March 31st the Second Platoon moved up to Lieblos with the infantry and prepared to push on into Gelnhausen, which was strongly defended by the enemy. That night Buch's squad was called upon to check a vital bridge that was suspected of being mined. The area was heavily defended by German infantry entrenched not more than 600 yds. away. Using the utmost caution, several men set up a guard, while Meyers, Buch, Platky, McAllister, and Gandy searched for wires and demolition. They successfully cut the fuses and removed over 300 Ibs. of explosive from the structure.
On Easter Sunday, April 1st, we moved out with our usual units on a back road to the north, bypassing Gelnhausen on the corridor leading up to Fulda. Following us to mop up these bypassed pockets of resistance was the 90th (Texas and Oklahoma) Infantry Division, the 26th (Yankee) Infantry Division of World War I fame, and the 71st Infantry Division. That day the First Platoon was near the head of the column. Sgt. Pfeiffer's squad removed a roadblock under sporadic rifle fire, and later swept mined sections of the road. By evening resistance had so stiffened that our route was changed. The next day we followed CCB, as they were encountering no defending forces to speak of. That day we made the tremendous advance of 65 miles, branching off from CCB's route in the afternoon and travelling some 20 miles over rough roads into the town of Reichenheim, cutting the main supply road for the garrison of Fulda. The following day we advanced 25 miles, overrunning an enemy prisoner hospital at Ober Massfeld, where we released about 300 American and British prisoners of war. The liberated prisoners were almost overcome with joy, and raised a makeshift American flag even before the Wehrmacht had been cleared from the town. Captain Ardery went down to a nearby bridge to check it, and after firing a few well aimed shots from his carbine, came back with a bag of three nerve-shaken Krauts armed with machine pistols.
Buch and his squad had dropped out of the column because of motor trouble, and before they could catch up ran into an ambush of two 75mm AT guns and two or more companies of infantry. Their half-track was maneuvered by driver T/5 Bullock, who successfully avoided the shells from the AT guns, although the trailer, loaded with "beaucoup" souvenirs, was captured. Pvt. Platky was wounded by rifle fire and was helped into the track by other members of the squad. Pvt. McGuirk went up the hill a ways and was knocked unconscious by a shell fragment. The rest of the squad could not find him, and was forced to withdraw. McGuirk was captured, but was released 10 days later by the 16th Cavalry Group. Buch's squad then went through a hectic two weeks of motor and column trouble before finally catching up with the Company.
Meanwhile, on April 2nd, the First and Third Platoons started an infantry attack up a wooded hill, but were called back just before tackling enemy machine-gun positions. That night the Second Squad of the First Platoon moved to join Task Force Cunningham in a town to the east. The next day the First Platoon went into strongly defended Suhl with the 42nd Tanks, the Second Platoon moved into a town to the north, and the Third Platoon, plus a Tank Destroyer platoon, comprising Task Force Ardery, bore south to take the town of Altendambach. The next day the Company assembled in Suhl in comfortable billets, and for the next six days guarded prisoners and "captured" souvenirs.
On the 6th of April the First Platoon moved out with Task Force Pickett, removing three abatis (fallen-tree road blocks) during the day, and fought its way through dense woods and up rough hills under direct rocket and small-arms fire. That night a small holding force was left on the front line, while the remainder withdrew into the town of Goldlauter, where Task Force Proctor (First Platoon and one TD Platoon) defended the southern part of the town during the night. The next day the First Platoon withdrew into Suhl, and the Third Platoon moved to Goldlauter, where Salsman and his gang organized the town Burgomeister with skill and professionalsm. Later the Company again assembled in Suhl to move out with the Combat Command to the south.
At 0530 on the 7th of April the Third Platoon moved out toward Schleusingen to clear a road block for the cavalry, which was supposed to be occupying the town. Not being informed that the cavalry had been forced to leave the town by an enemy counter-attack, they ran into the German defenses with no warning at 0700. They received mortar and burp-gun fire mainly. By dismounting hurriedly and deploying to return the fire with their machine guns, bazookas, and rifles, they had the enemy pinned down for a time, but soon began to receive heavier flanking fire which made their position in an open field untenable. The drivers, Edwards, Salsman, Faulkner, and Varn, showed remarkable courage in turning their vehicles around under fire. Under cover of the machine guns, the platoon loaded up, just as the enemy, about one company in strength, made a bayonet assault in an attempt to prevent the platoon's escape. The vehicles all got away. The peep driver, Reese, and two passengers, Heiser and Allison, were hit by enemy fire while escaping. They checked up back in Olstadt and accounted for twenty-three men in the vehicles, seven in the peep, and five who came out on foot, which left nine men missing. After making attempts to locate the missing men, they discovered that Zoradi, Meyers, and Mirabal had been killed. Celani, Leone, Test, Jovich, Tuggy, and Dinsmore were still missing. The platoon then joined the Company. T/5 Zoradi is one not to be forgotten by the men of this Company. He gave his life so the remainder of the platoon could escape. When he was found the next morning, he was lying across his machine gun, which he kept firing, even though mortally wounded. The entire Company bowed their heads in tribute to a gallant soldier and a buddy to all.
In the meantime the First Platoon had gone to Theimar with Task Force Ahee and stayed there overnight, assisting in the defense of the town. The rest of the Company moved on into Hildburghausen that night. The Second Platoon laid a treadway bridge on the way and removed three roadblocks in the town.
The next day the First Platoon came down from Theimar and assisted in clearing Hildburghausen town. They then moved into some swell billets for about two hours before being alerted to move out with Task Force Pickett to take the town of Bernhardsgereuth. On the way they let a tank-dozer clear a roadblock for them, and then laid a thirty-six foot treadway bridge just before receiving some artillery fire. They assisted in the out-posting of the town, as usual. At the same time, one squad of the Second Platoon was guarding a treadway bridge in Hildburghausen, when a single Tiger tank, with some Kraut infantry, appeared from the woods to make a counter attack, but was beaten off after hitting a Tank Destroyer and disabling two vehicles of the Second Platoon.
The next day the First Platoon, which had returned from Bernshardsgereuth, moved out at 0600 with a troop of the 41st Cavalry, and was followed in one hour by the rest of the Command. About twelve miles out, after moving safely through a heavy fog, the cavalry ran into strong resistance, and stopped to hold what they had until the main body came up. They were saved from a three-hundred man counter-attack by the timely arrival of four P-47s. After these Krauts had been forced to withdraw, the cavalry moved on from Oberlauter to Wolsbach, where the First Platoon put in a treadway and then returned to Oberlauter to outpost the artillery, in conjunction with the Third Platoon. The Second stayed in Wolsbach, guarding the treadway. The next day, during which we did not move, the city of Coburg surrendered to us after a heavy artillery and air bombardment. At 1800 that day we moved again, the First Platoon to join the cavalry in Monchroden and the rest of the Company to new homes on the outskirts of Coburg.
The next morning the First Platoon moved out for Kronach. The Second started the day by laying treadway, and later removed a roadblock by blowing out key logs and skidding the rest. Kronach is a very old city. Castles and forts in the town and on the surrounding hills were built in the 14th Century. A few old buildings were burning furiously in the center of town when we arrived.
The following day the First Platoon, again with the cavalry, moved on towards Kulmbach. The main body passed through the Cavalry early, and the Second Platoon sent Fisher's and Schnable's squads to clear several road blocks on the outskirts of the city, while Buch's squad removed 600 Ibs. of demolitions from a railroad bridge near the center of town. Then the First Platoon, working with the cavalry, turned east and traveled to Unter Steinach, where they put in 48 feet of treadway. Late in the afternoon the rest of the Company joined them there for a stay of several days. While here Brigadier General Holbrook, Commanding General of CCA, made an inspection of the Company.
On the 18th of April the Company moved out with the Combat Command on a nontactical march to Neudressenfeld, a small town just north of Bayreuth. Early the next morning we moved through the city of Wagnerian fame. This time the Second Platoon was riding with the cavalry, while the First Platoon was attached to the 22nd Tanks, who had then replaced the 42nd Tanks in the Command. Before reaching our objective town for that day, Grafenwohr, the First Platoon laid 48 feet of treadway under sporadic sniper fire. One of the bridge trucks was hit, but luckily no one was wounded. Then the Platoon was assigned two wooded areas on the edge of town to clear of the enemy. A total of 16 prisoners was taken in the encounter. During this day and the following day the Second Platoon moved with the cavalry, taking, Huttin, Kaltenbrunn, and Freching. They were ambushed by a German force along a road, but in the quick action that followed succeeded in taking 7 prisoners and killing 3, all armed with machine pistols and panzerfausts.
On the 21st, the Second Platoon moved out with the cavalry at 1300 for Neustadt. where they stayed for the night. The next day they preceded the Combat Command through Weiden, and on to Wernburg and Nabburg. Loder, Schnable, Bullock, and Parks captured 48 enemy soldiers in the cellar of a large factory. Our column was strafed by Messerschmidt IO9'S, but none of our vehicles were damaged. Meanwhile the First Platoon put in 72 feet of treadway on an existing bridge. Later in the day the Third Platoon added to it to make a total of 108 feet. The First Squad of the Third Platoon also removed half a ton of explosives from another bridge.
On the 23rd a battalion of 1500 Hungarians surrendered. They marched in good order, with flags flying and supply train following. We moved on to Cham, where we had a brief but sharp fight on the edge of town. Here we released several hundred American prisoners, among them Tuggy, Jovich, and Leone. Everyone was overjoyed to see them, as we feared they might, have been killed. The main body of CCA stayed in Cham for the night, but the cavalry and the Second Platoon went a few miles farther on and stayed in Bodenmais. There, working by moonlight, they removed the biggest abatis encountered on the entire drive. About 30 trees, each one three feet in diameter were felled across the road. After a delay of an hour and a half they went on to Bodenmais, which lay at the foot of some snow-capped peaks. The city, unlike the others encountered on our drive, was not blacked out, a strange sight for night-accustomed eyes.
On the 26th, as we approached Freyung, we encountered a blown bridge with a gap too long to span with treadway, so we prepared a ford, with parts of the First and Third Platoons building a 200-yd. plank road. Several half-tracks succeeded in crossing a flimsy bridge on a side road, but the structure collapsed under the heavy load. As our tanks and heavy equipment started crossing the ford, Col. Inge, our Battalion Commander, reported that a usable bridge had been located by reconnaissance about two miles downstream. Van Shura's squad was dispatched with a brockway to re-enforce this bridge. A little while later Col. Inge, Capt. Ardery, Lt. Proctor, and four Messerschmidts arrived at the site simultaneously. The planes did a thorough job of strafing and knocked out T/5 Gillam's peep. Col. Inge was shot through the wrist and burned around the head by the exploding 20-mm. shells.
When this crossing was completed the First and Third Platoons moved on to Grainet, where the First joined a task force pushing on to the Austrian border. Late in the evening they returned to Grainet and joined the rest of the Company in their billets. During the stay in Grainet the Luftwaffe played its swan song, and there were enemy planes in the air most of the time. Every time one would venture within range, the 50-caliber machine guns on every vehicle in the Command would augment the anti-aircraft units in the vicinity to fill the sky with fiery tracers. A sizable toll of enemy planes was taken by our Command alone. The Second Platoon went on two cavalry patrols into Czechoslovakia, encountering a handful of Krauts.
On April 28th the Second moved to Walloburg, and on to Kasburg the next day, meeting heavy resistance on the Austrian border and withdrawing to outpost Sonnen. That day the rest of the Company moved toward the Austrian border, encountering only sniper fire most of the way. At Wegscheid, one mile from the border, the Krauts put up fierce resistance, knocking out six of our tanks. The Command withdrew into the woods, and while the infantry surrounded the town, the artillery laid siege to it. Captain Ardery was wounded in the hand by a piece of shrapnel, but refused to be evacuated with the wound. Just before our First Platoon withdrew from their forward positions some of our own artillery hit in the trees, wounding Davidson, Davis, and Witchey. Late that night we cautiously entered the burning town, setting up outposts along the southern edge of it. T/4 Heim and T/5 O'Brien, in search of a dry place to sleep, captured a Kraut AT-gun crew of 12 men in the basement of an outlying building. Most of the Company bivouacked in the fields, as the buildings were nearly all demolished. The night was cold and snowy, and was lit up with the red glow of the countless fires.
INTO AUSTRIA
On May 1st we crossed the Austrian border in force, pushing almost to Rohrbach and encountering fairly stiff resistance from 20-mm. and 88-mm. anti-aircraft cannons. Intelligence reports had indicated the presence of some 20 of the smaller guns and 1O 88's in Wegscheid. Now we had them on the run, and kept whittling down the number opposing us until finally all were accounted for. The Third Platoon destroyed several of the guns with explosives, and the Second moved from Sonnen to Staloinger, encountering fierce infantry resistance, during which Able was hit in the leg. On the 2nd of May we moved to Neufelden, where the bridges across the Muhl River were very effectively demolished. A ford was made across the river in a few hours by the Company, with the aid of the bulldozer, operated by "Bill" Williams. The First Platoon blew up a dam downstream from the ford, lowering the water level so that the vehicles could make it through. A high upstream dam was found suitable for a peep crossing and Sgt. Cortez's squad was dispached to fix up the approaches. Their half-track slipped off the narrow road, however, and very nearly turned over. An harrassing enemy plane flew low over the site, but fortunately neither bombed nor strafed our unit.
By the next morning all vehicles of the Command were over the ford, and the lead task force moved out along the road to Linz. Near Rottenegg a blown bridge was by-passed by a winding route through apple orchards. The First and Third Platoons went into Rottenegg along with Company Headquarters. Later on the First went into Gramastetten with the 22nd Tanks, where they helped capture another bridge after a hot fight. All parts of the Company received heavy artillery fire throughout the day. The only casualty was Poole, who was hit in the foot by a piece of shrapnel.
On the 5th of May the Command moved to the northeast in a flanking movement around Linz, the third largest city in Austria. Led by the cavalry and our Second Platoon, the Command roared into the city and secured the bridges across the Danube before the enemy had a chance to destroy them. The First and Second Platoons removed 1500 lbs. of explosives from the two spans, one of which was a six-lane highway bridge. After a brief stay in Linz the Company, minus the First Platoon, moved to Reichenau, a town about ten miles northeast of Linz. The First Platoon went to Hellmonsodt, a nearby village. From these positions the Company furnished individual squads for patrols attempting to contact the Russian forces pushing up the Danube from the east. In the area north of Linz the Second Platoon captured 500 prisoners. 24 105mm. guns, a few nebelwerfer projectors, and several tanks loaded on flat cars. On May 8th the Company moved into Linz to join the rest of the Battalion for the first time since leaving Camp Sissone, in France. With the noise of battle gone, we settled down to the old routine of garrison duty.
This brings us to the victorious conclusion of the history of Co. "A", 56th Armored Engineer Battalion, in the European Theatre of Operations. It is a record in keeping with the highest traditions of the Army of the United States. Regardless of what the future may bung, the men of this Company can look back with satisfaction on the part they played in freeing the world of one of the most vicious evils of all time. This account is not an attempt to do justice to all who earned it. There are countless incidents of heroism and bravery that will forever remain unprinted. It is our hope that in years to come this book will serve as a tribute to those of us who died. The memory of their sacrifice will always inspire us to achieve higher goals in a free and greater America.
Back to "Our History"
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Brusilov Offensive | Summary
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A summary of the Brusilov Offensive from June 4 to August 10, 1916.
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/event/Brusilov-Offensive-1916
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Brusilov Offensive, Brusilov Offensive, (4 June–10 August 1916), the largest Russian assault during World War I and one of the deadliest in history. At last the Russians had a capable commander, General Aleksey Brusilov, and in this offensive he inflicted a defeat on Austro-Hungarian forces from which their empire never recovered. It came, however, at a heavy price in terms of casualties, and Russia lacked the resources to exploit or repeat this success.
Brusilov was no military genius but possessed common sense and a willingness to learn from past failures. He also had an army that had recovered astonishingly quickly from the Gorlice-Tarnow defeat, which was the Central Powers’ major victory on the Eastern Front in 1915. Its troops were rested and supply problems eased. Where many Russian generals felt an offensive would be futile, Brusilov insisted that—with surprise and adequate preparation—it could succeed. His troops were trained in full-size replicas of the positions they were to attack, artillery was sighted using air reconnaissance, and secrecy was strictly maintained.
The blow, when it fell on 4 June, appalled the Austrians who were unable to believe the Russians capable of such a massive and accurate assault. Russian shock troops led attacks that broke the Austrian lines on the first day. Soon the Austrians collapsed, and many Slav units, who had no love for their Hapsburg rulers, deserted en masse. So many Austrian guns were captured that Russian factories were converted to manufacture shells for them.
As Russian forces pushed into the Carpathian Mountains, it appeared Austria-Hungary would collapse, and the emperor was forced to beg for German help. Russian commanders in the north did not maintain the pressure on the Germans that Brusilov expected, so the Germans were able to send assistance that stabilized the front. However, the blow to Hapsburg prestige was irreversible, especially among the Slav minorities, and Germany was forced to divert critical forces from the Western Front to the East.
Losses: Russian, 500,000–1,000,000 dead, wounded, or captured; Central Powers, some 1.5 million casualties (Austrian, 1,000,000–1,500,000 dead, wounded, or captured; German, 350,000 casualties; Ottoman, 12,000 casualties.
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https://academic.oup.com/book/27483/chapter/197406109
|
en
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2080
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dbpedia
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| 71 |
http://diarygreatwar.blogspot.com/2015/06/
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en
|
A Century On: A Diary of the Great War
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http://diarygreatwar.blogspot.com/favicon.ico
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http://diarygreatwar.blogspot.com/favicon.ico
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[
"Wesley Ferris",
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A Day-by-Day History of the First World War
|
en
|
http://diarygreatwar.blogspot.com/favicon.ico
|
http://diarygreatwar.blogspot.com/2015/06/
|
The British advance towards Nasiriyeh, June and July, 1915. The advance of the German 11th Army in southern Poland, June 26th to 30th, 1915. The Italian front along the Isonzo River, June 23rd, 1915. The Eastern Front after the fall of Lemberg, June 22nd, 1915. The Third Battle of Krithia, June 4th, 1915. A French 75mm artillery gun fires during the Third Battle of Krithia, June 4th, 1915. Major-General Sir William Douglas, commander of 42nd Division, using a tree as an observation post during the Third Battle of Krithia,
June 4th, 1915. Men of 6th Battalion, Manchester Regiment advance over open ground at the start of the Third Battle of Krithia,
June 4th, 1915. The British advance to and capture of Amara, June 3rd, 1915.
|
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2080
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| 46 |
https://dmna.ny.gov/gt/janfeb2003.html
|
en
|
January - February, 2003
|
[
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"New York",
"National Guard",
"Guard Times",
"January",
"February",
"2003"
] | null |
[] | null |
Guard Times Magazine January - February, 2003
|
en
| null |
2002 Guard Times Index|Guard Times Home|Top of Page
New Year Brings More Activations
Hundreds of NYARNG Troops Called Up for State and Federal Duty
By Lt. Col. Paul Fanning
Guard Times Staff
STATE HEADQUARTERS, LATHAM As anticipated, hundreds of New York Army Na tional Guard troops were called to federal and state active duty in January and February, thus extending the period of unprecedented mobilizations that began on September 11th, 2001.
Federal call-ups began with the expected mobilization of nearly 200 members of the 27th Brigade's 1st Battalion 108th Infantry from Auburn, Batavia, Geneseo and Dryden. The activation is the latest part of Operation Noble Eagle - Homeland Defense.
The infantry soldiers were called up under Title 10, U.S. Code for federal duty to provide increased security levels at New York Air National Guard bases statewide based on increased terrorist threat levels impacting these installations.
An Active Air Guard
Air Force-wide "War on Terror" activations since 9-11, both at home and overseas, has strained the full time and part time base security squadrons, which normally provide the needed base security. Defense officials formulated the extraordinary plan to place Army National Guard combat troops at Air National Guard and Air Force Reserve bases across the country as a means to bolster security and reinforce the normal base security team (see Guard Times story on page six). The troops deployed to Fort Drum and completed weapons qualification and other specialized training before being formed into detachments, which were subsequently sent to the state's five active flying bases.
On to Central Command
January also brought the first in a series of Presidential Selected Reserve Mobilizations as part of Operation Enduring Freedom - the overseas War on Terror. Several units of the 53rd Troop Command were activated and earmarked for service in the U.S. Central Command Area of Operation in Southwest Asia. The units included the Buffalo and Rochester- based 105th Military Police Company, the Orangeburg and Queensbased 442nd Military Police Company, the Queens-based 27th Finance Battalion headquarters, the Manhattan-based 719th Transportation Company (the first to be called up), the 27th Support Center, Rear Area Operations Center and the 7th and 37th Finance Detachments and 10th Transportation Detachments, and the Latham-based 4th Finance Detachment. More than 100 members of the 107th Military Police Company from Utica, were reactivated in February for security duty at Fort Drum. The unit was demobilized last November after a year of federal duty.
Dozens of truck drivers from the 27th Brigade's 427th Support Battalion in Rochester and Morrisonville and military police soldiers of Detachment 1, Headquarters 27th Brigade from Schenectady were called up to fall in on the 719th Transportation Company and the 105th, 107th and 442nd Military Police Companies to fill out unit rosters.
These soldiers have joined thousands of other Guard and reserve personnel from across the nation being called to duty for a potential war with Iraq, the express purpose for which is the disarming of the Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein. President George W. Bush has determined that military force is needed to force Iraq to give up its cache of hidden Weapons of Mass Destruction and other banned armaments proscribed under United Nations resolutions that ended the Persian Gulf War in 1991.
Guard and reserve forces are being activated as a part of the military build up. At press time, a possible invasion of Iraq by a coalition of forces led by the U.S. appears increasingly more likely in the wake of increased diplomatic efforts, deliberations within the U.N. Security Council, ongoing international arms inspections and the determination of the U.S. president.
Also during this period, the following State Active Duty operations were supported or launched: armed patrols at Grand Central and Penn Stations and bridges throughout the City; security at four nuclear power plants across the state; additional armed troops for security support in New York City's subway system and reinforced other sensitive sites in February; and, more troops were called to state active duty on 17 February to provide emergency transportation support in New York City in the wake of a blizzard, which dumped more then two feet of snow there.
2002 Guard Times Index|Guard Times Home|Top of Page
Guard Notes
DoD To Recognize Korea Vets with Medal
WASHINGTON, D.C. (Army News Service) - A new defense medal will eventually be issued to military members who served in the Republic of Korea, or adjacent waters, after July 28, 1954.
The new Korea Defense Service Medal was authorized by the Fiscal Year 2003 Defense Authorization Act.
The U.S. Korea Defense Service Medal should not be confused with the foreign service Republic of Korea War Service Medal that was authorized for U.S. military personnel who served in Korea between June 25, 1950 and July 27, 1953, officials said.
The new medal will be for those who served in Korea after the war, up to an undetermined ending date, said officials from the Office of the Secretary of Defense.
Given the volume of anticipated recipients, officials said the time it will take to award the KDSM is difficult to estimate. They said it will take time to identify, notify and award the medal to eligible former service members.
Some of the actions that must be completed are: designing the medal, obtaining necessary funding, developing policy for issuance and wear and processing to include verification of service and then award of the medal.
The first three actions should be completed in approximately four to six months, officials said. However, based on previous experiences when creating service medals the entire process can take up to a year, officials added.
Stabillization Force Reorganizes in Bosnia
EAGLE BASE, Bosnia and Herzegovina (Army News Service, Jan. 6, 2003) - The changing of the New Year brought forth a transition for soldiers serving in Operation Joint Forge, the NATO-led peacekeeping effort in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Multinational Division (North) was re-designated as Multinational Brigade (North) during an official ceremony Jan. 3. The name change was effective Jan. 1.
The name change is the result of downsizing and restructuring of the Stabilization Forces during the last year. As Bosnia and Herzegovina becomes a more safe and secure environment, officials said, the role of Stabilization Force soldiers has been modified.
Approximately 3,200 troops are currently stationed in MNB (N), including soldiers from Russia, Turkey, Denmark, Finland, Slovenia, Portugal, Poland and the United States. Despite the name change, troop numbers will remain virtually the same, officials said.
When the SFOR mission began in 1996, more than 60,000 multinational troops were involved, including approximately 20,000 from the United States. Today, the number has dropped to about 12,000 Stabilization Force soldiers, of which 1,800 are from the United States.
The U.S. contingent of SFOR is now composed nearly entirely of National Guard and Army Reserve soldiers. The Pennsylvania Army National Guard's 28th Infantry Division is the headquarters element for Multinational Brigade (North) and has contributed more than 1,200 soldiers to the cause including two maneuver task forces. Other reserve-component units from throughout the country are supplementing Task Force Eagle. The New York Army National Guard's 42nd Infantry Division Headquarters is slated for deployment to Bosnia in the fall o0f 2004.
Lt. Gen. William E. Ward, Stabilization Forces Commander, addressed the assembly of soldiers during the change over ceremony.
"The transition should be seen as a symbol of success for SFOR but more importantly for the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina," Ward said. "SFOR's successes have only been made possible by the efforts and sacrifices of its most precious resources - the soldiers, Marines, sailors, and airmen."
Mobilization of Guard and Reserve Exceeds 150,000
WASHINGTON, D.C. (Dept. of Defense News Release) -- By mid-Febbruary, the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marine Corps each announced an increase of reservists on active duty in support of the partial mobilization. The net collective result is 38,649 more reservists than last week.
The total number of reserve personnel currently on active duty in support of the partial mobilization for the Army National Guard and Army Reserve is 113,751; Naval Reserve, 6,276; Air National Guard and Air Force Reserve, 15,704; Marine Corps Reserve, 12,539; and the Coast Guard Reserve, 1,982. This brings the total Reserve and National Guard on active duty to 150,252 including both units and individual augmentees.
By mid-February more than 380 members of the New York Air National Guard and nearly 1,200 soldiers of the New York Air National Guard had mobilized for support to Operation Noble Eagle or Operation Enduring Freedom.
2002 Guard Times Index|Guard Times Home|Top of Page
TAG Talk
Maj. Gen. Thomas P. Maguire, Jr.,
The Adjutant General
What the Troops Need Now: Support, Encouragement, and Prayers As you read these words it's a virtual certainty the U.S. and our international coalition Allies are mounting the Global War on Terrorism with an intense military action in Iraq ending the despotic rule of Saddam Hussein.
It's natural for each of us to have our own profound, private thoughts on the immensity and meaning of what we are doing in Iraq. Most importantly, let us continue to pray for the safety and lifeblood of all our troops, airmen and women, sailors and Marines, placed in combat. And prayers, also, for the millions of innocent Iraqi citizens and children of all faiths exposed to the horror of war.
May action end quickly and successfully and peace break out.
Just like the 1990-91 Persian Gulf War, a considerable number of New York Army and Air National Guard personnel and elements are deployed in various fighting, combat service, and combat service support roles.
That being said, its assuring to know that the American people and our leaders stand four-square behind our troops. If there is any doubt flip inside this issue of Guard Times. Read about Governor and state Commander-in-Chief George Pataki's proposal to safe guard National Guard members and their families during these times of the latest federal call-ups.
"Just like the 1990-91 Persian Gulf War, a considerable number of New York Army and Air National Guard personnel and elements are deployed in various fighting, combat service, and combat service support roles."
In one of the most sweeping military protection acts ever offered amongst the 50 states, the Governor's "Patriot Plan" would provide such benefits as supplemental military leave allowances for federalized troops, protection against military status discrimination, interest rate caps on installment loans, extension of health insurance, a War on Terrorism Scholarship Program, increased assistance to Guard members from county Veterans' Services Agencies, no-cost hunting and fishing licenses, and cost-free state parks' admission for Guard and reserve members.
Many of these proposals face review and approval by the State Legislature. "Its assuring to know that the American people and our leaders stand foursquare behind our troops."
Organizations such as the Militia Association of New York, the Warrant Officers' Association and the Enlisted Association of New York are expected to contact Assembly and State Senate representatives urging adoption.
Just prior to unveiling these new proposals, the Governor said during his Jan. 8, 2003 State of the Union address, before the entire legislature, "We have the protection of the finest National Guard force in the nation."
"They've served in Afghanistan, and as we speak, hundreds are deployed in such nations as Bosnia, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia, and thousands more are ready to go," "I have activated our Guard more than 30 times since becoming Governor. Each time they have responded quickly, courageously, heroically," he earnestly declared.
Turn also to the center pages of Guard Times for our Family Readiness Newsletter. It is a pullout that outlines the efforts by the National Guard's Family Assistance and Readiness Programs to nurture and shield members' families and loved ones while they are serving.
These pages contain innumerable tips and counsel during these difficult months in which force families are coping with the soldiers' absence.
A vital, toll-free telephone number to remember is 877-715-7817, which will get you to the state Family Program Office for immediate assistance.
My fervent wish to all these family members and loved ones is that hostilities are concluded promptly and beloved husbands and wives, sons and daughters, mothers and fathers, sweethearts and best friends are returned home safely and soundly to resume normal lives.
2002 Guard Times Index|Guard Times Home|Top of Page
Morale, not Only Discipline, Wins: a Tip from History on America's Own Art of War
Dear Guard Times, Lt. Col. Robert Marchi makes a good point about absent-withoutleave (AWOL) personnel in his opinion letter ("Missing Soldiers From the Ranks Lack Discipline", Guard Times, July-August 2002). But until the powers that be take his suggestion to "develop and institute an effective disciplinary program, which includes an effective program for AWOL personnel," we as leaders must take the initiative and ask some hard questions about soldier morale.
Behind all these issues-rewards, punishments, and retention stands the primary issue: soldier readiness and morale. Let's be frank-we might be able, through discipline, to make soldiers ready. But, ideally, they must want to be ready through high morale. Have we left no stone unturned, morale-wise?
As leaders we must ask ourselves: - Are we listening to their problems?
- Have we trained them hard, and to standard, in inventive, interesting ways? Have we challenged them? Do we give them a taste of victory through difficult, but attainable goals in their missions and career endeavors?
- Have we let them lead, when time permits? Do we implement or at least address their After-Action (AAR) input, so that they can learn, and understand their contribution to the mission?
- Do we remind them with history, why we train to fight, why we fight, and the moral imperative of Americans to defend our freedom?
This last point, to me, is the most important. America's history is full of examples where morale has won the day. General George Washington, the father of our country, led an all-volunteer Army, like our present-day Army. Sure, we're paid, but as Lt. Col. Marchi so adeptly points out, some soldiers show up when they feel like it-voluntarily.
Though he once even resorted to whipping soldiers to get them to stand and fight, Washington, at his darkest hour, won the battle of morale. Days before his attack at Trenton, he had Tom Paine's essay "The American Crisis" copied out and read to his troops. Paine's essay prevails upon the greatest incentive, one that transcends money or benefits- the primal, moral obligation of Americans to fight for America:
"THESE are the times that try men's souls. The summer soldier and the sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of their country; but he that stands it now, deserves the love and thanks of man and woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have this consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the triumph. What we obtain too cheap, we esteem too lightly: it is dearness only that gives every thing its value. Heaven knows how to put a proper price upon its goods; and it would be strange indeed if so celestial an article as FREEDOM should not be highly rated."
The soldiers marched and won at Trenton. What's more they reenlisted, and thousands more flocked to join the Continental Army, the very existence of which was in doubt before Trenton.
More than three-quarters of a century after Washington's victory at Trenton, General Ulysses Grant was, like Washington, battling for the life of his country. During the second battle of the Wilderness he chain-smoked cigars and wore out gloves whittling. He was nervous, I suppose-it was the first time he fought the legendary confederate General Robert E. Lee. Grant's army, The Army of the Potomac, was taking a beating.
But Grant's reaction to one of his officers showed his true mettle, and like Washington and Paine's stance, is worth remembering:
"I am heartily tired of hearing of what Lee is going to do...go back to your command, and try to think of what we are going to do ourselves, instead of what Lee is going to do."
Dogged on his flanks, Grant nonetheless remained engaged with Lee's army, and even moved south to try to outflank Lee. Like Washington, he refused to be a reactor. The Army of the Potomac wasn't retreating, and the soldiers were elated. "Our spirits rose...we marched free. The men began to sing," a veteran remembered. Grant had done more than turn the Army of the Potomac south-he had turned them around. They had taken a pasting, but stepped up for more, and continued to march down the road to eventual victory. Grant, arguably the second father of our country, also won the battle of morale.
That's history, and, more importantly, those are soldiers making history. Now the Army Reserve and our National Guard are again making history, deployed worldwide. Wherever we are, we will always remember America's forefathers -like Washington and Grant and hordes of untold soldiers. We've reaped the benefits of the freedom they won, and our Guard men and women have seen enough of ground zero and the impact of 9-11 to make meek needs and mean desires utterly superfluous.
Washington, Grant and their soldiers stayed in the fight. Our moral imperative to defend this country is right, and our history bears it out. We should remind our soldiers what we're training and fighting for, to win the battle of morale- America's very first fight.
2002 Guard Times Index|Guard Times Home|Top of Page
53rd Troop Command Makes Mobilization
Dear Guard Times, It started with a simple Mobilization Order, but the labor to follow is anything but simple. It is difficult, time consuming and at times chaotic work. However, despite short notice (as little as 5 days), all of our alerted units have been sent to their mobilization stations meeting required standards. All soldiers went with their full issue of individual equipment and with personal records that contained required critical documents.
Over the past two months the staff of the 53rd Troop Command has mobilized fourteen units for Title Ten service. Without the dedicated efforts of our thinly manned sections, it would not have been possible. Most Full-time manning staff members willingly gave up their off-weekends as they understood the importance of getting each mobilized unit ready to go.
Led by Lt. Col. Jacqueline Russell, Maj. William Bodt, Chief Warrant Officers Anthony Baldi and Reinaldo Sardanopoli, each staff section performed in an outstanding manner. They, along with their section Non Commissioned Officers, ensured that every mobilization problem was addressed in a timely manner and followed through until solution. The special staff also made themselves available at Soldier Readiness Checks and visited each unit at their home station. Col. Thomas Principe, JAG, Lt. Col. Joseph Likar, IG, and Lt. Col. Jerry Miller, Chaplain, were particularly helpful in providing care to needy soldiers and their families.
"With the mobilizations all coming at once, the small 53rd Troop Command Headquarters staff confronted a gargantuan task," said Col. Stephen Seiter, 53rd Troop Command Commander, "I am both proud and grateful for their roundthe- clock efforts on behalf of those great soldiers who are going away to defend our freedom."
Also providing critical assistance was the NY Guard. Their volunteer JAGs and medical personnel, especially, were instrumental in processing more than 1,400 soldiers. Their noteworthy performance was instrumental in the timely accomplishment of all Soldier Readiness Checks.
I would be remiss, however, if I did not also mention the outstanding assistance received from the Division of Military and Naval Affairs staff. Without their sincere concern for the welfare of the soldier and the readiness of their units, even the 53rd Troop Command's best efforts would not have resulted in as many successful mobilizations.
It's impossible to predict what the future holds. Additional mobilizations are very possible. However, the experience of the past two months has proven that through a united effort, the units in the 53rd Troop Command will be prepared for any active duty mission they are assigned.
Colonel Robert M. Edelman,
Chief of Staff
53rd Troop Command
Valhalla
2002 Guard Times Index|Guard Times Home|Top of Page
Palm Trees, Mortars and MOUT
105th Infantrymen Successful in Puerto Rico Deployment
Story by Staff Sgt. Steve Petibone
Guard Times Staff
CAMP SANTIAGO, PUERTO RICO Maintaining deployment readiness has become today's standard in the Army National Guard. 1st Battalion, 105th Light Infantry Regiment soldiers maximized the standard by deploying their Headquarters, Charlie and Delta companies and the 156th Field Artillery to Camp Santiago and back within four days in January.
The deployment catered to several training objectives the 105th will conduct this summer. "The biggest focus, tactically was to deploy the headquarters company's vehicles in lieu of their annual training in England as part of the small unit exchange program." said Lt. Col. Mark Warnecke, commander, 105th Light Infantry.
Other objectives Warnecke and his staff were able to accomplish were, "live-fire" familiarization of 60-millimeter hand-held mortars by both infantrymen and mortarmen, military operations on urban terrain (MOUT) training by Headquarters and Delta companies, a movement to contact exercise by Charlie company and finally a battalion strength maintenance exercise consisting of reconnaissance of some beach front at Roosevelt Roads Naval Air Station.
Conducting an operation with time and training restraints does not phase the 105th. This is the fourth such deployment within two years. "The secret to our success is that we have done this before, teamwork and coordinating with the Air Guard, making sure their pre-load specifications are met." stated Warnecke. "We were fortunate because of the world situation, there was a chance that the planes would have been deployed elsewhere and not available to us." The 105th used a total of three airplanes, a C-5A Galaxy and 2 C-130's to transport more than 150 soldiers. The C-5A Galaxy originated from Stewart Air National Guard Base in Newburgh and the C-130's from Stratton Air National Guard Base in Scotia.
"Getting the HMMWVS, (the Army's High Mobility, Multi-purpose Wheeled Vehicle), loaded, knowing what to put on them and then getting them to Puerto Rico and back was very essential training for us." said Sgt 1st Class Thomas Kropp, Platoon Sergeant, Delta Company Last Spring, the 105th's sister element the 2nd Battalion, 108th Infantry Regiment traveled to Hammelburg, Germany to participate in the small unit exchange program with the 761st Home Defense Battalion, a German reserve unit.
This year the 105th will be training in England with the Royal Irish Reserves.
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'Rainbow Ready' Soldiers Receive Readiness Training
By Pfc. Dennis Gravelle
Guard Times Staff
CAMP SMITH The 42nd "Rainbow" Infantry Division is taking a proactive approach to prepare soldiers for mobilization or deployment.
On numerous weekends in January and February, Rainbow soldiers from every battalion had an opportunity to attend Soldier Readiness Program (SRP). Resembling a production line, this pre-deployment SRP serves as a "check-list" for unit commanders and soldiers regarding individual readiness.
The weekend readiness checks were part of a larger, division-wide review of Rainbow soldiers to better prepare individuals and units for federal duty.
"We are not doing this because of anyone getting deployed, we are taking a proactive approach that will save time should a soldier get deployed," stated Major Patrick J. Chaisson Deputy, Personnel Officer, 42nd Infantry Division.
The objective is to provide readiness information and guidance to unit commanders, which will enable them to plan training with soldier readiness and mobilization in mind. "It will have an immediate impact on soldier and unit readiness. It all comes down to accountability," stated Chaisson.
Individual readiness is the responsibility of leaders and soldiers. All soldiers must maintain readiness standards. The SRP helps to ensure soldiers meet the standard. The SRP consists of eight stations for individual review and assistance. Soldiers are given a checklist that must be completed at each station.
"Rainbow Ready soldiers are the building block of Rainbow Ready units," said Brig. Gen. Joseph J. Taluto, the 42nd Infantry Division Commander. "Whether responding to events in New York City or preparing for mobilization, it is every soldier's responsibility to keep his focus on the basics," Taluto said.
The division training occurred at both Camp Smith and Buffalo to provide readiness resources to every divisional unit in the state. Everything from medical and dental checks, identification tags and cards, legal requirements and soldiers skill qualifications were reviewed by soldiers from the division headquarters.
A 1940's era World War II identification tag maker, the Graphotype, looks like an old fashioned typewriter. Pfc. Michael T. Burdick, uses it to make "dog" tags at one of the readiness stations. " I made 146 identification tags this weekend - it takes me about one minute," he stated. Medical alert tags are also made here.
Another station focuses on recruiting and retention. Out of 41 soldiers fromthe 69th Infantry on site for this SRP, 27 of them reenlisted. "66 percent of soldiers in attendance extended their military careers," stated Chaisson.
"It takes a lot of work and cooperation to make this a success, we had excellent support from unit leadership and superior soldier attitude."
The intent of the SRP is to better prepare Rainbow soldiers for routine training, state active duty or federal mobilization.
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Engineers Welcome New Commander
Guard Times Staff
BUFFALO Lieutenant Colonel James Lettko re ceived the colors of the 152nd Engi neer Battalion of the New York Army National Guard, signifying the responsibility of a new commander.
The 152nd Engineers, with units in Niagara Falls, Lockport and a detachment at Fort Drum, is based in Buffalo.
Lettko has served in the New York Army National Guard for 15 years in the Active Guard and Reserve program. Most recently, he served as executive officer for the Engineer Brigade Headquarters.
The outgoing commander, Lt. Col. Fred Kubus led the unit since February of 2000. During his time in command, the unit has deployed soldiers to the Joint Readiness Training Center and New York City in response to the terror attacks of September 11th, 2001.
The engineer battalion is most widely recognized in upstate and western New York for their response to snow emergencies and the devastating Ice Storm of 1998.
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Lone Guardsman Supports War on Terror
Guard Times Staff
WITH CENTRAL COMMAND Amidst the thousands of New York National Guard members called to federal service, one Army National Guard sergeant found himself halfway across the globe.
Master Sgt. Robert Haemmerle, assigned to the 1st Battalion, 156th Field Artillery Regiment, deployed this winter to serve with Joint Task Force Horn of Africa.
The Joint Service mission has all four branches represented and operates from the USS Mount Whitney naval vessel near the African continent. The ship serves as the naval component and Haemmerle continues to support both aboard ship and at forward operational sites with land component forces in the Central Command area of responsibility.
Unlike the thousands of Army and Air National Guard units to deploy overseas, Haemmerle deployed as an individual augmentee to the joint task force headquarters.
Haemmerle serves as the Force Protection Operations Chief for Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa. His tour involves coordinating anti-terrorism and force protection requirements with the other service components as well as any host nation agencies at forward operating locations. He also conducts threat and vulnerability of those forward locations as required.
"I know that the mission experience I get here will help me to better serve in the New York Army National Guard," Haemmerle said about the ongoing short-tour program deployment.
Soldiers interested in short tour opportunities across the globe should check the National Guard public access site (http:// www.arng.army.mil/soldier_resources/ adsw/default.asp) for available positions.
Soldiers may contact the sponsor for additional information, but all National Guard applications must be approved and submitted through the unit chain of command to the N.Y. Army National Guard Headquarters, attention Operations and Training (MNOT). Applications must include all documents listed on the web-site and must be complete.
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Army Mobilizes to Help Secure Air Guard Bases
Guard Times Staff
AUBURN As many as 200 Army National Guard soldiers from the 27th Infantry Brigade mobilized in January to provide security at Air National Guard bases worldwide.
The soldiers will reduce the strain on security forces across the Air Force, currently employing active-duty security forces across the globe. They are also giving a much-needed break to Air Force Reserve Command security forces members now in their second year of mobilization.
In a statement related to the announcement, Thomas F. Hall, Assistant Secretary of Defense for Reserve Affairs, said the DOD is simply leveraging all of its active and reserve assets in the spirit of joint operations and inter-service cooperation.
"We intend to ensure that our Guard and reserve are assigned the right missions, fully integrated with the active component, and deployed in the right numbers required to deter adversaries and help fight and win any conflict," he said.
Soldiers from the 1st Battalion, 108th Infantry Regiment mobilized at their armories in Auburn, Geneseo, Ithaca and Olean for post-mobilization training at Fort Drum. The soldiers conducted refresher training in weapons familiarization; nuclear, biological and chemical protection and some specialized training unique to the air base security mission.
Once deployed to the five air bases across the state, soldiers received additional training to catch up on Air Force rank structure, what to look for in an Identification card and car tags, the proper use of force and unique rules of engagement. Although they will not be involved in the law enforcement aspect of security forces duties, the soldiers could find themselves in intruder or riot situations.
The mobilization, which is authorized under Title 10, will effect between 8,000 and 10,000 soldiers nationwide. According to defense officials, mobilization will be gradual and the number of soldiers securing air bases may vary. The deployment of the 27th Brigade soldiers is an example of the services working together in a spirit of cooperation, said DoD officials, to ensure fairness and an equitable distribution on the duration, extent and assigned mission of the armed forces.
While not all the mobilized soldiers hold the military police Military Occupation Skill (MOS), the basic training that each of these soldiers receives coupled with their mobilization training qualifies them for the duties they will be assigned, according to officials.
In addition, many of the soldiers served in Task Force Orion, the federal mobilization for airport security during 2001 and 2002.
While the Army assists with air base security, the Air Force will continue its effort to beef up its security forces. The options the Air Force plans to pursue are the recruiting and training of about 1,400 security forces specialists and shifting personnel from other occupations.
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Enough Time for Two Careers Retiring Warrant Serves for Four Decades
Guard Times Staff
LATHAM New York's senior Army National Guard Warrant Officer retires this spring on March 25, 2003. Chief Warrant Officer Five (CW5) Howard C. Haider completes nearly 40 years of military service.
Haider began his military career with his enlistment in the Army in November of 1963. His initial schooling as a wheeled vehicle mechanic would serve him throughout his career. Rising through the enlisted ranks, Haider served as a company First Sergeant and later attended the Army's Sergeant's Major Academy.
In 1974, Haider joined the full-time ranks of the New York Army National Guard as a federal technician and began his long full-time career with the state's organizational maintenance shops.
He received his appointment to Chief Warrant Officer Two in February of 1979, beginning his second military career as an Automotive Maintenance Technician. Haider served with the 1st Battalion, 105th Field Artillery in the Bronx, the 1st Battalion, 258th Field Artillery in Jamaica, and then with the New York State Area Command headquarters detachment.
Haider attended the Warrant Officer Staff Course and the Warrant Officer Senior Staff Course at Fort Rucker Alabama. In December of 1995 he was promoted the Chief Warrant Officer Five, the first-ever in the history of the New York Army National Guard.
Not only was Haider the first CW5 in the state, but he also was the first warrant officer to serve as a member of the National Guard Association executive council. He served for many years as an officer with the Militia Association of New York as well as the National Guard Association of the United States, providing representation to all the warrant officers in the Army National Guard. He also served as the Vice Chairman of the New York State Warrant Officer Advisory Committee and has an assistant Vice President for National Guard Affairs with the U.S. Army Warrant Officers Association.
Haider retires as the shop supervisor for the combined support maintenance shop on Staten Island. His retirement follows more than 29 years of service as a federal technician and forty years of service to the New York Army National Guard.
"All the warrant officers in the entire New York Army National Guard owe a debt of gratitude to Chief Warrant Officer Haider for his selfless dedication to duty," said Chief Warrant Officer Charles Amoroso, the state Command Chief Warrant Officer. "It was Howard's willingness to work that made such improvements in the management, the professionalism, and effectiveness of the Warrant Officer Corps," he said.
"New York Army National Guard soldiers will miss the contributions Howard made and owe a similar debt to his dedicated and lovely wife Christine," Amoroso said, "for her many sacrifices for Howard's long and successful military career."
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Artillery First to Pull Lanyard on Transformation
Story by Sgt. Peter K. Towse and Spc. Christopher Connelly
138th MPAD
KINGSTON Soldiers of Alpha Battery, 1st Battalion 156th Field Artillery Regiment, out of Kingston, have heavy hearts as they came together to find new homes in the New York Army National Guard. The Military Personnel Office (MILPO) conducted a job fair for the reorganization of the 27th Brigade.
Alpha Battery is the first unit of the 27th to go through the job fair that took place on January 6th, 2003.
"A lot of them are having a bit of a hard time deciding," said Staff Sgt. Brian Coon, Section Chief of Alpha Battery. "They came into the unit right out of basic training as privates and they've been here for three to four years. They've made a lot of friends here, a lot of people are thinking about career progression and how they will be situated in their new unit. I think it's kind of tough on them."
Some of the soldiers at the job fair expressed that changing over to a new unit may not be as easy as they thought.
"At first, it did not seem to be that appealing," said Spc. Joshua Elliot, a cannon crewmember for the 156th Field Artillery. "Everyone here enjoys being in the artillery, but a lot of people are starting to see that now there is more out there to offer us." The job fair is to give the soldiers of Alpha Battery an opportunity to choose from a wide range of Military Occupational Skills (MOS) within the state.
"Everyone will be given the opportunity to choose where they want to go, the type of unit and the type of MOS they want," said Maj. Kelly Hilland, the State Readiness Officer. "We are taking into consideration their interests as well as the New York Army National Guard's."
The 27th Brigade will officially be reorganized September 1st, 2004 when the Wisconsin National Guard will ultimately take over the 27th's mission.
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Take a Plunge into OCS
A Road Map to Army National Guard Officer Candidate School
By Capt. Dale Thurber
HQ, 106th Regional Training Institute
CAMP SMITH If you are looking for a challenging and rewarding experience with greater responsibility in your military career, the National Guard's Officer Candidate School (OCS) is for you! OCS is a fast paced, standards based program providing invaluable leadership skill that can not only help your military professional development but it will also enhance your civilian career as well; providing insights on leadership, management techniques and problem solving skills.
The New York State OCS program is broken down into four phases to commission a new second lieutenant in the spring of 2004. Phase 0 runs from May 3-4 2003 and again on June 7-8. Phase 1, at Camp Rowland, Conn. is scheduled for July 12-26th. Phase 2 training at Camp Smith and Niagara Falls occurs over drill assemblies from August 2003 until May of 2004. A two-week active duty deployment to Fort Benning makes up Phase 3 in June of 2004 and graduation occurs when individuals return from Phase 3 at Camp Smith. Phase 0 at Camp Smith, New York is the initial assessment phase. It spans two drill weekends in May and June. Candidates complete all the administrative requirements and pre-screening for the program.
Phase 1 is an annual training period in July of 2003 and provides the fundamental developments and the primary characteristics of being an Army leader.
Phase 2 is conducted at two locations; Camp Smith and Niagara Falls Air National Guard Base. This phase starts in August 2003 and ends in May 2004. The phase consists of refining and developing the leadership skills of being an Army Leader that were initially taught at phase 1. The skills, actions and attributes of each candidate are consistently assessed with the final culmination exercise being a 3 day field problem with officer candidates being evaluated in platoon leadership positions. Phase 3 is the "polishing" and final phase of OCS conducted at Fort Benning, Georgia.
Officer Candidate School is an excellent opportunity to physically and mentally challenge yourself. Some of the highlights of OCS training are Land Navigation, road marches, leadership evaluations, repelling, combat water survival training, field leadership training exercises, M-4 rifle familiarization training, Leadership Reaction Course, obstacle and confidence courses and an APFT challenge. Here is a list of criteria needed to enter OCS and become a commissioned officer: Any interested applicants should call Capt. Dale Thurber or Capt. Phillip Rumley at the OCS phone number, 914-788-7341.
- 60 college credit hours (Verified on an official college trainscript) with a following transcript indicating 90 credit hours to be commissioned.
- Letter of recommendation from your commander.
- GT score of 110 or greater (GT scores can be raised, (contact NYARNG Education Office at 518-786-4937).
- Schedule for an SAT/ACT if soldier does not have a bachelor's degree (contact NYARNG Education Office at 518-786-4937). SAT/ACT has to be current w/in 10 years from commissioning.
- Secret security clearance initiated, utilize your Unit S2 or contact Officer Procurement at 518-786-6825.
- Copy of Birth Certificate.
- Soldier preferably between the ages of 21-35. A waiver is authorized by National Guard Bureau for applicants up to 39.5 years of age.
- US Citizen Naturalization papers if applicable.
- Copy of Social Security Number Card.
- Copy of DD214 for all prior service periods.
- Qualifying Chapter 2 commissioning physical at the closest MEPS facility.
- Ensure soldier can pass an APFT.
- Ensure compliance w/height and weight standards set forth in AR 600-9.
- Interview soldier/Letter of recommendation from Commander.
- A complete set of individual soldier field equipment (TA-50) gear.
If you meet these criteria or can meet them in a reasonable amount of time please inform your unit chain of command of your desire to attend OCS. Unit training administrators can then input your application with the School code of 1006 for thei fiscal year. The course number is OCS and the class number is one.
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174th Has New Planes on the 'Block'
Guard Times Staff
SYRACUSE The New York Air National Guard's 174th Fighter Wing is quickly moving to complete an upgrade of the wing's F-16 Fighting Falcons ahead of Air Force plans.
With Air Guard members putting in the extra hours, the 174th expects to soon field 18 Block 30 F-16C Fighting Falcons for operational duty. The Block 30 aircraft replace 17 Block 25 F-16C Falcons currently in the Syracuse based fighter wing. One of the new jets is a two-seater used primarily for training.
The Block designation refers to a specific version of the jet. Several versions have been manufactured since the first F-16 was delivered to the Air Force almost a quarter century ago.
The unit received the more advanced F-16C jets in October of last year and Air Force leaders planned for a six to nine-month transition for both pilots and ground crews to get acquainted with the newer aircraft.
The newer Block 30s were produced in the mid-1980s - about two to three years newer than Block 25s. The big difference, pilots say, is the extra engine thrust the newer jets provide: 28,984 pounds of thrust, compared with 23,770 pounds.
The modernized planes include new state-of-the-art targeting systems called Sniper pods. The targeting system, the first to be fielded in the Air National Guard, allow pilots to see targets farther away in both day and night conditions to deliver precision-guided missiles.
With the combination of the newer jets and the advanced targeting pods, the 174th's leaders say, the unit will possess capabilities every commander wants.
"Nobody has the new (pods)," said Lt. Col. Chuck Dorsey, the logistics group commander. "It'll be a tremendous capability."
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Raining Sweets on School Children
Air Force Retirees and Civil Air Patrol Re-Enact Berlin Airlift
By 2nd Lt. Bob Stronach
New York State Wing, Civil Air Patrol
SYRACUSE Retired Air Force pilots and Civil Air Patrol members helped to bring history to life in September by reenacting the Berlin Airlift in a World War II-era DC- 4 plane and dropping hundreds of mini-parachutes loaded with candy over a school just outside Syracuse, N.Y.
Lt. Col. Myron "Mike" Tingelstad, retired Air Force pilot and member of the Central New York Group's Mohawk- Griffiss Senior Squadron, piloted the DC-4, and Maj. Gerald Marketos, Mohawk-Griffiss Squadron commander, acted as the "chocolate bombardier", as the plane flew low at 500 feet, with the drone of its four engines drowning out the cheers and applause of hundreds of pupils, teachers and parents at Manlius Pebble Hill School in DeWitt, N.Y.
Among those watching the 650 handkerchief- size parachutes shoot out of the plane and float down to the school's athletic field and tennis courts were retired Air Force Col. Gail Halvorsen and children's author Margot Theis Raven. Raven's new book, "Mercedes and the Chocolate Pilot," chronicles how Halvorsen grabbed the hearts of both the American and German peoples when he found a way to rain chocolate, gum and other candies on the children of Berlin during the 1948-49 airlift to save 2.2-million Berliners from Soviet Premier Josef Stalin's blockade. Halvorsen and Raven spoke to a school assembly just prior to the candy drop.
In 1948, when Stalin blockaded access to Berlin by land, British and American forces began a non-stop 15-month airlift to bring food and supplies to Berliners. During one of his trips to Berlin, Halvorsen, then a lieutenant, hiked to the end of the airfield where he met a group of 30 children watching the planes land and take off from the other side of a barbed wire fence. He started chatting with them, and was impressed by their attitude and by their fervor for freedom. As he was about to leave, he wanted to give them something. He found two sticks of gum in his pocket. He broke the sticks of gum into several pieces for a few to share, while the rest enjoyed smelling the sweet aroma from slivers of the wrappers. In that instant, Halvorsen relates, he saw the future of Germany before him, and he impulsively told the children he would return the next day and drop candy to them. Back at his home base that night, he bought as much candy and gum as he could, and experimented with parachutes made with handkerchiefs.
Fifty-four years later, Lt. Col. Tingelstad and co-pilot Ralph Rushworth, a retired Air Force major, aimed the DC- 4 at the school barely visible in the distance, and prepared to wiggle the plane's wings just before dropping their load - because that's what Halvorsen had done to alert the German children that the "chocolate pilot" was approaching. Ground control helped guide the DC-4 to the drop zone, and gave the command, "Candy drop - NOW!" Major Marketos hefted a box of parachute treats to the open window, and they were sucked out in a flash. Across the aisle at the other open window, Crew Chief Kelly Silcox sent his load of treats soaring as well.
The DC-4 circled around for a second pass, dropping two more loads. The children below retrieved the chocolate and gum - except for a few parachutes that drifted to the school's roof.
Another World War II plane, a Stinson L-5 piloted by Andy Auchincloss, flew over the school minutes earlier to drop a few treats and test the wind.
The DC-4, which is still in service as a flying laboratory, was donated for the exercise by Aero Union Corporation. The 57-year-old plane is based at Oneida County Airport in Oriskany, N.Y., where the Mohawk-Griffiss Senior Squadron is headquartered.
In 1948 Americans responded to Halvorsen's impulsive act by supplying 250,000 candy-loaded parachutes, and more than 20 tons of chocolate and gum to Berlin's 100,000 children. Just like back then, Americans responded to this modern-day re-enactment, with Wegmans supermarket donating chocolate bars and gum, Dollar General donating the handkerchiefs, and parents and community members assembling the parachutes and tying them to the treats.
After the drop, Halvorsen and Raven autographed copies of "Mercedes and the Chocolate Pilot". Proceeds benefited the school's scholarship and financial aid fund.
After the short hop back to Oneida County Airport, Lt. Col. Tingelstad said, "We're just happy to oblige and be part of history," interjected Silcox.
Added Major Marketos: "That's something we'll probably never get to do again in our lifetime - fly a piece of history."
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NY Air Guard Selects 2002 Top Sergeant
By Maj. Michael A. Messina
107th ARW Security Forces Squadron
NIAGARA FALLS Master Sgt. Richard D. King, from the 107th Air Refueling Wing Security Forces Squadron (SFS), was recognized in February as the New York Air National Guard's First Sergeant of the Year.
In 2001, King deployed along with 38 other members of the 107th ARW Security Forces unit. Originally deployed to Andrews Air Force Base as a secuity forces member, his skills as a 1st Sgt. quickly became evident, and he was selected as an 89th Security Forces Squadron First Sgt.
His duties included the overall care of 600 members who transited in and out of the 89th SFS. He handled members concerns with professional integrity. His work was personally recognized by two commanders from the 89th SFS.
Upon his return to the 107th ARW in August of 2002, King was selected to again lead a team to a forward location in support of Operation Enduring Freedom. He personally trained and prepared them for every possible scenario. King and his team remain deployed in the Central Command Area of Responsibility.
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VP Praises Air National Guard
By Master Sgt. Bob Haskell
National Guard Bureau
DENVER, CO Vice President Richard Cheney praised the Air Na tional Guard for all it has done during the global war against terrorism and promised that the fight will not end until the threat to the United States and the rest of the civilized world is wiped out.
That includes making sure that Iraqi President Saddam Hussein is deprived of all weapons of mass destruction, Cheney told a reported 1,200 people attending the Air National Guard's Senior Leadership Conference in Denver on December 2nd.
"The only path to safety is the path of action," Cheney said. "And the United States will act. We will confront every threat from every source that could possibly bring harm to our country.
"The conflict can only end with their complete and utter destruction and a victory for the United States and the cause of freedom," said Cheney of the war against those who have little to lose.
"In the terrorists ... we have enemies who have nothing to defend," he pointed out. "A group like the al- Qaida cannot be deterred or placated or reasoned with at a conference table. For this reason, the war against terror will not end in a treaty. There will be no summit meeting or negotiations with terrorists.
"As the president has said, this is a fight to save the civilized world," Cheney said. "This is a struggle against evil, against an enemy that rejoices in the murder of innocent, unsuspecting human beings."
As for Iraq, the vice president said that "confronting the threat posed by Iraq is not a distraction from the war on terror. It is absolutely crucial to winning the war on terror."
Hussein, Cheney charged, harbors terrorists and could supply biological or chemical weapons to terrorist groups or individuals.
"The war on terror will not be won until Iraq is completely and verifiably deprived of weapons of mass destruction," he added.
Cheney, the secretary of defense during the 1991 Persian Gulf War with Iraq, brought greetings and gratitude from President Bush, "the former commander-in-chief of the Texas National Guard, and the first Air National Guard veteran ever to live in the White House."
Bush, Cheney told his audience, "asked me to please give you his personal thanks for the fantastic job you've done for all of us over the course of the last year and a half."
Cheney also acknowledged what the Air National Guard has brought to the 14-month-old war against terrorism that Bush initiated following the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. "The Air National Guard's role in the aftermath of September 11th has been truly remarkable. You have assumed an astonishing portion of the military missions in Operation Noble Eagle and Operation Enduring Freedom," Cheney said.
"As members of the National Guard, you may not be full-time soldiers, but you are all full-time patriots" "Today, there are nearly 11,000 mobilized and volunteer members of the Air National Guard serving at home or overseas," he pointed out. "Air National Guard pilots fly three-quarters of the combat air patrols defending the United States mainland. You provide 40 percent of our airlift capacity in Afghanistan and 42 percent of the fighters in our air expeditionary force. Between September 11th of 2001 and September 11th of this year, Air National Guard pilots flew 46,000 sorties.
"As members of the National Guard, you may not be fulltime soldiers, but you are all full-time patriots," Cheney praised.
"You are truly dual-missioned," the vice president acknowledged about the state and federal missions that all National Guard members are sworn to take on when so ordered.
"But you have a single, overriding purpose. You live your lives for the sake of your nation and your fellow Americans."
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Members of the 107th ARW Recognized for Service, Dedication and Smarts
By Staff Sgt. Tracy Cain
HQ, 107th ARW
NIAGARA FALLS Members of the 107th Air Refueling Wing were presented with the New York State Liberty De fense Medal, created by Governor George E. Pataki. The medal, which is unique in that it will only be given one time and was specifically created for those who responded to the tragic events of September 11, 2001. Those who responded to "ground zero" were honored with a World Trade Center Device.
On behalf of the governor, Maj. Gen. Archie J. Berberian, II thanked the unit for its hard work and sacrifice during the massive recovery and clean-up efforts that went on for months after the attack.
During his speech, the general said he was keenly aware of the uncertainty the military faces and strongly encouraged all military professionals to be ready.
"We don't have control of what lies ahead," Berberian said, "that's why it is important to take care of the things we can control now.
The general urged the wing to, "take care of your personal readiness, medical readiness and your financial readiness." Without delay, the general moved on to congratulate the yearly award winners. Although all the winners could not attend due to duty commitments, Tech. Sgt. Don Blady, Jr., and Senior Airman Catrina Tyczka were present and were personally commended by the general, 107th ARW Wing Commander, James W. Kwiatkowski, NYANG Command Chief Master Sgt. Robert Smolen, and 107th ARW Command Chief Master Sgt. Russell Burgstahler.
The next order of business was the commencement of six 107th ARW members who received their Associates Degree from the Community College of the Air Force. Recalling how difficult it was for him while in school, the general applauded the efforts of the airmen to finish their education while continuing to serve in the 107th ARW, hold civilian jobs, and have a family life. As the graduates received their diplomas, they, too, were given special attention by the commander and command chief master sgts., with whom they shook hands and smiled for photos.
Finally, it was what most people in the formation had waited for, their medal. One by one as the names were called off, the airmen came forward to receive their award. So many members received awards that the reading of names seemed to go on forever, but, knowing how many people of the 107th ARW have made and will continue to make a difference in our community, our state, and our world made it an honorable wait.
Col. Kwiatkowski said it most eloquently, "This medal is in recognition of your hard work, dedication and service to your state, and to your country. It's an honor to be your commander."
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'Bravest of Western New York' Air Guard EMT Skills Save a Life
By Staff Sgt. Tracy Cain
HQ, 107th ARW
NIAGARA FALLS A member of the 107th Air Refueling Wing was re cently included in WIVBChannel 4's "Bravest of Western New York," for his participation in a rescue that saved a man's life.
Staff Sgt. Danial Guiher, from the 107th Refueling Wing's Medical Squadron, is the Emergency Medical Services chief at the Adam's Fire Company in North Tonawanda. As a group of emergency medical technicians and firefighters headed into a meeting, an emergency call came in.
"Originally, the call that we received was a 61-year-old male who was having difficulty breathing," said Guiher. "Within a minute or so, the call was upgraded to a cardiac arrest."
Fortunately, the victim lived only three houses down from the fire company, so the response time was fast, but even more fortunate, for the victim, was the fact that the company has a defibrillator. A defibrillator is used to shock the heart back into proper rhythm.
The victim's wife had already started Cardiopulmonary Resuscitation (CPR), but the crew brought in the defibrillator and "shocked" the victim. After the first "shock" the victim's heart was still having problems, so they "shocked" him again. The second time, the man's heart was stabilized enough to transport him to the hospital.
Guiher, who's full-time job is with Twin City Ambulance, rode with the victim to DeGraff Hospital, where he transferred the patient along with the vital information needed for doctors to treat the victim.
"The man spent three days in the Intensive Care Unit at DeGraff, three more at Buffalo General Hospital, where doctor's successfully implanted a pacemaker and an internal defibrillator in the man's chest," Guiher said. "Today, the man is home and doing well."
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The Patriot Plan: Governor Pataki Proposes Benefits for Guard Members and Families
STATE OF NEW YORK Press Office March 4, 2003 A comprehensive package of bills and administrative measures that would provide a wide array of new benefits and protections for New York's servicemen and women was unveiled in the beginning of March by Gov. George Pataki and Assembly members. Named The "Patriot Plan" it will assist troops and their families who face potential added expenses and disruptions caused by being called to active duty in the nation's ongoing war against terrorism and possible military action in Iraq.
"New York's military servicemen and women play a vital role in keeping our nation safe, strong and free, particularly as we work to protect our homeland and fight the ongoing war against terrorism," Governor Pataki said. "The sacrifices our military men and women make while serving on active duty should not be compounded by their families having to make additional sacrifices at home. This comprehensive package will provide new and enhanced benefits to our military personnel, so that they and their families will get the support and protections they need and deserve."
Key Initiatives of the Proposed "Patriot Plan"
Supplemental Military Leave: Expands the supplemental military leave program established after September 11, 2001, to ensure that all state officers and employees called to active duty in the war against terror and possible military action in Iraq suffer no loss of salary as a result.
Educational Military Leave of Absence and Tuition Relief: Requires colleges and universities to provide an educational military leave of absence for students called to active duty, which would require the institution to restore the student to his or her previous educational status upon return from military service without any loss of credits earned, scholarships or grants, or other fees paid prior to commencement of military duty. In addition, all colleges and universities would be required to provide a tuition refund or credit for students forced to suspend their studies because of an educational military leave of absence.
Protection Against Military Status Discrimination: Expands the protections of the Human Rights Law to military personnel to ensure they are not discriminated against regarding housing, employment, education, public accommodations, and credit applications.
Termination of Vehicle Leases: Permits military personnel to terminate a car lease if he or she is called to active duty.
Interest Rate Cap on Installment Loans: Caps rates of interest on installment loans at 6 percent while the individual is engaged in State Active Duty. This provision provides the same protection for personnel called to active duty by the Governor that federal law provides to personnel called to active duty by the President.
Health Insurance Benefits: Directs the Insurance Department to protect the rights of military personnel to continue, suspend or convert health insurance benefits during times of active duty.
Professional Liability Insurance: Permits suspension of professional liability (malpractice) insurance by military personnel while serving on active duty. This provision provides protections for military personnel engaged in State Active Duty similar to the protections provided to military personnel engaged in federal active duty.
War on Terrorism Scholarship Program: Provides the children, spouses and dependents of New York military personnel killed during the war on terrorism or possible military action in Iraq, as well as severely disabled combat survivors, with undergraduate awards to cover the cost of attending institutions of the State University or City University of New York, or a commensurate amount to attend a private college or university in New York State.
Retirement Loan Repayment: Permits the suspension of loan payments for public employees who borrowed against their retirement system savings while such employees are engaged in active duty.
Veterans Services Agencies: Authorizes county-run Veterans Services Agencies to provide services to active duty Reserve, National Guard and militia troops.
License Extensions: Provides automatic extensions for emergency medical technician licenses, drivers' licenses, vehicle registration and vehicle inspections while military personnel are engaged in active duty.
Suspension of Certain Legal Requirements During Active Duty: Provides the Governor with the authority to issue Executive Orders temporarily suspending or modifying specific provisions of any statute, local law, ordinance or orders, rules or regulations, or parts thereof, relating to the obligations of military personnel called to active duty related to the war on terrorism.
Free High-Speed Internet: Provides free high-speed Internet access at places such as at State university campuses to family members of activated troops for the purpose of communicating with their loved ones.
Employer Recognition: Creates a "NY-USA Proud" employer of distinction award to recognize companies that show exceptional support for military reservists and Guard members.
Patriot Discount Program: Establishes a voluntary statesponsored program for merchants who agree to provide reduced price discounts for merchandise and services for all military personnel. Participating merchants are eligible for the proposed
Free Hunting & Fishing Licenses: Provides free hunting and fishing licenses for Guard, Reserve and state militia members.
Free "Empire Passport" to State Parks: Provides free admission for Reserve, National Guard and state militia troops and their families to the State parks and beaches.
Use of Retirees as Temporary Substitutes: Allows local governments to hire back retired workers to temporarily replace employees called to active duty. These workers would not face any loss of pension benefits as a result of this service.
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Guard Family Grows During Mobilization
By Major Richard Goldenberg
Guard Times Staff
ROCHESTER The saying that "the Guard is Family" is often meant for families and employers of the soldiers here at home.
For more than 50 members of the 427th Support Battalion's A Company, that family meant joining the mobilization of the 719th Transportation Company
The 27th Brigade soldiers, the vast majority volunteers for the deployment, responded quickly to the need for qualified Motor Transport Operators, or 88M in the language of military occupational skills (MOS).
"We got the word on a Sunday evening to put the call out for volunteers and by Monday we pretty much had our names on a list," explained 1st Lt. Patrick Clare, the detachment commander for the group of military truck drivers in the Rochester armory.
"The rest of the week was the real challenge - getting soldiers ready for mobilization, the paperwork and the short timeline," Clare added. "Our folks have worked very hard to get themselves ready in just a few days."
"I've been in the New York Army National Guard for 16 years," said Sgt. Barbara Andres, a veteran of the first Gulf War. "We all train for this and know it can happen," she said as the detachment prepared to deploy to a staging site at Camp Smith, New York.
While many of the senior NCOs of the unit remember the mobilizations for the first Gulf War, others are far less experienced with deployments.
"This is going to be very exciting for me," said Private Jessica Toal, a soldier with less than six months in the detachment. "Scary, too, in a way," she said.
Toal, 18, only recently returned from her basic and advanced individual training to join the unit. "Maybe it was the television ads or just the impact of 9-11," she said, "but last summer I wanted to join and do something. One week later I had shipped out for basic training."
One member of the detachment is hoping the deployment turns into a family reunion. "My dad is mobilizing too," said Spc. Alexander Platz, a recent arrival in the unit. "We served together in the 1123rd Transportation Company in the Arkansas National Guard. Now we might see each other over there," Platz said.
The soldiers from the Orion Brigade deployed with the 719th Transportation Company for mobilization late in January. The remainder of the detachment is already preparing for future possible mobilizations should the need arise. No matter what happens, Sgt. Andres explained, she will keep a positive attitude. "This should be much easier the second time around," she said.
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New York Guard Doubles Up On Training
By Sgt. Dave Konig
HQ, 56th Brigade
CAMP SMITH For the volunteer soldiers of the New York Guard's 56th Brigade, one drill per month just isn't enough. So, they chose the coldest, wettest, most miserable time of year to double up on their field training exercises. Beginning in January, and extending throughout the winter, the unit will implement a program of outdoor physical fitness training (PT), land navigation and search and rescue exercises, combined with classes on radio communications, weapons of mass destruction and emergency response to terrorism.
The aggressive training schedule has been attracting a growing turnout of New York Guardsmen hungry for extra training. Soldiers from the 56th Brigade, 88th Brigade, the Army Division Headquarters and the 244th Medical Clinic have all participated, marching through the hills of Camp Smith for hours in the snow, slush and rain.
The senior non-commissioned officer in charge of the events, Sgt. 1st Class Mervin Livsey, a drill instructor for the N.Y. Guard's Basic Enlisted training during the summer, put together the winter program, dubbed 'Hardcore Training.' "I've never seen such outstanding motivation," he said. "The dedication of these troops is far beyond the call of duty."
Livsey and fellow instructors Sgt. 1st Class Mark Copeletti and 1st Sgt. Anthony Bertorelli all served on State Active Duty following the terror attacks on the World Trade Center in 2001. Each received the New York State Defense of Liberty Medal for their service in support of National Guard response and recovery operations in Manhattan.
"I am amazed with the knowledge I've gained and the confidence I have wearing this New York Guard uniform."
With the New York Guard known primarily as an augmentation force for the New York Army National Guard, tasked during the activation with armory and military base security details, the question arose - why the need for field exercises in the snow and rain?
"Our goal in the New York Guard is to be proficient in all aspects of our training, so when the National Guard needs us we are ready," Copeletti explained.
Capt. Evan Delman, a licensed chiropractor with the 244th Medical Clinic who supported the Army National Guard's recent Soldier Readiness Processing, cited the team-building focus of the training: "This type of exercise builds camaraderie and teamwork. It helps us to work as a team when called upon."
Still, what motivates a New York Guard soldier to show up on their own time for extra training in miserable weather, to learn skills that may never be called upon? Ask Marc Fineman, a 42-year-old private.
"When I first joined the New York Guard, I had no idea what to expect or what was expected of me," said Fineman, a New Rochelle businessman. "I had no prior military experience. I only knew that a couple of buildings changed my world forever and that I would dig ditches if that's what was needed. Now, after a year of training - basic, monthly drills, admin night classes, and field exercises like this - I am amazed with the knowledge I've gained and the confidence I have wearing this New York Guard uniform."
What about the snow and the rain and the slush? "The weather couldn't have been better!" exclaimed Fineman.
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Guard Members Support Deployment Preparations
By Sgt. Dave Konig
HQ, 56th Brigade
HARLEM ARMORY, NEW YORK CITY For three days in late February, volunteer New York Guard medical professionals closed up shop on their personal practices and reported for Soldier Readiness Processing duty at the Harlem Armory. They provided pre-deployment screening for 53rd Troop Command Army National Guard soldiers preparing for possible mobilization and overseas deployment from the 1569th Transportation Company.
The Army National Guard's Medical Command requested the assistance from the 88th Brigade's 1102nd Forward Medical Support Team (FMST) for the mission. Capt. Felicia Lecce, Deputy Commander of the 1102nd, had been through the drill just one month before - in January the 1102nd Medical Support Team provided similar medical support to the Army National Guard mobilized for State Active Duty at Fort Hamilton.
Within 24 hours, Lecce quickly put together a team of doctors, dentists, emergency medical technicians and Registered nurses with assistance from the NY Guard's 244th Medical Clinic. Additional records screening and command and control was provided by the military police soldiers of the 56th Brigade.
The New York Guard team vaccinated, poked, prodded and probed more than 150 Army National Guard soldiers. They scrutinized 150 medical records, checked more than 300 eyes and ears, and the dentists examined more than 4800 teeth. In the end, Maj. Gen. Thomas Maguire, The Adjutant General for the State of New York described the New York Guard's role supporting the mobilization preparations as "an excellent example of military partnership that should serve as a national model."
First Lieutenant Sophia Scarpelli, a registered nurse with the 244th Medical Clinic, summed up the weekend. "As proud members of the New York Guard we were true to our mission of providing support for the Army National Guard. Hats off to all the brave men and women of the National Guard we had the honor of screening," she said. "For each 'Go' we checked off, I said a silent prayer as we bid them the best of luck. There is no 'thank you' big enough for these soldiers and their families."
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Rainbow HQ Honors Local Veteran
By Major Richard Goldenberg
HQ, 42nd ID (M)
TROY Almost 60 years after serving in combat in World War Two, the Rainbow Division headquarters helped close a chapter on the life of Capital District resident J. Donald Clairmont. On Wednesday, February 26th, the Division Chief of Staff, Col. Mark Heffner, presented Clairmont with the awards and honors that had been neglected since the Second World War.
Clairmont, now 81, served in Europe for five years, first as an aircraft mechanic and later, following the Battle of the Bulge, as an infantry soldier with the 2nd Division's 9th Infantry Regiment. In the winter of 1945, the Army reassigned thousands of personnel to fill in the ranks of infantry units to stem the German counteroffensive. Wounded in the spring of 1945, Clairmont was evacuated to France and finally discharged due to his injuries.
"As a fellow soldier in arms, I want to thank you for your service personally," said Heffner at a family gathering at the Troy armory.
Heffner presented Clairmont with the Purple Heart, the Combat Infantryman's Badge, the New York State Conspicuous Service Star and the New York State Conspicuous Service Cross.
Clairmont's family discovered that although the orders for his medals and awards still existed, the medals had never been presented formally during the final days of the war. Coordination with the federal and state veterans' offices led to the National Guard presentation of Clairmont's awards at the winter ceremony.
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Guardsman Gives of Himself to Help Others
Story by Staff Sgt. Steve Petibone
Guard Times Staff
LATHAM "It's like standing on the edge of a pool watching someone drown, knowing you can do something about it, what are you going to do? Are you going to walk away or are you going to pull them out?"
This analogy sums up Army National Guard Spc. Andrew McClure's humanitarian decision to become a living organ donor after learning that his brother-in-law, Neil Loy, was diagnosed with less than ten percent liver function and would not survive if he didn't receive a liver transplant in the very near future.
McClure is a full-time technician in the Office of Personnel Management as well as an infantryman with 1st Battalion, 105th Infantry Regiment's scout platoon.
His supervisor, Lt. Col. Robert Rokjer, Chief, Officer Personnel Branch, discovered that McClure was not only rare individual, but also a great asset to the New York Army National Guard. "What amazed me the most was the fact that he wasn't worried about the operation at all, he was more worried about not being able to stay in the infantry after the operation. To me, that is as Hooah as it gets."
The decision to save a life as a live organ donor in some ways, perhaps, is similar to saving a life on the battlefield. "Spc. McClure's decision was a courageous act that parallels anything that we are asked to do in the service." stated Capt. Mike Murphy, Headquarters and Headquarters Company Commander, 1st Battalion, 105th Infantry Regiment. "It also reflects upon the strength of McClure's character that I have been privileged to see on a day to day basis."
His career as an infantryman may have been in jeopardy, had there been medical complications such as a slow recovery that would prevent him performing his Military Occupational Skill.
According to Maj. Floyd Burgher, Deputy State Surgeon there are regulations that govern soldiers as both donors and recipients. "Believe it or not, there are certain guidelines that a soldier should be aware of before making this type of decision. Army Regulation 40-3, Chapter 9 specifies that a soldier must be counseled in writing by his or her immediate commander, followed by counseling from a medical officer. After the operation the soldier will be evaluated and the medical report must be favorable for continued service."
Follow up medical evaluations are conducted 6 and 12 months after the operation. Also, in certain cases, a soldier may not be deployable as a result of being a recipient or donor.
Deciding to become a live organ donor ultimately comes down to an individual choice, even though family and friends may have differing opinions.
McClure's decision was met with encouragement and discouragement. "My wife (Alexandra) and I agreed that if this is what I wanted to do, then she was okay with it," stated McClure. "But my parents were not so supportive when they found out the lab results were positive. It was just that they were concerned that I might not survive the operation. I would be nervous if my child was to do it."
The recipient, Mr. Loy, a retired truck driver, was also apprehensive when he learned that McClure was a match. "At first I didn't want to do it," he stated. "I felt that I didn't have a choice in the matter, however; he did and I would never be able to repay him." In response, McClure assured him that he owed him nothing and that it was something that had to be done so they could get on with their lives.
As for McClure and his brother-in-law, both are doing well. An interesting item worth mentioning about McClure is his enrollment in the Interservice Physician Assistant Program (IPAP). This is an Army-sponsored program that results in a commissioned officer appointment. McClure is getting an entrance packet together because he has already completed the required 60 credit hours of preliminary courses, equivalent to a two-year degree. The final two years of study are completed at Fort Sam Huston, Texas. The course is accredited by the University of Oklahoma.
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Black World War I Hero Receives Due Honors
Army Presents Medal to 'Harlem Hellfighter' Henry Johnson
By Staff Sgt. Marcia Triggs
Army News Service
WASHINGTON D.C. For one veteran's son, Black History Month will be when the Army corrected an injustice by posthu mously awarding his father the Distinguished Service Cross, 85 years after he earned it. In the Pentagon's Hall of Heroes, Herman Johnson accepted the Army's second- highest military award Feb. 13 on behalf of his father, the late Sgt. Henry Johnson, for his heroic acts during World War I.
"This has been a life-long dream. Without this type of honor, this part of history for African-Americans would soon be lost," said Herman Johnson, a former Tuskegee Airman who was a baby while his father was forced to fight alongside America's allies.
African-American soldiers were not allowed to fight on the front lines during World War I, but the late Sgt. Henry Johnson and his unit from Harlem, N.Y., were so determined to fight for their country, they did so under the French flag.
Johnson distinguished himself as a hero while a private on guard duty. He and a fellow soldier were attacked by a raiding party of 24 Germans. In a hand-to-hand encounter, Johnson stopped his comrade from being taken prisoner. He kept fighting, despite receiving 21 wounds, until the Germans were chased away.
He was promoted to sergeant and received the Croix de Guerre with Gold Palm, the French's highest military award. Although Johnson's heroic act was featured in former president Theodore Roosevelt's book, "Rank and File: True Stories of the Great War," and Johnson's name and likeness was used by the Army to recruit minorities in 1918 and 1976, he received no official recognition from his own government.
After the war he went back home and returned to his job on the railroad.
"People ask, why did my father fight in a country that didn't recognize him as an equal, and then they wonder why did I follow suit 25 years later and struggle against the same prejudices.
"The answer is simply, this is my country. I love it, I'll fight to protect it," Johnson said.
The movement to recognize Henry Johnson was a collaborative effort between the New York State Division of Military & Naval Affairs and the 369th Veteran's Association.
Herman Johnson accepted the Distinguished Service Cross in the Hall of Heroes, with the wall behind him listing the names of Medal of Honor recipients.
"This is truly an honor," Herman Johnson said referring to the Distinguished Service Cross. "But I would truly like to see him get the Medal of Honor. He should be recognized in that manner because that's how you honor your heroes."
And a hero is how Lt. Gen. Roger Schultz, the director of the Army National Guard, described Sgt. Johnson, upon presenting the award to Herman Johnson.
"He was part of the 369th Harlem Hell Fighters from New York," Schultz said. "A regiment that never lost a thread of ground, a trench or a captured soldier. The enemy gave them their name. "
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Federal Laws Give Mobilized Guardsmen Peace of Mind
By Staff Sgt. Marcia Triggs
Army News Service
WASHINGTON, D.C.
Inquiries about federal laws that give financial relief to mobilized troops have doubled in recent months.
Some soldiers are discovering that debts incurred after they were mobilized, along with car leases and cell phone bills, are their personal responsibility, said an official from the Office of the Judge Advocate General.
Both the Soldiers' and Sailors' Civil Relief Act and the Uniformed Services Employment and Reemployment Rights Act were enacted for the protection of service members, and soldiers are fully briefed on their rights and benefits during the mobilization process, said John Meixell, a JAG attorney with the Department of the Army's Legal Assistance Policy Division.
Benefits don't come automatically, Meixell said. One of the benefits of the SSCRA is an interest cap. In order to get creditors to reduce interest rates to at least 6 percent on all debts made prior to active-duty, service members must provide their lenders with a written request, Meixell said.
"The 6 percent cap was designed to protect service members whose income is less while on active duty compared to as a civilian," Meixell said.
The cap is only for charges made prior to being mobilized, Meixell said, even if the card was acquired prior to service. Federally guaranteed student loans are not protected by the interest cap. In addition to the inertest cap, SSCRA provides mobilized soldiers with the option of terminating leases for property used for dwelling, professional, business or similar purposes.
"Automobile leases and cell phone contracts are not covered under the act," Meixell said. "Some soldiers thought they could terminate those contracts, and were hit with termination costs."
The Soldiers' and Sailors' Civil Relief Act of 1940 protects Army Reserve and National Guard members who are called to active duty. It protections cover them mortgage foreclosures, and adverse court proceedings. The protection begins on the date the reservist enters active-duty service and ends upon release from active duty.
"Re-employment and financial security are family issues too," said Dorothy Ogilvy-Lee, chief of Family Programs for the National Guard Bureau in Arlington, Va. "The families, including the children, need to know that their soldiers ... can go back to their civilian jobs after they have completed their military duties."
Under the Uniformed Services Employment and Reemployment Rights Act, enacted in 1994, employers must rehire service members returning from active duty, if the employees meet certain criteria.
"Before Sept. 11, we got calls from employers trying to get smart about the law and about their service members' rights," said Army Reserve Lt. Col. Paula Lorick. "After Sept. 11, we got more calls from employers asking how they can help the service members and their families.
"For every 10 employers who call, only one or two express concern about excessive orders," added Lorick about the fear that employers think their reservists are spending too much time in uniform and away from work.
For more information on Employer Support of the Guard and Reserve go to www.esgr.org, or for the Soldiers' and Sailors Relief Civil Act go to www.jagcnet.army.mil/legal.
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They Came. They Saw. They Stomped.
Documentary Film Highlights Rainbow Division Veteran
By Maj. Richard Goldenberg
HQ, 42nd ID (Mech)
NEW YORK CITY After more than 50 years of storage in an Albany basement, the story of Adolph Hitler's black top hat and its journey from Munich to New York was told on the big screen here at Lincoln Center. The premiere of "Hitler's Hat" was screened in Manhattan on January 14th after more than two years of independent filming and production.
The documentary film "Hitler's Hat" portrays the veterans of the 42nd Infantry Division during the final days of World War Two. The film follows the members of the 222nd Infantry Regiment's Intelligence and Reconnaissance Platoon at a Rainbow Division Veteran's Association reunion. The Rainbow veterans discuss their experiences together, the bonds of comradeship and of course, the liberation of Hitler's tuxedo top hat from his Munich apartment in April of 1945.
On April 29th, 1945 members of the Intel and Reconnaissance Platoon led the way for the division's liberation of the Dachau concentration camp. The Rainbow veterans had no idea what lay in store for them on that spring afternoon. At Dachau, the Rainbow men saw first hand the grim reality of the Nazi "final solution."
The next day the platoon was on the move again, this time into the deserted streets of Munich, where the Nazi Party had arisen. Hitler had a civilian apartment there and the platoon was sent in to try to gather any documents for military intelligence.
All they came up with was the black top hat. Richard Marowitz, the Rainbow veteran who came across the top hat in Hitler's residence remembers the day clearly. "'I swear to this day I could see his face in it,'' Marowitz described. "I threw it on the floor, jumped off the chair on the hat and smashed the hell out of it. That's how I got Hitler's hat."
Marowitz and his story are the centerpiece of the film. Independent filmmaker Jeff Krulik told the audience after the screening that this one Rainbow story just had to be told. "I just flipped when I heard the story," he told the hundreds of film festival attendees. "More than just this one hat, it is the story of the Rainbow's march across Europe, their liberation of Dachau and the extraordinary bond that made them closer than anyone can know," Krulik said.
It was said in the platoon that "when Hitler realized that a Jewish kid from Brooklyn had stomped on his top hat, he knew it was all over and so the F|hrer committed suicide." Motivations aside, Hitler did commit suicide at his Berlin bunker on April 30th, 1945.
Attending the world premiere of the film was Brig. Gen. Joseph Taluto, the current commander of the 42nd Infantry Division. "I am really honored to represent the thousands of men and women who proudly wear the Rainbow shoulder patch today," Taluto told the audience following the premiere. "They are the legacy of the Rainbow veterans who achieved so much so many years ago," he said.
Taluto presented unit coins from the 42nd Division to Krulik and his two assisting producers, Diane Bernard and Ann Petrone.
Marowitz made a point to the audience that the achievements of the World War II veterans are indeed carried forward. "I just want to make sure that everyone here knows of the role the Rainbow Division has even today," he told the city residents. "It was the Rainbow that went to the World Trade Center on that terrible day in 2001 and the men and women of the Rainbow who continue to serve during this War on Terror," he explained.
The film continues to debut in film festivals around the nation this winter. One of its venues in late March will be at the National Gallery of Art in Washington, D.C. Krulik and Marowitz expect to deliver copies of the film to the 42nd Division Headquarters in Troy, the New York State Military History Museum and Veterans Research Center and the Rainbow Division Veteran's Association.
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Chaplain's Assistant Becomes Minister Extraordinaire
Guard Times Staff
LATHAM A NYARNG chaplain's assistant has been appointed a Eucharistic Minister Extraordinaire in the Roman Catholic Church by a catholic military archbishop. Archbishop Edwin O'Brien appointed Staff Sergeant John A. Duffy following his completion of special military religious training jointly run by the U.S. Navy and Coast Guard.
The training involved enhanced spiritual counseling skills and intense work on sermon preparation. He is also now able to administer communion to Catholic military personnel, something that has previously been restricted to ordained priests and deacons. His training and new appointment mean he is now better able to serve the spiritual needs of military personnel who happen to be catholic. Chaplain (Major) Peter Daratsos of Headquarters Third Brigade, 42nd Infantry Division, arranged the training for Duffy through a family connection. Chaplain Daratsos' daughter serves in the Coast Guard and is personally aware of the special religious training program. Duffy has served the last 12 months on federal active duty as chaplain's assistant as a part of Operation Noble Eagle.
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NY Jets Salute NY National Guard
Guard Times Staff
MEADOWLANDS, NJ Aircrews of the New York Army National Guard provided an overflight at the New York Jets playoff game on Saturday, January 4th, 2003 In return, the fans at a packed Meadowlands stadium offered in return a standing ovation to honor the Guard members serving in the global war on terror.
With soldiers from the 27th Brigade serving on State Active Duty to assist security operations in New York City and members of the 106th Air Rescue Wing recently redeployed from the Middle East, the salute to the Guard was a joint honor from the crowd.
The UH-60 Blackhawks were flown by soldiers from the 3rd Battalion, 142nd Aviation Regiment. The aviation units, based both in Latham and Ronkonkoma, currently has soldiers deployed to the Balkans for support to the stabilization force mission there.
The aircrews and Guard soldiers, along with Maj. Gen. Thomas P. Maguire, The Adjutant General for the State of New York, were escorted onto the field at the end of the game's third quarter.
"The whole stadium went nuts," said Staff Sgt. James Storan, from the 106th Air Wing Security Forces Squadron at Westhampton Beach. Storan recently redeployed from Oman for Operation Enduring Freedom.
"It was amazing to have 80,000 people yelling and screaming at you," he exclaimed. The Jets added to the salute to the New York National Guard with a 41-0 trouncing defeat of the Indianapolis Colts.
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Deputy Adjutant General Retires
Guard Times Staff
LATHAM Following nearly eight years of service to the men and women of the New York National Guard, Brig. Gen. William C. Martin announced his retirement from military service on February 5th, 2003.
During a brief ceremony at the state headquarters, Martin, in typical fashion chose to focus on the future of the Guard and its members and shared some thoughts and ideas that reflect the very heart of his leadership approach.
"There are some real key things I want to leave with every serving member of the New York National Guard," Martin told the gathered members of the state headquarters staff in Latham in early February. "First, take the time to think. Think about where you are now, and where you want yourself to be. It sounds like the most obvious thing in the world, but it is one that we all too often fail to do.
"Second is to prioritize. Make a list of what you want to do and how you will spend your time getting there.
"Invest in your people. It is an Army creed to develop our subordinates; make it part of yours.
"Anticipate change, and more importantly, initiate change. Our organization would not be as flexible nor responsive today had we not implemented changes to our force structure and our people over the years.
And lastly, take the time to reflect. Look back on your achievements not only as milestones on your journey, but as learning tools to improve and look forward."
Martin, a Watervliet, native, has 25 years of service in the Army and Army National Guard. Commissioned in May of 1978 from Siena College, he served as an armor officer with the 3rd Armored Division and the 24th Infantry Division. He deployed with the 2nd Armored Cavalry Regiment for combat operations during Desert Storm. Later, Martin served with the Army's Personnel Center for Officer Assignments, Strategic Analyst for Gen. H. Norman Schwarzkopf at the Army Initiatives Group, and as Program Manager for the Force XXI Training Program.
In 1995, newly elected Governor George E. Pataki, state Commander-in-Chief, appointed Maj. Gen. Jack Fenimore as Adjutant General and Gen. Martin as Deputy Adjutant General, forging a leadership team that brought quantum change in the way the New York National Guard did business.
Martin concentrated primarily on the Army National Guard and after studying the situation, immediately implemented fresh approaches and innovation to address longstanding problems. He put forth new visions that were tied to emerging threats and the changing defense climate, changes that were later adopted at the national level. As Fenimore's leadership partner, Martin shared the helm when the New York National Guard was propelled from its then status as being one of the worst Guard states to becoming the very best.
When reflecting on the rejuvenated New York National Guard, Governor Pataki frequently praised Fenimore and especially Martin for his pivotal role in the Guard's resurgence in the last half of the 1990s, a re-orientation and revitalization that also brought national prominence.
Programs such as the tuition assistance benefit, the GuardHELP community assistance program, and the recruit training battalions all contributed to the state's improved ability to recruit and retain quality soldiers and airmen. Significant developments initiated by Martin led to improvements in emergency response capabilities and methods. This coincided with record levels of state emergency response mobilizations in 1998 and thereafter, and corresponding increases in federal call-ups for the NATO peacekeeping mission and the "War on Terror."
Maj. Gen.Thomas P. Maguire, The Adjutant General for the State of New York, named Col. David Sheppard to succeed Martin as Deputy Adjutant General in late February. Sheppard previously served as the Chief of Staff for the Division of Military and Naval Affairs.
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Soldiers of the Year
Army Guard Selects its Best for 2003
By Command Sgt. Major Robert Van Pelt
HQ, NY State Area Command
LATHAM New York Army National Guard units from across the state sent their best representatives to the state headquarters this February to determine the top soldiers.
The 2003 Soldier and Non-Commissioned Officer (NCO) of the Year Selection Board was held on February 22nd and 23rd at the Division of Military and Naval Affairs Headquarters. The board meets once each year to select candidates to represent the state at the First U.S. Army soldier competition and, if applicable, the Army's selection board for soldiers of the year.
Board members consist of some of the state's most senior enlisted soldiers, including Command Sgt. Major Robert Van Pelt, the New York State Command Sgt. Maj., Command Sgt. Maj. Walt Springhorn from the 53rd Troop Command and Command Sgt. Maj. Louis Wilson, from the 1st Battalion, 156th Field Artillery Regiment. Staff Sgt. Patricia Farrington of the 53rd Troop Command acted as the board recorder.
On Saturday, all candidates participated in a written test and a hands-on evaluation of soldier common tasks to determine their military knowledge and skills. Some of the common tasks tested included reacting to a chemical or biological hazard, tested by Command Sgt. Maj. James Harter, the maintenance of an M-16 rife, evaluated by Staff Sgt. Thomas Hart and Sgt. Javier Santana, employment of an M18A1 Claymore Mine, tested by Master Sgt. Tracy Mangels and performance of mouth-to-mouth resuscitation, evaluated by Staff Sgt. David Pratt.
The NCO candidates also were evaluated in the Army's formal request for medical evacuation of a casualty, tested by Master Sgt. Robert Comtois.
The prospective candidates returned to the Latham Armory Sunday morning and each appeared before a 20 minute interview board before the selection board met to tally the results of the weekend competition.
The Soldiers of the Year for the New York Army National Guard are:
Traditional Soldier of the Year Spc. Tammy L. Crawford - 56th Personnel Services Battalion, 53rd Troop Command. Spc. Crawford is a 96B10, Intelligence Analyst, with the 56th PSB. She joined the New York Army National Guard in November, 1999 and is employed by the NY Counterdrug Program. Crawford is single and resides in Malta, NY.
Active Guard and Reserve (AGR) Soldier of the Year Spc. Philip B. Guarno - Headquarters and Headquarters Company, 2nd Battalion, 108th Infantry Regiment., 27th Infantry Brigade (Light) Spc. Guarno is a 71L10, Administrative Clerk, with the personnel section in the infantry battalion headquarters. He joined the National Guard in April, 1985 and is employed in the AGR program at the Utica Armory. Guarno is single and resides in Utica, NY.
NCO of the Year Sgt. Thomas M. Olsen - Company A (-), 1st Battalion, 105th Infantry Regiment, 27th Infantry Brigade (Light) Sgt. Thomas is an 11B20, Infantryman Squad Leader, with Company. A(-). He has been a member of the military since August, 1992 and is employed by the NY Counterdrug Program. Olsen is single and resides in Peekskill, NY.
AGR NCO of the Year Sgt. 1st Class Rolland A. Miner - Headquarters and Headquarters Company, 2nd Battalion, 108th Infantry Regiment., 27th Infantry Brigade (Light)
Sgt. 1st Class Miner is an 11B40F7, Infantry Platoon Sergeant, with the Headquarters Company. He has served in the New York National Guard since July, 1986 and is employed in the AGR program as the Unit Readiness NCO. Miner is married and resides in Jordanville, NY.
In the First U.S. Army competition, each state can only send one soldier and one NCO. The selection board announced that Spc. Crawford and Sgt. Olsen will be the New York State representatives for the First Army's selection board. Spc. Guarno and Sgt. 1st Class Miner were designated by the board as the alternates.
The First Army selection board is expected to be held later this summer. Soldiers selected by the First Army will go on to the U.S. Army's Soldier of the Year selection competition to be held in early September.
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https://warfarehistorynetwork.com/article/soviet-disaster-in-the-crimea/
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Soviet Disaster in the Crimea
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By Pat McTaggart Christmas Day 1941 was anything but festive for the commander of German Army Group South’s 11th Army, General Erich von Manstein. He was currently involved in his toughest battle of the war to date. Staring at the maps spread before him, von Manstein followed the arrows that marked the advance of his […]
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Warfare History Network
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https://warfarehistorynetwork.com/article/soviet-disaster-in-the-crimea/
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By Pat McTaggart
Christmas Day 1941 was anything but festive for the commander of German Army Group South’s 11th Army, General Erich von Manstein. He was currently involved in his toughest battle of the war to date. Staring at the maps spread before him, von Manstein followed the arrows that marked the advance of his divisions.
“I want this to be over by New Year’s Day,” he said to his chief of operations, Colonel Theodor Busse. “The Soviet positions on the northern sector are ready to collapse. When that happens, the port will be ours.”
The port von Manstein was referring to was the important Soviet naval base of Sevastopol. Originally founded as Akhtiar (White Cliff) in June 1783 as a naval base for the expanding Russian Empire, the name was changed to Sevastopol by Catherine the Great in February 1784. She also ordered a fortress to be built to protect the port. During the Crimean War the city underwent a siege by British, French, Turkish, and Sardinian troops in 1855-1856, holding off the attackers for 11 months before falling.
Von Manstein had no intention of taking that much time to conquer the fortress.When his 11th Army advanced across the Perekop Peninsula in late September it was met with heavy Soviet resistance before finally breaking through Russian positions guarding the entrance to the Crimea. Once those positions had been breached, von Manstein was able to spread his forces out with part of the army heading to Sevastopol while another part pushed eastward toward the port of Kerch.
By November 17, the entire Crimea was in German hands, save for the area around Sevastopol. Massive forts guarded the northern approaches to the city, and the Germans were able to take them one by one until only a few remained.
Most of the 11th Army was poised to strike Sevastopol. General Erik Hansen’s LIV Army Corps (22nd, 24th, 50th, and 132nd Infantry Divisions) would strike the northern Soviet positions while General Hans von Salmuth’s XXX Army Corps (72nd and the arriving 170th Infantry Divisions and the 1st Romanian Mountain Brigade) would keep the Russians off guard east of the city.
To achieve the concentration of troops von Manstein thought was necessary to take the city, he had stripped Maj. Gen. Hans Graf von Sponeck’s XLII Army Corps of all but one of its divisions. Along with two Romanian infantry brigades, von Sponeck had Maj. Gen. Kurt Himer’s 46th Infantry Division to defend the coastline along the Kerch Peninsula.
On the mainland, the Soviet winter offensive had been in full swing for almost three weeks. Von Manstein knew that this would be his best chance to take Sevastopol before the ramifications of that offensive were felt in his command. He had soundly defeated Lt. Gen. Pavel Ivanovich Batov’s 51st Army when his forces had taken the Crimea during the previous two months. When the Kerch Peninsula was finally evacuated, approximately 50,000 Red Army personnel made their way back across the Kerch Strait, but less than a third of them were able-bodied combat troops. Batov’s army also lost all of its heavy equipment.
Von Manstein believed he had little to fear from the Soviet forces positioned across the Kerch Strait in the Taman Peninsula. He was dead wrong.
Lieutenant General Dmitri Timofeevich Kozlov’s Trans-Caucasus Front, which would become the Caucasus Front on December 30 and the Crimean Front on January 28, had two frontline armies at his disposal and another in reserve. Maj. Gen. Konstantin Fedorovich Baranov’s 47th Army had two mountain and two infantry divisions, and Lt. Gen. Vladimir Nikolaevich L’vov’s 51st Army had one mountain and 10 infantry divisions plus the 12th Rifle Brigade. Colonel Alexsei Nikolaevich Peruvshin’s 44th Army consisted of one mountain and two infantry divisions plus the 56th Tank Brigade and the 126th Tank Battalion. Kozlov also had some arriving infantry and tank units to use as a reserve.
The Soviet high command (Stavka) had already ordered Kozlov to plan a series of amphibious landings on the Kerch Peninsula before von Manstein planned his final assault on Sevastopol. Kozlov and his chief of staff, Maj. Gen. Fedor Ivanovich Tolbukhin, had about two weeks to plan the Red Army’s first major amphibious operation. They had little to go on. The Black Sea Fleet had suffered heavy losses during the previous months, and Rear Admiral Sergei Georgievich Gorshkov’s Azov Flotilla was in the same shape. Consequently, the Soviets had to rely on anything that would float, including gunboats, fishing trawlers, transports and self-propelled barges. There were no amphibious landing craft to be found, so Gorshkov would have to use whale boats to ferry troops unloading from the transports to the shore.
A message reached von Manstein’s headquarters late on Christmas night. It stated that Soviet forces had been observed in the Kerch Strait, but there was no mention of their size. Thinking that the Russians could mount nothing more than minor raids, he was confident that von Sponeck could handle the situation.
The Soviets began landing in force in the early hours of December 26. North of Kerch elements of the 51st Army’s 224th Rifle Division landed at Capes Khroni, Tarhan, and Zyuk and Bulganak Bay. Due to rough seas and winds of 17 to 21 knots, the landings went anything but smoothly.
The II/Rifle Regiment, 160/224th Rifle Division was slated to land at Cape Khroni. About 700 troops were ashore by 0630, but the battalion had lost several troops due to hypothermia or drowning. German troops stationed north of Kerch were surprisingly unresponsive to the landing, and the Soviets were able to put a second battalion ashore along with a platoon of light tanks and some light artillery in the next few hours.
At Cape Tarhan the landing was a disaster with only 18 of the 1,000 men deployed reaching the beach. The Cape Zyuk landing went the same way. Only 290 men of the landing force made it ashore.
Soviet forces landing at Bulganak Bay were in a little better shape. Along with the approximately 1,450 soldiers that made it to the beach, the Russians were able to land a pair of 70mm howitzers, two 45mm antitank guns, and three light tanks.
Although the German forces stationed on the northern coastline offered little resistance to the landings, the Soviet incursions had been reported to higher headquarters. By midmorning the Luftwaffe had arrived over the landing sites. Targeting the ships off the beaches, they bombed and strafed several troop-laden vessels. About 450 Red Army soldiers were lost when the cargo ship Voroshilovwas sunk.
About 10 kilometers south of Kerch, elements of the 302nd Rifle Division began landing at about 0500. Alert German sentries reported Soviet vessels approaching the beaches at Kamysh Burun and Eltigen. The alarm was sounded, and two battalions of Colonel Ernst Maisel’s Inf. Rgt. 42/46 I.D. stationed at the towns were in defensive positions within minutes.
At Kamysh Burun, a small part of the landing force made it to the beach and took cover in some buildings near the shore. German fire forced a second wave to retreat. A third wave was able to reinforce the Russians on the beach, but only about 40 percent of the 5,000-man force scheduled to land was now on Crimean soil.
The landing at Eltigen was an unmitigated disaster. As the Soviets waded toward the beaches, the II/IR 42 opened fire. The Red Army soldiers in the surf did not have a chance, and the shore was soon filled with bodies, while others floated lifelessly in the sea.
Himer’s headquarters was located about 25 kilometers east of Kerch. Steady reports of Soviet landings had been pouring into his communications center, but he had no firm intelligence concerning where the main concentration of Russian forces was located. With only the six battalions of Maisel’s 42nd and Colonel Friedrich Schmidt’s 72nd Infantry Regiments available in the eastern part of the peninsula, it would be difficult to defend the entire area. Himer’s third regiment, Lt. Col. Alexander von Bentheim’s 97th, was spread out dozens of kilometers to the west performing security duties.
Contacting the 97th, Himer ordered von Bentheim to move his two nearest battalions, the 1st and 3rd, to the incursion at Zyuk. It would not be an easy move. Rain had turned the few roads in the area into a sticky morass of clinging mud. The artillery battery accompanying Captain Karl Bock’s III/IR 97 had to be manhandled again and again as the guns became stuck. Farther west the II/IR 97, stationed in the port city of Feodosia about 90 kilometers southwest of Kerch, was also ordered to move toward the northeast.
If things were confused at Himer’s headquarters, they were downright impossible to sort out at von Sponeck’s command post, located west of the Parpach Isthmus at Islam-Terek about 110 kilometers west of Kerch. Von Sponeck had just turned 53 and had served as a frontline officer and battalion adjutant in World War I. Wounded three times during the war, he had stayed in the postwar German Army and had commanded the 22nd Infantry Division during the invasion of the Low Countries. His leadership earned him the Knight’s Cross on May 5, 1940.
With the situation still unclear, von Sponeck alerted his two Romanian brigades and ordered them to head east to support Himer. He also contacted von Manstein asking permission to plan for the evacuation of the Kerch Peninsula if the situation warranted it. If necessary, he planned to stop the Soviets at the Parpach Isthmus, which was only about 25 kilometers wide.
Von Manstein would have none of it and ordered von Sponeck to stand his ground. Himer was to clear out the Soviet bridgeheads and prevent future landings. In his memoirs von Manstein wrote, “If the enemy succeeded in establishing a firm footing at Kerch, the upshot would be a second front in the Crimea and an extremely dangerous situation for the entire army as long as Sevastopol remained untaken.”
While remaining firm about von Sponeck holding his positions, von Manstein dispatched the 4th and 5th Romanian Mountain Brigades to Feodosia. He also ordered a regimental group of the 73rd ID to prepare to move east.
The condition of the roads continued to slow the movement of von Bentheim’s forward battalions. Advance elements reached their jump-off positions by late morning on the 26th. By the time the main body of Bock’s III/IR 97 was starting to deploy, it was already past noon. Bock was unaware that the fragile Zyuk bridgehead had received reinforcements in the form of a battalion from the 83rd Naval Brigade and some T-26 light tanks.
As the Germans deployed, the Soviets launched a spoiling attack supported by three tanks. The Germans were forced back for a time, but a 37mm antitank gun was rushed forward. Commanded by Corporal Max Freyberger, the gun managed to disable or destroy the tanks, stopping the Russian momentum. Launching a counterattack, Bock’s men managed to push the Soviets back to their original positions, but he could go no farther. The attack to destroy the bridgehead had to be postponed until the following day.
During the night the I/IR 97 arrived along with two 105mm howitzers. With temperatures plummeting, the two battalion commanders worked out their battle plan. While infantry, supported by the howitzers, attacked from the southwest, an engineer company would put up a blocking position east of the beachhead. Luftwaffe support was also promised.
The attack began in freezing weather shortly after dawn. With artillery fire hitting the Soviet positions, the German assault forces moved forward. Russian fire slowed the advance, but the appearance of some Junkers Ju-87 Stuka dive bombers from Major Clemens Graf on Schöborn-Wiesentheid’s Sturzkampf Gesch-wader (St.G—Stuka Wing) 77 soon silenced the stronger Soviet positions. After the dive bombers left, a half dozen Heinkel He-111 bombers followed up, dropping their lethal packages directly on the beachhead. By late afternoon the Soviet position was taken. At the cost of about 40 killed and wounded, the Germans had killed nearly 300 Russians and had taken another 458 prisoners.
At Cape Khroni the two battalions of Schmidt’s IR 72 were also able to destroy the Soviet bridgehead. All that remained of the Russian assault forces were pockets at Bulganak Bay and Kamysh Burun. Those forces were surrounded, and Himer and von Sponeck planned to deal with them the following day. That plan fell apart during the early hours of December 29.
Soviet troops had been loading on ships in Taman Peninsula ports since the afternoon of December 28. The wind had subsided somewhat, allowing the advance elements of a new invasion fleet to weigh anchor by dusk. Crammed aboard the light cruiser Krasny Kavkaz,the destroyers Nyezamozknik, Shaumyan,and Zhelezniakov,and a host of smaller vessels, the Red Army soldiers endured the elements on open decks as the force moved toward its objective: Feodosia.
All seemed calm in the city as the assault convoy approached the port. With the departure of the II/IR 97, the garrison had been reduced to a skeleton force. The coastal defenses consisted of two artillery battalions (II/AR 54 and I/AR 77) that had a combined total of six Czech-made 150mm howitzers, four World War I-era 100mm howitzers, and 11 World War I-era 150mm howitzers. Also in the area were the lightly armed engineers of Lt. Col. Hans von Ahlfen’s Engineer Staff (for special purposes) 617 comprising 700-800 men.
The darkness in the port was broken at 0350 on the 29th as the Soviet ships fired their first star shells. With enemy targets now identified, the Russian warships opened fire with a barrage that lasted about 15 minutes. On the heels of the bombardment, a naval infantry force landed on the harbor mole and captured its lighthouse.
Startled German forces began responding, but the fire was ragged. More naval infantry arrived as the Soviet destroyers pulled alongside the mole and disgorged their passengers. At 0500 the Krasny Kavkazarrived at the mole. More than 1,850 men from the 633rd Rifle Regiment of Colonel Dmitrii Semenovich Kuropatenko’s 157th Rifle Division poured off the deck, adding to the needed numbers to take the town.
As the first light of dawn appeared, German gunners were finally able to properly identify targets, and the Krasny Kavkazmade a good one. Although the ship was hit 17 times, Captain 1st Rank Aleksei M. Guscin gave as good as he got. Several enemy machine-gun and artillery positions were destroyed by the cruiser’s 180mm guns. Under the cover of Guscin’s fire, more Soviet ships unloaded troops, vehicles, and artillery, and by 1000 hours the Germans were forced to abandon the port and most of the town.
Von Sponeck was being kept apprised of the situation, and he realized that the Soviet landing posed a grave threat to the troops on the Kerch Peninsula. He had no troops available to stop the Russians from forming a line across the Parpach Isthmus, trapping Himer and threatening the rear of the German forces besieging Sevastopol. There were already 4,500 Soviet troops in Feodosia by noon, and more were pouring in every hour. Although the Luftwaffe made a brief appearance, the landings were not seriously disrupted. By evening, elements of three rifle divisions had come ashore.
In a telephone conversation with von Manstein, von Sponeck again requested that Himer’s division be allowed to withdraw to the Parpach Isthmus, but the request was firmly denied. Von Sponeck had already ordered Brig. Gen. Cornelius Teodorini’s 8th Romanina Cavalry Brigade to do an about face and return to Feodosia, while Brig. Gen. Gheorghe Manoliu’s 4th Romanian Mountain Brigade was moved forward to prevent the Soviets from breaking out of the city to the west.
While ordering von Sponeck to hold his positions, von Manstein promised to send Brig. Gen. Erwin Sander’s 170th Infantry Division and a combat group of the 73rd Infantry Division under Lt. Col. Otto Hitzfeld to wrest Feodosia from the Russians. Von Sponeck was dubious. He then took matters into his own hands. After notifying 11th Army headquarters that he was evacuating the Kerch Peninsula, he severed all communications with von Manstein.
In his memoirs von Manstein wrote, “We were notified by radio that Count Sponeck had ordered the immediate evacuation of the peninsula because of the new landing at Feodosia. Though we immediately issued a countermand, it was never picked up by XLII Corps signal. While fully appreciating the corps anxiety not to be cut off by the enemy at Feodosia, we didn’t believe that the situation would in any way be improved by a headlong withdrawal.”
At 0830 on December 30, Himer ordered his dispersed regiments to begin a forced march to the west. At the same time the Romanians were ordered to launch an attack on the Soviet forces at Feodosia. The average Romanian soldier was brave, but he had poor leadership and outdated weapons. When the order to attack came the brigades had just finished a grueling march in freezing weather. They were led forward without artillery support, faltered, and then were driven back by a Russian counterattack that pushed the Feodosia bridgehead farther out to the north and west with some Soviet armor getting as far as the outskirts of Stary Krim, about 25 kilometers west of Feodosia.
Meanwhile, Himer’s troops trekked westward throughout the 30th and 31st in a snowstorm and temperatures below zero. Some faced a march of more than 120 kilometers. By the time the forward elements of Himer’s division reached Vladislavovka, located almost in the center of the Parpach Isthmus, they found the town occupied by L’vov’s 63rd Mountain Division. With the division’s heavy weapons far to the rear, there was no choice but to bypass the town and march across the snow-covered fields to the north.
As Soviet reconnaissance patrols probed the German line on the Kerch Peninsula, they reported the enemy withdrawal. The Kerch Strait was now mostly frozen due to the sub-zero temperatures, and troops could be brought over by foot and by vehicle. As soon as units arrived on the peninsula, they were sent piecemeal to the west in pursuit of the Germans. While Himer’s division was pulling into the area just west of Parpach, the Red Army was taking back the Kerch Peninsula, including the port of Kerch, which was taken by the men of Colonel Mikhail Konstantinovich Zubkov’s 302nd Rifle Division.
The arriving elements of the 46th Infantry Division immediately began digging new positions. With the arrival of Group Hitzfeld, a tenuous line was formed about 20 kilometers west of Feodosia with Manolius’s mountain brigade dug in around Stary Krim and the German units manning positions to the north. The Soviets were not long in testing those positions.
A combined infantry-tank attack hit Hitzfeld’s group, which was supported by four assault guns from Assault Gun Detachment 197. The assault guns waited patiently as the 16 T-26 tanks that were supporting the Soviet infantry approached. “Open fire at 500 meters,” came the command.
It seemed an eternity, but the Soviet tanks were finally at the specified distance. As one, the four assault guns spat fire. Hit after hit left 16 blazing wrecks on the battlefield, and the Russian infantry retreated in disorder.
It is only speculation to consider the possibility that a coordinated attack by the 44th and 51st Armies that were now in the Kerch Peninsula could have broken the German line in the first days of 1942, but von Manstein commented on it in his memoirs, writing, “Had the Soviet commander [L’vov] pressed home his advantage properly by pursuing 46th Division really hard from Kerch and thrusting relentlessly after the Romanians fell back from Feodosia, the fate of the entire 11th Army would have been at stake. As it happened, he did not know when to take time by the forelock. Either he did not realize what a chance he had, or else he did not venture to seize it.”
Von Manstein was forced to call off his assault on Sevastopol because of the developments. He left enough units to keep the fortress surrounded and then ordered Brig. Gen. Maximilian Fretter-Pico, who had replaced von Salmuth in late December, to move his XXX Corps east to bolster the Parpach defenses and to prepare for an assault to take back Feodosia.
Now it was time for von Sponeck to pay the piper. In severing communications with the 11th Army and intentionally disobeying a direct order from von Manstein, he had done something that was unthinkable at the time in Hitler’s Wehrmacht. Von Manstein relieved him on New Year’s Eve, replacing him with General Franz Mattenklott.
On his return to Berlin, von Sponeck stood before a court martial presided over by Reichsmarschall Hermann Göring. The court’s sentence was reduction to the ranks, forfeiture of all orders and decorations, and death, which was later commuted to seven years’ fortress detention. He languished in prison until July 23, 1944, when he was executed by an SS firing squad during the aftermath of the July 20 assassination attempt on Hitler.
Himer’s 46th Infantry Division also received a startling sentence of sorts. Early in January the division’s regimental commanders were ordered to report to 46th headquarters where an emotional Himer read a message from the new commander of Army Group South, Field Marshal Walter von Reichenau. It stated, “Because of its slack reaction to the Russian landing on the Kerch Peninsula, as well as its precipitate withdrawal from the Peninsula, I hereby declare 46th Division forfeit of its soldierly honor. Decorations and promotions are in abeyance until countermanded.”
After marching across the peninsula on orders of the corps commander and then stopping the Soviets at Parpach, the officers were too stunned to reply to the slap in the face that von Reichenau had given them. However, the loss of honor for the division did not last long. On January 15, von Reichenau suffered a stroke. He was replaced by Field Marshal Fedor von Bock, who issued the following order of the day toward the end of the month: “For its outstanding performance in the defensive fighting in the isthmus since the beginning of January, I express my very special commendation to the 46th Division and shall be looking forward to recommendations for promotions and decorations.”
While the 46th occupied positions on the northern sector of the isthmus, Fretter-Pico prepared his two divisions for an attack to retake Feodosia. Peruvshin had enlarged his bridgehead, but in doing so he could not focus his forces on one central point of attack. His 236th Rifle Division (Maj. Gen. Vasilii Konstantinovich Morzov) occupied a line facing the Germans about 14 kilometers north of Feodosia. The two other divisions inside the bridgehead were spread out on either side of Morzov’s division.
Besides the two divisions from his XXX Corps (Brig. Gen. Fritz Lindemann’s 132nd and Brig. Gen. Erwin Sander’s 170th), Fretter-Pico had Group Hitzfeld, two battalions from Himer’s 46th, three assault guns from Major Gerhard, and a few assault guns from Major Heinz Steinwach’s Assault Gun Detachment 197. Along with additional assault guns and Romanian troops, these units moved into positions to effectively stem any enlargement of the bridgehead to the north and west.
Peruvshin seemed content to wait for more reinforcements and for the arrival of L’vov’s 51st Army at Parpach before he made his next move. On January 5, the 46th reported that advance elements of L’vov’s army had arrived, but the main units of his divisions were still coming forward. The artillery elements of the 51st were even farther back on the peninsula and would take days to travel over the frozen ground to reach Parpach.
The Germans were able to strike first. On January 15, artillery fire hit Morzov’s forward positions. About five kilometers behind these positions, the main elements of the 236th Rifle Division were entrenched along a ridgeline. While the German artillery pounded the forward positions, Luftwaffe aircraft appeared and dropped their deadly ordnance along the ridge, severing communications and generally creating havoc.
At 0600 the order came, “Aufmarsch—zum Angriff! (“Deploy—to the attack).” Group Hitzfeld, supported by Himer’s I/IR 42 and II/IR 42, advanced quickly. The dazed Russians in the forward positions stood no chance against the Germans. At the village of Novopokrovka, a pair of T-26 light tanks tried to stop the enemy advance. They were knocked out by a section of guns from Assault Gun Detachment 190. The section, commanded by 1st Lt. Cardeno, continued to advance, but it soon came under direct fire from a 76.2mm gun battery. One assault gun, commanded by Lieutenant von Harnier, received a direct hit, killing the commander and his gunner. The remaining two assault guns were able to destroy the Russian battery as the German infantry continued to advance.
Peruvshin had been caught by surprise. To make matters worse, his headquarters came under air attack. The general was critically wounded during the bombing. The Russians were still unaware of German intentions, and it was thought that the attack on the 236th Rifle Division might be a feint to obscure a German attempt to take the village of Vladyslavivka. Therefore, instead of moving forces to assist Soviet units at Feodosia, both the 44th and 51st Armies sent units to reinforce the Vladyslavivka sector.
The bombing of the ridgeline, coupled with the Germans’ lightning attack, made it possible for Hitzfeld’s men to secure Morozov’s main line, giving them a perfect observation point that allowed most of the Soviets’ positions to be seen. As the troops settled in for the night, Hitzfeld was already planning his next move.
“We knew that we had them,” Hitzfeld wrote in 1983. “My observers could call in artillery fire on the Russian positions, and the 132nd was already on the move on our right flank. My men would keep the Russians to our front busy while the 132nd would drive on Feodosia.”
On the 16th, the infantry moved forward again. To Hitzfeld’s left the two battalions of the 46th headed toward the heights southwest of Vladslavivka. They were supported by two assault guns under the command of Lt. Damman. The two guns stumbled into an assembly area for Russian tanks and infantry. Supported by some of the German infantry, Damman ordered his guns to attack the unprepared enemy. Tank crews were mowed down by rifle and machine-gun fire before they could react, and Damman’s gunfire destroyed tank after tank. When the cease-fire was given, 16 T-26s were smoldering wrecks. An antitank gun and several mortars and machine guns were also destroyed.
Lindemann’s 132nd moved forward on the 17th, driving into the northern sector of Feodosia. To the right of the 132nd, Sander’s 170th Infantry Division also made good progress. On the following day, Major Franz Griesbach’s IR 170/170 ID reached the center of the city followed by other units that flushed out the remaining survivors. The Soviets had fought desperately, but they could not stop the German juggernaut. In his memoirs von Manstein wrote that the Soviets had lost 6,700 killed with 177 guns and 85 tanks destroyed. German casualties from XXX Corps numbered 243 dead or missing and 752 wounded.
With the capture of Feodosia complete, Fretter-Pico continued to attack the remaining two divisions of the 44th Army. In the north, XLII Corps joined in, catching L’vov’s force off guard and pushing it back 22 kilometers. By the end of the 20th, the two German corps had advanced to the narrowest part of the Parpach Isthmus, but they did not have the strength or the supplies to go any farther. As the Germans dug in, the Russians did the same. The 20-kilometer-wide Parpach Narrows soon resembled a scene from the Western Front in World War I as both sides strengthened their positions with outposts and barbed wire.
Although Soviet reinforcements continued to flow across the Kerch Strait, the Russians were unable to make any headway against the German positions. Besides having logistical problems, Kozlov, who had just been named commander of the newly created Crimean Front, had to deal with Corps Commissar Lev Zakharovich Mekhlis. Mekhlis’s job at the front headquarters was to make sure that the Crimea would be liberated.
A close cohort of Stalin, Mekhlis was known for his ruthlessness. He had been actively involved in the army purges of the 1930s, and he had ordered the execution of the commander of the 44th Rifle Division during the early disasters of the Winter War against Finland.
Mekhlis was constantly at odds with Kozlov. With no military background, he demanded that arriving reinforcements attack the Germans as soon as they arrived at the Parpach Line. His inane orders cost the Soviets thousands of lives from late January to the end of February and gained nothing.
Notwithstanding those losses, Mekhlis, on orders from Moscow, forced Kozlov to launch four offensives between February 27 and March 11. The first offensive began with an artillery barrage from more than 200 guns. The attack was aimed at Mattenklott’s XLII Corps, anchored in the north by positions on the Sivash, a vast salty marsh. L’vov’s 51st Army used five divisions in the attack. Although the initial armor-supported attack succeeded in driving back the 18th Infantry Regiment of Brig. Gen. Nicolae Costeacu’s 18th Romanian Infantry Division, which was holding the area on the southern side of the Sivash, Kozlov was unable to commit his heavy armor due to the soft terrain, leaving only his light tanks to support the infantry.
The combined Russian force advanced about 4½ kilometers the first day but was stopped when Mattenklott sent German reinforcements to plug the gap left by the Romanians. Several Soviet tanks were knocked out by German artillery and antitank guns.
On the 28th, Kozlov ordered the 77th Rifle Division of Maj. Gen. Konstantin Stepanovich Kolganov’s 47th Army, which was held in reserve in the eastern Kerch Peninsula, to enter the fray. The 77th did succeed in bending Mattenklott’s left flank, but the German line did not break.
A frustrated Kozlov moved his attack farther south, going up against a German strongpoint at the small village of Koi-Asan. Four tank brigades and a tank battalion, supported by two infantry divisions, were committed to the attack. They ran into a wall of fire from German antitank guns. The defenders were supported by Captain Helmut Bode’s III/StG 77, which fell upon the Soviet armor like hawks on field mice. By the end of the day, the Russians had lost at least 90 tanks, forcing Kozlov to call off the offensive.
A furious Stalin ordered another offensive to begin within 10 days—barely enough time for Kozlov to make good his losses. Mekhlis blamed Kozlov’s chief of staff, Maj. Gen. Fedor Ivanovich Tolbukhin, who would later rise to the rank of Marshal of the Soviet Union, for the failed offensive. He was relieved on March 10 and replaced by Maj. Gen. Petr Pantelimonovich Vechnyi, who had accompanied Mekhlis from Moscow.
Kozlov opened his next offensive at 0900 on March 13. Once again, Koi-Asan, which the Germans had reinforced with an extensive minefield and more antitank guns, was the main target. A force of three rifle divisions from the 51st Army took part in the assault. They were supported by more than 200 tanks that were spread out piecemeal among the infantry as a reserve on Mekhlis’s orders.
After three days of failure, Mekhlis ordered Kozlov to commit his armor. Churning up mud as they crossed the soggy ground, the tanks were met by antitank fire and the assault guns of 1/Assault Gun Detachment 197 and 2/Assault Gun Detachment 249. Lieutenant Johann Spielmann described the action in a 1987 letter to the author: “We had excellent cover, and we waited until the slow-moving Russian tanks were at mid-range. My section fired again and again, making several hits. We destroyed 14 tanks in two days, mostly T-34s. It was like shooting on the practice range.”
In all, the Russians lost 157 tanks to antitank guns and assault gun fire. The battle raged until March 20, when Kozlov was once again forced to admit failure and withdraw his battered forces. A third offensive began on March 26 and suffered a similar fate.
Both sides had received reinforcements before the fourth offensive began on April 9. Kozlov once again received more infantry and tanks, and on the German side Maj. Gen. Johann Sinnhuber’s 28th Light Division was moved into the Parpach Line.
When the Soviets began their offensive early on April 9, Koi-Asan was again the main objective. The assault ran into trouble from the start. Several tanks were destroyed by a new antitank weapon, the 28mm tapered bore gun, which had a low silhouette. A corporal in the 28th, Emanuel Czernik, was able to destroy seven T-26s and an armored car on the first day using the weapon. After days of fighting, the Soviets once again withdrew.
The first four months of 1942 had ended with catastrophic losses for the Soviets in the Crimea. Between Kerch and Sevastopol, the Russians lost 352,000 killed, wounded, or captured. Most of those casualties were suffered trying to break the German line at Parpach. In comparison, von Manstein lost a little over 24,000 killed, wounded, or missing.
With Hitler planning his summer offensive to take Stalingrad, it became imperative that Sevastopol be taken as soon as possible. Von Manstein realized that this would not be possible with his rear still threatened by the three Soviet armies occupying Kerch. Therefore, even while the battles for Parpach raged his staff was working on a plan to destroy the enemy in the Kerch Peninsula. It was codenamed Unterneh-men Trappenjagd (Operation Bustard Hunt).
The German and Romanian forces designated for the operation would be outnumbered by more than two to one. Although the Russians had suffered horrendous casualties during the previous months, Kozlov could still field 17 infantry divisions, two cavalry divisions, three rifle brigades, and four tank brigades in the Kerch Peninsula.
The main Soviet defensive line lay in front of a 10-meter-wide, five-meter-deep antitank ditch that ran across the width of the approximately 20-kilometer-wide Parpach Isthmus. East of the ditch, a second defensive line known as the Nasyr Line was constructed as a fallback point in the event the Germans breached the Parpach position. A final position, the Sultanovka Line, was built about 40 kilometers east of the Nasyr Line.
In the air, Kozlov would count on a force of 176 fighters and 225 bombers from Maj. Gen. Evgenii Makarovich Nikolaenko’s Air Forces Crimean Front. Unfortunately, many of those aircraft were obsolete and were clearly outclassed by German models. Nikolaenko was also short of reliable reconnaissance aircraft—something that would play right into von Manstein’s plan.
Since the left flank of the Russian line, anchored by the Black Sea, was marsh-filled terrain, Kozlov expected any possible German assault to take place on his right in the 51st Army sector. Therefore, he strengthened L’vov’s force, bringing a total of eight rifle divisions, three rifle brigades, and two tank brigades to man the approximately nine-kilometer front.
Defending the left, the 44th Army, now commanded by Lt. Gen. Stepan Ivanovich Cherniak, had five rifle divisions and two tank units. Kozlov placed more tank and cavalry units behind the main line to use as a mobile reserve. Kolganov’s 47th Army was in position farther east with four rifle divisions and a cavalry division.
Trappenjagd was reminiscent of von Manstein’s plan to drive through the Ardennes in 1940. Once again he planned to use terrain as an ally. He ordered Mattenklott’s XXX Corps (46th and 50th Infantry Divisions) and General Florea Mitranescu’s VII Romanian Corps (10 and 19th Romanian Infantry Divisions and 8th Romanian Cavalry Brigade) to fake preparations for an all-out attack on the 51st Army, which fit with Kozlov’s assessment of where the main thrust would fall.
While Kozlov kept his eyes to the north, von Manstein planned to use Fretter-Pico’s XXX Corps to drive through the marshland and hit Cherniak’s army with the 132nd and 170th Infantry Divisons, the 28th Light Division, and a motorized group commanded by Colonel Karl von Groddeck. Brig. Gen. Wilhelm von Apell’s 22nd Panzer Division, which had recently arrived in the Crimea, would be held in reserve to exploit the breakthrough. Also included in the plan was an amphibious landing behind the Russian frontline positions to further disorganize the Soviets.
Von Manstein’s trump card was the Luftwaffe. While German fighters destroyed or kept Russian reconnaissance aircraft from flying over German lines, the commander of the VIII Fliegerkorps (Air Corps), General Wolfram von Richthofen, set up his headquarters in the village of Klyuchoye, about nine kilometers west of Feodosia, on May 1. During the next week the Luftwaffe presence in the Crimea swelled to a total of 555 combat aircraft, which were scattered in airfields around von Richthofen’s headquarters. When Trappenjagd was ready to begin, elements of Jägdgeschwader (Fighter Wing) 52 and 77 and Kampfgeschwader (Bomber Wing) 26, 27, 51, 76, and 100 would be available. There would also be two groups from Schlachgeschwader (SchG.-Ground Attack Wing) 1 and all of von Schönborn-Wiesenthied’s StG 77 participating in the air assault.
The forces under von Richthofen performed double duties once they reached the Crimea. To gain air superiority, Russian airfields on the peninsula became the objects of bombing and fighter attacks. In one such attack on May 2, German escort fighters shot down 32 Soviet planes without a single loss while the accompanying bombers destroyed several more on the ground.
Von Richthofen was also tasked with interdicting the Soviet supply line to Kerch. Since it would be next to impossible to keep a constant air presence over the narrow Kerch Strait, he concentrated his bombers on the key ports of Kerch and Kamysk-Burun on the east coast of the Crimea and Novorossiysk and Tupase on the Taman Peninsula. Because of the damaged port facilities, supplies to Kozlov’s armies slowed to a trickle. The bombers also further weakened Kozlov’s forces by hitting targets on Kerch that included fuel and ammunition dumps, artillery and antiaircraft positions, and infantry installations and troop concentrations.
Just before dawn on May 8, the German artillery opened up accompanied by rockets, heavy howitzers, and von Richthofen’s antiaircraft guns, which could also be used for direct fire missions. Soviet positions disappeared as the fire crept forward. The barrage on the forward enemy defenses lasted 10 minutes, after which the German infantry surged toward the positions of Cherniak’s 63rd Mountain Rifle Division and the 276th Rifle Division, which held a 61/2-kilometer stretch of the Russian line. Bombers flew overhead and shattered the bunkers and gun emplacements in the main defensive line.
German fighters ruled the air over Kerch and the Kerch Strait, shooting down more than 80 enemy aircraft that rose to challenge them. The Russians were able to shoot down 10 German planes and damage 10 more, but they essentially lost control of the sky by the end of the first day.
As Stukas from StG 77 pounded a strongly fortified position known as the “Tartar Hill,” the Silesians of the 28th Light Division, supported by 21 assault guns, moved around the hill and struck the 63rd Mountain Rifle Division’s 346th Rifle Regiment, virtually destroying it. The now isolated 251st Rifle Regiment, which was holding the hill, was soon overwhelmed and also destroyed.
The third regiment of the 63rd, the 291st, met the same fate at the hands of the Bavarians from Lindemann’s 132nd. Surviving remnants of the 63rd were soon streaming east toward the main defense line, which was held by the 157th and 404th Rifle Divisions on the western edge of the antitank ditch. Although Cherniak had his armored reserve (56th Tank Brigade and 126th Tank Battalion) stationed around Arma Eli, about 15 kilometers to the rear, he did not order it forward at this critical time.
Lindemann’s IR 438 and Sinnhuber’s Jäger Regiment 49 pushed through the Soviet main defense line and reached the western side of the antitank ditch before 0600. Less than two hours later the 49th had secured a bridgehead on the eastern side. An attack by the 126th Tank Battalion, which had finally moved forward, was beaten back by the 190th Assault Gun Detachment with the loss of only one German gun for 24 destroyed Soviet tanks.
North of Sinnhuber, Brig. Gen. Friedrich Schmidt’s 50th Infantry Division had harder going against the 276th Rifle Division. The marshy ground and muddy roads made movement difficult, and it took most of the day to push the 276th back to the antitank ditch. Lieutenant Spielmann, who had taken command of the 1/Assault Gun Detachment 197 after its commander, 1st Lt. Liedkte, had been wounded, recalled the opening assault: “The condition of the roads slowed our advance and the battery also encountered a series of antitank obstacles that had to be removed by our pioneers [engineers]. Even with these difficulties my guns were able to hit several Russian positions, allowing our infantry to push forward.”
Cherniak’s army was in turmoil. To add to the confused situation, von Manstein’s surprise amphibious assault began shortly after the main attack had started. An infantry company and a platoon of engineers were ferried by assault boats of Sturmboote-Kommando 902 from Feodosia to a point about 1,300 meters behind the vaunted antitank ditch. After enemy coastal defenses were destroyed in the surprise assault, reinforcements were landed during the course of the day under the protection of the Luftwaffe. By midafternoon most of Lindemann’s IR 436 was ashore and bearing down on the rear of the 157th and 404th Rifle Divisions.
With the successful amphibious landing, von Manstein unleashed Group Groddeck. The colonel commanded a combined force of German and Romanian troops that contained approximately five infantry battalions, a Romanian cavalry regiment, elements of three assault gun battalions, some captured Russian tanks, and a variety of artillery, antiaircraft, antitank, and engineering units. Motor pools from all over the German-held Crimea were stripped bare to provide the needed mobility for the infantry.
Cherniak was finally alarmed enough to commit his remaining armor (the 56th Brigade and remnants of the 126th Battalion) to try and check the advance of the 28th Light Division. German air superiority stopped the Russians cold. StG-77 Stukas and Henschel Hs-129 B ground attack aircraft from Lt. Col. Otto Weiss’s SchG 1 caught the Soviet tanks in their assembly areas. With sirens screaming, the Stukas dove on the tanks, dropping their bombs with deadly accuracy. The 20mm and 30mm cannons from the Henschels added to the destruction. In a matter of minutes, 48 of the 98 tanks scheduled to attack were destroyed and the rest retreated north and east in disarray.
Commissar Mekhlis hoped to disassociate himself with the day’s disaster by transmitting a damning condemnation of Kozlov and his military council to the high command in Moscow. He also said that he was the only one who had foreseen the threat of the German attack. The message was shown to Stalin, who shot back with the following reply that Mekhlis surely never expected: “Your code message I received. You hold a strange position that you work there only as a detached observer who is not accountable for the events at the Crimean Front. Your position is sure convenient, yet it is rotten to the core. At the Crimean Front, you are not an outside observer, but the responsible representative of Stavka, who is accountable for every success and failure that takes place at the Front, and who is required to correct, right then and there, any mistake made by military officers.
“You, along with the military officers, will answer for never reinforcing the weakness of the left flank of the Front. If everything seems to indicate that the opponent will begin an advance the first thing in the morning, yet you haven’t done everything needed to repel their advance, because you limited your involvement to only passive criticisms, then you will make things worse for yourself. So it seems that you still have not figured out that we sent you to the Crimean Front not as a government auditor but as a responsible representative of Stavka.
“You demand that we replace Kozlov with anyone else, even with Hindenburg. Yet it is impossible for you to be unaware that Soviet reserves do not have anyone named Hindenburg. The situation is not complicated, and you could have taken care of it all with what you had all by yourself…. You do not need to be a ‘Hindenburg’ to grasp such a simple thing, while sitting for two months at the Crimean Front.”
While the back and forth between Stalin and Mekhlis was taking place, the German assault continued. Although engineers at the antitank ditch had blasted the steep walls of the ditch with explosives, the crossing points were still narrow and soft. The engineers would have to work harder on them to allow the passage of the 22nd Panzer’s tanks, but von Groddeck’s lighter forces were able to traverse the obstacle with few problems.
By noon on the 9th, von Groddeck had raced past the advancing units of the 132nd Infantry Division and had sliced through the Nasyr Line. The Soviets were mostly unaware of the German units that had advanced almost 25 kilometers in just a few hours.
Although the bulk of Kozlov’s divisions were on the Soviet right flank with the 51st Army, the Russian units there remained stagnant. One of the reasons for this was that a bombing raid had taken out the 51st Army headquarters and had killed L’vov, cutting communications with the Crimean Front headquarters at a critical moment.
As Group Groddeck approached the Sultanovka Line, the two Soviet divisions occupying the position (11th NKVD and the vastly understrength 72nd Cavalry of the 47th Army) were blissfully ignorant of its presence. The first indication of trouble was when elements of von Groddeck’s group hit the Marfivka airfield, about 35 kilometers southwest of Kerch. The airfield’s defenses were overwhelmed almost immediately, and in a few minutes 35 I-153 biplane fighter-bombers were burning on the ground.
While von Groddeck’s forces raised havoc in the Soviet rear, the 22nd Panzer had finally made it across the antitank ditch. However, instead of making a lightning run to the north to cut off the 51st Army the divison became bogged down as a weather front came through accompanied by heavy rain.
Although Group Groddeck had performed splendidly, von Manstein was concerned about the slow progress being made by the 22nd. “Everything was going too slowly for the army commander,’ von Richthofen wrote later. “In my opinion he was worried. I calmed him down and pointed to our decisive actions planned for the next few hours. He remained skeptical.”
Throughout the fog-shrouded night the 22nd Panzer struggled forward. The rain stopped early on the 10th, making movement easier as the sun began to dry the ground. A panicked Kozlov launched his last armored reserves (40th Tank Brigade and 229th Tank Battalion) in a desperate effort to halt General Wilhelm von Apell’s progress. Once again the Luftwaffe rose to the challenge, and the Soviet armor was decimated. Around noon on the 10th, the 22nd was nearing the Sea of Azov, followed by the 28th Light and elements of the 170th and 50th Infantry Divisions.
A heavy artillery barrage caused the Germans multiple casualties, but the Russian guns were soon silenced by the Luftwaffe, led by von Richthofen himself, who directed the bombing from the cockpit of his Feiseler Storch observation aircraft. In his diary for the 10th he wrote, “By sunset we have isolated 10 Red divisions, except for a narrow gap. In the morning the extermination can begin.”
Morning fog once again hampered closing the pocket on the 11th, but by 1100 hours visibility had improved. Von Manstein ordered the XLII Army Corps and the VII Romanian Army Corps to attack from the west, putting further pressure on the 51st Army. Overhead, von Richthofen’s squadrons blasted the Soviet units holding open the gap at Ak-Monai, about 65 kilometers west of Kerch. A followup attack by the 22nd Panzer and 132nd Infantry scattered the dazed survivors, and the final escape route of the 51st Army was closed.
The Russian units that had made it through the gap were easy prey for the Luftwaffe as they fled eastward. The ground attack squadrons wreaked incredible destruction as they bombed and strafed the Soviet columns. Von Richthofen, flying over the area in his Storch, initially described it as a “wonderful scene.” As he swept down to where the Russians had defended Ak-Monai, he changed his mind and wrote: “Terrible. Corpse-strewn fields from earlier attacks…. I have seen nothing like it so far in this war.”
Farther east, von Groddeck pushed on toward Kerch with following German infantry heading to the already breached Sultanovka Line. The only Soviet unit in von Groddeck’s path was the 11th NKVD Division, which had been formed at Krasnador in January. Von Groddeck was wounded in an ambush by these troops, but the Russians soon fled in the face of artillery fire and Luftwaffe bombing.
With Soviet command and control completely shattered, the trapped units of the 51st Army began surrendering en masse, freeing up more German forces to drive on Kerch. By April 13, the 132nd and 170th Infantry Divisions had crossed the Sultanovka Line, closely followed by the 22nd Panzer. Even though von Richthofen had just lost command of two bomber groups and a fighter and Stuka group the previous day due to a Russian attack on Kharkov, his remaining aircraft continued to pummel Soviet pockets of resistance.
With German forces approaching Kerch, Kozlov used any troops that were left in the area to prepare positions for a last-ditch defense of the city. Soviet naval forces and small craft braved sporadic German fire to cross the Kerch Strait to evacuate wounded and essential personnel, but it was clear that the majority of the Crimean Front was doomed.
Nevertheless, the Dunkirk-style evacuation continued even as the Germans reached the outskirts of the city. With his diminished air capacity, von Richthofen became increasingly frustrated.
“The Russians are sailing across the narrows in small craft, and we can do nothing about it,” he fumed. “It makes me sick. One isn’t sure whether to cry or curse. The Reds remain massed on the beaches and cross the sea at their leisure. Infantry and tanks can’t advance because of the desperately resisting Reds, and we [the Luftwaffe] can’t do anything because we don’t have adequate forces.”
Kerch finally fell on April 15, but that was not the end of the fighting on the peninsula. Large and small groups of Red Army soldiers continued a fanatical resistance for several days. First Lt. Alfred Dürrwanger, commander of the 10th (heavy weapons) Company of Jäger Regiment 83/28th Light Division, described the fighting in a 1986 letter to the author: “We had never seen such enemy fire up to now. The Ivans were well entrenched in their positions in front of us and seemed to have unlimited ammunition. Several of my men were hit, but the rest of them showed great courage under the enemy fire. I told them that we would charge the first position, and they followed without question. It was better than being shot one by one.”
Dürrwanger led his men forward, surprising the enemy with his audacity. Overcoming the first position, the Germans surged forward, taking another and then another. The assault opened the way for neighboring units to advance and overpower the Soviet defenses. Dürrwanger was wounded in the head during the attack but continued to lead his men until the battle was over. Less than two months later he received the Knight’s Cross for his actions.
“It was for the courage of my men that the award was given,” he wrote. “Since they could not all receive the medal the decision was made to give it to me, but each one of them deserved it.”
The Soviet pockets soon collapsed. In less than two weeks von Manstein had cleared the eastern part of the Crimea. It had cost the XXX and XLII Corps 1,708 dead or missing and 5,885 wounded. A handful of aircraft had been lost, as were nine artillery pieces, three assault guns, and 12 tanks.
In return, three Soviet armies had been decimated. Of the 250,000 Russian troops on the Kerch Peninsula, about 170,000 prisoners had been taken and about 28,000 had been killed. The entire artillery and armored forces of the three armies (1,133 guns and 258 tanks) had either been captured or destroyed. Soviet air losses were place at more than 400.
For their failure, Cherniak, Kolganov, and Nikolaenko were demoted to the rank of colonel, while Kozlov was demoted to major general. Commissar Mekhlis, still sputtering comments about the front commander’s incompetence, was reduced two ranks. It could have been much worse for all of them.
With the eastern Crimea now firmly in German control again, von Manstein was free to continue his assault on Sevastopol. In less than 21/2months, the fortress city fell, yielding another 90,000 prisoners. The Crimea would endure almost two more years of German occupation until it was liberated in May 1944.
Author Pat McTaggart is an expert on World War II on the Eastern Front. He has written extensively for WWII History and resides in Elkader, Iowa.
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1941
1 Sep-
The 8th Division took part in the Carolina Maneuvers. 1942
Mar-
The 8th Division returned to Camp Jackson, SC. late in March to resume training.
Sep-
There was a motor march to the area of the Tennessee Maneuvers. Two more months of war games further hardened the troops of the 8th. Then, after a brief stay in tents at Camp Forrest, Tennessee, the Division set out for its new station, Fort Leonard Wood, Missouri.
Dec-
There was another period of comparative calm. 1943
Mar-
The 8th moved to Camp Laguna, Arizona, for six months of desert training.
Aug-
The Division returned to Camp Forrest. Preparations were begun immediately for an overseas movement.
27 Nov-
The 8th arrived at the staging area at Camp Kilmer, New Jersey.
5 Dec-
The 8th Infantry Division sailed from New York Harbor.
15 Dec-
The Division arrived in Belfast, Northern Ireland for training. Every two weeks the Division sent seventy-five enlisted me and fifteen officers to the British 55th Division and received an equal number of United Kingdom troops for a two-week period. 1944
1 Jul-
A convoy of four troop ships and twelve motor transports carrying the 8th Division steamed out of Belfast Harbor.
4 Jul-
The Division began debarking at Omaha Beach on the Cherbourg peninsula.
6 Jul-
The Division assembled in the vicinity of Monteburg.
7 Jul-
The 8th Infantry Division entered combat.
8 Jul-
The Division jumped off on its first attack in the Battle of France.
26 Jul-
The Division crossed the Ay River.
28 Jul-
Resuming the advance the 8th Division proceeded rapidly against light resistance until it had taken all objectives.
1 Aug-
The Division continued to move southward, clearing out small pockets of resistance and securing road nets and vital installations along the route of march.
3 Aug-
The 8th Division reached St. James.
4 Aug-
The Division moved to an assembly area near Betten, northeast of Rennes.
8 Aug-
The Division pushed through Rennes.
9 Aug-
The 3rd Battalion was cut off from the Regiment. For three days it withstood almost incessant artillery bombardment and repeated attempts by the enemy to annihilate it, suffering many casualties.
13 Aug-
The 8th Division continued its mission of holding and defending Rennes. During this period, it maintained road blocks, cleared rubble and obstacles from the streets, and engaged in extensive patrolling. Although some prisoners were taken, no contact was made with organized enemy forces.
14 Aug-
The Regiment occupied Dinard. A task force, composed mainly of the 3rd Battalion, 28th Infantry, moved to the Cap Frehel peninsula, farther east in Brittany, to take over positions held by French Forces of the Interior.
15 Aug-
The Division, meanwhile, had moved to an assembly area near Dinan.
17 Aug-
The remaining elements of the Division began movement to an assembly area near Brest. There, for three days, operations were confined to patrolling.
21 Aug-
The Division closed into its sector and awaited orders to attack Brest.
26 Aug-
Lt. Colonel Edmund Fry, commander of the 12th Engineer Combat Battalion was captured by the enemy, only to escape by sea and rejoin his battalion on the Crozon peninsula nineteen days later.
29 Aug-
The enemy in the sector of the 3rd Battalion, 28th Infantry, called a truce to evacuate wounded. Previously, two companies of the 2nd Battalion, 28th Infantry, had advanced beyond their adjacent units, been cut off and captured by the Germans. After Brest had capitulated, these two companies were freed by men of their own unit from a German prisoner of war enclosure on the Crozon peninsula, south of the harbor of Brest, and returned to their unit.
31 Aug-
The 8th prepared for a coordinated Corps attack which was to include also the 2nd Division. A road in the vicinity of the town of Kergroas was the objective.
8 Sep-
With an improvement in the supply of artillery ammunition, the 121st Infantry attacked and seized the eastern end of the strongly defended Lambzellec ridge. The 121st then advanced toward the town of Lambzellec, and by noon was fighting in the streets. The 13th Infantry advanced abreast to positions from which it supported the attack of the 121st.
10 Sep-
Having passed through Lambzellec, the 121st was confronted with Fort Bouguen. This was a formidable work of thick walls, twenty to thirty feet in height, surrounded by a dry moat, twenty feet deep. Such an obstacle could not be assaulted by infantry without artillery fire.
11 Sep-
Heavy artillery fire was directed on the wall. This fire failed to make an appreciable breach and the VIII Corps Commander decided to suspend further operations against that portion of the inner defenses, and to contain the enemy within Fort Bouguen, while efforts were renewed farther east. He therefore directed that elements of the 2nd Infantry Division relieve the 8th Division in front of the fort.
12 Sep-
The 13th and 121st Infantry Regiments withdrew to a temporary assembly area near Plouvien.
14 Sep-
The Division moved into its attack positions.
15 Sep-
After a strong barrage by heavy and light artillery and chemical mortars, the attack began. In the zone of the 28th Infantry, the 3rd Battalion led the attack. By 0930 it was approaching the hamlet of St. Eflez. The 3rd Battalion and the 1st following it were under heavy flanking fire from the south ridge. All officers of Company L became casualties. Tech Sergeant Charles E. Ballance reorganized the company and took command. He was killed by a sniper the next day. In the vicinity of St. Eflez, resistance grew so fierce that it was apparent that the main line of enemy defenses had been reached.
16 Sep-
German counterattacks on both ridges were repulsed. At 0700hrs the attack was renewed under cover of a dense fog, which was to furnish an effective mask for each morning of the Crozon action.
19 Sep-
Crozon Peninsula was cleared.
26 Sep-
The 8th Division began the long move from the Crozon peninsula to the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg. Foot troops and trucked vehicles made the journey by rail.
30 Sep-
Motorized elements drove in convoys, arriving near Ettelbruck, Luxembourg.
7 Oct-
A vehicle bearing Lt. Colonels Frederick J. Bailey, Jr. and John P. Usher of the 28th Infantry, was travelling well in rear of the front lines when it was flagged down by what appeared to be a U.S. Army captain and sergeant, standing beside a halted American First Army jeep. Pulling alongside, and hearing the captain talking wildly in German although he wore an American combat jacket and helmet, the 28th Infantry officers opened fire and killed the two men.
9 Oct-
Training began with 1,538 officers and enlisted men available. They were armed for the most part with rifles, automatic weapons and several anti-tank guns. Eight companies of approximately 200 men each compro- mised the battalion. Five of these were rifle companies. Training of this unit was continued, for two hours daily, until October 20th.
19 Oct-
A plan was worked out to rotate the troops. One platoon at a time was relieved.
3 Nov-
Both Vossenack and Schmidt had been taken, and a line of departure for the attack upon Hurtgen secured. So difficult was the terrain, however, that only foot troops could get through to Schmidt. There was no road between the two captured towns over which armor and anti-tank guns could move.
7 Nov-
Unable to get armored units through to the foot troops, the 28th Division was forced to withdraw from Schmidt. At one time, the Germans also recaptured half of Vossenack, but here their counterattack was again driven back.
16 Nov-
The 13th Infantry and the 8th Reconnaissance Troop began the motor march of the 8th Division to the V Corps front, and by nightfall.
19 Nov-
All elements of the Division had closed into their positions in the area southeast of Aachen.
20 Nov-
The Division drove across France to Luxembourg and moved to the Hurtgen Forest.
21 Nov-
The 121st Infantry opened the drive on Hurtgen. Attacking with three battalions abreast, the Regiment immediately ran into strong resistance. Enemy mortar and artillery tree bursts shattered the forested area and hailed shrapnel down upon infantry units whenever they attempted to advance, anti-personnel minefields further increased the peril of movement through the dense woods.
24 Nov-
The attack of the 121st Infantry resumed.
25 Nov-
At a conference of V and VII Corps Commanders it was decided to begin the armored attack on the morning of November 25th. At least three rifle companies were to advance astride the road during the night so the road could be cleared.
26 Nov-
Enemy pockets in the woods in front of the 1st and 2nd Battalions, 121st Infantry were taken without opposition. Company F, 121st Infantry, had advanced to a point approximately 300 yards southwest of Hurtgen. Here it was met be dense machine gun fire. Company F held its advanced position during the night, and resumed the attack with the entire regiment the next morning.
27 Nov-
The 1st Battalion, 13th Infantry, joined the 2nd and 3rd Battalions, 121st Infantry in the attack at 0700. Division Artillery, less the 43rd Field Artillery Battalion, again fired prearranged concentrations in support of the infantry units. Company C of the 644th Tank Destroyer Battalion was also in close support.
28 Nov-
The Division cleared Hurtgen.
29 Nov-
The attack on Kleinhau began. The enemy defended stubbornly, holding out in cellars and wooded areas even after armored forces had driven through the town. During the night, the 1st Battalion, 13th Infantry, took over the captured town and the high ground.
30 Nov-
Men of the 13th cleared out remaining enemy pockets.
31 Nov-
Elements of the 121st and 28th continued to push southeast. Patrols were sent out by both regiments to determine enemy strength around Brandenburg. Resistance was encountered almost immediately, and orders were issued to hold present positions until plans for a full scale attack were completed.
3 Dec-
The Division cleared Brandenburg. 1945
23 Feb-
The Division crossed the Roer river.
25 Feb-
Duren taken.
28 Feb-
Erft Canal crossed.
7 Mar-
The 8th reached the Rhine near Rodenkirchen and maintained positions along the river near Koln.
6 Apr-
The Division attacked northwest to aid in the destruction of enemy forces in the Ruhr Pocket.
17 Apr-
The Division completed its mission.
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https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/fighting-the-peoples-war/great-crisis-of-empire/B5FF7E81E70C838C9389C2180697BF12
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en
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The Great Crisis of Empire (Part II)
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Cambridge Core
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https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/fighting-the-peoples-war/great-crisis-of-empire/B5FF7E81E70C838C9389C2180697BF12
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To save this book to your Kindle, first ensure coreplatform@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
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https://www.huffpost.com/entry/this-week-in-world-war-i_b_8022728
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en
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This Week in World War I, August 22-28, 1915
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[
"Joseph V Micallef"
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2015-08-23T14:27:38+00:00
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The European Theater, in turn, was divided into three broad fronts: The Western front in France and Belgium, the Italian Front in northeastern Italy and the Eastern Front. The Italian front was a secondary theater in Europe.
|
en
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/favicon.ico
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HuffPost
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https://www.huffpost.com/entry/this-week-in-world-war-i_b_8022728
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The Eastern Front: Summer 1915
German Troops Entering Warsaw, August 1915
Notwithstanding its status as a global war, the main theater of operations in World War I was in Europe. It was on the battlefields of Europe that the war would be won or lost. The conflicts that raged in Africa, the Middle East, the Caucasus, China and the South Pacific, however deadly their consequences, were at best a side show.
The European Theater, in turn, was divided into three broad fronts: The Western front in France and Belgium, the Italian Front in northeastern Italy and the Eastern Front. The Italian front was a secondary theater in Europe. Potentially, the Italian front offered an invasion route, via the Lubjana/Gorizia gap, into the Austrian-Hungarian Empire. It tied down large numbers of Austrian-Hungarian troops, and, should the Russian armies in the East be able to breakout, it could, with a parallel Italian breakout, form the western end of a broad pincer movement that could surround and destroy the Austrian and German armies in the east. That would take a lot of "ifs", none of which came to pass.
The war on the Eastern Front began with the Austrian-Hungarian invasion of Serbia in July 1914. It would progressively grow to encompass a vast geography stretching from the Baltic Sea in the west to Minsk in the east, and from St. Petersburg in the north to the Balkans and the Black Sea in the south. This was a front of almost 1,000 miles. The absence of many natural defensive features and the relative low density of troops defending it, compared with the Western Front, created a far more fluid battlefield. Front lines were often broken, creating dramatic swings in the geography controlled by both sides. Trench warfare, the mainstay of the Western Front, was never developed to any great extent in the east.
Advertisement
German and Austrian Troops Advancing During the Gorlice Tarnow Offensive
Unlike its progeny, World War II, the eastern front was not the decisive theater of the war. From the early days of the Franco-Russian alliance, the purpose of the military campaign in the east was to draw off enough German strength from the western front to prevent a decisive defeat of Anglo-French forces there. Initially, that strategy seemed to work. The surprising speed of Russian mobilization and the rapid advance of Russian troops into East Prussia forced the transfer of three entire Corps of German troops, some 75 thousand men, to the east. This redeployment was in addition to the 180,000 men originally intended, under the Schlieffen Plan, for the invasion of France, that were deployed in the east instead prior to the start of the war. The reduction in German forces in the west by some 250,000 men slowed down the timetable set out in the Schlieffen Plan and may well have cost Germany defeat at the First Battle of the Marne in September 1914.
With the western front stalemated and reduced to 200 miles of opposing trenches, the Eastern Front took on a new importance. It was the one front were both sides saw an opportunity for a decisive victory. More importantly, the outcome of the fighting on the eastern front would have a direct bearing on the number of additional troops that Germany could deploy on the western front and could represent the margin for a decisive victory in the west. That is precisely what would happen in the spring of 1918 when as a result of the Russian-German Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, Germany was able to transfer 33 divisions to the west. By then however, the buildup of the newly arrived American troops, blunted much of the new found German advantage.
Gorlice-Tarnow Offensive, Russian Retreat May-June 1015
The Gorlice-Tarnow Offensive Stymied by the lack of progress in the west, the German General Staff decided to make the Eastern Front the main focus of their efforts in 1915. To eliminate the Russian threat into Central Europe, the Germans launched the successful Gorlice-Tarnow offensive in Galicia, in May 1915. The offensive began as a diversionary attack by German forces to relieve Russian pressure on Austrian-Hungarian troops in the Carpathian Mountains. Its initial success turned into a broader unified offensive that lasted from May through October 1915. It would result in the total collapse of the Russian lines and the retreat of Russian forces well into Russia.
Advertisement
In April 1915 the recently organized German 11th Army, consisting of ten infantry divisions under General August von Mackensen, was transferred from the Western Front. In conjunction with the Austrian-Hungarian 4th Army, consisting of eight infantry and one cavalry division under Archduke Joseph Ferdinand, it faced the Russian Third Army comprised of eighteen and a half infantry divisions and five and a half cavalry divisions, all under the command of Russian General D.R. Radko-Dmitriev.
Operating under the overall command of General Mackensen, the combined Austrian and German armies shattered the Russian defensive line. Over 140,000 soldiers of the Russian Third army were captured. Total casualties were unknown. Simultaneously, the Austrian 4th and 7th Armies launched a fresh offensive against the flanks of the Russian Eleventh army along the Dniester River. What was left of the Russian army was forced to withdraw back to the Russian border. All of the prior year's conquest of Galicia was given back, as was the recently captured Austrian fortress of Przemysl.
Russian Troops Retreating During the Gorlice-Tarnow offensive, August 1915
On August 4, 1915 German forces occupied Warsaw. In the following weeks, German troops would clear the rest of Russia's troops from Russian Poland. For the Poles, the Germans were hardly seen as liberators although they were still preferable to the former Russian occupiers; especially since the Russians had enforced a scorched earth policy as they had withdrawn eastward into Russia. The next year, in an effort to increase Polish support for the Central Powers and to raise a Polish Army to use against Russian troops, the German and Austrian-Hungarian governments announced that they would create a new Kingdom of Poland from a portion of recently conquered Russian Poland.
The course of the war on the eastern front would continue to ebb back and forth over the course of 1916 and 1917, until revolution in Russia and the collapse of Russian forces would bring the military conflict in the east to a final close.
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https://ww1live.wordpress.com/tag/russian-army/page/8/
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World War 1 Live
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2015-06-03T13:45:29+01:00
|
Posts about Russian army written by ianmoore3000
|
en
|
https://s1.wp.com/i/favicon.ico
|
World War 1 Live
|
https://ww1live.wordpress.com/tag/russian-army/
|
In Galicia a combined Austro-Hungarian and German force is attacking the Russians at Przemysl. After taking some of the outlying forts, the Austro-Hungarians now push into the town itself. The Russians still hold forts on the right bank of the river, but with the town back in Austro-Hungarian hands it will not be long before they fall.
The Russians were only able to capture Przemysl after a siege of four months. How has it been recaptured so quickly? The heavy artillery of the Austro-Hungarians is like nothing the Russians have themselves. It has been able to pummel the Russians into submission or else obliterate them. Also, the Gorlice-Tarnów offensive has the Russians in retreat everywhere; they are not committing major forces to the defence of Przemysl lest they be cut off by the enemy’s advance. So the Austro-Hungarians win back their city relatively easily, but by riding the Germans’ coat-tails.
image source:
German and Austro-Hungarian troops at Przemysl, with Russian prisoners (Visit Przemysl; with photographs of the fortifications as they are now)
See also: The History of the Construction of the Fortress of Przemyśl by Tom Idzikowski, from the website Austro-Hungarian Land Forces 1848-1918.
The Galician fortified town of Przemysl fell to the Russians after a long siege back in March. The Russians have not had long to celebrate their triumph. With the Gorlice-Tarnów offensive seeing the Russians pushed back everywhere, the Austro-Hungarians are now back in the vicinity of Przemysl, advancing from the south-west. And this time they have brought their German friends with them.
An attack to take the town’s outlying fortresses by sudden assault failed. Since then the Austro-Hungarians have battered the defenders with their heavy 420mm siege guns. Now the infantry assault begins again, with the Austro-Hungarians and Germans methodically advancing to capture the enemy’s positions one by one. Przemysl will not fall overnight, but its capture looks increasingly inevitable.
image source (Visit Przemysl, with pictures of the fortifications today)
The siege of Van is over. The Turkish besiegers fled from outside the eastern Anatolian town as Russian troops approached. Advance Russian forces arrived a few days ago. Now at last Van sees the arrival of the main Russian force, which has a large contingent of Armenian volunteers. The town is now re-victualled.
Aram Manukian, leader of the Armenians in Van, greets the Russians. The Russian force is led by General Andranik (himself an Armenian). He appoints Manukian governor of the city and the surrounding area.
Van province has been blasted by war and ethnic violence. Many of the Armenians outside the town have been killed or driven to flight by the Ottoman authorities. Now the Kurds and Turks suffer a similar fate from the Armenian irregular forces. Within Van the Armenians have already killed or driven away their Muslim neighbours.
image source:
General Andranik with some of the defenders of Van (Wikipedia)
The Armenians in Van have been under siege for over a month. The Turks have been unable to storm the eastern Anatolian town but have tried to starve out the Armenian rebels. They have also killed and abused many Armenians living in the countryside around the town.
Russian forces are marching to relieve Van. They are not here yet, but they are getting close. The Turks besieging Van have no desire to be caught by the superior Russian column. So now they slip away from Van under cover of darkness. As day breaks the Armenians realise that the siege is over. Their situation is still desperate, however, as they are short of food and urgently need the supplies the Russian army is bringing to them.
Generals Hindenburg and Ludendorff, Germany’s commanders on the Eastern Front, have long argued that if they are given the men they can inflict a decisive defeat on Russia, knocking it out of the war. Erich von Falkenhayn, Germany’s supreme military commander, is sceptical. He thinks that victory must first be secured on the Western Front before forces can be concentrated against Russia. Despite changing circumstances he is still wedded to the France-first strategy of Germany’s pre-war plans.
However, the run of victories Hindenburg and Ludendorff achieved with the limited forces at their disposal have made their arguments hard to resist. Falkenhayn has given them Germany’s reserves, with which Mackensen, their subordinate, has launched an offensive between Gorlice and Tarnów in Galicia. Mackensen is also commanding large numbers of Austro-Hungarian troops. The hope for the offensive was that the Russian threat to the Hungarian heartland would be eliminated and also that still neutral Bulgaria and Romanian might be encouraged to enter the war on Germany’s side.
The Gorlice-Tarnów offensive is succeeding beyond the wildest dreams of its planners. The teutonic juggernaut has completely smashed the Russians in front of it, who are now either in headlong flight or else surrendering to the victors. Since the offensive was launched last week, some 100,000 Russian prisoners and 100 artillery pieces have been captured.
And today Austro-Hungarian forces cross the San river. Their target is the fortress city of Przemysl, which fell to the Russians in March after a long siege. Its recapture would be a great symbolic victory for the Habsburg Empire.
image sources:
Hindenburg and Ludendorff (Wikipedia)
Russian prisoners (Wikipedia)
Things might not be going so well for the Russians in Galicia, but in the Caucasus Yudenich thinks it is time his men took the war to the Turks. Having already sent forces to raise the siege of Van, he now orders an advance towards Erzurum, further to the north and closer to the Russian border. But Turkish resistance is stronger than expected; Russian progress is slow.
Eastern Anatolia (The Great War Blog)
Germany’s Mackensen is commanding a combined Austro-Hungarian and German offensive on the Eastern Front, attacking the Russians in Galicia between Gorlice and Tarnów. On the first day of the offensive the Russian line was shattered. Now the Russians throw an entire corps at the enemy in a counter-attack, desperately hoping to stabilise the line.
The counter-attack fails. The Russians are thrown back and many of their units start to disintegrate. The Germans and Austro-Hungarians have achieved a breakthrough: they are now advancing through open country.
German forces are still attacking at Ypres, but the fighting there is a diversion. Falkenhayn has been persuaded to send Germany’s mobile reserve east. It has been decided to attack the Russians between Gorlice and Tarnów in Galicia. Germany’s Mackensen is to lead the attack, commanding German and Austro-Hungarian armies.
The attack begins with a devastating artillery bombardment: some 700,000 shells fired in just a few hours. Then the Germans and Austro-Hungarians surge forwards. In some sectors the artillery bombardment has so shaken the Russians that the attackers find them to have already fled. In others they put up more resistance but are thrown by the strength of Mackensen’s assault. Either way the Russian defenders collapse. This is already looking like another striking victory for German arms on the Eastern Front.
image sources:
August von Mackensen (Wikipedia)
Gorlice-Tarnów map (from a Polish language website which I think is for First World War cemetaries in Poland)
Armenian rebels in Van remain under siege. Refugees from the countryside are flooding into the city, apparently being allowed through the Turkish lines. Perhaps the Turks want to stretch the demands on Van’s food supplies to the maximum extent. Or perhaps it is also convenient for them to have as many of the Armenians as possible in one place.
The Armenians in Van are able to repel assaults by the Turks, but they cannot hold out indefinitely. Food shortages will eventually become a problem, but in the immediate term the defenders’ big problem is shortage of ammunition. The defenders are ordered to use ammunition as sparingly as possible.
Fortunately help is on its way. Messengers have been sent to the Russians revealing the town’s plight. Van’s pleas do not go unanswered. Today Russia’s General Yudenich orders a force of Cossacks and Armenians to march to the aid of Van.
image sources:
Armenian refugees in Van (Wikipedia)
Defenders of Van (Wikipedia)
The Russians overran the Austro-Hungarian province of Galicia last year. The Carpathian Mountains stand between them and the heartland of the Hungarian half of the Habsburg Empire. Fighting in these mountains has been see-sawing backwards and forwards. Earlier this year the Austro-Hungarians took control of the mountain passes but were unable to push from them to recapture Galicia.
Now the Russians attack once more in the Carpathians. Perhaps they are buoyed up by their capture of Przemysl, perhaps news of the town’s fall has shaken the Austro-Hungarians, but either way the Russians are able to capture the Lupkow Pass through the Carpathians. Could the way finally be open for them to mount an invasion of Hungary?
image source (History Net)
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Erich-von-Manstein
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Erich von Manstein | World War II, Blitzkrieg, Prussia
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Erich von Manstein was perhaps the most talented German field commander in World War II. The son of an artillery general, he was adopted by General Georg von Manstein after the untimely death of his parents. Manstein began his active career as an officer in 1906 and served in World War I on both
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Erich-von-Manstein
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Erich von Manstein (born Nov. 24, 1887, Berlin, Ger.—died June 11, 1973, Irschenhausen, near Munich, W.Ger.) was perhaps the most talented German field commander in World War II.
The son of an artillery general, he was adopted by General Georg von Manstein after the untimely death of his parents. Manstein began his active career as an officer in 1906 and served in World War I on both the Western and Russian fronts. Rising through the ranks, he was promoted to major general in 1936 and to lieutenant general in 1938. At the start of World War II, he served as chief of staff to General Gerd von Rundstedt in the invasion of Poland (1939). Manstein had in the meantime devised a daring plan to invade France by means of a concentrated armoured thrust through the Ardennes Forest. Though this plan was rejected by the German High Command, Manstein managed to bring it to the personal attention of Adolf Hitler, who enthusiastically adopted it.
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After leading an infantry corps in the assault on France in June 1940, Manstein was promoted to general that month. He commanded the 56th Panzer Corps in the invasion of the Soviet Union (1941), and nearly captured Leningrad. Promoted to command of the 11th Army on the southern front (September 1941), Manstein managed to take 430,000 Soviet prisoners, after which he withstood the Soviet counteroffensive that winter and went on to capture Sevastopol in July 1942. Soon after, he was promoted to field marshal. He almost succeeded in relieving the beleaguered 6th Army in Stalingrad in December 1942–January 1943, and in February 1943 his forces recaptured Kharkov, in the most successful German counteroffensive of the war. Thereafter he was driven into retreat, and in March 1944 he was dismissed by Hitler.
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https://www.historynet.com/carpathian-catastrophe/
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The Carpathian Winter War, 1915
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The "Stalingrad of World War I" was an epic bloodletting between the million-man armies of Russia and the inept Habsburg Empire
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en
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HistoryNet
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https://www.historynet.com/carpathian-catastrophe/
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Religious souls visualize hell as a blazing inferno with burning embers and intense heat. The soldiers fighting in the Carpathian Mountains that first winter of the war know otherwise.
—Colonel Georg Veith, Austro-Hungarian Third Army
DURING THE DEVASTATING OPENING MONTHS of World War I through the fall of 1914, the Habsburgs suffered numerous defeats against numerically superior Russian forces pushing into Galicia and the Carpathian foothills in the northeast corner of Austria-Hungary. In early November 1914, for the second time in as many months, the Russians had besieged the venerable Fortress Przemyśl, an enormous but obsolete 1854 stronghold on the San River that blocked the northern entrance to the Carpathians. The Russians bottled up the Austro-Hungarian garrison and utilized the region around it as a staging ground to control the vital routes into the heart of Habsburg territory. Their ultimate goal: to drive the Austro-Hungarians out of the war.
With some 130,000 troops under siege at Przemyśl and fearing a threatened invasion of Hungary, the Dual Monarchy simply had to take immediate steps to force the Russians from the Carpathian Mountains. In the winter of 1915, they launched three separate and equally ill-conceived offensives: an initial effort on January 23; a second uncoordinated assault on the Russians on February 27; and a third and final effort to liberate Fortress Przemyśl in late March.
The geographical reality of the Carpathians would play a key role in the military catastrophe to come. The mountains along the contested front formed an arcing barrier roughly 60 to 75 miles wide with a median elevation of some 3,600 feet. In 1914–1915, only a handful of poorly constructed roads and a few railroad lines traversed the main passes in that area. Cold and damp, the mountains are often rainy in September and usually witness snowfall by November. They can remain covered in deep snow until spring, though sudden rises in temperature may also result in widespread flooding in the valleys.
Mountain warfare presents multiple difficulties for any major military action: Troops need to be specially trained, equipped, and accustomed to higher altitudes and challenging terrain and weather. The ability to maneuver and maintain a regular supply system in mountain conditions is problematic. Artillery logistics are especially challenging. Because it is difficult to transport and emplace artillery on uneven, elevated ground, many batteries are confined to lower terrain, an obvious disadvantage for attacking infantry. The Habsburg command had made no contingency plans for a mountain campaign lasting into the winter months—one of its many failures—because they accepted the “short war illusion.” It would prove to be a disastrous mistake.
Much of the blame for the calamitous winter campaign can be laid at the feet of the chief of the Austro-Hungarian General Staff, General Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf. Aside from needing to meet the obvious threat of invasion, Conrad also believed he had to win a major victory over the Russians to demonstrate the strength of the Central Powers. If the alliance among the Germans, Austro-Hungarians, Turks, and Bulgarians were perceived as weak, then such neutral European countries as Italy and Romania might enter the war on the side of the Triple Entente. Earlier, the Habsburg Supreme Command suffered a major embarrassment: the failure of Balkan offensives launched against Serbia in 1914. The most humiliating of these came in late November and early December at the Battle of Kolubara, when Habsburg forces captured the Serbian capital of Belgrade—only to lose it two weeks later. That reversal all but destroyed any remaining military prestige the Dual Monarchy possessed on the Balkan Peninsula.
Conrad saw in the Carpathian Mountains an opportunity to regain prestige with a swift military victory over the Russians and, like others in the Habsburg hierarchy, he feared the loss of Fortress Przemyśl would lead to defeat of the army and of the Dual Monarchy itself. So his main objective was to liberate the besieged stronghold. His grandiose plan, hatched in December, called for an offensive to be launched along a broad 100-mile forested front in the northern Carpathians by the Habsburg Third Army, even though it had not recovered from its costly October-to-December defeats. The newly created South Army, composed of three divisions from the German army and the rest—the majority—of Habsburg units, would simultaneously attack the Russians’ extreme left flank. Conrad believed his troops’ capabilities and the element of surprise were critical assets in his plan but that a bit of luck would be needed for the offensive to succeed.
On January 23, 1915, the first offensive began. Third Army consisted of 15 infantry and four and a half cavalry divisions supported by the neighboring South Army’s three infantry and two cavalry divisions. The combined offensive force of 175,000 men quickly proved inadequate to achieve the difficult mission assigned it, which was to secure the communication and rail centers in and around the towns of Medzilaborce, Lisko, Sanok, and Sambir.
The Habsburg forces did win some early minor victories, advancing into a 24-mile gap in the Russian lines. But that progress came against numerically inferior enemy units. By January 26, Third Army’s front extended 60 miles between the vital Dukla and Uzhok Passes. Despite that, the battle was already turning as the Russians began to launch massive counterattacks. A sudden, severe shift in the weather further undermined the Habsburg situation. The combination of weather-related and battle casualties rapidly depleted Habsburg frontline troop strength, reducing many divisions to only regiment or brigade size. By early February, the first Carpathian Mountain offensive had all but collapsed. The Russian forces continued to hold key passes in the region, including the strategic Dukla Pass. Following their successful counterattacks, Russian troops poured through the pass to threaten important railroad junctions. They soon outnumbered and stalled the Austro-Hungarian forces some 50 miles from Fortress Przemyśl, eliminating any chance of breaking the siege. By mid-February the Russians had effectively regained the initiative.
COMBAT EXHAUSTION UNDER WINTER MOUNTAIN CONDITIONS is incomprehensible to anyone who has not suffered through such an experience. Habsburg troops routinely lacked basic necessities. Food supplies often did not reach the front at all, and when they did, they were usually frozen solid. Heavy rainfall, blinding snowstorms, and icy river crossings left the soldiers’ uniforms frozen to their bodies. The men lacked proper winter attire, and most suffered lung ailments and frostbite—many froze to death. What meager equipment the troops did receive proved unsuitable: Boots with cardboard soles, for example, quickly became unusable.
The Habsburg Supreme Command displayed a profound ignorance of these obvious conditions throughout the war—an utter failure to recognize the realities of mountain warfare in winter. Many troops were deployed on open terrain with no cover and in subzero temperatures for extended periods, leaving many vulnerable to frostbite. Soldiers struggled to stay awake to avoid freezing. In snow that was often three to six feet deep, movement was especially difficult and exhausting. The troops had to dig out in order to go on patrol, launch an assault, clear defensive positions and the limited roads and trails essential for the movement of supplies. The shoveling required hours, sometimes days, and the burden of these tasks contributed to the physical and moral decline of Habsburg forces. Utterly exhausted, many of the troops became apathetic or committed suicide by shooting themselves or exposing themselves to enemy fire. Tens of thousands of horses, too—critical to the Habsburg supply chain—succumbed to overexertion and starvation.
Conditions were especially terrifying at night, with shrieking wind, impenetrable darkness, mysterious mountain sounds, and ice that could cake eyelids shut. Nighttime temperatures dropped to as low as -25°F, ensuring that many men left exposed to the elements would not survive until morning. Troops were frequently forced to march in the darkness for hours on end. They would sometimes see shadows swiftly traversing their positions into no man’s land and shortly thereafter hear screaming as wolves made a meal of wounded men.
The situation faced by frontline soldiers was exacerbated by the lack of reserves and reinforcements. The Dual Monarchy was the only major power that did not have a reserve army; it failed even to propose the creation of one until much too late. Hundreds of thousands of Habsburg soldiers were forced to occupy their positions until killed, wounded, captured, or listed as missing in action—meaning they had probably frozen to death. No relief was possible.
Total losses during the offensive exceeded 75 percent, most of them resulting from severe frostbite, exposure, or illness
Another fatal flaw of the first Carpathian Mountain offensive was the uncoordinated Austro-Hungarian attack efforts. Individual units would attack single enemy positions without communicating with their neighboring units. Even commanding officers ignored direct orders to launch a coordinated attack until it was too late to do any good. As the casualties mounted, Habsburg troops were too few to establish safe defensive positions along the rapidly extending front.
The Russians, on the other hand, regularly rehabilitated their frontline regiments, utilizing their shorter and more conveniently located road and railroad connections in the lower mountains. This advantage ended once they advanced farther into the mountains, but it did allow the Russians to launch powerful attacks against the ridgelines on the far side of the Carpathian Mountain range as late as April 1915.
Not only were Russian soldiers more accustomed to the climate and terrain, they were tactically superior and better led. They consistently waited for a pause in Habsburg offensive operations to unleash their own swift and powerful counterattacks. Night assaults were a favorite tactic of Russian commanders, who were also masters at retrograde movement, retreating from a position at the very last moment and reestablishing themselves, forcing the attacking Habsburg troops to remain in battle formation in the freezing weather. While the Habsburg troops struggled to advance over the rugged mountain terrain, the Russians more often occupied elevated positions. These advantages, along with superior artillery, enabled the Russians to transfer reinforcements quickly and deploy them against the rapidly declining Austro-Hungarian forces.
HABSBURG THIRD ARMY SUFFERED IMMENSE LOSSES during the first Carpathian offensive. Two weeks after it began, official sources listed 88,900 men as casualties. Their total losses during the offensive exceeded 75 percent, most of them resulting from severe frostbite, exposure, or illness. The Third Army commander, Svetozar Boroević, rightfully claimed that his army had not been prepared for the demands of a mountain winter campaign.
General Conrad had little patience for such rationales of defeat. Dissatisfied with the Third Army performance, he transferred the more pliable General Eduard von Böhm-Ermolli from the German front to the Carpathian Mountain theater. A newly formed Second Army, initially consisting of 60,000 to 70,000 exhausted Third Army right-flank units, was to deploy between Third and South Army positions. A further six and a half infantry divisions would be transferred to the front to support the new Second Army offensive.
In the meantime and in preparation for the second offensive, Conrad had ordered the Habsburg VIII Corps to be transferred from the Balkan front to support the Third Army’s effort to push the Russians out of the critical Dukla and Uzhok Passes. Again, the rail and communication centers of Lisko, Sanok, and Sambir were the primary objectives of the offensive.
As the planned day of attack, February 25, approached, the combination of falling temperatures and the incessant movement of troops and supplies all but destroyed the few roadways leading toward the front. Draft animals and obsolete heavy wagons became bogged down in the mud. The shortage of military labor and sapper crews made it nearly impossible to keep the roads open. Moreover, disease was spreading through the ranks as hygiene deteriorated along with physical condition; again, frostbite and sickness claimed entire regiments, diminishing the already inferior Habsburg troop numbers. Nevertheless, the second Carpathian Mountain offensive, though slightly delayed, went forward in late February.
Second Army’s main offensive was launched along both sides of the strategic roads leading toward Fortress Przemyśl. The frontal assault aimed at some of the same fortified positions previously targeted by Third Army. This time, however, the offensive occurred along a much smaller, 12-mile front. A frontal attack was deemed essential in response to mounting pressure, both military and political, to liberate Fortress Przemyśl and its large trapped garrison—now running desperately short of supplies, including food.
Although reinforcements were in transit to the front as the offensive got under way, the army’s middle and left flank positions quickly buckled under relentless Russian counterattacks. The continued pressure from the enemy forced arriving Habsburg reinforcements to be inserted piecemeal into the battle to fill the widening gaps in the front lines. The poorly trained replacement troops, already outnumbered, found themselves hurled into battle as cannon fodder.
On March 1 Colonel Veith of the Third Army wrote: “Fog and heavy snow falls, we have lost all sense of direction; entire regiments are getting lost, resulting in catastrophic losses.” Habsburg archduke Joseph August, commander of VII Corps, reported that over two days his Hungarian Honvéd Division “suffered terrible losses; its effective force numbers less than 2,000…and tomorrow, despite the casualties, we have to attack again. My corps losses since 1 March: 12 officers, 1,121 men killed, 46 officers and 2,121 men wounded, 2 officers and 685 men missing. This is really terrible.” With the Second Army bled white, the second Carpathian offensive failed completely, leaving the Austro-Hungarian army 60 miles short of the besieged fortress.
STILL, CONRAD REFUSED TO GIVE UP. The Second Army’s V Corps, positioned closest to the fortress and somewhat reinforced, received orders for an impossible mission: to liberate Przemyśl between March 20 and 23. Meanwhile, the Habsburg forces remaining in the Carpathians had to defend against ongoing enemy onslaughts. On March 20 the Russians unleashed a series of mass assaults in rapid succession in an effort to hurl the Habsburg Second and Third Armies back over the mountain ridges.
The starving soldiers, who had been living off horse meat and bread fillers for months, attempted a farcical but extremely bloody breakout
The day before that, on March 19, the starving soldiers at Przemyśl, who had been living off horse meat and bread fillers for months, had attempted a farcical but extremely bloody breakout. The futile gesture, allegedly undertaken to protect the “honor” of the Austro-Hungarian army, was ordered via coded telegram by General Conrad. It ended disastrously, and the garrison troops inside the besieged fortress at last surrendered. Later it became known that the Russians had broken the Austro-Hungarian code and thus knew of the planned fortress breakout attempt.
Incredibly, neither the Second Army Command nor V Corps was informed of the fortress surrender, so a few days later,
V Corps launched its completely pointless offensive. Having no chance of success, this third effort failed—with yet more enormous Habsburg casualties.
Fortress Przemyśl had come to symbolize Austro-Hungarian military prestige. Fearful of losing it to the enemy, General Conrad had allowed the fortress to distort his Eastern Front strategy to the point that the Habsburg army was almost annihilated by the end of the Carpathian Winter War campaign. Hundreds of thousands of men lost their lives, with scant gains to show for their sacrifice. Conrad’s flawed planning also resulted in the German military exerting greater control over the Habsburg command structure.
Yet the Russian strategy of driving through the Carpathian Mountains to deliver a deathblow to Austria-Hungary proved equally flawed. The campaign forced the Russians to deploy increasing numbers of troops into the inhospitable mountain terrain, drawing them ever deeper into a region that limited their mobility and dangerously overextended their already meager supply lines. When the Germans launched their successful Gorlice-Tarnów offensive in eastern Poland in May, the Russians were ill prepared, and that offensive gave the Central Powers their greatest victory of the entire war. It helped stabilize the Eastern Front while rescuing the Austro-Hungarian forces from annihilation.
Although the disastrous Carpathian Winter War has received scant attention over the past century, it was critically important to the First World War’s Eastern Front and foreshadowed the more famous “bloodbath” battles of 1916 at Verdun and the Somme. It stands as a lasting reminder of how unimaginably brutal conditions can transform a mountainous battlefield into a frozen hell.
Graydon A. Tunstall frequently writes about the Eastern Front in the Great War. His books include Blood on the Snow: The Carpathian Winter War of 1915 and The Austro-Hungarian Army in World War I.
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https://www.academia.edu/37799321/Combat_Operations_of_the_German_10th_Infantry_Division_on_the_Western_Front_of_World_War_I_in_1918
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Combat Operations of the German 10th Infantry Division on the Western Front of World War I in 1918
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Bartosz Kruszyński",
"Бартош Крушиньський",
"amu.academia.edu"
] |
2018-11-18T00:00:00
|
Combat Operations of the German 10th Infantry Division on the Western Front of World War I in 1918
|
https://www.academia.edu/37799321/Combat_Operations_of_the_German_10th_Infantry_Division_on_the_Western_Front_of_World_War_I_in_1918
|
From 26 September to 11 November 1918, American Expeditionary Force (AEF) launched an attack in the Meuse-Argonne against the Germans. This paper intends to answer the largely unanswered question of how necessary were the losses that made the battle the bloodiest in U.S. military history. To address the topic, the U.S. Army’s training, or lack thereof, is analyzed. Each of the offensive’s six phases is assessed in detail, too. Although there is slightly more detail on the American side, the Germans’ role in the battle is discussed, with primary documents from the U.S. National Archives cited. Throughout the battle the First Army, through trial and error, improved its tactics, even though this effort was impeded by green replacements that increasingly brought units closer to authorized strength. In the end, the Meuse-Argonne Offensive was instrumental in ending the war on 11 November 1918.
At the beginning of July 1916, the British and French armies launched a massive offensive against the Germans along the Somme River. Surprised by both the intensity and ferocity of the Entente battle of material on the Somme, the German army was caught completely off guard and suffered high casualties, if not great loss of terrain. Over the course of the battle, the Germans were forced by superior Anglo-French weaponry and tactics to improvise a new defensive tactical doctrine. This article makes use of contemporary German ‘lessons-learned’ reports to explore the development of these new defensive tactics and show that the lessons-learned system refined during the battle allowed the German army to stay intellectually flexible despite the overwhelming pressures of the battle.
The battles of 1915 at Neuve Chapelle, Aubers Ridge, Festubert and Loos were, with the exception of Festubert, all fought following Sir Douglas Haig’s doctrine, of the ‘decisive’battle. But the BEF faced considerable difficulties in conducting offensive operations in 1915 – a lack of trained officers and men, munitions and materiel – and research into the operational development of the British Expeditionary Force (BEF) on the Western Front in 1915 is still a much understudied area of the Great War. Nigel Atter investigates whether the BEF was too poorly prepared, staffed and equipped to conduct effective offensive operations in 1915 and whether it really was the worst year of the war for the BEF.
MICHAEL DUREY For the past thirty years historians have focused on examining the processes involved in turning the British Army into a war-winning force by the second half of 1918. The trajectory of the army's development as it discovered and implemented a successful combined arms strategy has sometimes been described as a 'learning curve'. This concept embraces much more than battlefield tactics and includes analysis of the development of military doctrine and training programmes; logistics; the use of new technology; and command and control at the higher echelons of the BEF (divisions, corps and armies). 1 The learning curve has had its critics and even some of those who accept its basic premise see it as more like a rollercoaster than a smooth upward curve. 2 All, however, acknowledge that the process accelerated with the Battle of the Somme, when the enormous quantities of military hardware essential for success-not just shells for the artillery but Lewis guns and trench mortars for the infantry, tanks and better aeroplanes for the RFC-became available and the "new" British Army underwent its first major trial in an offensive campaign on the continent. 3 Moreover, the full arsenal of military arms required to achieve battlefield success only arrived in the middle
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2080
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dbpedia
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0
| 51 |
https://www.tapatalk.com/groups/onebigisland/the-imperial-royal-landwehr-also-kk-landwehr-t1206.html
|
en
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Royal Landwehr (also: kk Landwehr )
|
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2018-07-03T23:17:00+00:00
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image Surname b d. Ernenvoltage Rankseniority Remarks Arthur Arz of Straußenburg June16 ,1857 1 July1935 Feb. 26,1918 9 Feb1918 Son of a Protestant clergyman, began the war as Field Marshal Lieutenant in the War Department. After positions as corps and army commander against Russia, Serbia and Romania, he was in February 1917 new chief of the General Staff. Friedrich Graf von Beck-Rzikowsky 21st Mar.1830 Feb.9, 1920 Feb. 26,1916 Feb. 26,1916 Beck was a general staff officer veteran of the revolutionary struggles 1848/49 and the Sardinian andGerman wars . After he had been head of the kuk military chancellery (1867) and adjutant general of the emperor (1874), he remained from 1881 to 1906 chief of the general staff. After that, he only had honor posts. Arthur Heinrich Freiherr von Bolfras Apr.16,1838 Dec.19 ,1922 Feb. 28,1916 Feb. 26,1916 Bolfras was a troop and general staff officer veteran of the Sardinian and German wars . From 1889 to 1917 he was head of the kuk military chancellery and adjutant general of the emperor. He rose in 1904 in the Freiherrnstand. Viktor Graf Dankl of Krasnik 18th Sep1854 8 Jan1941 9th May1916 May 1 ,1916 As commander of the kuk 1st Army winner in the Battle of Kraśnik (1914), Dankl was entrusted in May 1915 with the defense of Tyrol . In 1916, he won as commander of the kuk 1st Army further successes against Italy and was raised in 1918 as deputy commander of the Arcièren-Leibgarde , in the count state. Friedrich Freiherr von Georgi 27. Jan.1852 June 23 ,1926 6 May1916 May 1 ,1916 From 1907 Georgi kk was Minister of Defense and was raised in 1912 in the Freiherrnstand. In the First World War he was significantly responsible for the organization of the Austro-Hungarian war effort. In 1918 he withdrew from political and military affairs. Leopold Freiherr von Hauer Jan.21,1854 3rd May1933 Aug. 12,1917 Aug. 1, 1917 Coming from a traditional military family, he made a career as a cavalryman. In the years 1914-1917 he led various cavalry divisions and corps, partly under German command. From autumn 1917 without a command he retired to Budapest and became a Hungarian citizen after the First World War. Samuel Baron of Hazai Dec.26 ,1851 Feb.13,1942 11 Aug1917 1. Nov.1916 Born the son of Jewish parents named Samu Khon, Hazai rose in 1910 to ku Honvédminister . In 1912 he was appointed Baron. During the war, he also exercised the function of chief of the replacement system.After the First World War, he settled in Budapest and became a Hungarian citizen. Karl Georg Graf Huyn 18 Nov.1857 Feb.21,1938 May 14 ,1917 May 1 ,1917 Originally a cavalryman, Huyn was temporarily used as a military attaché in Romania after training as a General Staff Officer . From 1912 he was General Cavalry Inspector. He led the XVII. Corps at the Battle of Komarów (1914) and was relieved of command and only used again in 1917 as military governor of Galicia. Karl Graf von Kirchbach on Lauterbach May 20 ,1856 May 20 ,1939 Nov. 11,1916 1. Nov.1916 Coming from an old officer's family, he was commander of various corps and army groups between 1914 and 1916 and served on the eastern and Italian front. After the command of various armies and the rise in the rank of count (1917) he became military commander of all troops in the governorate Kherson and then briefly inspector of the kuk troops on the Western Front . Karl Křitek Oct.24,1861 3 Sep1928 May 16 ,1916 May 1 ,1916 After a career as a general staff officer, he commanded 1914-1916 various divisions and corps on the eastern and Italian front before 1917/18 commander of the 3rd Army later the 7th Army was.Subsequently, he was relieved of command in the spring of 1918. Hermann Kusmanek of Burgneustädten 16th Sep1860 7th Aug.1934 May 15 ,1917 May 1 ,1917 Kusmanek served as a General Staff Officer and in the War Department. At the outbreak of the First World War, he became fortress commander of Przemyśl . The fortress was encircled and conquered in 1914, Kusmanek was captured with 120,000 men. He did not return until 1918, but was honored for defending Przemyśl. Hugo Martiny of Malastów Feb.13,1860 Nov.30,1940 May 10 ,1918 May 1 ,1918 After a career as a general staff officer Martiny was 1914 division commander. The following year he commanded a corps and 1916 military commander of Graz and inspector of military education and training institutions. After further corps command 1917/18 on the Italy front he got there in 1918 in captivity. Charles I. Aug.17,1887 Apr.1, 1922 1. Nov.1916 1. Nov.1916 First trained as an officer, Karl became in 1906 after Franz Ferdinand heir to the throne of Austria-Hungary.Only a little politically and militarily he was involved in 1916 commander of a corps and then new emperor. He took over the supreme command and soon sought peace. Joseph Ferdinand of Austria-Tuscany May 24 ,1872 Aug.26,1942 Feb. 26,1916 Feb. 26,1916 The archduke made a career as a troop officer and was a supporter of the new aviation technology. He began the First World War as a corps commander on the Eastern Front, where he soon (1914) took overthe 4th Army before he became Inspector General of the Imperial and Royal Air Force (1916). Laterimprisoned by the Gestapo (1938). Leopold Salvator of Austria-Tuscany Oct.15,1863 4th Sep1931 May 20 ,1916 May 20 ,1916 Leopold Salvator was technically versatile. After various troop commands, the Archduke of Austria in 1907 was appointed General Artillery Inspector . In this capacity, he stood until his release in 1918. He then lived until 1930 in Barcelona . Eduard Graf von Paar Dec.5 ,1837 Feb.1, 1919 Feb. 27,1916 Feb. 26,1916 As a son from aristocratic home couple was 1866-1869 Ordonnanzoffizier or wing aide Emperor Franz Joseph. After a time as a troop commander, he became Adjutant General in 1887 and thus had great influence on decisions of the Emperor. Only in 1917 he retired from active service and was retired in 1918. Karl Freiherr von Pflanzer-Baltin June1 ,1855 8 Apr1925 8 May1916 May 1 ,1916 First cavalry and general staff officer, he reached the position of a general inspector of corps officer schools. During the First World War, he led a corps on the Eastern Front, later the 7th Army, before being released in 1916 under pressure from the Supreme Army Command . Reactivated the following year, he commanded Army Group Albania and was Inspector General of the kuk infantry. Paul Freiherr Puhallo von Brlog Feb.21,1856 Oct.12,1926 May 13 ,1916 May 1 ,1916 Croatian descent became Puhallo artillery and general staff officer and commander of the kuk war school.In the First World War, he commanded first a corps (1914), then the 1st Army (1915) on the Eastern Front.Although no longer used since 1916, he received the survey in Freiherrnstand (1917). After the war he lived temporarily in Yugoslavia . Adolf Freiherr von Rhemen zu Barensfeld Dec.22 ,1855 Jan.11,1932 May 13 ,1917 May 1 ,1917 The son of a general initially served as infantry general staff officer. Between 1913 and 1916 he commanded a corps on the eastern front and in the Balkans before he was appointed governor-general ofSerbia and this remained until 1918. Josef Freiherr Roth of Limanowa-Łapanów Oct.12,1859 Apr.9, 1927 25th Feb.1918 Feb. 1, 1918 As the son of an officer, Roth himself became a member of the General Staff Service and became commander of the Theresian Military Academy (1910), before he became commander of a division, a corps and an army group on the eastern front, at the beginning of the First World War. From 1915 he commanded again sections and a corps on the Italian front, besides also still the post of a "Inspector General for the homecoming sweeping" held. Stephan Freiherr Sarkotić from Lovćen 4th Oct.1858 Oct.16,1939 Nov. 17,1917 1. Nov.1917 The descendant of a Croatian officer family made a career as a troop officer. As such, he served in the Serbian theater of war (1914) and then became military governor of Bosnia and Herzegovina (1915). In addition to numerous repressive measures, he headed the campaign against Montenegro (1916) and was charged in the Freiherrnstand (1917). Even after the war he remained politically active from Vienna. Victor Count von Scheuchenstuel May 10 ,1857 Apr.17,1938 Nov. 16,1917 1. Nov.1917 Coming from the bourgeoisie and was at the outbreak of war field marshal and division commander. Used against Serbia, Italy and Romania, he rose to the corps commander and later to the commander of the 11th kuk army. He was also elevated to the rank of count. Eduard Konrad Prince of Schönburg-Hartenstein Nov.21,1858 20 Sep1944 Nov. 11,1918 1. Nov.1918 Cavalry and General Staff officer was Eduard Konrad military attaché in Berlin. He left the military temporarily in 1896 and devoted himself to politics. He served as commander of various brigades, divisions and a corps (1914/16), and the 6th Army (1917/18) on the eastern and Italian front. In the government Dollfuß (1933/34) he was Secretary of State and finally Federal Minister of Defense. Rudolf Freiherr Stoeger-Steiner von Steinstatten Apr.26,1861 May 12 ,1921 May 11 ,1918 May 1 ,1918 First artillery and general staff officer Stöger was in the First World War division and corps commander (1914/17) on the Eastern Front and later in Italy. In 1917, he rose to the Imperial War Minister and, as such, led the war effort Austria-Hungary. Karl Tersztyánszky of Nádas Oct.28,1854 7. Mar.1921 May 11 ,1916 May 1 ,1916 Trained as a cavalry and general staff officer, the Hungarian Tersztyánszky rose to the First World War to corps commander. As such he served first on the Eastern Front (1914) and then was to lead the offensive against Serbia (1915), but was replaced prematurely. He then commanded the 4th Army on the Eastern Front and later on the 3rd Army (1916/17). Wenzel Freiherr von Wurm Feb.27,1859 21st Mar.1921 Aug. 10,1917 Aug. 1, 1917 The officer's son and general staff officer served at the beginning of the First World War as a corps commander in the Serbian theater of war (1914) and then on the Italian front (1915/17). In 1917, briefly commander of the 4th Army on the Eastern Front, he soon took over the 1st Isonzo Army against Italy. Eduard Freiherr von Böhm-Ermolli Feb.21,1856 Dec.9 ,1941 May 7 , 1916 May 1 ,1916 Son of a deserved officer, he became a general staff officer and until 1914 corps commander. Then he commanded the 2nd Army against Serbia and on the Eastern Front, where he led an army group from October 1916. Promoted to field marshal in January 1918, he was replaced in May. Svetozar Boroëvić from Bojna Dec.13 ,1856 May23 ,1920 May 10 ,1916 May 1 ,1916 The son of a Serbian-Croat corporal, he quickly rose to become a General Staff officer and was knighted in 1905. First Corps commander on the Eastern Front, he took over there in September 1914, the 3rd Army before he took over on the Italian front of the 5th Army. Here he was field marshal in January 1918 and remained after the ceasefire in Austria. Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf Nov.11,1852 Aug.25,1925 June 23 , 1915 June 23 ,1915 Coming from aristocratic officer family, he was from 1906 with a brief break Chief of the General Staff of the army. Attempted to aggressively engage in foreign policy, but led the first operations rather unhappy.Dismissed in March 1917, he later took command of the southwestern front against Italy, where he was again dissolved in July 1918. Hermann Baron Kövess of Kövessháza 30. Mar.1854 22nd Sep1924 Feb. 26,1916 1. Mar.1916 The officer's son became a general staff officer and rose until 1914 to corps commander on the Eastern Front. He then led the 3rd Army in the Balkans. After a brief campaign against Italy, he took over the 7th Army on the Eastern Front, later an Army Group. Was still in November 1918 last Army Commander in chief after he had previously commanded the occupation forces in the Balkans. Alexander Freiherr von Krobatin 12th Sep1849 Dec.27 ,1933 Feb. 26,1916 Feb. 29,1916 As an artillery expert since 1896 in the War Office, he was in 1912 Minister of War. He resigned in connection with a scandal in April 1917 and took over the 10th Army on the Italian front. He became field marshal there in November 1917. From October 1918, he briefly led an army group and then retired to private life. Joseph August of Austria 7 Aug.1872 6th July1962 1. Nov.1916 1. Nov.1916 As an officer of the Honved he commanded in 1914 the VII Corps on the Eastern Front. 1915 used in Italy, he took over in 1916 the troops in Ostsiebenbürgen against Romania and later commanded an army group in Tyrol. After a brief command of troops in the Balkans, he became governor in Hungary at the end of October 1918. Eugene of Austria-Teschen May 21 ,1863 Dec.30 ,1954 May 22 ,1915 May 22 ,1915 Already at the age of 38, he left military service in 1911 and did not return until 1914. In May 1915 he took over the southwest front against Italy, which was expanded in March 1916 to an army group. In November 1916 he was field marshal, but in December 1917 dismissed from the service.
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The German Army
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In 1914, the German Army's estimated strength was approximately 840,000 men from all arms of service. Yet, the mainstay of the Army Corps remained the massed infantry regiments from throughout the German Empire. Each infantry Regiment possessed three battalions, logically numbered I, II and III - with each battalion formed from four Companies, numbered one to twelve throughout the Regiment. There was also an additional Machine Gun Company but these were considered to be independent of the other companies, being of a different strength and structure. These Machine-gun Companies were numbered 1, 2 and 3 throughout the entire regiment.
The numbering of the twelve regimental companies was in addition to any title that a regiment may have and, indeed, even companies within a regiment may have. As an example of this in practice, the 6th Westphalians were also known as the 3rd Company in the 2nd Battalion of the 55th Infantry Regiment! Uniform distinctions between units in a regiment were mainly based upon the colour of their bayonet knot (see below for details). The Companies were then further divided into three Platoons ('zugen') led by a senior NCO or junior officer, numbered 1-3 and with 4 Sections ('korporalschaften') to each Platoon. These sections were commanded by a corporal and were numbered 1-12 throughout the Company. The smallest subdivision of the German Army was the 9 man Squad, including its squad leader (a lance-corporal), two of which made up the Section. This made German platoons considerably larger than their British equivalent, over twice their size. Generally speaking, the strength of Companies on wartime service was 5 officers, 259 other ranks, 10 horses and 4 wagons and they were commanded by a Captain or a Lieutenant. ....
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https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/56th_Infantry_Division_(Wehrmacht)
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56th Infantry Division (Wehrmacht)
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The 56th Infantry Division was a German military unit which fought during World War II. The division was formed in 1939 in Dresden, in the second wave of mobilisation (it was nicknamed Gekreuzte Säbel, 'crossed sabres', after the divisional symbol). After taking part in the Invasion of France in...
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https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/56th_Infantry_Division_(Wehrmacht)
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56. Infanterie-Division
German 56th Infantry DivisionActive 1939 – 1945Country Nazy GermanyBranch HeerType DivisionRole InfantryEngagements World War II
The 56th Infantry Division was a German military unit which fought during World War II.
History and Organisation[]
The division was formed in 1939 in Dresden, in the second wave of mobilisation (it was nicknamed Gekreuzte Säbel, 'crossed sabres', after the divisional symbol). After taking part in the Invasion of France in 1940, it spent the remainder of its existence on the Eastern Front, mostly with Army Group Centre. One of its early commanders was Paul von Hase, later executed for his role in the Widerstand, the German resistance movement. Following heavy losses in 1943, the division was dissolved and its staff (along with remnants of Infantry Regiments 171 and 234) was incorporated into Korps-Abteilung D together with elements of the similarly depleted 262nd Infantry Division. This was itself largely destroyed to the west of Vitebsk when Third Panzer Army failed to hold the salient around the city during the Soviet offensive of June 1944, Operation Bagration.
Korps-Abteilung D was reformed, once more as the 56th Infantry Division, in East Prussia late in 1944. The Soviet East Prussian Offensive in January 1945 pushed Third Panzer Army west towards Königsberg, and the division was finally encircled and destroyed in the Heiligenbeil pocket, only around 250 men managing to break out westwards to Pomerania (the divisional staff, along with that of 18th Panzergrenadier Division, reformed as the staff of the Ulrich von Hutten Division, which participated in the Battle of Halbe).
Commanders[]
Major-General Karl Kriebel (September 1939)
Lieutenant-General Paul von Hase (July 1940)
Lieutenant-General Karl von Oven (November 1940)
Major-General Otto-Joachim Lüdecke (January 1943)
Lieutenant-General Vincenz Müller (September 1943)
Major-General Edmund Blaurock (September 1944)
See also[]
Division (military), Military unit, List of German divisions in World War II
Heer, Wehrmacht
References[]
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World War I Retrospective: The Challenges of the Eastern Front
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The region's plains made troop movements easy, but the length of supply lines and the harsh winter weather made campaigns difficult for all sides.
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"The heavens granted our troops wonderful sunshine and dry roads" — German Gen. August von Mackensen, commander of the joint German 11th Army and Austro-Hungarian 4th Army, describing conditions as his troops prepared to launch an offensive to break the Russian 3rd Army lines in western Galicia on May 2, 1915.
Unlike the Western Front, which was static for much of World War I, the Eastern Front was mostly dynamic, as Germany and its ally, Austria-Hungary, fought the Russian Empire across battle lines that moved back and forth hundreds of miles at a time. In a pattern repeated throughout the war, Germany's 1915 offensive aimed to protect its weakened Austro-Hungarian ally and reverse Russia's 1914 territorial gains.
As with Napoleon's invasion of Russia more than 100 years earlier and Nazi Germany's invasion nearly three decades later, the region's flat geography, harsh winter weather and difficult logistics played a critical role in shaping the fighting on the Eastern Front. Underdeveloped road networks, inadequate supply lines, poor planning, and — in the case of the Russians — very limited pre-war ammunition stockpiles led to significant problems for both sides fighting around the Carpathian Mountains in the winter of 1915. The lessons of the Eastern Front remain as relevant now as they were then.
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https://www.cwgc.org/our-work/blog/the-second-battle-of-cambrai-breaking-the-hindenburg-line/
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The Second Battle of Cambrai
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The Second Battle of Cambrai was a major Allied victory. Discover the story of the battle and the men who fought it with the CWGC.
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CWGC
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https://www.cwgc.org/our-work/blog/the-second-battle-of-cambrai-breaking-the-hindenburg-line/
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As the Hundred Days Offensive rolled on, the Allies returned to an already legendary battlefield. This is the story of the Second Battle of Cambrai.
Second Battle of Cambrai
What was the Second Battle of Cambrai?
Image: Canadian infantry prepare to advance during the Second Battle of Cambrai (© IWM Q 9637)
The Second Battle of Cambrai, also known as the Battle of Cambrai, 1918, was a First World War engagement fought by the armies of the British Empire and Imperial Germany.
The battle took place between 8-9 October 1918 with significant actions taking place the week before around Cambrai. It was a decisive victory for the Allies, as they continued to push through the German Army’s formidable Hindenburg Line defences.
Cambrai is indelibly linked to the First World War. It was here in November 1917 that the British Army launched one of the world’s first mass tank assaults: a milestone in the development of combined arms warfare.
Combined arms is essentially artillery, infantry, armour and aircraft working in concert to achieve their military objectives. The British would once again deploy such tactics when they returned to Cambrai in October 1918.
The Hundred Days Offensive
The Second Battle of Cambrai was part of the Hundred Days Offensive.
The Hundred Days Offensive was a major campaign comprised of several strong advances undertaken by the Allies from August to November 1918.
Image: British Infantry on the move (British Infantry on the Move © IWM Q 3174)
Essentially, the Allies started advancing on the morning of the 8th of August at Amines, France and didn’t stop until the November 11 signing of the Armistice ceasefire.
The Hundred Days was tough and bloody, but it broke the Imperial German Army’s will to fight.
The German Army had launched a desperate series of assaults known as the Spring Offensive and came close to breaking through Allied lines earlier in 1918. The gamble did not pay off, weakening the German Army.
Second Cambrai forms the phase of the Hundred Days Offensive some call the “Breaking of the Hindenburg Line”.
Named for Imperial German Chief of Staff Paul von Hindenburg, the Hindenburg Line was a 90-mile defensive line built by the German Army between 1916 and 1917.
It had been a formidable obstacle for the advancing Allies but by October 1918, the Hindenburg Line was starting to crack. The St. Quentin Canal clash proved decisive for breaking through the Hindenburg Line while actions like Cambrai further penetrated the once impregnable bastion.
Who fought at Cambrai in 1918?
The Commonwealth Forces arrayed at Cambrai include the First, Third, and Fourth British Armies under the commands of Generals Henry Horne, Sir Henry Rawlinson, and Sir Julian Byng.
These armies had been pushing hard to break through German lines and, despite taking heavy casualties, continued their momentum into the autumn of 1918.
Under the three armies were numerous Corps, regiments, and divisions. Alongside the British units, which included the 56th (1st London) Division, 38th (Welsh) Division, and 63rd Naval Division, amongst others, were units from around the British Empire.
For instance, the New Zealand Division was fighting under Third Army, whereas the entire Canadian Corps under General Sir Arthur Currie, formed a part of Horne’s First Army.
The Canadian Corps was involved in some of the thickest fighting of the Hundred Days Offensive.
Image: Canadian infantry take shelter along the Arras-Cambrai road next to a British light tank (Wikimedia Commons)
Canada’s Hundred Days helped forge the nation’s national identity in the furnace of combat. Cambrai was another chapter in Canada’s storied First World War.
Previously, the Australian Corps had been in the vanguard but after essentially being on the front line for months, the Aussies were retired following the victory at St. Quentin Canal.
The American 30th Division was also present, forming part of Rawlinson’s Fourth Army.
Tanks were a huge part of the attacking force. These armoured behemoths would help spearhead the attack. The Allies had managed to assemble over 300 tanks for the attack on Cambrai, mirroring the events of just under a year earlier.
It’s estimated around 180,000 German troops were in and around Cambrai by October 1918, although the defences of the town itself were comparatively light. Only a token force of 150 artillery pieces was mustered by the Imperial German defenders for example.
Cambrai Phase One: The Battle of the Canal du Nord
The route to Cambrai was peppered with German defences. The first phase of the battle would revolve around clearing the way towards Cambrai itself.
Interlocking man-made canals gridded the landscape, creating many difficult crossings, especially the imposing Canal du Nord. The experiences at St. Quentin had shown how formidable these obstacles could be – but also that they could be broken.
As well as the canals, the advancing British and Commonwealth troops would have to contend with machine-gun nests, tank traps and the ever-present barbed wire.
Additionally, the German defenders had purposely flooded the ground on the approaches to the canal.
Image: Royal Engineers hastily build a bridge across the Canal du Nord (© IWM Q 9344)
The Canal du Nord to the west of Cambrai had to be captured, as well as the Bourlon Woods heights overlooking its banks.
General Sir Arthur Currie and the Canadian Corps were tasked with capturing Canal du Nord and the surrounding woody high ground.
Ahead of the fighting, British and Canadian engineers went forward with extra resources to smooth the approaches for the Canadian Corps. Extra bridges were built, somehow without alerting the enemy, and new tramways were laid to help bring artillery pieces and supplies to the battlefield.
On the morning of 27 September 1918, the Canadians launched their assault under cover of a ferocious creeping artillery barrage. Attacking up a dry section of the canal, the Canadians managed to hem in the defenders through unrelenting pressure.
By nightfall, the Canadians, with the British on their flanks, had crossed the Canal du Nord, secured it, and taken Bourlon Woods for good measure.
They weathered several days of fierce German counterattacks. A total of 13 German Divisions were thrown into the Cambrai sector at this time, desperate to plug the holes the Canadians and British were punching in their lines.
All the while, the Royal Engineers and their Canadian counterparts were busy, repairing roads and hastily assembled bridges to aid infantry assaults and defences.
By October 1st, the German counter-effort had petered out. The men and materiel hurled into the defence of Canal du Nord, and subsequently lost, would have major implications for the assault on Cambrai.
The attacking force with its 324 Allied tanks, supported by infantry and aircraft, proved too much for the German defenders. Once more, the Hindenburg Line had been breached.
Capturing Cambrai
Image: British infantry move into Cambrai after its capture by the Canadian Corps (© IWM Q 11369)
After the events at the Canal du Nord, the Allies built up their forces and girded themselves for the assault on Cambrai.
Facing them was a depleted German force covering three lines of defence. The 20th Landwehr and 54th Reserve Divisions, with 150 guns, held their positions in and around the town.
Cambrai itself had been encircled. The Three British Armies attacking in the sector had done sterling work trapping and defeating the German forces arrayed before them.
Those German soldiers in Cambrai were battered and exhausted. Like their Allied counterparts, these men had been engaged in desperate, grinding fighting for months.
The psychological and physical toll warfare plays on humans is massive and these Imperial German Units had suffered just as much as any Canadian, Anzac, or Brit.
On October 8, the Canadian 2nd Division entered Cambrai. Resistance was sporadic, to say the least. Leaving the mopping-up operations to the 3rd Canadian Division, the 2nd pushed rapidly northwards.
The 3rd Division did not make it to Cambrai until the 10th. When they entered the town, they found its streets eerily quiet. The German defenders had left two days earlier with the 2nd Canadian Division in hot pursuit.
All told, the Canadians took only 20 casualties when taking Cambrai itself.
Pushing on
The Battle of Cambrai continued in an action known as the Pursuit to the Selle.
Allied forces continued to hound and harass the German army as it fell back towards defensive positions along the river Selle.
German resistance would stiffen, particularly to the northeast of Cambrai. Here, the Canadian Corps dug in and continued to trade blows with its German opponents.
Eventually, the Selle would be crossed on 17 October by a mixture of British, Canadian, New Zealand, and South African units.
The Hundred Days offensive was relentless. Cambrai was followed up by further advances, which in turn, were followed by even more.
The once formidable Hindenburg Line and been breached and an iron wedge driven deep into the German lines.
German morale was at breaking point. The ordinary soldiers were either raw recruits unused to the horrors of the Western Front or were veterans whose minds and bodies were being pushed beyond human limits.
Even so, it would take a month of more heavy fighting, and of course death, before the First World War came to an end.
Casualties of the Second Battle of Cambrai
Although the casualties taking Cambrai town itself were exceptionally light, the battles around the town, such as at Canal du Nord, were anything but.
The Canadian Corps took heavy losses. It’s estimated more than 13,600 Canadians were killed or wounded during the fighting around Canal du Nord and the woody heights nearby. As many as 30,000 were killed, wounded, or went missing during the wider Second Battle of Cambrai.
The remaining British and Commonwealth casualties at Cambrai are estimated at 12,000 killed, missing, or wounded.
German losses are estimated at 10,000 killed or wounded and a further 10,000 taken prisoner.
Lieutenant Wallace Algie VC
Image: Wallace Algie (Wikimedia Commons)
Wallace Lloyd Algie was born on 10 June 1891 in Alton, Ontario, Canada, the son of a doctor.
One of Wallace’s older brothers had enlisted upon the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. Two years later, Wallace followed in his brother’s footsteps and enlisted in the Canadian Expeditionary Force.
Wallace joined the 4th Canadian Infantry Brigade as part of the 2nd Canadian Division. In August 1917, Wallace took part in the fabled Battle of Hill 70 and fighting around Lens.
It was during the Second Battle of Cambrai and its subsequent operations that Wallace lost his life. However, he displayed gallantry and bravery above and beyond the call of duty, posthumously winning the Victoria Cross for his deeds.
Wallace’s VC citation reads:
“For most conspicuous bravery and self-sacrifice on the 11th October 1918, north-east of Cambrai, when with attacking troops which came under heavy enfilade machine-gun fire from a neighbouring village.
“Rushing forward with nine volunteers, he shot the crew of an enemy machine gun, and, turning it on the enemy, enabled his party to reach the village. He then rushed another machine gun, killed the crew, captured an officer and 10 enemy, and thereby cleared the end of the village.
“Lt. Algie, having established his party, went back for reinforcements, but was killed when leading them forward.
“His valour and personal initiative in the face of intense fire saved many lives and enabled the position to be held.”
Wallace is today buried at Niagara Cemetery, Iwuy.
Serjeant Frederick Charles Riggs VC
Image: Frederick Riggs (Wikimedia Commons)
Born in Bournemouth, England on 28 July 1888, Fredrick Charles Riggs was one of two residents of his native Capstone Road to earn the Victoria Cross during the First World War.
Like fellow resident Cecil Reginald Noble, Frederick would earn the UK’s highest military honour for valour but lose his life in the process.
At the time of Second Cambrai, Frederick was a 30-year-old Serjeant, serving with 6th Battalion, the York and Lancaster Regiment.
On 1 October during the battle’s first phase, Frederick was leading his platoon near Epinoy, France.
The men were under heavy fire and taking straight losses, but Serjeant Riggs led his men straight through to their objective, taking out a machine-gun post.
An enemy counterattack came on, but Frederick handled two German machine guns himself and returned fire, causing a group of 50 opposing soldiers to surrender.
A further enemy assault attacked Frederick’s position again. According to his medal citation, Frederick “cheerfully encouraged his men exhorting them to resist to the last” and was subsequently killed in action.
Frederick was awarded the Victoria Cross for this action. He has no known grave and is commemorated on the Vis-En-Artois Memorial.
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Military Family History. Links to web sites with Online Information for UK Military Family History and Genealogy.
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Advanced Keyword Search for UK Military Family History Online. Complete your family history by finding web sites with online information so that you can answer the question: Who Do You Think You Are?
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Keyword Advanced Search
The topic of Military Family History is vast and we have reviewed each site that we link to with the aim of placing the links in meaningful categories. However, the huge range of topics and subjects means that the limited number of categories cannot really do justice to the subject. So, behind the scenes there are also keywords matched up with each web site. This search form will allow you to fine tune the listings with the aim of helping you find web sites that match your current areas of interest.
The Keywords list will show all the keywords that we have associated with each of the web sites Choose one or more keywords up to a maximum of 25.
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The Great War in Rohatyn – Rohatyn Jewish Heritage
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Ця сторінка також доступна українською.
Go to the outline, A History of the Jewish Community of Rohatyn.
Introduction
Presented here is a timeline of Jewish life in Rohatyn during World War I, once known as the Great War (and “the war to end war“). From the trigger to the treaty, it was a brief period of only five years, and military engagements on the Eastern Front where Rohatyn sits lasted barely four years, but the war overturned public life for all of Rohatyn’s families and businesses, and many of the prior social and political relationships. Many books and entire websites have been dedicated to studying the war and its effects; this page draws from a few of those and from other sources to provide a glimpse of the war’s impacts on Rohatyn’s Jews.
This page is part of a selective history of the Jewish community of Rohatyn. This history comes from many sources and many perspectives, Jewish and otherwise, and includes historical facts (plus a few legends) which illuminate life in Rohatyn’s past to better understand its present. Most of the sources are linked inline or listed at the end of this page.
Timeline
1914 Jun 28 – Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sophie are assassinated in Sarajevo. A series of diplomatic failures and military mobilizations now called the “July Crisis” ended with Austria-Hungary (the empire ruling Galicia, including Rohatyn) declaring war on Serbia one month later. Within days, other declarations of war echoed across Europe: Germany on Russia and France, Great Britain on Germany, Austria-Hungary on Russia. At the top levels of each empire, hopes were high for a brief and decisive war. [1]
1914 Aug 6 – The Polish First Cadre Company, mobilized days earlier by Józef Piłsudski on the side of Austria-Hungary, enters Tsarist Poland at the village of Michałowice, 400km west of Rohatyn. Over the course of the war, Rohatyn Jews are conscripted, some willingly, others not. Those who hoped to avoid service employed tricks to appear unfit, and bribed the examining physicians. Those who served were proud of their efforts for Austria-Hungary and for Poland’s independence. [5, p.138~139] Many Galician Jews worked to supply the Austria-Hungary armies for the next years. [2, p.30]
1914 Aug 18~19 – Russian Third and Eighth Armies, with eight corps among them, cross into Galicia from the east and south. A new Eastern Front (Southwestern Front, as viewed from Russia) develops in the escalating war. [2, p.19]
1914 Aug 23~25 – Austria-Hungary sees its first military success in the war near the Galician border, in the Battle of Kraśnik, some 300km northwest of Rohatyn. This initial battle sets off a series of engagements along the extensive Galician front, now collectively known as the Battle of Galicia.
1914 Aug 26 – The fighting moves closer to Rohatyn, in the Battle of Komarów, about 200km to the northwest; Austria-Hungary will be successful there. But another battle starting at the same time on the Zolota Lypa river just 25km east of Rohatyn proves disastrous for Austria-Hungary; their Third Army with only three corps is overwhelmed by numbers and strategy, and is forced to retreat rapidly westward.
1914 Aug 28 – Austria-Hungary regroups on the west bank of the Hnyla Lypa river and attempts to defend a battle line running the river’s entire 75km length. Like the river, the battle line passes directly through Rohatyn; an Austria-Hungary infantry corps set up camp in the Rohatyn market square. [5, p.93] Fighting occurs in and around not only Rohatyn but also Peremyshlyany, Lypivka (Firlejów), Kniahynychi, Svirzh, Novi Strylishcha, and Pidmykhailivtsi. [3, v.1/p.284~291] In Bilshivtsi, “the center of the little town was quickly reduced to a heap of ruins”. [8, v.3/p.252] Outnumbered more than 2:1 in soldiers and 3:1 in artillery, by the 30th, Austria-Hungary is crushed and retreating; the VII k.u.k. Corps under General Eduard von Böhm-Ermolli and Field Marshall Hermann Kövess (later appointed ceremonial Commander in Chief of the Austria-Hungary forces) is unable to prevent a significant loss at Rohatyn. The armies continued moving toward Lemberg/Lviv; one of the successful Russian generals, Aleksei Brusilov, will return to this area later in the war.
1914 Sep 1 – In Russia, the imperial capital Sankt Petersburg is renamed Petrograd to eliminate its Germanic syllables. With the arrival of Russian troops to occupy Rohatyn, many local Jews flee to the town’s outskirts, to Stryi and other regional towns, and farther away, to Vienna. [5, p.93]
1914 Sep 3 – Austria-Hungary troops evacuate Lemberg [3, v.1/p.297], and during the next weeks Austria-Hungary’s armies withdraw from most of Galicia.
1914 Sep – Occupying Russian authorities, viewing East Galicia as inherently Russian, suspect local Jews as a security risk, treating them as foreigners and waging an anti-Jewish information campaign [2, p.20, 30] Russian troops ransack Jewish homes in Rohatyn and burn Jewish homes and community buildings. [5, p.93, 107] Beginning in Lviv, new administrators introduce the Russian ruble as the official currency in East Galicia, then close all schools, re-opening some a short while later with Russian textbooks and instruction. [7, v.17/n.1, p.11]
1915 Feb – Proclaiming a “threat of widespread espionage” by Jewish merchants, the Russian Commander of the Southwest Front bans entry of Jews into Galicia and the movement of Galician Jews between its provinces. [2, p.31]
1915 May 2 – With half of the armies on both sides of the Eastern Front lost to casualties, Germany and Austria-Hungary join forces to attack the Russian III Army in the south near Tarnów and Gorlice, and a breakthrough is almost immediately achieved, with four Central Powers armies overrunning the shallow trenches of Russian troops retreating eastward.
1915 May 16 – Central Powers armies under August von Mackensen establish bridgeheads over the San River, the historical line between western and eastern Galicia.
1915 Jun 3 – Germany and Austria-Hungary re-take the fortress city of Przemyśl, which had been surrendered to Russia ten weeks earlier after two sieges.
1915 Jun 5 – Russian General Nikolay Ivanov orders a concentration of troop reserves at Rohatyn. [3, v.2/p.511] In the following days, battles erupt again around nearby Novoshyny and Bilshivtsi, as Russian troops begin retreating from Khodoriv to Rohatyn. [3, v.2/p.519~520]
1915 Jun – A general order to take Jewish hostages to Russia [2, p.30] to prevent their support of the Austria-Hungary war effort shatters Rohatyn’s community: the Russian administration assembles all adult male Jews at the town center and forces 570 of them to walk out of town, first to Podwysokie (now Myvseva), then eventually transported to Kyiv and then to Chembar (now Belinsky in the Penza Oblast of Russia). The deportees will be detained there through 1915, but when they attempt to return they are held by the Russian army at Ternopil until the summer of 1917. [5, p.94~95] [6, p.12]
1915 Jun 21 – Grand Duke Nicholas, the Commander in Chief of the Russian Armies (and first cousin to Tsar Nicholas II), orders his troops to abandon Galicia, beginning the Great Retreat. Less than three months later, the Tsar will remove his cousin and take the Commander position himself.
1915 Jun 22 – Von Mackensen’s Austria-Hungary forces re-enter Lemberg/Lviv.
1915 Jun – Retreating Russian troops burn community buildings in Rohatyn Jewish neighborhoods, destroying synagogues but leaving the Beit Midrash only partly damaged. [5, p.93]
1915 Jun 26~30 – Intense fighting spans the Hnyla Lypa River for the second time in ten months. On the 30th, Austria-Hungary troops are able to re-cross the river near Rohatyn. [8, v.5/p.339; 3, v.2/p.620~623, 633~634] Fighting continues eastward, re-tracing the paths and defensive lines of the previous year.
1915 Jul 5 – Rubin Glücksmann, a Jewish soldier with the mortar battery of German 1 Corps of Felix Graf von Bothmer, sends a letter from Rohatyn (after having arrived there the day before from Stryi) to Dr. Heinrich Schiffmann in Vienna. He has surveyed the destruction in the towns he passes through en route to Rohatyn and writes, “All is destroyed by fire and the sword. Bare chimneys rise from the rubble to the skies.” The corpsman dressed the wounds of several residents in Kniahynychi and describes the condition of its Jewish community: “The grounds are filled with the tears and laments of the despaired women and children. Their homes incinerated, their fathers and husbands deported to Russia towards an uncertain future.” With some time to rest in Rohatyn, he investigates the recent occupation there: “In this small, picturesque town, resembling South Tyrol with its scenery and layout, the rage of the Russian Beast has been at its worst. When the Russians sensed the end of their reign they tried to entice the Polish and Ruthenian population with promises and threats to move to Russia. But the latter replied that they would only bend to force.” [6, p.11~13]
1915 Autumn – With the southern end of the Eastern Front stuck west of Ternopil, some 50km east of Rohatyn, soldiers of the Central Powers armies have some time to survey damage to towns already affected by two passes of battle lines in the previous year. Compelling scenes in Rohatyn are captured in a number of photographs; some of those scenes are printed on postcards soon after and for the next years, others make their way via military post to Vienna, where they survive to be rediscovered a hundred years later. The ruins of Rohatyn’s buildings, and the remaining residents going about their business as best they can, seem somehow picturesque despite the severe hardship they reveal. The soldiers, most of whom are only visitors from faraway places, strike proud or comic poses beside the rubble, with townspeople and animals, and sometimes with their equipment. In addition to selling and buying food and other goods, the residents are seen working around the damage, getting by, not knowing when the war will end or under which empire they will find themselves.
1916 – A curious series of photographs is taken by the German military in the landscape around Rohatyn, probably in the first half of the year. It appears to show practical exercises for soldiers of the South Army in the use of various tools of battle, including hand grenades, flame throwers, and machine guns. Several of the images simply show the impact of artillery fire; others show groups of officers posing. Why the photographs were taken or why Rohatyn was chosen for the training courses is not known, although the town was a significant reserve point for Central Powers armies after the first year of war.
1916 Jun 4 – The massive Brusilov Offensive begins in Eastern Galicia, along a battle line that stretches from Pinsk to south of Chernivtsi, a length of more than 400km. Russian forces make significant westward gains in the first week around Lutsk, Buchach, and Chernivtsi, but then the advance slows. By the time the offensive is finally stopped by combined Central Powers efforts and Russian material shortages three months later, the front has again crossed the Zolota Lypa river and the fighting is within 25km of Rohatyn; the Ternopil-Rohatyn rail line features in strategy and battles in the last month. [3, v.3/p.82~83, v.5/p.242] The operation is the deadliest of World War I, with an estimated 1.5 million dead, wounded, or captured soldiers, and untold civilian casualties; it also cripples the Austria-Hungary military force for the remainder of the war. General Brusilov‘s strategy and innovative tactics are celebrated, but the cost to Russia’s economy and fighting force contribute to political instability at home.
1916 Autumn – Rohatyn continues to be used as a base for the Central Powers’ South Army, and the town remains a goal for Russian strategy hoping to push westward. [3, v.5/p.420~423, 439, 580]
1916 Nov – Russia’s Duma cites the increasing strain of the war on the empire’s military and material resources as a risk to public order in a warning to Tsar Nicholas II to establish a constitutional form of government; the emperor ignores the warning.
1916 Nov – The writer, ethnographer, and activist S. Ansky (Shloyme Zaynvl Rappaport), while leading a relief mission to Jewish communities under Russian military administration, records in his diary a report about the situation behind the front lines from a Ternopil relief committee member, who estimates there are 10,000 homeless in his city: “We’ve got homeless people from places that were retaken by the Austrians and especially returnees from Russia who are not allowed back into their hometowns. We’ve got about 1000 families from Rohotin [sic] and about 600 from Podvolotshisk. All told, we’ve got homeless people from 122 places.” [9, p.235]
1916 Nov 21 – Emperor Franz Joseph I of Austria dies, after ruling his empire for more than 65 years. He is buried in the imperial crypt in Vienna (where monarchists continue to leave flowers).
1917 Jan~Jul – “Rohatyn Sector” continues to serve as a major reserve and launching point for the German South Army, and an objective for the Russian 7th Army. [3, v.6/p.82, 254, 280~283, 318~319]
1917 Mar 8 – Following a month of strikes and demonstrations, on International Women’s Day more than 50,000 women workers strike in Petrograd, as part of larger political movements in Russia. Two days later, nearly every industrial plant in the city has been shut down. A day later, the Tsar orders the army to restore order by force, but troops mutiny and government authority collapses.
1917 Mar 15 – Tsar Nicholas II of Russia abdicates the throne, for himself and his son. The next day, the former Tsar’s brother declines the throne. A “dual power” government is established between liberal aristocrats and the socialist worker’s council.
1917 Apr 6 – The United States declares war on Germany. Declaration on Austria-Hungary comes in December, and US troops begin arriving on the Western Front in large numbers the following year.
1917 Nov 2 – The UK foreign secretary sends a public letter to the leader of the British Jewish community, declaring “His Majesty’s government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people”. The “Balfour Declaration” represents the first expression of public support for Zionism by a major political power, while intending to protect the rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, and the rights of Jews in other countries.
1917 Nov 7 – The October Revolution effectively removes Russia from the war. Vladimir Lenin’s Bolsheviks organize armed forces into an armed insurrection in Petrograd, occupying the Winter Palace and overthrowing the provisional government. The next day, a decree on peace written by Lenin and passed by a second congress of soviet deputies proposes an immediate cessation of international conflict without annexations. Elections a few days later fail to create a stable government, and civil war begins in Russia.
1918 Jan 8 – US President Woodrow Wilson delivers his “Fourteen Points” speech to the US Congress, outlining his aims for US involvement in the war and subsequent peace. Included among the points are self-determination for the people of Austria-Hungary (X), and an independent Polish state (XIII), both of which will bear on later peace negotiations and post-war life in Rohatyn.
1918 Feb 18 – Under a cease-fire with Russia and in the midst of two months of negotiations for peace, the Central Powers attack nearly non-existent Russian forces in a broad front through more than 240km in 11 days in Operation Faustschlag, which will become the last engagement on the Eastern Front.
1918 Mar 3 – The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk is signed by Soviet Russia and the Central Powers; Russia renounces claims on Poland, Ukraine, Finland, and the Baltic states.
1918 Jul 16 – The former Russian Tsar Nicholas II and his family and companions are executed by Bolshevik troops in Yekaterinburg.
1918 Oct 31 – With the brief Aster Revolution, Hungary withdraws from the “personal union” with Austria, officially dissolving Austria-Hungary as a dual monarchy.
1918 Nov 9 – Two weeks of military and civil revolt lead to the collapse of the German Empire and the abdication of Kaiser Wilhelm II. Revolution will continue on and off for months until the establishment of a new German Reich with the Weimar Constitution.
1918 Nov 11 – An armistice is signed between the Entente Powers and Germany in a carriage of Ferdinand Foch’s private train in the Forest of Compiègne, 60km north of Paris. On the same day, Karl I of Austria issues a proclamation relinquishing his role in the administration of the Austrian state, but without abdicating. The fighting of World War I ends at 11am.
1919 Jun 28 – Terms of peace are formally agreed in the Treaty of Versailles, five years to the day after the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife. In addition to the royals, more than 9 million military personnel and 7 million civilians died as a result of the war, a combined average rate of some nine thousand per day – more than the population of Rohatyn at the time, every day.
Related Articles on this Website:
Browse the History
The Jewish Population of Rohatyn
Mapping Rohatyn
Military Training Exercises in Rohatyn, 1916
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Battle of Verdun
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2002-05-06T00:29:10+00:00
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Verdun
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Battle on the Western Front during the First World War
For the battle during the French Revolution, see Battle of Verdun (1792).
The Battle of Verdun (French: Bataille de Verdun [bataj də vɛʁdœ̃]; German: Schlacht um Verdun [ʃlaxt ʔʊm ˈvɛɐ̯dœ̃]) was fought from 21 February to 18 December 1916 on the Western Front in France. The battle was the longest of the First World War and took place on the hills north of Verdun-sur-Meuse. The German 5th Army attacked the defences of the Fortified Region of Verdun (RFV, Région Fortifiée de Verdun) and those of the French Second Army on the right (east) bank of the Meuse. Using the experience of the Second Battle of Champagne in 1915, the Germans planned to capture the Meuse Heights, an excellent defensive position, with good observation for artillery-fire on Verdun. The Germans hoped that the French would commit their strategic reserve to recapture the position and suffer catastrophic losses at little cost to the German infantry.
Poor weather delayed the beginning of the attack until 21 February but the Germans captured Fort Douaumont in the first three days. The advance then slowed for several days, despite inflicting many French casualties. By 6 March, 20+1⁄2 French divisions were in the RFV and a more extensive defence in depth had been organised. Philippe Pétain ordered there to be no retreat and that German attacks were to be counter-attacked, despite this exposing French infantry to the German artillery. By 29 March, French guns on the west bank had begun a constant bombardment of Germans on the east bank, causing many infantry casualties. The German offensive was extended to the west bank of the Meuse to gain observation and eliminate the French artillery firing over the river but the attacks failed to reach their objectives.
In early May, the Germans changed tactics again and made local attacks and counter-attacks; the French recaptured part of Fort Douaumont but the Germans ejected them and took many prisoners. The Germans tried alternating their attacks on either side of the Meuse and in June captured Fort Vaux. The Germans advanced towards the last geographical objectives of the original plan, at Fleury-devant-Douaumont and Fort Souville, driving a salient into the French defences. Fleury was captured and the Germans came within 2.5 mi (4 km) of the Verdun citadel but in July the offensive was limited to provide troops, artillery and ammunition for the Battle of the Somme, leading to a similar transfer of the French Tenth Army to the Somme front. From 23 June to 17 August, Fleury changed hands sixteen times and a German attack on Fort Souville failed. The offensive was reduced further but to keep French troops away from the Somme, ruses were used to disguise the change.
In September and December, French counter-offensives recaptured much ground on the east bank and recovered Fort Douaumont and Fort Vaux. The battle lasted for 302 days, one of the longest and costliest in human history. In 2000, Hannes Heer and Klaus Naumann calculated that the French suffered 377,231 casualties and the Germans 337,000, a total of 714,231 and an average of 70,000 a month. In 2014, William Philpott wrote of 714,000 casualties suffered by both sides during the Battle of Verdun in 1916 and that about 1,250,000 casualties were suffered in the vicinity of Verdun in the war. In France, the battle came to symbolise the determination of the French Army and the destructiveness of the war.
After the German invasion of France had been halted at the First Battle of the Marne in September 1914, the war of movement ended at the Battle of the Yser and the First Battle of Ypres. The Germans built field fortifications to hold the ground captured in 1914 and the French began siege warfare to break through the German defences and recover the lost territory. In late 1914 and in 1915, offensives on the Western Front had failed to gain much ground and been extremely costly in casualties.[a] According to his memoirs written after the war, the Chief of the German General Staff, Erich von Falkenhayn, believed that although victory might no longer be achieved by a decisive battle, the French army could still be defeated if it suffered a sufficient number of casualties. Falkenhayn offered five corps from the strategic reserve for an offensive at Verdun at the beginning of February 1916 but only for an attack on the east bank of the Meuse. Falkenhayn considered it unlikely the French would be complacent about Verdun; he thought that they might send all their reserves there and begin a counter-offensive elsewhere or fight to hold Verdun while the British launched a relief offensive. After the war, Kaiser Wilhelm II and Gerhard Tappen, the Operations Officer at Oberste Heeresleitung (OHL, General Headquarters), wrote that Falkenhayn believed the last possibility was most likely.
By seizing or threatening to capture Verdun, the Germans anticipated that the French would send all their reserves, which would then have to attack secure German defensive positions supported by a powerful artillery reserve. In the Gorlice–Tarnów Offensive (1 May to 19 September 1915), the German and Austro-Hungarian Armies attacked Russian defences frontally, after pulverising them with large amounts of heavy artillery. During the Second Battle of Champagne (Herbstschlacht [autumn battle]) 25 September to 6 November 1915, the French suffered "extraordinary casualties" from the German heavy artillery, which Falkenhayn considered offered a way out of the dilemma of material inferiority and the growing strength of the Allies. In the north, a British relief offensive would wear down British reserves, to no decisive effect but create the conditions for a German counter-offensive near Arras.
Hints about Falkenhayn's thinking were picked up by Dutch military intelligence and passed on to the British in December. The German strategy was to create a favourable operational situation without a mass attack, which had been costly and ineffective when tried by the Franco-British, Falkenhayn intended to rely on the power of heavy artillery to inflict mass casualties. A limited offensive at Verdun would lead to the destruction of the French strategic reserve in fruitless counter-attacks and the defeat of British reserves during a hopeless relief offensive, leading to the French accepting a separate peace. If the French refused to negotiate, the second phase of the strategy would follow, in which the German armies would attack terminally weakened Franco-British armies, mop up the remains of the French armies and expel the British from Europe. To fulfil this strategy, Falkenhayn needed to hold back enough of the strategic reserve to defeat the Anglo-French relief offensives and then conduct a counter-offensive, which limited the number of divisions which could be sent to the 5th Army at Verdun for Unternehmen Gericht (Operation Judgement).
The Fortified Region of Verdun (RFV) lay in a salient formed during the German invasion of 1914. General Joseph Joffre, the Commander-in-Chief of the French Army, had concluded from the swift capture of the Belgian fortresses at the Battle of Liège and at the Siege of Namur in 1914 that fortifications had been made obsolete by German super-heavy siege artillery. In a directive of the General Staff of 5 August 1915, the RFV was to be stripped of 54 artillery batteries and 128,000 rounds of ammunition. Plans to demolish forts Douaumont and Vaux to deny them to the Germans were made and 11,000 lb (5,000 kg) of explosives had been placed in Douaumont by the time of the German offensive on 21 February. The 18 large forts and other batteries around Verdun were left with fewer than 300 guns and a small reserve of ammunition, while their garrisons had been reduced to small maintenance crews. The railway line from the south into Verdun had been cut during the Battle of Flirey in 1914, with the loss of Saint-Mihiel; the line west from Verdun to Paris was cut at Aubréville in mid-July 1915 by the German 3rd Army, which had attacked southwards through the Argonne Forest since the new year.
For centuries, Verdun, on the Meuse river, had played an important role in the defence of the French hinterland. Attila the Hun failed to seize the town in the fifth century and when the empire of Charlemagne was divided under the Treaty of Verdun (843), the town became part of the Holy Roman Empire; the Peace of Westphalia of 1648 awarded Verdun to France. At the heart of the city was a citadel built by Vauban in the 17th century. A double ring of 28 forts and smaller works (ouvrages) had been built around Verdun on commanding ground, at least 490 ft (150 m) above the river valley, 1.6–5.0 mi (2.5–8 km) from the citadel. A programme had been devised by Séré de Rivières in the 1870s to build two lines of fortresses from Belfort to Épinal and from Verdun to Toul as defensive screens and to enclose towns intended to be the bases for counter-attacks.[b]
Many of the Verdun forts had been modernised and made more resistant to artillery, with a reconstruction programme begun at Douaumont in the 1880s. A sand cushion and thick, steel-reinforced concrete tops up to 8 ft 2 in (2.5 m) thick, buried under 3 ft 3 in – 13 ft 1 in (1–4 m) of earth, were added. The forts and ouvrages were sited to overlook each other for mutual support and the outer ring had a circumference of 28 mi (45 km). The outer forts had 79 guns in shellproof turrets and more than 200 light guns and machine-guns to protect the ditches around the forts. Six forts had 155 mm guns in retractable turrets and fourteen had retractable twin 75 mm turrets.
In 1903, Douaumont was equipped with a new concrete bunker (Casemate de Bourges), containing two 75 mm field guns to cover the south-western approach and the defensive works along the ridge to Ouvrage de Froideterre. More guns were added from 1903 to 1913 in four retractable steel turrets. The guns could rotate for all-round defence and two smaller versions, at the north-eastern and north-western corners of the fort, housed twin Hotchkiss machine-guns. On the east side of the fort, an armoured turret with a 155 mm short-barrelled gun faced north and north-east and another housed twin 75 mm guns at the north end, to cover the intervals between the neighbouring forts. The fort at Douaumont formed part of a complex of the village, fort, six ouvrages, five shelters, six concrete batteries, an underground infantry shelter, two ammunition depots and several concrete infantry trenches. The Verdun forts had a network of concrete infantry shelters, armoured observation posts, batteries, concrete trenches, command posts and underground shelters between the forts. The artillery comprised c. 1,000 guns, with 250 in reserve; the forts and ouvrages were linked by telephone and telegraph, a narrow-gauge railway system and a road network; on mobilisation, the RFV had a garrison of 66,000 men and rations for six months.[c]
Verdun had been isolated on three sides since 1914 and the mainline Paris–St Menehould–Les Islettes–Clermont-en-Argonne–Aubréville–Verdun railway in the Forest of Argonne was closed in mid-July 1915, by the right flank divisions of the 5th Army (Generalmajor Crown Prince Wilhelm) when it reached the La Morte Fille–Hill 285 ridge, after continuous local attacks, rendering the railway unusable. Only a light railway remained to the French to carry bulk supplies; German-controlled mainline railways lay only 15 mi (24 km) to the north of the front line. A corps was moved to the 5th Army to provide labour for the preparation of the offensive. Areas were emptied of French civilians and buildings requisitioned. Thousands of kilometres of telephone cable were laid, a huge amount of ammunition and rations was dumped under cover and hundreds of guns were emplaced and camouflaged. Ten new rail lines with twenty stations were built and vast underground shelters (Stollen) 15–46 ft (4.5–14 m) deep were dug, each to accommodate up to 1,200 infantry.
The III Corps, VII Reserve Corps and XVIII Corps were transferred to the 5th Army, each corps being reinforced by 2,400 experienced troops and 2,000 trained recruits. V Corps was placed behind the front line, ready to advance if necessary when the assault divisions were moving up. XV Corps, with two divisions, was in 5th Army reserve, ready to advance and mop up as soon as the French defence collapsed. Special arrangements were made to maintain a high rate of artillery-fire during the offensive; 33+1⁄2 munitions trains per day were to deliver ammunition sufficient for 2,000,000 rounds to be fired in the first six days and another 2,000,000 shells in the next twelve. Five repair shops were built close to the front to reduce delays for maintenance and factories in Germany were made ready, rapidly to refurbish artillery needing more extensive repairs. A redeployment plan for the artillery was devised, to move field guns and mobile heavy artillery forward, under the covering fire of mortars and the super-heavy artillery. A total of 1,201 guns were massed on the Verdun front, two thirds of which were heavy- and super-heavy artillery, which was obtained by stripping modern German artillery from the rest of the Western Front and substituting for it older types and captured Russian and Belgian guns. The German artillery could fire into the Verdun salient from three directions yet remain dispersed around the edges.
The 5th Army divided the attack front into areas, A occupied by the VII Reserve Corps, B by the XVIII Corps, C by the III Corps and D on the Woëvre plain by the XV Corps. The preliminary artillery bombardment was to begin in the morning of 12 February. At 5:00 p.m., the infantry in areas A to C would advance in open order, supported by grenade and flame-thrower detachments. Wherever possible, the French advanced trenches were to be occupied and the second position reconnoitred for the artillery to bombard on the second day. Great emphasis was placed on limiting German infantry casualties by sending them to follow up destructive bombardments by the artillery, which was to carry the burden of the offensive in a series of large "attacks with limited objectives", to maintain a relentless pressure on the French. The initial objectives were the Meuse Heights, on a line from Froide Terre to Fort Souville and Fort Tavannes, which would provide a secure defensive position from which to repel French counter-attacks. "Relentless pressure" was a term added by the 5th Army staff and created ambiguity about the purpose of the offensive. Falkenhayn wanted land to be captured from which artillery could dominate the battlefield and the 5th Army wanted a quick capture of Verdun. The confusion caused by the ambiguity was left to the corps headquarters to sort out.
Control of the artillery was centralised by an Order for the Activities of the Artillery and Mortars, which stipulated that the corps Generals of Foot Artillery were responsible for local target selection, while co-ordination of flanking fire by neighbouring corps and the fire of certain batteries, was reserved to the 5th Army headquarters. French fortifications were to be engaged by the heaviest howitzers and enfilade fire. The heavy artillery was to maintain long-range bombardment of French supply routes and assembly areas; counter-battery fire was reserved for specialist batteries firing gas shells. Co-operation between the artillery and infantry was stressed, with accuracy of the artillery being given priority over rate of fire. The opening bombardment was to build up slowly and Trommelfeuer (a rate of fire so rapid that the sound of shell-explosions merged into a rumble) would not begin until the last hour. As the infantry advanced, the artillery would increase the range of the bombardment to destroy the French second position. Artillery observers were to advance with the infantry and communicate with the guns by field telephones, flares and coloured balloons. When the offensive began, the French were to be bombarded continuously, with harassing fire being maintained at night.
In 1915, 237 guns and 647 long tons (657 t) of ammunition in the forts of the RFV had been removed, leaving only the heavy guns in retractable turrets. The conversion of the RFV to a conventional linear defence, with trenches and barbed wire began but proceeded slowly, after resources were sent west from Verdun for the Second Battle of Champagne (25 September to 6 November 1915). In October 1915, building began on trench lines known as the first, second and third positions and in January 1916, an inspection by General Noël de Castelnau, Chief of Staff at French General Headquarters (GQG), reported that the new defences were satisfactory, except for small deficiencies in three areas. The fortress garrisons had been reduced to small maintenance crews and some of the forts had been readied for demolition. The maintenance garrisons were responsible to the central military bureaucracy in Paris and when the XXX Corps commander, Major-General Paul Chrétien, attempted to inspect Fort Douaumont in January 1916, he was refused entry.
Douaumont was the largest fort in the RFV and by February 1916, the only artillery left in the fort were the 75 mm and 155 mm turret guns and light guns covering the ditch. The fort was used as a barracks by 68 technicians under the command of Warrant Officer Chenot, the Gardien de Batterie. One of the rotating 6.1 in (155 mm) turrets was partially manned and the other was left empty. The Hotchkiss machine-guns were stored in boxes and four 75 mm guns in the casemates had already been removed. The drawbridge had been jammed in the down position by a German shell and had not been repaired. The coffres (wall bunkers) with Hotchkiss revolver-cannons protecting the moats, were unmanned and over 11,000 lb; 4.9 long tons (5,000 kg) of explosives had been placed in the fort to demolish it. Colonel Émile Driant was stationed at Verdun and criticised Joffre for removing the artillery guns and infantry from fortresses around Verdun. Joffre did not listen but Colonel Driant received the support of the Minister for War Joseph Gallieni. The formidable Verdun defences were a shell and were now threatened by a German offensive; Driant was to be proved correct by events.
In late January 1916, French intelligence obtained an accurate assessment of German military capacity and intentions at Verdun but Joffre considered that an attack would be a diversion, because of the lack of an obvious strategic objective. By the time of the German offensive, Joffre expected a bigger attack elsewhere but finally yielded to political pressure and ordered the VII Corps to Verdun on 23 January, to hold the north face of the west bank. XXX Corps held the salient east of the Meuse to the north and north-east and II Corps held the eastern face of the Meuse Heights; Herr had 8+1⁄2 divisions in the front line, with 2+1⁄2 divisions in close reserve. Groupe d'armées du centre (GAC, General De Langle de Cary) had the I and XX corps with two divisions each in reserve, plus most of the 19th Division; Joffre had 25 divisions in the French strategic reserve. French artillery reinforcements had brought the total at Verdun to 388 field guns and 244 heavy guns, against 1,201 German guns, two thirds of which were heavy and super heavy, including 14 in (360 mm) and 202 mortars, some being 16 in (410 mm). Eight specialist flame-thrower companies were also sent to the 5th Army.
Castelnau met De Langle de Cary on 25 February, who doubted the east bank could be held. Castelnau disagreed and ordered General Frédéric-Georges Herr the corps commander, to hold the right (east) bank of the Meuse at all costs. Herr sent a division from the west bank and ordered XXX Corps to hold a line from Bras to Douaumont, Vaux and Eix. Pétain took over command of the defence of the RFV at 11:00 p.m., with Colonel Maurice de Barescut as chief of staff and Colonel Bernard Serrigny as head of operations, only to hear that Fort Douaumont had fallen. Pétain ordered the remaining Verdun forts to be re-garrisoned.
Four groups were established, under the command of Generals Adolphe Guillaumat, Balfourier and Denis Duchêne on the right bank and Georges de Bazelaire on the left bank. A "line of resistance" was established on the east bank from Souville to Thiaumont, around Fort Douaumont to Fort Vaux, Moulainville and along the ridge of the Woëvre. On the west bank, the line ran from Cumières to Mort Homme, Côte 304 and Avocourt. A "line of panic" was planned in secret as a final line of defence north of Verdun, through forts Belleville, St Michel and Moulainville. I Corps and XX Corps arrived from 24 to 26 February, increasing the number of divisions in the RFV to 14+1⁄2. By 6 March, the arrival of the XIII, XXI, XIV and XXXIII corps had increased the total to 20+1⁄2 divisions.
Main article: Fort Douaumont
Unternehmen Gericht (Operation Judgement) was due to begin on 12 February but fog, heavy rain and high winds delayed the offensive until 7:15 a.m. on 21 February, when a 10-hour artillery bombardment by 808 guns began. The German artillery fired c. 1,000,000 shells along a front about 19 mi (30 km) long by 3.1 mi (5 km) wide. The main concentration of fire was on the right (east) bank of the Meuse river. Twenty-six super-heavy, long-range guns, up to 17-inch (420 mm), fired on the forts and the city of Verdun; a rumble that could be heard 99 mi (160 km) away.
The bombardment was paused at midday as a ruse to prompt French survivors to reveal themselves and German artillery-observation aircraft were able to fly over the battlefield unchallenged. The III Corps, VII Corps and XVIII Corps attacked at 4:00 p.m.; the Germans used flamethrowers and stormtroopers followed closely with rifles slung, using hand grenades to kill the remaining defenders. This tactic had been developed by Captain Willy Rohr and Sturm-Bataillon Nr. 5 (Rohr) which delivered the attack. French survivors engaged the attackers, yet the Germans suffered only c. 600 casualties.
By 22 February, German troops had advanced 3.1 mi (5 km) and captured Bois des Caures at the edge of the village of Flabas. Two French battalions had held the bois (wood) for two days but were forced back to Samogneux, Beaumont-en-Auge and Ornes. Driant was killed, fighting with the 56th and 59th Bataillons de chasseurs à pied and only 118 of the Chasseurs managed to escape. Poor communications meant that only then did the French High Command realise the seriousness of the attack. The Germans managed to take the village of Haumont but French forces repulsed a German attack on the village of Bois de l'Herbebois. On 23 February, a French counter-attack at Bois des Caures was defeated.
Fighting for Bois de l'Herbebois continued until the Germans outflanked the French defenders from Bois de Wavrille. The German attackers suffered many casualties during their attack on Bois de Fosses and the French held on to Samogneux. German attacks continued on 24 February and the French XXX Corps was forced out of the second line of defence; XX Corps (General Maurice Balfourier) arrived at the last minute and was rushed forward. That evening Castelnau advised Joffre that the Second Army, under General Pétain, should be sent to the RFV. The Germans had captured Beaumont-en-Verdunois, Bois des Fosses and Bois des Caurières and were moving up ravin Hassoule, which led to Fort Douaumont.
At 3:00 p.m. on 25 February, infantry of Brandenburg Regiment 24 advanced with the II and III battalions side-by-side, each formed into two waves composed of two companies each. A delay in the arrival of orders to the regiments on the flanks, led to the III Battalion advancing without support on that flank. The Germans rushed French positions in the woods and on Côte 347, with the support of machine-gun fire from the edge of Bois Hermitage. The German infantry took many prisoners as the French on Côte 347 were outflanked and withdrew to Douaumont village. The German infantry had reached their objectives in under twenty minutes and pursued the French, until fired on by a machine-gun in Douaumont church. Some German troops took cover in woods and a ravine which led to the fort, when German artillery began to bombard the area, the gunners having refused to believe claims sent by field telephone that the German infantry were within a few hundred metres of the fort. Several German parties were forced to advance to find cover from the German shelling and two parties independently made for the fort.[d] The Germans did not know that the French garrison was made up of only a small maintenance crew led by a warrant officer, since most of the Verdun forts had been partly disarmed, after the demolition of Belgian forts in 1914, by the German super-heavy Krupp 420 mm mortars.
The German party of c. 100 soldiers tried to signal to the artillery with flares but they were not seen due to the twilight and falling snow. Some of the party began to cut through the wire around the fort, while French machine-gun fire from Douaumont village ceased. The French had seen the German flares and took the Germans on the fort to be Zouaves retreating from Côte 378. The Germans were able to reach the north-east end of the fort before the French resumed firing. The German party found a way through the railings on top of the ditch and climbed down without being fired on, since the machine-gun bunkers (coffres de contrescarpe) at each corner of the ditch had been left unmanned. The German parties continued and found a way inside the fort through one of the unoccupied ditch bunkers and then reached the central Rue de Rempart.
After quietly moving inside, the Germans heard voices and persuaded a French prisoner, captured in an observation post, to lead them to the lower floor, where they found Warrant Officer Chenot and about 25 French troops, most of the skeleton garrison of the fort, and took them prisoner. On 26 February, the Germans had advanced 1.9 mi (3 km) on a 6.2 mi (10 km) front; French losses were 24,000 men and German losses were c. 25,000 men. A French counter-attack on Fort Douaumont failed and Pétain ordered that no more attempts were to be made; existing lines were to be consolidated and other forts were to be occupied, rearmed and supplied to withstand a siege if surrounded.
The German advance gained little ground on 27 February, after a thaw turned the ground into a swamp and the arrival of French reinforcements increased the effectiveness of the defence. Some German artillery became unserviceable and other batteries became stranded in the mud. German infantry began to suffer from exhaustion and unexpectedly high losses, 500 casualties being suffered in the fighting around Douaumont village. On 29 February, the German advance was contained at Douaumont by a heavy snowfall and the defence of French 33rd Infantry Regiment.[e] Delays gave the French time to bring up 90,000 men and 23,000 short tons (21,000 t) of ammunition from the railhead at Bar-le-Duc to Verdun. The swift German advance had gone beyond the range of artillery covering fire and the muddy conditions made it very difficult to move the artillery forward as planned. The German advance southwards brought it into range of French artillery west of the Meuse, whose fire caused more German infantry casualties than in the earlier fighting, when French infantry on the east bank had fewer guns in support.
Before the offensive, Falkenhayn had expected that French artillery on the west bank would be suppressed by counter-battery fire but this had failed. The Germans set up a specialist artillery force to counter French artillery fire from the west bank but this also failed to reduce German infantry casualties. The 5th Army asked for more troops in late February but Falkenhayn refused, due to the rapid advance already achieved on the east bank and because he needed the rest of the OHL reserve for an offensive elsewhere, once the attack at Verdun had attracted and consumed French reserves. The pause in the German advance on 27 February led Falkenhayn to have second thoughts to decide between terminating the offensive or reinforcing it. On 29 February, Knobelsdorf, the 5th Army Chief of Staff, prised two divisions from the OHL reserve, with the assurance that once the heights on the west bank had been occupied, the offensive on the east bank could be completed. The VI Reserve Corps was reinforced with the X Reserve Corps, to capture a line from the south of Avocourt to Côte 304 north of Esnes, Le Mort Homme, Bois des Cumières and Côte 205, from which the French artillery on the west bank could be destroyed.
The artillery of the two-corps assault group on the west bank was reinforced by 25 heavy artillery batteries, artillery command was centralised under one officer and arrangements were made for the artillery on the east bank to fire in support. The attack was planned by General Heinrich von Gossler in two parts, on Mort-Homme and Côte 265 on 6 March, followed by attacks on Avocourt and Côte 304 on 9 March. The German bombardment reduced the top of Côte 304 from a height of 997 ft (304 m) to 980 ft (300 m); Mort-Homme sheltered batteries of French field guns, which hindered German progress towards Verdun on the right bank; the hills also provided commanding views of the left bank. After storming the Bois des Corbeaux and then losing it to a French counter-attack, the Germans launched another assault on Mort-Homme on 9 March, from the direction of Béthincourt to the north-west. Bois des Corbeaux was captured again at great cost in casualties, before the Germans took parts of Mort-Homme, Côte 304, Cumières and Chattancourt on 14 March.
After a week, the German attack had reached the first-day objectives, to find that French guns behind Côte de Marre and Bois Bourrus were still operational and inflicting many casualties among the Germans on the east bank. German artillery moved to Côte 265, was subjected to systematic artillery fire by the French, which left the Germans needing to implement the second part of the west bank offensive, to protect the gains of the first phase. German attacks changed from large operations on broad fronts, to narrow-front attacks with limited objectives.
On 14 March a German attack captured Côte 265 at the west end of Mort-Homme but the French 75th Infantry Brigade managed to hold Côte 295 at the east end. On 20 March, after a bombardment by 13,000 trench mortar rounds, the 11th Bavarian and 11th Reserve divisions attacked Bois d'Avocourt and Bois de Malancourt and reached their initial objectives easily. Gossler ordered a pause in the attack, to consolidate the captured ground and to prepare another big bombardment for the next day. On 22 March, two divisions attacked "Termite Hill" near Côte 304 but were met by a mass of artillery fire, which also fell on assembly points and the German lines of communication, ending the German advance.
The limited German success had been costly and French artillery inflicted more casualties as the German infantry tried to dig in. By 30 March, Gossler had captured Bois de Malancourt at a cost of 20,000 casualties and the Germans were still short of Côte 304. On 30 March, the XXII Reserve Corps arrived as reinforcements and General Max von Gallwitz took command of a new Attack Group West (Angriffsgruppe West). Malancourt village was captured on 31 March, Haucourt fell on 5 April and Béthincourt on 8 April. On the east bank, German attacks near Vaux reached Bois Caillette and the Vaux–Fleury railway but were then driven back by the French 5th Division. An attack was made on a wider front along both banks by the Germans at noon on 9 April, with five divisions on the left bank but this was repulsed except at Mort-Homme, where the French 42nd Division was forced back from the north-east face. On the right bank an attack on Côte-du-Poivre failed.
In March the German attacks had no advantage of surprise and faced a determined and well-supplied adversary in superior defensive positions. German artillery could still devastate the French positions but could not prevent French artillery fire from inflicting many casualties on German infantry and isolating them from their supplies. Massed artillery fire could enable German infantry to make small advances but massed French artillery fire could do the same for French infantry when they counter-attacked, which often repulsed the German infantry and subjected them to constant losses, even when captured ground was held. The German effort on the west bank also showed that capturing a vital point was not sufficient, because it would be found to be overlooked by another terrain feature, which had to be captured to ensure the defence of the original point, which made it impossible for the Germans to terminate their attacks, unless they were willing to retire to the original front line of February 1916.
By the end of March the offensive had cost the Germans 81,607 casualties and Falkenhayn began to think of ending the offensive, lest it become another costly and indecisive engagement similar to the First Battle of Ypres in late 1914. The 5th Army staff requested more reinforcements from Falkenhayn on 31 March with an optimistic report claiming that the French were close to exhaustion and incapable of a big offensive. The 5th Army command wanted to continue the east bank offensive until a line from Ouvrage de Thiaumont, to Fleury, Fort Souville and Fort de Tavannes had been reached, while on the west bank the French would be destroyed by their own counter-attacks. On 4 April, Falkenhayn replied that the French had retained a considerable reserve and that German resources were limited and not sufficient to replace continuously men and munitions. If the resumed offensive on the east bank failed to reach the Meuse Heights, Falkenhayn was willing to accept that the offensive had failed and end it.
The failure of German attacks in early April by Angriffsgruppe Ost, led Knobelsdorf to take soundings from the 5th Army corps commanders, who unanimously wanted to continue. The German infantry were exposed to continuous artillery fire from the flanks and rear; communications from the rear and reserve positions were equally vulnerable, which caused a constant drain of casualties. Defensive positions were difficult to build, because existing positions were on ground which had been swept clear by German bombardments early in the offensive, leaving German infantry with very little cover. General Berthold von Deimling, commander of XV Corps, also wrote that French heavy artillery and gas bombardments were undermining the morale of the German infantry, which made it necessary to keep going to reach safer defensive positions. Knobelsdorf reported these findings to Falkenhayn on 20 April, adding that if the Germans did not go forward, they must go back to the start line of 21 February.
Knobelsdorf rejected the policy of limited piecemeal attacks tried by Mudra as commander of Angriffsgruppe Ost and advocated a return to wide-front attacks with unlimited objectives, swiftly to reach the line from Ouvrage de Thiaumont to Fleury, Fort Souville and Fort de Tavannes. Falkenhayn was persuaded to agree to the change and by the end of April, 21 divisions, most of the OHL reserve, had been sent to Verdun and troops had also been transferred from the Eastern Front. The resort to large, unlimited attacks was costly for both sides but the German advance proceeded only slowly. Rather than causing devastating French casualties by heavy artillery with the infantry in secure defensive positions, which the French were compelled to attack, the Germans inflicted casualties by attacks which provoked French counter-attacks and assumed that the process inflicted five French casualties for two German losses.
In mid-March, Falkenhayn had reminded the 5th Army to use tactics intended to conserve infantry, after the corps commanders had been allowed discretion to choose between the cautious, "step by step" tactics desired by Falkenhayn and maximum efforts, intended to obtain quick results. On the third day of the offensive, the 6th Division of the III Corps (General Ewald von Lochow), had ordered that Herbebois be taken regardless of loss and the 5th Division had attacked Wavrille to the accompaniment of its band. Falkenhayn urged the 5th Army to use Stoßtruppen (storm units) composed of two infantry squads and one of engineers, armed with automatic weapons, hand grenades, trench mortars and flame-throwers, to advance in front of the main infantry body. The Stoßtruppen would conceal their advance by shrewd use of terrain and capture any blockhouses which remained after the artillery preparation. Strongpoints which could not be taken were to be by-passed and captured by follow-up troops. Falkenhayn ordered that the command of field and heavy artillery units was to be combined, with a commander at each corps headquarters. Common observers and communication systems would ensure that batteries in different places could bring targets under converging fire, which would be allotted systematically to support divisions.
In mid-April, Falkenhayn ordered that infantry should advance close to the barrage, to exploit the neutralising effect of the shellfire on surviving defenders, because fresh troops at Verdun had not been trained in these methods. Knobelsdorf persisted with attempts to maintain momentum, which was incompatible with casualty conservation by limited attacks, with pauses to consolidate and prepare. Mudra and other commanders who disagreed were sacked. Falkenhayn also intervened to change German defensive tactics, advocating a dispersed defence with the second line to be held as a main line of resistance and jumping-off point for counter-attacks. Machine-guns were to be set up with overlapping fields of fire and infantry given specific areas to defend. When French infantry attacked, they were to be isolated by Sperrfeuer (barrage-fire) on their former front line, to increase French infantry casualties. The changes desired by Falkenhayn had little effect, because the main cause of German casualties was artillery fire, just as it was for the French.
From 10 May German operations were limited to local attacks, either in reply to French counter-attacks on 11 April between Douaumont and Vaux and on 17 April between the Meuse and Douaumont, or local attempts to take points of tactical value. At the beginning of May, General Pétain was promoted to the command of Groupe d'armées du centre (GAC) and General Robert Nivelle took over the Second Army at Verdun. From 4 to 24 May, German attacks were made on the west bank around Mort-Homme and on 4 May, the north slope of Côte 304 was captured; French counter-attacks from 5 to 6 May were repulsed. The French defenders on the crest of Côte 304 were forced back on 7 May but German infantry were unable to occupy the ridge, because of the intensity of French artillery fire. Cumieres and Caurettes fell on 24 May as a French counter-attack began at Fort Douaumont.
In May, General Nivelle, who had taken over the Second Army, ordered General Charles Mangin, commander of the 5th Division to plan a counter-attack on Fort Douaumont. The initial plan was for an attack on a 1.9 mi (3 km) front but several minor German attacks captured the Fausse-Côte and Couleuvre ravines on the south-east and west sides of the fort. A further attack took the ridge south of the ravin de Couleuvre, which gave the Germans better routes for counter-attacks and observation over the French lines to the south and south-west. Mangin proposed a preliminary attack to retake the area of the ravines, to obstruct the routes by which a German counter-attack on the fort could be made. More divisions were necessary but these were refused to preserve the troops needed for the forthcoming offensive on the Somme; Mangin was limited to one division for the attack with one in reserve. Nivelle reduced the attack to an assault on Morchée Trench, Bonnet-d'Evèque, Fontaine Trench, Fort Douaumont, a machine-gun turret and Hongrois Trench, which would require an advance of 550 yd (500 m) on a 1,260 yd (1,150 m) front.
III Corps was to command the attack by the 5th Division and the 71st Brigade, with support from three balloon companies for artillery observation and a fighter group. The main effort was to be conducted by two battalions of the 129th Infantry Regiment, each with a pioneer company and a machine-gun company attached. The 2nd Battalion was to attack from the south and the 1st Battalion was to move along the west side of the fort to the north end, taking Fontaine Trench and linking with the 6th Company. Two battalions of the 74th Infantry Regiment were to advance along the east and south-east sides of the fort and take a machine-gun turret on a ridge to the east. Flank support was arranged with neighbouring regiments and diversions were planned near Fort Vaux and the ravin de Dame. Preparations for the attack included the digging of 7.5 mi (12 km) of trenches and the building of large numbers of depots and stores but little progress was made due to a shortage of pioneers. French troops captured on 13 May, disclosed the plan to the Germans, who responded by subjecting the area to more artillery harassing fire, which also slowed French preparations.
The French preliminary bombardment by four 370 mm mortars and 300 heavy guns, began on 17 May and by 21 May, the French artillery commander claimed that the fort had been severely damaged. During the bombardment the German garrison in the fort experienced great strain, as French heavy shells smashed holes in the walls and concrete dust, exhaust fumes from an electricity generator and gas from disinterred corpses polluted the air. Water ran short but until 20 May, the fort remained operational, reports being passed back and reinforcements moving forward until the afternoon, when the Bourges Casemate was isolated and the wireless station in the north-western machine-gun turret burnt down.
Conditions for the German infantry in the vicinity were far worse and by 18 May, the French destructive bombardment had obliterated many defensive positions, the survivors sheltering in shell-holes and dips of the ground. Communication with the rear was severed and food and water ran out by the time of the French attack on 22 May. The troops of Infantry Regiment 52 in front of Fort Douaumont had been reduced to 37 men near Thiaumont Farm and German counter-barrages inflicted similar losses on French troops. On 22 May, French Nieuport fighters attacked eight observation balloons and shot down six for the loss of one Nieuport 16; other French aircraft attacked the 5th Army headquarters at Stenay. German artillery fire increased and twenty minutes before zero hour, a German bombardment began, which reduced the 129th Infantry Regiment companies to about 45 men each.
The assault began at 11:50 a. m. on 22 May on a 0.62 mi (1 km) front. On the left flank the 36th Infantry Regiment attack quickly captured Morchée Trench and Bonnet-d'Evèque but suffered many casualties and the regiment could advance no further. The flank guard on the right was pinned down, except for one company which disappeared and in Bois Caillette, a battalion of the 74th Infantry Regiment was unable to leave its trenches; the other battalion managed to reach its objectives at an ammunition depot, shelter DV1 at the edge of Bois Caillette and the machine-gun turret east of the fort, where the battalion found its flanks unsupported.
Despite German small-arms fire, the 129th Infantry Regiment reached the fort in a few minutes and managed to get in through the west and south sides. By nightfall, about half of the fort had been recaptured and next day, the 34th Division was sent to reinforce the French troops in the fort. The attempt to reinforce the fort failed and German reserves managed to cut off the French troops inside and force them to surrender, 1,000 French prisoners being taken. After three days, the French had suffered 5,640 casualties from the 12,000 men in the attack and the Germans suffered 4,500 casualties in Infantry Regiment 52, Grenadier Regiment 12 and Leib-Grenadier Regiment 8 of the 5th Division.
Main article: Fort Vaux
Later in May 1916, the German attacks shifted from the left bank at Mort-Homme and Côte 304 to the right bank, south of Fort Douaumont. A German attack to reach Fleury Ridge, the last French defensive line began. The attack was intended to capture Ouvrage de Thiaumont, Fleury, Fort Souville and Fort Vaux at the north-east extremity of the French line, which had been bombarded by c. 8,000 shells a day since the beginning of the offensive. After a final assault on 1 June by about 10,000 German troops, the top of Fort Vaux was occupied on 2 June. Fighting went on underground until the garrison ran out of water, the 574 survivors surrendering on 7 June. When news of the loss of Fort Vaux reached Verdun, the Line of Panic was occupied and trenches were dug on the edge of the city. On the left bank, the German advanced from the line Côte 304, Mort-Homme and Cumières and threatened the French hold on Chattancourt and Avocourt. Heavy rains slowed the German advance towards Fort Souville, where both sides attacked and counter-attacked for the next two months. The 5th Army suffered 2,742 casualties in the vicinity of Fort Vaux from 1 to 10 June, 381 men being killed, 2,170 wounded and 191 missing; French counter-attacks on 8 and 9 June were costly failures.
On 22 June, German artillery fired over 116,000 Diphosgene (Green Cross) gas shells at French artillery positions, which caused over 1,600 casualties and silenced many of the French guns. Next day at 5:00 a.m., the Germans attacked on a 3.1 mi (5 km) front and drove a 1.9 by 1.2 mi (3 by 2 km) salient into the French defences. The advance was unopposed until 9:00 a.m., when some French troops were able to fight a rearguard action. The Ouvrage (shelter) de Thiaumont and the Ouvrage de Froidterre at the south end of the plateau were captured and the villages of Fleury and Chapelle Sainte-Fine were overrun. The attack came close to Fort Souville (which had been hit by c. 38,000 shells since April) bringing the Germans within 3.1 mi (5 km) of the Verdun citadel.
On 23 June 1916, Nivelle ordered,
Vous ne les laisserez pas passer, mes camarades (You will not let them pass, my comrades).
Nivelle had been concerned about declining French morale at Verdun; after his promotion to lead the Second Army in June 1916, Défaillance, manifestations of indiscipline, occurred in five front line regiments. Défaillance reappeared in the French army mutinies that followed the Nivelle Offensive (April–May 1917).
Chapelle Sainte-Fine was quickly recaptured by the French and the German advance was halted. The supply of water to the German infantry broke down, the salient was vulnerable to fire from three sides and the attack could not continue without more Diphosgene ammunition. Chapelle Sainte-Fine became the furthest point reached by the Germans during the Verdun offensive. On 24 June the preliminary Anglo-French bombardment began on the Somme. Fleury changed hands sixteen times from 23 June to 17 August and four French divisions were diverted to Verdun from the Somme. The French artillery recovered sufficiently on 24 June to cut off the German front line from the rear. By 25 June, both sides were exhausted and Knobelsdorf suspended the attack.
Main articles: Brusilov Offensive and Battle of the Somme
By the end of May, French casualties at Verdun had risen to c. 185,000 and in June, German losses had reached c. 200,000 men. The Brusilov Offensive (4 June – 20 September 1916) had begun and the opening of the Battle of the Somme (1 July – 18 November 1916), forced the Germans to transfer some of their artillery from Verdun, which was the first strategic success of the Anglo-French offensive.
Fort Souville dominated a crest 0.62 mi (1 km) south-east of Fleury and was one of the original objectives of the February offensive. The capture of the fort would give the Germans control of the heights overlooking Verdun and allow the infantry to dig in on commanding ground. A German preparatory bombardment began on 9 July, with an attempt to suppress French artillery with over 60,000 gas shells, which had little effect, since the French had been equipped with an improved M2 gas mask. Fort Souville and its approaches were bombarded with more than 300,000 shells, including about 500 14 in (360 mm) shells on the fort.
An attack by three German divisions began on 11 July, but German infantry bunched on the path leading to Fort Souville and came under bombardment from French artillery. The surviving troops were fired on by sixty French machine-gunners, who had emerged from the fort and taken positions on the superstructure. Thirty soldiers of Infantry Regiment 140 managed to reach the top of the fort on 12 July, from where the Germans could see the roofs of Verdun and the spire of the cathedral. After a small French counter-attack, the survivors retreated to their start lines or surrendered. During the evening of 11 July, Falkenhayn ordered Crown Prince Wilhelm to go onto the defensive and on 15 July, the French conducted a larger counter-attack which gained no ground; for the rest of the month the French made only small attacks.
On 1 August, a German surprise-attack advanced 2,600–3,000 ft (800–900 m) towards Fort Souville. This prompted French counter-attacks for two weeks, which were only able to retake a small amount of the captured ground. On 18 August, Fleury was recaptured and by September, French counter-attacks had recovered much of the ground lost in July and August. On 29 August Falkenhayn was replaced as Chief of the General Staff by Paul von Hindenburg and First Quartermaster-General Erich Ludendorff. On 3 September, an attack on both flanks at Fleury advanced the French line several hundred metres, against which German counter-attacks from 4 to 5 September failed. The French attacked again on 9, 13 and from 15 to 17 September. Losses were light except at the Tavannes railway tunnel, where 474 French troops died in a fire which began on 4 September.
On 20 October 1916, the French began the First Offensive Battle of Verdun (1ère Bataille Offensive de Verdun), to recapture Fort Douaumont, with an advance of more than 1.2 mi (2 km). Seven of the 22 divisions at Verdun were replaced by mid-October and French infantry platoons were reorganised to contain sections of riflemen, grenadiers and machine-gunners. In a six-day preliminary bombardment, the French artillery fired 855,264 shells, including more than half a million 75 mm field-gun shells, a hundred thousand 155 mm medium artillery shells and three hundred and seventy-three 370 mm and 400 mm super-heavy shells, from more than 700 guns and howitzers.
Two French Saint-Chamond railway guns, 8.1 mi (13 km) to the south-west at Baleycourt, fired 16 in (400 mm) super-heavy shells, each weighing 1 short ton (0.91 t). The French had identified about 800 German guns on the right bank capable of supporting the 34th, 54th, 9th and 33rd Reserve divisions, with the 10th and 5th divisions in reserve. At least 20 of the super-heavy shells hit Fort Douaumont, the sixth penetrating to the lowest level and exploding in a pioneer depot, starting a fire next to 7,000 hand-grenades.
The 38th Division (General Guyot de Salins), 133rd Division (General Fenelon F.G. Passaga) and 74th Division (General Charles de Lardemelle) attacked at 11:40 a.m. The infantry advanced 160 ft (50 m) behind a creeping field-artillery barrage, moving at a rate of 160 ft (50 m) in two minutes, beyond which a heavy artillery barrage moved in 1,600–3,300 ft (500–1,000 m) lifts, as the field artillery barrage came within 490 ft (150 m), to force the German infantry and machine-gunners to stay under cover. The Germans had partly evacuated Douaumont and it was recaptured on 24 October by French marines and colonial infantry; more than 6,000 prisoners and fifteen guns were captured by 25 October but an attempt on Fort Vaux failed.
The Haudromont quarries, Ouvrage de Thiaumont and Thiaumont Farm, Douaumont village, the northern end of Caillette Wood, Vaux pond, the eastern fringe of Bois Fumin and the Damloup battery were captured. The heaviest French artillery bombarded Fort Vaux for the next week and on 2 November, the Germans evacuated the fort, after a huge explosion caused by a 220 mm shell. French eavesdroppers overheard a German wireless message announcing the departure and a French infantry company entered the fort unopposed; on 5 November, the French reached the front line of 24 February and offensive operations ceased until December.
The Second Offensive Battle of Verdun (2ième Bataille Offensive de Verdun) was planned by Pétain and Nivelle and commanded by Mangin. The 126th Division (General Paul Muteau), 38th Division (General Guyot de Salins), 37th Division (General Noël Garnier-Duplessix) and the 133rd Division (General Fénelon Passaga) attacked with four more in reserve and 740 heavy guns in support. The attack began at 10:00 a.m. on 15 December, after a six-day bombardment of 1,169,000 shells, fired from 827 guns. The final French bombardment was directed from artillery-observation aircraft, falling on trenches, dugout entrances and observation posts. Five German divisions supported by 533 guns held the defensive position, which was 1.4 mi; 2.3 km (2,300 m) deep, with 2⁄3 of the infantry in the battle zone and the remaining 1⁄3 in reserve 6.2–9.9 mi (10–16 km) back.
Two of the German divisions were understrength with only c. 3,000 infantry, instead of their normal establishment of c. 7,000. The French advance was preceded by a double creeping barrage, with shrapnel-fire from field artillery 210 ft (64 m) in front of the infantry and a high-explosive barrage 460 ft (140 m) ahead, which moved towards a standing shrapnel bombardment along the German second line, laid to cut off the German retreat and block the advance of reinforcements. The German defence collapsed and 13,500 men of the 21,000 in the five front divisions were lost, most having been trapped while under cover and taken prisoner when the French infantry arrived.
The French reached their objectives at Vacherauville and Louvemont which had been lost in February, along with Hardaumont and Louvemont-Côte-du-Poivre, despite attacking in very bad weather. German reserve battalions did not reach the front until the evening and two Eingreif divisions, which had been ordered forward the previous evening, were still 14 mi (23 km) away at noon. By the night of 16/17 December, the French had consolidated a new line from Bezonvaux to Côte du Poivre, 1.2–1.9 mi (2–3 km) beyond Douaumont and 0.62 mi (1 km) north of Fort Vaux, before the German reserves and Eingreif units could counter-attack. The 155 mm turret at Douaumont had been repaired and fired in support of the French attack. The closest German point to Verdun had been pushed 4.7 mi (7.5 km) back and all the dominating observation points had been recaptured. The French took 11,387 prisoners and 115 guns. Some German officers complained to Mangin about their lack of comfort in captivity and he replied, We do regret it, gentlemen, but then we did not expect so many of you.[f] Lochow, the 5th Army commander and General Hans von Zwehl, commander of XIV Reserve Corps, were sacked on 16 December.
Falkenhayn wrote in his memoirs that he sent an appreciation of the strategic situation to the Kaiser in December 1915,
The string in France has reached breaking point. A mass breakthrough—which in any case is beyond our means—is unnecessary. Within our reach there are objectives for the retention of which the French General Staff would be compelled to throw in every man they have. If they do so the forces of France will bleed to death.
— Falkenhayn
The German strategy in 1916 was to inflict mass casualties on the French, a goal achieved against the Russians from 1914 to 1915, to weaken the French Army to the point of collapse. The French had to be drawn into circumstances from which the Army could not escape, for reasons of strategy and prestige. The Germans planned to use a large number of heavy and super-heavy guns to inflict a greater number of casualties than French artillery, which relied mostly upon the 75 mm field gun. In 2007, Robert Foley wrote that Falkenhayn intended a battle of attrition from the beginning, contrary to the views of Wolfgang Foerster in 1937, Gerd Krumeich in 1996 and others but the loss of documents led to many interpretations of the strategy. In 1916, critics of Falkenhayn claimed that the battle demonstrated that he was indecisive and unfit for command, echoed by Foerster in 1937. In 1994, Holger Afflerbach questioned the authenticity of the "Christmas Memorandum"; after studying the evidence that had survived in the Kriegsgeschichtliche Forschungsanstalt des Heeres (Army Military History Research Institute) files, he concluded that the memorandum had been written after the war but that it was an accurate reflection of Falkenhayn's thinking at the end of 1915.
Krumeich wrote that the Christmas Memorandum was fabricated to justify a failed strategy and that attrition had been substituted for the capture of Verdun only after the attack failed. Foley wrote that after the failure of the Ypres Offensive of 1914, Falkenhayn had returned to the pre-war strategic thinking of Moltke the Elder and Hans Delbrück on Ermattungsstrategie (attrition strategy), because the coalition fighting Germany was too powerful to be defeated decisively. Falkenhayn wanted to divide the Allies by forcing at least one of the Entente powers into a negotiated peace. An attempt at attrition lay behind the offensive in the east in 1915 but the Russians had refused to accept German peace feelers, despite the huge defeats inflicted on them by the Austro-Germans.
With insufficient forces to break through the Western Front and to overcome the reserves behind it, Falkenhayn tried to force the French to attack instead, by threatening a sensitive point close to the front line and chose Verdun. Huge losses were to be inflicted on the French by German artillery on the dominating heights around the city. The 5th Army would begin a big offensive but with the objectives limited to seizing the Meuse Heights on the east bank, on which the German heavy artillery would dominate the battlefield. The French Army would "bleed itself white" in hopeless attempts to recapture the heights. The British would be forced to launch a hasty relief offensive and suffer an equally costly defeat. If the French refused to negotiate, a German offensive would mop up the remnants of the Franco-British armies, breaking the Entente "once and for all".
In a revised instruction to the French Army in January 1916, the General Staff (GQG) wrote that equipment could not be fought by men. Firepower could conserve infantry but attrition prolonged the war and consumed troops that had been preserved in earlier battles. In 1915 and early 1916, German industry quintupled the output of heavy artillery and doubled the production of super-heavy artillery. French production had also recovered since 1914 and by February 1916 the army had 3,500 heavy guns. In May Joffre began to issue each division with two groups of 155 mm guns and each corps with four groups of long-range guns. Both sides at Verdun had the means to fire huge numbers of heavy shells to suppress the opposing defences before risking infantry in the open. At the end of May, the Germans had 1,730 heavy guns at Verdun and the French 548, sufficient to contain the Germans but not enough for a counter-offensive.
French infantry survived bombardment better because their positions were dispersed and tended to be on dominating ground, not always visible to the Germans. As soon as a German attack began, the French replied with machine-gun and rapid field-artillery fire. On 22 April, the Germans suffered 1,000 casualties and in mid-April, the French fired 26,000 field artillery shells against an attack to the south-east of Fort Douaumont. A few days after taking over at Verdun, Pétain ordered the air commander, Commandant Charles Tricornot de Rose to sweep away German fighter aircraft and to provide artillery observation. German air superiority was reversed by concentrating the French fighters in escadrilles rather than distributing them piecemeal across the front, unable to concentrate against large German formations. The fighter escadrilles drove away the German Fokker Eindeckers and the two-seater reconnaissance and artillery-observation aircraft that they protected.
The fighting at Verdun was less costly to both sides than the war of movement in 1914, when the French suffered c. 850,000 casualties and the Germans c. 670,000 from August to the end of 1914. The 5th Army had a lower rate of loss than armies on the Eastern Front in 1915 and the French had a lower average rate of loss at Verdun than the rate over three weeks during the Second Battle of Champagne (September–October 1915), which were not deliberately fought as battles of attrition. German loss rates increased relative to losses from 1:2.2 in early 1915 to close to 1:1 by the end of the battle, a trend which continued during the Nivelle Offensive in 1917. The penalty of attrition tactics was indecision, because limited-objective attacks under an umbrella of massed heavy artillery fire could succeed but led to battles of unlimited duration. Pétain used a noria (rotation) system quickly to relieve French troops at Verdun, which involved most of the French Army in the battle but for shorter periods than the German troops in the 5th Army. The symbolic importance of Verdun proved a rallying point and the French did not collapse. Falkenhayn was forced to conduct the offensive for much longer and commit far more infantry than intended. By the end of April, most of the German strategic reserve was at Verdun, suffering similar casualties to the French army.
The Germans believed that they were inflicting losses at a rate of 5:2; German military intelligence thought that by 11 March the French had suffered 100,000 casualties and Falkenhayn was confident that German artillery could easily inflict another 100,000 losses. In May, Falkenhayn estimated that French casualties had increased to 525,000 men against 250,000 German and that the French strategic reserve was down to 300,000 men. Actual French losses were c. 130,000 by 1 May; 42 French divisions had been withdrawn and rested by the noria system, once infantry casualties reached 50 per cent. Of the 330 infantry battalions of the French metropolitan army, 259 (78 per cent) went to Verdun, against 48 German divisions, 25 per cent of the Westheer (western army). Afflerbach wrote that 85 French divisions fought at Verdun and that from February to August, the ratio of German to French losses was 1:1.1, not the third of French losses assumed by Falkenhayn. By 31 August, the 5th Army had suffered 281,000 casualties and the French 315,000.
In June 1916, the French had 2,708 guns at Verdun, including 1,138 field guns; from February to December, the French and German armies fired c. 10,000,000 shells, weighing 1,350,000 long tons (1,370,000 t). By May, the German offensive had been defeated by French reinforcements, difficulties of terrain and the weather. The 5th Army infantry was stuck in tactically dangerous positions, overlooked by the French on both banks of the Meuse, instead of dug in on the Meuse Heights. French casualties were inflicted by constant infantry attacks which were far more costly in men than destroying counter-attacks with artillery. The stalemate was broken by the Brusilov Offensive and the Anglo-French relief offensive on the Somme, which Falkehayn had expected to begin the collapse of the Anglo-French armies. Falkenhayn had begun to remove divisions from the Western Front in June for the strategic reserve but only twelve divisions could be spared. Four divisions were sent to the Somme, where three defensive positions had been built, based on the experience of the Herbstschlacht. Before the battle on the Somme began, Falkenhayn thought that German preparations were better than ever and the British offensive would easily be defeated. The 6th Army, further north, had 17+1⁄2 divisions and plenty of heavy artillery, ready to attack once the British had been defeated.
The strength of the Anglo-French attack on the Somme surprised Falkenhayn and his staff, despite the British casualties on 1 July. Artillery losses to "overwhelming" Anglo-French counter-battery fire and the German tactic of instant counter-attacks, led to far more German infantry casualties than at the height of the fighting at Verdun, where the 5th Army suffered 25,989 casualties in the first ten days, against 40,187 2nd Army casualties on the Somme. The Russians attacked again, causing more casualties in June and July. Falkenhayn was called on to justify his strategy to the Kaiser on 8 July and again advocated the minimal reinforcement of the east in favour of the "decisive" battle in France; the Somme offensive was the "last throw of the dice" for the Entente. Falkenhayn had already given up the plan for a counter-offensive by the 6th Army and sent 18 divisions to the 2nd Army and to the Russian front from the reserve and from the 6th Army; only one division remaining uncommitted by the end of August. The 5th Army had been ordered to limit its attacks at Verdun in June but a final effort was made in July to capture Fort Souville. The attack failed and on 12 July Falkenhayn ordered a strict defensive policy, permitting only small local attacks to limit the number of troops the French could transfer to the Somme.
Falkenhayn had underestimated the French, for whom victory at all costs was the only way to justify the sacrifices already made; the French army never came close to collapsing and causing a premature British relief offensive. The ability of the German army to inflict disproportionate losses had also been overestimated, in part because the 5th Army commanders had tried to capture Verdun and attacked regardless of loss. Even when reconciled to the attrition strategy, they continued with Vernichtungsstrategie (strategy of annihilation) and the tactics of Bewegungskrieg (manoeuvre warfare). Failure to reach the Meuse Heights left the 5th Army in poor tactical positions and reduced to inflicting casualties by infantry attacks and counter-attacks. The length of the offensive made Verdun a matter of prestige for the Germans as it was for the French and Falkenhayn became dependent on a British relief offensive being destroyed to end the stalemate. When it came, the collapse in Russia and the power of the Anglo-French attack on the Somme reduced the German armies to holding their positions as best they could. On 29 August, Falkenhayn was sacked and replaced by Hindenburg and Ludendorff, who ended the German offensive at Verdun on 2 September.[g]
In 2013, Paul Jankowski wrote that since the beginning of the war, French army units had produced numerical loss states (états numériques des pertes) every five days for the Bureau of Personnel at GQG. The Health Service (Service de Santé) at the Ministry of War received daily counts of wounded taken in by hospitals and other services but casualty data was dispersed among regimental depots, GQG, the Registry Office (État Civil), which recorded deaths, the Service de Santé, which counted injuries and illnesses and Renseignements aux Familles (Family Liaison), which communicated with next of kin. Regimental depots were ordered to keep fiches de position (position sheets) to record losses continuously and the Première Bureau of GQG began to compare the five-day états numériques des pertes with the records of hospital admissions. The new system was used to calculate losses back to August 1914, which took several months; the system had become established by February 1916. The états numériques des pertes were used to calculate casualty figures published in the Journal Officiel, the French Official History and other publications.
The German armies compiled Verlustlisten (loss lists) every ten days, which were published by the Reichsarchiv in the deutsches Jahrbuch of 1924–1925. German medical units kept detailed records of medical treatment at the front and in hospital and in 1923 the Zentral Nachweiseamt (Central Information Office) published an amended edition of the lists produced during the war, incorporating medical service data not in the Verlustlisten. Monthly figures of wounded and ill servicemen that received medical treatment were published in 1934 in the Sanitätsbericht (Medical Report). Using such sources for comparison is difficult because the information recorded losses over time, rather than place. Losses calculated for a battle could be inconsistent, as in the Statistics of the Military Effort of the British Empire during the Great War 1914–1920 (1922). In the early 1920s, Louis Marin reported to the Chamber of Deputies but could not give figures per battle, except for some by using numerical reports from the armies, which were unreliable unless reconciled with the system established in 1916.
Some French data excluded those lightly wounded but some did not. In April 1917, GQG required that the états numériques des pertes discriminate between lightly wounded, treated locally for 20 to 30 days and severely wounded evacuated to hospitals. Uncertainty over the criteria had not been resolved before the war ended. Verlustlisten excluded lightly wounded and the Zentral Nachweiseamt records included them. Churchill revised German statistics by adding 2 per cent for unrecorded wounded in The World Crisis, written in the 1920s and James Edmonds, the British official historian, added 30 per cent. For the Battle of Verdun, the Sanitätsbericht contained incomplete data for the Verdun area, did not define "wounded" and the 5th Army field reports exclude them. The Marin Report and Service de Santé covered different periods but included lightly wounded. Churchill used a Reichsarchiv figure of 428,000 casualties and took a figure of 532,500 casualties from the Marin Report, for March to June and November to December 1916, for all the Western Front.
The états numériques des pertes give French casualties as 348,000 to 378,000 and in 1930, Hermann Wendt recorded French Second Army and German 5th Army casualties of 362,000 and 336,831 respectively from 21 February to 20 December, not taking account of the inclusion or exclusion of lightly wounded. In 2006, McRandle and Quirk used the Sanitätsbericht to increase the Verlustlisten by c. 11 per cent, which gave 373,882 casualties, compared to the French Official History record to 20 December 1916, of 373,231 French casualties. The Sanitätsbericht, which explicitly excluded lightly wounded, compared German losses at Verdun in 1916, averaging 37.7 casualties per thousand men, with the 9th Army in Poland 1914 which had a casualty average of 48.1 per 1,000, the 11th Army in Galicia 1915 averaging 52.4 per 1,000 men, the 1st Army on the Somme 1916 average of 54.7 per 1,000 and the 2nd Army average for the Somme 1916 of 39.1 per 1,000 men. Jankowski estimated an equivalent figure for the French Second Army of 40.9 men per 1,000 including lightly wounded. With a c. 11 per cent adjustment to the German figure of 37.7 per 1,000 to include lightly wounded, following the views of McRandle and Quirk; the loss rate is similar to the estimate for French casualties.
In the second edition of The World Crisis (1938), Churchill wrote that the figure of 442,000 was for other ranks and the figure of "probably" 460,000 casualties included officers. Churchill gave a figure of 278,000 German casualties, 72,000 fatal and expressed dismay that French casualties had exceeded German by about 3:2. Churchill wrote that an eighth needed to be deducted from his figures to account for casualties on other sectors, giving 403,000 French and 244,000 German casualties. In 1980, John Terraine calculated c. 750,000 French and German casualties in 299 days; Dupuy and Dupuy (1993) 542,000 French casualties. In 2000, Hannes Heer and Klaus Naumann calculated 377,231 French and 337,000 German casualties, a monthly average of 70,000. In 2000, Holger Afflerbach used calculations made by Hermann Wendt in 1931 to give German casualties at Verdun from 21 February to 31 August 1916 as 336,000 and French as 365,000 at Verdun from February to December 1916. David Mason wrote in 2000 that there had been 378,000 French and 337,000 German casualties. In 2003, Anthony Clayton quoted 330,000 German casualties, of whom 143,000 were killed or missing; the French suffered 351,000 casualties, 56,000 killed, 100,000 missing or prisoners and 195,000 wounded.
Writing in 2005, Robert A. Doughty gave French casualties (21 February to 20 December 1916) as 377,231 and casualties of 579,798 at Verdun and the Somme; 16 per cent of the casualties at Verdun were fatal, 56 per cent were wounded and 28 per cent missing, many of whom were eventually presumed dead. Doughty wrote that other historians had followed Winston Churchill (1927) who gave a figure of 442,000 casualties by mistakenly including all French losses on the Western Front. R. G. Grant gave a figure of 355,000 German and 400,000 French casualties in 2005. In 2005, Robert Foley used the Wendt calculations of 1931 to give German casualties at Verdun from 21 February to 31 August 1916 of 281,000, against 315,000 French. (In 2014, William Philpott recorded 377,000 French casualties, of whom 162,000 had been killed; German casualties were 337,000 and noted a recent estimate of casualties at Verdun from 1914 to 1918 of 1,250,000).
Fighting in such a small area devastated the land, resulting in miserable conditions for troops on both sides. Rain and the constant artillery bombardments turned the clayey soil into a wasteland of mud full of debris and human remains; shell craters filled with water and soldiers risked drowning in them. Forests were reduced to tangled piles of wood by artillery fire and eventually obliterated. The effect of the battle on many soldiers was profound and accounts of men breaking down with insanity and shell shock were common. Some French soldiers tried to desert to Spain and faced court-martial and execution if captured; on 20 March, French deserters disclosed details of French defences to the Germans, who were able to surround 2,000 men and force them to surrender.
A French lieutenant wrote,
Humanity is mad. It must be mad to do what it is doing. What a massacre! What scenes of horror and carnage! I cannot find words to translate my impressions. Hell cannot be so terrible. Men are mad!
— (Diary 23 May 1916)
Discontent began to spread among French troops at Verdun; after the promotion of Pétain from the Second Army on 1 June and his replacement by Nivelle, five infantry regiments were affected by episodes of "collective indiscipline"; Lieutenants Henri Herduin and Pierre Millant were summarily shot on 11 June and Nivelle published an Order of the Day forbidding surrender. In 1926, after an inquiry into the cause célèbre, Herduin and Millant were exonerated and their military records expunged.
The French planned an attack on a 5.6 mi (9 km) front on both sides of the Meuse; XIII Corps and XVI Corps to attack on the left bank with two divisions each and two in reserve. Côte 304, Mort-Homme and Côte (hill) de l'Oie were to be captured in a 1.9 mi (3 km) advance. On the right (east) bank, XV Corps and XXXII Corps were to advance a similar distance and take Côte de Talou, hills 344, 326 and the Bois de Caurières. About 21 mi (34 km) of 20 ft (6 m) wide road was rebuilt and paved for the supply of ammunition, along with a branch of the 24 in (60 cm) light railway. The French artillery prepared the attack with 1,280 field guns, 1.520 heavy guns and howitzers and 80 super-heavy guns and howitzers. The Aéronautique Militaire crowded 16 escadrilles de chasse into the area to escort reconnaissance aircraft and protect observation balloons. The 5th Army had spent a year improving their defences at Verdun, including the excavation of tunnels linking Mort-Homme with the rear, to deliver supplies and infantry with impunity. On the right bank, the Germans had developed four defensive positions, the last on the French front line of early 1916.
Strategic surprise was impossible; the Germans had 380 artillery batteries in the area and frequently bombarded French positions with the new mustard gas and made several spoiling attacks to disrupt French preparations. The French counter-attacked but Fayolle eventually limited ripostes to important ground only, the rest to be retaken during the main attack. A preliminary bombardment began on 11 August and the destructive bombardment began two days later but poor weather led to the infantry attack being put back to 20 August. The assembly of the 25th, 16th, Division Marocaine and 31st divisions was obstructed by German gas bombardments but their attack captured all but Hill 304, which fell on 24 August. On the right bank, XV Corps had to cross the 1.9 mi (3 km)-wide Côte de Talou in the middle of no man's land. The French infantry reached their objectives except for a trench between hills 344, 326 and Samogneux, which was taken on 23 August. XXXII Corps reached its objectives in a costly advance but the troops found themselves too close to German trenches and under observed fire from German guns on high ground between Bezonvaux and Ornes. The French took 11,000 prisoners for 14,000 casualties of whom 4,470 were killed or missing.
Guillaumat was ordered to plan an operation to capture several trenches and a more ambitious offensive on the east bank to take the last ground from which German artillery observers could see Verdun. Pétain questioned Guillaumat and Fayolle, who criticised the selection of objectives on the right bank and argued that the French must go on or go back. The Germans counter-attacked from higher ground several times in September; holding the ground captured in August proved more costly than taking it. Fayolle advocated a limited advance to make German counter-attacks harder, improve conditions in the front line and deceive the Germans about French intentions.
A XV Corps attack on 7 September failed and on 8 September XXXII Corps gained a costly success. The attack continued and the trenches necessary for a secure defensive position were taken but not the last German observation point. More attacks were met by massed artillery fire and counter-attacks and the French ended the operation. On 25 November after a five-hour hurricane bombardment, the 128th and 37th divisions, supported by 18-field artillery, 24 heavy and 9 trench artillery groups conducted a raid on a 2.5 mi (4 km) front in appalling weather. A line of pillboxes were demolished and the infantry returned to their positions.
Main article: Meuse-Argonne Offensive
The French Fourth Army and the American First Army attacked on a front from Moronvilliers to the Meuse on 26 September 1918 at 5:30 a.m., after a three-hour bombardment. American troops quickly captured Malancourt, Bethincourt and Forges on the left bank of the Meuse and by midday the Americans had reached Gercourt, Cuisy, the southern part of Montfaucon and Cheppy. German troops were able to repulse American attacks on Montfaucon ridge, until it was outflanked to the south and Montfaucon was surrounded. German counter-attacks from 27 to 28 September slowed the American advance but Ivoiry and Epinon-Tille were captured, then Montfaucon ridge with 8,000 prisoners and 100 guns. On the right bank of the Meuse, a combined Franco-American force under American command, took Brabant, Haumont, Bois d'Haumont and Bois des Caures and then crossed the front line of February 1916. By November, c. 20,000 prisoners, c. 150 guns, c. 1,000 trench mortars and several thousand machine-guns had been captured. A German retreat began and continued until the Armistice.
Verdun has become for the French the representative memory of the First World War, comparable to how the Battle of the Somme is viewed in the United Kingdom and Canada.[125] Antoine Prost wrote, "Like Auschwitz, Verdun marks a transgression of the limits of the human condition". From 1918 to 1939, the French expressed two memories of the battle. One was a patriotic view embodied in memorials built on the battlefield and the Nivelle quote "They shall not pass". The other was the memory of the survivors who recalled the death, suffering and sacrifice of others. Verdun soon became a focal point for commemorations of the war. In 1920, a ceremony was held in the citadel of Verdun to choose a body to bury in the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier at the Arc de Triomphe.[127]
Six destroyed villages in the area were not rebuilt but were given special status as uninhabited communes of Beaumont-en-Verdunois, Bezonvaux, Cumières-le-Mort-Homme, Fleury-devant-Douaumont, Haumont-près-Samogneux and Louvemont-Côte-du-Poivre. Alain Denizot included period photographs that show overlapping shell craters in an area of about 39 sq mi (100 km2). Forests planted in the 1930s have grown and hide most of the Zone rouge (Red Zone) but the battlefield remains a vast graveyard, containing the mortal remains of over 100,000 missing soldiers, except for those discovered by the French Forestry Service and laid in the Douaumont ossuary.
In the 1960s, Verdun became a symbol of Franco-German reconciliation, through remembrance of common suffering and in the 1980s it became a capital of peace. Organisations were formed and old museums were dedicated to the ideals of peace and human rights. On 22 September 1984, the German Chancellor Helmut Kohl (whose father had fought near Verdun) and French President François Mitterrand (who had been taken prisoner nearby in the Second World War), stood at the Douaumont cemetery, holding hands for several minutes in driving rain as a gesture of Franco-German reconciliation.
Souvenir of the battle showing a French soldier.
Part of the Verdun battlefield in 2005 showing the legacy of artillery bombardment
Verdun Tableau de guerre, 1917 (Félix Vallotton, 1865–1925)
List of French villages destroyed in World War I
Rue Verdun, Beirut, Lebanon
Voie Sacrée
Moulin de Rouvres
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The Battle of Aachen was a major combat action of II. World War, fought by American and German forces. By September 1944, the Western Allies had reached Germany’s western border, which was protected by the extensive Siegfried Line. This is the main defensive network on the Western border. The Allies had hoped to capture it …
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https://wartraveller.com/ww2-location/aachen/
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Museum Reina Sofia Madrid
Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofía, Calle de Santa Isabel, Madrid, Spain
Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofía is the National Museum of Spanish Art of the 20th Century in Madrid. The museum was officially opened on September 10, 1992 and is named after Queen Sofia. The museum is primarily dedicated to Spanish art. The highlights of the museum are excellent collections of two of the greatest masters of the 20th century, Pablo Picasso and Salvador Dalí. Surely the most famous masterpiece in the museum is Picasso's painting Guernica.
Monument Calvo Sotelo
Monument Sotelo Madrid
It is one of the major monuments of Francoist symbology in Madrid. It was built in memory of Jose Calvo Sotel, Minister in the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera, Member of Parliament in the Second Republic.
Naval Museum Madrid
Naval museum madrid
The Madrid Naval Museum is a national museum displaying the history of the Spanish Navy from the Catholic monarchs of the 15th century until today. The screens place maritime history in a broad context with information about the Spanish rulers and former colonies of the country. The collections include navigation instruments, weapons, maps and pictures.
Valley of the fallen
Valley of the Fallen, Carretera de Guadarrama/El Escorial, San Lorenzo de El Escorial, Spain
Valle de los Caídos is a monument of the Francoist regime, a Catholic basilica and a monument in the municipality of San Lorenzo de El Escorial, erected in the Cuelgamuros valley in the Sierra de Guadarrama, near Madrid. Franco claimed the monument was a "national act of salvation" and reconciliation. The monument, considered a landmark of 20th century Spanish architecture, was designed by Pedro Muguruza and Diego Méndez on a scale that, in Franco's words, would be "the majesty of ancient monuments that defy time and memory."
Copenhagen War Museum
Krigsmuseet, Tøjhusgade, Copenhagen, Denmark
The Danish Military Museum is a specialized museum of cultural history. When visiting permanent and special exhibitions on topics such as war, defense and weapon technology, you can experience the full range of Danish military history from 1500 to the present. Part of the museum is dedicated to Denmark in the Second World War.
War museum Trieste
Via Costantino Cumano, 22, 34139 Trieste, TS, Italija
The military museum has about 15,000 items in its inventory, including 2,800 pieces of weapons. It also has a substantial archive of 24,000 photos, 287 logs (38,000 pages), 12,000 books, 2,600 posters and flyers, 470 geographic and topographic maps. The Henriquez collection is now owned by the city of Trieste, which continues to rebuild materials.
Risiera di San Sabba – Concentration camp
Risiera di San Sabba, Via Giovanni Palatucci, Trieste, Province of Trieste, Italy
Risiera di San Sabba is a large building near Sv. Sobota (San Sabba), in which rice was first peeled, in 1943, the Nazis have turned it into a concentration camp. In 1944, a crematorium was built inside, in which about 4,000 to 5,000 people were burned. The furnace capacity was 50 to 70 bodies a day. The victims were mostly Slovenians, then Croats, Italian anti-fascists and Jews.
Volgograd – Mamayev Kurgan
Mamayev Kurgan, Prospekt Imeni V.i. Lenina, Volgograd, Russia
Mamayev Kurgan is a dominant height overlooking the city of Volgograd (formerly Stalingrad). The formation is dominated by a memorial complex commemorating the Battle of Stalingrad. The battle, a hard-fought Soviet victory over Axis forces on the Eastern Front of World War II, turned into one of the bloodiest battles in human history. At the time of its installation in 1967 the statue named "The Motherland Calls on Mamayev Kurgan" formed the largest free-standing sculpture in the world, as of 2016 it is the tallest sculpture of a woman in the world.
Volgograd – Museum of the Battle of Stalingrad
The museum-panorama "The Battle of Stalingrad", Ulitsa Imeni Marshala V.i. Chuykova, Volgograd, Russia
The Museum displays the bloodiest battle in the history of warfare. The Battle of Stalingrad was the largest confrontation of World War II, in which Germany and its allies fought the Soviet Union for control of the city of Stalingrad, now called Volgograd. In the battle, the Red Army, with the victory over Nazi Germany, achieved a turning point in World War II. The capitulation of German troops, led by General Friedrich Paulus, is considered to be the greatest defeat of Nazi Germany. Even nowadays Russians believe that the Battle of Stalingrad is the most important event of the World War II. The battle lasted from August 23, 1942, until February 2, 1943. It is considered the bloodiest battle in the history of warfare. It claimed from 1.7 to 2 million dead, wounded or trapped. The strategically and ideologically important industrial city of Stalingrad, which was named after the leader of the former Soviet Union, Josip Stalin, from 1925 to 1961, was completely destroyed in the battle and later almost completely rebuilt. With the help of Romanian military units, the German army launched an offensive on Stalingrad in late August 1942. By mid-November, it managed to conquer 90 % of the city. At that time, the Red Army launched a large counteroffensive, causing the German army to remain trapped in the city. Stalingrad became, in the winter of 1942/43, when the temperature dropped below - 30°C, a scene of many-month street battles between the two sides. In addition to the fighting, the soldiers of both sides, as well as civil people, how we're still in the city, were caught by famine. At the beginning of 1943, the Red Army offered capitulation to the German army, but it initially rejected it, also because of Hitler's strong opposition, and then accepted it on January 31st. On February 2, 1943, tens of thousands of German and Romanian soldiers surrendered to the opposite side. The long-running battles for a significant transit centre on the way to the Caucasus, rich with oil and gas stocks, were over after five months, a week, and three days. The museum contains military exhibits, militaries, documents, weapons and military equipment, vehicles, dioramas and the largest panoramic display of the battle.
Volgograd – Pavlov’s House
Dom Pavlova, Ulitsa Sovetskaya, Volgograd, Russia
Pavlov's House was a fortified apartment building which Red Army defenders held for 60 days against a heavy Wehrmacht offensive during the Battle of Stalingrad. The siege lasted from 27. 09 to 25. 11. 1942 and eventually the Soviet forces managed to relieve it from the siege. It gained its name from Sergeant Yakov Pavlov, who commanded the platoon that seized the building and defended it during the long battle.
Volgograd – Museum Headquarters Generalfeldmarschall Paulus
Pamyat', Ploshchad' Pavshikh Bortsov, Volgograd, Russia
This museum is devoted to the battle of Stalingrad and is established in the former field headquarters of General Feldmarschall Friedrich Paulus, commander of the German 6th Army. It owns many documents, photographs and maps related to this battle.
Volgograd – Alley of the Heroes
Alleya Geroyev, 1, Volgograd, Russia
On both sides of the Alley of the Heroes are the names of all the heroes of the Soviet Union and the recipients of all three types of "Order of the Glory of Volgograd". We can also find the names of heroes of the Soviet Union, who were rewarded for heroism in the Battle of Stalingrad.
Château Pignerolle Kriegsmarine Bunkers
Château de Pignerolle, Saint-Barthélemy-d'Anjou, Francija
Following the amphibious operation “Chariot” the German Navy commander decided the risk to risk to certain units of seaborne attack was high and decided to relocate the command center for U-boats to Pignerolle. The Chateau was chosen as it was far enough from the sea to be safe, whilst the radio communications in the area were good. In the Chateau park Nazis built bunkers, that were finished in 1942, when Pignerolle became an official command center. All communications with U-Boats in the Atlantic were routed from Berlin through the Pignerolle command and communications center. Nowadays the chateau is also a museum of communication.
Le Grand Blockhouse Museum
Batz-sur-Mer, Francija
Le Grand Blockhaus Museum was an Observation Post built as part of the Atlantic Wall defenses in the area around Saint-Nazaire following the raid. Later the bunker was the eyes of a major coastal battery. The museum display tells a story of the sinking of the Lancastria, the Saint-Nazaire raid and the Atlantic Wall. You can also climb into the upper tier of the observation bunker using an original metal ladder.
Escoublac-La-Baule – Britain Cemetary
Escoublac, La Baule, Francija
On March 28, 1942, the British troops attacked the heavily defended dry dock at Saint Nazaire. The “Saint Nazaire Raid” or “Operation Chariot” was a successful amphibious attack. Saint-Nazaire was targeted because the loss of its dry dock would force any large German warship to return to home waters via a different route, rather than having a port available on the Atlantic coast. With this amphibious attack, the allies’ forces disabled German navy at the Atlantic. With the attack, they also protected Allied naval convoys that were vital for the United Kingdom. The fallen soldiers are buried at the Escoublac-La-Baule cemetery. The cemetery that begun with the burial of 17 British soldiers during 1940, is now the place of rest for 325 Commonwealth soldiers, that were killed in the line of duty during the II. World War.
Saint Nazaire – Atlantic Wall (Defence Bunkers)
Saint-Nazaire, Francija
The Atlantic Wall was an extensive system of coastal defense and fortifications built by Nazi Germany along the coast of continental Europe as a defense against an anticipated Allied invasion of Nazi-occupied during II. World War. The manning and operation of the Atlantic Wall was administratively overseen by the German Army, with some support from Luftwaffe ground forces. The German Navy maintained a separate coastal defense network, organized into a number of sea defense zones.
Saint Nazaire – U-boat Base
Boulevard Georges Charpak, Saint-Nazaire, Francija
During the II. World War the port of Saint Nazaire was strategically important. Because the Germans build here one of the largest fortified U-boat pen. The U-boat base was built between 1941 and 1942. The construction of the base required more than 313,000 cubic meters of concrete. The part of the U-boat base were also army workshops, which were later destroyed.
Saumur Tank Museum
1-99 Rue Fricotelle, 49400 Saumur, Francija
During the Battle of France, in World War II, Saumur was the site of the Battle of Saumur (1940) where the town and south bank of the Loire were defended by the teenage cadets of the cavalry school for the Honor of France. In 1944 the town was a target bombing raids by Allied planes. In Tank Museum, the aim was to gather everything tank related, whether French or foreign and being of historical, technological and educational interest. The collection includes mementos from the "Father of the French Tank" and from Major Bossut, one of the first officers to be killed in action whilst commanding a Tank Unit.
Battle of Ortona Museum
Museo Battaglia di Ortona, Corso Garibaldi, Ortona, Chieti, Italija
Battle of Ortona Museum shows photos of the battle, arms, uniforms and different arm artifacts. The Battle of Ortona was a battle fought between a battalion of German Fallschirmjäger, paratroops from the German 1st Parachute Division, and assaulting Canadian troops from the Canadian 1st Infantry Division. It was the culmination of the fighting on the Adriatic front in Italy. The battle, known to those who fought it as the "Italian Stalingrad" for the deadliness of its close-quarters combat.
The Swiss Military Museum in Full
Schweizerisches Militärmuseum Full, Full-Reuenthal, Švica
The Swiss Military Museum in Full is a Swiss military museum, which is located in a village Full-Reuenthal, the canton Aargau. Museum has a collection of army gear and uniforms of a Swiss and foreign army forces, from the time of the II. World War and the Cold War. In addition of many tanks and cannons in the museum, there is also the entire collection of the former arms manufacturer Oerlikon. Also the German rockets VI and crashed British and American bombers, which are owned by the museum.
Fort Full-Reuenthal
Festungsmuseum Full-Reuenthal, Panoramaweg, Full-Reuenthal, Švica
Fort Reuenthal is a 20th century Swiss fortification located near the Swiss border with Germany. Built between 1937 and 1939, the fort overlooks the Rhine where it bends around the town of Full-Reuenthal. It is armed with two artillery blocks for 75mm guns and two machine gun blocks. It was a component of the Swiss Border Line of defenses intended to prevent a crossing of the Rhine at the hydroelectric plant at Dogern.
Fort Ebersberg
festung ebersberg
Fort Ebersberg, also known as Fort Rüdlingen, was built 1938–1940 in the Swiss Canton of Zurich to guard the Rhine against a German invasion at the opening of II. World War. The fort was part of the Swiss Border Line defenses.
Crestawald Fortress Museum
Festungsmuseum Crestawald, Sufers, Švica
The contemporary witness of Swiss military history. Construction of the fortifications in Crestawald was started in September 1939, and by 1940 the huge artillery guns were ready for action. For a long time, the bunkers were kept under the strictest of secrecy. With the restructuring of the army, the artillery fortresses near the state borders were decommissioned. In 2000 the secrecy was lifted and the fortress was turned into a public museum by the Verein Festungsmuseum Crestawald.
Toblerone Line
Route Suisse 8, Gland, Švica
The Toblerone line is a 10 km (6 miles) long defensive line made of dragon's teeth that were built during the II. World War between Bassins and Prangins, in the Canton of Vaud, Switzerland. These lines of defensive blocks can be found all over Switzerland, but more predominantly in border areas. Their purpose was to stop tank invasions. The 2.700 9-ton concrete blocks that make up the defenses are similar to the shape of the chocolate bar "Toblerone", which gave its name to the line. Since the line has been left to nature since its construction, it was decided to keep these concrete blocks and to make a hiking trail along their route. The line was built along twelve fortresses, the most well known being the "Villa Rose" in Gland, which was transformed into a museum and opened to the public in 2006.
Military History Institute Prague
Vojenský historický ústav Praha: Armádní muzeum Žižkov, U Památníku, Žižkov, Praga-Praha 3, Češka republika
The Army Museum is located in Prague-Žižkov, in the historic facilities of the National Liberation Monument. The first section is dedicated to the period of the I World War, the involvement of Czech and Slovak people in the war, and the political and military events that resulted in the constitution of the independent Czechoslovak Republic. The second section is dedicated to the Czechoslovak republic and its armed forces between the world wars, and the third section maps the period of the II. World War, and the involvement of the Czech and Slovak people in the military operations, home resistance and other events aimed at restoring the independence of Czechoslovakia. In addition to weapons, the exhibitions show many unique uniforms, banners, marks of distinction, and also personal memorabilia of the Czechoslovak presidents and leading army representatives.
Operation Anthropoid Memorial
Památník Operace Anthropoid, 182 00 Praha 8, Češka republika
The Operation Anthropoid Memorial is a memorial in Prague that commemorates Operation Anthropoid, the code name refers to the assassination of senior Nazi official Reinhard Heydrich by Czechoslovakian partisans on 27 May 1942.
Syrmian Front
Adaševci, Vojvodina
The Syrmian Front saw some of the most difficult fighting in Yugoslavia in II. World War. It lasted for almost six months. As the bulk of the Red Army involved in the Belgrade operation continued their offensive in Hungary, the Yugoslav Army, accustomed to guerrilla warfare in the mountainous terrain of the Dinaric Alps, remained to fight the entrenched front line heavily contested by the Axis on the flat ground of the Pannonian plain. Young men from Vojvodina and Central Serbia, many from freshly liberated regions, were drafted en masse and sent to the front, and the amount of training they received and their casualty levels remain in dispute. Although mostly stationary, the front moved several times, generally westward, as the Axis forces were pushed back. The fighting started east of Ruma and stabilized in January 1945 west of Šid after the town changed hands due to Axis counterattacks. In late March and early April 1945, Yugoslav Army units mounted a general offensive on all fronts. The Yugoslav First Army, commanded by Peko Dapčević, broke through German XXXIV Corps defenses in Syrmia on 12 April, quickly capturing the cities of Vukovar, Vinkovci, and Županja, and enabling further advances through Slavonia toward Slavonski Brod and Zagreb in the last month of the war.
Belgrade – Military Museum
Vojni Muzej, Beograd
The Belgrade Military Museum is intended on the military history of Serbia, since Antiquity until the civil war in 90. years of 20th century. A large number of tanks, armored vehicles, and artillery, they are all a part of outside exhibition.
Belgrade – Museum of Aviation
Airport Nikola Tesla Belgrade, Beograd
The Museum of Aviation was founded in 1957 in Belgrade. It is located adjacent to Belgrade Nikola Tesla Airport, with 6.000 m2 (1,2 acre) of exhibition space. It owns over 200 aircraft previously operated by the Yugoslav Air Force, Serbian Air Force, and others, as well as aircraft previously flown by several civil airliners and private flying clubs. The museum also displays wreckage of a downed USAF F-117 Nighthawk and F-16 Fighting Falcon, both shot down during the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999.
Military Museum of Slovenian Armed Forces
15 Engelsova ulica, Maribor, Slovenija
The Military Museum collects, documents, preserves, studies, examines and presents museum material related to the life and work of the Slovenian army. The Museum portrays different historical periods that shaped the present image of Slovenia, its inhabitants, and army. It also monitors and documents the Slovenian army development. Collections include museum objects, archive and library material, visual artworks, videothequeunit, and photographs.
Memorial Room in Topolšica
54 Ljubljanska cesta, Velenje, Slovenija
A memorial room in Topolšica is consecrated to the signing of one of four partial capitulations of the German army. With this document the II. World War ended for the Slovenians. A memorial room that represents partial German capitulation of the army troop E and German forces in southeast Europe. It was signed by General Aleksander Löhr. You can see a short film about the events occurring in these parts in May 1945. Behind the glass wall is a reconstruction of the signing of capitulation that was one of the most important events on our territory during the II. World War. One of the main curiosities of the collection is also a gun of general Löhr that was confiscated only a few days after the signing.
Teharje Camp
Teharje, Celje, Slovenija
Teharje camp was a prison camp near Teharje, Slovenia, during the II. World War, organized by Nazi Germany and used after the war by the Partisans. In 1943, Nazi forces built a military camp for approximately 500 people in Teharje, including six residential barracks and ten other buildings. Towards the end of the war, Nazis used the camp to hold prisoners that had participated in the defense of the city Celje, and the camp was abandoned for a short time after the war. The camp was reactivated by the Yugoslav communists at the end of May 1945 to accommodate former members of the Slovene Home Guard and others that had collaborated with the Germans, as well as civilians that had fled before the advancing Yugoslav People's Army to Allied camps in Austrian Carinthia. On 31 May 1945, the entire 2nd Assault Battalion headed by Vuk Rupnik was brought to Teharje, the battalion was known by the name Rupnik's battalion. In the first days of June 1945, approximately 3.000 members of the Slovene Home Guard joined them. It is estimated that the postwar authorities executed approximately 5.000 internees of Teharje without trial during the first month or two after the II. World War ended in Europe.
Mauthausen Ljubelj Concentration Camp
Podljubelj 310, 4290 Tržič, Slovenija
National Liberation Struggle Memorial
Cvibelj, Žužemberk, Novo mesto, Slovenija
Memorial with a tomb in which are buried the mortal remains of those who fell. The memorial was built in memory 1140 Partisans, who fell in a battle for Suha Krajina. Around the monument are the public announcements of the executions of some 667 people who were condemned to death by the German forces. The memorial as well pays tribute for foreigners, who fought in Slovene National Liberation Struggle. The memorial was built 1961 and is a work of Marjana Tepine. Large spherical bronze memorial where are photos of a group of people.
Rupnik Line
2 Tabor, Žiri, Slovenija
Rupnik Line named after the Slovene general in the Yugoslav army, Leon Rupnik, was a line of fortifications and weapons installations that Yugoslavia constructed along its terrestrial western and northern border. The construction of the line was a safety measure taken in order to counter the construction of Alpine Wall, a line built by the bordering country Italy, as well as against imposing danger of a German invasion. Yugoslavia's Rupnik line was inspired by various other fortification systems built along borders. It was established to provide good positions to enforce the existing border, as well as to repel a potential invasion. Although there were troops manning the fortifications at its peak, the line was never used to full potential, as it was largely unprepared and abandoned by the time Yugoslavia was invaded in April 1941 by Italy, Germany, and Hungary.
Trail of Remembrance and Comradeship Ljubljana
Pot spominov in tovarištva, Ljubljana, Slovenija
The Trail of Remembrance and Comradeship also referred to as the Trail Along the Wire, is a gravel-paved recreational and memorial walkway almost 33 km (21 mi) long and 4 m (13 ft) wide around the city of Ljubljana, the capital of Slovenia. The walkway leads past Koseze Pond and across the Golovec Hill. During II. World War, the Province of Ljubljana, annexed by Fascist Italy, was subjected to brutal repression after the emergence of resistance and the Italian forces erected a barbed wire fence around Ljubljana in order to prevent communication between the city's underground Liberation Front activists in Ljubljana and the Slovene Partisans in the surrounding countryside. The trail was built since 1974 and it was completed in 1985. It is marked by signposts, information boards with the map of the trail, plaques, and metal markers, as well as signposts at the turn-offs. One hundred and two octagonal memorial stones have been installed at the former positions of the bunkers. Along the green area adjacent to it, 7.400 trees of 49 tree species have been planted. Since 1988, it has been protected as a designed nature monument.
Pohorje Battalion
Lukanja 19, 2317 Oplotnica, Slovenija
The battlefield of Pohorje Battalion is located at "Three Nails", 30 minutes on a footpath from Osankarica home. At "Three Nails" there is a main local and municipal monument from the National Liberation Struggle when on this spot fell whole Pohorje Battalion. The Osankarica home has a museum collection in its extension, an exhibition named "Partisan Pohorje". It presents developments in the wider area of the Pohorje mountain range, the cradle of partisan resistance in Štajerska during the Second World War. Special attention is paid to the last standby fighters of the Pohorje Battalion at Osankarica on 8 January 1943. After fighting overwhelmingly superior German forces for two and a half hours, 69 fighters, including women, lost their lives. Only one partisan was captured alive by the Germans and he was later shot as a hostage. The Pohorje Battalion became a legend in the resistance of the Slovenes against the occupation.
Park of Military History Pivka
Park vojaške zgodovine, Kolodvorska cesta, Pivka, Slovenija
The Park of Military History in Pivka, Slovenia, is a museum and adventure center, which is located in a former Italian barracks. An exhibition is composed of tanks and artillery collection. It also includes the Italian fortress on Rapallo border.
Museum of Hostages
Katzenstein - Begunjski grad, Begunje na Gorenjskem, Slovenija
Museum of Hostages in an idyllic village named Begunje, in Gorenjska Region, Slovenia, is a reminder of the horrors of II. World War. The mighty Katzenstein Castle in the middle of the settlement served as a Gestapo prison during the time of Nazi occupation. A part of the former prison cells in the extension of the castle has been converted into a memorial museum, nearby in a park, near village Draga, there is a mass grave of hostages.
National Liberation Museum Maribor
Muzej narodne osvoboditve Maribor, Maribor, Slovenija
The Museum of National Liberation of Maribor has been functioning as an autonomous museum since 1958. It is a historical museum dealing primarily with museological and historiographical analyses of the recent history of the North-Eastern parts of Slovenia. The new collection will present the major turning points of the 20th century – I. and II. World War, Independence War, lives of local inhabitants, the misery of simple people whose lives, though residing in the same city, were totally different from those of the wealthier classes.
Lokev Military Museum
Vojaški muzej Tabor, Lokev, Slovenija
The Lokev Military Museum represents the biggest private collection this sort in Europe. All the artifacts are unique. The most interesting artifacts are military uniforms, among which stands out an artfully red uniform from the period of Maria Theresa and the uniform of Svetozar Barojevič the general of the Soča front. One of the few instances has a special place a sword with a gold handle, such as Adolf Hitler giving its officers for special merits. It is preserved only 11 such swords. Also one of the rarest artifacts is a child's gas mask and a soap from the Dachau concentration camp.
National Museum of Contemporary History Ljubljana
Muzej novejše zgodovine Slovenije, Celovška cesta, Ljubljana, Slovenija
The Museum of Contemporary History in Slovenia is a national museum, dedicated to heritage of contemporary history from the start of the 20th century until today. The museum's collections from the I. and the II. World War, collections from an era between the wars, an era of communism and about the liberated country of Slovenia.
Šeškov Home
šeškov dom kočevje
Šeškov home is an important monumental building even from the pre-war era. During the II. World War here was the first Assembly of the emissaries of the Slovene nation in the building, from 1 till 4 October 1943. They were the first directly elected representation of an occupied nation in Europe during II. World War. The assembly was the largest political gathering during the national liberation war and with its declarative rather that constitutional meaning it is an important cornerstone in the development of the national liberation fight on Slovene territory. The assembly was captured in the paintings by Božidar Jakec. The collection is exhibited in a hall and it means a unique show of historical events.
Commander Stane
41 Spodnje Pirniče, Slovenija
Franc Rozman, with the Partisan name Stane or Stane Mlinar, was a Slovene Partisan commander in II. World War. He was one of the most important actors of National Liberation Struggle. After his death he became a national hero, there is a song to honor him, a lot of elementary schools are named after him, also the barracks was named in his honor: The Barracks of Franc Rozman - Stane.
Battle of Dražgoše
Dražgoše, Škofja Loka, Slovenija
The Battle of Dražgoše was the II. World War battle between the Slovene Partisans and Nazi Germany armed forces, which took place between 9 January and 11 January 1942, in the village of Dražgoše, Slovenia. This battle was the first direct confrontation between the two. Fighting (both numerically and equipment-wise) vastly superior Germans the Partisan Cankar Battalion (numbering 240 combatants) suffered eight casualties throughout the entire battle. German forces suffered 26 casualties according to German documents. After three days of fighting, the Partisans were forced to leave the village. After the battle, the Partisans were pursued and killed by the Germans. More recent publications have cast the events in a different light, stating that the Partisans selected Dražgoše as a scene to challenge the German forces. On the one hand, the Battle of Dražgoše was lauded as a heroic act of defiance during the Communist era. It was also highly praised after Slovenia declared independence and introduced democracy.
Gestapo Prison in Dravograd
7 Trg 4. julija, Slovenija
A museum collection is on display in the cellar of the Dravograd municipal building, depicting the horrors of the Gestapo based in Dravograd during II. World War. The imprisoned partisans, their associates, and supporters, as well as mere suspects, were brutally tortured there, and some even died as a result. The survivors were shot as hostages in nearby forests or transported to concentration camps. Several houses and farm buildings were burnt down in the Dravograd area, with the locals killed or burnt alive.
The Gorge Dovžanova Soteska
Dovžanova soteska, Čadovlje pri Tržiču, Tržič, Slovenija
Partisan techniques were secret printeries, that reproduced partisan journal. In the year 1942, they start working in Gorenjska region. They print, radio reports, leaflets with slogans, flyers and other propaganda material. The Partisan techniques Carinthian partisan detachment has issued a journal of Gorenjska Partisan Detachment named Goremkslo Partisan. The Partisan press played an important role in the fight against occupation. It encouraged the population to join forces of the National Liberation Struggle.
Dolenjska Museum
Dolenjski muzej Novo mesto, Novo mesto, Slovenija
The Museum of Dolenjska’s permanent contemporary history exhibition was set up in 1981. The exhibition covers the time from the first organized proletarian activity before II. World War to the liberation of Novo mesto on 8 May 1945, with the main focus on the activities during the war, the National Liberation Struggle in this part of Slovenia. An extra feature of the exhibition is photo albums and the memorial hall with the names of almost 3.000 fallen partisans, activists, and victims of the occupation from the inner Dolenjska area. The venue of the exhibition is one of the few museum buildings that were built specifically for that purpose in Slovenia after II. World War.
Exile Museum Bučka
2 Bučka, Slovenija
On the premises of the Culture House in Bučka village, there is a memorial room in the local collection of materials on the expulsion of its inhabitants during the war in Yugoslavia from 1941 to 1945. The exhibition shows moments of despair when people are leaving their homes, their stay in the German concentration camps and happy returns to the home village. A number of documents, letters, postcards, maps and some items that are used by people in exile, are on display. Also, the museum has a memorial book of testimonies of those who survived the horrors of the German concentration camps. Also, it displays collected works that describe the happenings during II. World War.
The Pauček Partisan Hospital
Legen, Slovenija
The covert partisan hospital complex comprised six units and was being built on the western Pohorje Hills from April 1944 until the end of the war by Dr. Ivan Kopač – Pauček (1916–1988), a partisan doctor, with the help of local activists, partisans, and the Liberation Front associates. Around 300 wounded people were treated in the hospital units. Despite German strongholds in the valley and numerous field searches, the occupation forces never found the hospital units. The preserved hospital unit with the secret name of Trška Gora in Legen, 10 kilometers (6 miles) from Slovenj Gradec, is a cultural monument of national importance.
The Jesen Partisan Hospital
29 Veliko Tinje, Slovenija
The Jesen Partisan Hospital is the only renovated partisan hospital on the eastern Pohorje. In the second half of October 1944, they started to build the hospital, that is how the hospital got the name Jesen, which means Autumn. The first wounded were taken care on the 6. January 1945. Those were the fighters of Šercerjeve brigade. The transfer of the wounded to the hospital was very tough because they have to take the victims over long distances and cover the tracks so that the enemy would not find them. The hospital has preserved documents showing that 25 wounded were treated there. According to the statements of the medical team, there were many more patients. At the end of May 1945, they left the hospital and the wounded were transferred to a military hospital in the Maribor Gosposvetska road.
The Franja Partisan Hospital
Partizanska bolnica Franja, Dolenji Novaki, Slovenija
The Franja Partisan Hospital was a secret II. World War hospital at the Dolenji Novaki near Cerkno. It was run by the Slovene Partisans from December 1943 until the end of the war as part of a broadly organized resistance movement against the Fascist and Nazi occupying forces. Built in difficult and rugged terrain in the remote Pasica Gorge. The hospital was located deep inside German-occupied Europe, only a few hours from Austria and the central parts of the Third Reich. German military activity was frequent in the general region throughout the operation of the hospital. The hospital's entrance was hidden in the forest, and the hospital could only be reached by bridges. The bridges could be retracted if the enemy was in the vicinity. In order to preserve the secrecy necessary for a clandestine hospital to operate, the patients were blindfolded during transportation to the facility. The hospital was named after its manager and physician, Franja Bojc Bidovec, who began working there in February 1944. Extremely well equipped for a clandestine partisan operation, the hospital remained intact until the end of the war. It was designed to provide treatment to as many as 120 patients at a time. Most of its patients were wounded anti-Nazi resistance fighters, who could not go to regular hospitals because they would be arrested. Among its patients were many nationalities, including one wounded German enemy soldier who, after being treated, remained in the hospital as a member of the hospital staff. The hospital operated until 5 May 1945. It became a part of the Cerkno Museum in 1963. In 1997, an American Association of Air Force Veterans issued an award to Franja Hospital for saving and treating downed American pilot Harold Adams.
The Bela Krajina Museum
Belokranjski muzej Metlika, Metlika, Slovenija
The Bela Krajina Museum is located in Metlika Castle. The collection recalls important events in the first half of the 20th century. At the turn of the century, though economic conditions forced thousands of Bela Krajina people to emigrate in different countries, most of them in the United States of America. In former Yugoslavia, Bela Krajina was only slowly picking from backwardness. There was no industry, there was just a few craft workshops and coal mine Kanižarica. On the outbreak of II. World War Bela Krajina fell into the Italian occupation zone. After the capitulation of Italy in 1943, the area between the Kolpa river and Gorjanci mountains became a free partisan territory, this was a unique phenomenon, not only in the II. World War, but also in the entire history of warfare.
Base 20 Memorial Site
baza 20 kočevski rog
Near a village Dolenjske Toplice between karst doline and densely planted pine trees, the National Liberation Movement hid the partisan hospitals, printer shops, and workshops. They chose the location for the Command Headquarters of National Liberation Movement. The Base 20 was the main base of Central Commission Communistic Party of Slovenia and Executive Committee Liberation Front during II. World War in Kočevski Rog, from 1942 until 1944.
German Army Cemetery in Hunkovce
Hunkovce, Slovaška
The town Hunkovce is located near the main road across the Dukla Pass. It has a German II. World War cemetery, the place of the last rest for more than 3,000 German soldiers who died between 1944-45.
Memorial and Cemetery of Soviet Soldiers
Čsl. armády 364/7, 089 01 Svidník, Slovaška
Memorial and Cemetery of Soviet Soldiers in Svidnik, stands on a hill near the Battle of Dukla Museum. It is dedicated in honor the deaths of Russian soldiers during the Battle of Dukla in autumn 1944.
Memorial and Cemetery of Czech and Slovak Soldiers
Čsl. armády 364/7, 089 01 Svidník, Slovaška
Memorial and Cemetery of Czech and Slovak Soldiers is located on the main road across Dukla pass on the Polish-Slovakian border. Nearby is also a cemetery 563 soldiers of 1st Czechoslovak army.
Dukla Observation Tower
Dukla Observation Tower
The Observation Tower was built on the altitude 655 in the original place as the commander's observation post of General Ludvik Svoboda celebrating the 30th anniversary of Carpathian-Dukla Operation. It is 49 m high and was built on the site of an original wooden observation tower.
Open-Air Army Museum
Svidnik Open-Air Army Museum, Bardejovská, Svidník, Slovaška
The Dukla Pass is a strategically significant mountain pass in the Laborec Highlands of the Outer Eastern Carpathians, on the border between Poland and Slovakia. Today a peaceful rural area on the Slovak-Polish border, the Dukla Mountain Pass witnessed one of the biggest and most bloody battles of II. World War on the Eastern Front - The Battle of Dukla Pass, officially known as the “Carpathian Operation”. Three months after the Allies landed in Normandy, on the other side of Europe burst a frantic battle between the Soviet Red Army supported by the Czechoslovak Corps and the defending German and Hungarian forces fortified in the Carpathian Mountains on the Slovak-Polish border. In a small town of Svidnik, there is an open-air museum. Here you will touch and see war machines, cannons, and vehicles, with most interesting exhibits being the Soviet Katyusha rocket launcher, the tank T 34, the German armored carrier D-7, the soviet infantry mortar M-13 and the soviet transport airplane.
Valley of Death, Battle of Dukla Pass
Dukla Pass, Dukla, Poljska
The Valley of Death is located in the Dukla Pass just outside the village of Svidnik in the northeastern corner of Slovakia. In this valley several tanks and other remains from one of the great tank battles of II. World War, the Battle of the Dukla Pass, can still be seen. Some of the tanks are left almost where they stopped during the battle, while other have been turned into monuments. Most of the tanks are Russian model T-34.
Museum of the Defense and Siege of Leningrad
Museum of the Defense and Siege of Leningrad
This small but extremely moving museum commemorates perhaps the most harrowing period of the city's history, the 900-day Blockade of Leningrad which lasted from 8 September 1941 to 17 January 1944. For two-and-a-half years, the citizens of Leningrad suffered chronic privations and constant bombardment. Although the precarious Road of Life brought supplies across the ice of Lake Ladoga in the winter months, the food was woefully short, fuel was scarce in winter, and in summer the dire state of sanitation spread disease at epidemic levels. In all, over 700.000 civilians died during the Blockade. Their sacrifice and the extraordinary endurance of the survivors is etched on the conscience of the city, a source of immense pride and profound sorrow.
Central Museum of Armored Vehicles
Central Museum of armored vehicles, Moskovska, Rusija
The Kubinka Tank Museum is a military museum in Kubinka, near Moscow. The museum consists of open-air and indoor permanent exhibitions of many famous tanks and armored vehicles. It is also known to house and display many unique and one-of-a-kind military vehicles, such as the Nazi German Panzer VIII Maus super-heavy tank, the Troyanov heavy tank and a Karl-Gerät heavy self-propelled artillery, amongst other single or limited-production prototypes from the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany.
Monument to Heroic Defenders of Leningrad
Monument to Heroic Defenders of Leningrad, ploshchad' Pobedy, Sankt Peterburg, Rusija
The Memorial to Heroic Defenders of Leningrad on Victory Square was unveiled solemnly on Victory Day: 9th May 1975. To commemorate the heroic efforts of the residents of Leningrad and the soldiers on the Leningrad Front to the repel the Nazis in the 900-day Siege of Leningrad during II. World War. Leningrad was never occupied by Germans.
Road of Life Museum
Kokkorevo, oblast Leningrad, Russia
The Road of Life was the ice road winter transport route across the frozen Lake Ladoga, which provided the only access to the besieged city of Leningrad (now St. Petersburg) while the perimeter in the siege was maintained by the German Army Group North and the Finnish Defence Forces. The siege lasted from 8 September 1941 to 27 January 1944. Over one million citizens of Leningrad died from starvation, stress, exposure and bombardments. In addition to transporting thousands of tons of munitions and food supplies each year, the Road of Life also served as the primary evacuation route for the millions of Soviets trapped within the starving city. The road today forms part of the World Heritage Site.
Moscow Red Square
Red Square, Moscow, Rusija
Red Square is a city square in Moscow, Russia. The square itself is around 330 meters (1,080 feet) long and 70 meters (230 feet) wide, It separates the Kremlin, the former royal citadel and currently the official residence of the President of Russia, from a historic merchant quarter known as Kitai-gorod. The Kremlin and Red square were together recognized as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1990. During the Soviet era, Red Square maintained its significance, becoming a focal point for the new state. Besides being the official address of the Soviet government, it was renowned as a showcase for military parades from 1919 onward. Lenin's Mausoleum would from 1924 onward be a part of the square complex, and also as the grandstand for important dignitaries in all national celebrations. In the 1930s, Kazan Cathedral and Iverskaya Chapel with the Resurrection Gates were demolished to make room for heavy military vehicles driving through the square. The buildings surrounding the Square are all significant in some respect. Nearby is a memorial for all fallen soldiers during the II. World War with an eternal flame, along the wall of the Kremlin, are ceramic cubes filled with the soil of Soviet cities Heroes.
Central Naval Museum
Central Naval Museum, Sankt Peterburg, Rusija
Central Naval Museum is a naval museum in St. Petersburg. It is one of the first museums in Russia and one of the world’s largest naval museums, with a large collection of artifacts, models, and paintings reflecting the development of Russian naval traditions and the history of the Russian Navy. During the three centuries of its existence, the museum has collected more than 700.000 objects that reflect the most important events in the history of the fleet. There are over 13.000 items of naval equipment, 11.000 weapons and firearms, 62.000 works of art, 56.000 uniforms, awards and decorations, flags and banners, and 44.000 documents and manuscripts, together with around 300,000 photographs and negatives, and sheets of drawings. The museum has one of the world's richest collections of model ships, about 2,000 models, covering the history of Russian and foreign military shipbuilding.
Piskaryovskoye Memorial Cemetery
Piskaryovskoye Memorial Cemetery
The memorial complex was opened on 9 May 1960. About 420.000 civilians and 50.000 soldiers of the Leningrad Front (now St. Petersburg) were buried in 186 mass graves. Near the entrance, an eternal flame is located. A marble plate affirms that from 4 September 1941 to 22 January 1944 107.158 air bombs were dropped on the city, 148.478 shells were fired, 16.744 men died, 33.782 were wounded and 641.803 inhabitants died of starvation.
Museum of the Great Patriotic War
пл. Победы, 3, Moskva, Rusija, 121096
The Museum of the Great Patriotic War is a history museum located in Moscow at Poklonnaya Gora. The museum features exhibits and memorials concerning II. World War, known in Russia as "The Great Patriotic War". In the center of the museum is the Hall of Glory, a white marble room which features the names of over 11.800 of the recipients of the Hero of the Soviet Union distinction. A large bronze sculpture, the "Soldier of Victory," stands in the center of this hall. The upper floors feature numerous exhibits about the war, including dioramas depicting major battles, photographs of wartime activities, weapons and munitions, uniforms, awards, newsreels, letters from the battlefront, and model aircraft. In addition, the museum maintains an electronic "memory book" which attempts to record the name and fate of every Russian soldier who died in II. World War. The museum is set in Victory Park, a 2,424-hectare park on Poklonnaya Hill. The park features a large, paved plaza, fountains, and open space where military vehicles, cannons, and other apparatus from II. World War are displayed.
The Central Armed Forces Museum
The Central Armed Forces Museum
The Central Armed Forces Museum also is known as the Museum of the Soviet Army, is located in northern Moscow. Over its history the museum has managed to accumulate the most prominent and important military relics of the Soviet period, creating a record of its military past. In total, more than seven hundred thousand individual exhibits are now stored at the museum. The most valuable are displayed in the 25 halls of the main building. The period of the Russian Civil War includes a photocopy of the original decree outlining the creation of the RKKA which includes Lenin's corrections; a banner of the 195th infantry regiment into which Lenin was officially conscripted; weapons, documents, awards and personal belongings of famous Red Army men. The most prized display is that dedicated to the Great Patriotic War, which includes the Victory Banner as well as all of the front banners and the captured Nazi ones that were used during the Victory Parade in 1945. The Great Patriotic War differs from II. World War in that it began on 22 July 1941 with the German invasion of the Soviet Union. II. World War started on 1 September 1939 with the co-ordinated attacks on Germany and the Soviet Union on Poland. Part of the Great Patriotic War section is devoted to the Soviet Union's allies on the Western Front. There are examples of Soviet propaganda posters depicting Germany being crushed between the two fronts and maps of the Allied advance from Normandy into Germany. British and American small arms and uniforms are displayed. The last halls display the post-war and modern developments of the Soviet Army and Navy, the Cold War section contains wreckage from the U-2 spy-plane that was piloted by Gary Powers and the involvement of Soviet forces in Cold War conflicts. A special display is dedicated to the Soviet involvement in Afghanistan and recent combat operations in Chechnya.
The State Museum of the Defence of Moscow
Muzey oborony Moskvy, Moskva, Rusija
The State Museum of the Defence of Moscow was founded on 25 December 1979. It is located in the immediate vicinity of the site of the former villages Troparevo-Nikulino, where was in October-November 1941 a defensive line of the Moscow volunteer division. The main goal is to reenact the battle of Moscow as an intense historical event through the perception the ones involves and victims. It shows their sacrifice and heroic actions.
Museum of Artillery St. Petersburg
Museum of Artillery, Engineers and Signals, Sankt Peterburg, Rusija
Artillery Museum is a state-owned military museum in Saint Petersburg, Russia. Its collections, consisting of Russian military equipment, uniforms, and decorations, are hosted in the Kronverk of the Peter and Paul Fortress situated on the right bank of the Neva near Alexander Park.
Mayakovskaya Moscow Metro Station
Mayakovskaya, Triumfalnaya Square, Moscow, Rusija
Mayakovskaya is a Moscow Metro station. Considered to be one of the most beautiful in the system, it is a fine example of pre-II. World War Stalinist Architecture and one of the most famous Metro stations in the world. Located 33 meters beneath the surface, the station became famous during II. World War when an air raid shelter was located in the station. On the anniversary of the October Revolution, on 7 November 1941, Joseph Stalin addressed a mass assembly of party leaders and ordinary Muscovites in the central hall of the station. During II. World War, Stalin took residence in this place.
Cruiser Aurora
Cruiser Aurora, Petrogradskaya embankment, Sankt Peterburg, Rusija
Aurora is a 1900 Russian protected cruiser, currently preserved as a museum ship in St. Petersburg. During the II. World War, the guns were taken from the ship and used in the land defense of Leningrad. The ship herself was docked in Oranienbaum port and was repeatedly shelled and bombed. On 30 September 1941, she was damaged and sunk in the harbor. In 1957 she became a museum ship.
The Moscow Kremlin
The Moscow Kremlin, Moskva, Rusija
The Moscow Kremlin usually referred to as the Kremlin, is a fortified complex at the heart of Moscow, overlooking the Moskva River to the south, Saint Basil's Cathedral and Red Square to the east, and the Alexander Garden to the west. It is the best known of the kremlins, Russian citadels and includes five palaces, four cathedrals, and the enclosing Kremlin Wall with Kremlin towers. Also within this complex is the Grand Kremlin Palace. The complex serves as the official residence of the President of the Russian Federation. The Soviet government moved from Petrograd to Moscow on 12 March 1918. Vladimir Lenin selected the Kremlin Senate as his residence. Joseph Stalin also had his personal rooms in the Kremlin. He was eager to remove all the "relics of the tsarist regime" from his headquarters. Golden eagles on the towers were replaced by shining Kremlin stars, while the wall near Lenin's Mausoleum was turned into the Kremlin Wall Necropolis. From three entrance doors, only one serves as an entrance for visitors.
National Military Museum Bucharest
National Military Museum, Strada Mircea Vulcănescu, Bucharest, Romunija
The National Military Museum in Bucharest, Romania, is one of the main historical museums in Romania. With its chronological rundown of how the country defended itself through the history from country's beginning until today. The museum shows us the most important battles for independents and freedom in Romanian history. It includes army documents, trophies and a great collection of firearms, including artillery, tanks, and air crafts.
Galicia Jewish Museum
Galicia Jewish Museum, Dajwór, Krakov, Poljska
Jewish Historical Institute
Jewish Historical Institute, Tłomackie, Varšava, Poljska
The Jewish Historical Institute was created in 1947 as a continuation of the Central Jewish Historical Commission. Primarily dealing with the history of Jews in Poland. The institute is a repository of documentary materials relating to the Jewish historical presence in Poland. It is also a center for academic research, study and the dissemination of knowledge about the history and culture of Polish Jewry. The most valuable part of the collection is the Warsaw Ghetto Archive, known as the Ringelblum Archive. It contains about 6.000 documents, about 30.000 individual pieces of paper. Other important collections concerning II. World War include testimonies (mainly of Jewish survivors of the Holocaust), memoirs and diaries, documentation of the Joint and Jewish Self-Help, and documents from the Jewish Councils. The section on the documentation of Jewish historical sites holds about 40 thousand photographs concerning Jewish life and culture in Poland.
Museum of Independence
Museum of Independence, aleja Solidarności, Varšava, Poljska
Pawiak was a prison built in 1835 in Warsaw, Poland. The Pawiak prison got the name after aa street named Pawia, which in polish means "Peacock Street". Following the German invasion of Poland in 1939 it was turned into a German Gestapo prison, and then part of the Nazi extermination camp system. Approximately 100.000 men and 200.000 women passed through the prison, mostly members of the Armia Krajowa, political prisoners and civilians taken as hostages in street round-ups. An estimated 37.000 were executed and 60.000 sent to German death and concentration camps. On August 21 an unknown number of remaining prisoners were shot and the buildings burned and blown up by the Nazis.
Underground Szczecin
Kolumba 1/16, Szczecin, Poljska
The shelter was built by the Germans in 1941 as an anti-aircraft shelter for civilians. Shelter is 5 floor deep. Its ferroconcrete walls are 3 meters thick, a ceiling is 2,80 meters thick. The longest corridor is about 100 meters long. The total surface of shelter is 2.500 m2 and 1.900 m2 useful surface. There was enough space for 5.000 inhabitants. After the war, the shelter could be used as a nuclear shelter.
Wolf’s Lair
Wolf's Lair, Kętrzyn, Poljska
Wolf's Lair was Adolf Hitler's first Eastern Front military headquarters in II. World War. The complex, which would become one of Führer Headquarters. It was built for the start of Operation Barbarossa (Invasion of Soviet Union) in 1941. Despite the security, the most notable assassination attempt against Hitler was made at Wolf's Lair on 20 July 1944. In the summer of 1944, work began to enlarge and reinforce many of the Wolf's Lair original buildings. However, the work was never completed because of the rapid advance of the Red Army during the Baltic Offensive in autumn 1944. On 25 January 1945, the complex was blown up and abandoned 48 hours before the arrival of Soviet forces.
Westerplatte
Westerplatte, Gdansk, Poljska
The Battle of Westerplatte was the first battle in the Invasion of Poland and marked the start of the II. World War in Europe. Beginning on 1 September 1939, German naval forces and soldiers and Danzig police assaulted the Polish Military Transit Depot on the peninsula of Westerplatte, in the harbor of the Free City of Danzig. The site is one of Poland's official national Historic Monuments.
Lubuskie War Museum
Lubuskie Muzeum Wojskowe, Świdnica, Poljska
Lubuskie War Museum has an enormous collection polish war gear from II. World War. The collection includes more than 30 airplanes/helicopters and more than 100 pieces heavy army gear as tanks, rocket systems, guns, etc. Museum also has a collection of old handguns and uniforms.
Warsaw Memorial Route of Jewish Martyrdom and Struggle
Zamenhofa 10, Warszawa, Poljska
The Memorial Route of Jewish Martyrdom and Struggle in Warsaw is located the Muranów district to commemorate people, events and places of the Warsaw Ghetto during the German occupation of Poland.
Warsaw Museum of The Polish Army
Museum of the Polish Army, Aleje Jerozolimskie, Varšava, Poljska
Museum of the Polish Army is a museum in Warsaw documenting the military aspects of the history of Poland. It occupies a wing of the building of the Polish National Museum. It's Warsaw's second largest museum and the largest collection of military objects in Poland. The collection illustrates a thousand years of Polish military history - from the 10th century to the II. World War.
Warsaw Uprising Museum
Warsaw Uprising Museum, Grzybowska, Varšava, Poljska
The Warsaw Uprising was a major II. World War operation by the Polish resistance Home Army to liberate Warsaw from German occupation. The uprising was timed to coincide with the Soviet Union's Red Army approaching the eastern suburbs of the city and the retreat of German forces. However, the Soviet advance stopped short, enabling the Germans to regroup and demolish the city while defeating the Polish resistance, which fought for 63 days with little outside support. The Uprising was the largest single military effort taken by any European resistance movement during II. World War. The Uprising began on 1 August 1944, as part of a nationwide plan, Operation Tempest, when the Soviet Army approached Warsaw. The main Polish objectives were to drive the German occupiers from the city and help with the larger fight against Germany and the Axis powers. Secondary political objectives were to liberate Warsaw before the Soviets, to underscore Polish sovereignty by empowering the Polish Underground State before the Soviet-backed Polish Committee of National Liberation could assume control.
Warsaw Ghetto
Warsaw Ghetto Street, Ramla, Izrael
The Warsaw Ghetto was the largest of all the Jewish ghettos in Nazi-occupied Europe during II. World War. It was established in the Muranów neighborhood of the Polish capital between October and 16 November 1940, within the new General Government territory of German-occupied Poland. There were over 400.000 Jews imprisoned there, at an area of 3,4 km2 (1,3 sq mi). Mass deportations started in the summer of 1942. Earlier that year, during the Wannsee Conference, the Final Solution was set in motion. About 254.000 Warsaw Ghetto inmates were sent to Treblinka to be murdered.
Treblinka Extermination Camp
Muzeum Walki i Męczeństwa w Treblince, Kosów Lacki, Poljska
Treblinka was an extermination camp, built by Nazis in occupied Poland during II. World War. The camp operated between 23 July 1942 and 19 October 1943 as part of Operation Reinhard, the deadliest phase of the Final Solution. During this time, it is estimated that around 800.000 Jews were killed.
Stutthof Concentration Camp
Muzeum Stutthof, Muzealna, Sztutowo, Poljska
Stutthof was a German concentration camp built in a secluded, wet, and wooded area near the small town of Stutthof, 34 km (21 mi) east of the city of Gdańsk. Stutthof was the first concentration camp outside German borders, in operation from 2 September 1939, and the last camp liberated by the Allies on 9 May 1945. More than 85.000 victims died in the camp out of as many as 110.000 inmates deported there.
Sobibór Extermination Camp
Muzeum Byłego Obozu Zagłady w Sobiborze, Włodawa, Poljska
Sobibór was a Nazi extermination camp located on the outskirts of the village of Sobibór. Its official German name was SS-Sonderkommando Sobibór. Jews from Poland, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union, as well as few not-Jewish Soviet prisoners-of-war, were transported to Sobibór by rail. Most were suffocated in gas chambers fed by the exhaust of a large petrol engine. Up to 200.000 people were murdered at Sobibór.
Majdanek Concentration Camp
The State Museum of Majdanek, Lublin, Poljska
Majdanek or KL Lublin was a Nazi German Extermination camp established on the outskirts of the city of Lublin during the German occupation of Poland in II. World War. Although initially proposed for forced labor rather than extermination, the camp was used to kill people on an industrial scale during Operation Reinhard, the German plan to murder all Jews within their own General Government territory of Poland.
Gross-Rosen Concentration Camp
Muzeum Gross-Rosen w Rogoźnicy, Rogoźnica, Poljska
Gross-Rosen concentration camp was a Nazi German network of Nazi concentration camps built and operated during II. World War. The main camp was located in the village of Gross-Rosen not far from the border with occupied Poland, in the modern-day Rogoźnica in Poland directly on the rail line between the towns of Jawor and Strzegom. At its peak activity in 1944, the Gross-Rosen complex had up to 100 subcamps located in eastern Germany, Czechoslovakia, and on the territory of occupied Poland. The population of all Gross-Rosen camps at that time accounted for 11% of the total number of inmates trapped in the Nazi concentration camp system.
Chełmno Extermination Camp
Chełmno 59A, 62-660 Chełmno, Poljska
Chełmno extermination camp built during II World War, was a Nazi German extermination camp situated 50 kilometers (31 mi) north of the metropolitan city of Łódź, near the Polish village of Chełmno nad Nerem. Following the invasion of Poland in 1939, Germany annexed the area into the new territory of Reichsgau Wartheland, aiming at its complete "Germanization", the camp was set up specifically to carry out ethnic cleansing through mass killings. It operated from 8 December 1941 parallel to Operation Reinhard during the most deadly phase of the Holocaust, and again from 23 June 1944 to 18 January 1945 during the Soviet counter-offensive. Polish Jews of the Łódź Ghetto and the local inhabitants of Reichsgau Wartheland (Warthegau) were exterminated there. In 1943 modifications were made to the camp's killing methods because the reception building was already dismantled. At a very minimum 152.000 people were killed in the camp, though the West German prosecution, citing Nazi figures during the Chełmno trials of 1962–65, laid charges for at least 180.000 victims. The Polish official estimates, in the early postwar period, have suggested much higher numbers, up to a total of 340.000 men, women, and children. The victims were killed with the use of gas vans. Chełmno was a place of early experimentation in the development of Nazi extermination program, continued in subsequent phases of the Holocaust throughout occupied Poland. Chełmno was set up by SS-Sturmbannführer Herbert Lange, following his gas van experiments in the murder of 1.558 Polish prisoners of the Soldau concentration camp. Russian troops captured the town of Chełmno on 17 January 1945. By then, the Nazis had already destroyed evidence of the camp's existence leaving no prisoners behind. One of the camp survivors who was fifteen years old at the time testified that only three Jewish males had escaped successfully from Chełmno. In June 1945 two survivors testified at the trial of camp personnel in Łódź. The three best-known survivors testified about Chełmno at the 1961 trial of Adolf Eichmann in Jerusalem. Two survivors testified also at the camp personnel trials conducted in 1962–65 by West Germany.
Bełżec Extermination Camp
Muzeum – Miejsce Pamięci w Bełżcu, Bełżec, Poljska
Bełżec was the first of the Nazi extermination camps created for the purpose of implementing the secretive Operation Reinhard, the plan to eliminate Polish Jewry, a key part of the "Final Solution" which entailed the murder of some 6 million Jews in the Holocaust. The camp operated from 17 March 1942 to the end of December 1942. It was situated about 0.5 km (0.31 mi) south of the local railroad station of Bełżec in German-occupied Poland. The burning of exhumed corpses on five open-air grids and bone crushing continued until March 1943. Between 430.000 and 500.000 Jews are believed to have been murdered by the SS at Bełżec. Only seven Jews performing slave labor with the camp's Sonderkommando survived II. World War and only one of them, became known from his own postwar testimony submitted officially. The lack of viable witnesses who could testify about the camp's operation is the primary reason why Bełżec is so little known despite the enormous number of victims.
Auschwitz Extermintaion Camp
Więźniów Oświęcimia 20, Oświęcim, Poljska
Auschwitz concentration camp was a network of German Nazi concentration camps and extermination camps built and operated by the Third Reich in Polish areas annexed by Nazi Germany during World War II. It consisted of: Auschwitz I (the original camp), Auschwitz II–Birkenau (a combination concentration/extermination camp), Auschwitz III–Monowitz (a labor camp to staff an IG Farben factory), 45 satellite camps Auschwitz I was first constructed to hold Polish political prisoners, who began to arrive in May 1940. The first extermination of prisoners took place in September 1941, and Auschwitz II–Birkenau went on to become a major site of the Nazi Final Solution to the Jewish Question. From early 1942 until late 1944, transport trains delivered Jews to the camp's gas chambers from all over German-occupied Europe, where they were killed with the pesticide Zyklon B. An estimated 1.3 million people were sent to the camp, of whom at least 1.1 million died. Around 90 percent of those killed were Jewish; approximately 1 in 6 Jews killed in the Holocaust died at the camp. Others deported to Auschwitz included 150.000 Poles, 23.000 Romani and Sinti, 15.000 Soviet prisoners of war, 400 Jehovah's Witnesses, and tens of thousands of others of diverse nationalities, including an unknown number of homosexuals. Many of those not killed in the gas chambers died of starvation, forced labor, infectious diseases, individual executions, and medical experiments. One hundred forty-four prisoners are known to have escaped from Auschwitz successfully, and on 7 October 1944, two Sonderkommando units, prisoners assigned to staff the gas chambers, launched a brief, unsuccessful uprising. As Soviet troops approached Auschwitz in January 1945, most of its population was evacuated and sent on a death march. The prisoners remaining at the camp were liberated on 27 January 1945, a day now commemorated as International Holocaust Remembrance Day. The camp became a dominant symbol of the Holocaust. In 1947, Poland founded the Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum on the site of Auschwitz I and II, and in 1979.
Schindler’s Factory in Krakow
Lipowa 4E, 30-702 Kraków, Poljska
Oskar Schindler's Enamel Factory a former metal item factory in Kraków is now host to two museums: the Museum of Contemporary Art in Kraków, on the former workshops, and a branch of the Historical Museum of the City of Kraków, situated at ul. Lipowa 4 in the administrative building of the former enamel factory known as Oskar Schindler's Deutsche Emailwarenfabrik (DEF). Operating here before DEF was the first Malopolska factory of enamelware and metal products limited liability company, instituted in March 1937. On 1 September 1939, Nazi Germany invaded Poland and the II. World War broke out. On 6 September, German troops entered Kraków. It was also probably around that time in which Oskar Schindler, a Sudeten German who is a member of the NSDAP and an agent of the Abwehr, arrived in Kraków. Using the power of the German occupation forces in the capacity of a trustee, he took over the German kitchenware shop on ul. Krakowska, and in November 1939, on the power of the decision of the Trusteeship Authority he took over the receivership of the "Rekord" company in Zablocie. He also produced ammunition shells, so that his factory would be classed as an essential part of the war effort. He managed to build a subcamp of the Płaszów forced labor camp in the premises where "his" Jews had scarce contact with camp guards. In the face of the Soviet Red Army's advances, Schindler relocated, with the blessing of the German authorities, his munitions business, and its workforce in late 1944 to the branch of Gross-Rosen Concentration Camp in Bohemia’s Brunnlitz. About 1,200 Jewish prisoners from Krakow survived there to be liberated by the Soviets on 8 May 1945.
Project Riese
Owl Mountains, Bielawa, Poljska
Riese is the code name for a construction project of Nazi Germany in 1943–1945, consisting of seven underground structures located in the Owl Mountains and Książ Castle in Lower Silesia. None of them were finished, all are in different states of completion with only a small percentage of tunnels reinforced by concrete. In the presence of the increasing Allied air raids, Nazi Germany relocated a large part of its strategic armaments production into safer regions including the District of Sudetenland. Plans to protect critical infrastructure also involved a transfer of the arms factories to underground bunkers and construction of the air-raid shelters for government officials.
Miedzyrzecz Underground Fortifications
Miedzyrzecki Fortified Region, Międzyrzecz, Poljska
Międzyrzecki Rejon Umocniony or Międzyrzecz Fortification Region was a fortified military defense line of Nazi Germany between the Oder and Warta rivers. Built in 1934–44, it was the most technologically advanced fortification system of Nazi Germany and remains one of the largest and the most interesting systems of this type in the world today. It consists of around 100 concrete defense structures partially interconnected by a network of underground tunnels. Some of the forts and tunnels are available for visiting. The most interesting part is the central section, which begins in the south with the so-called Boryszyn Loop near the village of Boryszyn and extends about 12 km (8 mi) to the north. In the central section, the bunkers are interconnected with an underground system of tunnels, 32 kilometers (19 mi) long and up to 40 meters (34 yd) deep. In the underground system, there are also railway stations, workshops, engine rooms, and barracks.
Museum of Allied Prisoners-of-War Martyrdom
Muzeum Obozów Jenieckich, Lotników Alianckich, Żagań, Poljska
From the autumn of 1939 until autumn 1942 there was a complex of prisoner-of-war Nazi camps in Zagan and its neighborhood. The camp known as Stalag VIIIC was the biggest camp in the 8th Military Divison of Nazi Germany's Wehrmacht. From the autumn of 1939 until autumn 1942 there was a complex of prisoner-of-war Nazi camps in Zagan and its neighborhood. The camp known as Stalag VIIIC including its branches was the biggest camp in the 8th Military Divison of Nazi Germany's Wehrmacht. Among its prisoners were: French, Russian, Belgian, Italian, Yugoslavian and Polish war prisoners. In May 1942 Stalag Luft III, a prisoner-of-war camp for the British and American airmen, was opened in the neighborhood of Stalag VI-IIC. The prisoners of this camp attempted to escape. The greatest flight happened at night on March 24/25, 1944. However, only three prisoners managed to escape and the remaining 73 were captured. As soon as Hitler got to know about it, he had a briefing with Keitel, Himmler, and Goering. A decision was madê to shoot the fifty fugitives captured. The epilog of the "great runaway" took place before the British Military Court of Justice in Hamburg in 1947, Fourteen of the accused were sentenced to death, whereas the remaining four were sentenced to imprisonment of many years. In front of the museum, there is a sculpture from 1961 by Mieczysław Walter which commemorates the victims of crimes by German Nazi Wehrmacht soldiers.
Sochaczew Museum
Museum of Sochaczew's area and Battle on Bzura, Plac Tadeusza Kościuszki, Sochaczew, Poljska
The museum is located in Sochaczew town 60 kilometers west of Warsaw. It own the greatest collection of weapons, equipment, uniforms and other relics from September Campaign of 1939, especially connected with the Bzura River Battle, the biggest Ally offensive engagement against Wehrmacht in early years of II. World War.
Museum of the History of Polish Jews
Museum of the History of Polish Jews, Anielewicza, Varšava, Poljska
The Museum stands in what was once the heart of Jewish Warsaw an area which the Nazis turned into the Warsaw Ghetto during II. World War. Occupying around 4.000 m2 (ca. 43.000 ft2), the Museum’s Core Exhibition will immerse visitors in the world of Polish Jews, from their arrival in Po-lin as traveling merchants in medieval times until today. The history of the Jews is shown in 8 galleries. One of the gallery shows the tragedy of the Holocaust during the German occupation of Poland, which resulted in the deaths of approximately 90% of the 3.3 million Polish Jews. The gallery also covers the horrors experienced by the non-Jewish majority population of Poland during II. World War as well as their reactions and responses to the extermination of Jews.
Polish Resistance Home Army Museum
Wita Stwosza 12, Krakov, Poljska
The Polish resistance movement in II. World War, with the Polish Home Army at its forefront, was the largest underground resistances in all of Nazi-occupied Europe, covering both German and Soviet zones of occupation. The Polish defense against the Nazi occupation was an important part of the European anti-fascist resistance movement. It is most notable for disrupting German supply lines to the Eastern Front, providing military intelligence to the British, and for saving more Jewish lives during the Holocaust than any other Allied organization or government. It was a part of the Polish Underground State. The permanent exhibition presents the history of Polish Underground State and Home Army in their complexity. The main section of the exhibition begins with the so-called September Campaign (Invasion of Poland). The division of Poland into two occupied zones, German and Soviet, consists of several sections and are well documented with photographic displays. Day-by-day life, both civilian and military, and the policy of both occupants is shown in the rich narrative scenography of the exhibition, based on documents and artifacts such as uniforms, munitions, many documents, and decorations.
The Museum of Coastal Defence
Helska, 84-150 Hel, Poljska
The Museum of Coastal Defence in Hel was established in buildings formerly occupied by the German "Schleswig-Holstein" 406 mm battery: the B2 gun emplacement and the range-finder tower. The aim of the museum is to show the military history of Hel and the Polish Navy. A number of thematic exhibitions show the heroism of the defense of Hel in 1939, and the development of the Polish Navy through history. The development of naval armaments and communications over the last fifty years is shown in detail.
Dukla Museum
Muzeum Historyczne - Pałac w Dukli, Trakt Węgierski, Dukla, Poljska
The historical museum in a palace of Dukla is a combination of small local heritage and II. World War with a highlight of the year 1944 and the Battle of Dukla Pass. This was one of the last major tank battles of II. World War, which concluded the full liberation of Ukraine. The museum includes a huge collection of artillery weaponry and a collection of weapons small caliber, uniforms and army gear.
Memorial Katyn
Świętokrzyskie Mountains, Bodzentyn, Poljska
The Katyn massacre was a series of mass executions of Polish nationals carried out by the People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs, a Soviet secret police organization (NKVD) in April and May 1940. Though the killings took place at several different locations, the massacre is named after the Katyn Forest, where some of the mass graves were first discovered. The massacre was prompted by NKVD chief Lavrentiy Beria's proposal to execute all captive members of the Polish officer corps, dated 5 March 1940, approved by the Politburo of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, including its leader, Joseph Stalin. The number of victims is estimated at about 22,000. The victims were executed in the Katyn Forest in Russia, the Kalinin and Kharkiv prisons, and elsewhere. Of the total killed, about 8,000 were officers imprisoned during the 1939 Soviet invasion of Poland, another 6,000 were police officers, and the rest were arrested Polish intelligentsia that the Soviets deemed to be intelligence agents, gendarmes, landowners, saboteurs, factory owners, lawyers, officials, and priests.
Mauerwald Mamerki Bunkers
Mamerki Bunkry, Węgorzewo, Poljska
Command and Communication Center Mauerwald (OKH) was a headquarters of a German Army Supreme Command, not far from Mamry Lake. OKH Mauerwald is a system of bunkers and military posts belonging to German Supreme Command during the years 1941 and 1944. It was built around 20 km northeast from Wolfschanze by organization Todt. Similar as Wolfschanze, but bigger, the area covered more than 200 structures with more than 30 reinforced buildings and bunkers. When Adolf Hitler was in Wolfschanze, the Wehrmacht and other Chiefs of General Staff were in Mauerwald. You can read more about most famous locations of II. World War in northern Poland in our trip book.
Lviv
Lvov, Lviv Oblast, Ukrajina
Lviv is an administrative center in western Ukraine with more than a millennium of history as a settlement and over seven centuries as a city. Prior to the creation of the modern state of Ukraine, Lviv had been part of numerous states and empires, including, under the name Lwów, Poland and later the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, under the name Lemberg, the Austrian and later Austro-Hungarian Empires, the short-lived West Ukrainian People's Republic after I. World War, Poland again and the Soviet Union. After signing a neutrality pact (Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact), Nazi Germany invaded Poland on 1. September 1939. The German 1st Mountain Division reached the suburbs of Lviv on 12 September and began a siege. The city's garrison was ordered to hold out at all cost since the strategic position prevented the enemy from crossing into the Romanian Bridgehead. Also, a number of Polish troops from Central Poland were trying to reach the city and organize a defense there to buy time to regroup. Thus a 10-day-long defense of the city started and later became known as yet another Battle of Lwów. On 19 September an unsuccessful Polish diversionary attack under was launched. Soviet troops, part of the force which had invaded on 17 September under the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, replaced the Germans around the city. On 21 September Polish troops formally surrendered to Soviet troops under Marshal Semyon Timoshenko. On 22 September 1939 Poland officially capitulated. Germans and Soviets divided Poland into two parts, the Eastern part fell in Soviet part and the Western part became a part of the Third Reich. German and Soviet soldiers gazed into their eyes and celebrated the victory with a cigarette.
Central Prisoner-of-War Museum Lambinowice
Centralne Muzeum Jeńców Wojennych, Muzealna, Łambinowice, Poljska
Stalag VIII-B Lamsdorf was a notorious German Army prisoner of war camp, later renamed Stalag-344, located near the small town of Lamsdorf, now called Łambinowice, in Silesia. The camp initially occupied barracks built to house British and French prisoners in I. World War. At this same location, there had been a prisoner camp during the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-71. After the war, the camp was used for German prisoners-of-war and it renamed in Łambinowice Camp. The museum collection includes archives and artifacts, also a great collection of books. The collection is really rich and connected to polish prisoners-of-war.
Field Cathedral of the Polish Army
Katedra Polowa Wojska Polskiego, Długa, Varšava, Poljska
The Field Cathedral of the Polish Army, also known as the Church of Our Lady Queen of the Polish Crown, is the main garrison church of Warsaw and the representative cathedral of the entire Polish Army. During the Warsaw Uprising of 1944, the cathedral was one of the churches frequently targeted by the Luftwaffe. Heavy fighting was also fighting for the ruins, as the preserved western tower was used as an observation post. At the same time, the cellars of the monastery and the crypts beneath the church were used as a provisional field hospital. The remnants of the church, along with the hospital, were destroyed by German aerial bombardment on 20 August 1944.
Gliwice
Dolnych Wałów, Glivice, Poljska
The Gleiwitz incident was a false flag operation by Nazi forces posing as Poles on 31 August 1939, against the German radio station Sender Gleiwitz in Gleiwitz, Upper Silesia, Germany (since 1945: Gliwice, Poland) on the eve of II. World War in Europe. The goal was to use the staged attack as a pretext for invading Poland. This provocation was the best-known of several actions in Operation Himmler, a series of unconventional operations undertaken by the SS in order to serve specific propaganda goals of Nazi Germany at the outbreak of the war. It was intended to create the appearance of Polish aggression against Germany in order to justify the subsequent invasion of Poland.
Gdansk
Gdansk, Poljska
Germany invaded Poland on 1 September 1939 after having signed a non-aggression pact (Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact) with the Soviet Union in late August. The German attack began in Gdansk, with a bombardment of Polish positions at Westerplatte by the German battleship Schleswig-Holstein, and the landing of German infantry on the peninsula.
Hoek Fort 1881
Fort 1881, Stationsweg, Hoek van Holland, Nizozemska
The museum is located in ex-fort Hoek van Holland. This fort was primarily built as a defensive system for the new waterway against enemies. More than 100 years old building with many hallways, staircases, and rooms, which gives a visitor a good look into a life of soldiers in the fort.
Westerbork Transit Camp
Herinneringscentrum Kamp Westerbork, Oosthalen, Hooghalen, Nizozemska
The Westerbork transit camp was a II. World WarNazi refugee, detention, and transit camp in Hooghalen, ten kilometers (6.2 miles) north of Westerbork. It functions during the II. World War was to assemble Romani and Dutch Jews for transport to other Nazi concentration camps.
Herzogenbusch Vught Concentration Camp
Nationaal Monument Kamp Vught, Lunettenlaan, Vught, Nizozemska
Herzogenbusch concentration camp was a Nazi concentration camp located in Vught near the city of 's-Hertogenbosch, Netherlands. Herzogenbusch was, with Natzweiler-Struthof in occupied France, the only concentration camp run directly by the SS in western Europe outside of Germany. The camp was first used in 1943 and held 31.000 prisoners. 749 prisoners died in the camp, and the others were transferred to other camps shortly before the camp was liberated by the Allied Forces in 1944. After the war, the camp was used as a prison for Germans and Dutch collaborators. Today there is a museum with exhibitions and a national monument remembering the camp and its victims.
Amersfoort Concentration Camp
Nationaal Monument Kamp Amersfoort, Loes van Overeemlaan, Bosgebied, Leusden, Nizozemska
Amersfoort concentration camp was a Nazi concentration camp in Amersfoort, Netherlands. The official name was Police Transit Camp Amersfoort. During the years of 1941 to 1945, over 35.000 prisoners were kept here. Amersfoort was a transit camp, where prisoners were sent to places like Buchenwald, Mauthausen, and Neuengamme. It was on July 15, 1942, that the Germans began deporting Dutch Jews from Amersfoort, Vught, and Westerbork to concentration camps and death camps such as Auschwitz, Sobibor, and Theresienstadt.
Rotterdam War and Resistance
Museum Rotterdam '40-'45 NU, Coolhaven, Rotterdam, Nizozemska
The city of Rotterdam played important role in the II. World War. It became unrecognized on 14 May 1940, when it was bombed by Nazi forces. Called Rotterdam Blitz was the aerial bombardment by the Luftwaffe. Later Germans occupied the Netherlands and Allied forces carried out a number of operations over Rotterdam. These included bombing strategic installations, leaflet dropping and during the last week of the war, the dropping off emergency food supplies. The city was burst in shreds. 850 people lost their lives, 25.000 homes and 11.000 buildings were razed to the ground, and more than 80.000 inhabitants without the roof over their head. The museum is not just a monument but also serves as a reminder of injustice that is happening in the world today.
Arnhem Oosterbeek War Cemetery
Arnhem Oosterbeek War Cemetery, Van Limburg Stirumweg, Oosterbeek, Nizozemska
The Arnhem Oosterbeek War Cemetery, more commonly known as the Airborne Cemetery, is a cemetery in Oosterbeek, near Arnhem. The cemetery is home to 1.759 graves from the II. World War. In Operation Market-Garden Allies lost between 15.130 and 17.200 soldiers. Allied victims are buried in Arnhem Oosterbeek War Cemetery.
Overloon
Museumpark 1A, 5825 AM Overloon, Nizozemska
The Battle of Overloon was a battle fought in the II. World War battle between Allied forces and the German Army which took place in and around the village of Overloon in the southeast of the Netherlands between 30 September and 18 October 1944. Operation Aintree resulted in an Allied victory. The Allies went on to liberate the town of Venray. The museum contains many vehicles, tanks, warcraft, documentation, all connected with the Battle of Overloon.
Netherlands American Cemetery
Netherlands American Cemetery, Margraten, Nizozemska
The II. World War Netherlands American Cemetery and Memorial is a war cemetery which lies in the village of Margraten six miles (10 km) east of Maastricht, in the most southern part of the Netherlands. The tall memorial tower can be seen before reaching the cemetery which covers 65.5 acres (26.5 ha). From the cemetery entrance through the Court of Honor with its pool reflecting the chapel tower. There is visitors' building and the museum with its three engraved operations maps describing the achievements of the American Armed Forces in the area during II. World War.
National Liberation Museum
Nationaal Bevrijdingsmuseum 1944-1945, Wylerbaan, Groesbeek, Nizozemska
The Liberation Museum is set in the beautiful landscape near Nijmegen, Arnhem and the German border. Operation Market-Garden, the largest airborne operation in history took place here in September 1944 and Operation Veritable, the Rhineland Offensive, the final road to freedom in Europe, started from here in February 1945. The museum brings the historical events of the liberation by the American, British, Canadian and Polish troops back to life. In the museum, you live through the period preceding the war, experience the occupation, celebrate the liberation and witness the rebuilding of the Netherlands and Europe after the war. The museum with its presentations, models, movies and audio recordings, brings the war back to life and offers a unique exhibition.
Wings of Liberation Museum
Bevrijdende Vleugels Museum, Sonseweg, Best, Nizozemska
On 17. September 1944 this area was a place of Operation Market-Garden, also here, 101st American paratroopers landed. The museum exhibits a liberation of south Limburg, Operation Market-Garden, Operation Barbarossa in Russia. An exhibition contains war gear and vehicles, including an airplane Dakota and Lockheed TF-104g Starfighter.
Dutch Resistance Museum
Verzetsmuseum, Plantage Kerklaan, Amsterdam, Nizozemska
The Dutch Resistance Museum, chosen as the best historical museum of the Netherlands, tells the story of the Dutch people in II. World War. From 14 May 1940 to 5 May 1945, the Netherlands were occupied by Nazi Germany. Permanent exhibit of the museum recreates the atmosphere of the streets of Amsterdam during the German occupation. Big photographs, old posters, objects, films and sounds from that horrible time, help to recreate the scene. The background of the Holocaust is visualized to the visitor. This is an exhibition about the everyday life during that time, but also about exceptional historical events, the ·resistance of the population against the Nazis and heroism.
Nijmegen Bridge
Valkhofpark, Nijmegen, Nizozemska
Following D-day invasion and slow progress of Allied forces. General Dwight D. Eisenhower, the Supreme Allied Commander, began to contemplate the Allies' next move. General Omar Bradley, commander of the 12th Army Group in the Allied center, advocated in favor of a drive into the Saar to pierce the German Westwall or Siegfried Line defenses and open Germany to invasion. Field Marshal Montgomery's strategic goal was to encircle the heart of German industry, the Ruhr, in a pincer movement. The northern end of the pincer would circumvent the northern end of the Siegfried Line giving easier access into Germany. The aim of Operation Market Garden was to establish the northern end of a pincer ready to project deeper into Germany. Allied forces would project north from Belgium, 60 miles (97 km) through the Netherlands, across the Rhine and consolidate north of Arnhem on the Dutch/German border ready to close the pincer. The operation made massed use of airborne forces, whose tactical objectives were to secure the bridges and allow a rapid advance by armored ground units to consolidate north of Arnhem. The operation required the seizure of the bridges across the Maas (Meuse River), two arms of the Rhine (the Waal and the Lower Rhine) together with crossings over several smaller canals and tributaries. At the furthest point of the airborne operation at Arnhem, the British 1st Airborne Division encountered initial strong resistance. The delays in capturing the bridges at Son and Nijmegen gave time for German forces, including the 9th and 10th SS panzer divisions who were present at that time, to organize and retaliate. In the ensuing battle, only a small force managed to capture the north end of the Arnhem road bridge and after the ground forces failed to relieve them, the paratroopers were overrun on 21 September. The remainder of the 1st Airborne Division were trapped in a small pocket west of the bridge, having to be evacuated on 25 September. The Allies had failed to cross the Rhine and the river remained a barrier to their advance into Germany until offensives at Remagen, Oppenheim, Rees and Wesel in March 1945. The failure of Market Garden to form a foothold over the Rhine ended Allied expectations of finishing the war by Christmas 1944. The 82nd Airborne Division's assault on the Nijmegen bridge in September 1944 received the nickname "Little Omaha" due to the heavy casualties and became a significant turning point in the battle. War reporter Bill Downs described it as: "A single, isolated battle that ranks in magnificence and courage with Guam, Tarawa, Omaha Beach. A story that should be told to the blowing of bugles and the beating of drums for the men whose bravery made the capture of this crossing over the Waal possible."
John Frost Bridge
John Frost Bridge, Arnhem, Nizozemska
Following D-day invasion and slow progress of Allied forces. General Dwight D. Eisenhower, the Supreme Allied Commander, began to contemplate the Allies' next move. General Omar Bradley, commander of the 12th Army Group in the Allied center, advocated in favor of a drive into the Saar to pierce the German Westwall or Siegfried Line defenses and open Germany to invasion. Field Marshal Montgomery's strategic goal was to encircle the heart of German industry, the Ruhr, in a pincer movement. The northern end of the pincer would circumvent the northern end of the Siegfried Line giving easier access into Germany. The aim of Operation Market Garden was to establish the northern end of a pincer ready to project deeper into Germany. Allied forces would project north from Belgium, 60 miles (97 km) through the Netherlands, across the Rhine and consolidate north of Arnhem on the Dutch/German border ready to close the pincer. The operation made massed use of airborne forces, whose tactical objectives were to secure the bridges and allow a rapid advance by armored ground units to consolidate north of Arnhem. The operation required the seizure of the bridges across the Maas (Meuse River), two arms of the Rhine (the Waal and the Lower Rhine) together with crossings over several smaller canals and tributaries. At the furthest point of the airborne operation at Arnhem, the British 1st Airborne Division encountered initial strong resistance. The delays in capturing the bridges at Son and Nijmegen gave time for German forces, including the 9th and 10th SS panzer divisions who were present at that time, to organize and retaliate. In the ensuing battle, only a small force managed to capture the north end of the Arnhem road bridge and after the ground forces failed to relieve them, the paratroopers were overrun on 21 September. The remainder of the 1st Airborne Division were trapped in a small pocket west of the bridge, having to be evacuated on 25 September. The Allies had failed to cross the Rhine and the river remained a barrier to their advance into Germany until offensives at Remagen, Oppenheim, Rees and Wesel in March 1945. The failure of Market Garden to form a foothold over the Rhine ended Allied expectations of finishing the war by Christmas 1944.
Bunker Museum
Badweg 38, IJmuiden, Nizozemska
All around the city of Ijmuiden are bunkers from the II. World War, built by German forces as a part of huge defensive system Atlantic Wall.
Arnhem War Museum
Kemperbergerweg, Arnhem, Nizozemska
The Arnhem War Museum is a private museum dedicated to battle of Arnhem. This collection consists of Allied and German documents, uniforms, weapons, and many non-military objects, for example, newspapers, which give an impression of the daily life of that time.
Airbone Museum Hartenstein
Airborne Museum 'Hartenstein', Utrechtseweg, Oosterbeek, Nizozemska
The Airborne Museum ‘Hartenstein’ is dedicated to the Battle of Arnhem in which the Allied Forces attempted to form a bridgehead on the northern banks of the Rhine river in September 1944. Hartenstein served as the headquarters of the British 1st Airborne Division. Operation Market Garden, 17–25 September 1944, was an unsuccessful Allied military operation, fought in the Netherlands and Germany in the II. World War. Operation Market Garden, which includes the Battle of Arnhem, in September 1944, was the largest airborne battle in history. It was also the only real attempt by the Allies to use airborne forces in a strategic role in Europe. It was a massive engagement, with its principal combatants being 21 Army Group under Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery for the Allies and Army Group B under Generalfeldmarschall Walter Model for the Germans. It involved thousands of aircraft and armored vehicles, and hundreds of thousands of troops and was the only major Allied defeat of the Northwest European campaign.
Hartenstein Airborne Monument
Airborne Museum 'Hartenstein', Utrechtseweg, Oosterbeek, Nizozemska
Operation Market Garden, 17–25 September 1944, was an unsuccessful Allied military operation, fought in the Netherlands and Germany in the II. World War. Operation Market Garden, which includes the Battle of Arnhem, in September 1944, was the largest airborne battle in history. It was also the only real attempt by the Allies to use airborne forces in a strategic role in Europe. It was a massive engagement, with its principal combatants being 21 Army Group under Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery for the Allies and Army Group B under Generalfeldmarschall Walter Model for the Germans. It involved thousands of aircraft and armored vehicles, and hundreds of thousands of troops and was the only major Allied defeat of the Northwest European campaign.
Anne Frank House
Anne Frank Huis, Prinsengracht, Amsterdam, Nizozemska
Annelies Marie Frank was a German-born diarist and writer. One of the most discussed Jewish victims of the Holocaust, she gained fame posthumously following the publication of her diary, with documents of her life in hiding from 1942 to 1944, during the German occupation of the Netherlands in II. World War. The museum preserves the hiding place, has a permanent exhibition on the life and times of Anne Frank, and has an exhibition space about all forms of persecution and discrimination.
Westwall Museum
Westwallmuseum, Irrel, Nemčija
The museum on the french-german border between the cities Metz, Saarbrücken, Karlsruhe and Strasbourg. This was the place of bloody clashes in the 19th and 20th century. Before and during the II. World War the line was focused on the defensive line "Ligne Maginot" and on the German site "Siegfried line" or "Westwall".
Torgau
Torgau, Nemčija
Torgau is a town on the banks of the Elbe in northwestern Saxony, Germany. The town is the place where during the II. World War, United States Army forces coming from the west met the forces of the Soviet Union coming from the east during the invasion of Germany on 25 April 1945, which is now remembered as "Elbe Day". marking an important step toward the end of II. World War in Europe. This contact between the Soviets, advancing from the East, and the Americans, advancing from the West, meant that the two powers had effectively cut Germany in two.
Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp
Memorial and Museum Sachsenhausen, Straße der Nationen, Oranienburg, Nemčija
Sachsenhausen was a Nazi concentration camp in Oranienburg, Germany, used primarily for political prisoners from 1936 until the end of the Third Reich. After II. World War, when Oranienburg was in the Soviet Occupation Zone, the structure was used as an NKVD special camp until 1950. The remaining buildings and grounds are now open to the public as a museum. Sachsenhausen was the site of Operation Bernhard, one of the largest currency counterfeiting operations ever recorded. The Germans forced inmate artisans to produce forged American and British currency, as part of a plan to undermine the United Kingdom's and United States' economies. There were over one billion pounds in counterfeit banknotes. The Germans introduced fake British £5, £10, £20 and £50 notes into circulation in 1943. Furthermore, the Bank of England never found them. A major user of Sachsenhausen labor was Heinkel, the aircraft manufacturer, using between 6,000 and 8,000 prisoners on their He 177 bomber. Prisoners also worked in a brick factory, which some say was supposed to supply the building blocks for Hitler's dream city, Germania, which was to be the capital of the world once the Nazis took over.
Ravensbrück Concentration Camp
Mahn- u. Gedenkstätte Ravensbrück |Stiftung Brandenburgische Gedenkstätten, Straße der Nationen, Fürstenberg/Havel, Nemčija
Ravensbrück was a women's concentration camp during II. World War, near the village of Ravensbrück, north Germany. Construction of the camp began in November 1938 and was unusual in that the camp was intended to hold exclusively female inmates. The facility opened in May 1939 and underwent major expansion following the invasion of Poland. Between 1939 and 1945, some 130.000 to 132.000 female prisoners passed through the Ravensbrück camp system. Many of the slave labor prisoners were employed by the German electrical engineering company.
Neuengamme Concentration Camp
Neuengamme concentration camp Memorial, Neuengammer Hausdeich Brücke, Hamburg, Nemčija
The Neuengamme concentration camp was a German concentration camp, established in 1938 by the SS near the village of Neuengamme in the district of Hamburg, Germany. It was operated by the Nazis from 1938 to 1945. Over that period an estimated 106,000 prisoners were held at Neuengamme and at its subcamps. 14.000 perished in the main camp, 12.800 in the subcamps and 16.100 during the last weeks of the war on evacuation marches or due to the bombing. The verified death toll is 42.900. After Germany's defeat in 1945, the British Army used the site until 1948 as an internment camp. In 1948, the facility was transferred to the Hamburg prison authority which tore down the camp huts a
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Canada.ca
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The official battle honours and honorary distinctions of the Canadian Forces.
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https://www.canada.ca/en/department-national-defence/services/military-history/history-heritage/battle-honours-honorary-distinctions/ww1-amiens.html
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Machine gunners advancing into a wood passing German gun. Battle of Amiens, August, 1918.
Credit: Canada. Department of National Defence/Library and Archives Canada; (MIKAN no. 3397890)
The First World War
Date
8-11 August 1918
Geographical parameters
Between the roads Amiens — Royes and Amiens — Albert (Amiens exclusive)
Context
A group honour formally entitled The Battle of Amiens and itself being part of The Advance in Picardy (8 August — 3 September 1918).Footnote 1
Description
The Honour “Amiens” was awarded for the Allied offensive in the Picardy region of France to retake the ground gained by the German Army during the 1918 Spring Offensive. The British divisions in the area had been weakened by the many months of difficult fighting to halt the advance. The Canadian Corps (Lieutenant-General Sir A.W. Currie) had not suffered greatly from the German attacks and was selected along with the Australian Corps to form the British portion of an Anglo-French attack against the apex of the German salient east of Amiens. General Currie was made aware of the plan for his Corps as early as 20 July but planning for the attack was to be done under utmost secrecy. Canadian troops did not start moving to the area until after 1 August and only moved at night. To deceive the Germans, Canadian preparations for an attack in the Arras area continued and a few Canadian units and signalers were moved to the Flanders area to give the impression of a Canadian build up in that area. Division commanders were not told of the attack until the 30th of July and Canadian soldiers who began the move thought they were going to the Ypres front until they loaded onto vehicles in the rear areas and received orders to move toward Amiens. The logistical undertaking was enormous but in a short period most of the Canadian Corps' soldiers, equipment, guns and huge stocks of ammunition were in place for the attack. The left-hand Canadian Corps boundary, with the Australians, was along the railway line between Amiens and Chaulnes. On the Canadian right was the French 31st Corps to the south of the Amiens Roye road.
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https://www.nam.ac.uk/explore/gerald-templer-smiling-tiger
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Gerald Templer: The smiling tiger
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Field Marshal Sir Gerald Templer commanded infantry and armoured divisions during the Second World War. He later went on to lead a successful counter-insurgency operation in Malaya.
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https://www.nam.ac.uk/explore/gerald-templer-smiling-tiger
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Early career
Gerald Templer (1898-1979) joined the British Army in 1916. He served on the Western Front with the Royal Irish Fusiliers during the later stages of the First World War.
In the inter-war period, he served in Palestine during the Arab insurgency, and also found time to make the 1924 Olympic squad as a 120-yard hurdler.
Second World War
In 1940, Templer went to France as an intelligence officer on the staff of the British Expeditionary Force. After the Dunkirk evacuation, he oversaw the raising of the 9th Battalion of the Royal Sussex Regiment. He then commanded a brigade in a Home Service division.
In 1942, Templer was given command of the 47th Division as a major-general. Shortly after, he commanded II Corps as the Army's youngest lieutenant-general.
Italy and Germany
In 1943-44, Templer commanded the 56th Division in Italy, which saw severe fighting in operations around Anzio. He briefly commanded the 6th Armoured Division before being wounded by a land mine in mid-1944.
He spent the rest of the war on intelligence duties with 21st Army Group HQ as well as heading the German Directorate of the Special Operations Executive.
After the war, he served as Director of Military Government in occupied Germany before being appointed Director of Military Intelligence at the War Office in 1946.
Malaya
Templer’s most important achievements came towards the end of his military career. After a spell in charge of Eastern Command in February 1952, following the assassination of the local High Commissioner, he was sent to Malaya to assume control of both the civil government and military operations. He faced a communist insurgency there led by the Malayan Races Liberation Army.
Hearts and minds
Templer combined vigorous military operations against the insurgents’ jungle bases with political reforms designed to win the ‘hearts and minds’ of the racially divided Malayan community. Indeed, Templer is credited with coining this phrase.
He continued his predecessors’ policy of building new settlements for the marginalised Chinese population and promised independence once the guerrillas had been defeated. This won him the support of many nationalists.
Local involvement
He also involved the local population in the fight against the guerrillas, increasing the number of Malay battalions and strengthening the Home Guard raised to defend the new villages. These measures helped unite the population against the insurrection.
Templer's progress led ‘Time’ magazine to dub him 'the smiling tiger' and to declare ‘the jungle has been stabilised’ by the end of 1952.
Victory
The campaign was a striking success. It is still studied today as a model of how such operations should be conducted.
When Templer relinquished his post in October 1954, government control over most of the country had been re-established. He was appointed Chief of the Imperial General Staff in 1955, and created a field marshal in 1956.
Museum founder
After retiring from active service in 1958, Templer threw his energies into the creation of the National Army Museum. Always passionately interested in the history and traditions of the British Army, it was largely through his efforts that the institution was originally founded and that most of the money for the museum’s main building in Chelsea was later raised.
The Templer Study Centre, the museum's study and research space, is named in his honour.
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The Italian Campaign after Salerno
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October 1943 – May 1945 Background The Allies made rapid progress in Italy after the fall of Salerno. On the east coast Eighth Army pushed northwards from Brindisi and Taranto to Bari, which fell on 22nd September 1943. Five days later Foggia, with its complex of airfields, was also captured. It was not until
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The Royal Hampshire Regiment Museum
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https://www.royalhampshireregiment.org/about-the-museum/timeline/the-italian-campaign-after-salerno/
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October 1943 – May 1945
Background
The Allies made rapid progress in Italy after the fall of Salerno. On the east coast Eighth Army pushed northwards from Brindisi and Taranto to Bari, which fell on 22nd September 1943. Five days later Foggia, with its complex of airfields, was also captured. It was not until Montgomery’s men reached the River Biferno that they encountered serious opposition, but from this point the campaign became a fight for the numerous river lines that traversed Italy. However, despite fighting relentlessly, the Germans were unable to stem the advance of the Eighth Army which enjoyed enormous superiority in men, munitions and supplies.
The pattern was similar on the West Coast. After the fall of Naples the Germans withdrew to Volturno and then, under continued pressure from the Fifth Army, to the River Garigliano.
In December preparations for the Normandy landings resulted in significant changes to the high command of Allied forces in the Mediterranean. Generals Eisenhower, Montgomery and Bradley returned to England while General Sir Henry Maitland-Wilson took over as theatre commander and Lieutenant General Sir Oliver Leese succeeded Montgomery as commander of Eighth Army. Several formations were also withdrawn to form the core of the D Day invasion force, but the Allies still enjoyed a superiority of 20 divisions to the Germans 10 in southern Italy.
The Battle of Garigliano began on the night of 17th/18th January 1944, but the Allies made little progress. On 2nd February 50,000 British and American troops, under General Mark Clark, landed at Anzio further up the west coast. However, instead of pushing inland and severing the Germans’ supply lines to Garigliano, Clark ordered his troops to dig in and consolidate his beachhead, a cautious approach which seriously impeded the Allied advance. The lessons of Anzio were not lost on Allied planners who were determined that a similar situation did not develop after the Normandy landings.
Meanwhile, along the Garigliano, the Germans dug in at the mountain fortress of Cassino. The Allies launched a major attack on the little town on 29th January but it petered out a few days later. The Abbey of St Benedict, perched on the top of Monte Cassino, was superbly placed to observe the battlefield below and was clearly a thorn in the Allies’ side. On 15th February 254 bombers turned the abbey into a heap of rubble, but failed to destroy the German bunkers and strongpoints within it. After another day’s bombing, the Allies mounted a fresh attack on 18 February. This, too, failed in terrible conditions which had begun to resemble the trench warfare of the First World War.
Another unsuccessful attack on 18th March saw supporting tanks become bogged down in water-filled craters and it was not until 17th May that Cassino finally fell to the Polish Corps. The same unit went on to capture Monastery Hill the following day. At the same time the Allies finally broke out from Anzio but failed to cut the German lines of communication. Indeed, so obsessed was Clark with getting to Rome first, that he allowed the bulk of German forces in the region to escape northwards.
Rome fell on 4th June 1944, prompting US President Franklin D Roosevelt to comment: ‘The first Axis capital is in our hands. One down and two to go!’
From June to August 1944, the Allies advanced north of Rome and captured Florence. They then closed on the Gothic Line, the Germans’ last major defensive position which ran from just above Pisa on the west coast, along the Apennine Mountains chain, to the Adriatic coast just south of Rimini.
On 25th August the Allies launched Operation Olive, a major offensive against the Gothic Line. Although the line was breached on both Fifth and Eighth Army fronts there was no decisive breakthrough. This was a blow to British Prime Minister Winston Churchill who – despite the opposition of the Americans – had hoped that breaching the Gothic Line would open the way for an Allied advance northeastwards into Austria and Hungary, thereby forestalling any Russian advance into Eastern Europe.
A further round of command changes in October saw Lieutenant General Sir Richard McCreery succeed Leese as commander of Eighth Army. Meanwhile, General Clark took over command of all Allied ground troops in Italy from General Sir Harold Alexander who replaced Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson as Supreme Allied Commander in the Mediterranean. Lieutenant General Lucian K. Truscott succeeded Clark as commander of Fifth Army.
The winter and spring of 1944 – 45 saw much partisan activity in northern Italy. There were two Italian governments during this period (one pro-Allies, the other pro-German), so the partisan struggle swiftly assumed many of the characteristics of a civil war.
Bad weather, heavy losses during the autumn and the need to transfer some British troops to Greece and northwest Europe meant the Allies adopted a strategy of ‘offensive defence’ in early 1945 while they planned for a final attack when conditions improved. That offensive duly came in late February – early March 1945 when the US IV Corps battled across minefields in the Apennines to draw level with the US II Corps on their right. They followed this by pushing the Germans from the strongpoint of Monte Castello which guarded the approaches to Bologna.
After attacks against enemy shipping in Venice harbour, the Allies launched their final offensive on 9th April 1945. Eighth Army forces in the east broke through the Argenta Gap and sent armour racing forward to link up with the US IV Corps advancing from Apennines in central Italy, trapping the defenders of Bologna which fell on 21st April. The following day the Americans reached the River Po.
With the Germans now retreating on all fronts, the Italian Partisans’ Committee of Liberation announced a general uprising. At the same time Eighth Army units advanced towards Venice and Trieste while US elements of Fifth Army headed north toward Austria and Milan and west on Genoa and Turin.
On 29th April 1945 General Heinrich von Vietinghoff, who had taken over as commander of German forces following the transfer of General Kesselring had been transferred to become Commander-in-Chief of the Western Front, surrendered to the Allies. Hostilities formally ended on 2 May 1945.
The Hampshire Brigade in Italy, October 1943 – January 1945
Crossing of the River Volturno, October 1943
After the fall of Naples the Germans withdrew behind the River Volturno, a considerable natural obstacle to the pursuing Allies. The task of crossing the river fell to Fifth Army, which included the 128th (Hampshire) Brigade.
On the evening of 10th October 1943 the 1/4th Battalion attacked and occupied the little town of Castel Volturno to secure the crossing places before the assault proper. This went in on the night of 12th October, with the 1/4th crossing the river in assault boats (one capsized and eight men drowned) and establishing a small bridgehead. The advance was then seriously slowed down by fire from enemy machine-gun posts. At first light on 13th October 2nd Hampshire crossed the Volturno and advanced through the 1/4th towards the Regio Agnena canal system (four canals, all close together). Sergeant E Carter and Sergeant A Hawes both distinguished themselves in the fighting and were awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal and Military Medal respectively.
The 2nd Battalion eventually established a position some 2,500 yards from the Volturno where they were joined by 5th Hampshire on their right. B Company of 5th Battalion, commanded by Captain PM Mordaunt, reached and crossed the first canal, but then came under heavy fire. The Company dug in and held its position for some time before being withdrawn. Captain Mordaunt received the Military Cross for his leadership and gallantry.
A and C Companies were also pressing forward against strong German resistance. Captain NS Flower, commanding C, was killed and the Battalion CO, Lieutenant Colonel REH Ward, narrowly escaped death when his jeep was hit by tank fire. Sergeant PS York drove forward for more than a mile in another jeep while under fire, found Colonel Ward in a ditch beside the road, dragged him out of his jeep and into his own vehicle before returning to safety. Sergeant York received the Distinguished Conduct Medal for his bravery.
Throughout 14th October the three Hampshire battalions held out against frequent counter-attacks, shelling, mortaring and air attacks. The weather then broke, the rain turning the low-lying swampy ground into deep mud as it was churned up by tanks and other heavy vehicles. In these conditions the advance stalled and was reduced to a series of probing patrols with platoon and company attacks.
Despite the miserable mosquito-ridden conditions, 5th Battalion was well served by their Regimental Sergeant Major TA ‘Bismarck’ Barnett. While everyone else lived on tin rations, RSM Barnett organised the capture and slaughter of a heifer and several pigs, happily taking on the role of battalion butcher. The men of the 5th ate handsomely. This was typical of RSM Barnett, and his outstanding services to the battalion throughout the campaign were recognised by the subsequent award of the MBE.
The stalemate on the Volturno was eventually broken by a change in the axis of attack, which was now made along Route 7. The Hampshire Brigade was taken out of the positions it held and moved eastwards to Capua and across the Volturno there. It then advanced up Route 7 towards the Massico Ridge, south-west of Cascano. The Germans did little to hinder the advance and civilians turned out in the liberated villages to exuberantly welcome the troops with fruit and wine.
At one stage in the advance a signal reached Major TA Rotherham, commanding B Company of the 1/4th, that the Divisional Commander Royal Artillery was offering a bottle of whisky to the first officer to bring observed fire to bear on the far side of the Massico Ridge. The advance of B Company immediately speeded up and Major Rotherham himself, outpacing his Forward Observation Officer, was soon on the ridge calling for fire and won the bottle of whisky. Thereafter Massico Ridge was known as ‘Whisky Hill’.
The 1/4th and 2nd Battalions swiftly took the villages of Nocelleto, San Croce and Carolina and although there was a delay in front of Cascano this eventually fell to two Companies of 5th Battalion. At this point the three Hampshire battalions were taken out of the line to rest, reorganise and train for the difficult fighting that lay ahead. The Hampshire Brigade had fought for two months with little rest. Between 10 September and the end of October 1943 they lost some 1,100 all ranks. These were typical of the losses suffered by other battalions in the 46th and 56th Divisions and show the ferocity of the fighting in Italy.
Crossing the River Garigliano and Monte Ornito, November – December 1943
The Garigliano
On 27th November 1943 the Hampshire Brigade moved up to take part in a new offensive in the Garigliano Valley. The three battalions spent the final days of the month patrolling in the San Carlo area and, although not a period of full-on fighting, it was nevertheless not without incident.
The Germans had sown the area heavily with mines and these caused several casualties, including Lieutenant GAF Minnigan, who had won the Military Medal at Sidi Nsir, the Distinguished Conduct Medal at Salerno, and had been commissioned in the field earlier in the month.
On 1st December 139 Brigade launched an attack aimed at capturing the village of Calabritto, supported by fighting patrols of the Hampshire Brigade. The attack progressed slowly in the bad weather, but on 6th December the 2nd and 5th Battalions reached Mortona on the banks of the River Garigliano. The following day the 56th Division captured the commanding position of Monte Camino after a ferocious fight.
The 5th Battalion spent a spirited Christmas at Campo, behind Monte Camino, but the other two Hampshire battalions had to make the best of things in uncomfortable forward positions overlooking the Garigliano. There then followed several vicious minor engagements as the Hampshires manouevered for better positions for the next move – crossing the Garigliano.
Towards the end of December the Hampshire Brigade was moved north, with Headquarters at Rocca d’Evandro Castle, just five miles south-east of Cassino. For two weeks, the battalions patrolled towards the river in bitterly cold weather. It was here, on 4 January 1944, that 5th Battalion’s padre, Captain the Rev CG Baalam, was killed by an enemy mine as he ventured out into no-man’s land to bury a dead German. The padre had been with the battalion since the previous May, and was a much-loved and respected figure.
On 11th January the Brigade was relieved and moved back to the Volturno for a short rest as it had been selected as 46th Division’s assault brigade for the crossing of the San Garigliano below San Ambrogio, part of Fifth Army’s plan for a full assault on the German ‘Winter Line’.
The crossing of the Garigliano by the 46th Division was made on a two-battalion front – the 2nd on the right, the 1/4th on the left, with the 5th in reserve. The operation began at 8pm on 19th January 1944 but almost from the start things went wrong. The Garigliano was flowing very fast, and although one Company of the 2nd Battalion succeeded in getting over and establishing a cable control for the boats which followed the cables became snagged, broke and the boats were swept downstream.
The heavy mist on the river also proved troublesome, with the boat crews losing sight of the banks and consequently their sense of direction as the fast-flowing water spun them round. It was the same story with the 1/4th who made a total of 14 attempts to get a line across the river. They had no more success when they tried to use the 2nd Battalion’s crossing. Try as they might, no troops got over the river other than the one Company of 2nd Battalion and as dawn approached the attack was abandoned and the battalions returned to their former positions.
On 23rd January the Brigade moved west to the front held by 56th Division, north of the Garigliano, where a crossing had been forced. The aim was for the Hampshires to extend the tenuous bridgehead by capturing Monte Damiano, from which the Germans enjoyed excellent observation.
The 1/4th Battalion, backed up by the 2nd, was assigned the task of clearing the position. The attack on 29th January was made in daylight to fit in with other operations and, although gallant, failed utterly. D Company led the assault by rushing the foremost enemy posts. They immediately came under heavy mortar and machinegun fire and lost all their officers and many men. B Company, who were supporting, met a similar fate, and C Company, attacking the other flank, made no progress and lost many men.
Losses among the 1/4th Battalion were very heavy – four officers killed and five wounded as well as 80 other rank casualties. Among the NCOs killed was a very gallant old soldier, Sergeant D Dicks, who died at the head of his platoon. He had been wounded twice previously, and had escaped from captivity.
On 2nd February 1944 the Hampshire Brigade rejoin their own division, taking up uncomfortable positions in the inhospitable mountains. There were to be no major actions for the 2nd and 1/4th Battalions, but the 5th Battalion – put under the command of 138 Brigade – was to take part in the memorable fighting for Monte Ornito and Monte Cerasola, part of a bleak and desolate range which 138 Brigade was ordered to capture.
Monte Ornito and Monte Cerasola, February 1944
For the attack on Mount Ornito the 5th Hampshire assembled in the wild mountain country behind Monte Tugo. There was no time for proper reconnaissance, nor did the battalion commanders know that a unit of Commandos had already attacked and captured Monte Ornito. Three Companies of 5th Battalion moved forward under cover of darkness and by midnight all had reached their objectives and relieved the Commandos. Ornito was a valuable vantage point and almost immediately the Germans sent out strong fighting patrols, but their attacks were all beaten off.
The 5th Battalion spent eight days on Monte Ornito and, later, on Cerasola, and during that time they suffered nearly 200 casualties from the incessant mortaring and shelling and enemy counter-attacks. In bitterly cold and wet weather the men lived in shelters constructed from rocks and groundsheets. As the days passed the number of German dead lying out on the rocky slopes increased as attack after attack was driven off.
Keeping the troops supplied was a major problem and on several occasions the battalion had to send down parties to recover loads which had been hastily dumped by the porters when shells began to fall too close to them. Meanwhile, Captain GE David, the battalion Medical Officer, worked tirelessly dealing with an endless stream of casualties. More than 200 men passed through his hands, and his skill and devotion to duty earned him the Military Cross.
The Germans launched their most dangerous attack on Ornito early on 6 February. In heavy mist they succeeded in establishing a post just 100 yards from the Hampshire positions. In the ensuing action Sergeant TH Cooke gallantly led his men up the open hillside, destroying a machine-gun post before engaging a German NCO no more than 30 yards away. The two men stood coolly firing their rifles at each other before Sergeant Cooke won the duel by shooting his opponent between the eyes. The Hampshires then followed Cooke up the to the crest of Ornito and overran the Germans there. Sergeant Cooke was awarded the Military Medal for his bravery.
At dawn on 7th February the 5th Battalion repulsed another determined attack on Ornito, inflicting considerable losses on the enemy. That night, as part of a general attack by 138 Brigade, they attacked the neighbouring mountain, Cerasola, which was still in German hands. The operation was quick and went without a hitch and the enemy was driven off Cerasola, though not without casualties to the Battalion. Among these was Lieutenant McKerrow, who died gallantly storming a pillbox on the crest of the mountain.
In a letter home one officer of the 5th Battalion vividly described the fighting on Ornito and Cerasola:
‘We have been fighting in the mountains at 2,000ft some considerable distance from any roads, where all supplies have to come as far as possible by mule and then on by porter. For some of the time we have had to exist without greatcoats, and blankets were never even considered although the temperature was quite low. It snowed and, the nights being quite cold, the endurance test alone was quite amazing. The Battalion have put up a truly wonderful show and praises have been showered on us from all directions. One of the finest days of my life, in spite of the hell around, was on our last day. We had been due for relief the night before but had to hold on. The picture was a horseshoe-shaped hill with the Battalion all around the heights about five hundred yards across the gap. The Bosche started shelling us during the night; at “Stand-to” at 05.30 he began in earnest and from then until 15.00 hours he shelled us with everything he had, finishing off with a terrific onslaught. In spite of our casualties our morale seemed to increase, and when the shelling ceased it was marvellous to see everyone move out of their little holes up on the crest to meet him as he attacked. On top of the hill fellows were shouting, “Come on, you dirty Bosche bastards.” It was a truly wonderful sight, and a battle which should add more laurels to the Regiment’s name.’
The 5th Battalion on Cerasola were relieved on 10th February, although they suffered more casualties from enemy shellfire in the process. The Battalion commander, Colonel JHH Robinson, was awarded a bar to his DSO for the operation. He also received a letter from General Richard McCreery, commanding X Corps, congratulating him and the battalion for the ‘fine fighting qualities and great toughness and endurance’ they had displayed. Another well-merited award was the Military Cross won by Major PR Sawyer who had rallied the men after the tragic affair in Hampshire Lane and demonstrated great coolness and determination in leading his company against constant counter-attacks on Monte Ornito.
On 17th February 128th Brigade moved up again to the area of Ornito and Cerasola which were still being bitterly disputed. ‘D’ Company of the 1/4th Battalion under Major CES Perkins was sent to assist the Coldstream Guards on Monte Ornito, only to be pinned down for nearly two days by relentless enemy artillery and mortar fire. Early on 19th February the Germans launched a determined attack aimed at driving a wedge between the Coldstream Guards and the Welsh Guards on Ornito. The result was the full weight of the assault fell on D Company of the 1/4th Battalion.
Large numbers of Germans reached the crest of Ornito, but were held up at point-blank range by the forward platoon under Sergeant E. Scott. For a while the position of D Company – outnumbered four to one by an enemy less than 30 yards away – was critical. But Captain Spencer Killick, who had only joined the 1/4th Battalion a few days earlier from the King’s Royal Rifles, saved the situation by leading the reserve platoon with bayonets fixed straight into the enemy. Suddenly the battle was over; the Germans laid down their arms to a man. D Company took 110 prisoners, and as many again had been killed.
D Company lost five killed and 32 wounded, including Captain Killick who received the Military Cross. Sergeant E Scott and Private EJ Smith, a stretcher bearer, were awarded the Military Medal.
On 20th February 128th Brigade relieved the Guards Brigade on Ornito, Cerasola and Tuga and for a week they endured the hardships of a bad winter in very uncomfortable positions before being relieved on the 28th. Finally, on 16th March, the Brigade sailed from Naples for the Middle East to enjoy a well-earned rest. It then embarked on several months of reorganisation, re-equipping and hard training in preparation for a return to Italy and the attack on the Gothic Line.
The Assault on the Gothic Line and Lieutenant Gerard Norton’s Victoria Cross, August-September 1944
After resting in Cairo the three battalions of the Hampshire Brigade moved to Palestine, Lebanon and Syria for battle training. On 27th June 1944, the Brigade – now brought up to strength – sailed for Sicily from where, after a further short training period, it moved up through Italy, passing the hills where it had fought through the winter.
On 10th August 1944, the 46th Division became part of V Corps in the Eighth Army. The Corps was given the major role in the assault on the Gothic Line – German defensive positions across the Etruscan Apennines – which began at midnight on 25th August. The operation order for the battle issued by the divisional commander, Major General John Hawkesworth, was simple and direct: ‘46th Division will BUST the Gothic Line.’
The Hampshire Brigade, along with the 46th Reconnaissance Regiment, led the first phase of the assault which went largely to plan. By 27th August the 1/4th Battalion had crossed the River Metauro and captured Monte San Bartolo while the 5th Battalion were fighting hard for Monte Grosso. By the end of the day the 2nd Battalion had cleared Monte Abullo. In the course of capturing these objectives, the three battalions had marched and fought for 25 miles and climbed some 1,500ft. The only serious opposition encountered was by the 1/4th Battalion which had to fight desperately to capture Montegaudio. Major JP Salmond, on detachment from the Royal Warwickshire Regiment, was killed while gallantly leading his company and the Battalion commander, Colonel R Chandler, was wounded and sent back to hospital.
The Brigade were now at the Gothic Line proper, with the River Foglia in front of them and the imposing massif of Monte Gridolfo a couple of miles beyond. This was very heavily defended, with all cover – such as buildings, trees and vegetation – cleared to give the German gunners superb lines of fire. Roads and paths leading through the minefields were covered by artillery and machine-guns, the gullies filled with logs and bristling with wire. To assault Monte Gridolfo’s bare slopes in broad daylight appeared suicidal, but on 30th August the 2nd Battalion advanced on them with great vigour and by dawn the following day had captured the first ridge.
The 1/4th Battalion then leapfrogged ahead and carried on the furious assault, driving deeper into the Gothic Line. D Company, led by Major LL Baillie, spearheaded the attack and Lieutenant Gerard Norton, commanding a platoon in this Company, fought with such gallantry that he won the Victoria Cross.
D Company was ordered to assault German positions protecting the village of Monte Gridolfo. Lieutenant Norton led his platoon in an attack on one of the strong points which was constructed with well-sited concrete emplacements. The platoon quickly found itself pinned down by heavy machine-gun fire from a valley on the right of the advance. At this point Lieutenant Norton went forward alone and engaged a series of enemy positions in the valley. He attacked the first machine-gun with a grenade, killing the team of three, before working his way forward to a second position containing machine-guns and 15 riflemen. After a ten-minute firefight he wiped out both machine-guns with his tommy-gun and killed or took prisoner the rest.
Lieutenant Norton then led a party of men who had come forward in an attack on a house while under fire from an enemy self-propelled gun. Together they cleared the cellar and upper rooms, taking several more prisoners and putting the remainder of the defenders to flight. Although by this time wounded and weak from loss of blood, Lieutenant Norton went on calmly leading his platoon up the valley and captured the remaining German positions.
The official citation stated:
‘Lieutenant Norton displayed matchless courage, outstanding initiative and inspiring leadership. By his supreme gallantry, fearless example and determined aggression, he assured the successful breach of the Gothic Line at this point.’
This tale of great gallantry has a charming postscript. When Lieutenant Norton was taken back to the base hospital he discovered that the nurse who was to look after him was his twin sister. The next day was their birthday.
With the capture of Monte Gridolfo the Gothic Line was breached and the Hampshire battalions in among the German defences. On 1st September the 5th Battalion took the lead, capturing Meleto the following day. The GOC Eighth Army, General Sir Oliver Leese, sent a signal to the commander of 128th Brigade: ‘My best congratulations to you and your Brigade on your hard-fought four days’ advance, including the capture of Monte Bartolo and culminating in the forcing of the Gothic Line, and the capture of Monte Gridolfo. This was a fine achievement.’
The advance northwards continued and by 3rd September the 5th battalion had reached Ponte Rosso. The other two Hampshire battalions were brought up by transport and, although exhausted after ten days’ continuous fighting, were ordered into battle once more. The 2nd Hampshire crossed the River Conca under heavy fire on 4th September and dug in on the slopes below San Clemente. From here they fought their way up the ridge and on to Monte Annibolina.
The 1/4th Battalion followed up, passed through the 2nd Battalion and attacked and captured Monte Gallera. At midnight the 5th Battalion assaulted Clemente and Castelleale and was soon engaged in furious fighting. German resistance, however, proved too stiff and the battalion were pulled back, suffering heavy casualties in the process.
On 5th September 128th Brigade was relieved and sent to the rear for rest – the battle for the Gothic Line was over. The Hampshire Brigade had advanced 26 miles on the map, and around 50 marching miles. Casualties had been heavy among officers and men, but the enemy had been savagely mauled, illustrated by the fact that the 322 prisoners taken by the Brigade came from five different German divisions.
The 46th Division’s achievement in piercing the Gothic Line was fully recognised and received considerable publicity; it was quite justifiably compared with the smashing of the Hindenburg Line by the 46th Division in 1918.
Montescudo and Trarivi, September 1944
While the 128th Brigade rested, fierce fighting continued along the hills from Gemmano to Coriano as the Eighth Army pushed on towards Rimini and the Po Valley. On 11th September the 128th Brigade were back in the line and three days later joined the attack on Montescudo, signalling the start of another fighting advance.
At midnight on 14th September, the 5th Battalion passed through the Leicesters who had been involved in a bitter fight for Monte Colombo. The battalion advanced up the road amid the debris of the battle, passing dead bodies and abandoned tanks. The enemy facing them were crack Austrian troops of the 100th Mountain Regiment who had established strong defensive positions in Montescudo. For a while no progress could be made, but eventually Major LH Heald successfully led D Company against houses on the village outskirts. Major Heald, who was wounded, received the Distinguished Service Order, while Sergeant Cooke, MM, of the Ornito battle, won the Distinguished Conduct Medal.
At the same time C Company advanced on the north of Montescudo. Despite losing their commander, Major Williams, early on, the Company rallied under Lieutenant LR Roux and CSM R Maclean and pushed forward into the village.
The fighting in Montescudo was some of the bitterest the brigade had ever met. Every house had to be cleared and the enemy fought with heroic fanaticism even after tanks fired anti-personnel shells and shrapnel into the buildings. By mid-morning, however, the village was in the hands of 5th Battalion who were then ordered to capture Hill 475 that evening. This was a formidable task as the bare commanding feature was protected by strong defensive positions.
While the 5th Battalion were fighting for Montescudo, the 2nd Hampshire moved north towards Trarivi. They made good progress at first but were then held up some 500 yards from the village. They were relieved by the 1/4th Battalion who concentrated on the southern slopes of Hill 475 to join the 5th Hampshire in their attack on that feature.
The leading Companies of 5th Battalion came under heavy mortar fire as they began their assault and made little progress. Major J.C. Keane went on alone up the slope of the hill through the shelling, urging his men on, but he was killed and the attack was halted. Attacks by the two other Hampshire battalions also had to be called off due to the heavy artillery and mortar fire.
Throughout 16th September, the 2nd and 5th Battalions stuck to their positions in Montescudo and at the foot of Hill 475 despite incessant shelling. The worst tragedy was when the regimental aid post was hit; the Medical Officer, Captain MDM Bergin, the stretcher-bearers, the pioneers helping them and all the wounded men were killed.
During the night the enemy withdrew from the hill, and early on 17 September the 2nd Battalion occupied it.
Meanwhile, the 1/4th Battalion, had been heavily involved in the attack on Trarivi on 16th September. This was held up just short of the village which was then subjected to a barrage of hundreds of rounds of high explosive shells, pumped in by tanks and artillery. Major LL Baillie then led his Company in to Trarivi where they met more fierce resistance. Again, each house had to be individually cleared of the fanatical defenders – sniping continued to come from the church tower even after six shells had been put through it.
At 9pm Trarivi was finally taken. Patrols went forward and by dawn on the next day the 1/4th were firmly established well beyond Trarivi at Vallecchio.
With Montescudo, Hill 475 and Trarivi captured, German resistance in the immediate area was broken and the pursuit was on once more. This was undertaken by 138th and 139th Brigades. On 18 September 128th Brigade moved back to Taverna to rest and reorganise and receive reinforcements from the 1st Battalion, The Buffs (Royal East Kent Regiment). Even so all three battalions were still short of men.
Crossing the River Fiumicino, October 1944
During the ten days that the 128th Brigade spent out of the line, the Allied advance continued, across the Marecchia and Rubicon rivers. On 28th September 1944 the Brigade returned to the line to the lead the crossing of the River Fiumicino which was swollen by heavy rain.
The Montalbano Ridge guarded the approach to the river, but the 2nd and 5th Battalions took this without much difficulty. Their attempts to exploit the slopes down to the river, however, were sternly resisted and the two battalions were held up for six days as vehicles and guns became bogged down in mud and tanks were unable to move.
On 7th October the weather improved enough for the attack to be made. The 2nd Battalion crossed the river under cover of a heavy bombardment and stormed the Montigallo spur. The 5th Battalion, meanwhile, forded the river on the left of the attack, below Montalbano, and captured the village of San Lorenzo. The 1/4th Battalion crossed the river at midnight, passed through the 2nd Battalion and advanced towards Longiano.
Heavy rain continued to fall and the river rose a further six feet in just two hours, putting the two fords out of action. Consequently, no supplies could reach the three battalions established on the far side of the river so the Fiumicino bridgehead could not be exploited. Instead the Brigade had to dig in and wait for the weather to improve. For two days the Hampshires were heavily shelled and Colonel A Boyce, commanding the 1/4th Battalion, was severely wounded by a shell blast while the Command Post of the 2nd Battalion was also hit.
Several enemy counter-attacks were driven off. In one, German troops surrounded a house in which a platoon of Hampshire men were established. The Germans advanced, firing, throwing grenades and shouting ‘OK, come out’. A sergeant-major, an ex-gamekeeper, led the reply by killing four Germans with four shots
The Hampshires held the bridgehead for 36 hours before, on 9th October, the weather improved and the river level fell, allowing a Bailey bridge to be completed and the follow-up brigades to cross.
An excerpt from the diary of Regimental Quarter Master Sergeant Smith of the 1/4th Battalion illustrates what conditions were like in the Fiumicino bridgehead:
‘Battalion in Brigade attack. Most severe stonking yet. Lieutenant Colonel Boyce wounded. River in flood. Great difficulty with mules. Had to manhandle all rations and munitions over rickety bridge. Then stiff climb to Bn HQ in liquid mud. BHQ in Montigallo church. Almost intact when they went in. Completely ruined and flattened when they left. All safe in vault under church. CSM Algie Fry very active sniping Germans.’
The crossing of the Fiumicino was a superb achievement, very largely due to the brilliant leadership of Lieutenant Colonel TA Rotherham, commanding 2nd Battalion, who received the Distinguished Service Order.
The 128th Brigade was given a short rest and then on 21st October the whole of 46th Division came out of the line for ten days. The Commander of V Corps, Lieutenant-General Charles Keightley, wrote to Major-General John Hawkesworth, commanding the 46th Division:
‘I would like to take this opportunity of congratulating you most sincerely on your brilliant successes in the fighting of the last few months. Throughout this phase of the battle of Italy, which has resulted in forcing the enemy through the much publicised Gothic Line, 46th Division has been engaged in all the toughest and most bitter actions. Throughout all your operations your commanders have shown skill in leadership and your troops the greatest gallantry.’
The Commander of the Canadian Corps, which had fought beside the 46th Division, said to General Hawkesworth: ‘I think if ever a Division has earned the title of “Iron Division”, 46 Division has.’
However, success had cost the Hampshires dear. They had lost many officers and men and Companies were down nearly to half strength. But all three battalions were in fine spirit and while resting up news was received of the award of the Victoria Cross to Lieutenant Norton. A Special Order of the Day was issued for the 1/4th Battalion on 26th October announcing this and also the award of the DSO to Lieutenant Colonel Boyce, one DCM, three MMs – and a battalion holiday.
San Martino, the River Lamone and Faenza, November-December 1944
On 1st November 1944 the Hampshire Brigade moved into the line again at the village of Bertinoro. The objective of the 46th Division was to help capture the town of Forli and its airfield. On the right of the 46th Division was the 4th Division, with the 2/4th Hampshires on its left. Thus, when the 128th Brigade went into action in the battle for Forli on 7th November, there were four Hampshire battalions in line.
Between the Hampshire Brigade and Forli stood the village of San Martino-in-Strada and this was the first objective when the attack began at 11pm. The 5th Battalion went for the village itself while the 2nd advanced on their right. The 5th Battalion was initially held up, but by dawn progress was swift and the assault became a textbook battle, with the infantry cooperating perfectly with the tanks of the 9th Lancers. By nightfall the Hampshires had advanced two miles and taken 150 prisoners.
The battle for San Martino saw the Brigade use two new weapons in battle for the first time. Rocket-firing Tempest aircraft attacked German tanks with great success while, on the ground, Littlejohn anti-tank guns – issued just before the attack – also proved their worth. The battle was also the last in which General Hawkesworth commanded the 46th Division; immediately afterwards he went to take over X Corps.
On the night 9th November the 1/4th continued the advance by crossing the River Rabbi near San Martino. By afternoon the battalion had reached the River Montone, but a storm quickly turned it into a raging torrent. It was not until the early hours of 12th November that the 1/4th Hampshire finally crossed the Montone at San Varano. The Battalion gained a precarious foothold on the far bank, where they held on under heavy shelling, trying in vain to enlarge the bridgehead.
The pressure was relieved when two other crossings further south were exploited, allowing the 1/4th Battalion to attack and capture San Varano. Here the 2nd Battalion passed through and advanced to within a mile of Villagrappa. The flat wine-growing country, with houses scattered everywhere, was excellent terrain for the German machine-gunners, tanks and self-propelled guns, but eventually the 1/4th captured Villagrappa. At this point the other Brigades of the the Division took the lead and for nine days they fought against tough opposition over the flat, muddy country.
On 24th November the Hampshire Brigade returned to action, leading the assault towards the River Lamone and the town of Faenza. Initially the attack was a triumphal procession through farms, where people turned out to welcome the liberators with cheers, wine and fruit. By 11am a Company of the 5th Battalion reached Borgo Durbecco, just across the River Lamone from Faenza, only to find all the bridges demolished.
With a crossing here impossible, the Brigade transferred further south where the King’s Royal Rifle Corps (under command of 128 Brigade for this operation) had forced a crossing of the River Marzeno which joined the Lamone. The 5th and 2nd Battalions got over the Marzeno in the late afternoon, but the small bridgehead soon became crowded and subjected to heavy enemy shellfire.
Despite heavy rain which caused the Marzeno to rise quickly and wash away the crossing place, the Brigade reached the Lamone on 26th November. It was necessary to cross the river in strength and for the next week the three Hampshire battalions had to wait in their positions while preparations were made for the attack.
This went in just after dark on 3rd December. The 2nd and 1/4th Battalions moved down to the river under cover of a heavy artillery barrage and patrols were soon in action, clearing houses of the enemy. The main body of the 2nd Battalion crossed the Lamone on a ladder bridge and two Companies began the stiff climb to the village of Olmatello, standing on a 500ft ridge. German machine-guns on the crest pinned down the Hampshires, but just before dawn Colonel TA Rotherham took the situation in hand and led the two Companies in a headlong charge up to the ridge and into Olmatello, sweeping the enemy off their feet.
On the left of the 2nd, the 1/4th Battalion also encountered heavy opposition after crossing the Lamone but pushed on to reach a position above the village of Quratolo. Meanwhile, the 5th Battalion passed through the 2nd at Olmatello and fought on as far as Pideura.
With the initial crossing of the Lamone complete, the sappers went into action to bridge the river while the three Hampshire battalions tried during the day to enlarge their bridgehead, but with little success. The operation to keep the bridgehead supplied was hampered by atrocious weather, but a lifeline was somehow maintained. Eventually, at dawn on 5th December, the 1/4th Battalion occupied Casa Poggio and that evening the 5th Battalion successfully stormed the ridge above Olmatello. The following morning the 1/4th Battalion advanced in heavy mist to capture Casa Nova. Although exhausted by this stage, the remnanats of one Company then went on and forced their way into Pideura only to be driven out again by a stiff counter-attack. The village was finally taken by the King’s Royal Rifle Corps, supported by tanks and artillery, after a day-long fight.
This was the last battle fought by the Hampshire Brigade in Italy. On 7th December they were relieved, bringing to an end the long campaign against the Germans from Tebourba to the outskirts of Faenza. From 24th August 1944, until it was relieved on 7th December, the total casualties of the 46th Division were 4,396, of which 3,797 were in the infantry. Of these 1,276 were of the Hampshire Brigade, including 20 officers and 172 other ranks killed.
In January 1945 the three Hampshire Brigade battalions – now known as ‘Tigerforce’ – arrived in Greece and set about disarming ELAS (the Greek People’s Liberation Army) which was trying to overthrow the Greek government.
The 2/4th Battalion in Italy, 1944-45
The Garigliano, February – March 1944
The three battalions of 128th Brigade were not the only Hampshire battalions involved in the Italian campaign. Having been restored as a fighting unit in December 1943, the 2/4th Battalion was assigned to 28th Infantry Brigade – part of 4th Division – in February 1944 and went into the line along the Garigliano, opposite San Ambrogio. This was the same country in which the 128th Brigade had served through the Italian winter. Apart from troublesome shelling, however, the enemy were fairly quiet and the 2/4th Battalion’s activity was limited to patrolling and mortaring programmes.
In March the Battalion spent an uneventful week in the line on Mount Ornito before retiring for a few days’ rest. This was followed by strenuous training programme – with special emphasis on river crossing – in preparation for the attack on the Gustav Line, which was dominated by Monte Cassino. After another comparatively quiet period in the line on the Belvedere feature in April, the 2/4th were assigned to positions along the line of the River Rapido, south of Cassino, on 5th May.
The Attempted Crossing of the River Rapido – 12 May 1944
The assault on the Gustav Line, the prelude to the battle for Rome, opened early on 12 May 1944. The role of 28th Brigade was to force two crossings of the River Rapido and then to capture a succession of four report lines – Brown, Blue, Red and Green – about 1,000 yards apart. D Company of 2/4th Hampshire was to act as ferry company for the Brigade while the rest of the battalion was given the task of capturing Red and Green Lines.
A huge artillery barrage signalled the start of the attack, but the Germans were well prepared and their own heavy guns targeted the river where D Company was positioned. Besides the shelling, the Hampshires were hindered by the swift current on the Rapido which made controlling the assault boats very difficult. It was decided to ferry the boats by line, carried over the river by D Company’s strongest swimmers. One of these, Private Grainger, swam the Rapido three times with ropes and also helped guide the assault troops into the boats while under intense fire. This brave soldier, who had been awarded the British Empire Medal, for saving a man from drowning at Salerno, was killed the next day, just one of 26 casualties suffered by D Company.
C Company was sent to assist with the crossing, but while the Company commanders were discussing the situation, the control point in which they were gathered received a direct hit and Major EC Henley, Major WCTN Way and three other ranks were killed.
The bravery and daring of the men at the river were beyond praise. The Padre of the Hampshire, Captain the Reverend R Edwards, swam across the Rapido several times during the night to succour the wounded. However, although two companies of the 2nd King’s did make it across the river they were pinned down by heavy enemy fire and could make no progress.
At daybreak, with the enemy dislodged from none of his positions, it was decided to abandon the attempted crossing and D Company was withdrawn from the river. The collection of the wounded on the river bank, which was constantly under heavy fire, presented a serious problem. On one occasion a jeep containing Captain Edwards drove along the approach track to the river until it was halted by machine-gun fire. Captain Edwards then got out, leisurely raised the Red Cross flag and unloaded dressings and a stretcher, and with the help of a stretcher-bearer, he began carrying back wounded men, cheerfully disregarding the enemy’s fire.
The Battle for Cassino and Captain Richard Wakeford’s Victoria Cross, 13th – 16th May 1944
On 12th May 1944 the 2/4th Battalion came under the command of 12th Infantry Brigade and the following day crossed the Rapido further upstream by way of an Amazon bridge. That afternoon the Hampshires, with bayonets fixed, advanced alongside the river accompanied by tanks. Germans in a nearby wood opened fire with machine-guns, but they were overwhelmed by 8 Platoon under Lieutenant JH Bowers who stormed the position and took 73 prisoners.
The Battalion then waded across the River Piopetta and continued the advance under covering fire from the tanks on the opposite bank. Faced by this onslaught, the enemy began to surrender in large numbers and soon long lines of Germans were seen doubling towards the Hampshires with arms raised.
Two Companies continued the advance. Captain Richard Wakeford, leading one of the Companies and armed with just an automatic pistol, pushed on ahead with an orderly to the unit’s objective. Here he killed a number of Germans, and when his Company caught up with him he handed over no fewer than 20 prisoners.
The Hampshires pressed on but were held up by an enemy strongpoint in a house. Captain Wakeford once more led his Company in the assault with grenades and tommy-guns. Twice Captain Wakeford was driven back, but with a final rush he reached a window and flung in grenades. Five Germans surrendered immediately; a sixth came out, apparently to surrender, but then shot a Hampshire soldier. He was immediately disposed of.
By late afternoon the Companies had taken up positions well beyond their original objectives. The operation had been a textbook example of a coordinated ‘set-piece’ attack involving infantry, tanks and artillery. The Battalion had suffered comparatively light casualties while capturing some 200 prisoners. The battlefield, meanwhile, was scattered with German corpses.
In the early hours of 14th May the Battalion began the advance to the next enemy position – Blue Line – some 1,000 yards to the west. German resistance was comparatively light and by 7am all objectives had been achieved.
At 6pm – with the Battalion returned to the command of 28th Brigade – the third phase of the attack on the Gustav position began. The objective was Massa Vertechi, some 800 yards away across the River Piopetta. The attack began badly: an attempt to set up light bridges across the river for tanks to use failed while the Companies advancing towards the river came under very heavy enemy fire and the assault began to falter. The Battalion commander, Lieutenant Colonel JP Fowler-Esson, rallied his men and led them across the Piopetta in the teeth of fierce fire.
The Battalion continued to press on up the slopes towards their objective and it was at this point that Captain Wakeford came to the fore. He was already wounded in the face and both arms, but he led B Company up the slope, keeping them under perfect control through the withering fire.
Half way up the hill his Company came under heavy machine-gun fire. Captain Wakeford organised and led a party which charged and silenced the guns. As the Company advanced again, mortar bombs began to burst among the men and Captain Wakeford was wounded in both legs. But still he led on until he reached the objective where he organised and consolidated the remainder of his Company. Only after having reported to his Commanding Officer did he allow himself to be treated for his wounds. For his extreme gallantry Captain Wakeford was awarded the Victoria Cross. The citation ends with the words:
‘During the seven-hour interval before stretcher-bearers could reach him his unwavering high spirits encouraged the wounded men around him. His selfless devotion to duty, leadership, determination, courage and disregard for his own serious injuries were beyond all praise.’
Captain Wakeford’s batman, Private JC Baxter, also fought with conspicuous bravery, rallying a group of leaderless men and urging them on to their objective. He received the Military Medal.
Another Military Medal was won by Company Sergeant Major WF Pullinger who, in the final stages of the advance up the bullet-swept hillside, moved from platoon to platoon of his Company, rallying and encouraging the men. When the objective on the hill crest was reached he moved calmly from position to position, making sure that the men were digging in properly. Only when the position was properly consolidated did he take cover himself.
The Battalion’s objective was secured by 6.30pm, but the three phases of the attack on the Gustav Line had proved costly. The Battalion lost four officers and 18 other ranks killed along with 161 men wounded, including nine officers. Among these was Colonel Fowler-Esson, who was wounded in the thigh. On 16th May, the 2/4th Battalion was withdrawn from the line, ending its part in the attack on Cassino. This was captured two days later, leaving the gateway to Rome open.
Vaiano, La Villa and Lopi, June-July 1944
Following the Cassino battle the 2/4th Battalion spent three weeks behind the line, resting and then undergoing vigorous training. On 5th June 1944, the day that Rome fell to the Allies, the Hampshires were sent to Ceprano in the Liri valley, some 16 miles beyond Cassino. Over the next fortnight the Battalion moved steadily northwards as the Germans retreated, passing Rome and Viterbo, until they were called upon to go into action again on 22nd June.
The Germans were holding a line which ran through Lake Trasimene, north-west of Perugia. The Hampshires, part of 28th Infantry Brigade, took up positions south of Vaiano and for two days sent out fighting patrols to probe enemy positions. Early on 24th June the Battalion took part in a major attack by the 4th and 78th Divisions. The following day the Hampshires entered Vaiano without opposition before advancing towards the village of La Villa, two miles to the north-west.
The attack on La Villa was met with furious German machine-gun and mortar fire and throughout the day the Battalion’s Companies were engaged in stiff close-quarter fighting with crack troops from the German 1st Parachute Division. Shortly before midnight the farmhouse in which C Company Headquarters had been established was smashed in by bazooka shells and overrun by the enemy. C Company fought back furiously, throwing grenades and firing all their weapons, but were forced to retreat about 30 yards to positions in a ditch. At 1.45am on 26th June Captain DP Bichard gathered the remnants of his battered Company and launched a counter-attack which recaptured the farmhouse.
At dawn patrols found La Villa empty of the enemy and the Battalion occupied the village before advancing a short distance to the neighbourhood of Lopi. At this point the 2/4th were withdrawn from the line having lost two officers killed and four wounded, plus 18 other ranks killed, 64 wounded and 14 missing.
The Pursuit to Meleto and the Presentation of Captain Wakeford’s VC
After fighting its way through the German divisions west of Lake Trasimene 4th Division began a pursuit of the enemy in early July 1944. Between 1st and 10th July the 2/4th Battalion advanced rapidly, encountering little opposition while being enthusiastically received by the local civilians.
On 10th July the Battalion was relieved and moved back to Badicorte, 17 miles east of Siena. It was here, on 14th July, that Captain Richard Wakeford, the hero of Cassino, received the ribbon of his Victoria Cross from Lieutenant General Kirkman, commanding XIII Corps.
The following day the Battalion moved into the line again and continued the pursuit of the enemy towards Florence. Progress was steady until 22nd July when the Hampshires approached the town of Meleto up a wide valley, at which point they came under heavy mortar and machine-gun fire. The Battalion managed to seize a strong enemy position below Meleto from where they drove off two strong counter-attacks. During one of these the Germans brought up a machine-gun which they used to rake the Hampshire positions from just 100 yards away. Private A Churchill crept to within 30 yards of the machine-gun, then charged across the open firing his Bren gun from the hip. He silenced the gun and then returned to his platoon with four German prisoners. For this gallant action Private Churchill was awarded the Military Medal.
In another demonstration of bravery Sergeant John Savage took charge of his platoon when the commander was wounded during the assault. He led the platoon with such fury up the steep hillside through withering machine-gun and artillery fire that he overran the German defences, killing and capturing as he went. Having reached the crest of the hill, he then led his panting men to capture an enemy tank and artillery gun before reorganising the remnants of the platoon to break up a strong German counter-attack. Sergeant Savage was later awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal.
At this stage the attack on Meleto was postponed because of the strength of German opposition, but by the following morning they had abandoned the village and the 2/4th Hampshires were withdrawn from the line.
The Battalion was taken to Monte San Sevino and it was here, on 26th July, that Captain Wakeford received his Victoria Cross from King George V. It was a grand occasion; a 100-strong guard of honour formed up in front of a Guards band and the remainder of the Battalion as the King, accompanied by General Harold Alexander, commander of 15th Army Group, presented Captain Wakeford with his medal.
Immediately following the presentation to Captain Wakeford the Battalion moved back into the line at Gaville, 15 miles from Florence, in the Chianti mountains. As the Germans pulled back to their next strongpoint, the Gothic Line, the Hampshires were involved in several stiff engagements, notably at Santa Lucia which was captured on 30th July.
The advance northwards continued, skirting Florence until the Battalion reached the River Arno where it consolidated. On 10th August the 2/4th Hampshires were withdrawn from the line and sent back to Assisi where they spent the following month training and reinforcing.
The Gothic Line
The 2/4th Battalion returned to the line in early September 1944 when it joined in the assault on the Gothic Line towards Rimini on the Adriatic coast. The 28th Brigade was given the task of attacking across the River Marano and capturing the high ground to the west. The attack, on 15th September, was a success with the Hampshires seizing all their objectives – the village of San Patrignano and the farmhouses of Casa Guidi and Casa Bagli.
The Battalion’s next task was to attack the strategically important village of Cerasola which was perched on the top of an almost sheer drop. Two Companies attacked behind a heavy barrage early on 17th September and quickly reached their objectives taking many prisoners. The Battalion was relieved the following day. It then moved north behind Eighth Army’s advance, arriving in time to stand by to support the Hampshire Brigade’s assault on Forli in November.
On 22nd November the 2/4th attacked and captured a bridgehead over the River Cosina against heavy shelling. This was the Battalion’s last action in Italy. In every action in the campaign the 2/4th Hampshire Battalion had captured and held its objectives. However, losses had been heavy: of the officers with the battalion in February 1944, only one was still on the strength in December.
On 11th December the Battalion was flown to Greece to take part in operations against the ELAS Army. A month later the 2/4th Battalion was joined in Greece by the three Hampshire battalions of 128th Brigade.
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dbpedia
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https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo/1-36-infantry-division.html
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en
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res stock photography and images
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"Alamy Limited"
] | null |
Find the perfect 1 36 infantry division stock photo, image, vector, illustration or 360 image. Available for both RF and RM licensing.
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en
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Alamy
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https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo/1-36-infantry-division.html
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Alamy and its logo are trademarks of Alamy Ltd. and are registered in certain countries. Copyright © 30/08/2024 Alamy Ltd. All rights reserved.
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https://theweekendhistorian.com/2018/08/31/ancestors-in-the-great-war-update/
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Ancestors in the Great War Update
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"The Weekend Historian"
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2018-08-31T00:00:00
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In a previous post, I wrote about my family members that served in the United States military during World War I. Those were the only three I had known of that had served, but I recently discovered that my Great Granduncle Leo Zillmer also served with American Expeditionary Forces over in Europe. Since then I've…
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en
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Austin M. Frederick
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https://theweekendhistorian.com/2018/08/31/ancestors-in-the-great-war-update/
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In a previous post, I wrote about my family members that served in the United States military during World War I. Those were the only three I had known of that had served, but I recently discovered that my Great Granduncle Leo Zillmer also served with American Expeditionary Forces over in Europe. Since then I’ve uncovered some great family history!
Leo was born in Little Falls, Monroe County, Wisconsin in 1896. Like many young men his age, Leo was required to sign up for the draft when America entered the war. I found his draft registration by doing a search on Ancestry.com, and the document indicates that he completed his registration for the draft on June 5, 1917. This was the first registration required for men ages 21 to 31 by the Selective Service Act.
Per his WWI service record that I obtained from the Wisconsin Veterans Museum, Leo was inducted into the military on July 24, 1918. He was assigned to the 161 Depot Brigade (training regiment) and shipped to Camp Grant in Rockford, Illinois. Camp Grant was where inductees were received and began their drilling before they were shipped out. After completing his training, Leo was assigned to Company D, 342 Infantry, 86th “Black Hawks” Division that was organized at Camp Grant in 1917.
On September 9, 1918, Leo and his fellow soldiers disembarked from the United States aboard the SS Minnekahda en route to the heart of the fighting in France. The troop ships made a brief stop in England for refueling and supplies before finally landing in France. Upon arrival, the 86th and a few other division were broken apart in early October 1918 to reinforce the fighting forces at the front for the Meuse-Argonne Offensive–what would be the final push to end the war. Leo was transferred to Company F, 56th Infantry, 7th Division.
The 7th Division was stationed near St. Mihiel on the eastern portion of the allied line known at the Puvenelle Sector. This was mainly a defensive sector to hold the ground gained during the St. Mihiel Offensive in September 1918. There were still enemy outposts in the area and some fighting had occurred. Leo was wounded on November 1, 1918, when a piece of shrapnel from German artillery exploded and injured his left leg–just ten days before the armistice. He spent the rest of the war being treated for his wounds and was finally shipped back to the United States in March 1919.
The scene in this film where soldiers are being treated for wounds in the field is of men from the 56th infantry. Who knows, maybe one of the wounded in that clip was my Great Grand Uncle Leo?!
I am very fortunate in that Leo’s son, Spencer Zillmer, is still alive–96-years young! I met him and his wife, Betty, last summer on a trip out to Little Falls, Wisconsin, to see where my Great Grandma Ella (Zillmer) Frederick grew up. I called Spencer the other night to ask what he knew about his father’s service. He did not know much about his dad’s time overseas. He explained that his dad never really talked about it. He did say that Leo got around $25/mo for the rest of his life for his service. I asked about any documents or other information his dad may have passed down from his time spent in the service, but Spencer knew of nothing else.
Leo’s service record shows no indication that he received any special awards or medals for his service. But he was wounded in the line of duty and chances are that he would have at least received the Lady Columbia Wound Certificate. These certificates could be turned in for a Purple Heart when that medal was introduced in the 1930s. From the search I did, Leo must have never turned his in for the Purple Heart. It would be great for someone in the family to have a Posthumous Purple Heart awarded to honor his memory ans service to his country.
Did you have a family member that fought during World War I? What branch of the service was he/she in? Do you have pictures or mementos from their time in the service? Share your family history in the comments below.
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https://www.pa.ng.mil/Site-Management/News-Article-View/Article/3237841/top-10-moments-in-pennsylvania-national-guard-history/
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Top 10 Moments in Pennsylvania National Guard History
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2022-12-07T00:00:00
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In recognition of the Pennsylvania National Guard’s 275th birthday, here are the top 10 moments in Pennsylvania National Guard history.
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Pennsylvania National Guard
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https://www.pa.ng.mil/https%3A%2F%2Fwww.pa.ng.mil%2FSite-Management%2FNews-Article-View%2FArticle%2F3237841%2Ftop-10-moments-in-pennsylvania-national-guard-history%2F
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The Pennsylvania National Guard has a long and distinguished history, dating back to 1747 when Benjamin Franklin established the “Associators” in Philadelphia. In recognition of the Pennsylvania National Guard’s 275th birthday on Dec. 7, 2022, here are the top 10 moments in Pennsylvania National Guard history (in chronological order):
1. Pennsylvania National Guard is born – Overcoming the pacifist traditions of Pennsylvania’s founding Quakers, Benjamin Franklin lead about 600 “gentlemen and merchants” of Philadelphia in signing “articles of association” to provide for a common defense against Indian raiders and French privateers. These “Associators,” who are alive as today’s 103rd Brigade Engineer Battalion and 111th Infantry Regiment, held their first muster on Dec. 7, 1747.
2. Escort for General Washington – The Philadelphia Light Horse, later known as First Troop, Philadelphia City Cavalry, escorted Gen. George Washington from Philadelphia to New York to take command of the Continental Army in late June 1775. The Army was established by the Continental Congress on June 14, 1775, and its first units include a regiment of rifle companies from Pennsylvania.
3. Ten Crucial Days – Pennsylvania supplied thousands of troops during the Revolutionary War, and they took part in numerous campaigns, including Washington’s crossing of the Delaware River on Christmas night in 1776 and the ensuing battles of Trenton and Princeton. The Associators infantry (today’s 111th Infantry Regiment) and artillery (today’s 103rd Brigade Engineer Battalion) assets played a major role in the fighting at Trenton and Princeton. Washington personally lead the Philadelphia Associator battalions in a counterattack that turned the tide of Princeton on Jan. 3, 1777. Many historians credit these “Ten Crucial Days” with saving the American Revolution, and the Pennsylvania Militia played a critical role in that success.
4. First Defenders of U.S. Capital – At the start of the Civil War, five units from the Lehigh Valley raced to the nation’s threatened capital in response to an urgent plea from Congress. President Abraham Lincoln proclaimed them the “First Defenders,” an honor still borne by their descendants in today’s 213th Regional Support Group.
5. Action in Gettysburg – More than 200 Pennsylvania regiments took part in the Civil War in 24 major campaigns. Among the battles is the Battle of Gettysburg in southern Pennsylvania on July 1-3, 1863 – a Union victory that many consider is the war’s turning point. Several current Pennsylvania National Guard units can trace their lineage to units that fought at Gettysburg, including the 103rd Brigade Engineer Battalion; 1-104th Cavalry Regiment; 1-107th Field Artillery Regiment; 1-108th Field Artillery Regiment; 1-109th Field Artillery Regiment; 1-111th Infantry Regiment; and 1-112th Infantry Regiment. Of note, the Philadelphia Brigade – todays 111th Infantry Regiment – helped turn back the center of Pickett’s Charge at "the Angle" on July 3, 1863.
6. Formation of the Pennsylvania Division – On March 12, 1879, Gov. Henry Hoyt signed General Order Number One, establishing the Pennsylvania Division, the predecessor to today’s 28th Infantry Division. Maj. Gen. John Hartranft, a Civil War veteran and Medal of Honor recipient, served as the division’s first commander. In 1917, after it was federalized for World War I, the division was redesignated the 28th Division. Today, the 28th ID is the oldest continuously serving division in the U.S. Army.
7. Men of Iron – The Pennsylvania Division was called up in the wake of America’s entry into World War I. The division took part in six major campaigns in France and Belgium and suffered more than 14,000 casualties. On July 15, 1918, elements of the division (notably the 109th and 110th Infantry Regiments) beat back German attacks along the Marne River. Pockets of division Soldiers were surrounded and cut off but fought at the company and platoon level in a ferocious defense of their positions, beating their way through German lines and back to secondary defensive positions. The 28th Division’s stalwart stand earns its Soldiers the moniker “Men of Iron” from General of the Armies John Pershing, commander of the Allied Armies.
8. March down Champs Elysees – In what would become one of the most iconic photos from World War II, Soldiers from the 28th Infantry Division triumphantly marched down the Champs Elysees in Paris on Aug. 29, 1944, following the city’s liberation.
9. Battle of the Bulge – in Late 1944, the 28th Infantry Division was instrumental in stalling the last German offensive of World War II, the Battle of the Bulge. The division was among the first units attacked along "Skyline Drive." Its exploits earned it the nickname the “Bloody Bucket” division.
10. Tropical Storm Agnes – Nearly 13,000 Pennsylvania National Guard members were called up to help with relief operations following widespread flooding caused by Tropical Storm Agnes in June 1972. The storm and its aftermath results in 50 deaths and $3 billion in property damage across the state.
Honorable Mention
11. Whiskey Rebellion – Pennsylvania contributed 4,000 members of its militia to a four-state force that quelled the Whiskey Rebellion in western Pennsylvania in 1794.
12. War of 1812 Service – More than 14,000 Pennsylvanians were drawn into active service for the War of 1812. During the Battle of Lake Erie, an artillery company provided volunteers to serve as cannoneers on Commodore Perry’s fleet. That unit is known today as Wilkes-Barre’s 109th Field Artillery.
13. Spanish-American War Service -- The entire Pennsylvania Division – today’s 28th Infantry Division – was mustered into federal service for the Spanish-American War. However, only a handful of units would see combat action in Puerto Rico and the Philippines.
14. Air Guard Forerunner – The 103rd Observation Squadron, the forerunner of the Pennsylvania Air National Guard, was organized at Philadelphia Airport in 1924 as a unit of the 28th Division. Today, the 103rd is recognized at the 111th Attack Wing.
15. Pa. Air National Guard Established. – The Pennsylvania Air National guard was formally established in 1947 with the establishment of the U.S. Air Force.
16. Stryker Brigade comes to Pa. – The Pennsylvania National Guard’s 56th Brigade was selected in 2004 to become a Stryker Brigade, the first such unit in the reserve component. The brigade is centered around the eight-wheeled, armored Stryker vehicles.
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Steam News - Alden
With today's Steam update, we are ready for public testing of a new system that changes the way Steam sorts user reviews on store pages with the goal of prioritizing reviews that can best help players make a purchase decision about the game. This new helpfulness system is now enabled by default, and can easily be toggled within the user review settings for each game.
The Goals Of User Reviews
The primary goal of Steam User Reviews is to help potential players make informed decisions about the games they are considering purchasing by understanding the attributes of the game that other players like or don't like. Historically we've sorted reviews by the number of 'helpful' votes given to each review by other players. However, we’ve seen that many players use reviews for sharing jokes, memes, ascii art and other content that might not be the most helpful for a potential purchaser. That content is usually fine, and often a lot of fun for existing customers of a game, but it doesn't always help new players in making informed purchasing decisions.
New: Prioritizing Informative Reviews
User reviews that are identified as being unhelpful for potential customers, such as one-word reviews, reviews comprised of ASCII art, or reviews that are primarily playful memes and in-jokes, will be sorted behind other reviews on the game’s store page. That doesn't mean players won't ever see these humorous, but unhelpful posts, but it hopefully means that they’ll see them less frequently when trying to learn about a game. If you enjoy seeing these sorts of reviews when browsing the store, there's an option on the store page to include them when browsing.
This change doesn't impact how review scores are generated for each game; it is simply changing the order that reviews appear on each store page.
Have Feedback?
As always, we learn from your feedback, so please feel free to leave a comment below.
Frequently Asked Questions:
Q: How does Steam determine which reviews are not informative?
A: Categorization work is a mix of techniques, including user reports, the Steam moderation team looking closely at a lot of reviews, and some machine learning algorithms to help scale the human judgement calls. Our team has found that a lot of the unhelpful reviews were easy to spot, so we're targeting those first. This is a work in process, and will likely take quite a while for our team to evaluate the existing reviews and newly posted reviews.
Q: Does it matter anymore if I mark a review as Helpful or not?
A: Marking a review as helpful or not is still taken into account.
Q: Can I help identify reviews that are not informative?
A: Our moderation team looks closer at reviews that are reported by other users, so the best thing you can do is report the review with a brief description of why. Please see Reporting Content in the Steam Community for more details.
Q: How can I compare this new system to what the old one returned?
A: You can easily do so by unselecting the option "Use new helpfulness system" under the "Display" drop-down just above the user reviews.
Q: Does it matter if a review is positive or negative during this evaluation?
A: No, the blue thumbs-up and red thumbs-down are not a factor in deciding whether a review is found to be informative.
Q. Got any interesting trivia about user reviews?
A. Steam players have posted well over 140 Million user reviews to date.
Q. If you've identified a review as unhelpful, why not delete the review?
A. We have found that many players want to express an opinion about the game, but don't always have the words to describe their experience with the game, or aren't interested in writing much. Their indication of whether they would recommend the game is still valuable data, even if they are not able to articulate why.
Q. Where can I learn more about the rules for User Reviews on Steam?
A. For more details, please see Rules and Guidelines For Steam: Discussions, Reviews, and User Generated Content
Steam News - Alden
With thousands of playable demos launching on Steam every year, and millions of players trying them out (often as part of Steam Next Fest), we've noticed some trends in feedback from both developers and players about the process and functionality. We've put together an update based on that feedback.
As a reminder, you can always find great demos to play on the Steam demo hub.
Demos now behave better in the Steam library
We've made a few updates to how demos appear and behave within the Steam Library. Here are the key items:
You can add demos to your library without having to immediately install them. Just click on the new "add to library" button next to demos you may not be ready to install (while using the mobile app, for instance).
Demos can be installed even if you already own the full game. Primarily, this will make it easier for developers to test demos, but it will also help players more easily manage installing/uninstalling demos.
Demos can be explicitly removed from an account by right-clicking > manage > remove from account.
When a demo is uninstalled, it will automatically get removed from your library.
Demos can now have a separate store page
By default, free demos appear as a button on the full game's store page. But, developers have been asking for a way to enable a full store page to better describe the contents of the demo, add separate screenshots, upload a trailer, and specify supported features. So, that is now possible and you'll find that clicking on a demo sometimes loads a full demo store page while other times will take you to the full game's page with a button to install the demo.
Tight connection with the full game
Stand-alone demo store pages will automatically display both the demo install button as well as a widget linking back to the full game for players interested in wishlisting or purchasing the full game.
User reviews for demos
If developers have chosen to enable a store page for their demo, it will also be possible for players of the demo to post user reviews for the demo. These reviews and review score will appear on the demo store page just like reviews for any other free game on Steam. Note that if the developer has chosen to not have a separate store page for their demo, then user reviews will not be enabled for that demo.
Demos now appear more in the Steam store
Demos now behave more like free games and can appear in all the same sections and lists. For example, demos can now appear on the Steam homepage in charts such as the "New & Trending", on the "New on Steam" page, and on relevant tag and category pages. We've also made some changes to the thresholds for free products to appear in those sections to better balance them with paid products.
Of course you can always find great demos to play on the Steam demo hub.
Wishlist notifications when demos become available
We've now also made it so that when a demo becomes available for the first time for a game that you have on your Steam wishlist, or from a developer you follow, Steam can send you an email and mobile notification about that demo.
You can opt in or out of these emails by updating your email preferences.
Infrequently Asked Questions
Q. What is the deal with the Demo icon? Is that a plate? A vinyl record?
A. That classic icon, my friend, is from the days when demos were commonly distributed through the post office, contained in a bound package of game journalism printed on dead trees and imprinted on circular media known as Compact Discs.
Q. Some demos just appeared in my Steam library. How did those get there?
A. We've made some changes to visibility of demos in the Steam Library, which may effect demos that you played long ago. We've tried our best to clean up the demos that we expect you don't care about anymore, but we may have missed some. You can easily remove those by right-clicking them in your Steam library and selecting manage > remove from account.
Q. I love free demos. When is the next Steam Next Fest?
A. Check back on October 14th for the next weeklong Steam Next Fest, featuring hundreds of new free playable demos! You can sign up for a reminder by visiting the Next Fest page now: https://store.steampowered.com/sale/nextfest
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‘…THIS PUCE-COLOURED COCKLESHELL […] HAS TO SPRING UP AGAIN WITH NEW QUESTIONS AND BEAUTIES WHEN EUROPE HAS DISPOSED OF ITS DIFFICULTIES…’
These were the words of Wyndham Lewis (1882-1957), editor of Blast, in his editorial piece published in the July 1915 issue (only the second issue) of the journal. About that issue, he said that it ‘finds itself surrounded by a multitude of other Blasts of all sizes and descriptions’.
Blast was the literary magazine of the Vorticist movement in Britain and it only survived two issues. The first issue came out only weeks before the beginning of the War, and the second came out a year later in 1915. It featured a woodcut by Lewis on the cover.
The vorticists were an avant-garde group formed in London in 1914 – with Wyndham Lewis as its founder – aiming towards an art that expressed the dynamism of the modern world. Vorticism was launched with the journal Blast which, within its content included manifestos ‘blasting’ the effeteness of British art and culture and proclaiming the vorticist aesthetic.
Vorticist painting combined Cubist fragmentation of reality with an imagery derived from the machine and the urban environment. In its embrace of dynamism, the machine age and all things modern, it is more closely related to Futurism.
Blast, issue 2, included designs by painter and illustrator Jessica Dismorr (1885-1939), artist and architect Frederick Etchells (1886-1973), artist and sculptor Henri Gaudier-Brzeska (1891-1915), painter Jacob Kramer (1892-1962), and by figure and landscape painter, etcher and lithographer, Christopher Richard Wynne Nevinson (1889-1946).
It also contained graphic contributions from the figure and portrait painter William Roberts (1895-1980), Helen Saunders [or Sanders] (1885-1963), Dorothy Shakespear (1886-1973) artist and wife of Ezra Pound, artist Edward Alexander Wadsworth (1889-1949), and also Wyndham Lewis.
Other contributions were made by Ezra Pound (1885-1972), Ford Madox Hueffer [Ford Madox Ford] (1873-1939), and T. S. Eliot (1888-1965).
It had been the unfolding human drama, the unimagined industrial scale of death borne out of the machine-age, and the absolute disaster of the War – known to that generation as the Great War – that came to drain the Vorticists of their creative zeal. The real war experience of Ford Madox Ford influenced his poem ‘The old houses of Flanders’.
Ford writes of the mournful eyes of the houses watching the ways of men, and of the rain and night settled down on Flanders; how the eyes look at great, sudden red lights and the golden rods of the illuminated rain; how the old eyes that have watched the ways of men for generations close for ever, and how the gables slant drunkenly over.
Unlike Ford, Helen Saunders had no first-hand knowledge of the trenches and the shell blasted Flanders but in her poem ‘A vision of mud’ she took the image of the mud of the trenches to describe a wider sense of foreboding and anxiety. She imagined what would happen to a body underground and about what it would feel like to drown in mud with eyes, nose, mouth and ears filled with it. She imagined the distortion of awareness, and how the body would swell and grow as it filled with mud. She described a muddy soup of bodies.
‘…There is mud all round […]
They fill my mouth with it. I am sick. They shovel it back again.
My eyes are full of it […]
It is pouring into me so that my body swells and grows heavier every minute […]
I have just discovered with what I think is disgust, that there are hundreds of other bodies bobbing about against me.
They also tap me underneath…’
The trenches were also described by Frenchman Henri Gaudier-Brzeska. He wrote:
Human masses teem and move, are destroyed and crop up again.
Horses are worn out in three weeks, die by the roadside.
Dogs wander, are destroyed, and others come along.
It had been Lewis’s hope that with the end of the War – when Europe had ‘disposed of its difficulties’ – Blast and the Vorticist movement would ‘spring up again with new questions’ in order to tackle the ‘serious mission’ that it would have ‘on the other side of World-War’.
The War brought Vorticism to an end for the reasons already described in paragraphs above, but in 1920 Lewis did make a brief attempt to revive it with ‘Group X’, a short lived group of British artists formed to provide a continuing focus for avant-garde art in Britain.
The real stories, real imagery, and real maimed victims of War – the horrors of War – had brought about a rejection of the avant-garde in favour of traditional art, and there was a ‘return to order’ and the more traditional approaches to art creation.
Nevertheless, the typography of the Vorticists possibly places them as important forerunners of the revolution in graphic design that occurred in the 1920s and 1930s.
A copy of Blast, Issue 2, July 1915, was re-discovered in the Papers of Archibald H. Campbell, a collection which had been undergoing preliminary listing.
Dr. Graeme D. Eddie, Assistant Librarian Archives & Manuscripts, Centre for Research Collections, Edinburgh University Library
Used in the construction of this blog-post, in addition to the issue of Blast (2) 1915, were: (1) ‘ Beyond the trenches’, Dr. Kate McLoughlin, in Research & teaching, Review 2013, pp.30-31, from Birkbeck web-pages [accessed 27 July 2016]; and, (2) ‘Vorticism’ and other pages on the website of the tate.org.uk [accessed 27 July 2016].
‘…AN ACCOUNT OF THE GREAT CONTEST NOW IN PROGRESS…’
On the approach of the 100th Anniversary of the Russian Revolutions, this second look at The Times History and Encyclopædia of the War, focuses on how the publication reported on Russia and Russian campaigns during the First World War. The blog-post nods towards the 100th Anniversary of the February Revolution 1917 – which led to the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II and which was followed by a second revolution a few months later in October 1917… and which also led to the independence of Finland.
Detailed accounts of the Eastern Front of the First World War can be read elsewhere, but this thumb-through of various issues and volumes of The Times History presents a brief description of reports and illustrations from the Front, and offers a countdown to the Russian Revolutions of February and October 1917.
In contrast to the Western Front stretching from the North Sea to Switzerland, the vast Eastern Front stretched from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea. While action in the west focussed on Luxembourg, Belgium and France, and involved the armies of the British and French Empires against Imperial Germany, action in the east stretched deep into Central Europe and involved the armies of Imperial Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire (the Central Powers) against Imperial Russia and Romania, providing ‘shatter’ to the region that would pale into insignificance in a second round of destruction in the early-1940s. There was of course a Southern Front in Europe too, pitching Italian forces against the Central Powers.
As the First World War opened, the Central Powers were met with a war on two fronts. On the Eastern Front, the Russian army attempted an invasion of East Prussia, striking the historical and ancestral heartlands of the German Empire. The Russians achieved some success initially but then they were beaten back at the Battle of Tannenberg in late-August 1914, with Imperial Germany securing the routes to its ports of Danzig (Gdansk, now in Poland) and of Königsberg (Kaliningrad, now a Russian exclave on the Baltic).
Tannenberg saw the near complete destruction of the Russian 2nd Army, and a series of follow-up battles around the Masurian Lakes destroyed most of the Russian 1st Army as well, and knocked the country off balance until early-1915.
Early Russian defeats fell on the shoulders of the Minister of War, Vladimir Alexander Sukhomlinov, who was forced out of office in 1915 and replaced by Infantry General Alexei Andreyevich Polivanov.
Although the Russians achieved successes in Galicia (now part of western Ukraine), and in the Carpathian Mountains, by mid-1915 they had been pushed out of ‘Russian Poland’ so removing the threat – at this very early point in the war as it would unfold – of any Russian invasion of Imperial Germany or Austria-Hungary.
This ‘Great Retreat’ by Imperial Russia from Polish territory – carved up between themselves, Austria-Hungary, and Prussia back in the 18th century – was a severe blow to Russian morale.
Polivanov, the new Minister of War, started transforming the Russian army’s training system and tried with limited success to improve its supply and communications systems. Army losses in manpower were easily filled from the vastness of the Empire.
The huge size of the Russian population and the loyalty of large swathes of the people to the Tsar and to the Russian Orthodox Church – and thus to the protection of ‘Holy Russia’ with the Tsar at its head – meant that a formal draft of able-bodied men was unnecessary. Instead, the government of Nicholas II released pamphlets encouraging people to buy government bonds to fund the war with rates for the loans standardised at 51⁄2% return per month.
In August 1915 Polivanov became aware of the plan by the Tsar to replace his Romanov relation Grand Duke Nikolay Nikolayevich as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and to himself lead the Russian armies at the front, and made strenuous efforts to persuade him not to. This was in vain, and in 1915 Nicholas II took personal command of the Russian armed forces and spent long periods at Mogilev (now in eastern Belarus) as Commander-in-Chief hundreds of miles from events unfolding in the capital… events on the home front.
Polivanov’s efforts to prevent the Tsar from taking control helped alienate him from the Tsarina, who then conspired to have him sacked. This was achieved when the Tsar dismissed the Minister of War in March 1916.
On the home front, opposition and revolutionary sentiment was increasing. There were disruptions to the fuel supply, inflation was escalating, the price of meat, sugar and firewood was increasing, and there were continuous shortages of flour and coal. Added to these problems were the difficulties caused by refugees fleeing east, deeper into Russia, both from the army’s own scorched-earth policy entailing the destruction of entire villages and the indiscriminate forced removal of civilians, and from territories that had become controlled by the enemy.
With the collapse of food supplies, and with growing food queues, the breakdown of authority on the home front began to accelerate. Strikes and street demonstrations broke out in the first few days of March 1917 (towards the end of February in the old-style Julian calendar still retained in Russia). On 8 March strikers were joined in their protests by those celebrating International Women’s Day and those protesting against food rationing. On 9 March some 200,000 people were on the streets of Petrograd (St. Petersburg) demanding the end of the war and the abdication of the Tsar.
On 10 March, from his front-line base at Mogilev the Tsar requested the Petrograd garrison commander to disperse the crowds with gunfire but this was met with reluctance among the soldiers. Rioting broke out and on 11 March the Tsar ordered suppression of the rioting by force. This was met with mutiny and by nightfall of 12 March, the Russian Imperial capital was in the hands of revolutionaries. Army Chiefs and government Ministers advised the Tsar to abdicate the throne, and this he did on 15 March 1917.
On 16 March, a centre-left Provisional Government was announced and it was headed by the liberal Prince Georgy Yevgenyevich Lvov (1861-1925), although socialists had formed a rival body a few days earlier – the Petrograd Soviet (the Petrograd Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies). In a power-sharing agreement, the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet held ‘Dual Authority’.
Meanwhile the Russian communist revolutionary Vladimir Ulyanov Ilyich Lenin arrived in Petrograd in April 1917 and immediately began to undermine the Provisional Government, calling for ‘all power to the soviets’ (not simply dual power) and an end to the ‘predatory imperialist war’. Lenin did not have widespread support, even among Bolsheviks, and during the spontaneous armed demonstrations by soldiers and industrial workers – protests during the ‘July Days’ – he was unable to direct them into a organised coup against the government. Lenin was forced to flee to Finland and other Bolsheviks were arrested.
One outcome of the ‘July Days’ however was the replacement of Lvov as head of government. He was replaced by Alexander Kerensky of the Socialist Revolutionary Party. Kerensky declared freedom of speech, ended capital punishment, released thousands of political prisoners and did his best to maintain Russian involvement in the War.
The ‘July Days’ unrest had been precipitated by continued Russian involvement in the War. Nevertheless, in an ill-timed move, Kerensky ordered a new military offensive in July 1917 – the ‘Kerensky Offensive’, or ‘July Offensive’. It was led by General Brusilov, aided by Romania forces, and was launched against Austro-Hungarian and Imperial German armies in Galicia. The offensive was initially successful but Russian losses soon mounted and their advance collapsed. They were met with a counter-attack and in the end had to retreat around 240 kilometres. Mutiny and demoralisation within the Russian military had also played a part in the collapse.
The events of July, coupled with continued military defeat and striking and unrest in the cities, encouraged a resurgence of right-wing forces. In August 1917, with Kerensky’s agreement initially, General Lavr Kornilov, Commander-in-Chief of the Provisional Government forces, directed an army to Petrograd with the intention of restoring order to the country. However fearing an army putsch Kerensky reversed his agreement for this, but Kornilov pressed forward with his plans anyway. Kerensky was forced to turn to the Petrograd Soviet for help, the outcome of which was the rearming of the Bolshevik Military Organization and the release of Bolshevik political prisoners, including Leon Trotsky. Bolsheviks, Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries confronted Kornilov and convinced the army to stand down.
The ‘Kornilov Affair’, was followed by renewed military action and the fleeing of Russian forces from Riga (now capital of Latvia) when the city was attacked and captured by advancing German troops in September 1917. Throughout September and October there were mass strike actions by the Moscow and Petrograd workers, miners in Donbas, metalworkers in the Urals, oil workers in Baku, textile workers in the Central Industrial Region, and railway workers throughout the Russian network. More than a million workers took part in strikes, and workers took control over production and distribution in many factories and plants in a social revolution. In September, Lenin had returned to Petrograd too.
On 7 November 1917 (or 25 October in the old-style Julian calendar) the Bolsheviks led their forces in the uprising in Petrograd against the Kerensky Government – the October Revolution. On 6 December 1917, Finland – an Imperial Russian Grand Duchy since 1809 and before that part of a greater Sweden from the 12th and 13th centuries – declared itself independent. After the revolutions, both countries would undergo deeply rending civil wars.
A further look at The Times History and Encyclopædia of the War will be taken in the next few months… possibly looking at reporting by the publication on heavy industry and armaments.
Dr. Graeme D. Eddie, Assistant Librarian Archives & Manuscripts, Centre for Research Collections (CRC)
‘…AN ACCOUNT OF THE GREAT CONTEST NOW IN PROGRESS…’
Printed and published by The Times newspaper, The Times History and Encyclopaedia of the War was a British weekly periodical first issued on 25 August 1914, only three weeks after the outbreak of war on 4 August. In the Preface to the first issue, the object of the enterprise was defined.
The Preface claimed that it would be ‘an account of the great contest now in progress’, and it would be ‘at once popular and authoritative’. It would be ‘popular in the best sense of the word’, and discuss the political factors which have led up to the crisis’, and serve ‘as a work of reference’.
As far as writing was concerned, the publisher spoke of its ‘staff of foreign correspondents […] celebrated for the knowledge and insight into political and social conditions’. These correspondents had made ‘the foreign pages of The Times the most accurate review of current foreign affairs published in any paper in the world’. The Times had ‘succeeded in obtaining the services of writers well versed in Military and Naval affairs and foreign political matters’.
The Times History and Encyclopaedia of the War was to be issued ‘weekly in sevenpenny parts’ (7d in 1914 being roughly £3.00 in 2016), and thirteen parts were to form one volume. Special bindings were to be offered ‘in three different qualities’ – cloth, half leather, and full leather – to be ‘sold by every bookseller’. Modern 2016 prices for these various ‘qualities’ would be cloth £7.75, half leather £14.25, and full leather £26, roughly.
The weekly parts would also carry advertisements within the covers, and not just for The Times own products such as its binders, a weekly edition of the newspaper, a war atlas etc. Here is an advertisement for a tobacco – Player’s Navy Mixture – which was a ‘Combination of Bright Virginia, Louisiana perique, Latakia, and other scarce Eastern Tobacco’…:
At first, the publication was known as The Times History of the War but as the war progressed it would be known by the much more descriptive title of The Times History and Encyclopædia of the War. The earlier Parts 1-63 used the earlier title, and Parts 64-273 formed the later title. By war’s end the history/encyclopaedia would consist of twenty-one volumes. The individual parts of Volumes 1-21 were issued from 25 August 1914 to 27 July 1920, and Volume 22, published in 1921, formed a general index.
The earliest component parts featured graphic work on the front covers of the individual issues. Those in Volumes 1 and 2 featured the German Emperor, George V, Earl Kitchener, Field-Marshall Sir John French, Lt-Gen. Sir Douglas Haig, Peter I, General Gallieni, and Nicholas II, amongst others. The front cover was not always a statesman or military figure though…:
Refugees fleeing assault on their communities were featured on a front cover in Volume 1, and in Volume 2 a cover features an enlistment poster ‘appealing’ for recruits after attacks on the east coast of England. It was an appeal to the ‘Women of Scarbro’ (Scarborough) to help ‘avenge slaughter of the innocent women and children’ of the town and ‘encourage’ men to ‘Enlist at Once’…
The Preface to the first issue also commented on its maps. These were to be reproduced from those appearing in the pages of the daily newspaper – The Times – though ‘in some cases special maps will be prepared for particular purposes’. It went on, ‘special pains have been taken to secure their accuracy in every particular’.
An insert world map appended to Part 23 (February 1915), Volume 2, showed ‘the combination of powers and principal events of the first months of the war’. The map impressed on the reader how global the war had become, with naval action around the Falkland Islands in December 1914, naval action in the south eastern Pacific off Chile, and actions in south western Africa and west Africa.
The same map showed action taking place in Cyprus, Egypt, and Basra (then simply a city in the Ottoman Empire, rather than in the yet to be configured Iraq), and action in the Indian and western Pacific Oceans, and in China.
Very early in the work too, it would become clear to the reader how ‘modern’ and ‘industrial’ warfare had become. The issues would feature pictures of aeroplanes of all warring parties, the siege howitzer and other heavy artillery, airships…:
and bombing…:
A further look at the content of The Times History and Encyclopædia of the War will be taken in the next few months.
Dr. Graeme D. Eddie, Assistant Librarian Archives & Manuscripts, Centre for Research Collections (CRC)
EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY MEDICAL STUDENT… SERVED WITH ROYAL ARMY MEDICAL CORPS (RAMC)… BECAME ADVISOR ON ‘WAR NEUROSIS’ AND SHELL SHOCK TO THE BRITISH WAR OFFICE…
William Aldren Turner was born in Edinburgh, 5 May 1864. He was the son of the Principal of Edinburgh University, Sir William Turner, and his wife Agnes. The younger Turner was educated at Fettes College, and then he studied at Edinburgh University as a medical student. He graduated as M.B., C.M., with first-class honours, in 1887, and then completed a term as house physician at Edinburgh Royal Infirmary.
He also studied as a postgraduate in Berlin and at St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, London. He was awarded his M.D. in 1892.
In 1892 Turner was appointed as an assistant to David Ferrier (1843-1928), and as a demonstrator and then lecturer in neuropathology, at King’s College, London. In 1896 be was made a Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians (London), and in 1899 he was elected assistant physician to King’s College Hospital. Nine years later he became physician in charge of neurological cases and lecturer on neurology.
For six years he was also on the staff of the National Hospital for the Paralysed and Epileptic. He published Epilepsy, a Study of the Idiopathic Disease (1907), and with Grainger Stewart, a Textbook of Nervous Diseases (1910). He married Helen Mary Mackenzie in 1909.
As a Territorial officer in the Royal Army Medical Corps (RAMC), Turner had been rushed to France in December 1914 as a temporary Lieutenant-Colonel (Special Duty) when it became clear that ‘nervous and mental shock’ casualties were multiplying. He was one of the few doctors at the National Hospital with first-hand experience of casualties in France.
As a consultant both at King’s College Hospital and the National Hospital, he was responsible for devising a management strategy for shell shock and in January 1915 (through to 1919) he was appointed consultant neurologist to the War Office. He was created C.B. in 1917, the same year he was elevated to Colonel.
Turner acted as neurologist to the War Office Medical Board from 1919 to 1943 – the principal advisor to the government in these matters – and from 1930 to 1943 as consultant adviser to the Ministry of Pensions.
In 1921 he was awarded the King Albert Medal (Koning Albert Medaille / Médaille du Roi Albert) by Belgium. This was a medal established by Belgian royal decree on 7 April 1919 and it was awarded to both Belgians and foreigners who were exceptionally meritorious in promoting, organising or administering humanitarian and charitable work that assisted Belgians in need during the First World War.
In recognition of valuable services rendered during the War, he was also presented with an award by the British Red Cross and the Order of St. John of Jerusalem in England, and in 1919 he was given an OBE.
Dr. William Aldren Turner had been one of the leading epileptologists of his time and he had an abiding interest in prognosis and treatment and the value of institutional care. He died on 29 July 1945.
Dr. Graeme D. Eddie, Assistant Librarian Archives and Manuscripts, Centre for Research Collections
Utilised in the construction of this blog post were: ‘Lives of the Fellows’, Munk’s Roll, Vol.IV., Royal College of Physicians; ‘Shell shock Revisited: An Examination of the Case Records of the National Hospital in London’, in Medical History 2014 Oct; 58(4): 519–545, by Stefanie Caroline Linden, and Edgar Jones; and, last but not least, collection items from the Quatercentenary Collection (Box 16), CRC.
IN HIS WORK BUCHAN FAILED TO TELL HIS READERS THAT THERE HAD BEEN OVER 57,000 CASUALTIES ON THE FIRST DAY ALONE
The end of this week sees the 100th anniversary of the ending of the Battle of Albert (1–13 July 1916) which comprised the first two weeks of Anglo-French offensive operations in the Battle of the Somme.
Also known as the Somme Offensive, the Battle of the Somme was a battle of the First World War between the forces of the British and French Empires on one side and the German Empire on the other.
It took place on the upper reaches of the River Somme (Picardy, France) in three major phases and several battles between July and November 1916: at Albert, Bazentin Ridge, Fromelles, Delville Wood, Pozières Ridge, Guillemont, Ginchy, Flers-Courcelette, Morval, Transloy Ridge, Thiepval Ridge, Ancre Heights, and at Ancre. During the battles the use of air power proved important, and the Offensive also saw the first use of the armoured tank as a weapon. By the end of the fighting on the Somme, the British Army had lost over 400,000 men for an advance of a mere six miles. Between all belligerents, over 1,000,000 were killed or wounded.
Although these losses were huge, in his work The Battle of the Somme (1916) John Buchan, author, and later on governor-general of Canada (1935-37) and Chancellor of Edinburgh University (1937-40), described the Somme Offensive as so successful that it marked the end of the trench war and the start of a campaign in the open.
Buchan had been recruited by the War Propaganda Bureau and was asked to organise the publication of a history of the war in the form of a monthly magazine. Unable to persuade others to help him with the project, Buchan decided to tackle it alone, publishing through Thomas Nelson & Sons Ltd. The first instalment appeared in February 1915 in Nelson’s History of the War. Profits and Buchan’s own royalties were donated to war charities.
Later, in the spring 1915, Buchan became attached to the Army as a journalist, and was given responsibility for providing articles for The Times and the Daily News, and he covered the second Battle of Ypres and the Battle of Loos. From June 1916 he was drafting communiqués for Haig and others at General Headquarters Staff (GHQ), and his rank also provided him with the documents needed to write the Nelson’s History of the War.
Buchan’s close relationship with Britain’s military leaders made it extremely difficult for him to include any critical comments about the way the war was being fought, and his History of the War provided the public with a completely false impression of what was happening at the Front. Indeed in 1915 Buchan was telling his readers that Germany was on the edge of defeat.
A series of pamphlets was written by Buchan and these – works of propaganda – were published by the Oxford University Press. He wrote: Britain’s land war (1915); The achievements of France (1915); and, The Battle of Jutland (1916). Also published in 1916 was his work The Battle of the Somme.
In his work, The Battle of the Somme, Buchan claimed that the battle of the Somme was an Allied victory and that it would enable Britain to use its superior cavalry. What Buchan did not tell his readers was that of the 110,000 British soldiers making the assault, over 57,000 became casualties, and 20,000 were killed. As said earlier, by the end of the fighting the British Army alone had lost over 400,000 men for an advance of a mere six miles, and between all belligerents, over 1,000,000 were killed or wounded.
The map and sketch in this post (from Buchan’s book) show that area of the Somme region of France where the Battle played out. Some of the the most important monuments and some of the largest cemeteries (and many small ones) looked after by the Commonwealth War Graves Commission (CWGC) and of course Volksbund Deutsche Kriegsgräberfürsorge (VDK) are located within the areas shown: Thiepval Memorial; Ulster Memorial Tower; the Lochnagar mine crater at La Boisselle; McRae’s Battalion Great War Memorial at Contalmaison; Courcelette Memorial, a Canadian war memorial (fighting at Flers-Courcelette saw the first use of tanks on the battlefield… on the Somme); and, at cemeteries such as that of Vermandovillers German Military Cemetery and Fricourt German Military Cemetery, and at the small CWGC cemetery at Dernancourt near Albert.
Buchan’s Battle of the Somme, published 1916 by T. Nelson, London, can be requested at Centre for Research Collections, Special Collections, and read in the Reading Room there. It has shelfmark: S.B. .9(40427) Buc.
Dr. Graeme D. Eddie, Assistant Librarian Archives & Manuscripts, Edinburgh University Library
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https://publisher.abc-clio.com/9781851099658/5
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CLIO eBooks
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2080
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https://www.academia.edu/74971255/Offensive_Gorlice_Tarnow
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(PDF) Offensive, Gorlice-Tarnow
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"Richard Lein",
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2022-03-30T00:00:00
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The Gorlice-Tarnów Offensive of May/June 1915 was a major military success for Austria-Hungary and Germany on the Eastern Front. Following the joint campaign of the Central Powers, the Russian army had to beat a retreat along a wide front and was
|
https://www.academia.edu/74971255/Offensive_Gorlice_Tarnow
|
As a German historian recently remarked, for Germany Adolf Hitler was the “off-spring,” the outstanding legacy, of World War I, and no one doubts that.1 He himself started his political career in 1919 in the wake of a lost war and the crushing peace of Versailles. That treaty reduced Germany’s territory by 14 percent and its population by 6.5 million citizens. It created for Germany large minorities outside its new borders and for the time being an unlimited reparations liability.2 Hitler’s rise to dictatorship is unthinkable without the humiliation and misery that resulted for the German people out of their defeat. And still: was he bound to become the war’s nemesis in destroying the Weimar Republic? This article thus asks the question whether Hitler’s rise to power from Germany’s defeat to the proclamation of the Third Reich was inevitable. For that purpose the ways in which Germans tried to come to terms with their defeat and the war’s legacies will be discussed. As an illustration the article focuses on two highly popular political doctrines, both legacies of the war of its own—both in different ways denying the hopelessness of Germany’s military situation at the end of the war. These were: (1) the doctrine of the so-called “stab-in-the-back” (Dolchstoss); and (2) the doctrine of the so-called “war guilt lie” (Kriegsschuldlüge). At its conclusion, this analysis will raise the question as to whether Hitler’s exploitation of these two doctrines immediately led to his dictatorship. (1) The stab-in-the-back doctrine first was foreshadowed, when, on October 3, 1918, the German government requested an armistice with the Allies and peace negotiations on the basis of the peace program that President Woodrow Wilson had propagated. To the German public this move was an absolutely shattering surprise. Until then the German High Command had failed to admit the increasing seriousness of Germany’s military position resulting from strategic overstretch and military exhaustion.3 Instead, all the public had perceived was that the German troops fighting in France had protected them against the direct experience of war and that in the East Germany's predominance extended as far as the Caucasus Mountains. How then could Germany’s bid be explained?4 Could it be that the million-fold sacrifice of lives had been in vain? The gap that throughout the war had yawned between far-flung popular hopes and the grim military reality thus deepened even further. Other, non military reasons, it was believed, must have been behind Germany’s sudden giving up. The German military command concealed what it had confessed to the political leadership in Berlin—that it feared German troops in France were on the verge of being routed. To avoid a public loss of face, it claimed that nonmilitary reasons lay behind Germany’s critical military situation. Ludendorff, the de facto highest commander of Germany’s troops, concocted an explanation by inventing the stab-in-the-back doctrine. Germany had sued for an armistice, he asserted in a confidential talk with his officers, because it had become impossible to continue the war. This was due to the “poison” of Marxist–Socialist propaganda that had undermined the soldiers’ resolution to go on fighting and made them “unreliable,” although the chances of a successful defense, if not victory, continued to be good.5 Ludendorff’s statement initiated a lengthy process of political onus shifting between military and civil authorities, between the Right and the Left, regarding the responsibility for the military disaster that was threatening their country.6 Actually, the antecedents of this doctrine went further back—well into the fall of 1916. At that point, under the impression of a precarious military situation during the battle of the Somme, the first doubts arose in Germany regarding the prospects of a victory. A heated controversy about the war’s purpose and Germany’s war aims broke out. The military leadership and the exponents of the nationalist right kept insisting that a total victory was indispensable that would ensure sizable annexations, improve Germany’s geopolitical position, and entail a reward for the sacrifices the German people had made. Significantly, it was also held that only the perspective of a total victory would maintain morale at home and at the front.7 The forces of the German Center and Left, not least Labor, on the other hand, pressed for a peace of accommodation based on a military tie as the only realistic way out of a war that Germany apparently could not win. The real reward of the war seemed to be liberal reforms in Prussia and the Empire.8 On July 19, 1917, a majority of the German Reichstag passed a resolution demanding just that.9 To the rightist die-hards this amounted to outright treason subverting the public morale. According to the Right, internal reforms could not be a substitute for military victory.10
|
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2080
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https://www.amazon.co.uk/56th-Infantry-Brigade-D-Day-Independent/dp/1441119086
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en
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2080
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dbpedia
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3
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https://longwaytotipperary.ul.ie/timeline/
|
en
|
It's a Long Way To Tipperary
|
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] | null |
[] |
2014-05-12T12:43:28+01:00
|
en
|
It's a Long Way To Tipperary - An Irish Story of the Great War
|
https://longwaytotipperary.ul.ie/timeline/
|
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2080
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dbpedia
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| 90 |
https://understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-october-3-2023
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en
|
Russian Offensive Campaign Assessment, October 3, 2023
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Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu celebrated an odd group of Russian armed formations operating in the western Zaporizhia Oblast direction during a conference call with Russian military leadership. Shoigu’s choice of units could indicate he seeks to
|
en
|
https://understandingwar.org/sites/default/themes/isw/isw.ico
|
Institute for the Study of War
|
https://understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-october-3-2023
|
Kateryna Stepanenko, Grace Mappes, Angelica Evans, Christina Harward, and Mason Clark
October 3, 2023, 8:40pm ET
Click here to see ISW’s interactive map of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. This map is updated daily alongside the static maps present in this report.
Click here to access ISW’s archive of interactive time-lapse maps of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. These maps complement the static control-of-terrain map that ISW produces daily by showing a dynamic frontline. ISW will update this time-lapse map archive monthly.
Note: The data cut-off for this product was 2:30pm ET on October 3. ISW will cover subsequent reports in the October 4 Russian Offensive Campaign Assessment.
Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu celebrated an odd group of Russian armed formations operating in the western Zaporizhia Oblast direction during a conference call with Russian military leadership. Shoigu’s choice of units could indicate he seeks to highlight Russian commanders who continue to follow Russian military leadership’s orders for relentless counterattacks. Shoigu attributed successful Russian defensive operations around Robotyne (10km south of Orikhiv) and Verbove (18km southeast of Orikhiv) to elements of the Russian 70th Guards Motorized Rifle Regiment (42nd Motorized Rifle Division, 58th Combined Arms Army [CAA], Southern Military District), 56th Air Assault (VDV) Regiment (7th VDV Division), 810th Naval Infantry Brigade (Black Sea Fleet), and the 291st Guards Artillery Brigade (58th CAA, SMD) during a Russian military command meeting on October 3.[1] Shoigu did not highlight other formations that are routinely credited for maintaining the Robotyne-Verbove line such as the 108th VDV Regiment (7th VDV Division) or the 247th VDV Regiment (7th VDV Division).[2]
The Russian Ministry of Defense (MoD) has routinely deliberately snubbed or amplified the achievements of certain commanders in order to achieve Shoigu or the Russian military command’s political objectives.[3] While it is possible that Shoigu simply wanted to celebrate only a few formations, Shoigu may have highlighted some of these formations for political reasons. Some Russian milbloggers recently indicated that Russian commanders are increasingly facing a choice between either “wasting” their troops in counterattacks to hold tactical positions, or standing up to the Russian military command by retreating to previously prepared positions, thereby risking their careers.[4] One Russian frontline unit commander also indicated that Commander of Russian VDV Forces Colonel General Mikhail Teplinsky previously helped a degraded VDV formation avoid resuming counterattacks in the Bakhmut direction, and Shoigu could be snubbing formations who are advocating for tactical retreats to prepared defensive positions.[5]
Some of the formations Shoigu highlighted have been consistently counterattacking on the Robotyne-Verbove line to their detriment. ISW observed on September 26 that elements of the 70th Guards Motorized Rifle Regiment and other formations of the 58th CAA (likely including the 291st Guards Artillery Brigade) continued to counterattack near Novoprokopivka (13km south of Orikhiv) despite their likely degraded state.[6] ISW also assessed that the involvement of the 70th Guards Motorized Rifle Regiment in these counterattacks suggests that the combat capabilities of active elements of the 7th VDV Division are significantly degraded and that these VDV elements can no longer conduct all counterattacks along the entire Ukrainian breach in the Orikhiv direction.[7] Military police of the 70th Guards Motorized Rifle Regiment were recently involved in an interethnic altercation with personnel of an element of the 71st Motorized Rifle Regiment (42nd Motorized Rifle Division).[8] Ukrainian intelligence reported that the Ukrainian counteroffensive in western Zaporizhia Oblast had “completely defeated” the 810th Naval Infantry Brigade and that the brigade had been withdrawn.[9] ISW has not observed the broader Russian information space discuss the 810th Naval Infantry Brigade’s combat operations since early to mid-September.[10] A Russian milblogger that advocates for Teplinsky claimed that elements of the 56th VDV Regiment have been consistently counterattacking from their vulnerable positions in Novofedorivka (18km southeast of Orikhiv) and that the commander of the regiment was facing a decision to either counterattack or withdraw to previously prepared positions.[11]
The Russian MoD signaled its support for Chechen units fighting in Ukraine amid a recent controversy surrounding interethnic tensions in the Russian government, military, and information space. Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu personally thanked Chechen Head Ramzan Kadyrov for overseeing the formation of three motorized rifle regiments and three motorized rifle battalions in Chechnya during a conference with Russian military leadership on October 3.[12] Shoigu claimed that these Chechen units have “proven themselves worthy” in the war in Ukraine and that over 14,500 Russian military personnel have undergone training at the Russian Special Forces University in Gudermes, Chechnya, before deploying to Ukraine. Kadyrov claimed on October 2 that over 30,000 Chechens have deployed to Ukraine, including over 14,000 volunteers.[13] Shoigu’s public praise of Kadyrov and Chechen units indicates the Russian MoD’s support for these units amid growing interethnic tension, as well as in the context of recent controversy in the Russian information space over statements by the Chairperson of the “Patriots of Russia” political party and the State Duma Committee of Nationalities Gennady Semigin about the superiority of Chechen “Akhmat” forces over regular Russian forces.[14]
The Kremlin also publicly indicated its support for Kadyrov’s style of rule in Chechnya following significant public outcry against Kadyrov and his son. Kadyrov stated on October 2 that he supported a proposal by Chechen Republic Prime Minister Muslim Khuchiev to appoint Kadyrov’s 24-year-old daughter, current Chechen Minister of Culture Aishat Kadyrova, as Deputy Prime Minister for Social Issues.[15] Kadyrov further stated on October 3 that he presented Kadyrova with the People’s Artist of Chechnya award and a Second Class Civilian Medal of the Order “For Merit to the Fatherland,” which Russian President Vladimir Putin conferred on Kadyrova in September.[16] Kremlin Spokesperson Dmitry Peskov responded to questions about Kadyrova’s appointment, stating that regional appointments are at the “prerogative of the head of the region” and that “Kadyrov is using his prerogative.”[17] The Kremlin’s deferral to Kadyrov’s recent decisions surrounding his daughter and Chechen government affairs comes after a controversy regarding Kadyrov’s praise for his son, Adam Kadyrov, who beat a detained man accused of burning a Quran. This comes despite prominent members of the Russian Human Rights Council calling for the investigation into Adam Kadyrov for the beating.[18] Both the Kremlin and MoD’s public responses on October 3 indicate that the Russian government will likely not punish Semigin, Ramzon Kadyrov, or Adam Kadyrov.
Russian President Vladimir Putin is reportedly preparing to announce his (certain to win) presidential campaign in November 2023, and reportedly intends to discuss the war in Ukraine as little as is necessary in political messaging. Russian outlet Kommersant reported on October 3 that sources close to the Russian Presidential Administration stated that Putin may announce his campaign during or shortly after the opening of the “Rossiya” international exhibition and forum on November 4.[19] Kommersant’s sources claimed that the main ideological line of Putin’s campaign will be Russia as a “family of families” being attacked by its enemies and that Putin’s campaign will only discuss the war in Ukraine “exactly as much as necessary.” ISW has previously observed that Russian officials, particularly those affiliated with Putin’s United Russia party, appear concerned with the impacts the war will have on the electorate during local and regional elections.[20] Russian news outlet RBK reported that the Kremlin is compiling a list of “proxies” to campaign for Putin ahead of the March 2024 presidential elections.[21] These “proxies” must meet several criteria, including: expressing public support for Putin and the war in Ukraine; having a high level of recognition and respect in their communities; having public speaking skills and debate experience; and being involved in religion, the military, education, or other specified public spheres. Concerns within the Kremlin and United Russia over domestic support for the war and efforts to increase public support for Putin are not indications that United Russia or Putin’s dominance of Russian politics faces a legitimate threat in the upcoming presidential election.
A Reuters report published on October 3 stated that Russian forces have embedded “Storm-Z” units within conventional Russian units to conduct costly counterattacks against Ukrainian gains in key sectors of the front. Reuters reported that the Storm-Z units are composed of 100-150 personnel, including both civilian penal recruits and Russian soldiers under punishment, are embedded within conventional Russian military units, and deploy to the most exposed parts of the front.[22] Reuters estimated that Russia has currently deployed at least several hundred personnel to the front line in various “Storm-Z” units. Reuters interviewed multiple Russian soldiers, including fighters in “Storm-Z” units, which the Russian military command reportedly views as lesser than conventional military units. The Russian soldiers told Reuters that the Russian military command sends Russian soldiers to serve in the “Storm-Z” units after they commit acts of disobedience, including insubordination or drinking alcohol. Reuters reported that the Storm-Z units have sustained heavy losses, and one soldier embedded in the 237th Guards Air Assault Regiment (76th Airborne [VDV] Division) reportedly stated that his “Storm-Z” unit of 120 personnel lost all but 15 personnel while fighting near Bakhmut in June 2023. The Russian MoD has never formally confirmed the existence of the “Storm-Z” units, and ISW first reported on the existence of these “Storm-Z” units in April 2023.[23]
Ukrainian forces continued offensive operations near Bakhmut and in western Zaporizhia Oblast on October 3. The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Ukrainian forces conducted offensive operations in the Melitopol (western Zaporizhia Oblast) direction and offensive actions in the Bakhmut direction.[24] Russian sources claimed that Ukrainian forces continued ground attacks near Klishchiivka (7km southwest of Bakhmut) and Andriivka (10km south of Bakhmut) south of Bakhmut and on the Kopani-Robotyne-Verbove line (11-18km southwest to southeast of Orikhiv) in western Zaporizhia Oblast.[25]
Russian forces conducted a series of drone and missile strikes against Ukraine on the night of October 2 to 3. The Ukrainian General Staff reported on October 3 that Ukrainian air defenses downed 29 of 31 Shahed drones and one Iskander-M cruise missile targeting Mykolaiv and Dnipropetrovsk oblasts.[26] Russian sources, including the Russian MoD, claimed that Russian forces struck an industrial enterprise near Pavlohrad, Dnipropetrovsk Oblast.[27]
The Armenian Parliament ratified the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) Rome Statute on October 3.[28] Armenia joins six other former Soviet countries in ratifying the Rome Statute: Georgia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, the Republic of Moldova, and Tajikistan.[29] Kremlin Spokesperson Dmitry Peskov called Armenia’s decision to ratify the Rome Statue an “incorrect step” from the perspective of Russo-Armenian relations.[30]
Key Takeaways:
Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu celebrated an odd group of Russian armed formations operating in the western Zaporizhia Oblast direction during a conference call with Russian military leadership.
Shoigu’s choice of units could indicate he seeks to highlight Russian commanders who continue to follow Russian military leadership’s orders for relentless counterattacks.
The Russian Ministry of Defense (MoD) signaled its support for both Chechen units in Ukraine and Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov amid a recent controversy surrounding interethnic tensions in the Russian government, military, and information space.
Russian President Vladimir Putin is reportedly preparing to announce his (certain to win) presidential campaign in November 2023, and reportedly intends to discuss the war in Ukraine as little as is necessary in political messaging.
A Reuters report published on October 3 stated that Russian forces have embedded “Storm-Z” units within conventional Russian units to conduct costly counterattacks against Ukrainian gains in key sectors of the front.
Ukrainian forces continued offensive operations near Bakhmut and in western Zaporizhia Oblast on October 3.
Russian forces conducted a series of drone and missile strikes against Ukraine on the night of October 2 to 3.
The Armenian Parliament ratified the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) Rome Statute on October 3.
Russian forces conducted offensive operations along the Kupyansk-Svatove-Kreminna line, near Bakhmut, along the Avdiivka-Donetsk City line, in the Donetsk-Zaporizhia Oblast border area, and in western Zaporizhia Oblast and reportedly advanced in some areas.
The Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) is reportedly investigating Kursk Oblast Governor Roman Starovoit, likely in an attempt to remove government officials with connections to deceased Wagner Group financier Yevgeny Prigozhin.
Russian opposition outlet Verstka revealed that almost half of all occupation officials of the senior and middle management levels in occupied Kherson, Zaporizhia, Donetsk, and Luhansk oblasts are from Russia.
We do not report in detail on Russian war crimes because these activities are well-covered in Western media and do not directly affect the military operations we are assessing and forecasting. We will continue to evaluate and report on the effects of these criminal activities on the Ukranian military and the Ukrainian population and specifically on combat in Ukrainian urban areas. We utterly condemn these Russian violations of the laws of armed conflict, Geneva Conventions, and humanity even though we do not describe them in these reports.
Russian Main Effort – Eastern Ukraine (comprised of two subordinate main efforts)
Russian Subordinate Main Effort #1 – Capture the remainder of Luhansk Oblast and push westward into eastern Kharkiv Oblast and encircle northern Donetsk Oblast
Russian Subordinate Main Effort #2 – Capture the entirety of Donetsk Oblast
Russian Supporting Effort – Southern Axis
Russian Mobilization and Force Generation Efforts
Activities in Russian-occupied areas
Russian Main Effort – Eastern Ukraine
Russian Subordinate Main Effort #1 – Luhansk Oblast (Russian objective: Capture the remainder of Luhansk Oblast and push westward into eastern Kharkiv Oblast and northern Donetsk Oblast)
Russian sources claimed that Ukrainian forces conducted localized attacks on the Kupyansk-Svatove-Kreminna line on October 3 but did not advance. Russian sources, including the Russian MoD, claimed that elements of the Russian Western Grouping of Forces repelled a Ukrainian attack in the Kupyansk direction, while elements of the Russian Central Grouping of Forces repelled Ukrainian attacks near Torske (14km west of Kreminna) and Hryhorivka (10km south of Kreminna) and in the Serebryanske forest area.[31]
Russian forces reportedly advanced in the Kupyansk and Kreminna directions and continued offensive operations along the Svatove-Kreminna line on October 3. A Russian news aggregator claimed that Russian forces advanced in the Kyslivka (20km southeast of Kupyansk) direction on October 2.[32] Geolocated footage published on October 3 indicated that Russian forces marginally advanced southwest of Kreminna.[33] The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Russian forces did not conduct offensive operations in the Kupyansk direction and unsuccessfully attacked near Makiivka (21km southwest of Svatove).[34] A Kremlin-affiliated milblogger also reported that Russian forces conducted unsuccessful attack near Makiivka.[35] Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu highlighted elements of the Russian 55th Separate Motorized Rifle Brigade (41st Combined Arms Army, Central Military District [CMD]) and the 228th Guards Motorized Rifle Regiment (90th Guards Tank Division, CMD) as operating in the Lyman direction.[36]
Russian Subordinate Main Effort #2 – Donetsk Oblast (Russian objective: Capture the entirety of Donetsk Oblast, the claimed territory of Russia’s proxies in Donbas)
Ukrainian forces conducted ground attacks near Bakhmut on October 3 but did not make any confirmed gains. The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Ukrainian forces continued offensive actions in the Bakhmut direction.[37] The Russian MoD claimed that Russian forces repelled Ukrainian attacks near Klishchiivka (7km southwest of Bakhmut).[38] A Russian milblogger claimed on October 2 that Ukrainian forces are gradually advancing near Klishchiivka and Andriivka (10km south of Bakhmut) in order to break through the Russian defense near the railway line.[39] A prominent Kremlin-affiliated Russian milblogger claimed on October 3 that Ukrainian forces heavily shell Russian frontline positions near Klishchiivka until Russian forces withdraw, enabling Ukrainian forces to advance.[40]
Russian forces continued ground attacks near Bakhmut on October 3 but did not make any confirmed gains. The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Russian forces unsuccessfully attacked near Andriivka.[41] A Russian milblogger claimed that Russian forces counterattacked in Andriivka but did not specify an outcome.[42] A Russian news aggregator claimed that Russian forces attacked south of Andriivka on October 2.[43] Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu highlighted the Russian 4th Motorized Rifle Brigade (Luhansk People‘s Republic [LNR] 2nd Army Corps), 11th Air Assault (VDV) Brigade, and 17th Artillery Brigade (likely a new unit) in a speech on October 3 as operating in the Soledar-Bakhmut direction.[44]
Russian sources claimed that Ukrainian forces conducted unsuccessful ground attacks along the Avdiivka-Donetsk City line on October 3. The Russian MoD claimed that Russian forces repelled Ukrainian attacks near Krasnohorivka (immediately west of Donetsk City) and in the Avdiivka and Marinka (on the western outskirts of Donetsk City) directions.[45] A Kremlin-affiliated Russian milblogger claimed that Ukrainian forces unsuccessfully attacked near Nevelske (immediately west of Donetsk City) on October 2.[46]
Russian forces conducted ground attacks along the Avdiivka-Donetsk City line on October 3 but did not make any confirmed gains. The Ukrainian General Staff claimed that Russian forces conducted unsuccessful attacks east of Stepove (8km northwest of Avdiivka) and near Avdiivka, Pervomaiske (11km southwest of Avdiivka), Krasnohorivka, Marinka, and Novomykhailivka (36km southwest of Avdiivka).[47] A Russian milblogger claimed that Russian forces also unsuccessfully attacked near Novokalynove (11km northwest of Avdiivka).[48] A Russian news aggregator claimed on October 2 that Russian forces attacked in the direction of Yurivka (20km northeast of Avdiivka) and advanced near Stepove.[49] A Russian milblogger claimed on October 3 that Russian forces increased the intensity and expanded the geographic area of their offensive operations in this sector of the front, though Russian forces likely lack the ability to sustain any increased tempo and intensity of offensive operations.[50]
Russian Supporting Effort – Southern Axis (Russian objective: Maintain frontline positions and secure rear areas against Ukrainian strikes)
Ukrainian forces continued offensive operations in the Donetsk-Zaporizhia Oblast border area but did not advance on October 3. Russian milbloggers claimed that Russian forces repelled Ukrainian ground attacks near Urozhaine (9km south of Velyka Novosilka) and Staromayorske (9km south of Velyka Novosilka) on October 2 and 3.[51] Russian military officials claimed that Russian forces repelled Ukrainian attacks near Pryyutne (15km southwest of Velyka Novosilka) on October 3.[52]
Russian sources claimed that Russian forces conducted a series of counterattacks and marginally advanced in the Donetsk-Zaporizhia Oblast border area on October 2 and 3. A prominent Russian milblogger claimed on October 2 that fighting intensified along the Urozhaine-Novodonetske line (9-18km south and southeast of Velyka Novosilka), and that Russian forces advanced 200 meters in depth and cleared an unspecified forest area east of Urozhaine.[53] The milblogger also claimed that Russian forces advanced towards the Hrusheva Gully (15km southwest of Velyka Novosilka) during a counterattack after repelling a Ukrainian attack in the area.[54] Another milblogger claimed that Russian forces attacked towards Staromayorske and Urozhaine from Pryyutne on October 3.[55] Another Russian milblogger claimed on October 3 that Russian forces achieved unspecified success towards Urozhaine.[56] The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Ukrainian forces repelled Russian attacks near Staromayorske and Rivnopil (8km southwest of Velyka Novosilka).[57]
Ukrainian forces continued offensive operations in western Zaporizhia Oblast but did not advance on October 3. A Russian milblogger claimed on October 3 that Ukrainian forces attacked Russian positions on the Kopani-Robotyne-Verbove line (11-18km southwest to the southeast of Orikhiv) and that heavy fighting is ongoing on this line.[58] The milblogger claimed that Ukrainian forces unsuccessfully attacked near Verbove.[59] Russian sources claimed on October 2 and 3 that Ukrainian forces attacked near Novoprokopivka (13km south of Orikhiv).[60] Another Russian milblogger claimed on October 2 that Russian and Ukrainian forces engaged in meeting engagements across the front line near Robotyne (10km south of Orikhiv).[61]
Russian forces continued offensive operations in western Zaporizhia Oblast and reportedly advanced on October 3. A Russian milblogger claimed that Russian forces spoiled a Ukrainian attack near Verbove (18km southeast of Orikhiv) and instead counterattacked near Robotyne, advancing several hundred meters near Robotyne and Verbove overnight on October 2-3 and on the morning of October 3.[62] Russian sources claimed on October 2 and 3 that Russian forces conducted a counterattack near Verbove.[63] The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Russian forces unsuccessfully attempted to recapture lost positions west of Verbove and southeast of Mala Tokmachka (9km southeast of Orikhiv).[64]
A Ukrainian official stated that Russian forces have established a complex trench system near Novoprokopivka. Ukrainian Melitopol Mayor Ivan Fedorov stated that Russian forces have established a system of trenches and tunnels including two-story underground dugouts in the Novoprokopivka area.[65] Fedorov stated that Russian forces are also pouring concrete in new trench lines near Tokmak.
A Russian milblogger rejected claims of Ukrainian boats operating near Nova Kakhovka in the east (left) bank of Kherson Oblast on October 2. The milblogger claimed that the Russian commander on the ground in the Nova Kakhovka area did not confirm such reports.[66] The milblogger claimed that Russian forces are reconnoitering the Nova Kakhovka area and that Ukrainian forces are not active.[67]
Ukrainian sources stated that occupation officials in Crimea report the detonation of explosives at higher rates than officials in other occupied areas. Ukrainian Main Military Intelligence Directorate (GUR) Spokesperson Andriy Yusov noted that Crimean occupation officials make announcements about the detonation of objects daily but never specify what objects the explosions dispose of, and Ukrainian news outlet Suspilne estimated that occupation officials reported 25 such explosions just in September 2023.[68] Suspilne observed that occupation officials reported these detonations most frequently in Biyuk-Onlar (30km north of Simferopol), at the Staryi Krym training ground, in Armyansk, near Kerch, and in villages in Dzhankoi Raion.[69] There are many reasons why Russian and occupation authorities may need to conduct controlled detonations of ammunition; nevertheless, negligent Russian storage of ammunition and Ukrainian strikes in occupied Crimea have also detonated ammunition and generated explosions.[70]
Russian Mobilization and Force Generation Efforts (Russian objective: Expand combat power without conducting general mobilization)
A Ukrainian official source claimed that the Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) is investigating Kursk Oblast Governor Roman Starovoit, which may be an attempt to remove government officials with connections to deceased Wagner Group financier Yevgeny Prigozhin. The Ukrainian Resistance Center stated on October 3 that the FSB’s Kursk Oblast service has begun to investigate Starovoit for building fake defensive fortifications valued at 10 billion rubles (about $100,827,000) in Tetkino on the border with Ukraine.[71] The Resistance Center stated that the tensions began because Starovoit did not pay the FSB a kickback and that the Kursk FSB was threatening criminal prosecution if Starovoit did not pay the kickback.[72] If true, the FSB is likely targeting Starovoit for his prior connection to Prigozhin under the pretense of financial crimes. Wagner-affiliated instructors reportedly conducted military training classes in Kursk Oblast in November 2022; Prigozhin visited Kursk Oblast for Russia’s Unity Day on November 4, 2022; Starovoit presumably greenlit Wagner’s effort to train the Kursk Oblast People’s Militia in the fall-winter of 2022-2023; and Prigozhin visited a training facility in Kursk Oblast in January 2023.[73] Starovoit publicly encouraged Prigozhin to stop his rebellion on June 24 but simultaneously reiterated the close cooperation between Kursk Oblast and Wagner and his respect for Wagner and its battlefield successes.[74]
Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu reiterated that new conscripts will not deploy to Ukraine and praised the Russian military’s successful volunteer recruitment efforts, likely to further signal his lack of intent to conduct additional mobilization in Russia. Shoigu claimed that the fall conscription cycle, which began on October 1, is proceeding according to plan and that the Russian military will conscript a total of 130,000 personnel in this cycle.[75] Shoigu reiterated that new conscripts, even those from occupied regions in Ukraine, will not deploy to the war in Ukraine. Shoigu claimed that the Russian military has no plans for additional mobilization measures as volunteer recruitment has been sufficient and that more than 50,000 citizens signed contracts with the Russian MoD in September.
The Ukrainian government continues to report on Russian efforts to force Ukrainians in occupied territory to serve in the Russian military. The Ukrainian Resistance Center stated on October 3 that Russian Security Council Deputy Chairperson Dmitry Medvedev is supervising forces mobilization plans in occupied Ukraine and that the Russian military plans to mobilize mostly from occupied Luhansk and Donetsk oblasts and Crimea.[76]
The Russian military reportedly continues to recruit foreign volunteers to serve in relatively elite but likely degraded Russian Airborne (VDV) units. A Russian milblogger claimed on October 3 that volunteers from Nepal are serving in Russian Airborne (VDV) brigades.[77] ISW previously reported that Cuban volunteers are reportedly serving in the Russian 106th VDV Division.[78]
Russian officials are reportedly refusing to help former Wagner personnel as the Kremlin continues to send mixed messages about its relationship with the Wagner Group. Wagner personnel and their families in Izhevsk publicly complained in a video that Udmurt Republic Head Aleksandr Brechalov, Udmurt Minister of Social Policy Olga Lubnina, and the regional branch of the Defender of the Fatherland Foundation are refusing to help Wagner personnel who fought in the war in Ukraine and provide medical care for them.[79] The Wagner personnel and family claimed that the regional government is ignoring federal laws that grant equal combat veteran and disabled status to all soldiers who fought in Ukraine, including members of irregular formations. ISW previously assessed that the Kremlin’s ideas about the relationship between Wagner elements and the Russian government are unclear at this time, possibly leading to regional heads’ uncertainty about how to treat former Wagner personnel.[80]
Activities in Russian-occupied areas (Russian objective: Consolidate administrative control of annexed areas; forcibly integrate Ukrainian citizens into Russian sociocultural, economic, military, and governance systems)
Russian opposition outlet Verstka revealed that almost half of all occupation officials of the senior and middle management levels in occupied Kherson, Zaporizhia, Donetsk, and Luhansk oblasts are from Russia.[81] Verstka analyzed the biographies of 224 occupation officials and observed that many Russian officials assumed leadership positions in occupied Ukraine to flee criminal charges in Russia.[82] Verstka observed that occupied Donetsk Oblast has the highest numbers of imported Russian officials with 15 of 24 members of the occupation cabinet of ministers originating from Russia.[83] Verstka added that Ukrainian collaborators assume more municipal positions than imported Russian officials and that Russian occupation officials incentivize Ukrainians to collaborate with them by offering them high-ranking local government positions.
Russian occupation administrations continue to expand propaganda efforts in occupied southern Ukraine. The Kherson Oblast occupation administration announced that the “Russkiy Mir” (Russian World) telecommunications company plans to install 20,000 satellite receivers capable of receiving programming from 20 Russian state TV channels in occupied Kherson Oblast.[84]
Significant activity in Belarus (Russian efforts to increase its military presence in Belarus and further integrate Belarus into Russian-favorable frameworks and Wagner Group activity in Belarus)
Belarusian President Aleksander Lukashenko announced the creation of a Belarusian commission headed by Belarusian Ambassador to Russia Dmitry Krutoy that will reportedly deal with issues related to exports to Russia, possibly in order to help Russia evade sanctions against key Russian industries such as fertilizer and hydrocarbon products.[85] Krutoy stated that the commission will make proposals about how to fix fundamental issues facing Belarusian exports to Russia, such as logistics and railway tariff issues. Lukashenko claimed that there are shortages of mineral fertilizers and petroleum in Russia which Belarusian products can fill.
ISW will continue to report daily observed Russian and Belarusian military activity in Belarus as part of ongoing Kremlin efforts to increase their control over Belarus and other Russian actions in Belarus.
Note: ISW does not receive any classified material from any source, uses only publicly available information, and draws extensively on Russian, Ukrainian, and Western reporting and social media as well as commercially available satellite imagery and other geospatial data as the basis for these reports. References to all sources used are provided in the endnotes of each update.
[1] https://telegra dot ph/Vstupitelnoe-slovo-Ministra-oborony-Rossijskoj-Federacii-generala-armii-Sergeya-SHojgu-na-tematicheskom-selektornom-soveshchanii-10-03 ; https://t.me/mod_russia/31094 ; https://t.me/rybar/52640 ; https://t.me/bazabazon/21894 ; https://t.me/mobilizationnews/15673
[2] https://t.me/zvofront/997; https://x.com/k_kumar0313/status/1701429338850414852?s=20; https://x.com/ShevBohdan1/status/1696770415715352670?s=20; https://x.com/DefMon3/status/1696576782881714615?s=20; https://t.me/swodki/292742; https://tverezo dot info/post/176701; https://tverezo dot info/post/176654; https://t.me/zvizdecmanhustu/1138; https://t.me/zvizdecmanhustu/1133; https://x.com/moklasen/status/1700255907937222699?s=20; https://t.me/RVvoenkor/52803; https://x.com/foosint/status/1693221975596953669?s=20; https://t.me/rusich_army/10470; https://x.com/naalsio26/status/1692894229909962910?s=20; https://t.me/lost_warinua/46507; https://t.me/NeoficialniyBeZsonoV/27100; https://x.com/KilledInUkraine/status/1689992498741907456?s=20; https://vk dot com/wall332024977_5409; https://x.com/KilledInUkraine/status/1688861987906695168?s=20; https://vk dot com/wall17836853_8988; https://t.me/defender_skadovsk/11056; https://twitter.com/moklasen/status/1700255907937222699; https://twitter.com/moklasen/status/1700421044295651477; https://twitter.com/moklasen/status/1700551061080018955; https://t.me/dontstopwar/11059; https://twitter.com/moklasen/status/1700255907937222699
[3] https://twitter.com/MassDara/status/1633153547863826432
[4] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-october-2-2023; https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-september-24-2023
[5] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-october-2-2023
[6] https://www.understandingwar.org/sites/default/files/Sept%2026%20Russian%20Offensive%20Campaign%20Assessment%20PDF_0.pdf ; https://twitter.com/tom_bullock_/status/1688974882787233809
[7] https://www.understandingwar.org/sites/default/files/Sept%2026%20Russian%20Offensive%20Campaign%20Assessment%20PDF_0.pdf
[8] https://www.understandingwar.org/sites/default/files/Sept%2026%20Russian%20Offensive%20Campaign%20Assessment%20PDF_0.pdf
[9] https://www.understandingwar.org/sites/default/files/Sept%2023%20Russian%20Offensive%20Campaign%20Assessment%20PDF.pdf
[10] https://t.me/razvozhaev/3872; https://twitter.com/666_mancer/status/1703018956989050898 ; https://t.me/z_arhiv/24586; https://t.me/multi_XAM/778 ; https://t.me/dva_majors/25160
[11] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-september-24-2023
[12] https://telegra dot ph/Vstupitelnoe-slovo-Ministra-oborony-Rossijskoj-Federacii-generala-armii-Sergeya-SHojgu-na-tematicheskom-selektornom-soveshchanii-10-03 ; https://t.me/mod_russia/31094
[13] https://t.me/RKadyrov_95/3937
[14] https://isw.pub/UkrWar100223
[15] https://t.me/RKadyrov_95/3937
[16] https://t.me/RKadyrov_95/3939 ; https://meduza dot io/news/2023/10/03/ramzan-kadyrov-prisvoil-docheri-ayshat-zvanie-narodnoy-artistki-chechni-eto-ego-prerogativa-skazali-v-kremle
[17] https://t.me/pdmnews/63554 ; https://meduza dot io/news/2023/10/03/ramzan-kadyrov-prisvoil-docheri-ayshat-zvanie-narodnoy-artistki-chechni-eto-ego-prerogativa-skazali-v-kremle
[18] https://isw.pub/UkrWar092623
[19] https://www.kommersant dot ru/doc/6252103
[20] https://isw.pub/UkrWar072823 ;https://isw.pub/UkrWar072823; https://isw.pub/UkrWar082223 ; https://isw.pub/UkrWar090923
[21] https://www.rbc dot ru/politics/03/10/2023/651ae4f49a79474793b1fafb
[22] https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/theyre-just-meat-russia-deploys-punishment-battalions-echo-stalin-2023-10-03/
[23] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-april-6-2023; https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/theyre-just-meat-russia-deploys-punishment-battalions-echo-stalin-2023-10-03/
[24] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid074862mUQngEqHeeAjz1TZ5RJqQ1AxfhVDvq6FgMZ9y63q9uYsk2idB8TmCWRhfFDl ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid0YLvYUoKRipLAmHvPysZP8WGkjfALbbwvF7XeBdEd7wjuJNs8Vs3Sk4RWxpKMF7EDl ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02VKe7cJ4zFudpDDnDGWbZseGMwkMzForjWPyTtHmzLJSorn6ktVDUMGxXS7MSrnJal
[25] https://t.me/mod_russia/31100 ; https://t.me/mod_russia/31103 ; https://t.me/RVvoenkor/54032 ; https://t.me/russkiy_opolchenec/38184 ; https://t.me/readovkanews/67025 ; https://t.me/wargonzo/15409; https://t.me/rybar/52624 ; https://t.me/vdv_ZA_teplinsky/461
[26] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid0kToNDAnvi8AqhPMyigiH9LNfJD2rXgR7jtSe7Y7pGxrFWAZjtHnepAE7Gioe6TVUl
[27] https://t.me/mod_russia/31101 https://t.me/russkiy_opolchenec/38187 ; https://t.me/kommunist/18699 ; https://t.me/rybar/52624 ; https://t.me/rybar/52624 ; https://t.me/readovkanews/67031 ; https://t.me/epoddubny/17594
[28] https://ria dot ru/20231003/statut-1900133904.html ; https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/armenia-ratifies-statute-accept-international-criminal-court-jurisdiction-2023-10-03/#:~:text=Oct%203%20(Reuters)%20%2D%20Armenia's,the%20ICC%20wants%20to%20arrest.
[29] https://asp.icc-cpi.int/states-parties
[30] https://tass dot ru/politika/18900083
[31] https://t.me/mod_russia/31086; https://t.me/readovkanews/67025; https://t.me/rybar/52624; https://t.me/mod_russia/31100 ; https://t.me/mod_russia/31104; https://t.me/mod_russia/31092
[32] https://t.me/readovkanews/67025
[33] https://t.me/duk67ombr/440; https://x.com/EjShahid/status/1709120920508354842?s=20; https://x.com/EjShahid/status/1709121227682398395?s=20 ; https://t.me/WarArchive_ua/5586
[34] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid0YLvYUoKRipLAmHvPysZP8WGkjfALbbwvF7XeBdEd7wjuJNs8Vs3Sk4RWxpKMF7EDl ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02VKe7cJ4zFudpDDnDGWbZseGMwkMzForjWPyTtHmzLJSorn6ktVDUMGxXS7MSrnJal https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid074862mUQngEqHeeAjz1TZ5RJqQ1AxfhVDvq6FgMZ9y63q9uYsk2idB8TmCWRhfFDl
[35] https://t.me/wargonzo/15409
[36] https://telegra dot ph/Vstupitelnoe-slovo-Ministra-oborony-Rossijskoj-Federacii-generala-armii-Sergeya-SHojgu-na-tematicheskom-selektornom-soveshchanii-10-03 ; https://t.me/mod_russia/31094
[37] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid0YLvYUoKRipLAmHvPysZP8WGkjfALbbwvF7XeBdEd7wjuJNs8Vs3Sk4RWxpKMF7EDl ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02VKe7cJ4zFudpDDnDGWbZseGMwkMzForjWPyTtHmzLJSorn6ktVDUMGxXS7MSrnJal
[38] https://t.me/mod_russia/31100 ; https://t.me/mod_russia/31103
[39] https://t.me/RVvoenkor/54032
[40] https://t.me/sashakots/42564
[41] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid0YLvYUoKRipLAmHvPysZP8WGkjfALbbwvF7XeBdEd7wjuJNs8Vs3Sk4RWxpKMF7EDl ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02VKe7cJ4zFudpDDnDGWbZseGMwkMzForjWPyTtHmzLJSorn6ktVDUMGxXS7MSrnJal ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid0YLvYUoKRipLAmHvPysZP8WGkjfALbbwvF7XeBdEd7wjuJNs8Vs3Sk4RWxpKMF7EDl ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02VKe7cJ4zFudpDDnDGWbZseGMwkMzForjWPyTtHmzLJSorn6ktVDUMGxXS7MSrnJal
[42] https://t.me/wargonzo/15409
[43] https://t.me/readovkanews/67025
[44] https://t.me/mod_russia/31094 ; https://telegra dot ph/Vstupitelnoe-slovo-Ministra-oborony-Rossijskoj-Federacii-generala-armii-Sergeya-SHojgu-na-tematicheskom-selektornom-soveshchanii-10-03
[45] https://t.me/mod_russia/31100 ; https://t.me/mod_russia/31103 ; https://t.me/mod_russia/31095
[46] https://t.me/rybar/52624
[47] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid0YLvYUoKRipLAmHvPysZP8WGkjfALbbwvF7XeBdEd7wjuJNs8Vs3Sk4RWxpKMF7EDl ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02VKe7cJ4zFudpDDnDGWbZseGMwkMzForjWPyTtHmzLJSorn6ktVDUMGxXS7MSrnJal ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid074862mUQngEqHeeAjz1TZ5RJqQ1AxfhVDvq6FgMZ9y63q9uYsk2idB8TmCWRhfFDl
[48] https://t.me/wargonzo/15409
[49] https://t.me/readovkanews/67025
[50] https://t.me/wargonzo/15409
[51] https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/3712; https://t.me/rybar/52616 ; https://t.me/rybar/52618
[52] https://t.me/mod_russia/31100 ; https://t.me/mod_russia/31105; https://t.me/mod_russia/31098
[53] https://t.me/rybar/52616
[54] https://t.me/rybar/52618
[55] https://t.me/wargonzo/15409
[56] https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/3712
[57] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid0YLvYUoKRipLAmHvPysZP8WGkjfALbbwvF7XeBdEd7wjuJNs8Vs3Sk4RWxpKMF7EDl ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02VKe7cJ4zFudpDDnDGWbZseGMwkMzForjWPyTtHmzLJSorn6ktVDUMGxXS7MSrnJal ; https://www.facebook.com/PresscentrTavria/posts/pfbid0DffkSY6uDyt9wQP8Sxp28xALwr6kb7LsbTyVDPfBs4rYnDsxsSohqiVb5kUv8jx6l
[58] https://t.me/russkiy_opolchenec/38184
[59] https://t.me/russkiy_opolchenec/38184
[60] https://t.me/readovkanews/67025 ; https://t.me/wargonzo/15409; https://t.me/rybar/52624
[61] https://t.me/vdv_ZA_teplinsky/461
[62] https://t.me/russkiy_opolchenec/38184
[63] https://t.me/readovkanews/67025; https://t.me/wargonzo/15409
[64] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid0YLvYUoKRipLAmHvPysZP8WGkjfALbbwvF7XeBdEd7wjuJNs8Vs3Sk4RWxpKMF7EDl ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02VKe7cJ4zFudpDDnDGWbZseGMwkMzForjWPyTtHmzLJSorn6ktVDUMGxXS7MSrnJal ; https://www.facebook.com/PresscentrTavria/posts/pfbid0DffkSY6uDyt9wQP8Sxp28xALwr6kb7LsbTyVDPfBs4rYnDsxsSohqiVb5kUv8jx6l
[65] https://t.me/ivan_fedorov_melitopol/3381
[66] https://t.me/rusich_army/11128
[67] https://t.me/rusich_army/11128
[68] https://suspilne dot media/586035-sodenni-vibuhi-u-krimu-so-prihovuut-okupanti-za-utilizacieu-boepripasiv/
[69] https://suspilne dot media/586035-sodenni-vibuhi-u-krimu-so-prihovuut-okupanti-za-utilizacieu-boepripasiv/
[70] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-august-9; https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-august-10: https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-august-19; https://understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-august-11
[71] https://sprotyv dot mod.gov.ua/sered-kerivnytstva-kurskoyi-oblasti-vynyk-konflikt-cherez-rozkradannya-byudzhetnyh-koshtiv/
[72] https://sprotyv.mod dot gov.ua/sered-kerivnytstva-kurskoyi-oblasti-vynyk-konflikt-cherez-rozkradannya-byudzhetnyh-koshtiv/
[73] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-november-11 ; https://understandingwar.org/sites/default/files/Russian%20Offensive%20Campaign%20Assessment%20NOV%205.pdf ; https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-january-8-2023 ; https://www.understandingwar.org/sites/default/files/Russian%20Offensive%20Campaign%20Assessment%2C%20September%2024%2C%202023%20%28PDF%29.pdf
[74] https://t.me/gubernator_46/3486
[75] https://telegra dot ph/Vstupitelnoe-slovo-Ministra-oborony-Rossijskoj-Federacii-generala-armii-Sergeya-SHojgu-na-tematicheskom-selektornom-soveshchanii-10-03 ; https://t.me/mod_russia/31094
[76] https://sprotyv dot mod.gov.ua/do-kintsya-roku-rosiyany-planuyut-mobilizuvaty-130-tysyach-osib/
[77] https://t.me/milinfolive/107432
[78] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-september-30-2023
[79] https://t.me/idelrealii/31035 ; https://t.me/udmprotivcor/4022
[80] https://understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-october-2-2023
[81] https://t.me/svobodnieslova/3051
[82] https://t.me/svobodnieslova/3051
[83] https://t.me/svobodnieslova/3051
[84] https://t.me/VGA_Kherson/14410
[85] https://www.belta dot by/president/view/lukashenko-poruchil-sozdat-komissiju-po-kontrolju-za-eksportom-v-rossiju-591660-2023/
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On this day, the National Guard officially got its name after Congress passed an important act to strengthen the U.S. military. On 3 June 1916, the National Defense Act made the use of the term "National Guard" mandatory for state militias, and the act gave the President the authority to mobilize the Guard during war or national emergencies here, for service or in different parts of the world, for the duration of the event that caused the mobilization. The Act was intended to guarantee the State militias' status as the nation's primary reserve force. In 1933, the National Guard officially became a component of the Army. State militias had been around in some form since the early 1600s and they represent the oldest-known segment of the U.S. defense infrastructure. The role of state militias was frequently mentioned in the Constitution. Article 1, Section 8, defined the duties of the federal government and the states in forming militias, and using them within the United States. The National Defense Act of 1916 also doubled the number of yearly drills and tripled the number of training days; established the Reserve Officer Training Corps; and paid for 375 new airplanes, thereby creating the Army's first Air Division. President Woodrow Wilson championed the move as part of a preparedness effort related to World War I. The newly formed National Guard's first mission in 1916 was to help Army forces battling Mexican revolutionary Pancho Villa on the Mexican border. During World War I, the National Guard accounted for 40 percent of the troop strength in the American Expeditionary Force. The militias or National Guard of the 54 states, territories, and the District of Columbia contributed to every military campaign the U.S. had been involved with. The National Guard has a state and federal role. In a state role, it responds to various domestic situations such as fighting forest fires and assisting communities recover from natural disasters. In the state role, the governors have the ability to call up Guard members. The President also has the right to mobilize the Guard, putting members on federal duty status (federal role).
Arkansas Guardsmen of the 206th Coast Artillery down an enemy plane in the defense of Dutch Harbor
Heritage Series
1942Dutch Harbor, AK - In response to the surprise B-25 bomber attacks on Japan staged by Lieutenant Colonel Jimmy Dolittle in April 1942, the Japanese decided to capture Midway Island 1,000 miles northwest of Hawaii as a staging base to attack Hawaii itself. As part of their plan they deployed a small diversionary force to take several islands in the Aleutian's chain of Alaska. Recently arrived as part of the garrison at the newly developed outpost of Dutch Harbor was Arkansas' 206th Coast Artillery Regiment (Anti-Aircraft). The unit was armed with obsolete 3-inch anti-aircraft guns and water-cooled .50 caliber machine guns. The morning of June 3rd found thick fog lying off the Alaskan coast. The Japanese launched a surprise aerial attack from two aircraft carriers, catching the defenders off-guard. However, within a few minutes the men of the 206th were in action, shooting down one enemy plane and putting up such a heavy rate of fire that Japanese pilots missed their targets while trying to dodge the Arkansan's barrage. The Japanese attacked again the next day, causing some casualties but failing to put the harbor out of action. This was their last attack. The 206th remained as part of the garrison until it was reassigned to the European Theater in 1944.
Corporal Urban Siergirast takes a quick wash in a pool of rain water during a lull in the fighting on Okinawa. He is a member of the Cannon Company, 165th Infantry (NY), the famous "Fighting 69th" of Civil War and World War I fame.
National Archives and Records Administration
1945Okinawa, Ryukyus Island Group - After almost two months of steady, often bitter fighting, sometimes including "banzai" charges and hand-to-hand combat with fanatical Japanese soldiers intent of dying for the Emperor, New York's 27th "Empire" Infantry Division is in the final stages of the climatic battle for this Japanese island. On this day its advanced elements have finally reached the northern tip of the island, still encountering fierce resistance. The division, part of a joint Army-Marine Corps operation, landed on Okinawa on April 9th. It took part in the northern operations against the outer belt of the Shuri defenses. Although subjected to tremendous naval and aerial bombardment the Japanese, dug into caves and concealed pillboxes, continued to offer a determined defense. With almost every position captured or destroyed the remaining Japanese defenders will surrender on June 9th. This marked the conclusion of the last major battle of World War II. The 27th Division lost 1,844 men killed and nearly 5,000 wounded in the course of this campaign..
Circular written by General Dwight D. Eisenhower explaining the importance of the Normandy invasion on winning the war. These were distributed to every member of the attacking force the night prior to the D-Day landings. Sergeant J. Robert "Bob" Slaughter, a Guard member of Virginia's Company D, 116th Infantry, passed his copy around among the members of Company D to get their signatures (front and back) as they waited to load aboard the landing craft that would take them to Omaha Beach. By nightfall of June 6, about half of these men were dead or wounded.
National Archives and Records Administration
1944Normandy, France - The Allied invasion of France, commonly known as "D-Day" begins as Guardsmen from the 29th Infantry Division (DC, MD, VA) storm onto what will forever after be known as "bloody Omaha" Beach. The lead element, Virginia's 116th Infantry, suffers nearly 80% casualties but gains the foothold needed for the invasion to succeed. The 116's artillery support, the 111th Field Artillery Battalion, also from Virginia, loses all 12 of its guns in high surf trying to get on the beach. Its men take up arms from the dead and fight as infantrymen. Engineer support came from the District of Columbia's 121st Engineer Battalion. Despite high loses too, its men succeed in blowing holes in several obstacles clearing paths for the men to get inland off the beach. In the early afternoon, Maryland's 115th Infantry lands behind the 116th and moves through its shattered remnants to start the movement in off the beach. Supporting the invasion was the largest air fleet known to history. Among the units flying missions were the Guards' 107th (MI) and 109th (MN) Tactical Reconnaissance Squadrons The Normandy campaign lasted until the end of July with four Guard infantry divisions; the 28th (PA), 29th, 30th (NC, SC, TN) and the 35th (KS, MO, NE) taking part along with dozens of non-divisional units all earning the "Normandy" streamer.
The F-100C Super Sabre fighter-bomber of Captain Michael Adams, of the 188th Tactical Fighter Squadron (NM), returning to Tuy Hoa Air Base after a sortie in April 1969. About two weeks after this image was taken Adams was killed in action when this aircraft was shot down while on a mission
National Archives and Records Administration
1968Tuy Hoa Air Base, Vietnam - New Mexico's 188th Tactical Fighter Squadron (TFS) arrives, becoming the third Air National Guard unit to serve in Vietnam. Combined on June 14th with New York's newly arrived 136th TFS into the 31st Tactical Fighter Wing, both squadrons immediately began flying close ground support missions for American troops. These two units are the only Guard units, Air or Army to actually be assigned to the same operational headquarters while serving in Vietnam. During the course of its tour the 188th will fly 6,029 sorties and lose three pilots in combat, including two missing in action and later declared killed. The 136th flew nearly as many sorties, with one pilot killed in combat and three killed in stateside training. One member of the 188th, Sergeant Melvyn S. Montano, will become a commissioned officer after the unit returns home and in December 1994 he is appointed the Adjutant General of New Mexico; the only known enlisted Guardsman serving in Vietnam War to later achieve this position in any state.
The shoulder patch of today's 30th Infantry Brigade was adopted by members of the 30th Division during World War I. The outer circle represents the "O" of 'Old Hickory' while the "H" is evident in the center enclosing the Roman numerals "XXX". National Guard Bureau Historical Files
National Archives and Records Administration
1845The Hermitage, TN - Seventh President Andrew Jackson dies. Born in South Carolina in 1767, Jackson gained his first military experience at the age of 15 when, as a member of a local militia company, he helped to repel a British raiding party in 1782. Later he served in the Tennessee militia, rising to the rank of major general. He was affectionately known by his troops as "Old Hickory" because of his hard but fair discipline. During the War of 1812 he commanded a combined force of Regulars and militiamen in suppressing the Creek Indians in Alabama. His determined leadership soon led to his appointment as a major general in the Regular Army in 1814, just in time to lead a combined Regular and militia force in the defense of New Orleans against a British attack in January 1815. In 1818-1819 he lead a combined army of Regulars and militia in his invasion of western Florida chasing raiding Indians who sought sanctuary in the then Spanish colony. In fact, his action helped induce the Spanish government to sell Florida to the US. Jackson was elected president in 1828. In 1918, the 30th Division, composed of National Guard soldiers from the Carolina's and Tennessee, proudly adopted a division shoulder patch that featured the Roman numerals "XXX" indicating the division's designation surrounded by the letters "OH" for "Old Hickory" in honor of Jackson.
Technical Sergeant Frank Peregory wearing his Soldiers Medal (seen hanging just below tie), 1942
Taken from Joseph Ewing's 29, Let's Go!
1944Grandcamp, Normandy, France - Technical Sergeant Frank Peregory, a Guard member of Company K, 116th Infantry (VA), 29th Infantry Division earns the Medal of Honor by single-handily killing or capturing more than 20 Germans manning a trench that blocked the regiment's advance along the Normandy coast to relieve the 2nd Ranger Battalion at Pointe de Hoc. While the men of his company gave him covering fire, Peregory ran across an open field and entered the trench unseen. Using just his M-1 rifle, bayonet and several hand grenades he cleared the trench in short order. But Peregory had demonstrated his quick thinking under pressure even prior to leaving the United States for combat. In early 1942, as his unit was moving along an icy road in North Carolina one of the trucks slipped down an embankment and plunged into a small river. Two men were trapped under the canvas cover and would soon be drowned. Peregory borrowed a knife from another soldier and jumped into the freezing water to cut the top and brought each man to the bank safely. For this deed he was awarded the Soldiers Medal, the Army's highest decoration for valor, at the risk of one's life, but not related to combat. Unfortunately Peregory never saw his Medal of Honor, he was killed in action ten days later.
A detachment of the 3rd Indiana Cavalry on duty as Headquarters Guard of the Army of the Potomac during the Gettysburg campaign. This unit fought at Brandy Station and suffered so many casualties that it was detailed to as a Headquarters guard until it could be reconstituted.
Army Heritage and Education Center
1863Brandy Station, VA - As the Army of Northern Virginia, under the command of General Robert E. Lee, started moving northward to take the war to the Union (a move that would eventually end at Gettysburg, PA), General J.E.B. Stuart was tasked to use the Confederate cavalry to screen this movement from Union scouts. But the Federals soon learned of a large rebel presence in area around Culpeper Court House, near a train depot named "Brandy Station." Two Union cavalry corps, numbering some 11,000 men were dispatched as a "reconnaissance in force" when it clashed with Stuart's 9,000 man mounted force. This set the stage for the largest cavalry engagement ever fought on the North American continent. Perhaps the toughest fighting of the day occurred when the 6th Pennsylvania Cavalry collided with 10th Virginia Cavalry. In a scene reminiscent of a movie there was a swirling, melee as sabers flashed and dust was kicked up by injured and frightened horses. The 10th Virginia was about to give way when the 9th Virginia Cavalry galloped into the fray and caused so much damage to the 6th PA that it pulled back to regroup. The type of combat experienced by these three units was repeated in numerous encounters over an area of several square miles as nearly 20,000 men and horses charged into each other much as waves clash onto a beach, only to recede to regroup and charge again. At the end of the day the Confederates held the ground but the Union cavalry, which up to this point in the war had proved ineffective against the rebels, held its own in most of the engagement. The number of Union dead was 852 while the Confederates lost 515 men. Thousands of horses were killed or injured and had to be destroyed. The 6th PA Cavalry was organized by Colonel Richard Rush in Philadelphia in July 1861, by raising new recruits and combining them with an existing mounted volunteer militia unit from Berks County. The men were issued ten foot lances then popular with European light cavalry. Known as "Rush's Lancers" they were high-trained, which was enhanced by their assignment to a brigade of five Regular Army cavalry squadrons under the command of Brigadier General John Buford. By the time of the Battle of Brandy Station the Lancers had traded their lances for Sharps carbine rifles. However several veterans later regretted not having retained the lances as they would have been more effective in the melee than letting their opponent get close enough to use his saber.
The Air National Guard contingent marching down the "Canyon of Heroes" in the New York City Desert Storm Victory Parade. Note the large yellow ribbon in the background welcoming the troops home.
National Guard Bureau Historical Files
1991New York, NY - For the second time in three days the nation witness's a "Victory Parade" to celebrate the quick defeat and expulsion of Iraqi forces from Kuwait in Operation "Desert Storm." Among the marching units is the New York Guard's 719th Transportation Company, a descendent of the all-black 369th Infantry which gained fame as the "Harlem Hellfighters" in World War I. This parade is the first military ‘victory' parade held in Manhattan's "Canyon of Heroes" since the end of the World War II. While General Douglas MacArthur was given a ‘ticker-tape' parade by the city in 1951 (after being relieved of his command in Korea by President Truman), no "victory parade" was offered by the city after the end of the Korean or Vietnam wars. So when the plans for the Desert Storm parade were made, special announcements were made to Korean and Vietnam veteran's organizations welcoming them to join in the march.
Colonel George Washington in the uniform of the Virginia Regiment, 1772. Washington would have been similarly dressed when he accompanied Braddock's expedition in 1755.
>Washington/Custis/Lee Collection, Washington and Lee University
1755Fort Necessity, PA - A combined British and colonial army camp at the site of the stockade built by Major George Washington of the Virginia militia the year before during his failed attempt to capture Fort Duquesne (on the site of present day Pittsburgh) from the French. England and France, though technically not yet at war, both claim the area of western Pennsylvania and Ohio as their own. Washington, under orders from Virginia's governor in 1754 to secure the fort, failed and was forced to surrender his small army of colonial soldiers of the French, who let them return home. The British government now became involved and dispatched Major General Edward Braddock to take the fort. His army, numbering some 2,000 men, includes two regiments of British regulars as well as militia men from Virginia and Maryland. Braddock, who had met and become friends with Washington, took him along as a staff officer and advisor. The English, unused to fighting in a frontier environment, make slow progress as they hack a road through the wilderness for their baggage wagons. One of the teamsters is a young Daniel Morgan from Winchester, VA. He got into a fight with a British officer and was given 200 lashes. From that day on he will have a burning hatred of the British which he repays during the Revolution when he first commands an elite corps ofAmerican riflemen, helping to win the great victory at Saratoga. Later, though in poor health he is in command of the American army that wins the decisive victory of Cowpens. Despite Washington's council to leave the wagons and move a ‘flying column' to take the fort, Braddock ignores the advice and would soon lead his army, much of it strung out along the road for over a mile, into a devastating defeat.
Members of Hawaii's 298th Artillery Group prepare to test fire their Nike Hercules missiles at the Oahu Test Range
Heritage Series
1966Oahu, Hawaii - With the onset of the Cold War and the threat of long-range Soviet nuclear bombers, the Guard wrote a new chapter in its history of homeland defense. Beginning in 1954, thousands of Army Guardsmen manned antiaircraft artillery positions across the country, adopting for the first time a federal mission while in a state status. In the late 1950s the Guard began transitioning from guns to longer-ranged and more lethal missiles. For exactly 16 years, from September 1958 to September 1974, the Army Guard manned Nike-Ajax and Nike-Hercules missile batteries in an operational status. At the height of the program in 1969, 17 states (CA, CT, HI, IL, MD, MA, MI, MO, NJ, NY, OH, PA, RI, TX, VA, WA, WI) provided more than 7,000 soldiers to staff 54 missile batteries around sixteen key metropolitan areas. The Hawaii Guard's 298th Artillery Group was the first National Guard unit to adopt the Nike-Hercules missile, becoming operational in early 1960. Hawaii was also the only state to man all of its firing batteries with Guardsmen; in the continental United States the Guard manned about a third of all Nike sites. While the rest of the Nike force conducted its annual live fire practices at the White Sands Missile Range in NM, the Hawaii Guard was unique in that it conducted its annual live-fire certifications from mobile launchers firing off the north shore of the island of Oahu. It was during such an exercise that Battery B, 1st Missile Battalion, 298th Artillery Group recorded the longest successful Nike-Hercules missile intercept of a target. The advent of the intercontinental ballistic missiles in the 1960s led to cut backs in the Nike program by the early 1970s. The entire program ended in 1974. Though no missile was ever fired in anger, the duty encompassed a 24-hour watch, 365 days a year and thousands of alerts. Guardsmen had demonstrated their ability to conduct real-world missions while in a part-time, state-controlled, status, in the process proudly adopting for themselves the title "Missile-Age Miuntemen."
1933Washington, DC - The National Guard Status Act of 1933, creating a dual status for Guardsmen, is signed into law. This little-known but critical legislation finally solved a Constitutional dilemma that had troubled the Army and Guardsmen since 1903. Despite all the laws passed from 1903 to 1933 increasing the readiness of the Guard to serve as a reserve of the Army, the Guard remained the militia of the states according to the Constitution. It was thus limited in its federal service to the three purposes specified in the Constitution: executing the laws of the union, suppressing insurrections and repelling invasions. In order to remove Guardsmen from these restrictions imposed on the militia, the federal government drafted each National Guardsman for World War I, thus legally removing him from the militia and placing him in the Army. Guardsmen universally resented being drafted, since they all considered themselves volunteers. However, they also did not wish in peacetime to surrender the independence from Army control that membership in the state-controlled militia conferred, and (barring an amendment to the Constitution) they could not simultaneously be members of both a state and a federal military force, no matter how the law was written. The solution to this problem was developed in the 1920s after considerable study by leaders of the National Guard Association of the United States. When it was finally passed by Congress in 1933, the National Guard Status Act created a new federal reserve component of the Army called "The National Guard of the United States." This new reserve component would only be populated when the Guard was ordered into federal service; at all other times this federal reserve would have only an inactive "shadow" existence, its personnel residing in identical units of the Organized Militia (called "The National Guard of the several States, Territories, and the District of Columbia") under state control. The law also changed the name of the Army staff organization that oversaw the National Guard from the Militia Bureau to the National Guard Bureau
Guardsmen of an unidentified Massachusetts infantry regiment marching near El Paso, TX, while training during the Mexican border crisis. Note this unit is carrying its state flag rather than a regimental or battalion flag as is the custom today
Massachusetts Military Museum
1916Washington DC - President Woodrow Wilson, acting only fifteen days after he signed the historic National Defense Act of 1916, calls up most of the National Guard for duty along the Mexican Border. Because the National Guard was called up under the militia clause of the Constitution, it was restricted to service within the borders of the United States to "repel invasion" by Pancho Villa's bandits. By July 31st, more then 110,000 Guardsmen had joined the 5,000 AZ, TX, and NM Guardsmen who had previously been called for service on the border in May. The Guard's deployment freed General John Pershing to lead an expeditionary force composed of Army regulars into Mexico in a futile attempt to track down Villa. Over 40,000 Guardsmen were still serving on the border when war was declared against Germany in April 1917. The border experience proved valuable training for the Guard prior to World War I, particularly because it gave officers and men extensive experience in working with large formations of troops that could rarely be assembled in peacetime.
A 1¼ ton truck of Battery C, 2nd Battalion, 138th Artillery (KY) destroyed by the North Vietnamese attack on Camp Tomahawk.
Courtesy of Mr. David Parrish
1969Fire Base Tomahawk, Vietnam - During a chilly, rainy, very black night North Vietnamese (NVA) soldiers infiltrate this base shared by a platoon of infantrymen from the 101st Airborne Division and Battery C, 2nd Battalion, 138th Artillery from Bardstown, Kentucky. Starting at 1:45 AM the enemy launch their surprise attack, using satchel charges containing 10-15 pounds of TNT and rocket-propelled grenades. Their mission was to destroy all six of the M-109 self-propelled howitzers belonging to Battery C which had been firing effective supporting missions for nearby American forces. After about two hours of confused and heavy fighting during which the Guardsmen played a key role in repulsing the attack, the enemy finally withdrew. The NVA succeeded in destroying four of the six howitzers along with other vehicles and equipment. The human cost was high too. The 101st had four men killed and 13 wounded. The highest losses were suffered by the gunners from Kentucky. The Battery had nine men killed; five of them were from Bardstown and the other four were non-Guard replacements from various, non-Kentucky, locations. And the unit suffered 37 wounded, most of them Guardsmen. In the 1960s Nelson County, Kentucky (location of Bardstown), had a total population of about 30,000. During the Vietnam War it lost a total of seven Guardsmen and four other men serving in other units. This is the highest per capita rate of loss suffered by any community during the war. Today Battery C, 2nd Battalion, 138th Field Artillery is still a Guard unit in Bardstown. Its ranks are filled with men, some of them the sons or grandsons of the Vietnam Guardsmen.
Preamble of the United States Constitution.
1788Concord, NH - New Hampshire ratifies the Constitution. As the ninth state to do so, this makes the Constitution binding on all 13 states. The colonial militia was a key institution underlying the new republic; as stipulated in Article 1, Section 8, "The Congress shall have Power . . . To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions" and "To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress."The President was empowered in Article 2, Section 2 to "be Commander in Chief . of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual service of the United States."
Major General George Rickards, the first Guardsman to be appointed Chief of the National Guard Bureau
National Guard Education Foundation
1921Washington DC - The U.S. Senate confirms Pennsylvania Colonel George Rickards as the first National Guardsman to serve as Chief of the Militia Bureau (today's National Guard Bureau). Rickards was a veteran of 43 years of service, having commanded the 16th Pennsylvania Infantry during the Spanish-American War and on the Mexican Border, then taking his regiment (under the new federal designation 112th Infantry) to France in World War I. Before the war was over, Rickards commanded the 56th Brigade of the 28th Division. After the war Rickards volunteered for federal service and became one of the first Guardsmen assigned to the War Department General Staff.The National Defense Act of 1920 turned over leadership of the Militia Bureau from a regular officer to a Guardsman, and stipulated that the President would select the Chief of the Militia Bureau from a list of eligible officers nominated by the governors, with the Senate confirming the appointment. Rickards, initially selected by President Wilson in December 1919, had to wait six months to be confirmed by the Senate due to the protests of several senators that the President had not selected the officer nominated by the majority of the governors, Charles Martin, the politically powerful Adjutant General of Kansas. However, Wilson refused to change his mind and when Rickards was re-nominated for the position by President Harding in early 1920 the Senate finally relented and confirmed Rickards. He served until his retirement in 1925.
"A View of the Landing (of) the New England Forces in yee Expedition against Cape Breton, 1745", a hand-colored copper plate etching by an unknown artist circa 1750. Note it shows the troops dressed in red uniforms like British regulars when in fact there was little uniformity among the different militia units.
Anne S.K. Brown Military Collection
1745Cape Breton Island, Nova Scotia - After a 47 day siege conducted entirely by New England militiamen, the great fortress of "Louisbourg" surrenders to the colonial army commanded by General William Pepperrell. What many European military "experts" thought impossible the militia did with professional determination in a very short period of time. The fortress, built in the 1720s by the French to protect the entrance to the St. Lawrence River and French Canada, boasted a protected harbor which in times of war allowed French privateers safe sanctuary from which they could sail to raid British and colonial fishing and merchant fleets. War broke out between Britain and France in 1741 and by 1745 the raids were causing great financial loss to the New England colonies. When England refused to send a naval force to stop the attacks the colonial governments agreed to launch their own expedition to capture Louisbourg and stop the raids. From four colonies; Massachusetts (including present day Maine), Connecticut, Rhode Island and New Hampshire a total of 4,200 volunteers were taken from the militia. In a first of its kind operation in British North America each colony furnished different items needed to make the entire expedition a success. Some furnished camp equipment while others furnished food and other supplies. They amassed funds to buy powder and shot from England. After the surrender many Americans felt betrayed when England returned the fortress to France as part of the peace agreement. For his superb leadership William Pepperrell was knighted by King George II, becoming the only Baronet in the history of Massachusetts. Many of the lessons learned of inter-colony cooperation would be recalled in 1775 as Americans fought for their liberty from England.
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http://www.empirefaithwar.com/whats-happening/article-entries//australian-sikh-soldiers
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Australian Sikh Soldiers — EMPIRE, FAITH & WAR
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[
"Bikram Brar"
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2014-05-13T22:41:00+01:00
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Narinder Singh Dhesi explores the role of the seven Sikh soldiers who fought for the Dominium forces of Australia during WW1.
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EMPIRE, FAITH & WAR
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http://www.empirefaithwar.com/whats-happening/article-entries//australian-sikh-soldiers
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The First World War was a seminal event in modern history, touching every continent and involving millions of civilians and soldiers throughout the British Empire. The role of Sikhs in the Great War is a largely unknown but fascinating part of the story of the Allied War effort is the participation of the Sikh soldiers in the Dominium forces of Australia.
It appears that the first Sikhs arrived in Australia, somewhere in the late 1830s. The Sikhs came from an agrarian background in India, and thus fulfilled their tasks as farm labourers on cane fields and shepherds on sheep stations. Sikhs were recorded as being present on the gold fields of Victoria during the time of the Victorian gold rush of the 1850s and '60s. Seven Sikhs were part of the Australian Armed Forces during the First World War, which fought in Europe. Six of these soldiers returned safely after the War ended in 1918, but one of them (Sarn Singh) died in action in the bitter fighting in France and Flanders.
Private Ganessa Singh
Private Ganessa Singh was born in the Punjab, India, and enlisted in 10TH Battalion on 11TH September 1916. He was a 37-year-old farmer. The 10TH Battalion was an Infantry Battalion of the Australian Army, which served as part of the Australian Imperial Force during World War I, together with 9TH, 11TH and 12TH Battalions; it formed part of 3RD Brigade, 1ST Division. It served at Gallipoli from April to December 1915, before being transferred to the Western Front in France in March 1916 where it took part in bitter trench Warfare until the Armistice in 1918. The last detachment of men from 10TH Battalion returned to Australia in September 1919.
Trooper Desanda Singh and Trooper Sirdar Singh
Trooper Desanda Singh was born in the Punjab, India; he was 38 years old and enlisted in 3RD Light Horse on 1ST November, 1917. Trooper Sirdar Singh was born in the Punjab, India; he was 39 years old and enlisted in 3RD Light Horse on 8TH, October, 1917. The Regiment had arrived in Egypt in the second week of December, 1914. The Regiment was deployed in Gallipoli and landed there on 12Th May 1915. It left Gallipoli on 14TH December 1915. Back in Egypt; the Regiment was deployed to protect the Nile valley from bands of pro-Turkish Senussi Arabs. In Egypt it joined the forces defending the Suez Canal, and played a significant role in turning back the Turkish advance on the canal at the battle of Romani on 4TH August. The 3RD Light Horse joined the Allied advance across the Sinai in November and was subsequently involved in the fighting to secure the Turkish outposts on the Palestine frontier - Magdhaba on 23RD December 1916 and Rafa on 9TH January 1917.
The Regiment's next major engagement was the abortive second battle of Gaza on 19TH April. Gaza finally fell on 7TH November. With the capture of Gaza, the Turkish position in Southern Palestine collapsed. The 3RD Light Horse Regiment participated in the advance to Jaffa that followed, and was then committed to operations to clear and occupy the West bank of the Jordan River. It was involved in the Amman (24TH - 27TH February) and Es Salt (30TH April - 4TH May) raids and the repulse of a major German and Turkish attack on 14TH July 1918.The final British offensive of the campaign was launched along the Mediterranean coast on 9TH September 1918, with the ANZAC Mounted Division taking part in a subsidiary effort East of the Jordan aimed at Amman. Turkey surrendered on 30TH October 1918. The 3RD Light Horse Regiment sailed for Australia on 16TH March 1919, where the troopers Desanda Singh and Sirdar Singh were demobilized.
Private Gurbachan Singh
Private Gurbachan Singh was born in the Punjab, India, and on immigrating to Australia he enlisted in 56TH Battalion on 5TH April, 1916. He was 43 years old. Arriving in France on 30TH June 1916, the Battalion entered the frontline trenches for the first time on 12TH July and fought its first major battle at Fromelles a week later. After a freezing winter manning trenches in the Somme Valley, in early 1917, 56TH Battalion participated in the advance that followed the German retreat to the Hindenburg Line. Later in the year, 56TH’s major battle here was at Polygon Wood on 26TH September. The 56TH fought its last major battle of the War, St Quentin Canal, between 29TH September and 2ND October 1918. It was resting out of the line when the Armistice was declared on 11TH November. Soon after, members of the Battalion began to be returned to Australia for discharge.
Private Davy Singh
Private Davy Singh was born in the Punjab, India, and on immigrating to Australia; he enlisted in 33RD Battalion on 12TH February 1916. He was 34 years old. The 33RD Battalion became part of 9TH Brigade of 3RD Australian Division. It left Sydney, bound for the United Kingdom in May 1916. Arriving there in early July, the Battalion spent the next four months training. It crossed to France in late November, and moved into the trenches of the Western Front for the first time on 27TH November, just in time for the onset of the terrible winter of 1916-17. The Battalion had to wait until the emphasis of British and Dominion operations switched to the Ypres Sector of Belgium in mid-1917 to take part in its first major battle; this was the battle of Messines, launched on 7TH June. The Battalion held the ground captured during the battle for several days afterwards and was subjected to intense Artillery bombardment. One soldier wrote that holding the line at Messines was far worse than taking it.
The Battalion's next major battle was around Passchendale on 12TH October. The battlefield, though, had been deluged with rain, and thick mud tugged at the advancing troops and fouled their weapons. The battle ended in a disastrous defeat. For the next five months the 33RD alternated between periods of rest, training, labouring, and service in the line. When the German Army launched its last great offensive in the spring of 1918, the Battalion was part of the force deployed to defend the approaches to Amiens around Villers-Bretonneux. It took part in a counter-attack at Hangard Wood on 30TH March, and helped to defeat a major drive on Villers-Bretonneux on 4TH April. Later in 1918, 33RD also played a role in the Allies' own offensive. It fought at the battle of Amiens on 8TH August, during the rapid advance that followed, and in the operation that breached the Hindenburg Line at the end of September, thus sealing Germany's defeat. The 33RD Battalion disbanded in May 1919.
Private Hazara Singh
Private Hazara Singh was born in the Punjab, India, and on immigrating to Australia he enlisted in 13TH Battalion on 28TH December 1915. He was 33 years old. He had previously served in 32ND Sikh Pioneers during the Northwest Frontier operations, before immigrating to Australia. The 13TH Battalion with 14TH, 15TH and 16TH Battalions formed 4TH Brigade. The Brigade proceeded to Egypt, arriving in early February 1915. The 4th Brigade landed at Anzac Cove in Gallipoli in the afternoon of 25TH April 1915. From May to August, the Battalion was heavily involved in establishing and defending the Anzac front line. In August, 4th Brigade attacked Hill 971. The hill was taken at great cost, although Turkish reinforcements forced the Australians to withdraw. The 13th also suffered casualties during the attack on Hill 60 on 27TH August. The Battalion served at Anzac until the evacuation in December.
After the withdrawal from Gallipoli, the Battalion returned to Egypt. While in Egypt the Australian Imperial Force was expanded and was reorganised. The 13TH Battalion was split and provided experienced soldiers for 45TH Battalion. The 4TH Brigade was combined with 12TH and 13TH Brigades to form 4TH Australian Division. In June 1916, 13TH sailed for France and the Western Front. From then until 1918, the Battalion took part in bloody trench Warfare. Its first major action in France was at Pozières in August. In February 1917, Captain W. H. Murray, who had transferred to 13TH from 16TH Battalion, earned the Victoria Cross for his actions during an attack near Gueudecourt. He became one of the most highly decorated Officers in the AIF.
The 13TH Battalion, along with most of 4TH Brigade, suffered heavy losses at Bullecourt in April when the Brigade attacked strong German positions without the promised tank support. The Battalion spent much of the remainder of 1917 in Belgium advancing to the Hindenburg Line. In March and April 1918, the Battalion helped to stop the German spring offensive. It subsequently played a role in the great allied offensive of 1918, fighting near Amiens on 8TH August 1918. This advance by British and empire troops was the greatest success in a single day on the Western Front, one that German General Erich Ludendorff described as ‘the black day of the German Army in this War...’.The 4TH Brigade continued operations until late September 1918. On 18TH September Maurice Buckley, serving as Sergeant Gerald Sexton, was awarded the Victoria Cross for valour near Le Verguier. At 11 am on 11TH November 1918, the guns fell silent. In November 1918 members of the AIF began to return to Australia for demobilisation and discharge.
Private Sarn Singh
Private Sarn Singh was born in the Punjab, India, and on immigrating to Australia; he enlisted in 43RD Battalion on 15TH May 1916. He was 33 years old. The Battalion embarked in June 1916 and, after landing briefly in Egypt, went on to Britain for further training. The Battalion arrived on the Western Front in late December. The 43RD Battalion spent 1917 bogged in bloody trench Warfare in Flanders. In June the Battalion took part in the battle of Messines in which Private Sarn Singh was killed. The Battalion spent much of 1918 fighting in the Somme valley. In April they helped stop the German Spring offensive at Villers-Bretonneux. In July the Battalion was part of General Monash's attack at Hamel. In August and September the Battalion helped drive the Germans back to the Hindenburg Line. The 43RD joined the advance that followed 2ND Division's victory at Mont St Quentin. At 11 am on 11TH November 1918, the guns fell silent on the Western Front. The November Armistice was followed by the Treaty of Versailles signed on 28TH June 1919. Through 1919 the men of the 43RD Battalion returned to Australia for demobilizations and discharge having 386 of their comrades killed in the blood drenched fields of Flanders.
Roll of Honour - Sarn Singh
Service Number: 2255
Rank: Private
Unit: 43rd Battalion (Infantry)
Service: Australian Army
Conflict: First World War, 1914-1918
Date of death: 10TH June 1917
Place of death: Belgium
Place of association: Maggea South Australia, Australia
Cemetery or memorial details: Ypres (Menim Gate) Memorial, Belgium
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"Jörg Guido Hülsmann"
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2022-01-05T00:00:00-06:00
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Like many others, Mises anticipated the outbreak of World War I years in advance. Unlike many others, he dreaded it.
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Mises Institute
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https://mises.org/mises-daily/mises-wartime
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Like many others, Mises anticipated the outbreak of World War I years in advance. Unlike many others, he dreaded it.
He was a Lieutenant of the Austro-Hungarian Army and dearly loved his country, but he was no chauvinist and despised the militarism and statism that were about to drag an entire continent into catastrophe. A number of eminent men and women in all countries—most notably, Bertha von Suttner in Austria and Bertrand Russell in England—felt the same way and dedicated themselves to making the case for peaceful cooperation among nations and to fighting the frenzy of nationalism.
These private initiatives proved insufficient to tame the war party. The ruling philosophy of government glorification under the guise of patriotism had made its cause irresistible.
After the war, Mises would write on these subjects in detail. He explained how the war had resulted from state worship, in this case, from worship of the nation-state. But for now he thought that he—the agnostic Jew, cultural German, political individualist, scientific cosmopolitan, and Austrian patriot—had to fight the nationalists’ war.
The Austro-Hungarian state was the sole bulwark against the Russian hordes standing ready to invade the land and destroy its Western liberties. Maybe this attitude toward politics was contradictory and anachronistic, but Mises believed he had no choice in the matter, and he continued to believe that all his life. As a contemporary friend and admirer would observe:
A champion of individualism, you cherish strikingly collectivistic orientations. In fact, even under severe duress for your body and total lack of individual comfort, you never lose sight of the whole picture.
First Year in Battle
Early on a Saturday morning, Mises stood ready for departure at Vienna’s crowded Nordbahnhof station. He took the eight o’clock express to the city of Przemysl in his native Galicia, where he would join his unit, the field cannon regiment n° 30. The train had special compartments for officers, which made the long journey more comfortable, and thus he spent the day in the company of Ewald Pribram and Count O’Donell, who were both cavalry officers, and the physician Erwin Stransky, a fellow private lecturer at the University of Vienna. None of the young men would ever forget this journey. Stransky later recalled that Mises spoke about his native Galicia, its history, the peculiarities of its church architecture, etc. The time passed somehow and in the evening, around seven o’clock, Mises left the train in Przemysl, wishing his fellow travelers farewell. It was August 1, 1914.
The fighting did not start immediately. Austria-Hungary did not declare war until August 5, after the war between Russia and Germany had broken out. Even then there was no significant fighting for another two weeks. Both camps needed time to mobilize their forces. This should have been easier for Austro-Hungarian and German troops because of the shorter distances, but the Russians had apparently begun preparations much earlier—shortly after the assassination of the Austrian Archduke on June 28.
The fundamental military problem for the Austro-Hungarian and German alliance was a three-front war with numerically superior enemies on all sides—in particular the sheer overwhelming numbers of the Russian army. In 1914, Russia counted a population of roughly 173 million, as opposed to 68 million Germans and 50 million inhabitants of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Because of the immensity of the Russian Empire, its 250 potential divisions could not be mobilized quickly. Still the Russian generals managed to throw eighty divisions into battle in the first few months. These troops confronted only ten German divisions and thirty-eight Austrian divisions, ninety out of 100 German divisions being bound up on the Western Front and eleven out of forty-nine Austro-Hungarian divisions stuck on the Southern Front in Serbia.
The mission of the Austro-Hungarian troops on the Northern Front was to block the Russians in order to avoid a Russian invasion of the German plains, which lay almost defenseless. They could not retreat into the Carpathian Mountains, which were easier to defend, because the Russians could trap them there with only a small number of their troops and throw their main force into Germany. Hence, in spite of their numerical inferiority, the k.u.k. armies had not merely to resist, but to attack the Russians in an attempt to keep them in the Galician plains. The k.u.k. strategy was to wear the Russians down in a long series of battles. This strategy counted on the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s comparative advantages of morale, training, education, and fighting spirit. After the war, Mises said of these relentless Austrian offensives that “the flower of the Austrian army was uselessly sacrificed.” He considered them “goalless and purposeless” and yet they did have a goal: to keep the Russians in Galicia as long as possible. In this, they succeeded. The human cost included many of Mises’s relatives, friends, colleagues, and students.
The battles that followed brought death and destruction on an unheard-of scale. Modern science and technology had profoundly changed all aspects of war, from coordination, to equipment, to tactics and strategy, giving a central place to the use of high-powered and highly mobile artillery. Although the k.u.k. Army was better equipped than its enemy, it was numerically inferior and in almost constant retreat. By the end of September, more than 10,000 civilian refugees from Galicia had poured into Vienna and the k.u.k. Army had been thrown far back behind Przemysl and now stood with its back to the Carpathian Mountains. In the first few weeks and months of the war, almost no day went by that did not see entire k.u.k. batteries (about 100 men each) and even regiments (about 500) being wiped out.
Artillery was not only the main agent of destruction, but also one of the prime targets. Mises’s battery constantly had to change position, often under fire. Heavy rainfall set in, hampered their movements, and proved that k.u.k. uniforms were not waterproof. There was no hope of relief any time soon from the military bureaucracy, so Mises resorted to private initiative: he had his mother send clothes for his men.
He was himself the special object of motherly care through the army postal system. Adele von Mises sent her son: furred leather gloves, several electric lamps, matches, shoelaces, woolen clothes, camelhair pants and camelhair undergloves, aspirin, cigarettes, glasses and journals, Ludwig’s favorite brand of suspenders, eau de toilette, soap, cognac, and tuna cans. Like an accountant, she kept lists of the things she sent and thus controlled both the punctual delivery and the consumption of her son, with a keen eye on his cigarette consumption. She also kept him informed about various events in Vienna, although she could not be too frank or go into too much detail because of the censor. Mises himself probably had access only to official or semi-official journals and newspapers. At the end of August 1914, he read that his beloved teacher, Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk had died in Tyrol on a journey to Switzerland.
Mail could take weeks to reach the soldiers, especially when troop movements were quick and frequent. In September 1914, correspondence was interrupted for three entire weeks and, most unusually, the press no longer ran any reports on Mises’s regiment. When, to the great relief of his family and friends his name was eventually mentioned in the Neue Freie Presse, Martin Nirenstein wrote him immediately: “this time too victory will be on the side of liberty.”
Meanwhile, his brother Richard was stationed in Baden near Vienna. He was experimenting with aircraft motors, commanding a research unit comprised of several soldiers and a lieutenant. A professor of applied mathematics at the Prussian University of Strasbourg since 1909, his interests had centered on aviation. He had become a pilot himself and taught a university course on powered flight in 1913. With his army research unit, he constructed a 600-horsepower plane, which was put to use in 1915. The military research led to the publication of Fluglehre, which established Richard as one of the world’s foremost aviation pioneers. But the young professor was impatient to get to the front, where the battles continued to be fierce and numerous.
In the first half of October, the united German and Austro-Hungarian armies had driven the Russians back, gaining about 60 miles, only to be driven back again after two weeks of Russian counterattacks. But time was running out for the Russians. The Austrian economy had retained a comparatively large degree of liberty that now increasingly weighed in on the side of the Austro-Hungarian army. The huge profits deriving from the production of war materials were not initially subject to excessive taxation and thus could quickly be reinvested to convert the structure of production to war needs. Many businessmen and industrialists had already started adjusting their plans and their investments to the new situation, and as usual these private ventures reacted quickly and efficiently to subsequent developments on the front. For example, in October 1914, some Austrian businessmen set up a factory to produce ammunition for captured cannons. But long-standing prewar government control of war-related industries did cause problems. Mises later explained:
Austrian industry not only had to deliver what the war required beyond peacetime provisions; it also had to catch up on what had been neglected in peacetime. The guns with which the Austro-Hungarian field artillery went to war were far inferior; the heavy and light field howitzers and the mountain cannons were already out of date at the time of their introduction and scarcely satisfied the most modest demands. These guns came from state factories; and now private industry, which in peacetime had been excluded from supplying field and mountain guns and could supply such material only to China and Turkey, not only had to produce the material for expanding the artillery; in addition, it also still had to replace the unusable models of the old batteries with better ones. Things were not much different with the clothing and shoeing of the Austro-Hungarian troops.
The higher productivity of private enterprise increasingly came into play and helped bring about an important Austrian victory that ended a month-long battle near the Polish city of Lodz on December 6, 1914. A few days later, the Austro-Hungarian army won another significant victory at Limanova-Lapanow, about fifteen miles from Carl Menger’s birthplace in Neu-Sandec. On December 12, the Russians were driven back more than thirty miles, in the course of which 30,000 Russian prisoners were taken. These events marked a decisive turning point on the Eastern war theater. After almost four months of intense fighting, the German and k.u.k. troops had balanced the initial numerical superiority of the Russians and in the coming months would drive them further back east. Richard wrote to Ludwig, in characteristic Mises-family understatement, that he was happy that “it goes better with the Russians.”
Apparently, Ludwig even found time now to study the Ruthenian language, possibly to prepare for the establishment of a new local administration. He also wrote frequently to Richard inquiring about the health of their mother, who had been suffering for some months from a foot injury. Richard reported that all cures had failed so far, and that he had also tried in vain to engage the world-famous physician, Professor Adler, with whom the Mises family had personal contact. The better news came from the front: Three days before Christmas, Richard and his old friends, Martin and Hugo Nirenstein, read in the Vienna press that Ludwig had been promoted to the rank of a k.u.k. Oberleutnant (First Lieutenant). Only two months later, Ludwig was again mentioned as the beneficiary of an “allerhöchste Belobigung”—the emperor had praised his achievements in battle.
There followed a brief period of stasis on the battlefield, and public attention turned to the decay the war was causing in the social fabric of the empire. In Vienna, the food supply shrank noticeably and the lines in front of the shops grew longer every day. Ludwig received desperate letters from his mother describing her struggles with Therese, the family cook, who had difficulties with the concept of wartime economizing. And on the front, treason showed its ugly face when, on April 3 and 4, 1915, the infantry regiment n° 28 from Prague was captured without resistance.
Starting early May 1915, however, the German and Austro-Hungarian troops finally began their long march east. Not even Italy’s May 23 entry into the war on the side of the Triple Entente (Britain, France, and Russia) could slow down the Central Powers’ irresistible drive on the Northern Front. Within a month, they regained Przemysl and continued on, fighting the enemy forces far back into Russia. The causes of this complete reversal of the balance of power in the east were mainly economic in nature. Mises later explained:
The great technical superiority that the armies of the Central Powers had achieved in the spring and summer of 1915 in the eastern theater of the war and that formed the chief basis of the victorious campaign from Tarnów and Gorlice to deep into Volhynia was … the work of free industry, as were the astonishing achievements of German and also of Austrian labor in the delivery of war material of all kinds…. The army administrations of Germany and Austro-Hungary knew very well why they did not give in to the pressure for state ownership of the war-supplying enterprises. They put aside their outspoken preference for state enterprises, which would have better suited their worldview, oriented toward power policy and state omnipotence, because they knew quite well that the great industrial tasks to be accomplished in this area could be accomplished only by entrepreneurs operating on their own responsibility and with their own resources. War socialism knew very well why it had not been entrusted with the armaments enterprises right in the first years of the war.
In early August, Lemberg was retaken, much to Mises’s relief, and he was finally granted a two-week leave. On August 16, he went from the front to Krakow and took the next train to Vienna. He had spent more than a year on the front, survived against the odds, but looked as fresh and vigorous as ever, though a hip injury had plagued him for months. He helped himself with considerable quantities of Salicyl, the fever and pain reliever his mother sent him. When he started asking for higher doses, she refused to send more, demanding that he return home and stay in bed. The family had already lost his cousin, the physician Max Landau, who died of infection from examining so many typhus cadavers.
Mises did not yet know that he had finished the hardest and most dangerous phase of his military service. After the leave, he would return to the front for about six weeks, and then again from December 1916 to December 1917. But none of these expeditions brought him even close to the chaos he had known in the first months on the Northern Front.
Some time late in 1915, Mises was relieved from active duty and sent to the city of Sopron, in Hungary, where he stayed for about two months, trying unsuccessfully to recover from his hip injury, but happy to be alive. He had survived the worst and finally enjoyed the gratitude and admiration of the civilian population, who celebrated the returning troops as heroes. When he received another medal for outstanding performance before the enemy—the signum laudis in silver—the imperial praise for the unpretentious “Reserve Lieutenant whom everybody knows and loves” was enthusiastically reported in the press. The reason for his popularity was his reputation as an officer who cared for and took care of his comrades-in-arms.
The Home Front
If Mises could have gotten away earlier, in any honorable manner, he would have welcomed the opportunity. He tried, in the fall of 1914, to use his Kammer affiliation to be transferred to some other duty. The Kammer had had to give up forty-five men for military service, five of whom came like Mises from Tayenthal’s think tank. But some others were allowed to remain in their prewar functions or were transferred to the War Ministry, which cooperated very closely with the Kammer. Mises was not among the lucky few who never had to expose themselves to harm. He had many talents, but he never mastered the art of maneuvering the hallways and offices of the various war administrations, making oneself indispensable to the bureaucrats and thus unavailable for dangerous missions. The great transformation of all forms of modern leadership toward bureaucratic management, which Max Weber so brilliantly described, was epitomized in many of Mises’s former colleagues and fellow students, most notably in the cases of Schumpeter, Lederer, and Karl Pribram.
After the Northern Front had calmed down, Mises was finally considered suitable for bureaucratic employment, and the Kammer connections now proved to be effective. During his Christmas holidays in Vienna, on December 22, 1915 he received orders from the War Ministry to join its department n° 13 in Vienna.
The most immediate benefit of being stationed in Vienna was the availability of superior medical attention, but curing his hip pain proved slower and more wearying than anticipated. At the end of December, Mises was examined in the k.u.k. army hospital of the town of Baden, a base near Vienna. Dr. Hackmüller found that Mises had typhus and ordered a sulfur-based treatment. This did not bring the hoped-for results. In the following months, Mises was sent to two Vienna experts for special hip treatments, which involved massages, hot-air applications, and walking exercises under supervision.
During this period, he officially resided at a Villa Keller in Baden, but probably spent most nights at the family apartment in downtown Vienna. Thus he came to experience the profound transformations of daily life that his friends in the state bureaucracies had orchestrated to meet the challenges of the war economy. Following the intellectual fashion of the day, in early 1916 these experts had set out to introduce central planning of production and consumption on an increasing scale. Because the existing government apparatus was unable to handle such a task, they turned to the already existing cartel organizations, made them compulsory, and subordinated them to the different k.u.k. ministries. These Kriegszentralen or War Centrals controlled the distribution of industrial products and the allocation of raw materials to the firms. Their large-scale activities were financed through the k.u.k. banking establishment in Vienna and Budapest. Götz Briefs later described the step-by-step process, which led wartime Austria-Hungary on the road to the Big Brother state:
Commercial advice to the civil administration, import business first in competition with private importers and then on a monopolistic basis, economization and distribution of the stocks—this was the increasing extension of their tasks, which made them assume ever more control functions within their organizations.
These efforts at top-down management of all society did not reach the proportions or intensity attained in the German Reich (Austrians were famous for Schlamperei, a jovial carelessness—even sloppiness—that effectively prevented a full-blown, German-style command-economy) but they were effective enough, at least in Mises’s eyes, to demonstrate what applied socialism is all about—mass misery—and to confirm every single prejudice he might by then have acquired about the idiocy of government meddling with the free market. ”They ‘organized’ and did not notice that what they were doing was organizing defeat.”
With retail markets all but eradicated, huge crowds of people lined up in front of a few select food shops that had benefited from official allocations. Butterstehen, Eierstehen, Milchstehen—standing in line for butter, eggs, milk, and virtually everything else, often for hours—this was one of the new sad realities of daily life. How to cope with all this without losing one’s mind? Mises commended the example of his uncle Marcus, who somehow managed savings under these conditions—truly a model for living at the existential minimum. But he also offered more substantial support, buying additional food on the black market to supply his mother and other needy ladies. His basic salary in 1916 was 183 kronen —enough to buy some additional potatoes or flour. When he had to leave again for the Eastern Front in December 1916, he asked Emil Perels, a Kammer colleague and friend from Böhm-Bawerk’s seminar, to take care of these women.
The Mises and Perels circle included one Valerie Adler, who worked as advisor in the Ernährungsamt (Bureau of Nutrition), the brothers Karl and Ewald Pribram, one Olly Schwarz, and one Emil Schr. They would often attend opera or theater performances, or just meet at cafés to discuss politics, economics, and literature. Occasionally, these meetings would also take place in a more extended and official setting. For example, on November 16, 1916, Mises took part in a function of the Österreichische Politische Gesellschaft (Austrian Society for Politics) on current monetary problems. Schumpeter, who had come from Graz to chair the discussion, had urged Mises to debate his old opponent Walter Federn. Schumpeter opened the session, stating the currency problem was manifest as a high price level and low krone exchange rates. He argued that the high prices were the cause of the low krone, and that prices were high because of a shortage of commodities and because of bank note inflation. Normalcy could only be restored through a reduction of the quantity of money; this was the crucial point: the krone had to be restored to its former purchasing power. Mises had few things to add, and limited himself to discussing the inefficiency of foreign-exchange control through the Devisenzentrale, whereas Federn gave a balance-of-payments explanation of the present situation, blaming import surpluses for the weak krone. Significantly, most speakers—not only Herr von Landesberger, the head of the Devisenzentrale—followed in the same vein.
Mises also resumed his activities as a private lecturer at the University of Vienna, where he discussed in detail the differences between his own theory of money and the various competing views that dominated the scene in German-language universities, in particular the theories of Knapp, Schumpeter, Wieser, and Philippovich. His experience on the frontlines had changed his conduct and appearance, adding a war veteran’s personal weight to his exposition. Young Heinrich Treichl, who met him in those years at the dinner table of his parents, was especially impressed by his dark red mustache. So must have been his army comrades: Mises occasionally had the nickname Rotwild.
One of the greatest admirers of the straight and sharp young lecturer was a certain Louise Sommer, who read all of his writings and would soon want to know all his views on everything. Apparently they even met for extended evening discussions, in the course of which Fräulein Sommer became a friend—perhaps more. The otherwise unapproachable Mises shared his thoughts and feelings with her, including depressive moods. When he had returned to the front, he mailed her the first flowers of spring. After the war, Louise Sommer became an ardent proponent of Mises’s views on liberalism and politics.
On May 5, 1916, Mises received orders to join the Scientific Committee for War Economics, a new committee of the War Ministry.
Like many such wartime institutions, the Committee provided privileged employment for the upper class of the intelligentsia. It brought together established senior scholars and bright young students, including Mises, Broda, Karl Pribram, Brockhausen, Adler, Perels, and Bartsch, and possibly also Schumpeter and Alfred Amonn. The whole idea was to establish a forum for in-depth analysis of the economic problems of the war and its strategic “economic goals.”
It was clear from the outset—at least for anyone even faintly acquainted with Mises’s views—that he would disagree with some very influential people within the k.u.k. political and military leadership, and also with many Committee members, on the prospective economic benefits of military victory. He definitely did not believe that conquests in the East would convey any economic advantages for the future Austro-Hungarian economy. And in distinct contrast to other committee members, who also knew the rationale for this classical-liberal position, Mises was ready to speak up even to those who were higher in the wartime pecking order and could make his life very unpleasant.
Montesquieu once said that although one had to die for one’s country, one was not obliged to lie for it. This seems to have been Mises’s maxim too. He had already demonstrated his readiness to give his life for his country. Now he showed his will to honor the truth even if it brought him in conflict with powerful opponents. Committee meetings and presentations featured Mises arguing for the economic irrelevance of political borders. He also worked on an article restating the scientific case for this view. His article was published in December 1916 under the innocent title “Vom Ziel der Handelspolitik“ (On the Goal of Trade Policy) in Max Weber’s Archiv.
Mises argued that, “from a purely economic standpoint,” the case for free trade and against protectionism was unassailable. It was true that classical free-trade theory, the theory refined and perfected by Ricardo, had been developed under the assumption that capital and labor were mobile only within national borders, but Mises proceeded to show that the case for free trade stood firm even if these conditions were no longer applicable. In a Ricardian world of free trade, there would be rich and poor countries, and tariffs and import quotas could not change this. In a Misesian world of free international migration, there would be more densely populated countries and less densely populated countries, in all of which the wage rates and interest rates would tend to be equal; and, again, protectionism could not do anything to improve this state of affairs.
Mises pointed out that no “economic” case could be made against cross-border movements of people and capital, and then spent most of his paper discussing the paramount “non-economic” rationale, which was nationalism. He stated that international migrations conflict with the “principle of nationality,” that is, with the policy goal of promoting the numerical number and the welfare of co-nationals. Emigration leads to the assimilation of the emigrants to the foreign nation. They are then “lost” to their original nation, and this loss presents a prima facie “non-economic” case against free trade. But Mises showed that this anti-free trade conclusion is unwarranted. It is true that emigration to foreign countries weakens the nation, but protectionism cannot correct the problem—at least, Mises contended, it “cannot reach this goal in a manner beneficial to the nation” (p. 567). He observed that even the champions of protectionism had to notice that their proposed policies could not accomplish “those goals that they had set themselves” (p. 570).
By contrast, the anti-German immigration laws of other countries were rational responses to the threat of national alienation resulting from mass immigration. In short, Germany could not change its calamities through protectionism, and was helpless in the face of other countries’ policies that further aggravated its problems. Mises soberly summarized this state of affairs, despairing from the point of view of German nationalism:
The foundations of a global empire [Weltreich] are a population that multiplies approximately at the same rate as the population of the other global empires, and a settlement area that offers this population space for its development. Trade policy cannot contribute anything to establish a global empire for a nation if these conditions are not given.
The isolation of Germany in international politics, Mises surmised, was a result of the fact that it lacked sufficient territories to host its rapidly increasing population. The other nations, which controlled territories suitable to satisfy German expansionism, were united through common interests in defending their possessions and rightly “sensed that Germany must be their natural enemy” (p. 578).
Mises then criticized the plans of the social-democratic leader, Karl Renner, to establish an all-encompassing system of protective tariffs as the foundation of the future relations between the Austro-Germans and the other nations of Austria-Hungary. Renner argued that political unity between the various nations was based on common economic interests, and he thought to create this common basis artificially through protectionism. But Mises objected that, in the present age of nationalism, protectionism actually reinforces the antagonisms between the various nations because it privileges the already industrialized nations. He illustrated this point with the prewar antagonism between Austria’s ethnic Germans and the Hungarians, which had made Austria-Hungary’s political order so tenuous.
The power of the argument and the place of publication made it impossible for the war party to ignore Mises. Trouble lay ahead.
Back to the Front
At the end of August 1916, Romania entered the war on the side of the Entente powers. With new vigor, the united Russian and Romanian forces pushed forward into Transylvania and started making their way into the Hungarian plains. But their success was short-lived. Within two months, the German armies of Falkenhayn and Mackensen halted the enemy, regained the lost territory, drove the Entente forces back into the Transylvanian Alps, and from there into the Romanian heartland around Bucharest. When the Entente abandoned its positions in the mountains, it was clear that they would not be able to hold the Romanian plains either. Within another month, all of Romania had been conquered and the Russian and Romanian troops were driven back into Ukraine.
The entire campaign took place in the midst of a deep crisis in Austrian politics. On October 21, 1916, Friedrich Adler, the radical son of social-democratic leader Viktor Adler, gunned down Prime Minister Count Karl Stürgkh in a Vienna restaurant, ostensibly in protest against the government’s longstanding refusal to convene the parliament. Exactly one month later, eighty-six year old Emperor Francis Joseph died. The only man who had successfully held the reluctant nations of the empire together had gone the way of all flesh. His grandnephew, twenty-nine year old Karl, ascended the throne and appointed a new government under Count Clam-Martinic.
In the wake of this regime change, Mises was ordered to leave Department 13. The order came on very short notice. He might have expected a transfer from one part of the War Ministry to another, but it became clear that he had been picked out for another mission on the frontlines.
As details came forward, the picture darkened. Initially he thought he would lead a battery of a regular field cannon regiment, as he had done before, but the last-minute order made it clear that he would be sent on a mountain mission, which implied even greater physical duress. To top it all, his new mountain artillery battery was in terrible shape. It had been created during the February 1916 Italian campaign and had been involved in the bloodiest encounters ever since. They had suffered many losses of men, horses, and material. Just before Mises took over, Romanian forces had destroyed their supply line for ammunition. It looked as if someone in Vienna was bent on getting rid of Mises forever, and as things stood, the chances looked good that this someone would succeed.
On December 5, he joined his new unit, the Cannon Battery n° 1 of the Mountain Artillery Regiment n° 22 in the Romanian town of Rammcul Valcery (today Râmnicu Vâlcea). There he obtained a motor vehicle from the German army and moved on to Bucharest. He arrived in the Romanian capital on December 11, received his orders at the headquarters of the Prussian Army, and continued with his regiment to a summit position in the Carpathian Mountains, between Transylvania and the Bukovina.
It took three weeks to receive the first mail from Vienna. His mother’s parcels did not reach him at all, and she eventually had Franz Weiss, who held a position with the war administration, send them for her. Meanwhile Mises discovered that the human body can endure amazingly low temperatures without fainting, and he renewed the painful acquaintance with his hip.
The news from Vienna did not help his morale. In mid-February, his uncle Marcus had had a complete mental and physical breakdown, proving that Ludwig had grossly underestimated minimum living standards. He also received a letter from Karl Pribram who had taken Mises’s place at the Scientific Committee. Worried what Mises would think, Pribram wrote to give assurances that he had not pushed for his own nomination.
Mises did not suffer from envy and was ready for continued sacrifice even in the face of such injustice. He was a good sport throughout his life. Yet one wonders what he must have felt in March 1917 when, freezing behind a cannon in the Carpathian Mountains, he received news from Perels that Karl Pribram had received the Ritterkreuz (Knight’s Cross) and had moved on to a position as ministerial secretary in the Trade Ministry’s department for social policies.
* * *
While the climatic conditions in the Carpathian Mountains were severe, the new mission was actually less dangerous and certainly less exciting than the first months of war on the Northern Front. The enemy troops were tired and hardly posed a threat, while there was increasing political resistance within Russia against the Tsar, and against continuing the war in particular. The Eastern Front was relatively quiet, and Mises had time to spend with his fellow officers discussing literature and economics.
On March 14, 1917, the Russian monarchy was overthrown, soon followed by a provisional government under Alexander Kerensky. Three weeks later, Woodrow Wilson, who had been reluctant to ally the United States to the ostensibly autocratic Russian Tsar, led his country into war on the side of the Entente. The old balances on the fronts were disrupted and the troops were repositioned.
In early April, Mises’s battery moved to a new strategic position further north. It was also higher in altitude: they set up cannons at 6,000 feet. The front remained quiet, however, and the men on both sides were increasingly difficult to motivate. Peace resolutions of the powerful social-democratic parties in Russia, Germany, and Austria had reinforced the general mood of increasing skepticism about the continuation of hostilities.
There were also other distractions, such as handling their new German neighbors. The problem was that the German Army was at least as arrogant as it was efficient. Even its regular soldiers had the tendency to treat foreign allies as incompetent junior partners. On at least one occasion, Mises himself had to confront pretentious German officers claiming jurisdiction over k.u.k. troops; and after the war, when in a high-profile paper he analyzed the problems of the proposed Austro-German monetary unification, he mentioned the “the tendency of the North Germans to consider anything South German and in particular anything Austrian to be inferior and alien.”
At the end of May and in early June 1917, Mises was in Vienna, probably on a two-week leave. Here he could see first-hand the changes introduced under the new emperor. Karl was about to place his cronies in positions of military and political leadership. Displacing the old elite would have a political cost, but he tried to compensate by attempting to win greater popularity among the general public. Under Francis Joseph, nobody could get in touch with the emperor to discuss political matters except through His Majesty’s ministers, but Karl opened his antechamber to anyone who wished to offer advice. It turned out that many of his subjects felt such a calling. Just among Mises’s friends, Hans Kelsen and Joseph Schumpeter each wrote several memoranda in which they made detailed policy recommendations. Another witness of the events, Rudolf Sieghart, recalls: “There was a plethora of memoranda and audiences. Everybody gave counsel: Arch-Duchesses and priests, lower skirts and soutanes, profiteers and chats.” The new government also convened the upper and lower chamber of the Austrian parliament for the first time in more than three years, on May 30. This too was part of the emperor’s strategy to strengthen his bonds with the population—a necessity given the dramatic deterioration of living conditions in the past few months.
Mises was shocked to see how the food supply had collapsed during his six-month absence. He predicted that very soon no more food would be found at the markets, even after hours of standing in line. At one point his grandfather’s cook stood three hours in line for meat. His mother had to dismiss her cook, Therese, because she could barely afford to feed her. Sadder news was the loss of his old teacher, Eugen von Philippovich, who died on June 4 from a long illness.
With these impressions he left Vienna on June 9 to return to his battery. He was back in time to prepare the last great action on the Eastern Front. Starting July 1, 1917 the united German and k.u.k. troops completed the re-conquest of the Bukovina in the wake of the so-called Kerensky offensive. At the end of July, Mises and his regiment reached their new permanent field of operations about 60 miles east of their initial position, in the area of Brusztury and Czardaki. One month later, the war on the Eastern Front was virtually over and his regiment would receive recognition for its performance at the attack on Czardaki.
Meanwhile, his colleagues from the Scientific Committee experienced the war under safer conditions. Mises knew it was the fate of political opponents to become marginalized within the state apparatus—and the ruling war party had an especially successful means of marginalization: it could send its opponents to the front. Still, it was exasperating to see how much the threat of combat intimidated the would-be intellectual leaders of the country. With the opposition to its expansionary plans silenced, and a technocratic elite composed of corrupt cowards, the Austrian war party had carte blanche within the government.
Mises did not capitulate. In the midst of the July battles, with biting pain in his hip, he somehow found the time to write for the Neue Freie Presse on public policy. His friends back in Vienna were grateful and amazed. Louise Sommer wrote him:
How I envy your proficiency in using the method of isolation to suppress disturbing personal problems…. I almost envy you your life of narrowly circumscribed activities. Surely you have time to work—you find time even in a shower of bullets.
Fortunately, Mises was not showered by bullets in the next two months—the regiment’s July and early August battles were the last in the Bukovina. But this did not mean that Mises’s frontline mission was over. His battery had orders to join the 1st Corps of the Austrian army on the Southern Front.
With additional troops newly available from the now-quiet Eastern Front, the k.u.k. Army prepared a new offensive against the Italians. The 12th Isonzo Battle in October and November 1917 would be Mises’s last engagement in this war, and the last battle he would ever fight with guns. He spent six exhausting weeks on the Southern Front, under fire, enduring cold weather in the Alps, and still suffering a biting pain in his hip. On one of those days, his regiment was stationed on Hoch Rombon, a major peak in the area. Mises reported: ”thick fog and snow storm, 50 cm new snow, all ways are stuck, many electric cables are damaged and can be repaired only under life danger.” He also mentioned that his men had no more wood to burn and suffered from colds and rheumatism. Fortunately for him and his troops, this was just three days before the decisive breakthrough of the united German and Austro-Hungarian forces in a frontal attack against the better-equipped Italians, pushing them far back into the planes of Frioul and the Veneto. One historian speculates that the “attackers would have moved even faster had they not paused to gorge their rumbling stomachs with the undreamt-of quantities of good Italian food and wine.” What a way to escape, once more, the jaws of death.
New Life
By mid-November, Mises had left both the front and the Scientific Committee. The details of his departure from the latter are unknown, but it appears to have been part of a general improvement in his situation. From this point on, in fact, his life would continue to improve for quite a while. A few days after quitting the Committee he was promoted to the rank of Captain, and on December 3, 1917 (he had just started an eighteen-day leave in Vienna) he was ordered to join Department 10 of the War Ministry, the department for war economy. The head of the department was one Colonel Linoch with whom Mises enjoyed very good relations. Linoch left him at liberty to engage in academic pursuits. Mises devoted as much time as possible to a new book with the working title of Imperialismus, which would summarize his reflections on the war. He also resumed his teaching activities.
The winter semester had already started, so it was too late to set up a seminar, but Mises probably held Sunday lectures at the Volks-Bildungs-Verein. If so, the experience dealt a heavy blow to his views about educating the masses. He said in his Notes and Recollections (1940), he now realized that the classical liberals had over-estimated the ability of the common people to form independent judgments.
In the spring and summer of 1918, he directed a university course on banking theory and advised several students on what to read and which subjects to study. Women would not be admitted to the department of law and government science for another year, but most participants of Mises’s course were young ladies. Because of the war, there were few male students left in Vienna. His female students were probably from the department of philosophy, which had admitted women since 1897.
Among the few male students was Dr. Richard von Strigl, who had been a fellow student in Böhm-Bawerk’s seminar. Strigl would become one of the most important and influential Austrian economists in the interwar period. The presence of Strigl and of Helene Dub, wife of the economics editor of the Neue Freie Presse, highlighted a particular feature of university seminars in those days. The seminars were not mere schooling functions, but also provided a forum for discussions among senior members who were often on a par with the lecturer. Each session began with a presentation on the subject of the day, usually delivered by one of the students. Then Mises commented on both the presentation and the subject itself, and answered questions from other participants.
On May 18, Mises was promoted from an unpaid private lecturer’s position to the rank of professor extraordinarius. This position does not have an equivalent in the American university system. An extraordinarius position is not a titled full professorship and is unpaid, but it does include tenure and enjoys greater social prestige than does an associate professorship.
Another welcome event for Mises was his new personal acquaintance with Max Weber. The German scholar was already a living legend, but he had not lectured for more than ten years, pursuing his studies in private at the University of Heidelberg. Weber now celebrated an unexpected and spectacular comeback in Vienna, and attracted huge crowds of students and professors. His encounters with Mises produced mutual admiration. Much of what Mises wrote in the late 1920s on the logical and epistemological problems of economic science was in reaction to Weber’s position. And in his university courses and private seminar, Mises relentlessly encouraged the study of Weber’s work. Weber in turn praised Mises’s theory of money as the “most acceptable” in print. And he seemed to have learned a few things from his young colleague in Vienna. During Weber’s 1918 stay in Vienna, Mises convinced him that there was in the social sciences a discipline separate and distinct from history. Economic theory was a truly scientific discipline. Its subject matter was the analysis of the relationships between means and ends, an analysis that could be performed without making value judgments. Moreover, Mises persuaded Weber that economic rationality—that is, economic calculation—would be absent in a socialist commonwealth.
As the wartime welfare state continued to grow, Mises continued to prefer private alternatives, not just in theory, but in the actions he took in his own life, from the improvement of his family’s food supply (even the black market was deteriorating) to the professional placement of friends and colleagues eager to get away from the front. Mises was known to be responsive to calls for getting people out of the death zone and into an administrative position in Vienna or elsewhere. He was often helped in these missions of mercy by his friends Victor Graetz and Ludwig Bettelheim-Gabillon.
Mises’s success in placing others was at least in part due to his increased notoriety. His courageous public opposition to the war party and its claims for the economic benefits of military expansion had not changed policy, but it had attracted interest to him and his work. He had become a public figure when he was invited to lecture on Austrian public finance to the plenary meeting of the Advokatenwählerverein, an electoral association of lawyers. It is likely that Mises addressed the same themes he had two months earlier in an article for the Neues Wiener Tagblatt. In this piece, he characterized Austrian tax law as the patchwork product of 100 years of tax reforms, errors, and competing special interests. And he vigorously criticized the government’s plan to introduce a one-time emergency tax (Sonderabgabe), warning that the new tax would become permanent, and arguing that sound financial policies must consider both government revenue and government expenditures. His lecture was a great success. On Monday, March 11, 1918, Mises started a 15-year public career as the economist of Austria.
In May 1918, the Office for the Defense Against Enemy Propaganda invited him to lecture on the “Significance of the War Bond.” The lecture took place in the context of an “information course” for officers who were to offer patriotic instructions to the troops. The main purpose of the Office was to promote k.u.k. war bonds. But Mises was unwilling to be an instrument of propaganda and made instead a compelling case for free-market war finance. He especially emphasized the perils of financing the war through inflation. The speech was published from stenographic lecture notes without giving Mises the opportunity to review the transcript.
A Last Mission
After their overthrow of the Kerensky government in November 1917, the Bolsheviks called for an immediate end of the war on the Eastern Front on a status quo ante basis and without reparations for either side. Moreover, they began to make public highly secret prewar Entente plans for punishing Germany in case of victory. These revelations increased the political pressure on the Allies to seek an early peace as their reasons for going to war now appeared in a decidedly less saintly light. The stark contrast between the evil Germanic autocrats and the humane democracies of the West faded away and was slowly replaced by a more realistic picture of the situation. But most of all, the Bolshevik push for peace changed the military situation since it brought the prospect of relieving Austria and Germany from their awkward two-front struggle.
These prospects materialized very slowly, though, because the German side insisted on war reparations that the Bolsheviks would not accept. The peace negotiations started in Brest-Litovsk shortly before Christmas 1917 and were brought to an end only after an Austro-German ultimatum forced the Russian side to sign a treaty by which it ceded military control of the entire Ukraine to its enemies. Thus, what initially promised to be a great military and political success for the Austro-German side had turned into a disaster. Precious time had been lost to move troops to the Western Front. And the imposed “agreement” failed to pacify the Russians, so precious Mittelmächte forces were diverted to defend against a possible Russian backlash. In short, all political advantages had vanished. Lloyd George, Wilson, and the Western press immediately presented the treaty of Brest-Litovsk as evidence of the imperial expansionism of their enemies.
The official rationale for a military occupation of the Ukraine was the exploitation of its rich natural resources. Few people in Germany and Austria knew that this idea was flawed. Mises knew it. In his Archiv article “On the Goal of Trade Policy” he had pointed out that economic control over resources can be enjoyed even in the absence of political control. Access to Ukrainian resources would have been possible through regular trade channels and did not require military occupation of the entire country. Mises relentlessly insisted on this point with an intransigence that had almost cost him his life.
The real “economic” rationale for the occupation of the Ukraine was the usual one: it brought unearned riches to a select few. In the present case, the economic exploitation of the occupied zone was to be confided to an “Ostsyndikat“—a cartel of big industrialists and big bankers with good government connections. Each of them would have monopoly rights to certain Ukrainian products. A May 1918 meeting in Berlin brought all interested men together and determined the broad division of the loot, in particular, each party’s “trade contingent”—its exclusive trade domain.
One of the unsettled questions after the Berlin meeting was the future monetary constitution of the Ukraine. The Austrian side had a special interest in the question because Austrian war inflation had swept large quantities of kronen into the occupied zone. Decisions about Ukrainian money and currency would most certainly affect the demand for krone notes and thus could possibly break up the krone’s fiat exchange rate.
The fundamental problem was that Austria-Hungary, like all other warring states, had vastly inflated its currency, which consistently lowered its exchange rate with other, less-inflated currencies. The only thorough way to stop both the inflation and its symptoms (higher prices and depreciating exchange rates) was, of course, to stop producing additional krone notes, but many statists and money cranks sought schemes to get around this appalling measure. One of these tricks was to make payments in money titles issued on behalf of banks other than the Austro-Hungarian Central Bank in Vienna. The Austrians applied this measure in their occupied territories in Italy. They made payments to their Italian suppliers in Darlehenskassenscheinen (Loan Bureau Notes) denoted in lire to bolster the krone exchange rate against the lira.
Similar measures were taken on the Eastern Front. In August 1918, when the Germans had for some time already made ruble payments in the territories they controlled, the Bankstelle (bank office) of the East Army Command submitted a memorandum proposing similar measures for the territories occupied by Austrian forces. According to the economists of the Bankstelle, the krone surplus on the market resulted from large military payments that were not sufficiently compensated by kronen flowing out as payments for imports from Germany. The German authorities, selfishly concerned with the strength of the mark, were unwilling to cooperate to achieve stable exchange rates. Therefore, the Austrian army should also change its policies by (a) suppressing contraband imports from Austria and exports to Russia and (b) making payments in rubles. These policies would give the Bankstelle time to absorb krone surpluses in the Ukraine by offering interest-paying (2%) demand deposits with the local exchequer of the East Army, which would assume the function of a branch office of the Austro-Hungarian Central Bank. This would supposedly bring the millions of kronen now being hoarded in private wallets and strongboxes back into circulation where they could be used in the interest of the national economy and of the currency itself. The Bankstelle clearly had no idea that these measures were entirely unfit to attain the end that it sought. Few in Austria-Hungary could even comprehend, let alone solve such problems.
In June 1918, Otto Katz, director of the Union Bank in Vienna, approached Mises on behalf of a financial policy mission to solve the currency problems in the Ukraine. Mises would be charged with monetary policy in this important occupied territory. The head of the group would be Exzellenz Kraus, under whose leadership Mises had already fought the last battles of the Bukovina and the 12th Isonzo battle. The mission represented a great opportunity for Mises. A thirty-six-year-old captain, he still had one of the lower officer ranks, and his position in civilian life was not especially elevated either. His main capital was the solid reputation he had gained as an expert on money and banking. Katz’s offer was therefore a unique career opportunity. At the very least it promised exceptional exposure to high-profile policy-making. There was nothing to do but to thank God, fate, and Katz for the offer, and to accept it immediately and wholeheartedly.
Characteristically, however, Mises spelled out his conditions. He would offer his services for this venture only if he had full decision-making power, being the officer with exclusive responsibility for the financial and monetary policy of the Ukraine. This required in turn that he be transferred into the civil service and obtain a position corresponding to that of Bosnian secretary of state.
Most importantly, he demanded that his bureaucratic authority be completely clarified to avoid later frictions that could turn out to be harmful to the cause. He combined this demand with a hard-hitting attack on the bad habits of Austrian bureaucracy. Unlike their German cousins, he argued, the Austrians lacked the ability for detached commitment to a cause:
The usual words of appeasement offered in response to claims made about us—”they will get ahead based on character alone” or “things will sort themselves out in time”—are completely false. I am convinced that I could assert myself and secure a “comfortable” position. But what matters is objectivity; for such personal advantages are gained through a yielding of resolve when it comes to things in which one should have remained firm, and through needless caballing, which leaves no time for solid work. One must be capable of pure objectivity. That the Germans are objective is the basis of their success.
Mises had no illusions about the acceptability of his proposals. Setting clear terms of cooperation in the interest of the cause was simply not the style of the Austrian administration, and he therefore thought the negotiations at an end. But some days later, Lieutenant Colonel Maximilian Edler von Becher, a high officer from the Imperial General Staff in Vienna, asked him to name the concrete conditions under which he would be willing to join 2nd Army Command as a financial and monetary consultant. He answered in a letter dated June 26, 1918.
Mises suggested dividing the civil service of the 2nd Army Command into three departments: one for political affairs, one for financial and monetary affairs, and one for public finance. He would become director of the department for financial and monetary affairs. He had to be made a civil servant to have authority in dealing with the other representatives of the state, and he had to be an Imperial (k.u.k.) employee to reduce conflicts with Austrian, Hungarian, and local state agents. For the same reason, it would not be advisable for him to remain an officer of the Kammer. For in his capacity as monetary officer he would have to revise agreements between the Ukraine and the Austrian Trade Bureau, an appendix organization of the Kammer, which had a monopoly privilege in Ukrainian imports and exports. His negotiations with the Bureau would lack credibility because of the Bureau’s executives within the Kammer; and risked inciting nationalist resentments since they could be depicted as an inner-Austrian deal to the detriment of the other nations.
Becher seemed to endorse Mises’s arguments and restated them almost word-for-word in an official recommendation to his superiors. In this public paper, of which Mises received a copy, Becher suggested that Mises be invited to go to Odessa for an oral presentation and also to study conditions in Kiev and other large Ukrainian towns.
Behind the curtains of the General Staff, however, plans were made to induce the cooperation of the recalcitrant captain without giving in to his demands. In mid-July, the head of Department 10, Colonel Linoch, received an order to further reduce his staff. The order came from very high up, and it was specific about the staff members to be dismissed. Mises was among them. When he received the news from Linoch, he knew the only choice left to him was between the front and a Ukrainian mission without conditions. Linoch managed to extend Mises’s leave in Bad Gastein. Then the commander of the East Army, General Alfred Kraus, sent Mises on a two-week mission to Odessa and Kiev and ordered him to report about Ukrainian currency and finance.
Mises arrived in Odessa on September 7 and quickly learned that the Germans were pushing to establish a Ukrainian fractional-reserve central bank, whereas the Austrians—in particular Herr Pollak from the k.u.k. Ministry of Finance and the Vienna Association of Bankers—resisted this plan. As things stood, it was politically inevitable that any monetary constitution for the Ukraine would have to involve a central bank with a monopoly on the issuance of banknotes. The question was whether the new establishment could be limited to providing currency, or if it would also be drawn into attempts to solve the pressing financial problems of the country.
Such attempts would jeopardize the stability of the new currency, but how else could the financial burdens be shouldered? At a meeting with the local Austrian commander, Mises convinced the Austrian bankers to promote sales of Vienna stocks and bonds to the Ukrainian public. To avoid the monetary inflation the Germans advocated, the Misesian strategy was to seek a private-business solution through an increase of foreign holdings of Austrian stock and debt. In a later report to General Kraus he made comments and suggestions to improve this proposed institution as much as possible. In particular, he recommended that the future central bank be built on the model of the Bank of the Russian Empire. The Ukrainian central bank should be a pure government institution (as distinct, for example, from the formal set-up of the Bank of England or the German Reichsbank), and half of its endowment should be held as cash reserves. In its investment policies, the new bank should follow private banking principles: no risky investments and no long-term engagements. Mises also stressed that reserve ratios were “of crucial importance” to create trust and credit for the banknotes. The reserves had to be in cash. Anything else would
not offer any tangible security for the note owner [or] in any way prevent an unlimited note-issue that eventually results in the note’s complete devaluation. The history of the French assignats, which had been “covered” through liabilities on all of the State’s territories, serves here as a warning example.
Mises thus proposed a form of fractional-reserve central banking system better known as the gold exchange standard. He recommended keeping reserves for one third of all circulating banknotes, and these reserves should be either in cash (gold and silver), in foreign currency, or in bills of exchange on foreign currency. Moreover, the management of the bank should “of course” be subordinate to the government, preferably to the trade minister, since the finance minister would be tempted to abuse it for fiscal purposes.
Mises’s proposals were never put into practice. A week after his return to Vienna, the Bulgarian front crumbled and after another month, both Austria-Hungary and Germany were in a state of political and military dissolution. The war ended in sudden chaos, and the empire—a centuries-old order—vanished almost overnight.
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Steam News - Alden
With today's Steam update, we are ready for public testing of a new system that changes the way Steam sorts user reviews on store pages with the goal of prioritizing reviews that can best help players make a purchase decision about the game. This new helpfulness system is now enabled by default, and can easily be toggled within the user review settings for each game.
The Goals Of User Reviews
The primary goal of Steam User Reviews is to help potential players make informed decisions about the games they are considering purchasing by understanding the attributes of the game that other players like or don't like. Historically we've sorted reviews by the number of 'helpful' votes given to each review by other players. However, we’ve seen that many players use reviews for sharing jokes, memes, ascii art and other content that might not be the most helpful for a potential purchaser. That content is usually fine, and often a lot of fun for existing customers of a game, but it doesn't always help new players in making informed purchasing decisions.
New: Prioritizing Informative Reviews
User reviews that are identified as being unhelpful for potential customers, such as one-word reviews, reviews comprised of ASCII art, or reviews that are primarily playful memes and in-jokes, will be sorted behind other reviews on the game’s store page. That doesn't mean players won't ever see these humorous, but unhelpful posts, but it hopefully means that they’ll see them less frequently when trying to learn about a game. If you enjoy seeing these sorts of reviews when browsing the store, there's an option on the store page to include them when browsing.
This change doesn't impact how review scores are generated for each game; it is simply changing the order that reviews appear on each store page.
Have Feedback?
As always, we learn from your feedback, so please feel free to leave a comment below.
Frequently Asked Questions:
Q: How does Steam determine which reviews are not informative?
A: Categorization work is a mix of techniques, including user reports, the Steam moderation team looking closely at a lot of reviews, and some machine learning algorithms to help scale the human judgement calls. Our team has found that a lot of the unhelpful reviews were easy to spot, so we're targeting those first. This is a work in process, and will likely take quite a while for our team to evaluate the existing reviews and newly posted reviews.
Q: Does it matter anymore if I mark a review as Helpful or not?
A: Marking a review as helpful or not is still taken into account.
Q: Can I help identify reviews that are not informative?
A: Our moderation team looks closer at reviews that are reported by other users, so the best thing you can do is report the review with a brief description of why. Please see Reporting Content in the Steam Community for more details.
Q: How can I compare this new system to what the old one returned?
A: You can easily do so by unselecting the option "Use new helpfulness system" under the "Display" drop-down just above the user reviews.
Q: Does it matter if a review is positive or negative during this evaluation?
A: No, the blue thumbs-up and red thumbs-down are not a factor in deciding whether a review is found to be informative.
Q. Got any interesting trivia about user reviews?
A. Steam players have posted well over 140 Million user reviews to date.
Q. If you've identified a review as unhelpful, why not delete the review?
A. We have found that many players want to express an opinion about the game, but don't always have the words to describe their experience with the game, or aren't interested in writing much. Their indication of whether they would recommend the game is still valuable data, even if they are not able to articulate why.
Q. Where can I learn more about the rules for User Reviews on Steam?
A. For more details, please see Rules and Guidelines For Steam: Discussions, Reviews, and User Generated Content
Steam News - Alden
With thousands of playable demos launching on Steam every year, and millions of players trying them out (often as part of Steam Next Fest), we've noticed some trends in feedback from both developers and players about the process and functionality. We've put together an update based on that feedback.
As a reminder, you can always find great demos to play on the Steam demo hub.
Demos now behave better in the Steam library
We've made a few updates to how demos appear and behave within the Steam Library. Here are the key items:
You can add demos to your library without having to immediately install them. Just click on the new "add to library" button next to demos you may not be ready to install (while using the mobile app, for instance).
Demos can be installed even if you already own the full game. Primarily, this will make it easier for developers to test demos, but it will also help players more easily manage installing/uninstalling demos.
Demos can be explicitly removed from an account by right-clicking > manage > remove from account.
When a demo is uninstalled, it will automatically get removed from your library.
Demos can now have a separate store page
By default, free demos appear as a button on the full game's store page. But, developers have been asking for a way to enable a full store page to better describe the contents of the demo, add separate screenshots, upload a trailer, and specify supported features. So, that is now possible and you'll find that clicking on a demo sometimes loads a full demo store page while other times will take you to the full game's page with a button to install the demo.
Tight connection with the full game
Stand-alone demo store pages will automatically display both the demo install button as well as a widget linking back to the full game for players interested in wishlisting or purchasing the full game.
User reviews for demos
If developers have chosen to enable a store page for their demo, it will also be possible for players of the demo to post user reviews for the demo. These reviews and review score will appear on the demo store page just like reviews for any other free game on Steam. Note that if the developer has chosen to not have a separate store page for their demo, then user reviews will not be enabled for that demo.
Demos now appear more in the Steam store
Demos now behave more like free games and can appear in all the same sections and lists. For example, demos can now appear on the Steam homepage in charts such as the "New & Trending", on the "New on Steam" page, and on relevant tag and category pages. We've also made some changes to the thresholds for free products to appear in those sections to better balance them with paid products.
Of course you can always find great demos to play on the Steam demo hub.
Wishlist notifications when demos become available
We've now also made it so that when a demo becomes available for the first time for a game that you have on your Steam wishlist, or from a developer you follow, Steam can send you an email and mobile notification about that demo.
You can opt in or out of these emails by updating your email preferences.
Infrequently Asked Questions
Q. What is the deal with the Demo icon? Is that a plate? A vinyl record?
A. That classic icon, my friend, is from the days when demos were commonly distributed through the post office, contained in a bound package of game journalism printed on dead trees and imprinted on circular media known as Compact Discs.
Q. Some demos just appeared in my Steam library. How did those get there?
A. We've made some changes to visibility of demos in the Steam Library, which may effect demos that you played long ago. We've tried our best to clean up the demos that we expect you don't care about anymore, but we may have missed some. You can easily remove those by right-clicking them in your Steam library and selecting manage > remove from account.
Q. I love free demos. When is the next Steam Next Fest?
A. Check back on October 14th for the next weeklong Steam Next Fest, featuring hundreds of new free playable demos! You can sign up for a reminder by visiting the Next Fest page now: https://store.steampowered.com/sale/nextfest
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https://www.greatwarforum.org/topic/94063-mars-offensive-28th-march-1918/
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Mars Offensive 28th March 1918
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[
"RobertBr"
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2008-03-11T00:16:46+00:00
|
Nearly a year ago Chris started a post to commemorate an oft forgotten battle that was the second phase of the Great Offensive. Subsequently a ‘challenge’ to document the battle was issued. I have a particular interest in the 56th (London) Division, my Grandfather was a Gunner with ‘D’ Battery 28...
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en
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The Great War (1914-1918) Forum
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https://www.greatwarforum.org/topic/94063-mars-offensive-28th-march-1918/
|
169th Brigade. 1/2nd London Regiment (Royal Fusiliers) Summary
The actions of the battalion and enemy on, Maundy Thursday, 28th March 1918.
I hold these in a table which I have converted to text (using a macro) for this post. In some cases the ‘Enemy action or report’ should be read before the ‘Battalion action or report’. Its not ideal but you cannot post Tables!
Key
Time or + which indicates an event at a later time but before the next actual time
Battalion action or report
Enemy action or report - in Italics
_________________
03.00 to 10.00
Men ordered to ‘Stand to’ and wear their Box Respirators, which they did for 3 (4?) hours until the area was reported clear of gas.
Gas bombardment lasted to 07.00, a favouring breeze helped to clear it.
DITCH POST and the trenches in the vicinity of the Gavrelle-Arras Road were very heavily knocked about.
Battalion front bombarded for 7 hours after which it lifted to the back areas.
Intense bombardment on Brigade front by all calibres from 8 inch downwards. Large quantities of gas shells falling all along the BAILLEUL-WILLERVAL LINE.
Bombardment was especially on DITCH POST, BAILLUL EAST POST, BAILLEUL-WILLERVAL LINE and for 100yds either side of the Gavrelle to POINT DU JOUR Road
03.00
Barrage on NAVAL Line and posts in rear.
05.45 to 07.15
Garrison of GAVRELLE POST withdrew to TOWY POST
Barrage also on front line.
Enemy in WILLIE TRENCH.
Enemy penetrated Gavrelle, both flanks of TOWY POST and entered TOWY ALLEY.
07.20
SOS reported.
Bombing parties sent up TOWY ALLEY, THAMES ALLEY and TYNE ALLEY.
Blocks established in TYNE ALLEY and the GAVRELLE BAILLEUL Road
+
London Rifle Brigade and Queens Westminster Rifles were driven back to BAILLEUL-WILLERVAL LINE via THAMES ALLEY and TOWY ALLEY.
Men of the Machine Gun Company with 3 machine guns retreated down TOWY ALLEY and set up their guns in the line.
The garrison of the BAILLEUL-WILLERVAL LINE was thickened up by about 60 London Rifle Brigade and 160 Queens Westminster Rifles from the forward system.
These reinforcements were very welcome as the line was thinly held particularly on the left.
Enemy bombing parties in TYNE ALLEY
08.45
Lewis Gunners and riflemen open fire on them and cause them to seek shelter.
Small parties of German troops wearing full packs seen in the direction of TYNE ALLEY and MARINE TRENCH
+
Left company’s Lewis Gunners and riflemen fire on them picking off their leaders. This stopped their advance and later they withdrew
Line of Skirmishers approach
09.45
Cpt Whittle (QWR attached) took command of THAMES ALLEY from CASTLEFORD to the main trench, with 2 bombing sections to help.
+
KEILLER POST held out for a considerable time.
CASTLEFORD POST was still intact until after nightfall
+
Stopped by Artillery, machine guns, Lewis Guns and rifle fire
Enemy make two attacks on BAILLEUL-WILLERVAL LINE
+
Driven off time and again by Lewis Guns.
Enemy aeroplanes in large patrols (3 to 13) flew low over trenches directing artillery fire and firing at the trench garrisons.
Later in morning
‘A’ Company position in TYNE ALLEY taken over by the London Scottish
11.30
‘A’ company 8th Middlesex sent up to hold the new switch trench adjoining the BAILLEUL-WILLERVAL LINE north of DITCH POST and TOWY ALLEY. They remained their all day
13.50
Parties observed withdrawing towards MARINE TRENCH from TYNE ALLEY
14.00 to 18.00
Intensive artillery barrage mainly on BAILLEUL EAST POST and DITCH POST
16.00
This method of advance was speedily stopped by rifle fire.
Germans advanced across the open but with the exception of 2 or 3 snipers did not fire. Whole sections threw their rifles forward, then rushed forward with their hands up to where their rifles had fallen, picked their rifles up, threw their rifles forward again, and so on.
3 or 4 crept within 40yds of the wire.
German troops were in Full Marching Order and appeared to be well trained physically, but their attack seemed to lack leadership and enthusiasm.
16.45
These having fired about 20 rounds received attention from our own artillery and were forced to withdraw
4 field guns were reported in action near NAVAL TRENCH firing over open sights at DITCH POST
+
Numerous small parties seen moving backwards and forwards throughout the day
+
Informed that 5 enemy divisions had been identified in the attack on the Divisional front.
21.30
Orders received for the Brigade to be relieved by the 7th and 8th Middlesex
168th Brigade. 1/4th London Regiment (Royal Fusiliers) Summary
The actions of the battalion and enemy on the 28th March 1918.
Key
Time or + which indicates an event at a later time but before the next actual time
Battalion action Or report
Enemy action or report in italics
_________________
03.00
Forward area was hardly affected by this shelling. No casualties
Heavy shelling with gas and later with HE on BOW TRENCH and OUSE ALLEY.
05.00
Blocks in OUSE ALLEY were lowered and extra rum and small arms ammunition issued to men.
05.40
OUSE ALLEY and the EARL-MARQUIS LINE at first escaped attention, but later came in for a fair share of the shelling.
Heavy bombardment with Trench Mortars and Howitzers on the Front Line Posts.
07.30
SOS wired from OPPY POST and then the other two a few minutes later.
SOS Mortars fired from WOOD POST, BEATTY POST and both Battalion HQs.
OUSE ALLEY was manned by this time.
Enemy advance over the open to the left of OPPY WOOD; seen from Forward Battalion HQ.
07.30 to
OPPY POST Report
Trench mortars caused many casualties before the actual attack.
Rifle and Lewis Gun fire caused many casualties; one Lewis Gun being fired from the hip!
Those that escaped came back along BEDFORD ROW and BOYNE TRENCH, they then manned the MARQUIS LINE.
Garrison: 2 Officers, 48 Other Ranks
Returned: 1 Officer, 5 Other Ranks
The enemy were very close to the post and swamped it almost from the start.
07.30 to 08.30
WOOD POST Report
The bombardments did not touch the new post but fell well in front of the old post.
They were met by heavy rifle fire and fire from 2 Lewis Guns.
Forced them back with No. 23 Grenades.
The enemy were checked in the wood and on the left.
Stretcher Bearers were working in the WOOD.
As ammunition and Grenades were getting short he survivors withdrew along BEDFORD ROW and BOYNE TRENCH to the MARQUIS LINE.
Garrison: 2 Officers, 45 Other Ranks
Returned: 1 Officer, 15 Other Ranks
Enemy advance in an extended line (~2 paces) over the open ground on the left of the wood. They came through the wood in groups of 10 men about 50 yards apart. Further groups of 30 men followed 200 yards behind the first line.
Attempted to force the block in the communications trench leading from the old to the new post.
Captured BEATTY POST and working around WOD POST from NEW CUT.
Enemy worked along NEW CUT and BAKER STREET and captured the Platoon HQ dugout.
Sergeant Frank Udall MM and two bars was 80 yards behind the front line post, behind him were two or three Vickers machine guns.
07.30 to 07.45
BEATTY POST Report
Post badly damaged by Trench Mortars.
Rapid fire caused many casualties.
Survivors withdrew via BAKER STREET to the MARQUIS LINE over the open
Garrison: 3 Officers, 84 Other Ranks
Returned: 1 Officer, 6 Other Ranks
Enemy advanced in much the same way as reported by WOOD POST. Some of the leading line fired rifle grenades from their hips.
Enemy worked around the right flank and got into MARINE TRENCH and OUSE ALLEY in great numbers eventually swamping the garrison.
+
Narrative states that WOOD POST held out for about an hour inflicting heavy casualties on the enemy. Their good work probably saved the MARQUIS-LINE being over-run on the right near the Forward Battalion HQ.
+
After the posts had been lost the MARQUIS LINE easily held up the enemy.
Major FA Philips orders 2/Lieut OC Hudson’s platoon to form a defensive flank. This position inflicted heavy casualties on the enemy which it caught in enfilade as they broke through over EARL to VISCOUNT STREET .
2/Lieut OC Hudson’s platoon in the MARQUIS LINE astride OUSE ALLEY to form a defensive flank. A rehearsed process manning a block in OUSE ALLEY to the front, in EARL to the right and firesteps facing right along OUSE ALLEY.
This flank was continued by HQ details manning firesteps in OUSE ALLEY and a block near the Aid Post in SOUTH DUKE STREET
On the right the enemy were strongly established in the EARL LINE and VISCOUNT STREET about 15min after zero.
08.20
Aeroplane bombs EARL and OUSE ALLEY, also drops small (1ft diameter) white parachute
09.00
CO orders Reserve Company to send one Platoon to man OUSE ALLEY in front of the BELFAST Machine Gun.
Engage enemy parties on the ridge.
Remainder of Reserve Company ordered to bomb up OUSE ALLEY to join Maj FA Phillips and complete the defensive flank.
HQ detail ordered to take small arms ammunition to the front line if the Reserve Company succeeds.
Attack pushed 400yds up the trench, but stopped due the enemy on their right.
A party was left in the trench and on firesteps to hold up the enemy.
The rest of the Reserve Company moved over the open ground to the left of OUSE ALLEY towards BOYNE DUMP to take up small arms ammunition to the front line.
Enemy in VISCOUNT STREET
Stragglers from London Rifle Brigade report the enemy coming down OUSE ALLEY.
Enemy were pressing over the open from the right
09.30
Major FA Philips counter attacked with about 20 HQ details under heavy fire. The enemy were ejected and a block established in OUSE ALLEY towards VISCOUT STREET. This wsa successfully defended with grenades by a party under Sjt Udall
Strong enemy party seen working up OUSE ALLEY from VISCOUT STREET.
+
The centre of the MARQUIS LINE was attacked, but not pressed until the WOOD POST garrison withdrew.
Well directed rifle and Lewis Gun fire from the MARQUIS LINE prevented the enemy from debouching.
Rifle Grenades were used on NEW CUT and BAKER STREET where the enemy had established himself.
Large volume of rifle fire from OPPY WOOD
+
On the left of the MARQUIS LINE excellent targets on the left of the WOOD were engaged with the Lewis Gun doing most excellent work.
Next 3 hours
Large umber of dead seen between WOOD TRENCH and BEALE TRENCH
Defence of the line was ably carried out by Cpt H N Williams.
The Lewis Gun in the Bank had run out of ammunition but reinforced by a few men it they ejected the enemy with rifle fire and grenades.
Enemy twice broke into BOYNE but were thrown out.
Enemy broke in on the left from CLARENCE TRENCH
11.00
Forward troops marshalled by Maj FA Philips hold the MARQUIS LINE beating off attacks to the front and hold a block on the left.
On the right enemy pressure was considerable, but he was held up in EARL and SOUTH DUKE STREET
Enemy hold VISCOUNT STREET on the right and pushing on towards the RED LINE.
Field Gun brought up to NE corner of OPPY WOOD
+
The artillery shelled EARL TRENCH to good effect. Heavy artillery was seen to do good work on OPPY WOOD
11.30
Front Line position precarious.
Senior Officers decided to withdraw down the valley from BOYNE DUMP. They were met by the Reserve Company in OUSE ALLEY who then withdrew.
Men in BOW TRENCH near the Battalion HQ dealt with advanced enemy parties
Enemy reinforced in OPPY WOOD.
Enemy in great strength in VISCOUNT STREET and pushing on the right, thus threatening to cut off OUSE ALLEY.
Small parties on the ridge and one man on the Railway.
+
Seven killed by Sjt with Lewis Gun in the bank firing into a slit cut in OUSE ALLEY
Strong enemy party attack the block in BOW TRENCH
+
All troops were back in BOW TRENCH or the RED LINE therefore the barrage was dropped to about 400yds in front of the line. It was to be intensified if a SOS was fired from Battalion HQ
Small parties worked up the valley and fired White Very Lights
next hour
Lull in fighting
+
BOW TRENCH handed over to London Scottish.
Battalion to withdraw to the RAILWAY EMBANKMENT
16.00
Enemy shell RED LINE
18.00
Withdrawal completed Battalion reorganised into two Companies.
Arranged to man the BROWN LINE and Posts to the south of the Bailleul Road should the enemy push through the RED LINE.
168th Brigade. 1/13th London Regiment (Kensington’s) Summary
The actions of the battalion and enemy on the 28th March 1918.
Key
Time or + which indicates an event at a later time but before the next actual time
Battalion action Or report
Enemy action or report in italics
_________________
Early morning
Took over line from TOMMY POST (Inclusive) North to TIRED ALLEY
03.00
The last company passed through the Red Line without casualties
Heavy Gas Bombardment of RED LINE
4.30
Bombardment to immediate South was so heavy it was obvious that a general attack was imminent.
+
Attack on battalions front thought to be unlikely! Support Company in RAILWAY TRENCH warned to be prepared to from defensive flank Southward on TOMMY ALLEY
Considerable Trench Mortar activity against TOMMY POST.
07.00
SOS from TOWY POST. General attack as far North as OPPY POST
+
Lewis Gun fire drives off attack by ~50 enemy on TOMMY POST
+
Platoon in TOMMY POST did considerable execution with Lewis Gun and rifle Grenades on enemy supports moving up behind Oppy and those occupying OPPY POST
09.00
Right company posted Bombers to protect their right flank.
Support Company moved to TOMMY TRENCH, from OLD KENT ROAD (Held by Right company) to SUGAR POST, facing south.
1st company Canadian Mounted Rifles in SUGAR POST came under command.
Enemy reported in CLARENCE and BEALE TRENCHES
09.30
C/O 4th London’s stated he would start a counter attack to clear MARQUIS and CLARENCE TRENCHES. Right company to support this attack by bombing down BEALE and MARQUIS TRENCHES
12.15
Counter attack just started when ordered to withdraw to RED LINE. Halted attack but ordered Right Company to hold its position to cover the withdrawal. The remainder of the battalion to withdraw by TOMMY and TIRED ALLEYS.
1st company Canadian Mounted Rifles in SUGAR POST came under battalion orders
14.30
Withdrawal to RED LINE completed Right on OUSE SIDING (OUSE SIDING held by London Scottish).
One platoon left in ARLEUX LOOP NORTH to make demonstrations.
Battalion HQ in unsatisfactory position in RED LINE, but on buried cable route. (the only other position on this cable route being DURHAM POST which is outside the Battalion area and on extreme left)
16.30
In touch with 43rd Canadian Battalion on left (Junction of PLUMMER TRENCH and TIRED ALLEY held by Canadians)
18.00
One company placed under orders of OC London Scottish to hold BAILLEUL DEFENSES.
Remaining four companies hold 1800yds of the REDLINE from OUSE SIDING to TIRED ALLEY
Afternoon and night
Strong patrols sent down TOMMY and TIRED ALLEYS as far as old Company HQ.
Patrols very active all night
Enemy quiet except for gas shelling of REDLINE and the Railway Embankment.
Dusk
Enemy appear to be ignorant of battalion’s withdrawal.
168th Brigade. 1/13th London Regiment (Kensington’s) Summary
The actions of the battalion and enemy on the 28th March 1918.
Key
Time or + which indicates an event at a later time but before the next actual time
Battalion action Or report
Enemy action or report in italics
_________________
Early morning
Took over line from TOMMY POST (Inclusive) North to TIRED ALLEY
03.00
The last company passed through the Red Line without casualties
Heavy Gas Bombardment of RED LINE
4.30
Bombardment to immediate South was so heavy it was obvious that a general attack was imminent.
+
Attack on battalions front thought to be unlikely! Support Company in RAILWAY TRENCH warned to be prepared to from defensive flank Southward on TOMMY ALLEY
Considerable Trench Mortar activity against TOMMY POST.
07.00
SOS from TOWY POST. General attack as far North as OPPY POST
+
Lewis Gun fire drives off attack by ~50 enemy on TOMMY POST
+
Platoon in TOMMY POST did considerable execution with Lewis Gun and rifle Grenades on enemy supports moving up behind Oppy and those occupying OPPY POST
09.00
Right company posted Bombers to protect their right flank.
Support Company moved to TOMMY TRENCH, from OLD KENT ROAD (Held by Right company) to SUGAR POST, facing south.
1st company Canadian Mounted Rifles in SUGAR POST came under command.
Enemy reported in CLARENCE and BEALE TRENCHES
09.30
C/O 4th London’s stated he would start a counter attack to clear MARQUIS and CLARENCE TRENCHES. Right company to support this attack by bombing down BEALE and MARQUIS TRENCHES
12.15
Counter attack just started when ordered to withdraw to RED LINE. Halted attack but ordered Right Company to hold its position to cover the withdrawal. The remainder of the battalion to withdraw by TOMMY and TIRED ALLEYS.
1st company Canadian Mounted Rifles in SUGAR POST came under battalion orders
14.30
Withdrawal to RED LINE completed Right on OUSE SIDING (OUSE SIDING held by London Scottish).
One platoon left in ARLEUX LOOP NORTH to make demonstrations.
Battalion HQ in unsatisfactory position in RED LINE, but on buried cable route. (the only other position on this cable route being DURHAM POST which is outside the Battalion area and on extreme left)
16.30
In touch with 43rd Canadian Battalion on left (Junction of PLUMMER TRENCH and TIRED ALLEY held by Canadians)
18.00
One company placed under orders of OC London Scottish to hold BAILLEUL DEFENSES.
Remaining four companies hold 1800yds of the REDLINE from OUSE SIDING to TIRED ALLEY
Afternoon and night
Strong patrols sent down TOMMY and TIRED ALLEYS as far as old Company HQ.
Patrols very active all night
Enemy quiet except for gas shelling of REDLINE and the Railway Embankment.
Dusk
Enemy appear to be ignorant of battalion’s withdrawal.
168th Brigade. 1/14th London Regiment (London Scottish) Summary
The actions of the battalion and enemy on the 28th March 1918.
Key
Time or + which indicates an event at a later time but before the next actual time
Battalion action Or report
Enemy action or report in italics
_________________
+
In support of 1/4th London’s
03.00
Gas and High Explosive barrage commenced.
Gas concentrations on B.14, 15, 20, 21
05.30
SOS from TOWY POST
07.00
Clear morning but advanced trenches enveloped in dense cloud of smoke.
SOS from OPPY POST.
SOS from whole of 169th Brigade front
Infantry advanced
07.30
Counter attacked driving the enemy back and re-taking two machine guns which had been captured from a detachment of the Machine Gun Corps.
Stokes Mortars in RED LINE and 6 inch Newton Mortars near Bailleul were very effective against NORTH TYNE ALLEY
Engaged by vanguard of bombing parties in TYNE ALLEY and NORTH TYNE ALLEY. They capture 2 Machine Guns and get within 100yds of BAILLEUL EAST POST
08.00
1/4th London’s having withdrawn form the front line to the EARL-MARQUIS Line had both flanks turned. They were forced back across open ground to BOW TRENCH and TOMMY ALLEY
Enemy in CLARENCE TRENCH
A series of determined raids on BAILLEUL EAST POST were beaten off
08.15
One platoon ‘C’ company took up position in RED LINE astride OUSE ALLEY. The remainder move into BOW TRENCH.
09.00
Company of 1st Canadian Mounted Rifles holding SUGAR POST come under orders of O/C London Scottish
10.05
One platoon ‘C’ Company moved to BAILLEUL EAST POST under orders of ‘D’ Company.
The platoon holding the REDLINE astride OUSE ALLEY moved into BOW TRENCH; one platoon of ‘B’ Company taking over the vacated trench.
10.30
Driven back by rifle and Lewis Gun fire
Enemy advance on BAILLEUL EAST POST in open order astride Gavrelle - Bailleul Road.
Several more such attacks made.
14.45 to 17.00 +
BAILLEUL EAST POST and the RED LINE in the vicinity of OUSE ALLEY were heavily shelled with 4.2 and 5.9
15.00
The other platoon of ‘B’ Company was moved forward into BOW TRENCH.
‘A’ Company moved to the RED LINE between OUSE SIDING and OUSE ALLEY
17.00
SOS barrage called for.
Shelling intensified
Night
416th (Edinburgh) Field Company RE tried to construct two new posts 200yds west of BAILLEUL EAST POST but was forced to abandon them by enemy fire.
One company Kensington’s moved into vacant BAILLEUL DEFENCES.
Two platoons 1/5th Cheshire’s holding CHESTER POST moved into RED LINE north of BAILLEUL EAST POST.
One platoon 1/4th Royal Fusiliers took over CHESTER POST
167th Brigade Summary
The actions of the three battalions of the support brigade and the enemy on the 28th March 1918.
Key
Time or + which indicates an event at a later time but before the next actual time
Battalion action Or report
Enemy action or report in italics
_________________
+
Battalion in support
07.00
Moved to Assembly position
08.45
Ordered to CHAUTECLER JUNCTION
09.25
In position
11.10
Under 169th Brigade. Lt Hargraves and 3 runners go to 169th HQ
11.30 to 12.30
‘C’ Company have 4 killed
Trenches heavily shelled.
17.00
C/O reconnoitred TONGUE POST and POINT DU JOUR in view of a possible counter attack.
19.00
C/O to Brigade HQ
21.55
Ordered to RED LINE
12.00
First company moved off
167th Brigade. 1/8th Middlesex Regiment Summary
+
The Battalion remained in Support all day.
+
Battalion moved to Assembly Area at JUNCTION REDOUBT
+
From there the Battalion moved to MAISON BLANCHE and came under orders of 169th Brigade thence to POINT DU JOUR.
167th Brigade. 1/1st London Regiment (Royal Fusiliers) Summary
+
(Battalion in support)
B’ & ‘C’ companies moved to BRIERLEY HILL
‘A’ & ‘D’ manned GREEN LINE
HQ moved from CUTTING to RIDGE POST and then to BRIERLEY HILL B14.a.24
Field Artillery Summary 28th March 1918
The field artillery of the 56th division consisted of the 281 and 280 Brigades RFA covering 5000yds between Gavrelle and Arleux.
The 52 Brigade AFA were on their immediate left and came to their assistance.
The 4th Division Canadian Field Artillery were on Vimy Ridge and also provided assistance.
Field guns in line 45 x 18 pounders and 12 x 4.5 howitzers
The actions of the artillery brigades and enemy on the 28th March 1918.
Key
Time or + which indicates an event at a later time but before the next actual time
Battalion action Or report
Enemy action or report in italics
_________________
281Brigade RFA
03.30
Heavy enemy barrage. Gas & HE of all calibre on 56th Div front.
03.50
Barrage on SOS lines put down by group.
04.15
B281 detached section put out of action by gas & direct hits by HE on guns.
06.00
A281 shelled with gas
06.20
109 suffer casualties
07.15
SOS from Towie(y) Post
07.30
General SOS
08.15
Severe fighting reported in Earl Marquis Line
09.00
Tommy Post. Enemy dispersed by A281 barrage.
Enemy in Tyne Alley to B.23.a.9.3
09.15
Enemy in Clarence and Brum sliut(?) – D281 barrage
10.15
1 Company London Scottish advance from Red Line to Support.
10.30
Enemy make bombing attack down Clarence Trench. D281 stop it.
2 casualties reported by D
Limbers move up to old Wagon Lines
10.35
50 enemy infantry about B.18.c central – D281 fire on them
10.45
Liaison officer reports we have bombed back up Ouse Alley to South Duke.
11.15
Red Line Barrage + 200yds opened - Protection
11.45
Enemy attack reported to be breaking up under 18 pounder barrage & rifle fire. A281 switches S. of Ouse alley.
General situation reported good. Right Brigade hold red line & posts 300yds in front of it.
12.00
122nd(52 AFA) & D281 Batteries stop shooting N. of Ouse Alley on account of our men coming back.
12.10
Red Line ordered to be held at all costs.
12.15
Enemy reported massing in old front line.
Enemy batteries advancing into open. Engaged with good effect by our own gunners.
13.00 to 14.00
Quieter(?) - much target practise by Group and heavies.
14.10
Captain Wolfe reported wounded.
14.30
Another abortive enemy attack.
Front gradually quietens down
17.00
Move D281 back behind ridge
23.00
109 & B281 move over to left.
56th Division less artillery relieved by 4th Canadian Division
_________________
280 Brigade RFA
Previous evening
D/280 withdrawn from forward to rear position
03.00
Opened intense barrage on front at the same time putting a terrific barrage on the Battery Positions.
07.20 to 14.00
Fighting ensued without cessation until 2pm when the Germans forced there way through our 1st defensive system.
Three guns of the A/280 were knocked out at an early hour, and many casualties suffered.
Heavy fire was poured into the advancing enemy and into the hostile guns endeavouring to advance into action
10.00
Our Infantry were compelled to retire to the second line of resistance. This operation involved the abandonment of the forward section of the 93rd Battery. Accordingly orders were sent to the Officer in Charge. He fired all his ammunition, and when our own barrage descended on his guns he blew them up as well as is dugouts, and retired with his detachments, bringing away his wounded
An Observation Post was established on the ridge by using a combination of runners and telephone line.
12.00
4.5’s did great exercise against masses of enemy at junction of Bailleul – Gavrelle Road and Marine Trench.
109th Battery rejoined the Group as the 281st Brigade were reinforced by A/52
14.00
4.5’s silenced enemy 7.7cm battery in front of Bradford Post.
Later 18 pounders dealt with masses in wire at Gavrelle and in the sunken Bailleul – Gavrelle Road.
Afternoon
A local attack on the Bailleul – Willerval line failed in the afternoon.
15.30
Repulsed heavy attack on Bailleul East Post
Night
All batteries except D/280 withdrawn to positions selected to cover the Bailleul – Willerval line.
109th Battery left the Group and B/281 took there place.
Ammunition re-supply was arranged by wagon and pack form the old forward Wagon Line in front of Roclincourt.
_________________
52 Brigade AFA
03.00
Enemy commence Gas and HE Bombardment along whole Division front.
+
3rd Canadian Infantry section into Red Line to conform to the 56th Div.
Strong enemy attack on Division on our R which penetrated our front line system, but were held up on the Battle Line(?).
Small enemy attacks on this part were driven off.
Night
D/52 join the remainder of Brigade in B13.
The forward section of 122 Battery withdraw to rejoin their Battery.
_________________
4th Division CFA
03.00
The 4th Canadian Divisional artillery came into action reinforcing the 56th Divisional Artillery, who remain in.
Heavy shelling on right brigade of 3rd Canadian Division on our right.
10.00
Relief of 4th Canadian Division ordered by 46th Division I Corps.
+
Relief of 56th Division ordered for the night of 29th/30th March.
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Docs – Italy 1943 - 1945 – British Infantry Divisions
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Six British infantry divisions fought at varying stages of the Italian campaign. The 1 Infantry Division was a pre-war Regular Army formation, which was sent to
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British Military History
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https://www.britishmilitaryhistory.co.uk/docs-italy-1943-1945-british-infantry-divisions/
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The 4 Infantry Division was deployed from Egypt, and arrived in Italy on 21 February 1944. It took part in the second battle for Cassino between 11 and 18 May 1944, under the command of XIII Corps. It participated in the battle for the Trasimere Line between 20 and 30 June 1944, the advance to Arezzo between 4 and 17 July 1944 and the advance to Florence between 17 July and 10 August. On 11 August 1944, the division transferred to V Corps, and then to I Canadian Corps on 7 September 1944 for the battle of the Rimini Line which commenced on 14 September. The battle concluded on 21 September and the division returned to V Corps on 1 October 1944. The division left for Greece on 12 December 1944, arriving a day later. It remained in Greece until the end of the war, and was disbanded there in March 1947.
The most widely travelled formation of the British Army in the Second World War, the 5 Infantry Division had previously served in the United Kingdom, France and Belgium, India and Iraq, with elements having also taken part in 1940 campaign in Norway and the invasion of Madagascar. The division took part in the invasion of Sicily, crossing into Italy in 3 September 1943. It took part in the battle for the River Sangro between 19 November and 3 December 1943. It was withdrawn from the mainland and landed in the Anzio beach-head on 12 March 1944, under the command of U.S. VI Corps. It fought through the battle for Anzio and onto the battle for Rome. The division left for Egypt on 3 July 1944.
The 46 Infantry Division was a second line Territorial Army formation, which was formed in 1939 as a duplicate of the 49 (West Riding) Infantry Division. It was deployed to France in April 1940 on training and labour duties. It remained in the U.K. re-equipping and refitting until leaving for North Africa on 6 January 1943. It transferred to X Corps in July 1943, and landed with the corps at Salerno in Italy on 9 September 1943. The division fought in the battles for the capture of Naples, the Volturno Crossing and the capture of Monte Camino, all under command of X Corps. It left Italy on 16 March 1944 bound for Egypt. It moved to Palestine in April 1944 and then back to Egypt in June. The division returned to Italy on 3 July 1944 and fought in the Gothic Line battles. The division was withdrawn from the line and was hurriedly transferred to Greece on 14 January 1945 to fight in the Greek Civil War. It returned to Italy on 11 April 1945. It moved onto into Austria on the 12 May.
The 56 (London) Infantry Division was a pre-war, first line Territorial Army formation. It landed at Salerno in Italy on 9 September 1943, having come from Libya. It was involved in the battles to recapture Naples in September 1943, the Volturno Crossing in October 1943, and Monte Camino in November and December 1943. In January 1944, it was involved in the battles for the Garigliano Crossing. As the position at Anzio deteriorated, the division was transferred from X Corps to the U.S. VI Corps at Anzio. The division fought in the battle to secure the bridgehead, sustaining heavy casualties. It was withdrawn from Anzio to Egypt on 28 March 1944 to refit. The final offensive in Italy commenced on 13 April 1945, with the division involved in forcing the Argenta Gap. The division remained in Italy, until it was disbanded in 1947.
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Sieh dir auf Facebook Beiträge, Fotos und vieles mehr an.
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https://ebin.pub/turning-points-the-eastern-front-in-1915-1440844534-9781440844539.html
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Turning Points: The Eastern Front in 1915 1440844534, 9781440844539
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Turning Points: The Eastern Front in 1915 offers a well-researched and fascinating study of war in a distinct theater of...
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Citation preview
Turning Points
Turning Points The Eastern Front in 1915 Richard L. DiNardo
Copyright © 2020 by Richard L. DiNardo All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: DiNardo, R. L., author. Title: Turning points : the Eastern Front in 1915 / Richard L. DiNardo. Other titles: Eastern Front in 1915 Description: Santa Barbara, California : ABC-CLIO [2020] | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2019041762 (print) | LCCN 2019041763 (ebook) | ISBN 9781440844539 (print) | ISBN 9781440844546 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: World War, 1914-1918—Campaigns—Eastern Front. | BISAC: HISTORY / Military / World War I Classification: LCC D551 .D56 2020 (print) | LCC D551 (ebook) | DDC 940.4/25—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019041762 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019041763 ISBN:
978-1-4408-4453-9 (print) 978-1-4408-4454-6 (ebook)
24 23 22 21 20 1 2 3 4 5 This book is also available as an eBook. Praeger An Imprint of ABC-CLIO, LLC ABC-CLIO, LLC 147 Castilian Drive Santa Barbara, California 93117 www.abc-clio.com This book is printed on acid-free paper Manufactured in the United States of America
For Dennis Showalter, an inspiration to us all.
Contents
Acknowledgments
ix
Introduction
xi
Maps
xv
Chapter 1
Best Laid Plans and Their Miscarriage: The 1914 Campaigns in the East
1
Strategists, Strategy, Operations, and Coalition Warfare
27
Chapter 3
Equipping the Man and Manning the Equipment
39
Chapter 4
Bloody Winter: January–February 1915
51
Chapter 5
Spring Crisis: March–April 1915
69
Chapter 6
Spring Reversal: May–June 1915
89
Chapter 7
The Summer of Advance and Retreat: July–August 1915
107
Chapter 8
Action on the Flanks: September–October 1915
133
Chapter 9
Aftermath and Assessments
147
Chapter 2
Notes
161
Bibliography
233
Index
247 A photo essay follows page 132.
Acknowledgments
Writing a book is a peculiar sort of endeavor. Putting words to paper is usually done in solitude; collecting the research that underpins the work involves a great many people, as does the creation of the book itself. First, many thanks to Padraic (Pat) Carlin and the staff at ABC-CLIO. They have always been most supportive of the project and are excellent to work with. This is my third book with them on the subject of World War I, and you work with a publisher repeatedly only when the process is as easy as they can make it. Many thanks to my old friend Jack Tunstall, for generously providing documents from his extensive work in the Austrian archives in Vienna. Bruce Gudmundsson also provided material from his impressive collection of material on the army of the Kaiserreich. The staff at the Library of the Marine Corps at Quantico, Virginia, was most helpful in tracking down and obtaining works via interlibrary loan. The Marine Corps University Foundation provided generous financial support to facilitate several research trips to Germany. Finally, thanks go to the director of the Marine Corps Command and Staff College, Colonel William McCollough, USMC, as well as the dean of academics, Dr. Doug McKenna, and his successor, Dr. Jonathan Phillips, for their support. Completing a manuscript and publishing it is a time-consuming activity, and the gentlemen mentioned above were always willing to allow me the flexibility in managing my time to bring the project to a successful conclusion, while also fulfilling my own obligations to the Command and Staff College. There are also a great many people to thank on the other side of the pond. The staff at the Zentrum für Militärgeschichte und Sozialwissenschaften der Bundeswehr (ZMSB) library at Potsdam were most helpful, especially in regard to their collection of German regimental histories, always a critical source for anyone writing on World War I. Dr. Martina Haggenmüller of the Bavarian Military Archives was very helpful in regard to obtaining material
xAcknowledgments
concerning some of the Bavarian units involved in the campaign. Finally, the staff of the Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv was extraordinarily helpful in providing documents to me. Many thanks to the staffs of all three institutions for putting up with my not exactly fluent German. Anytime I go to Germany, I always have a great time, thanks to the hospitality of my friends, especially Annie Foerster, Klaus Maier, Detlef and Johanna Vogel, and Jürgen Förster. My friends have always been supportive of these endeavors, so I would like to thank Al, Jay, Pat, Sheila, Scott, Mary, Martin, Dan, Karl, and Karen. The personal and professional often mix. Cynthia Whittaker, a superb scholar of Russian history, was a teacher of mine and a dear friend for over forty years. Two other critical influences were the late William O. Shanahan and the late David Syrett, who was also my Doktorvater. There are many in the fraternity of military historians whose friendship and support I value. Most notable in this regard are Jim Corum and Rob Citino. Most important, however, is my friend of many years, the inimitable Dennis Showalter. Aside from being a prolific writer, Dennis has also been a great mentor. He could always be counted on to give a piece of writing a good sanity check and has always been supportive of so many of us. Since we all stand on his shoulders, this book is dedicated to him. I have the blessing of love and support of two families. My parents, Louis and Ann DiNardo, were always supportive of my choice of career, dubious though it may have seemed. Thanks also to my brothers, Robert and Jerry, and to their respective wives, JoAnn and Vinece. Thanks also to my nephew Michael; my nephew Thomas and his wife, Lisa; my niece, Ann Marie, and her husband, Brian Hardgrove; and the two newest additions to the family, Elani DiNardo and Cliff Hardgrove. The Moxley family of Baltimore, Maryland, has been a source of love and support, especially the Farmer family, David Farmer and Eileen Moxley Farmer and their daughters, Alison and Amanda. The most important Moxley is, of course, my wife, Rita, who is blessed with limitless amounts of love and patience. Although I have mentioned a great many people here, I alone am the author of this book and thus bear sole responsibility for any errors and omissions.
Introduction
Towards the end of March the German G.H.Q. arrived at the firm conviction that it would not be possible for the enemies in the West to force a decision in a measureable time, even if further portions of the formations in process of reconstruction on the Western front had to be used in the East to annihilate the offensive power of the Russians for all time. —Erich von Falkenhayn1 One of the greatest misconceptions of intellectuals, especially those of a Marxist orientation, is that history proceeds in particular direction toward a predetermined outcome. This notion, based on the regarding of history as a linear phenomenon, is both appealing and deceptive. The appeal of such an approach is that it helps the historian explain the course of rather complicated events. At the same time, however, such an approach serves to oversimplify. This is especially true when it comes to military history. It is far too easy, for example, to draw a direct line from Gettysburg to Robert E. Lee’s surrender at Appomattox, although some recent scholarship has challenged that notion.2 If there is one human activity that is nonlinear in nature, it is war. Indeed, this is one of the central themes of Carl von Clausewitz’s classic analytic work, On War. Certainly, one conflict that was most nonlinear in its conduct was the First World War. Embarked upon by the major European powers for reasons that ranged from coping with an existential threat (Austria-Hungary), to demonstrating ethnic solidarity (Russia), to an almost paranoid fear about encirclement (Germany), the participants had only the haziest notions as to what they wanted the world to look like after victory had been secured. All of the major powers entered the war with plans that called for a quick victory.3 By the end of 1914, all of the plans had miscarried. Thus as 1915 dawned, all of the belligerents were now faced with the prospect of fighting and winning a prolonged and bloody war. The year
xiiIntroduction
would certainly see a number of turns in the fortunes of the contending powers. Nowhere was this truer than on the eastern front. The year began with the Central Powers, most notably Austria-Hungary, teetering on the edge of disaster. By the end of the year, the situation had been completely reversed. All of Imperial Russian Poland had been occupied, along with a large part of the Russian Empire’s Baltic provinces. South of the Pripet Marshes, by the end of 1915 the Austro-Hungarians had recovered almost all of the territory lost in the war’s opening campaigns. At the same time, while they were flush with the thrill of victory, the tremendous gains of 1915 raised issues that would produce sharp conflict between Germany and Austria-Hungary, particularly over the issues of further strategic direction of the war and war aims. Such conflicts were exacerbated by personality clashes among the men directing the German and Austro-Hungarian high commands, as well as dissension within the highest echelons of the German military establishment. With regard to military operations, the eastern front in 1915 was marked by a number of interesting facets, especially from the perspective of the Central Powers. First, the northern end of the front was the Baltic coast, one of the few places where there was a realistic possibility for cooperation between the German army and the German navy. In the interests of full disclosure, however, it must be stated here that naval matters will not receive much attention in this book. The conduct of operations on the eastern front in 1915 also revealed the major differences between the German high command (Oberste Heeresleitung or OHL), headed by Erich von Falkenhayn and the top German headquarters in the east, Oberbefehlshaber Ost (Ober Ost), led by the duumvirate of Paul von Hindenburg and his ambitious chief of staff, Erich Ludendorff. Hindenburg and Ludendorff still believed in the notion enshrined in prewar German war planning that a successful offensive campaign could be concluded with a battle of annihilation, completely destroying the enemy force. After all, both the men, but Hindenburg in particular, had come to popular renown in Germany with their crushing victory that destroyed much of the Russian 2nd Army at Tannenberg in August of 1914. The twosome would spend much of 1915 trying to recreate the success of 1914 and arguing that it could be accomplished on a much vaster scale. Falkenhayn would take a much-different approach, based on attacks launched by large forces on relatively narrow fronts. Success would be based on overwhelming the defenses at specific points, creating gaps in the defensive lines that would allow for the resumption of mobile operations. The principal executors of this approach would be August von Mackensen and his much-better-known (at least to casual students of the period) chief of staff, Hans von Seeckt. The rise to prominence of this German military
Introduction
marriage must also be seen within the broader conflict between Falkenhayn at OHL and his enemies at Ober Ost. Also playing an important role in the events of 1915 on the eastern front was Austria-Hungary. Peering into the abyss in the late winter of 1915, by the end of the year, Austria-Hungary was still in a difficult situation, although less perilous than before. As usual, the focal point of Austro-Hungarian military efforts was the controversial chief of the Austro-Hungarian General Staff, Franz Baron Conrad von Hötzendorf. Well aware of the increasing need for German aid, Conrad would spend the entire year seeking a victory that Austria-Hungary could claim as its own so that the dual monarchy could still assert a degree of independence from Germany within the Central Powers. Matters were made worse by the relationship between Conrad and Falkenhayn, which was fraught with all manner of difficulties even in the best of times. By the end of the year, the two men were barely on speaking terms, a circumstance that would have deleterious effects on the ability of the Central Powers to conduct the war. For Russia, the year 1915 was also a critical one. The Russian army began the year seemingly on the cusp of success, especially against hated AustriaHungary. Although the northwest front had sustained serious defeats at Tannenberg and First Masurian Lakes, Russian troops still stood on East Prussian soil. Influential figures at the Russian high command (Stavka) were still advocating for another invasion of Germany to the Russian commander-inchief, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich. By the end of the year, the Grand Duke, who had to bear the responsibility for defeat, was gone. Sent to the Turkish front in the Caucasus, the Grand Duke was replaced by Tsar Nicholas II, a decision that would have a critical impact on Russia internally. This study will seek to examine these campaigns, which represented the apex of mobile warfare in the period after the opening campaigns, when each side was trying to come to grips with a situation that, while not entirely unanticipated, was still very much uncharted territory. Success in 1915 on the eastern front was by no means assured for either side at the start. Triumph and failure depended upon the ability of each side to harness man power, technology, and tactics in ways that would break the deadlock and allow for the resumption of mobile warfare. We must begin with a brief recounting of the campaigns of 1914, to provide the proper background and context for the present study. Before embarking on that endeavor, however, several matters must be dealt with. The first concerns the geographic scope of this study. The area encompassed in this work begins at the Baltic coast and then runs south through the present-day Baltic States, Poland, and Ukraine, with the Black Sea as its southern terminus. Thus, the present work will not cover operations in the Caucasus between Russia and Turkey.4 Nor will this work cover the Serbian campaign
xiii
xivIntroduction
of 1915. Although the decision to mount the campaign had an effect on and was impacted by events on the eastern front, it was a separate operation. While certainly an interesting campaign, the invasion will not be covered here, although it has received some deserved attention recently.5 Another matter to be dealt with is the delineation of units. Since the movements and actions of armies from three countries are going to be described and analyzed, some departure from normal convention is in order to aid the reader in differentiation. German and Austro-Hungarian field armies, such as the German Eleventh Army or Austro-Hungarian Fourth Army, will be rendered in this manner. Russian field armies will be described with Arabic numerals, as in the Russian 11th Army. Corps for both sides will be described with Roman numerals, plus any other geographic or military descriptors. Thus, one will see units described as German XXXXI Reserve Corps or the Russian II Siberian Corps. Divisions and Regiments will be described using Arabic numerals throughout. The names of German and Austro-Hungarian officers will be rendered in German fashion. Thus, the name of the German emperor will be rendered as Wilhelm II, not William II. Likewise, the name of the Austro-Hungarian commander-in-chief will be rendered as Archduke Friedrich, not Frederick. German and Austro-Hungarian general officer ranks will be rendered in the original German terms. Thus, for example, the chief of staff for the German Eleventh Army will be rendered as Generalmajor Hans von Seeckt, not Major General Hans von Seeckt. On the last page of this book there will be a table of German and Austro-Hungarian general officer ranks and their American and Russian equivalents. Likewise, Russian names will be rendered in the Russian fashion. Thus, the Russian commander-in-chief is Grand Duke Nikolai, not Grand Duke Nicholas. Finally, as is inevitable with any work on this area of the world during this time, one must deal with the issue of place names. The most notable example of this is the capital city of Austrian Galicia, which can be rendered as Lemberg (Austrian), Lviv (Ukrainian), Lvov (Russian) or Łwow (Polish). Further north, one can use either Posen (German) or Poznan (Polish), and the list is endless. For the purposes of this work, the place names used will be those used in 1915. This will serve to keep it simple and make the work more accessible to a broader audience. Now that the necessary administrative details have been dispensed with, we can embark on our study. That will begin with a brief discussion of the prewar plans of the combatants and the results that followed their being put into action.
Mackensen’s advance on Przemysl, May 1915. (Germany, Reichsarchiv. Der Weltkrieg 1914 bis 1918. 14 Vols. Berlin: E.S. Mittler und Sohn, 1925–1944.)
Mackensen’s advance on Lemberg, June 1915. (Germany, Reichsarchiv. Der Weltkrieg 1914 bis 1918. 14 Vols. Berlin: E.S. Mittler und Sohn, 1925–1944.)
The Siege of Novogeorgievsk, August 1915. (Germany, Reichsarchiv. Der Weltkrieg 1914 bis 1918. 14 Vols. Berlin: E.S. Mittler und Sohn, 1925–1944.)
The Advance on Brest Litovsk, summer 1915. (Germany, Reichsarchiv. Der Weltkrieg 1914 bis 1918. 14 Vols. Berlin: E.S. Mittler und Sohn, 1925–1944.)
Conrad’s “Black-Yellow” Offensive, summer 1915. (Germany, Reichsarchiv. Der Weltkrieg 1914 bis 1918. 14 Vols. Berlin: E.S. Mittler und Sohn, 1925–1944.)
The attempt to encircle the Russian west front, September 1915. (Germany, Reichsarchiv. Der Weltkrieg 1914 bis 1918. 14 Vols. Berlin: E.S. Mittler und Sohn, 1925–1944.)
CHAPTER ONE
Best Laid Plans and Their Miscarriage: The 1914 Campaigns in the East
In my opinion, the whole European War depends on the outcome of the struggle between Germany and France, and so the fate of Austria will not be decided ultimately on the Bug, but on the Seine. —Generaloberst Helmuth von Moltke, February 10, 19131 Hopefully we will return victorious after November. —General der Infanterie Viktor Freiherr von Dankl2 In the coming days, I foresee the start of a new and probably prolonged period of battles in the left bank of the Vistula against large German and Austrian forces, the outcome of which will be of decisive importance. —Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, October 1, 19143 I am only afraid that the Austrians are done for. —Max Hoffmann, November 22, 19144 The prospect of war between the three empires that occupied central and eastern Europe after 1871 had been present for some time. Long-term antagonism between Russia and Austria-Hungary, dating from the Crimean War, could bring the two empires into conflict. Recognizing this, German
2
Turning Points
chancellor Otto von Bismarck sought to minimize this possibility by cobbling together Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia in the League of the Three Emperors.5 The league, however, came apart after a few years. Tension among the empires grew when Russia went to war against Turkey in support of Bulgarian independence. After Russia’s military victory in 1878, with the support of other European powers at the Congress of Berlin, Bismarck was able to impose on the Russians modifications to the Treaty of San Stefano. With anti-German feelings in Russia running high and the league in ruins, Bismarck went to his next best option: signing a long-term alliance with AustriaHungary on October 7, 1879.6 The creation of the dual alliance with Austria-Hungary raised the possibility of joint war planning. Although Germany now had a political alliance with Austria-Hungary, it was not accompanied by a formal military convention. In September 1882, the chief of the German General Staff, Generalfeldmarschall Helmuth von Moltke, met the Austro-Hungarian chief of the General Staff, Generaloberst Friedrich von Beck-Rzikowsky. Beck proposed just such an agreement, and Moltke, urged on by his then deputy Alfred von Waldersee, accepted the proposal. Before a written agreement could be drawn up, however, the project was scotched by Bismarck’s strenuous objections.7 Although he acceded to Bismarck on this occasion, Moltke also told Beck that his latitude in military planning did not depend on the Foreign Ministry. Moltke also rationalized that as long as the two allies kept each other informed about their respective plans, each army could conduct its own campaign.8 This loose relationship between the two general staffs continued through the 1880s, reinforced perhaps by diplomatic events. Bismarck sought to resurrect the League of Three Emperors, and negotiations were well advanced by 1881. Reinforced in urgency by the assassination of Tsar Alexander II on March 1, 1881, the Second League of Three Emperors was signed on June 18, 1881.9 Although the league was renewed in 1884, a resumption of tensions between Austria-Hungary and Russia over Bulgaria in 1885 resulted in the collapse of the arrangement the following year. With the idea of a multilateral arrangement including Russia now dead, Bismarck went to his only alternative: signing a secret bilateral agreement with Russia, the Reinsurance Treaty, in 1887.10 During Moltke and Beck’s era, Germany and Austria envisioned a simple war-planning concept in regard to Russia based on the shape of the existing borders. While the German army would stand on the defensive in the west against France, complimentary offensives would be launched from Germany and Austria-Hungary into the westward jutting salient of Russian Poland.11 The period 1888–1891 was a momentous one for German diplomacy and war planning. Wilhelm I died on March 9, 1888. His successor, Crown
Best Laid Plans and Their Miscarriage: The 1914 Campaigns in the East
Prince Friedrich, ascended to the throne as Emperor Friedrich III. Already stricken with throat cancer, Friedrich III died on June 15, 1888. The death of Friedrich III after only one hundred days on the throne meant that the German Empire was now in the hands of Wilhelm II, the twenty-nine-year-old son of Friedrich III. Differences in age and personality alone almost guaranteed that the new kaiser and the aging chancellor would have differences. Above all, Wilhelm II demanded loyalty, something that the aging and imperious Bismarck, who by now spent most of his time at his Friedrichsruh estate, would not give.12 Not surprisingly, the relationship between the two men soured quickly. Each man accurately characterized the other. Bismarck, already warned by Wilhelm I and Friedrich III, thought the new kaiser to be shallow, impulsive, and immature. Wilhelm II, for his part, lacked intellect but was capable at times of shrewd judgments about people. Wilhelm II regarded Bismarck, then in his midseventies, to be high-handed, arrogant, and inflexible.13 Ultimately, given Wilhelm’s position, there could be only one resolution to the problem. In a dispute over domestic policy, Wilhelm II dismissed Bismarck on March 16, 1890. With Bismarck now gone, the course of German foreign policy changed considerably, starting with the lapse of the Reinsurance Treaty in the summer of 1890. Russian foreign policy, influenced by Pan-Slavist thinkers and diplomats, now moved almost inexorably toward an alliance with France, which was consummated in 1894.14 The prospect of Germany facing a twofront war was now a reality. While Germany was going through considerable changes in the directors of its foreign policy, similar changes were occurring in the military. Moltke, the military architect of the Kaiserreich, retired in 1888. His successor was Alfred von Waldersee, who, although an able military officer, was also given to political intrigue. An opponent of Bismarck, Waldersee welcomed Bismarck’s departure.15 Like Bismarck, however, Waldersee also ran afoul of the kaiser. Waldersee found Wilhelm II’s impulsiveness rather unsettling. Waldersee’s enemies within the government reinforced the principle of civilian control over the military; most notable of these enemies was the new chancellor, Leo von Caprivi, who agreed with that principle even though he was a former general. This was done through issuing subordinating military attachés to the Foreign Ministry instead of the General Staff. Wilhelm II ultimately decided in favor of the Foreign Ministry, a serious bureaucratic defeat for Waldersee. The final straw was Waldersee’s scathing critique of the kaiser’s performance in the autumn maneuvers of 1890. Wilhelm was never one to take criticism gracefully, and Waldersee was effectively demoted to command of a corps in January 1891.16 For the position of chief of the General Staff, Wilhelm appointed Alfred von Schlieffen, one of Waldersee’s deputies. Although Moltke, very late in his
3
4
Turning Points
tenure, developed a plan for more of the German army to deploy to the west against France, the general concept of his plan remained the same: to stand on the defensive in the west, while undertaking a limited offensive in the east. Waldersee continued this general apportionment, although he took a more offensive approach in both the east and the west.17 Schlieffen would take a much-different approach. However, the tendency for foreign policy and military planning to be conducted in relative isolation from each other remained unchanged. Schlieffen was also circumspect enough to avoid involving himself in political matters.18 Schlieffen was not only confronted with the distinct possibility of a twofront war but was also facing a much-improved and -expanded French army. By 1896, Schlieffen clearly regarded France as the most dangerous of Germany’s potential opponents. In addition, fearing the prospect of an openended campaign in the vast spaces of Russia, Schlieffen reoriented the focus of German war planning to the west.19 A detailed examination of Schlieffen’s concept of a quick-victory offensive against France is outside the scope of this study.20 From the standpoint of this study, the most important impact of Schlieffen’s appointment was on the relationship between the German and Austro-Hungarian general staffs. During Moltke’s tenure, communications with the Austro-Hungarian General Staff were fairly regular, conducted normally by correspondence, punctuated with the occasional personal meeting. This practice continued during Waldersee’s brief tenure as chief.21 Once Schlieffen took the reins and began to shift the focus of German war planning to the west, communications between the general staffs began to assume a more intermittent character. Beck’s first meeting with Schlieffen, at Moltke’s funeral in 1891, did not go well. Beck found Schlieffen to be laconic and not forthcoming at all. Thereafter, Schlieffen gave Beck no indication of the changes he was instituting to the German war plans, although it should be pointed out that Schlieffen was under no obligation to do this, given the absence of a military convention. By the end of Schlieffen’s term in office, the nature of communications between the two general staffs could best be described as merely obligatory, such as the exchange of holiday greetings.22 It seemed certain that relations would improve in 1906. In 1903, now in his seventies and in declining health, Schlieffen asked Wilhelm II to consider appointing a replacement. The search for Schlieffen’s successor produced some odd moments, including one candidate, Generalfeldmarschall Count Dietrich von Hülsen-Haeseler, dying in a rather embarrassing situation. Ultimately, the choice for chief of the General Staff fell to Generaloberst Helmuth von Moltke, a nephew of the victor of 1866 and 1870.23 The transition from Schlieffen to Moltke was matched by a similar process in Vienna. Although he had tried to modernize and expand the AustroHungarian army, Beck’s vision of the army as an institution was more
Best Laid Plans and Their Miscarriage: The 1914 Campaigns in the East
nineteenth century than twentieth. Beck had also run afoul of Francis Joseph’s heir, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, who exerted powerful influence in military matters. After a poorly conducted maneuver in the fall of 1906, Francis Joseph, at the likely urging of Franz Ferdinand, dismissed Beck. The new chief of the Austro-Hungarian General Staff was Generaloberst Franz Baron Conrad von Hötzendorf.24 To be sure, relations did improve, although given the circumstances at the end of 1905, the bar was set at a low level. Moltke and Conrad met personally in Berlin in May 1907. Thereafter they corresponded regularly, and Conrad attended the German army’s 1909 fall maneuvers at Bad Mergentheim.25 The improved relations still only went so far. Moltke was apparently ignorant of the difficulties that confronted the Austro-Hungarian army. For example, in 1913, Moltke, who shared many of the racial prejudices held by many at the court in Berlin including the kaiser, projected that the next war would be one of “Germandom versus Slavdom.” In response, Conrad was forced to point out that some 47 percent of the dual monarchy’s inhabitants were Slavic.26 Although by this time the main effort of the German war plan was focused on France, Moltke refused to provide any real detail to Conrad. For his part, Conrad continued to rely on a vague promise from Moltke in 1909 in regard to a German offensive on the Narew River in Russian Poland, even though Moltke clearly told Conrad in a February 10, 1913, letter that in the event of war, “the fate of Austria will not be decided on the Bug, but ultimately on the Seine.”27 The idea of sharing plans more fully took a major blow with the Redl affair. In 1900, the Russian intelligence service was able to catch wind of the homosexuality of Colonel Alfred Redl, an Austro-Hungarian staff officer who had occupied a number of critical billets, including as head of the Evidenzbüro, the army’s counterintelligence service. After ensnaring Redl in a planned seduction while on a trip to Kazan, the Russians confronted Redl with compromising photos. Although the Russian intelligence service in Poland, headed by Colonel Nikolai Batyushin, had the leverage of blackmail over Redl, the Russians also paid the normally impecunious officer considerable sums of money, thus enabling a rather lavish lifestyle.28 Redl apparently gave the Russians a tremendous amount of material, although at least one scholar has questioned this. Of particular interest to the Russians were the Austro-Hungarian mobilization and war plans that Redl provided. Austrian suspicions were aroused when the Russian press foolishly discussed Austrian plans. Ultimately, sheer mischance brought about Redl’s undoing. Redl received his payments in cash through the mail, sent by his Russian handlers from Germany. In April 1913, when one package that Redl had failed to claim in time was sent back to Germany, postal officials opened it and, finding a large amount of cash, alerted the German authorities. The Germans duly passed this on to the Evidenzbüro, which launched an investigation.29
5
6
Turning Points
On May 24, 1913, Redl picked up a payment at the post office and was tracked to the Hotel Klomser in Vienna. Once in his room, he was confronted by a group of officers, including the head of the Evidenzbüro, Colonel August Urbanski ´ von Ostyrmiecz, who presented Redl with the evidence against him and arrested him. Urbanski ´ informed Conrad of Redl’s arrest while he was dining at the Grand Hotel in Vienna. Conrad’s immediate reaction was to launch a cover-up and thus avoid the embarrassing spectacle of a public trial. He ordered that Redl be interrogated to find out the extent of his espionage and then be allowed to commit suicide. After questioning him, Redl’s one-time protégé Captain Max Ronge left a pistol with one round in the room. Redl took the hint and shot himself in the early morning hours of May 25, 1913.30 Conrad’s attempt at covering up the Redl affair blew up in his face almost immediately. The press got wind of the matter, and the exposure of the details of Redl’s private life made for lurid reading in the Viennese papers. Conrad sought to minimize the damage of the Redl affair in his explanations to Austrian foreign minister Leopold von Berchtold and to Moltke. Responding to an inquiry from Berchtold, Conrad assured him that while Redl’s activity had caused serious damage, it would not affect the outcome of a war, presumably one against Serbia. While Conrad had failed to keep the Redl scandal under wraps, he was more successful in concealing the scope of Redl’s activities from the Germans. To some degree, Conrad’s ignorance was of his own volition. The lone interrogation that Conrad had authorized had not yielded much information. Thus, the only thing Conrad could do was to assure Moltke that Redl could not have betrayed “the whole of their private correspondence.” Understandably, Moltke did not find this comforting. It did, however, give him all the more reason to withhold as much detail about the German war plan as possible from the Austro-Hungarians.31 The result was that when the war began, Germany and Austria-Hungary pursued what might be called “parallel warfare” instead of coalition warfare. Although the two powers were fighting the same set of enemies, each pursued its own war plan. Using Schlieffen’s concept with Moltke’s modifications, the Germans would make their main effort in the west against France. In the east, Generaloberst Max von Prittwitz and Gaffron’s German Eighth Army, consisting of the I, XVII, XX, and I Reserve Corps with the 1st Cavalry Division and various Landwehr and garrison units, had orders simply to defend East Prussia against an expected Russian offensive.32 Confronted with their own two-front war against Russia and Serbia, the Austro-Hungarians developed a complicated scheme that depended on good timing and equally good judgment. Since the most common scenario envisioned going to war against both Russia and Serbia, deploying forces would be allocated accordingly. Echelon A, consisting of twenty-eight infantry
Best Laid Plans and Their Miscarriage: The 1914 Campaigns in the East
divisions divided among the First, Third, and Fourth Armies, would be committed to the Russian border. Minimal Group Balkan, consisting of the Fifth and Sixth Armies (XIII, XV, and XVI Corps), would be deployed along the border with Serbia. Echelon B, the Second Army (IV, VII, VIII, and IX Corps), would go to either to Galicia, Serbia, or the Italian border, as circumstances required.33 Russian war planning was greatly impacted by a vicious factional squabble over long-term control of Russian military policy. One faction, headed by the controversial war minister Vladimir A. Sukhomlinov, was more inclined toward reform in the broadest sense. Sukhomlinov’s opponents were a coterie of officers who were close to Tsar Nicholas II’s cousin Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich. While not the complete reactionaries that they have often been portrayed as, they took a very different approach to the matters of reform and military policy, particularly on the strategic issue of fortresses.34 The almost constant clash between the two factions soon extended into the matter of war planning. Russian planning revolved around the prospect of a war that Russia feared that it would have to fight and one that Russia preferred to fight. It was war against Germany that concerned the Russian military. These concerns were heighted in the period after the Russo-Japanese War, which left the Russian army in a very poor state. Indeed, the threat of German military action during the Bosnian Crisis in 1908 forced Russia to back away from the prospect of war against Austria-Hungary. At the Franco-Russian staff talks in 1911, the Russians admitted that an early offensive against Germany was not within the realm of possibility. The Russian government also made sure that the roads near the German border were poorly maintained, lest they facilitate a German advance into Russian Poland.35 After the post-1905 reforms, the Main Directorate of the Russian General Staff was the agency most responsible for planning. Given that the organization responsible for planning was a relatively new creation, the process of war planning in Russia was not nearly as well developed as in Germany. Instead of detailed war plans, the Main Directorate of the General Staff produced numbered mobilization plans.36 By early 1914, the Russian mobilization plan was Mobilization Schedule 19. The mobilization schedules were further developed into two variants: A for Austria-Hungary and G for Germany. As Mobilization Schedule 19G was not complete in July 1914, 19A was the mobilization schedule adopted. It called for the deployment of thirty infantry and nine and one-half cavalry divisions against Germany, while some forty-six and one-half infantry and eighteen and one-half cavalry divisions would be sent to the Austro-Hungarian border.37 Once the initial period of mobilization was over, Russian war planning was hampered by a lack of focus and clashing factions within the General Staff and the War Ministry. Sukhomlinov and his chief assistant, General
7
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Turning Points
Yuri N. Danilov, argued for the earliest possible offensive against Germany. Since the majority of the German forces were expected to be committed to an offensive against France, both men believed that it was imperative that Russia do something to alleviate German pressure on Russia’s ally, in keeping with the stipulations of the Franco-Russian alliance. In addition, at least early on, given that the Russians would enjoy superiority in the size of forces, attacking the German forces in East Prussia at the start would give Russia its best prospect for success.38 The opposing faction, headed by General Mikhail V. Alekseev, chief of staff of the Kiev Military District and a former member of the General Staff, took a different view. He regarded the Balkans as Russia’s primary area of interest and thus gave higher priority to the defeat of Austria-Hungary. Alekseev argued further that a quick and decisive victory over Austria-Hungary would also force Germany to divert forces from the west. In addition, a rapid knockout of the dual monarchy would provide a powerful inducement for neutral countries in the Balkans to join the Entente against the presumably vulnerable Central Powers. Thus, by Alekseev’s thinking, the easiest route for Russia to Berlin was via Vienna.39 Given competing factions and ideas, plus the lack of a mechanism and a process for detailed planning beyond mobilization, it is perhaps not surprising that plans for actual operations fell between two stools. In response to the difficult operational terrain of East Prussia, Danilov’s concept required four field armies. The implementation of Alekseev’s idea likewise demanded the preponderance of Russia’s mobilized forces. On February 12, 1912, the chiefs of staff of Russia’s frontier military districts with General Staff planners held a conference but failed to arrive at any clear resolution of the question. Ultimately, the Russian army would try to execute both concepts with fewer forces.40 The process by which Germany, Russia, and Austria-Hungary went to war in 1914 lies beyond the scope of this work.41 In the actual event, all of the war plans miscarried to varying degrees and in different ways. The failure of the Schlieffen plan with Molke’s modifications is well known.42 The German war plan for the eastern front also failed, although in subtle ways. Prittwitz’s German Eighth Army got off to a rough start at Gumbinnen, although Prittwitz’s plans were deranged to some degree by the actions of the I Corps commander, the obstreperous Hermann von François.43 The resulting setback at Gumbinnen caused Prittwitz sufficient worry that he initially ordered the Eighth Army to retreat all the way to the Vistula River, effectively ceding much of East Prussia to the Russians. Although he reversed himself quickly, the initial decision conveyed to Moltke the impression that Prittwitz had lost control of both the situation and himself. Already in a difficult situation at Oberste Heeresleitung (OHL) in the west, Moltke had to act, and he relieved both Prittwitz and the Eighth Army’s chief of staff,
Best Laid Plans and Their Miscarriage: The 1914 Campaigns in the East
Georg von Waldersee. The latter relief was somewhat embarrassing for Moltke; Waldersee had been Moltke’s deputy on the General Staff prior to the outbreak of war.44 To command the Eighth Army, Moltke put together one of the most famous military marriages in German military history. The Eighth Army’s new chief of staff was the hard-driving and ambitious Erich Ludendorff. Born on April 9, 1865, in Kruszevnia, a rural village near Posen in East Prussia, Ludendorff attended one of the lesser known Kadettenschulen at Plön.45 After enjoying a career marked by distinction, including attending the Kriegsakademie in 1890, and a number of staff appointments, Ludendorff was assigned to the General Staff in Berlin in 1904. This brought him into association with Moltke, who by that time was one of Schlieffen’s deputies.46 At the onset of war, Ludendorff, then with the staff of the German Second Army, distinguished himself at the siege of Liege. Leading several brigades in an infiltration attack that penetrated between the heavily manned forts, Ludendorff seized the lightly defended citadel in a coup de main, an action that earned him Germany’s highest award, the pour le mérite.47 With the perceived crisis in the east at hand and a new command team needed, Moltke thought Ludendorff was just the man to be the new chief of staff. Thus, on the evening of August 22, Ludendorff was summoned to OHL, then located at Koblenz. Arriving at six o’clock the next morning, Moltke briefed Ludendorff on his new mission and sent him off to pick up the new Eighth Army commander in Hanover while on route to East Prussia.48 The new commander of the Eighth Army was the recently retired Paul von Hindenburg.49 Born on October 2, 1847, in Posen, Hindenburg entered the Kadettenschule in Liegnitz in 1859. As a young officer, Hindenburg served in both the Austro-Prussian and Franco-Prussian Wars. After graduating from the Kriegsakademie in 1876, Hindenburg enjoyed a solid, if unspectacular, march up the ranks of the German army. Once considered a possible successor to Schlieffen, Hindenburg retired on January 9, 1911. Hindenburg was reactivated on August 22, 1914, and appointed commander of the Eighth Army.50 To be sure, the choices for the new command team of the Eighth Army were Moltke’s. Wilhelm II was not particularly enamored with either man and regarded Hindenburg as simpleminded. Hindenburg was far too stolid a personality and lacked the kind of dash that Wilhelm found so attractive. Finally, Hindenburg had made the signal mistake of not letting the kaiser’s side win in the annual 1908 maneuvers. Although Ludendorff had received his pour le mérite from Wilhelm II personally, the kaiser disliked the highly strung Ludendorff and thought of him as an unscrupulous social climber who lacked breeding. The kaiser’s acquiescence here was just one more example of his prewar promise to Moltke to stay out of day-to-day military matters.51
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More deranging to the German war plan was what Moltke sent to the Eighth Army after dispatching Hindenburg and Ludendorff to East Prussia. After several days of deliberation, even with the situation in the west approaching its climax, Moltke decided to send the XI Corps and the Guard Reserve Corps, now available after the successful conclusion of the siege of Namur, to reinforce the Eighth Army.52 In the actual event, the presence of these two corps did not matter, as they did not get to East Prussia in time to participate in the Tannenberg operation. The Austro-Hungarian war plan produced results that could only be described as utterly unsuccessful. The Austro-Hungarian forces invading Serbia, consisting of the Austro-Hungarian Fifth and Sixth Armies, were commanded by Feldzugmeister Oskar Potiorek, the governor of Bosnia and Herzegovina. A rival to Conrad, Potiorek was responsible for the security arrangements in Sarajevo when Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife came for their ill-fated visit. After the onset of hostilities, Potiorek launched two invasions of Serbia, in August and September, respectively, both of which came to grief at the hands of the Serbian forces commanded by Radomir Putnik. A third effort, launched to retrieve both Austria-Hungary’s military fortunes and Potiorek’s career, enjoyed some initial success when it captured Belgrade. An overly optimistic Potiorek presented the city as a jubilee gift to Francis Joseph.53 Potiorek’s third effort, however, also came to a bad end, as a Serbian counterattack drove the Austro-Hungarian forces back over the Save and Danube Rivers. The three Austro-Hungarian offensives against Serbia were complete failures. Although the Serbian armies had suffered considerably, losing about 163,000 dead, wounded, and captured, the Austro-Hungarians lost far more. Potiorek’s forces lost some 30,000 dead, 173,000 wounded, and 70,000 captured. The final casualty was Potiorek’s career. He was dismissed from his position on December 22, 1914, and was forced into retirement on January 1, 1915.54 Far worse was to come on the Russian front. Unlike the Serbian front, where Conrad was willing to leave Potiorek to his own devices (and suffer the consequences of any failures), he took a much more hands-on approach to the matter of Russia. On August 16, 1914, Conrad established headquarters for Armee Ober Kommando (AOK) at the fortress and communication hub of Przemy´sl. From there, Conrad with Archduke Friedrich (his nominal superior) would direct his armies.55 Conrad’s efforts were undone by his own errors and misjudgments. The very first error was the result of Conrad’s own indecision. Even though it seemed that Russian intervention was inevitable, Conrad decided to send the Second Army to the Serbian border. Although Conrad reversed himself, it was too late to recall the trains. Conrad had the Second Army go to the Serbian, detrain, and then reentrain to come back to Galicia. Once at the
Best Laid Plans and Their Miscarriage: The 1914 Campaigns in the East
Serbian border, however, Conrad let some of the Second Army’s corps become involved in Potiorek’s initial offensive against Serbia. Thus, while part of the Second Army’s strength was frittered away on the Save River, an understrength Second Army ultimately arrived too late to prevent the unsatisfactory outcome in Galicia.56 In addition to undercutting the strength of his own forces facing the Russians, Conrad made two other errors. First, perhaps as a response to the Redl revelations, Conrad moved the deployment areas for his armies in Galicia farther away from the frontiers than had been called for in the original war plans. Thus, his soldiers would have to make a much-longer march to the Russian border, under the difficult conditions of the Galician summer.57 Conrad’s second error was borne of his aggressive nature. Although he knew that his armies in Galicia would be even more inferior numerically since he had retained at least two corps from the Second Army on the Serbian front, Conrad’s bias for the offensive prompted him to decide to attack anyway. With an additional hundred-mile march for his infantry, cavalry ill equipped to perform the critical function of reconnaissance, and a typically underfunded aviation component, Conrad’s armies blundered forward blindly into the enemy.58 Although the Austro-Hungarian First Army commander, General der Infanterie Viktor Freiherr von Dankl, would win an initial hard-fought-ifcostly victory at Krásnik, the success was illusory. Russian strength began to increase as the southwest front completed its mobilization. By the beginning of September 1914, Russian 3rd, 4th, 5th, and 8th Armies were considerably stronger than their exhausted and depleted Austro-Hungarian opponents.59 Thus, it would be fair to say that by the middle of September 1914, as Conrad was pulling his armies back to the San River, the Austro-Hungarian war plan was in ruins. The results produced by the Russian mobilization process were perhaps more positive than normally thought. Prodded by the French, the Russian high command, headed by Grand Duke Nikolai, rushed the northwest front into an offensive against East Prussia. Following Mobilization Schedule 19A, General Yakov Zhilinski’s northwest front armies (Pavel Rennenkampf’s 1st and Aleksandr Samsonov’s 2nd) began their offensive operations well before the Germans expected, even before their own mobilization was complete. Consequently, the two armies went forward with inadequate cavalry, thus leaving them with insufficient resources for reconnaissance, a capability essential for a campaign in East Prussia.60 The course of the Tannenberg campaign is too well known to need to repeat here.61 Although the Russian XIII and XV Corps were destroyed and the XXIII Corps was severely mauled, costing the Russians about 165,000 casualties (including 92,000 prisoners), substantial parts of the 2nd Army escaped the Tannenberg disaster. The II Corps was incorporated into
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Rennenkampf’s 1st Army, which was still ensconced on German soil. Meanwhile the Russian I and VI Corps were able to create a strong defensive position on the Narew River, covering Warsaw, where a new 2nd Army would be created. Farther south, matters went considerably better for the Russians. The somewhat slower pace of Russian mobilization allowed the armies of the southwest front to absorb the casualties suffered in the initial battles of Krásnik and Komarów. In addition, the open nature of the terrain on the Russian side of the border provided ample space for the Russian armies to fully deploy their strength, swallowing up the numerically inferior Austro-Hungarian armies.62 Finally, the operational geography favored the Russians on the Austro-Hungarian side of the border. The southwest front’s armies could aim concentric attacks at Przemy´sl, thus giving all of Ivanov’s forces a common objective.63 Thus, by the late summer of 1914 on the eastern front, the only war plan that was still in play, at least marginally, was Russia’s. As summer gave way to autumn, both sides had to recalibrate their plans, forces, and commanders. For the Germans and Austro-Hungarians, the issue of command in coalition warfare and relations between them raised its head in various ways. Relations between the Germans and Austro-Hungarians, not great to begin with, deteriorated considerably. Karl Graf von Kaganeck, the German military attaché in Vienna, urged Waldersee (then Moltke’s deputy) for the German high command to be completely honest with the AustroHungarians about the Schlieffen Plan. In addition, both Germany and Austria-Hungary were slow in dispatching representatives to each other’s headquarters. It was not until August 4, 1914, that they agreed to the exchange, and the Austro-Hungarian representative, Count Josef von Stürgkh, did not depart Vienna until August 7.64 Once they were in their respective posts, the opacity continued. Stürgkh, installed at OHL, received little information about the progress of operations in Belgium and France. Neither he nor Conrad were made aware of the deterioration of Moltke’s condition, both mentally and physically. To add insult to injury, OHL did not inform Conrad that Moltke had been removed from his position and was replaced by Erich von Falkenhayn. Conrad, for his part, called for Hindenburg and Ludendorff to launch an offensive against the Russian forces in northern Poland. As the German Eighth Army had to do some refitting of its own after Tannenberg and Rennenkampf’s Russian 1st Army was still ensconced on German soil, Conrad’s suggestion was rebuffed, with Wilhelm II personally relating this to Stürgkh.65 Another issue that came to the fore was that of unified command. As noted previously, the Austro-German alliance had no military convention associated with it, and the elder Moltke at least implied that there was no real need for one.66 As the scale and complexity of the forces and plans involved increased, the matter of a unified command always lay just below the
Best Laid Plans and Their Miscarriage: The 1914 Campaigns in the East
surface. By 1914, there were a couple of different approaches to the question. Ideally, one of the two monarchs would exercise overall command in the east, but that was impossible. Francis Joseph was far too old and in poor health, and Wilhelm II was precluded by the element of his erratic personality. In addition, the kaiser had already promised Moltke that he would refrain from interfering in day-to-day military matters, something of which the Austro-Hungarians may not have been aware.67 Conrad also apparently desired the position, if it was ever to be created. This quickly became an impossibility, especially after Hindenburg gained the stature accorded him as the victor of Tannenberg. The idea of having any German general in overall command, let alone Hindenburg, was anathema at both AOK and the Ballplatz. Thus, the issue continued unresolved.68 As September wore on, the operational focus on the eastern front shifted to the north and the south. The German Eighth Army, now with the XI Corps and Guard Reserve Corps in hand, turned against Rennenkampf’s 1st Army. The offensive, which began on September 9, 1914, after two days of probes, went forward but at a slow pace. Already badly spooked by Tannenberg, Rennenkampf was not about to let himself get caught in another encirclement. The 1st Army beat their feet for the border. By the third week of September, the 1st Army, pursued by Hindenburg’s forces, had reached the safety of the Nieman River.69 Matters farther south went much more in the favor of the Russians. With the mobilization of Ivanov’s southwest front just about complete, by the end of August, the Russians were ready to go over to the offensive against the already depleted Austro-Hungarian armies. After a few days of tough fighting, Alexei Brusilov’s 8th and Nikolai Ruszki’s 3rd Armies got the upper hand along the Gnila Lipa and Zlota Lipa Rivers. By August 31, 1914, the Russians had torn a hole nine miles across in the Austro-Hungarian line. Through the first week of September, the Austro-Hungarian armies in Galicia tried to cling to their positions, as the key battle developed around Rawa Ruska. Ultimately, the Austro-Hungarians had too many gaps and overlapped flanks to deal with. The Russian victory at Rawa Ruska was both a military disaster and a personal tragedy for Conrad. Not only did the AustroHungarian defeat mark the end of Conrad’s plans, but also one of the AustroHungarian fatalities at Rawa Ruska was Conrad’s son Herbert, killed in action on September 8, 1914.70 Faced with the potential destruction of the Austro-Hungarian Third Army, Conrad had no choice but to pull back his battered armies toward the San. Once they reached the river, however, the Austro-Hungarian retreat had to continue on to the Dunajec and Biala Rivers. In the process, Conrad had to abandon Lemberg and the critical Galician oil fields to the Russians. In addition, Conrad decided to reinforce the fortress of Przemy´sl so that it could withstand a Russian siege, while he shifted AOK’s location to Neu Sandec.71
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Conrad’s forces were now forced back between the San and the Carpathian Mountains, but with East Prussia almost entirely cleared, the Central Powers could act in concert, at least to some degree. On September 15, 1914, OHL created a new German field army, the Ninth, out of most of the corps of the Eighth Army. Seeing the chance to break up Hindenburg-Ludendorff duumvirate, Falkenhayn named Generaloberst Richard von Schubert as commander, with Ludendorff as his chief of staff.72 Ludendorff, however, successfully lobbied OHL that Hindenburg be the commander of the Ninth Army, given that it would have the preponderance of German forces on the eastern front. Hindenburg was appointed commander of the Ninth Army on September 18, 1914, while Schubert took command of the Eighth Army.73 Meanwhile Conrad, with his armies backed up between the San River and the Carpathian Mountains, was able to scrape enough man power together to reinforce his armies to a “respectable” strength with 477,000 infantry, 26,000 cavalry, and 1,578 guns.74 Although the Central Powers were now acting in a unified manner, the issue of command and mutual understanding came up again, and in a negative way. Although Ludendorff and Conrad had their first meeting at Neu Sandec on September 18, 1914, and would develop a good relationship in a personal sense, a number of Germans, including Ludendorff, could not resist from indulging in an orgy of “I told you so.” Ludendorff privately could not refrain from noting that while Conrad had been critical of German methods before the war, the actual experience of combat had led to a change of mind. Max Hoffmann perceptively noted that the Austro-Hungarians were now paying a high price for years of parsimony. Such attitudes were common among high-ranking German officers.75 The issue of command remained thorny. Although once it was deployed, the German Ninth Army would be operating on the left end of a line with the Austro-Hungarian First, Fourth, and Third Armies, Hindenburg’s force would operate independently, answering solely to OHL. To add insult to injury, the plan of Hindenburg’s army would force Dankl’s Austro-Hungarian First Army to shift its advance in order to cover Hindenburg’s right flank. This was much to Conrad’s irritation, but given the circumstances that now obtained on the eastern front, it could not be avoided.76 From the standpoint of the Central Powers, the impending offensive was well timed. In their retreat, the Austro-Hungarian forces had been able to put some distance between themselves and the armies of Ivanov’s southwest front. With the Russian pursuit running out of steam, Ivanov called off the pursuit on September 23, 1914, and ordered his forces to transition to defense along the San. Meanwhile Brusilov, now controlling both the Russian 3rd and 8th Armies, devoted a sizable part of the 3rd Army to besieging Przemy´sl, especially after an attempt to take the fortress by storm foundered with heavy casualties. Even just establishing a complete investment of the fortress took
Best Laid Plans and Their Miscarriage: The 1914 Campaigns in the East
time; they did not complete that task until September 23, 1914. The rest of Ivanov’s forces shifted their weight toward Poland.77 The autumn campaign in Poland during September and October 1914 was an excellent example of Carl von Clausewitz’s description of war as a clash of two living organisms. The Ninth Army’s drive, assisted by the AustroHungarian First Army, was aimed initially at what Hindenburg and Ludendorff thought was the flank of the Russian southwest front, supposedly located on Middle Vistula.78 The offensive got off to a good start, with a hardwon victory at Opatow at the end of September. The Russian forces opposing the Ninth Army appeared to be no more than two infantry divisions and seven cavalry divisions, so Hindenburg and Ludendorff set their sights higher. The Ninth Army would now drive across the Vistula and attack Ivangorod and Warsaw.79 Hindenburg and Ludendorff decided that the main effort in the advance against Warsaw would be entrusted to Mackensen. Aside from his own XVII Corps, Mackensen was given control of the ad hoc Corps Frommel, consisting of the 8th Cavalry Division, 18th Landwehr Division, and the 35th Reserve Division. Mackensen also got at least one brigade of the XX Corps.80 While the Germans moved against Warsaw, Conrad’s armies also went back over to the offensive, although not nearly as a quickly as the Germans preferred. While the Austro-Hungarian First Army tied in with the German Ninth Army’s flank at Opatow, on October 5, 1914, the Austro-Hungarian Third, Fourth, and Second Armies crossed the Wisloka River. As the deteriorating weather turned the roads into bottomless ruts of mud, the AustroHungarians struggled toward the San. Faced with an Austro-Hungarian advance, Brusilov launched one final effort to storm Przemy´sl, but the attack lacked time and heavy artillery and the assaults were beaten off by the garrison. On October 9, 1914, Przemy´sl was reached, much to Conrad’s relief, although the Russians were not fully driven away from the fortress until October 12, 1914. With that, the Austro-Hungarian advance came to a halt.81 Meanwhile, the Russians had not been idle. To begin, the Russians needed to make decisions about commanders. The most notable Russian casualty from Tannenberg was Samsonov, who shot himself on August 30, 1914. The other was Zhilinski. Given a relatively free hand by Grand Duke Nikolai and Stavka in directing the armies of the northwest front, and with Samsonov dead, Zhilinski was left to bear the greatest responsibility for the disaster. The Grand Duke relieved Zhilinski on September 16, 1914. The new commander of the northwest front was Nikolai Ruzski, who had cautiously, if competently, commanded the 3rd Army. The damage to Russian morale by the defeat at Tannenberg and the changes of commanders was offset somewhat by the victories in Galicia and the seizure of Lemberg.82 Changes of commanders and plans continued as the action shifted from East Prussia to the south. To extend Rennenkampf’s line along the Nieman,
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a new 10th Army was created, commanded by Vasily Pflug. The recreated 2nd Army, rebuilding around Warsaw, was entrusted to Sergei Scheidemann. As Ruzski was moving up to command the northwest front, command of the 3rd Army was given to the Bulgarian Russophile general Radko Radko-Dmitriev.83 With the German Ninth Army advancing toward Warsaw and the AustroHungarians moving back toward the San, Grand Duke Nikolai saw an opportunity. Under French pressure to undertake an operation against the Germans and recognizing that the German Ninth Army’s left flank was vulnerable, the Grand Duke directed Ivanov to shift three of his armies to the northwest. This turned out to be the 9th, 4th, and 5th Armies. The 5th Army, commanded by General Pavel Plehve, together with the reconstituted 2nd Army, which had been shifted from Ruzski’s northwest front to Ivanov’s southwest front, would strike the left flank of the German Ninth Army. Hindenburg thought the Grand Duke’s plan a very good one.84 The Russian effort, however, enjoyed mixed success at best. The Grand Duke’s intentions were undone by his own doing and by mischance. The execution of the Grand Duke’s plan depended on the smooth cooperation between Ruzski, now commanding the northwest front, and Ivanov, the commander of the southwest front. Too often, however, the front commanders worked at cross-purposes, and the Grand Duke was either unwilling or unable to impose his will on them. In addition, the poor weather made shifting the 5th Army up to Warsaw time-consuming. Finally, German aerial reconnaissance detected signs of the Russian buildup, reporting it to Hindenburg and Mackensen. This intelligence was confirmed by the good fortune of a document capture.85 By the time Ivanov issued the order for the offensive on October 9, the German Ninth Army had reached the end of its logistical tether. The region had very little left to offer in terms of supply. Count Harry Kessler, a high born aesthete, literary critic, and bon vivant serving at Ninth Army headquarters, noted the barren condition of the area. In addition, both the Ninth Army and the Austro-Hungarian First Army lacked the heavy artillery needed to tackle the fortifications at Warsaw and Ivangorod. Relatively forewarned, Mackensen and Hindenburg were able to manage the retreat adeptly, although the Russian attack did cause Mackensen some bad moments. The Ninth Army retreated southwest, toward the Pilica River and the AustroHungarian border, scorching the earth as they went in order to slow any Russian pursuit. The Austro-Hungarian First Army fell back from Ivangorod toward Opatow and then beyond.86 Their drive on Warsaw stymied, the Germans made two important changes. The first involved the command structure. On November 1, 1914, Hindenburg was promoted to Generalfeldmarschall and then named commander of all German forces on the eastern front, from then on known as
Best Laid Plans and Their Miscarriage: The 1914 Campaigns in the East
Oberbefehlshaber Ost, or Ober Ost. Hindenburg recommended that command of the Ninth Army go to Mackensen, to which OHL agreed.87 Considering the almost-constant acrimony that ensued between Falkenhayn’s OHL and Ober Ost, it is worthwhile to briefly digress into the who and the why of Ober Ost’s creation. Although the order that announced the creation of Ober Ost was published in the kaiser’s name, it is extremely unlikely that he had much, if anything, to do with this move. After all, Wilhelm II had already promised that he would not interfere in the day-to-day conduct of military affairs.88 Much more likely, and to some degree ironically, the creation of Ober was probably the inadvertent doing of Falkenhayn. Once the decision had been taken to create additional army-level headquarters, first the Ninth and then the Tenth, as additional forces were shifted from the west to the east, a higher headquarters was required to provide coordination. Falkenhayn’s OHL staff was too small to be able to direct matters in both the east and the west at the same time. In addition, matters in the west often demanded Falkenhayn’s full attention. Thus, the easiest solution was to set up an overall headquarters in the east. The senior officer and soonto-be Generalfeldmarschall, Hindenburg was the logical choice for the position. Once established, OHL essentially left Ober Ost to its own devices.89 With command matters settled, the focus of German operations shifted back to the northwest. The German Ninth Army, with Mackensen now in command, moved by rail to the area between the minor fortresses of Posen and Thorn. The objective for the new offensive was Lodz. Located about sixty miles from the German border, Lodz was the center of the textile industry in Russian Poland and an important road and rail hub. Possession of the area would provide good quarters for the rapidly approaching harsh winter. Finally, Lodz could provide the base from which a future offensive against Warsaw could be launched.90 Mackensen’s thrust would be complemented by an attack by General der Kavallerie Edouard von Böhm-Ermolli’s AustroHungarian Second Army and the Archduke Josef Ferdinand’s AustroHungarian Fourth Army from the Cracow area. The sector between the Germans and Austro-Hungarians would be covered by the Army Detachment commanded by General der Infanterie Remus von Woyrsch.91 Mackensen’s offensive began on November 11, 1914. Over the next month, Mackensen’s force engaged major elements of Ruzski’s northwest front in what amounted to a duel, each side parrying the blows of the other and then launching counterthrusts. The most dangerous situation for Mackensen was when Russian counterattacks resulted in the encirclement of the General der Infanterie Reinhard von Scheffer-Boyadel’s German XXV Reserve Corps, a predicament that earned Mackensen some harsh criticism from Hoffmann in his diary.92 Although Stavka anticipated a major success that manifest in the destruction of the XXV Reserve Corps, the Germans evaded annihilation. Scheffer
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kept his head, ordering a retreat toward the road junction of Brzeziny, which he reported by radio. Informed of the situation, Mackensen reacted swiftly, directing the XX Corps toward Brzeziny. Orders were sent by aircraft to Generalleutnant Curt von Morgen, instructing him as well to send forces of his I Reserve Corps to Brzeziny. Finally, a successful conclusion to the XXV Reserve Corps encirclement depended on close cooperation between Plehve’s 5th Army and Scheidemann’s 2nd Army. However, direct communication between the two commanders was poor, and proper coordination by Ruzski’s northwest front was also lacking.93 The upshot of all this was that Scheffer’s force, numbering about 60,000 men, escaped. To add insult to injury, the XXV Reserve Corps also brought out some 10,000 prisoners and a number of captured guns, along with more than 3,000 wounded. Nonetheless, Mackensen’s initial thrust against Lodz had been thwarted. The I Reserve Corps alone had suffered about 8,000 casualties in November.94 The German Ninth Army fell back to the Bzura River. Bolstered by reinforcements from the west, most notably the II Corps and the III Reserve Corps, Mackensen was able to restart the attack, despite the rapidly deteriorating weather (temperatures in late November had dropped to below 10 degrees Fahrenheit) and a shortage of artillery ammunition. During the first week of December, the Germans were able to get to a position that threatened the Russian forces in Lodz with encirclement. Stavka thus ordered the abandonment of Lodz, which was occupied by elements of the German XVII Corps, on December 6, 1914. Although Lodz was now in German hands, the true goal of the operation in Ludendorff’s mind, the encirclement of the Russian forces defending Lodz, had not been achieved.95 While the forces under Ober Ost and the Russian northwest front dueled for the control of westernmost part of Russian Poland, the Russian southwest front was pushing Austria-Hungary into a major crisis. The German failures at Warsaw and Ivangorod in October made it difficult for the AustroHungarian forces to hold the line of the San River. The Austro-Hungarians began to fall back. Recognizing this, the Russian southwest front armies began to retake the initiative. On November 5, 1914, Ivanov ordered an offensive and designated the 11th Army to besiege Przemy´sl.96 Over the course of November, the Austro-Hungarian Second and Third Armies fell back from the San, cautiously pursued by the Russians. The Russians were also pressing the Austro-Hungarian Fourth Army, threatening Cracow from the east. Conrad directed the commandant of Przemy´sl, Feldmarschallleutnant Hermann Kusmanek von Burgneustädten, to prepare for another siege. Similar instructions were given to the garrison of Cracow, also a fortress. Conrad also moved the location of AOK from Neu Sandec to Teschen, where it would remain.97 By the end of November, Austria-Hungary’s situation on the eastern front was critical. The Fourth Army’s retreat to cover Cracow had opened a wide
Best Laid Plans and Their Miscarriage: The 1914 Campaigns in the East
gap between it and the Third Army, which had been driven back toward the Carpathian passes by Brusilov’s 8th Army. The rapidly changing situation in Poland and Galicia also presented Stavka with a new set of choices. On November 29, 1914, Grand Duke Nikolai met his front commanders at Siedlce, the location of northwest front headquarters. Despite trained reserves running short, Danilov, as Stavka’s chief operations officer and ardent hater of all things German, called for yet another offensive against East Prussia. This was rejected by the Grand Duke, as well as the two front commanders. Ivanov, however, suggested that given the state of the Austro-Hungarian forces, an attack by the southwest front would have a better prospect of success. As Ivanov put it to the Grand Duke, “the way to Berlin lies through Austria-Hungary.”98 The Grand Duke, as per his previous conduct, failed to render a clear decision. Although he rejected Danilov’s proposal for a renewed attack against Germany and authorized a retreat by the northwest front, Nikolai Nikolaevich continued to waffle about what the southwest front should do next. Thus, Ivanov’s offensive continued, almost by inertia.99 While the Russian high command struggled to reach a clear consensus, the Central Powers were trying to do the same, while dealing with the difficulties associated with coalition warfare. These difficulties started with the rather fraught relationship between Conrad and Falkenhayn. Since Conrad had not been informed of Moltke’s dismissal, Falkenhayn’s appointment was something of a surprise. Conrad made certain that the relationship with Falkenhayn got off to a bad start. Invited to Berlin for a conference slated for October 28, 1914, Conrad decided not to attend. Instead, Conrad sent his adjutant, Lieutenant Colonel Rudolf Kundmann, to stand in for him. Falkenhayn understandably took this as a snub.100 The first face-to-face meeting between Conrad and Falkenhayn took place on December 2, 1914, at Breslau, Germany. The other participants involved were Hindenburg, Ludendorff, Archduke Friedrich, and Wilhelm II. Hindenburg, Ludendorff, and Falkenhayn engaged in the main discussions. For the Austro-Hungarians, the meeting descended to a “mere formality,” while the kaiser indulged his penchant for making ridiculous statements. The only tangible outcome was that the Germans and Austro-Hungarians continue their offensive efforts.101 The plans for both sides yielded, at best, mixed results. The decision to have the northwest front retreat to a more defensible position east of Lodz along the Bzura and Rawka Rivers allowed the Russians to blunt any further German advance by Mackensen’s Ninth Army. Attacks over the second and third weeks of December produced little more than casualties. Thus Mackensen, with his troops exhausted and winter closing its grip, went over to the defensive. To the northeast, the German and Russian forces held the positions reached at the end of the Masurian Lakes operation, with the Russians
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still ensconced in a sliver of East Prussian territory. South of the Ninth Army’s sector, Böhm-Ermolli’s Austro-Hungarian Second Army, which included some German units, made some short advances in the area south of Lodz, but these efforts also ran out of steam.102 Conrad’s efforts to halt the Russian advance were successful, but at a cost. Using the roads and rail lines around Cracow, Conrad put the AustroHungarian Fourth Army, now commanded by Archduke Joseph, in a very advantageous position. Attacking the flank of Radko’s Russian 3rd Army, the archduke’s forces, bolstered also by the German 47th Reserve Division, drove the Russians back some forty miles, eliminating the threat to Cracow. Farther to the southeast, the Russian 8th and 9th Armies drove deep into the Carpathian passes before the advance was halted by stiffening AustroHungarian resistance and deteriorating conditions. Przemy´sl, with its garrison of 130,000 troops, 30,000 remaining civilian inhabitants, and 21,500 horses, would have to withstand what was clearly understood to be potentially a much-longer siege.103 It was now apparent that the war was going to extend into 1915, and both sides sought to organize their respective rear areas. For the Germans, this meant expanding the network of depots near the East Prussian frontier. For example, the war minister ordered Lötzen to be expanded as a depot. The officer responsible for undertaking the task was the deputy corps commander of the XX Corps, the local unit based in the area.104 The expansion of logistical facilities was essential as the size of German forces in the east increased over the course of 1914, and it also allowed the Germans to correct serious errors that had been made, particularly in logistics. The most egregious mistake concerned the mismanagement of equine resources. At the outset of the war, the German army had made no provision for the care of lightly wounded or exhausted horses. This resulted in the needless loss of numerous horses. Meanwhile, the German military sought to expand its industrial output in order to cope with the demands of modern industrialized war waged on a vast scale. Thanks to the capabilities of Walter Rathenau, Germany was able to do that.105 The Austro-Hungarians also had to reorganize their rear area. The army had to be replenished with men and almost wholly reequipped. The nature of the empire presented continued problems for the mobilization and training of millions of soldiers. Replenishing equipment, however, proved to be a more tractable matter, owing to the activity of the Austrian war minister, Alexander Krobatin.106 In addition to feeding the population under wartime conditions, the Austro-Hungarian government also had one more problem to cope with: large numbers of refugees. Germany also had to deal with refugees created by the Russian invasion of East Prussia. Fortunately for the Germans, operations in East Prussia were of a relatively brief duration. Schneidemühl, a
Best Laid Plans and Their Miscarriage: The 1914 Campaigns in the East
small city in East Prussia on the Berlin-Bromberg rail line, for example, had to deal with trainloads of refugees from border towns over the course of late August and early September 1914. By November, however, the situation had changed to the extent that the German army was able to establish a prisoner of war camp at Schneidemühl. The refugees were able to return to their homes, or rather what was left of them.107 The Austro-Hungarian situation was far grimmer. A large chunk of Galicia had been lost, including major cities such as Lemberg. Even before the first siege, a large portion of Przemy´sl’s civilian population had been evacuated. A further 8,000 people left in the interval before the second siege began. A large number of civilians also fled Cracow as the Russians approached. Thus, by the late autumn of 1914, the Austro-Hungarian government had to deal with caring for hundreds of thousands of refugees.108 The Russians had similar problems in adjusting to the needs of what now looked to be a prolonged war. Like its German and Austro-Hungarian opponents, the Russian government sought to expand its production of arms and munitions as rapidly as possible, while also replenishing its man power. In the area near the front line, the Russian army had two similar-but-different tasks to undertake. The first was to take over the civil administration of Russian territory near the front. This applied particularly to Poland, where the army had to take control of the maintenance of law and order, as well as the gathering of supplies and food.109 The second major task for the Russian army was to organize and maintain a government of occupation for the conquered territory. Of the three combatants, only Russia had been able to occupy a large swath of enemy territory that it now had to administer. This turned out to be a source of conflict between Stavka and the government, owing to unclear demarcation of authority. The first military governor of Galicia, Colonel Sergei Sheremetiev, pursued a pro-Polish policy, based on the proclamation issued by Grand Duke Nikolai to the Polish inhabitants of Austria-Hungary. Such a pro-Polish line, however, soon ran afoul of the local pro-Russian elements, as well as Russian nationalist politicians in the Russian Duma.110 The Grand Duke then appointed Count Georgi Alexandrovich Bobrinski as governor general of Galicia. Bobrinski was a large landowner who had made his fortune in sugar. His cousin Vladimir was a major figure in the Duma and an ardent Russian nationalist. As the new governor general, Bobrinski instituted price controls, ostensibly to contain inflation. He would also introduce cultural and religious steps to Russify the area, which would bring him into conflict with Stavka, especially Grand Duke Nikolai’s chief of staff, General Nikolai N. Yanushkevich.111 All of the combatants entered the war with carefully designed war plans. All of them miscarried. The same fate befell the follow-on plans formulated by the respective belligerents. These failures were accompanied by losses
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that could be described only as immense. Tannenberg and the Masurian Lakes alone, for example, cost the Russian 1st and 2nd Armies some 250,000 casualties.112 Losses incurred in the campaigns in Galicia and Poland were also considerable. Thwarting the German attack on Warsaw alone, for example, cost the Russian 2nd, 4th, and 9th Armies probably over 150,000 casualties. Fighting in Galicia, while more successful, cost the southwest front another 230,000 casualties, just in August and September alone. Taken all together, Russian casualties likely came close to 1,000,000.113 These losses were difficult to replace. Although the Russians had over 3,000,000 men in some type of reserve status at the start of the war, the number was very deceptive. Of all these reservists, only a very small number, perhaps about 200,000, were fully trained, and these men were used up very quickly. By October 1914, commanders such as Brusilov were concerned about the inadequate training of reservists and draftees used as replacements. Losses in officers and noncommissioned officers (NCOs) were also difficult to replace.114 Changes extended to the upper ranks of the Russian army as well. Zhilinski, relieved in the aftermath of the Tannenberg disaster, was packed off to France as Stavka’s representative to French headquarters. Zhilinski’s tenure as a military diplomat proved to be about as successful as his tour as commander of the northwest front. After making himself thoroughly unwelcome at French headquarters, in 1916 Zhiliniski was recalled at the insistence of French commander-in-chief Marshal Joseph Joffre.115 At the army level, changes of command were rather more frequent, especially in the northwest front. Rennenkampf evaded any culpability for Tannenberg. Although Rennenkampf’s 1st Army was able to outrun the German Eighth Army in its retreat toward the border in the Masurian Lakes operation, his plainly pessimistic attitude did not impress his superiors. A lackluster performance in the initial stages of the Lodz campaign proved the final straw; the Grand Duke relieved Rennenkampf, turning the 1st Army over to Alexander Litvinov. Scheidemann’s leadership of the 2nd Army was also found wanting. He was removed in favor of Vladimir Smirnov.116 Vasili Pflug, commander of the 10th Army, ran afoul of Ruzski when Pflug exceeded his orders in a minor Russian operation on the Nieman River in late September, launching an ill-considered night attack attended with heavy casualties. Ruzski dismissed Pflug and replaced him with an aged-but-experienced staff officer, Faddei Sievers.117 While the relief of Rennenkampf, Scheidemann, and Pflug could certainly be justified on the basis of unsatisfactory performance, many in Russia saw an ethnic aspect to the Grand Duke’s actions. Anti-German sentiment had been on the rise in Russia for some time, and the outbreak of war only exacerbated such feeling.118 The removal of these commanders was regarded by many as an effort by Nikolai Nikolaevich to purge Germans from the upper
Best Laid Plans and Their Miscarriage: The 1914 Campaigns in the East
echelons of the Russian army. This was fraught with some difficulty for the Grand Duke, especially in the case of Rennenkampf, who was well connected to the court. Although the Grand Duke prevailed in this matter, it served only to deepen the mutual dislike between Nikolai Nikolaevich and Tsarina Alexandra.119 The German army had enjoyed the most success, but in World War I, victory rarely, if ever, came cheap. Tannenberg was relatively inexpensive, as one can estimate German casualties to be around 20,000, including losses suffered at Gumbinnen.120 Success and failure became more dearly bought as time went on. Casualties in the Lodz campaign and its aftermath, for example, were over 100,000.121 Despite the losses, the German army had scored several critical successes, most notably Tannenberg at the start of the war and Lodz near the end of the year. From a broader operational perspective, Germany’s key advantage was its road and rail system. Perhaps the most important factor that made Tannenberg what it was, as Gerhard Gross has argued, was that Tannenberg was defensive battle fought on German soil.122 The ability to mount the Lodz campaign so quickly after the conclusion of the failed Warsaw operation was a tribute to the German rail system. In operations close to German territory, the German rail and road system gave the German army a degree of nimbleness unmatched by either friend or foe on the eastern front.123 Another key factor in the German army’s performance in the campaigns of 1914 was its overall quality. The German army could rely on a pool of relatively well-educated men. While the vast majority of soldiers did not take the arbitur, they did have enough education to allow them to ascend, if successful, into the noncommissioned officer corps, a critical component of the army. Reserve units in the German army were maintained at a fairly high standard and were well led. Reserve officers were usually well educated, and reserve commissions were valued by those who held them. Thus, once mobilized, while German reserve units had the usual problems adapting to active service, they were able to catch up quickly. Even the Landwehr Corps, composed of older men and given a relatively limited mission, was able to get up speed in a short time.124 Command was another edge for the Germans. To be sure, not every German commander was a Frederick or Moltke the Elder in waiting. Prittwitz’s initial conduct as commander of the Eighth Army was wobbly enough for the younger Moltke to relieve both Prittwitz and his chief of staff, Georg Waldersee. François, who was insubordinate but lucky in the Tannenberg campaign, found Hindenburg a far less patient superior than Prittwitz. After one insubordinate act too many, François was dismissed by Hindenburg.125 Such incidents as those of Prittwitz and François, however, were few and far between. German commanders performed well, especially in critical situations, exemplified by Scheffer’s handling of the XXV Reserve Corps while
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surrounded by the Russians. It is also interesting to note how much use the Germans got out of their retired general officers. Hindenburg was the most famous example, but there were others. Woyrsch, who had also retired in 1911, was able to make positive contributions, beginning with his providing support to Dankl’s Austro-Hungarian First Army at Krasnik.126 Of the three belligerents on the eastern front in 1914, the AustroHungarian army was the most impacted. With about two million officers and men, Francis Joseph’s army was the smallest of the major continental powers that went to war in 1914. The army had also been the most poorly funded over time and was often the victim of the nature of the dual monarchy’s political structure.127 The lack of funding left the army short of weapons, especially artillery, and other equipment. Thus, in the estimation of the German liaison officer at AOK, August von Cramon, the Austro-Hungarian army was capable of only dealing with Serbia. Coping with the Russian army, that could field as many as six million men once fully mobilized, was beyond the capability of the Austro-Hungarian army.128 In the actual event, AustriaHungary got the worst of all possible worlds, having to fight Russia and Serbia at the same time. Given its size at the start, it is not surprising to note that the AustroHungarian army was the most severely impacted by the losses suffered in the 1914 campaigns. Between defeats in Serbia and Galicia, the Austro-Hungarian Army suffered about 957,000 casualties, including 189,000 killed, 490,000 wounded, and 278,000 taken prisoner. Officer casualties came to some 22,310, including 3,168 killed. Over 1,000 guns had been lost, of which only about one-third had been replaced. Losses in horses had also been enormous, around 150,000.129 The loss of so many officers (about half of the prewar officer corps) was serious as, given the polyglot nature of the army, the replacements did not have the linguistic capabilities needed to deal with the soldiers beyond the eighty words in German, the language of command. The Austro-Hungarians did their best to maintain existing units rather than create new ones. The magnitude of the losses, however, made sure that very few surviving veterans were around to transmit the hard lessons of combat experience to the under trained newcomers.130 The Austro-Hungarian army was particularly hard hit in the realm of command. Some general officers broke down mentally under the strain of combat and heavy casualties. Deeply affected by the casualties inflicted on his 15th Infantry Division at Komarów, Feldmarschallleutnant Friedrich Wodniansky von Wildenfeld shot himself on August 27, 1914. Wodniansky was not the only Austro-Hungarian general officer to do so.131 A more common fate for Austro-Hungarian generals was relief from command. The numbers alone were staggering. By the end of 1914, four of the six original army commanders had been relieved. Of the seventeen corps
Best Laid Plans and Their Miscarriage: The 1914 Campaigns in the East
commanders, six had been relieved, along with ten division commanders and twenty-four brigade commanders. The basis for these reliefs varied, ranging from attempts to shift blame for defeats to unsatisfactory performance. To be sure, there were some bright spots, such the performances of Dankl and Svetozar Boroevic´ at army-level command, while Feldmarschallleutnant Artur Arz von Straussenberg and General der Infanterie Hermann Kövess von Kövessháza had distinguished themselves as corps commanders.132 By the end of 1914, the three combatants on the eastern front were in situations that bore some similarities but also some critical differences. All three countries had executed their war plans, and all three had failed, with heavy casualties. Some failures, however, were worse than others. Clearly the worst failure was that of Austria-Hungary, which was now teetering on the edge of catastrophe. While Russia had driven Austria-Hungary to the edge of defeat, it had suffered several demoralizing setbacks at the hands of the Germans. As for Germany, the war in the east had produced some impressive successes, most notably at Tannenberg and later at Lodz. These were offset, however, by the failure before Warsaw and by the need to provide aid to the hard-pressed Austro-Hungarian forces. In any case, both sides started 1915 in quest of a plan that would bring victory in the east.
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CHAPTER TWO
Strategists, Strategy, Operations, and Coalition Warfare
In my view, the four new corps, that should be ready in January, must be committed to the east to clear up the situation there, and then we can attack in the west with a superior force. —Generaloberst Hans von Plessen, December 31, 19141 I was able on this occasion to become with the ideas of Conrad. He is an educated officer, but no great man. —Erich Ludendorff, January 2, 19152 The proposals of the Austrian G.H.Q. were agreed to. —Erich von Falkenhayn3 With the plans of both sides now essentially in tatters, it was high time for the leaders of the respective sides to reconsider their strategy. This process revolved around two facets: the individual personalities involved and the institutions of which they were a part. A brief survey of these factors is now in order. For this study, from the standpoint of January 1915, the three people who arguably mattered the least were the respective heads of state. The kaiser’s promise to stay out of day-to-day matters has already been noted. Theoretically, Tsar Nicholas II was supposed to assume the mantle of commander-in-chief.
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Pressure from his ministers, however, led the tsar to remain in Petrograd and to appoint his cousin, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, as the head of Stavka. As for the Austro-Hungarians, Francis Joseph was simply too old.4 The effective removal of the three monarchs from the making of strategy left these matters in the hands of their respective heads of their militaries. For the Russians, this was the cousin of Nicholas II, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich. Born on November 18, 1856, the Grand Duke was destined to be a cavalryman from birth, given that his uncle Alexander II had the Grand Duke enrolled in the Guards Life Hussar Regiment while he was still in the crib.5 After receiving a well-rounded education, aided with the benefit of foreign travel, Nikolai Nikolaevich entered the army in 1873. Attending the Nikolaevski General Staff Academy, the Grand Duke graduated in April 1876 with the rank of captain. Almost immediately thereafter Nikolai Nikolaevich went to war. His father, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich senior, was the commander of Russian forces going to war against Ottoman Turkey in support of Bulgaria’s independence. Nikolai Nikolaevich junior saw the Russo-Turkish War at the highest and lowest levels, taking part in the crossing of the Danube in June 1877, while also spending a good deal of time at his father’s headquarters.6 After the conclusion of the Russo-Turkish War, the Grand Duke enjoyed a successful career in the cavalry, although Nicholas II’s refusal to permit Nikolai Nikolaevich to enter into a morganatic marriage nearly resulted in his resignation. Ultimately, however, Nikolai Nikolaevich took command of the 2nd Cavalry Division after an extended leave. After a successful tour as a commander, the tsar appointed Nikolai Nikolaevich the inspector general of cavalry in 1895. In that position, the Grand Duke did a great deal to reform the Russian army’s cavalry branch, earning plaudits even from his critics.7 A marriage to Grand Duchess Anastasia Nikolaevna, daughter of Prince Nicola of Montenegro, although a source of personal joy to the Grand Duke, met with the disapproval of both Nicholas II and Tsarina Alexandra. Appointed to head the Council of State Defense in 1907, the Grand Duke sought to bring about reforms to the Russian army, desperately needed after the disastrous defeats in the Russo-Japanese War. Ultimately, his efforts in this regard foundered after the Grand Duke lost a bureaucratic battle over the issue of the independence of the General Staff from the War Ministry. Nikolai Nikolaevich’s principal opponent, General Vladimir Sukhomlinov, gained control over both organizations in December 1908 and eventually succeeded in getting the Council of Ministers to abolish the Council of State Defense.8 Although somewhat diminished in stature, the Grand Duke continued to hold the position of commandant of the Petersburg Military District. The appointment of Nikolai Nikolaevich as commander-in-chief was regarded by many as something of a surprise, but once Nicholas II was convinced not to
Strategists, Strategy, Operations, and Coalition Warfare
take command personally, it is difficult to see anyone other than the Grand Duke filling the role. Given the nature of the imperial Russian government, the presence of the royal family at Stavka was imperative, and no one else in the royal family enjoyed the military reputation that Nikolai Nikolaevich did.9 Once appointed commander-in-chief by Nicholas II, the Grand Duke quickly arrogated power to himself, effectively freezing out the War Ministry. At one point, Sukhomlinov’s name was dropped from the list of persons allowed to visit Stavka, and Sukhomlinov had to go to the tsar to have the omission corrected.10 Given that the Grand Duke was accountable only to the tsar and that Nicholas II was not inclined to take an active role, the making of strategy in early 1915 rested with the Grand Duke and a small group of officers. While the appointment of the Grand Duke was met with wide support in the army, it did have its downside. After his resignation from the State Defense Council, Nikolai Nikolaevich had been largely removed from planning. Thus the Grand Duke would need some time to get up to speed. Nikolai Nikolaevich also asked for appointment of Generals Fedor F. Palitsyn and Mikhail V. Alekseev as chief of staff and quartermaster general, respectively, a request the tsar rejected. For the sake of continuity, the Grand Duke would have to rely on the officers then filling those slots, Generals Nikolai N. Yanushkevich and Yuri N. Danilov. This troika would be responsible for directing Russia’s war against Germany and Austria-Hungary.11 Of the two junior members of the troika, Yanushkevich was perhaps the oddest choice for the position he held. Yanushkevich was rather young (fortysix years of age) and had not seen any real field service, having spent most of his career working in the War Ministry or at the General Staff Academy. Although he was intelligent, nothing in his background or career indicated that he was possessed of exceptional skill or insight. Yanushkevich had the ability to span the bridge between the two major factions of the Russian high command. Yanushkevich was Sukhomlinov’s choice to be chief of the general staff, but he had also enjoyed the patronage of both the tsar and the Grand Duke earlier in his career. Alfred Knox, the British officer at Stavka, described Yanushkevich as being more courtier than soldier.12 Yanushkevich was influential, in that he was Stavka’s gatekeeper, thus determining who would get access to the Grand Duke. He also served as the conduit between Stavka and the War Ministry. More influential in regard to operations was Yuri Danilov, the quartermaster general. His career in the army was much broader than that of Yanushkevich and encompassed a combination of staff and line assignments, including a tour as commander of the 166th Infantry Regiment. Assigned to the General Staff in 1908, he became something of a protégé of Sukhomlinov and was critical to the development of the Russian mobilization plans of 1914. Knox considered Danilov to be the best mind in Stavka. While many Russian officers would be critical of
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Danilov’s ideas, Knox noted that “no one ever suggested the name of an officer who could have done better.”13 The location of Stavka is also worthy of comment. Throughout 1914 and 1915, Stavka was housed in two trains and one building at a railway siding in a pine forest near Baranovici, a small city of perhaps as many as 30,000 people. The city’s population had a substantial Jewish segment, thus making Stavka’s location ironic, given that both the Grand Duke and Yanushkevich were virulently anti-Semitic.14 Baranovici was a suitable location, in that it was the junction of three rail lines, thus giving the Grand Duke easy access by rail to his principal subordinate commanders. On the other hand, it was relatively isolated, with neither a telephone exchange nor a wireless radio station. The only long-distance means of communication was a single Hughes teletype machine. Thus, the flow of information into and out of Stavka was slow, and in a fast-moving situation, matters could and did at times escape from Stavka’s grasp. Finally, it must be noted that the size of Stavka itself was very small, perhaps about sixty personnel in all. The veritable nerve center of Stavka, Danilov’s offices, which encompassed the
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21st Reserve Division (German Empire)
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Infobox Military Unit unit name=21st Reserve Division ( 21. Reserve Division ) dates=1914 1919 country=Germany branch=Army type=Infantry size=Approx. 15,000 battles=World War I: Great Retreat, First Battle of the Marne, Battle of Verdun, Second…
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Infobox Military Unit
unit_name=21st Reserve Division ("21. Reserve-Division")
dates=1914-1919
country=Germany
branch=Army
type=Infantry
size=Approx. 15,000
battles=World War I: Great Retreat, First Battle of the Marne, Battle of Verdun, Second Battle of the Aisne, Battle of Cambrai (1917), Spring Offensive, Hundred Days Offensive, Second Battle of the Somme (1918)
The 21st Reserve Division ("21. Reserve-Division") was a unit of the Imperial German Army in World War I. The division was formed on mobilization of the German Army in August 1914. [ [http://www.1914-18.info/erster-weltkrieg.php?u=383 21. Reserve-Division (Chronik 1914-1918)] ] The division was disbanded in 1919 during the demobilization of the German Army after World War I. The division was raised primarily in the Prussian Province of Hesse-Nassau, but one battalion of the 88th Reserve Infantry Regiment came from the Grand Duchy of Hesse and some other troops of the division came from Westphalia and the Rhine Province.
Combat chronicle
The 21st Reserve Division fought on the Western Front, participating in the opening German offensive which led to the Allied Great Retreat and ended with the First Battle of the Marne. Thereafter, the division remained in the line in the Champagne region until June 1916. In July 1916, the division entered the Battle of Verdun. It returned to the Champagne in September and then went back to Verdun in December 1916-January 1917. In the Spring of 1917, the division fought in the Second Battle of the Aisne, also known as the Third Battle of Champagne. In November 1917, the division saw action in the tank battle at Cambrai. The division participated in the 1918 German Spring Offensive. It faced the Allied Hundred Days Offensive, and fought in the Second Battle of the Somme (1918) (also called the Third Battle of the Somme). Allied intelligence rated the division as second class. [ [http://www.1914-18.info/erster-weltkrieg.php?u=383 21. Reserve-Division (Chronik 1914-1918)] ] ["Histories of Two Hundred and Fifty-One Divisions of the German Army which Participated in the War (1914-1918), compiled from records of Intelligence section of the General Staff, American Expeditionary Forces, at General Headquarters, Chaumont, France 1919" (1920), pp. 318-321.]
Order of battle on mobilization
The order of battle of the 21st Reserve Division on mobilization was as follows: [Hermann Cron et al., "Ruhmeshalle unserer alten Armee" (Berlin, 1935).]
*41. Reserve-Infanterie-Brigade
**Reserve-Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 80
**Reserve-Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 87
*42. Reserve-Infanterie-Brigade
**Reserve-Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 81
**Reserve-Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 88
*Reserve-Dragoner-Regiment Nr. 7
*Reserve-Feldartillerie-Regiment Nr. 21
*4.Kompanie/Kurhessisches Pionier-Bataillon Nr. 11
Order of battle on March 8, 1918
The 21st Reserve Division was triangularized in October 1916. Over the course of the war, other changes took place, including the formation of artillery and signals commands and a pioneer battalion. The order of battle on March 8, 1918 was as follows: [Cron et al., "Ruhmeshalle".]
*41. Reserve-Infanterie-Brigade
**Reserve-Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 80
**Reserve-Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 87
**Reserve-Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 88
*3.Eskadron/Reserve-Dragoner-Regiment Nr. 4
*Artillerie-Kommandeur 126
**Reserve-Feldartillerie-Regiment Nr. 21
**Kgl. Bayerisches Fußartillerie-Bataillon Nr. 22
*Stab Pionier-Bataillon Nr. 321
**4.Kompanie/Kurhessisches Pionier-Bataillon Nr. 11
**5.Kompanie/Kurhessisches Pionier-Bataillon Nr. 11
**Minenwerfer-Kompanie Nr. 221
*Divisions-Nachrichten-Kommandeur 421
References
* [http://www.1914-18.info/erster-weltkrieg.php?u=383 21. Reserve-Division (Chronik 1914/1918) - Der erste Weltkrieg]
* Hermann Cron et al., "Ruhmeshalle unserer alten Armee" (Berlin, 1935)
* Hermann Cron, "Geschichte des deutschen Heeres im Weltkriege 1914-1918" (Berlin, 1937)
* Günter Wegner, "Stellenbesetzung der deutschen Heere 1815-1939." (Biblio Verlag, Osnabrück, 1993), Bd. 1
* "Histories of Two Hundred and Fifty-One Divisions of the German Army which Participated in the War (1914-1918), compiled from records of Intelligence section of the General Staff, American Expeditionary Forces, at General Headquarters, Chaumont, France 1919" (1920)
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First day on the Somme
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The first day on the Somme, 1 July 1916, was the opening day of the Battle of Albert (1–13 July 1916). Nine corps of the French Sixth Army, the British Fourth and Third armies, attacked the German Second Army of General Fritz von Below, from Foucaucourt on the south bank to Serre, north of the...
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First Day on the SommePart of the Battle of the Somme (World War I)
Battle of the Somme 1 July – 18 November 1916
Date1 July 1916LocationSomme, Picardy, France
Coordinates: Result Anglo-French success
Belligerents
British Empire
United Kingdom
Bermuda
Newfoundland
France
German Empire
Baden
Prussia
Württemberg
Commanders and leaders Douglas Haig
Ferdinand Foch
Henry Rawlinson Fritz von BelowStrength 13 British divisions
6 French divisions 6 divisionsCasualties and losses British: 57,470 including 19,240 killed.
French: 7,000 8,000 casualties
4,200 prisoners
The first day on the Somme, 1 July 1916, was the opening day of the Battle of Albert (1–13 July 1916). Nine corps of the French Sixth Army, the British Fourth and Third armies, attacked the German Second Army of General Fritz von Below, from Foucaucourt on the south bank to Serre, north of the Ancre and at Gommecourt 2 miles (3.2 km) beyond. The objective of the attack was to capture the German first and second positions from Serre south to the Albert–Bapaume road and the first position from the road south to Foucaucourt.
The German defence south of the road mostly collapsed and the French had "complete success" on both banks of the Somme, as did the British from Maricourt on the army boundary, where XIII Corps took Montauban and reached all its objectives and XV Corps captured Mametz and isolated Fricourt. The III Corps attack either side of the Albert–Bapaume road was a disaster, making only a short advance south of La Boisselle, with a huge number of casualties. Further north the X Corps attack captured the Leipzig Redoubt, failed opposite Thiepval and had a great but temporary success on the left, where the German front line was overrun and Schwaben and Stuff redoubts captured.
German counter-attacks during the afternoon recaptured most of the lost ground north of the Albert–Bapaume road and fresh attacks against Thiepval were defeated, also with great loss to the British. On the north bank of the Ancre the attack of VIII Corps was another failure, with large numbers of British troops being shot down in no man's land. The VII Corps diversion at Gommecourt was also costly, with only a partial and temporary advance south of the village. The German defeats from Foucaucourt to the Albert–Bapaume road, left the German defence on the south bank incapable of resisting another attack and a substantial German retreat began, from the Flaucourt plateau to the west bank of the Somme close to Péronne, while on the north bank Fricourt was abandoned.
Several truces were negotiated to recover wounded from no man's land on the British front, where the Fourth Army had lost 57,470 casualties, of which 19,240 men were killed. The French had 1,590 casualties and the German 2nd Army lost 10,000–12,000 casualties. Orders were issued to the Anglo-French armies to continue the offensive on 2 July and a German counter-attack on the north bank of the Somme by the 12th Division, intended for the night of 1/2 July, took until dawn on 2 July to begin. Since 1 July 1916 the cost of the battle and the "meagre gains" have been a source of grief and controversy in Britain; in German and French writing the first day of the Battle of the Somme has been little more than a footnote to the mass losses of 1914, 1915 and the Battle of Verdun.
Background[]
Strategic developments[]
In July 1915 the French Commander in Chief Joseph Joffre held the first inter-Allied conference at Chantilly and in December 1915 a second conference resolved to conduct simultaneous attacks by the French, Russian, British and Italian armies. For the British, France and Flanders were the main theatre of operations and in February 1916 Haig accepted Joffre's plan, for a combined attack astride the Somme river around 1 July. In April the British Cabinet accepted the necessity of an offensive in France. The nature of a joint offensive on the Somme began to change almost immediately when the German army attacked at Verdun on 21 February. In March Foch proposed a Somme offensive on a 45 kilometres (28 mi) front between Lassigny and the Somme and a British attack on a 25 kilometres (16 mi) front, from the Somme to Thiepval with 42 French and 25 British divisions. French divisions intended for the joint offensive were diverted to Verdun and the offensive was eventually reduced to a main effort by the British, with a supporting attack by one French army.
The Somme was to be the first mass offensive mounted by the British Expeditionary Force and the first battle to involve a large number of New Army divisions, many composed of Pals battalions that had formed in response to Kitchener's call for volunteers in August 1914. By the end of the Gallipoli Campaign twelve British divisions were in Egypt and from 4 February – 20 June 1916 nine were transferred to France. From Britain and Egypt the 34th and 35th divisions arrived in January, the 31st and 46th in February, the 29th, 39th, 1st Australian and 2nd Australian divisions in March, the New Zealand Division in April, the 41st, 61st and 63rd divisions in May, the 40th, 60th, 4th Australian and 5th Australian divisions in June and the 11th Division arrived on 3 July. The 55th and 56th divisions were reassembled and a Battalion of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment and the South African Brigade joined in April and a contingent of the Bermuda Volunteer Rifle Corps in July.
Despite considerable debate among German staff officers, Falkenhayn insisted on rigid defence of the front line in 1916 and implied after the war that the psychology of German soldiers, shortage of manpower and lack of reserves made the policy inescapable, since the troops necessary to seal off breakthroughs did not exist. High losses incurred in holding ground by a policy of no retreat, were preferable to higher losses, voluntary withdrawals and the effect of a belief that soldiers had discretion to avoid battle. When a more flexible policy was substituted later, discretion was still reserved to army commanders. Despite the certainty by mid-June, of an Anglo-French attack on the Somme against the Second Army, Falkenhayn sent only four divisions, keeping eight in the western strategic reserve. No divisions were moved from the Sixth Army, despite it holding a shorter line with 17½ divisions and having three of the reserve divisions in the Sixth Army area. The maintenance of the strength of the Sixth Army, at the expense of the Second Army on the Somme, indicated that Falkehnayn intended the counter-offensive against the British to be made north of the Somme front, once the British offensive had been shattered.
Tactical developments[]
In April 1916 Groupe d'armées du Nord (GAN) issued an 82-page pamphlet on the stages and processes of an attack on enemy positions prepared in depth, which as the experience of the offensives of 1915 had demonstrated, would inevitably be costly and time-consuming military operations. The battle would be methodical until the power of resistance of the defender was broken by "moral, material and physical degradation", while the attacker still had the ability to attack. Co-ordination of artillery and infantry was fundamental to the process, in which artillery would destroy defences and then infantry would occupy them, thus infantry objectives were to be determined by the range of artillery. Artillery bombardments were to be co-ordinated with infantry attacks, with various types of artillery given particular objectives, for the destruction of field defences and the killing of the German infantry in them. Heavy artillery and mortars were to be used for the destruction of field fortifications, howitzers and light mortars for the destruction of trenches, machine-gun and observation posts; heavy guns and mortars to destroy fortified villages and concrete strongpoints. Longer-range guns were to engage German artillery with counter-battery fire, to deprive German infantry of artillery support, when French infantry were at their most vulnerable during the attack. Wire-cutting was to be performed by field artillery firing "high explosive" (H.E.) shells and supported by specialist wire-cutting sections of infantry, which would go out the night before an attack. During the attack field atillery would fire a linear barrage, at trenches and the edges of woods and villages. Infantry attacks were to be based on reconnaissance, clear objectives, liaison with flanking units and the avoidance of disorganisation within attacking units. General attacks would need to be followed by the systematic capture of surviving defensive positions, to create suitable jumping-off positions for the next general attack.
In 1915 British tactical thinking had been based on the experience of its Western Front battles, particularly the Battle of Loos in September and the study of French and German examples, in translated French manuals and pamphlets. The importance of organised artillery firepower and the integration of types of weapons and equipment was recognised. Creeping barrages, smoke-screens and cloud gas discharges were to be used along with aircraft, trench mortars, Lewis guns and elaborate signals systems, which had been created to counter chronic communication failures, which occurred as soon as the infantry attacked. Troops were to attack in a succession of lines grouped into waves and followed by parties to consolidate captured ground or pass through the leading troops and continue the advance. The 9th Division had attacked at Loos with four battalions on a front of 1,600 yards (1,500 m), each battalion in three waves, one behind the other. A second battalion followed each of the leading battalions in the same formation, ready to leapfrog beyond and a second brigade followed the first as a reserve. Six lines of infantry, with the soldiers 2 yards (1.8 m) apart had confronted the German defence. Lines and waves had been made thinner and shallower after 1915 and on 14 July 1916 in the attack on Longueval, the division advanced with four battalions, with companies arranged in columns of platoons, creating four platoon waves 70 yards (64 m) apart, one brigade attacking with two companies of each battalion, two more behind and a second battalion following on, so that each section of the front was attacked by sixteen platoon waves. Six platoons had gone forward on a front of about 1,000 yards (910 m), roughly one soldier every 5.5 yards (5.0 m).
On the Somme front Falkenhayn's construction plan of January 1915 had been completed. Barbed wire obstacles had been enlarged from one belt 5–10 yards (4.6–9.1 m) wide to two, 30 yards (27 m) wide and about 15 yards (14 m) apart. Double and triple thickness wire was used and laid 3–5 feet (0.91–1.52 m) high. The front line had been increased from one trench to three, dug 150–200 yards (140–180 m) apart, the first trench occupied by sentry groups, the second (Wohngraben) for the front-trench garrison and the third trench for local reserves. The trenches were traversed and had sentry-posts in concrete recesses built into the parapet. Dugouts had been deepened from 6–9 feet (1.8–2.7 m) to 20–30 feet (6.1–9.1 m), 50 yards (46 m) apart and large enough for 25 men. An intermediate line of strongpoints (Stutzpunktlinie) about 1,000 yards (910 m) behind the front line was also built. Communication trenches ran back to the reserve line, renamed the second line, which was as well-built and wired as the first line. The second line was beyond the range of Allied field artillery, to force an attacker to stop and move field artillery forward before assaulting the line.
Prelude[]
Anglo-French offensive preparations[]
Aircraft: For long-distance reconnaissance and bombing and attacks on the German air service, the 9th (Headquarters) Wing of the Royal Flying Corps (RFC) was moved to the Somme front, with 21, 27, 60 squadrons and part of 70 Squadron. The Fourth Army had the support of IV Brigade, with two squadrons of the 14th (Army) Wing, four squadrons of the 3rd Wing and 1 Kite Balloon Squadron, with one section for each corps. Corps squadrons, 3, 4, 9, and 15 had 30 aircraft for counter-battery work, 13 aircraft for contact patrol, 16 for trench reconnaissance and destructive bombardment and other duties and nine aircraft in reserve. VII Corps was given 8 Squadron with 18 aircraft and 5 Kite Balloon Section. The strength of the RFC in the Somme area was 185 aircraft against a German Second Army aircraft establishment, which also had to face the French air service on the south bank of the Somme. (The Anglo-French air effort considerably outnumbered the Germans opposite until mid-July.) Protection for corps aircraft was to be provided by standing patrols of pairs of aircraft and offensive sweeps by the two army squadrons.[Note 1] Bombing attacks were to be made on the railways behind the German front, with the main effort beginning on 1 July, to ensure that damage could not be repaired in the days after the beginning of the offensive. Troops, transport columns, dumps and headquarters behind the battlefront were to be attacked and the ammunition depots at Mons, Namur and Lille were to be specially attacked. The French Sixth Army had 201 aeroplanes.
Artillery: The British had substantially increased the amount of artillery on the Western Front since the Battle of Loos in late 1915 but the length of front to be bombarded, led to a five-day preparatory bombardment being planned, after debate about the merits of a short "hurricane bombardment", due to a lack of guns to fulfill the destruction of German field defences and be certain to cut barbed wire, given uncertain weather and the dependence of the artillery on air observation.[Note 2] The artillery had to cut barbed wire and neutralise German artillery with counter-battery fire. The British artillery fired more than 1.5 million shells, more than in the first year of the war; another 250,000 shells were fired on 1 July. The bombardment could be heard on Hampstead Heath, 300 miles (480 km) away. While this weight of bombardment was new for the British, it was common on the Western Front, the French Second Battle of Artois in May 1915 had been preceded by a six-day bombardment in which over 2.1 million shells were fired. On the Somme, while British shell production had increased since the shell scandal of 1915, quality was poor and many shells failed to explode. Shrapnel was virtually useless against entrenched positions and required accurate fuze-setting to cut wire but very little high explosive ammunition had been manufactured for field artillery.[Note 3] The French Sixth Army had 552 heavy guns and howitzers, with a much larger supply of H.E. ammunition for field artillery and far more experienced personnel.
Cavalry: In March the two British cavalry corps were disbanded and the divisions distributed to the armies and the new Reserve Corps, under the command of Gough, which was reinforced and became the Reserve Army in June. The Reserve Army cavalry was to operate combined with infantry and artillery, ready to act as a "conveyor belt", to exploit a success by the Fourth Army, with the 25th Division in the lead followed by two cavalry divisions and then II Corps. In mid-June II Corps was moved from the Reserve Army, which was subordinated to the Fourth Army. The French Sixth Army had four cavalry divisions available. In late June favourable intelligence reports and the reduction of the French commitment for the Somme offensive led to a change of plan by the British. Should the German army collapse, the cavalry was expected to follow-up a breakthrough, capture Bapaume, take post on the right flank, to provide a flank guard in all-arms detachments facing east, as the main body of cavalry and the infantry advanced northwards. The 1st, 2nd (Indian) and 3rd cavalry divisions were to assemble by zero hour 5 miles (8.0 km) west of Albert around Buire, Bresle, Bonny and La Neuville, ready to move forward or remain and then return to billets behind Amiens, depending on events.
Infantry: A British Expeditionary Force (BEF) manual published on 8 May 1916 (SS 109: Training of Divisions For Offensive Action) described successions of lines to add driving power to the attack, to reach the objective and have the capacity to consolidate the captured ground against counter-attack.[Note 4] In the Fourth Army Tactical Notes of May 1916, battalions were allowed to attack on a front of 2–4 platoons in 8–4 waves about 100 yards (91 m) apart. Supporting lines were to pass through leading ones, to avoid excessive demands on the energy and ability of individual soldiers. Weight of numbers was rejected and each platoon would carry half the burden of a brigade attack for a few minutes, before being relieved by a fresh wave. Platoons were divided into functions, fighting, mopping-up, support and carrying, where the fighting platoons were to press on, as the moppers-up secured the ground behind them. Support and carrying platoons could pick their way through artillery barrages, with the tools and weapons needed to defeat German counter-attacks. Some troops in carrying platoons had about 66 pounds (30 kg) of equipment and tools, whereas troops in the advanced platoons carried a rifle, bayonet, 170 rounds of ammunition, iron rations, two grenades, pick, shovel or entrenching tool, four empty sandbags, two gas helmets, wire cutters, a smoke candle and a water-bottle.[Note 5] In the French army, the experience of 1915 showed that despite the power of French bombardments, infantry would enter a chaotic environment, full of German pockets of resistance and individuals who had been by-passed. By mid-1916 much of the French infantry in the Sixth Army had been trained as specialists, either rifle-and-bayonet men, bombers, rifle grenadiers or light machine-gun crews. Attacking waves were spread wider and companies trained to manoeuvre in small groups, to get behind surviving German defences, as Nettoyeurs (cleaners) armed with hand-grenades and revolvers, searched captured ground for stray Germans and hidden machine-gunners, although such methods did not come into general use until later in the year.
Intelligence: In March and April, eight German divisions were believed to be in reserve opposite the British, from the Somme to the North Sea coast, then in April reserve divisions behind the German Fourth Army were moved south behind the German Sixth Army. From 4–14 June the success of the Brusilov Offensive became apparent and agent reports showed increased railway movements from Belgium to Germany. The final BEF Military Intelligence estimate before 1 July, was that there were 32 German battalions opposite the Fourth Army and 65 battalions in reserve and close enough to reach the battlefield in the first week. Five of the seven German divisions had been engaged at Verdun and the removal of divisions from France to the Eastern Front, had become certain. Men of the 1916 conscription class were appearing among German prisoners of war, which suggested that the German army had been depleted, to the point where it would be possible to break down the German front line and force a battle of manoeuvre on the defenders. In late June the British part of the Somme plan was amended, to accommodate the rapid capture of Bapaume and the envelopment of German defences north to Arras, rather than the outflanking of the German defences to the south at Péronne. An increase in the number of trains moving from Germany to Belgium was also discovered but the quality of German troops opposite the British was thought to have been much reduced. The true number of German divisions in reserve in France, was ten with six opposite the British, double the number believed by the British to be available. Reports of work continuing on the German defences opposite the Fourth Army in March and April, led the planners to adopt a less optimistic view, particularly due to the news about very deep shell-proof shelters being dug under German front trenches, whch proved far less vulnerable to bombardment.
Mining: The British inherited a number of mine workings and the chalk soil of the Somme was ideal for tunnelling. Mines were used to destroy the German defences and to provide shelter in no man's land for the advancing infantry. Eight large and eleven small mines were prepared for the first day of the battle; three large mines of 20 long tons (20,000 kg) and seven mines around 5,000 lb (2,300 kg). When the mines were blown, infantry would rush forward to seize the crater. The largest mines, each containing 24 long tons (24,000 kg) of ammonal, were on either side of the Albert-Bapaume road near La Boisselle, Y Sap mine north of the road and Lochnagar mine to the south. The other large mine was beneath Hawthorn Ridge Redoubt near Beaumont Hamel, containing 18 long tons (18,000 kg) of explosive. The mines were to be detonated at 7:28 a.m., two minutes before zero hour, except for the Hawthorn Ridge mine, which was detonated ten minutes before zero at 7:20 a.m. One of the small mines, at Kasino Point, was mistimed and blew after the infantry attack had commenced. The Somme mines were the largest yet detonated in the war.
Supply: From 1 January – 3 July 1916 the BEF was reinforced by 17 divisions and the number of heavy guns increased from 324 to 714. The new divisions needed 51½ supply trains a week to meet daily needs and a large number of extra trains to transport heavy artillery ammunition. Until mid-June ammunition supply for the BEF needed 5–12 trains per week, then rose to 45–90 trains per week, to deliver a stock of 148,000 long tons (150,000,000 kg) of munitions. Ammunition expenditure became a concern by 12 July but deliveries to the area behind the Fourth Army kept pace, although transport from railheads to the guns was not always maintained. In the weeks before 1 July, an extra seven trains a day were sufficient to deliver the extra ammunition. In the rear of the Fourth Army, huge encampments were built for troops, horses, artillery and workshops, dumps were built of equipment, reservoirs and pipelines, power stations, light railways roads and telephone networks were constructed. Over 2000000 of petrol per month was needed for the lorry fleet, moving supplies up to 3 miles (4.8 km) from railheads to the front line and a million Brodie helmets were delivered between January and June. In the French Sixth Army sector, one railway line from Amiens led to Bray on the north bank but on the south bank there were no rail lines so road-trains carried supplies from Amiens to Foucaucourt. In the 37th Division area, 91,420 man-hours were needed to dig 6 kilometres (3.7 mi) of trenches, jumping-off points, command-posts, dug-outs, machine-gun emplacements and ammunition stores and for wiring and maintenance.
Plan of attack[]
British planning for the offensive began in April, with a Fourth Army proposal for a methodical advance to the high ground around Thiepval and thence to the Bapaume–Péronne road. Haig had exhaustive negotiations with Joffre and rejected the concept in favour of the capture of the ridge north of Péronne, to assist a French crossing of the Somme further south. Diversion of French divisions to Verdun and the assumption by the British of the main role in the Somme offensive, led to revisions of the plan towards an ambitious attempt at strategic attrition, through a breakthrough and a battle of manoeuvre with distant objectives. The French Sixth Army of General Marie Émile Fayolle in Groupe d'armées du Nord of General Ferdinand Foch, was the last of the three armies originally intended as the French contribution. Joffre, placed XX Corps north of the Somme next to the southernmost Fourth Army formation (XIII Corps). The course of British planning was marked by a process of negotiation between Haig and Rawlinson in which Haig became more optimistic at what could be achieved early on, given the examples of Gorlice-Tarnów in 1915 and at Verdun in 1916. Rawlinson favoured a methodical attack from the beginning of the offensive, in which belts of the German defences about 2,000 yards (1,800 m) deep, would be pulverised by artillery and then occupied by infantry.[Note 6] An attempt to reach deeper objectives towards the German second position, risked infantry being counter-attacked, when beyond the cover of field artillery but had the advantage of exploiting a period when German artillery was being withdrawn.
On 16 April Rawlinson announced the objectives to the corps commanders, in which III, X and VIII corps would capture Pozières, Grandcourt and Serre on the first day and XIII and XV corps would have objectives to be agreed later. On 19 April Rawlinson wrote that an attempt to reach the German second line on the first day was doubtful, an extension of the attack in the south on Montauban required another division and the inclusion of Gommecourt to the north was beyond the capability of the Fourth Army. Rawlonsion also wrote that long bombardment was dependent on the French, the availability of ammunition and the endurance of gun-crews and that the exploitation of a successful attack would need a substantial number of fresh divisions. The process of discussion and negotiation between Haig and Rawlinson, also occurred between Rawlinson and the corps commanders and between corps and divisional commanders.[Note 7] For the first time definite daily objectives were set, rather than ordering that the attack be unlimited and discretion was granted in the means to achieve them. When the frontage of attack had been decided, corps headquarters decided the details and arranged the building of the infrastructure of attack, dug-outs, magazines, observation posts, telephone lines, roads, light railways, tramways, liaison with neighbouring corps and the Royal Flying Corps. For the first time the army headquarters co-ordinated the artillery arrangements with an Army Artillery Operation Order, in which tasks and timetable were laid down and corps artillery officers left to decide the means to achieve them.
On 16 June Haig announced his intentions for the campaign, which were to relieve pressure on the French at Verdun, assist Italy and Russia and to inflict losses on the German army, through the capture of Pozières Ridge from Montauban to the Ancre and from the Ancre to Serre as a flank guard, then to exploit the position gained, according to the way the battle developed. If German resistance collapsed, an advance east would be pressed far enough, to pass through the German defences and the attack would turn north, to envelop the German defences as far as Monchy le Preux near Arras, with cavalry on the outer flank to defend against a counter-attack. Should a continuation of the advance beyond the first objective not be possible, the main effort could be transferred elsewhere, while the Fourth Army continued to mount local attacks. On 28 June the Fourth Army headquarters instructed that should the initial attacks cause the German defence to collapse, the closest infantry would exploit without waiting for cavalry and the 19th and 49th divisions in local reserve, would be committed along the Albert–Bapaume road and parallel to it to the north. The cavalry which had assembled 5 miles (8.0 km) west of Albert, was not to advance until roads had been cleared for their advance. Haig had formulated a plan in which a local or a big success could be exploited but Rawlinson had a much more modest intention, of small advances onto high ground and pauses to consolidate, ready for German counter-attacks, which led to an "unhappy compromise".
German defensive preparations[]
Somme weather
(June–July 1916) Date Rain
mm
Temp
(°F) Description 23 June 2.0 79°–55° windy 24 June 1.0 72°–52° overcast 25 June 1.0 71°–54° windy 26 June 6.0 72°–52° cloudy 27 June 8.0 68°–54° cloudy 28 June 2.0 68°–50° overcast 29 June 0.1 66°–52° cloudy
windy 30 June 0.0 72°–48° overcast
high winds 1 July 0.0 79°–52° clear Data from Gliddon, G.
When the Barrage Lifts (1987)
Many of the German units on the Somme had been there since 1914 and had made great efforts to fortify the defensive line, particularly with barbed-wire entanglements so that the front trench could be held with fewer troops. Railways, roads and waterways connected the battlefront to the Ruhr from where material for minierte Stollen (dug-outs) 20–30 feet (6.1–9.1 m) underground for 25 men each had been excavated every 50 yards (46 m) and the front had been divided into Sperrfeuerstreiten (barrage sectors). After the Herbstschlacht ("Autumn Battle") in 1915, a third defence line another 3,000 yards (2,700 m) back from the Stutzpunktlinie was begun in February and was nearly complete on the Somme front when the battle began. German artillery was organised in a series of sperrfeuerstreifen (barrage sectors); each officer was expected to know the batteries covering his section of the front line and the batteries ready to engage fleeting targets. A telephone system was built, with lines buried 6 feet (1.8 m) deep for 5 miles (8.0 km) behind the front line, to connect the front line to the artillery. The Somme defences had two inherent weaknesses which the rebuilding had not remedied. The front trenches were on a forward slope, lined by white chalk from the subsoil and easily seen by ground observers. The defences were crowded towards the front trench, with a regiment having two battalions near the front-trench system and the reserve battalion divided between the Stutzpunktlinie and the second line, all within 2,000 yards (1,800 m) and most troops within 1,000 yards (910 m) of the front line, accommodated in the new deep dugouts. The concentration of troops at the front line on a forward slope, guaranteed that it would face the bulk of an artillery bombardment, directed by ground observers on clearly marked lines. Digging and wiring of a new third line began in May, civilians were moved away and stocks of ammunition and hand-grenades were increased in the front-line.
By mid-June Below and Rupprecht expected an attack on the Second Army which held the front from Noyon to beyond Gommecourt although Falkenhayn was more concerned about an offensive in Alsace-Lorraine, then a possible attack on the Sixth Army which held the front from near Gommecourt to St. Eloi close to Ypres. In April Falkenhayn had sugggested a spoiling attack by the Sixth Army but lack of troops and artillery, which were engaged in the offensive at Verdun made it impractical. Some labour battalions and captured Russian heavy artillery were sent to the Second Army and Below proposed a preventive attack in May and a reduced operation from Ovillers to St. Pierre Divion in June but got only one extra artillery regiment. On 6 June Below reported that an offensive at Fricourt and Gommecourt was indicated by air reconnaissance and that the south bank had been reinforced by the French, against whom the XVII Corps was overstretched, with twelve regiments to hold 36 kilometres (22 mi) and no reserves. In mid-June Falkenhayn was sceptical of an offensive on the Somme, since a great success would lead to operations in Belgium, when an offensive in Alsace-Lorraine would take the war and its devastation into Germany. More railway activity, fresh digging and camp extensions around Albert opposite the Second Army was seen by German air observers on 9 and 11 June and spies reported an imminent offensive. On 24 June a British prisoner spoke of a five-day bombardment, to begin on 26 June and local units expected an attack within days. On 27 June 14 balloons were visible, one for each British division but no reinforcements were sent to the area until 1 July and only then to the Sixth Army which was given control of the three divisions in reserve behind it. At Verdun on 24 June, Crown Prince Wilhelm was ordered to conserve troops, ammunition and equipment and further restrictions were imposed on 1 July, when two divisions were put under Falkenhayn's control. By 30 June the German air strength on the Second Army front was six Feldflieger-Abteilungen (reconnaissance flights) with 42 aircraft, four Artillerieflieger-Abteilungen (artillery flights) with 17 aeroplanes, Kampfgeschwader 1 (Bomber-Fighter Squadron 1) with 43 aircraft, Kampfstaffel 32 (Bomber-Fighter Flight 32) with 8 aeroplanes and a Kampfeinsitzer-Kommando (single-seat fighter detachment) with 19 aeroplanes, a total of 129 arcraft.
Battle[]
French Sixth Army[]
XXXV Corps[]
South of the river the XXXV Corps with the 51st, 61st and 121st divisions and 20 batteries of heavy artillery, attacked with the 61st Division, two hours after the offensive began on the north bank, as right-flank guard for the colonial divisions near the river. A French attack of any great size had been considered impossible by the German command and the German infantry had been stretched over far wider fronts than on the north bank. The French preliminary bombardment caused severe casualties and equipment losses, many machine-guns and mortars being destroyed. When the attack began concealed by mist, the German defenders were surprised and overrun. The French artillery had c. 10 heavy batteries per 1-kilometre (0.62 mi) of front, numerous aircraft observers, whose pilots flew so low over Estrées that German soldiers could see their faces and 18 observation balloons opposite the German 11th Division. The division had only two field artillery regiments and part of one sent as reinforcement, with no heavy guns for counter-battery fire, except for periodic support from a small number of heavy guns covering all of the south bank. The German artillery group around Estrées, Soyécourt and Fay, attempted a systematic bombardment of the French front line on 30 June and the French replied with 2,000 heavy shells on one German field regiment alone, which knocked out three guns. By the time of the attack of 1 July, German artillery on the south bank had been hit by 15,000 French shells and was almost silent by 11:0 a.m. Only eight heavy batteries were available to the Germans on the south bank and at 9:30 a.m. the French barrage lifted off the German front line and three mines were blown under a redoubt at the village of Fay. A measure of surprise was gained, despite losses to German flanking fire from the unattacked area to the south. Grenadier Regiment 10 had been subjected to a "torrent" of fire overnight, which had forced the German infantry to shelter in mine galleries, a gas bombardment was synchronised with the French infantry attack and the mine explosions at 10:00 a.m. killed many of the sheltering troops. By 2:00 p.m. the German defences had been overwhelmed and the garrisons killed or captured; such reinforcements as existed were moved forward, to occupy the second position south of Assevillers.
I Colonial Corps[]
On the south bank the I Colonial Corps with the 2nd, 3rd, 16th Colonial and the 99th Territorial divisions and 65 heavy batteries also attacked two hours after the main assault. The 2nd and 3rd Colonial divisions advanced between XXXV Corps and the river and overran the first line of the German 121st Division, which held the line south from the Somme, in fifteen minutes and took Dompierre and Bequincourt. On the French left flank Frise held out until the village was re-bombarded and taken by 12:30 p.m. after a second attack. The 2nd and 3rd Colonial divisions began probing 2,500 metres (2,700 yd) of the German second position of III Battalion, Infantry Regiment 60 around Assevillers and Herbécourt, Assevillers falling at 4:00 p.m. Herbécourt was attacked from the north-west at 5:30 p.m. and then recaptured by a German counter-attack The Colonial divisions had taken c. 2,000 prisoners for very few French casualties. The attack on the south bank had advanced 2 kilometres (1.2 mi).
XX Corps[]
North of the Somme, the French XX Corps, with the 11th, 39th, 72nd and 153rd divisions and 32 batteries of heavy artillery, attacked with the 11th and 39th divisions. The assault began at 7.30 a.m., with the commanders of the 1st Liverpool Pals and the French 153rd Infantry Regiment advancing together. At the forward bastion known as Bois Y, north-west of Curlu, which contained many machine-guns and was protected by Menuisiers Trench 200 metres (220 yd) forward, the attack went "like clockwork". The 79th Regiment had a final objective 1,500 metres (1,600 yd) beyond the start line and found that the French bombardment had destroyed much of the German fortifications and that the creeping barrage kept the Germans under cover. Only at Bois Favière in the 39th Division area, where part of the wood was held by the Germans for several days and at Curlu in the 11th Division area on the north bank, were the Germans able to conduct an organised defence. The 37th Regiment of the 11th Division attacked Curlu and received masses of small-arms fire; the regiment was repulsed from the western fringe of the village, before attacks were suspended for a re-bombardment, by which time the village was outflanked on both sides. Bavarian Reserve Infantry Regiment 6 recorded the first attack at 9:00 a.m. after drumfire which began at 6:00 a.m. followed by two more until drumfire fell again at 4:00 p.m. and the remaining garrison was ordered to retire. Most of the regiment was thrown in piecemeal, from the Somme to Montauban and destroyed, having 1,809 casualties. The French did not exploit their success because the British did not advance to their second objective beyond Montauban. Four counter-attacks from Hardecourt were repulsed, by mid-morning 2,500 prisoners had been taken and an advance of 1.5 kilometres (0.93 mi) had been achieved.
British Fourth Army[]
XIII Corps[]
Main article: Capture of Montauban
Montauban: The southern flank of the British line was held by XIII Corps which attacked Montauban, with the 30th Division and the New Army 18th Division. The 30th Division took its objectives by 1:00 p.m. and the 18th Division completed the advance by 3:00 p.m. The success was "complete" despite 3,011 casualties in the 30th Division and 3,115 looses in the 18th Division. The 18th Division of Major-General Ivor Maxse was one of the best trained divisions in the army, German defences in the south were far less developed than those north of the Albert-Bapaume road and could be observed from territory held by the British and French. The infantry advanced behind a creeping barrage and had the benefit of the French heavy artillery of French XX Corps to the south. Much of the German artillery in the area was put out of action during the preliminary bombardment and the second and third lines were unfinished with no deep dug-outs except in the first trench. On the right of the British attack most of the infantry and machine-guns were destroyed before the British advance and a river mist also hampered the remaining defenders. In the chaos Bernafay and Trônes woods were reported lost before midday and all available men including clerks and cooks were ordered forward to the second position. The 12th Reserve Division was ordered to prepare a counter-attack from Montauban to Mametz overnight but the division had only reached the second position at midnight. The 30th Division had 3,011 casualties, the 18th Division lost 3,115 and Reserve Infantry Regiment 109 lost 2,147 men, Bavarian Reserve Regiment 6 had 1,810 casualties
XV Corps[]
Main articles: Capture of Mametz and Capture of Fricourt
Mametz: The village was attacked by the 7th Division, which on the right had only 100–200 yards (91–183 m) of no man's land to cross. The infantry advanced behind a creeping field artillery barrage lifting slowly according to a schedule decided before the attack, towards a standing barrage fired by the heavy artillery, which lifted to the next objective also by timetable. The right and central brigades attacked on a 1,800-yard (1,600 m) front from support trenches behind the British front line. Crossing no man's land led to few casualties but far more were inflicted as the battalions advanced uphill 700 yards (640 m) to the village. The east end of the village was captured but several attempts on the north and west ends were repulsed. After a series of bombardments and when British troops further south, began to menace the supply routes of the garrison, resistance collapsed and the village was occupied. The west side of the village was attacked by the 20th Brigade which had to fight forward most of the day before the infantry pushed on to ground facing Mametz Wood and the Willow Stream, outflanking Fricourt to the north though the objectives further beyond Mametz was not reached. Much of the front of the 7th Division was opposite Reserve Infantry Regiment 109 of the 28th Reserve Division, which should have been relieved on the night of 30 June and which received a warning of the attack from a listening station at La Boisselle. Most of the regiment was caught in the deep shelters under the front trench and cut off from teephone communication. Most of the supporting machine-guns and artillery was put out of action early on. Reinforcements were sent to the second position but not ordered to counter-attack due to uncertainty about the situation at Montauban and the need to secure Mametz Wood. The 7th Division had 3,380 casualties
Fricourt: The village of Fricourt lay in a bend in the front-line where it turned eastwards for two miles (3 km) before swinging south again to the Somme River. XV Corps was to attack either side of the village to isolate the defenders to avoid a frontal assault. The 20th Brigade of the 7th Division was to capture the west end of mametz and swing left to create a defensive flank along the Willow Stream, facing Fricourt from the south as the 22nd Brigade waited in the British front line ready to exploit a German retirement from the village. The 21st Division advanced to the north of Fricourt to reacht eh north bank of the Willow Stream beyond Fricourt and Fricourt Wood. To protect infantry from enfilade fire from the village the "Triple Tambour mines", were blown beneath the Tambour salient on the western fringe of the village to raise a "lip" of earth as a shield bscure the view from the village. The 21st made some progress and penetrated to the rear of Fricourt. The 50th Brigade of the 17th (Northern) Division held the front-line opposite the village. The 10th West Yorkshire Regiment, was required to advance close by Fricourt and suffered 733 casualties, the worst battalion losses of the day. A company from the 7th Green Howards made an unplanned attack directly against the village and was annihilated. Reserve Infantry Regiment 111 opposite the 21st Division was severely damaged by the bombardment and many dug-outs were frequently blocked by shell explosions. One company was reduced to 80 men before the British attack and a reinforcement failed to get through the British supporting artillery-fire, takiing post in Round Wood where it was ableto repulse the 64th Brigade attack. The rest of the regimental reserves were used to block the route to Contalmaison. The loss of Mametz and the advance of the 21st Division had made Fricourt untenable and the garrison was withdrawn during the night. The 17th Division occupied the village virtually unopposed early on 2 July and took several prisoners. The 21st Division lost 4,256 casualties and the 50th Brigade of the 17th Division lost 1,155.
III Corps[]
Main articles: La Boiselle and Ovillers
The villages of Ovillers and La Boisselle flanked the Albert-Bapaume road in the centre of the Fourth Army front. It was here that under the command of Lieutenant-General Gough, the 1st, 2nd (Indian) and 3rd Cavalry divisions and the 12th and 25th divisions, would advance through any gap and turn north to "roll up" the German defence. If the German defence collapsed the 19th and 49th divisions in reserve were to advance parallel to the Albert–Bapaume road, also under Gough's command.
La Boisselle: The 34th Division a New Army division attacked along the Albert–Bapaume road, which was aided by the blowing of the two largest mines either side of La Boisselle. South of the village, infantry from the Grimsby Chums got into the Lochnagar crater where they were pinned down. The Tyneside Scottish Brigade attacked up "Mash Valley" and against La Boisselle, at the "Glory Hole". The Tyneside Irish Brigade was the reserve brigade whose task was to follow through and capture the secondary objectives of Contalmaison and Pozières. At zero hour the brigade started its advance from the "Tara-Usna Line", a reserve position to advance 1 mile (1.6 km) over open ground before they reached the British front-line. Despite machine-gun fire a party of around 50 men advanced up "Sausage Valley", south of La Boisselle almost to the edge of Contalmaison. The survivors were captured making the furthest advance of the day, about 4,000 yards (3,700 m). The positions of Reserve Infantry Regiment 110 were severely damaged in the bombardment but the regiment was forewarned of the infantry attack by a Moritz device, which eavesdropped on British telephone signals. The mine at Y Sap caused no casualites as the Germans evacuated the area in time but the mine at Schwaben Höhe (Lochnagar) temporarily trapped German troops in shelters nearby and the position was lost. The 34th Division suffered the worst casualties of the day, losing 6,380 men.
Ovillers: The 8th Division attacked the Ovillers spur north of the Albert–Bapaume road; the division had to cross 750 yards (690 m) of no man's land and advance towards German trenches which had been sited to exploit spurs along the ridge. The only approach to the German lines was up "Mash Valley", under the guns in La Boisselle to the south, Ovillers to the front and Thiepval spur to the north. All three brigades attacked, the 23rd Brigade up Mash Valley, where about 200 men reached the German second trench and then held about 300 yards (270 m) of the front trench until 9:15 a.m.. The centre brigade reached the second line, before being forced back to the British front line and the left-hand brigade managed to reach the third trench, while German counter-bombardments cut off the leading troops from reinforcements. The co-ordination of British artillery and infantry failed, the field artillery lifting to the final objective and the heavy artillery lifting an hour before the attack, leaving the German defenders unmolested as they repulsed the infantry. Ovillers was defended by Infantry Regiment 180 which lost 192 casualties in the bombardment and many of the German fortifications were smashed, except on the right at The Nab. The British advance was met by massed small-arms fire at 100 yards (91 m) which cut down many men, after which a bombing fight began. British penetrations were contained by German troops in communication trenches on the flanks. The two battalions of the regiment in the area lost 280 casualties and the 8th Division losses were 5,121 men.
X Corps[]
Main article: Schwaben Redoubt
Leipzig Salient and Thiepval: The salient and Thiepval village were attacked by the New Army 32nd Division. The Glasgow Commercials advanced into no man's land at 7:23 a.m. until they were 30–40 yards (27–37 m) from the German front line and rushed the trench, before the garrison could react and captured the Leipzig Redoubt. When the British tried to exploit the success they were met by machine-gun fire from the Wunderwerk and were not able to advance further. The capture of the redoubt was the only permanent success in the northern sector. The 49th Division in reserve went forward during mid-morning in support of the 32nd Division, although the commander Major-General Rycroft, had suggested that it would have more effect by reinforcing the success of the 36th Division. The 146th Brigade attacked Thiepval through the 32nd Division area and then the 49th Division was ordered to send any uncommitted battalions direct to the 36th Division. The area was defended by two battalions of Reserve Infantry Regiment 99, whose machine-gun posts survived the bombardment and which began firing as soon as the British attacked. The 3rd Company of Infantry Regiment 180 was annihilated in hand-to-hand fighting at Leipzig Redoubt but the garrison of Thiepval emerged from the shelters and cellars of the village, before the British arrived and cut down the attackers with small-arms fire, leaving a "wall of dead" in front of the position. The 32nd Division lost 3,949 casuaties and the 49th Division 590 casualties.
Schwaben and Stuff redoubts: The 36th Division attacked between Thiepval and the Ancre River against Schwaben Redoubt, gaining a "spectacular victory". The preliminary artillery bombardment, which included support from French batteries firing smoke-shell, was more successful than on other parts of the front north of the Albert–Bapaume road. The infantry crept into no man's land before the attack, rushed the German front trench and then pressed on. The defeat of the neighbouring divisions, left the 36th Division flanks unsupported and the German defenders further back, were free to rake the division with flanking fire as well as fire from ahead. German artillery began a barrage along no man's land (sperrfeuer) which isolated the forward troops. The advance briefly reached the German second line at Schwaben and Stuff Redoubts but in the absence of reinforcements and supplies, counter-attacks from three directions forced the survivors back to the German front trench during the evening. Opposite the 36th Division, III Battalion, Reserve Infantry Regiment 99 and the I and III battalions of Bavarian Reserve Infantry Regiment 8, were caused severe casualties by the British bombardment which destroyed much of the front position, particularly west of Schwaben Redoubt, which was overrun so quicky that little return fire could be opened. II Battalion, Bavarian Reserve Infantry Regiment 8 was ordered to recapture the redoubt but the order was delayed and all available troops were sent to attack from Goat Redoubt and Grandcourt. In the chaos few of the German troops were able to assemble, the counter-attack began piecemeal and was repulsed several times, until a bombardment and another attack by two fresh battalions at about 10:00 p.m. forced the British out of the redoubt. The 36th Division lost 5,104 casualties.
VIII Corps[]
Main article: Beaumont Hamel
The northern flank of the Fourth Army was held by Lieutenant General Aylmer Hunter-Weston's VIII Corps. Three divisions were to attack on the first day, with the 48th Division in reserve, except for two battalions which held a 1.6 miles (2.6 km) stretch between the Third and Fourth Armies and two battalions which were attached to the 4th Division.
Beaumont Hamel: The 29th Division attacked towards Beaumont Hamel. Part of the attack was filmed and showed the detonation of a 40,000-pound (18,000 kg) mine beneath Hawthorn Ridge Redoubt at 7:20 a.m., ten minutes before the infantry attack began, which alerted the Germans. British troops failed to occupy all of the mine crater before German troops arrived and took over the far lip. Many troops of both brigades were shot down in no man's land, which was dominated by Redan Ridge and then caught by German artillery barrages. German white signal rockets were seen and taken for British success flares, which led the divisional commander Major-General de Lisle, to order the 88th Brigade in reserve, to exploit the success. The brigade included the 1st Newfoundland Regiment, which advanced on open ground from reserve trenches 200 yards (180 m) back, to avoid the congestion of dead and wounded in communication trenches. Many of the Newfoundlanders became casualties, while still behind the front line to German small-arms fire; some of the Newfoundlanders got across no man's land near Y Ravine but were held up by uncut wire. Most of the German shelters were smashed and craters on the ground overlapped, most of Beaumont Hamel being demolished. The Germans of Reserve Infantry Regiment 119, who had been sheltering under the village in Stollen survived and with other units at Leiling Schlucht (Y Ravine) and the Leiling and Bismarck dug-outs, engaged the British troops from the wreckage of the trenches. The Newfoundland Battalion suffered 710 casualties, a 91% loss which was second only to the 10th Battalion, West Yorkshire Regiment, which lost 733 casualties at Fricourt, south of the Albert–Bapaume road. The 29th Division lost 5,240 casualties.
Serre: The 4th Division attacked between Serre and Beaumont Hamel and captured the Quadrilateral (Heidenkopf) but could not exploit the success, because of the repulse by the Germans of the attacks by the flanking divisions. Cross-fire from Beaumont Hamel and Serre and determined counter-attacks held up the division. No other gains were made and German counter-attacks recovered the position early on 2 July, by which time the division had suffered 4,700 casualties. The 31st Division, a New Army division made up of Pals battalions, was to capture Serre and then turn north to form the northern defensive flank of the Fourth Army. The division attacked uphill from several copses and the two attacking brigades were engaged by the Germans with small-arms fire, using 74,000 bullets to repel the attack. Small groups of the Accrington Pals and the Sheffield City Battalion managed to cross no man's land and reach Serre and a party advanced 1.25 miles (2.01 km) to Pendant Copse before being cut off and killed or captured. Reserve Infantry Regiment 121 was confronted by the British attack, before all the troops had emerged from their dug-outs and more than three infantry sections were blown up in the mine explosion at Hawthorn Redoubt, the rest of the garrison being trapped until the end of the attack. A counter-attack towards the redoubt, by two platoons gradually bombed the British back and after an hour only the Heidenkopf (Quadrilateral) remained uncaptured, which was achieved during the night. Reserve Infantry Regiment 119 lost 292 casualties, Reserve Infantry Regiment 121 lost 560 and Infantry Regiment 169 lost 362 casualties. The 4th Division ended the day back at its start line, having suffered 3,600 casualties.
British Third Army[]
VII Corps[]
Main article: Gommecourt
Gommecourt: Allenby's Third Army was to mount a diversion north of the Fourth Army area, with the VII Corps of Lieutenant-General d'Oyly Snow. At the Gommecourt Salient the German trenches curved around a chateau and its parkland and gap of 1-mile (1.6 km) separated the Gommecourt diversion from the northern edge of the main attack. Preparations for a pincer movement to capture the garrison in a pocket, were made as obvious as possible to attract German attention. The 56th Division had prepared jumping-off trenches in no man's land and when the attack commenced at 7:30 a.m. swift progress was made. The first three German trenches were captured and a party pushed on towards the rendezvous with the 46th Division. A heavy German barrage descended on no man's land, which made it impossible for reinforcements to move forward or for a trench to be dug to form a defensive flank to the south and the survivors were forced to withdraw after dark. The 46th Division attack found that the German wire was uncut and the ground littered with unexploded mortar bombs. A smoke-screen intended to mask the infantry obscured their view and left the Germans with observation over the attack. The ground was particularly wet and muddy, making movement difficult. A few groups reached the German trenches and overran the front line, where German troops were able to emerge from shelters not mopped-up by supporting battalions, which had been pinned down in no man's land by a German counter-barrage. The British bombardment cut much of the wire at Gommecourt and demolished many trenches, particularly in the area of Infantry Regiment 170 opposite the 56th Division. The smoke-screen obstructed the beginning of the attack and the damage caused by the bombardment blocked many dug-out entrances but a counter-attack was swiftly mounted from Kern Redoubt (the Maze) which was not under attack. The counter-attack failed to stop the 56th Division reaching the third line of trenches, before a converging attack by Infantry Regiment 170, Reserve Infantry regiments 15 and 55 began. The British had consolidated and the counter-attack made little progress, until co-ordinated bombing attacks in the afternoon gradually recovered the position. Opposite the 46th Division Reserve Infantry regiments 55 and 91 took post in time and engaged the attackers while they were crossing no man's land, which failed to stop the loss of the front trench until a counter-attack from the third trench "annihilated" the leading British troops. The German regiments had 1,212 casualties The 46th Division had 2,445 losses and the commander, Major-General Montagu-Stuart-Wortley, was dismissed for the failure. The 56th Division had 4,314 casualties.
Air operations[]
The British moved into the area of the Somme in mid-1915 and relieved the French Tenth Army at the end of February 1916. Photographic reconnaissance began in October 1915 and in March 1916 intensive British preparations commenced. The IV Brigade of the RFC was formed on 1 April 1916, with six squadrons of aeroplanes and a Kite Balloon squadron; the IV Brigade squadrons were the first to be increased from twelve to eighteen aircraft. On 25 April photographs were taken which revealed the German construction of a third position, from Flers to Le Sars, Pys, Irles, Achiet-le-Petit and Ablainzevelle. In mid-May and late June, the German defences opposite the Fourth Army were photographed again. Die Fliegertruppen des Deutschen Kaiserreiches (Imperial German Flying Corps) had six reconnaissance flights (Feldflieger-Abteilungen) with 42 aircraft, four artillery flights (Artillerieflieger-Abteilungen) with 17 aeroplanes, a bomber-fighter squadron (Kampfgeschwader I) with 43 aircraft a bomber-fighter flight (Kampfstaffel 32) with 8 aeroplanes and a single-seater fighter detachment (Kampfeinsitzer-Kommando) with 19 aircraft, a strength of 129 aeroplanes.
The IV Brigade "corps" aircraft were to be protected with line patrols, by pairs of aircraft from the "army" squadrons and offensive sweeps by formations of DH 2s. The concentration of aircraft for the offensive was completed by the arrival on 19 June of the Ninth (headquarters) Wing with three squadrons and one flight, which brought the number of aircraft on the Fourth Army front to 167, plus eighteen at Gommecourt.[Note 8] The bombing offensive by the RFC was intended to cut railway links behind the Somme front, south of the Valenciennes–Arras railway and west of the lines around Douai, Busigny and Tergnier. Trains were to be attacked in cuttings, railway bridges were to be bombed and the stations at Cambrai, Busigny, St. Quentin and Tergnier were to be raided and the German ammunition depots at Mons, Namur and the station at Lille were also to be attacked. British aircraft and kite balloons were to be used to observe the intermittent bombardment, which began in mid-June and the preliminary bombardment, which commenced on 24 June. Low cloud and rain obstructed air observation of the bombardment, which soon fell behind schedule and on 25 June, aircraft of the four British armies on the Western Front attacked the German kite balloons opposite; fifteen were attacked, four were shot down by rockets and one bombed, three of the balloons being in the Fourth Army area. Next day three more balloons were shot down opposite the Fourth Army and during German artillery retaliation to the Anglo-French bombardment, 102 German artillery positions were plotted and a Fokker was shot down near Courcelette.
Accurate observation was not possible at dawn on 1 July due to patches of mist but by 6:30 a.m. the general effect of the Anglo-French bombardment could be seen. Observers in contact aircraft could see lines of British infantry crawling into no man's land, ready to attack the German front trench at 7:30 a.m. Each corps and division had a wireless receiving-station for wireless messages from airborne artillery-observers and observers on the ground were stationed at various points, to receive messages and maps dropped from aircraft. As contact observers reported the progress of the infantry attack, artillery-observers sent many messages to the British artillery and reported the effect of counter-battery fire on German artillery. Balloon observers used their telephones, to report changes in the German counter-barrage and to direct British artillery on fleeting targets, continuing to report during the night, by observing German gun-flashes. Air reconnaissance during the day found little movement on the roads and railways behind the German front and the railways at Bapaume were bombed from 5:00 a.m. Flights to Cambrai, Busigny and Etreux later in the day saw no unusual movement, although German aircraft attacked the observation aircraft all the way to the targets and back, two Rolands being shot down by the escorts. Bombing began the evening before with a raid on the station at St. Saveur by six R.E. 7s of 21 Squadron, whose pilots claimed hits on sheds and a second raid around 6:00 a.m. on 1 July hit the station and railway lines; both attacks were escorted and two Fokkers were shot down on the second raid.
Railway bombing was conducted by 28 aircraft, each with two 112-pound (51 kg) bombs, at intervals after midday and Cambrai station was hit with seven bombs, for the loss of one aircraft. In the early evening an ammunition train was bombed on the line between Aubigny-au-Bac and Cambrai and set on fire, the cargo burning and exploding for several hours. Raids on St Quentin and Busigny were reported to be failures by the crews and three aircraft were lost.[Note 9] All corps aircraft carried 20-pound (9.1 kg) bombs, to attack billets, transport, trenches and artillery-batteries. Offensive sweeps were flown by 27 and 60 squadrons from 11:30 a.m. – 7:00 p.m. but found few German aircraft and only an LVG was forced down. Two sets of line patrols were flown, one by 24 Squadron DH.2s from Péronne to Pys and Gommecourt from 6:45 a.m. to nightfall, which met six German aircraft during the day and forced two down. The second set of patrols by pairs of F.E.2bs were made by 22 Squadron between 4:12 a.m. and dusk, from Longueval to Cléry and Douchy to Miraumont. 22 Squadron lost two aircraft and had one damaged but prevented German aircraft attacks on the corps aircraft.
XIII Corps was watched by most of 9 Squadron, which saw the 30th Division troops take the line Dublin Trench–Glatz Redoubt by 8:30 a.m. and the 18th Division take Pommiers Trench and Pommiers Redoubt. At 10:00 a.m. an observer saw a line of flashes on the ground, from mirrors carried by 30th Division soldiers on their packs. The British troops moved along Train Alley towards Montauban. A German artillery battery began to fire from Bernafay Wood and the pilot machine-gunned the crews from 700 feet (210 m) and put the battery out of action. On return towards the British lines, the crew saw Montauban being occupied and 18th Division troops advancing up the ridge to the west of the village, the pilt flew low along the ridge and gave the troops a wave. By 11:15 a.m. mirrors were seen flashing along the north edge of Montauban.
The XV Corps attack either side of Fricourt was observed by parts of 3 and 9 squadrons, which were able to report by evening that the 21st Division and the 34th Division to the north, had advanced deeply into the German defensive positions above Fricourt. The 7th Division had advanced beyond Mametz, forming a defensive flank on the left and linking on the right with XIII Corps. Troops from III Corpe and XV Corps lit red flares, which were quickly reported by observers in contact-patrol aircraft. A balloon observer from 3 Kite Balloon Section was able to get the artillery to re-bombard Danzig Alley, after British troops were forced out by a German counter-attack and second British attack in the afternoon took the trench easily. Most of 3 Squadron watched over the disastrous III Corps attack at La Boisselle and Ovillers and saw the 34th Division troops reach Peake Wood north of Fricourt.
The attacks by X Corps and VIII Corps, from Thiepval to Serre were observed by crews from 4 and 15 squadrons. Ground observers could see much of the battle and communications were not as badly cut as on other parts of the front. Some of the deeper British infantry advances could only be seen from the air, particularly those at Schwaben Redoubt and Pendant Copse. 4 Squadron reported the hurried withdrawal of German artillery, between Courcelette and Grandcourt during the afternoon and spotted the massing of German troops at 4:30 p.m. A special flight was sent to Thiepval and the pilot flew by at 600 feet (180 m) to examine the ground and report that the British attacks had failed. With 15 Squadron observing the disaster occurring to VIII Corps around Beaumont Hamel, the defeat of the British attacks and the repulse of the troops from the few areas where breakthroughs had occurred were reported by the aircraft observers.
The VII Corps attack was observed by 8 Squadron, which had taken reconnaissance photographs during a period of clear weather the day before. The attack of the 46th and 56th divisions, had a standing patrol of one aircraft each from 6:45 a.m. – 3:25 p.m. and then one aircraft for both divisions. No red infantry flares were seen during the day; aircraft flew through the barrage to make visual identifications at low level and by the end of the day German ground fire had made three aircraft unserviceable. One aeroplane flew into a balloon cable near St. Amand, damaging the aircraft although the crew were unhurt. Reports from the observation crews related the fate of the leading troops of the 46th Division, who overran the German first line and were then cut off by German troops, as they emerged from underground shelters. Following waves intended to mop-up the German front line, were seen to be stopped in no man's land by artillery and machine-gun barrages. On the 56th Division front, observers watched the leading British troops capture the fist, second and third lines before being cut off by another German barrage in no man's land. German infantry were seen to mass and then counter-attack, regaining the third line by midday, the second line by afternoon and the first line late in the evening.
German Second Army[]
By May 1916 eight German divisions held the front from Roye to Arras with three in reserve. The German defence of the south bank of the Somme was the responsibility of XVII Corps with three divisions. On the north bank the XIV Reserve Corps with two divisions held the line from the Somme to the Ancre and the Guard Corps with three divisions held the ground north of the Ancre opposite Serre and Gommecourt. On 20 June British heavy artillery bombarded German communications behind the front line as far back as Bapaume and then intermittently until the evening of 22 June. At dawn on 24 June a shrapnel barrage began on the German front position and villages nearby. At midday more accurate fire began before increasing in intensity around Thiepval as heavy batteries commenced firing; in the evening a light rain turned the German positions into mud. On 25 June heavy artillery-fire predominated, smashing trenches and blocking dug-outs. Variations in the intensity of fire indicated likely areas to be attacked, the greatest weight of fire occurring at Mametz, Fricourt and Ovillers; during the night the German commanders prepared their defences around the villages and ordered the second line to be manned. After an overnight lull the bombardment increased again on 26 June, gas being discharged at 5:00 a.m. towards Beaumont Hamel and Serre, before the bombardment increased in intensity near Thiepval, then suddenly stopped. The German garrison took post and fired red rockets to call for artillery support, which placed a barrage in no man's land. Later in the afternoon huge mortar bombs began to fall, destroying shallower dug-outs and a super-heavy gun bombarded the main German strong-points, as smaller guns pulverised the villages close to the front line,from which civilians were hurriedly removed.
German troops billeted in the villages moved into the open to avoid the shelling and on 27 and 28 June heavy rain added to the devastation as the bombardment varies from steady accurate shelling to shell-storms and periods of quiet. At night British patrols moved into no man's land and prisoners taken by the Germans, said that they were checking on the damage and searching for German survivors. German interrogators gleaned information, which suggested that an offensive would coe either side of the Somme and Ancre rivers at 5:00 a.m. on 29 June. All of the German infantry stood to with reinforcements but the bombardment resumed in the afternoon,rising to drumfire several times. Artillery fire concentrated on small parts of the front, then lines of shells moved forward into the depth of the German defences. Periodic gas discharges and infantry probes continued but German sentries watching through periscopes were often able to warn the garrisons in time to react. The bombardment on 30 June repeated the earlier days, by when much of the German surface defences had been swept away,look-out shelters and observation posts were ruins and many communication trenches had disappeared.
On the night of 30 June – 1 July the bombardment fell on rear defences and communication trenches, then at dawn British aircraft "filled the sky", captive balloons rose into the air at 6:30 a.m. and an unprecedented barrage began all along the German front, until 7:30 a.m. when the bombardment abruptly stopped. The remaining German trench garrisons began to leave their shelters and set up machine-guns in the remains of trenches and shell-holes, which proved difficult to spot and allowed the occupants to change direction, easily to face threats from all directions. Where the British infantry advanced close behind the barrage the German defenders were often overrun and at Montauban, Mametz and Fricourt the Germans were rushed while most were still underground. Further north the Germans had time to emerge and stopped most attacks in no man's land. On the 26th Reserve Division front of 9,000 yards (8,200 m) from Ovillers to Serre, four regiments occupied the first line with two battalions each, one in the supprt line and one in reserve. The Germans emerged to see lines of British infantry in no man's land and opened rapid fire on them, lines and waves falling down, reforming and moving forward. Some German infantry stood on trench parapets to aim better and red rockets were fired to call for artillery barrages on no man's land, which shattered the British infantry formations. The survivors kept going and began a bombing fight close to the German line which was defeated except at the Leipzig Redoubt, which was quickly sealed off by German flanking parties and between Thiepval and the Ancre, where the British advanced towards Grandcourt 3,000 yards (2,700 m) away. Several counter-attacks were mounted, which forced the British back to the German front trench after dark.
Aftermath[]
Analysis[]
Prior and Wilson wrote that the conventional account of the First Day has soldiers burdened by 66 pounds (30 kg) of equipment obeying "doltish" orders to walk shoulder-to-shoulder towards the German lines, to be mown down by German machine-gunners who had time to climb out of shelters and man the parapet. Prior and Wilson ascribe the origin of this narrative to John Buchan in The Battle of the Somme (1917) in which the bravery of soldiers is extolled rather than faulty infantry tactics and trace it through the writing of B. Liddell Hart, the Official Historian J. E. Edmonds, C. R. M. F. Cruttwell, M. Middlebrook, C. Barnett and P. Kennedy. A. Farrar-Hockley questioned the narrative in a volume of 1970 but reverted to the orthodox view soon after.[Note 10] Prior and Wilson did not dispute the facts of c. 20,000 dead and c. 40,000 wounded but wrote that the Tactical Notes issued by Rawlinson did not dictate the way that advances were to be made but were "ambiguous", referring to "celerity of movement" "a steady pace" and "a rapid advance of some lighty-equipped men" and did not prescribe a formation to be adopted for the advance.[Note 11] In the north, the leading brigade of the 31st Division advanced into no man's land before zero hour, to rush the German front trench when the barrage lifted. Some units of the 4th Division advanced from the British front line in formations led by snipers and skirmishers and in the 29th Division some battalions "marched" to the German wire and others rushed forward from assembly-trenches, dug in no man's land. In the 36th, 32nd and 8th divisions, some battalions assembled in front of the German wire, ready to rush forward at zero hour and many of the battalions of XV Corps and XIII Corps walked slowly forward behind a creeping barrage. Of 80 battalions in the initial attack 53 crept into no man's land, ten rushed from the British front trench and twelve advanced at a steady pace behind a barrage. Prior and Wilson found that the behaviour of the British infantry had less effect than the behaviour of the German infantry, which in turn was determined by the fire of the British artillery. Where the German defences and garrisons had been destroyed, the British infantry prevailed and where significant numbers of German machine-gunners survived, especially when supported by German artillery, the British attack failed. On the French front the artillery preparation was almost wholly effective in destroying German defences and killing the infantry in their underground shelters. The prevalence and effectiveness of killing-machines determined the result and in such an environment a soldier with a bayonet was obsolete and infantry formations irrelevant.
Harris explored the success of the French and XIII Corps and XV Corps, the extent of British casualties for ground gained and Haig's responsibility for the British casualties. Harris wrote of the inferior German defences on the French front, surprise, superior French artillery and better infantry tactics than those used by the British. The French attacked in the south as did the two most successful British corps and in this area only the first line was expected to be captured. Harris wrote that the German army was often ignored in analyses of the First Day and that the main defensive effort was made in the north, the area of greatest German success. Terrain in the south, Anglo-French air superiority and closer objectives tended to concentrate Allied artillery-fire, which was better-observed and more accurate than on the hillier ground to the north. Barbed wire was cut, the German fortifications "exeptionally" damaged and a crude form of creeping barrage preceded the infantry to their objectives. Harris held Haig responsible for the extension of the objectives in the north to the German second position, which diluted the density of British artillery-fire, although because no study had been made of the details of the preliminary bombardment, caution must accompany a conclusion that bombardment of the closer objectives was unduly dissipated. Harris concluded that the attack front was too broad and that Rawlinson should be held responsible with Haig, for attempting to advance on a 16-mile (26 km) front. Despite not being under diplomatic pressure from the French or political pressure from London to obtain swift success, the British tried to do too much too quickly, unlike the French Sixth Army which made short advances with the support of massive amounts of artillery-fire.
Philpott wrote that after the war the French Official History gave five pages to 1 July, with one paragraph on the British attack and the German Official History Der Weltkrieg covered the day in 62 pages. The British Official History described the First Day in 177 pages, with one page on the French success. In Joffre's memoirs the French victory was ascribed to "the excellent work of the artillery" and German underestimation of French offensive potential remaining from the battle at Verdun, leading them to make their principal defensive effort in the north. The British had failed to mop up captured German positions and had been attacked from behind. This military explanation was insufficient for many British commentators who blamed "anachronistic" "sword wavers" for leading volunteers to an unncessary slaughter. The French success, based on the harsh lessons of 1915 was overlooked as was the French expectation of more quick victories being disappointed, as the battle became a counterpart to the long attritional campaign at Verdun. Philpott also described the Germans being written out of the British narrative of useless sacrifice. The Anglo-French armies had gained an advantage on 1 July, by forcing the German defences for 13 miles (21 km) either side of the Somme to collapse, so that in the early afternoon a broad breach existed north of the river. The "break in" was in an unexpected place, which meant that exploitation would have to be improvised.
Casualties[]
Philpott wrote that the "gory scene" behind the British front showed that something had gone wrong. In the evening of 1 July, Haig wrote in his diary,
North of the Ancre, VIII Corps said they began well, but as the day progressed, their troops were forced back into the German front line, except two battalions which occupied Serre Village, and were, it is said, cut off. I am inclined to believe from further reports that few of VIII Corps left their trenches.
VIII Corps had left their trenches and over 14,000 men had become casualties. Edmonds wrote that for the loss of the United Kingdom and Ireland's "finest manhood" there was only a small gain of ground, although an advance of 1-mile (1.6 km) on a 3.5-mile (5.6 km) front and minor advances elsewhere, was the furthest achieved by the British since trench warfare began. Only 1,983 unwounded prisoners had been taken and none of the advances north of the Albert–Bapaume road had been held. Before the battle General Rawlinson had requested 18 ambulance trains but only three trains were provided and these departed part filled, before many the wounded had been brought to Casualty Clearing Stations, which had capacity for only 9,500 cases. Many casualties were left untended in the open and it was not until 4 July that the Fourth Army medical services had treated all the wounded; some casualties reached hospitals in England still wearing field dressings. As night fell survivors began to make their way back to the British trenches and stretcher-bearers went into no man's land. Major General Ingouville-Williams, commander of the 34th Division, participated in the search and some medical orderlies continued during the next day. At Beaumont Hamel two British medical officers arranged a truce and in other places movement in no man's land was fired on. Victoria Crosses were awarded to Robert Quigg and Geoffrey Cather (posthumously) for rescuing wounded. Some casualties survived for up to a week in no man's land, living on rations from dead soldiers' packs before being rescued. At 7:30 p.m. the Fourth Army believed that there had been 16,000 casualties, 40,000 by 3 July and 60,000 by 6 July. The final total of 57,470 casualties with 19,240 killed was not calculated for some time; the French Sixth Army had 1,590 losses and the German 2nd Army lost 10,000–12,000 men.
Subsequent operations[]
Main article: Battle of Albert (1916)
Haig visited the Fourth Army headquarters and discussed the continuation of the attack on 2 July, although in the confused situation the original plan was not changed. Pressure was to be maintained on the German defence to inflict losses and reach ground from which to attack the German second position, with particular emphasis on the capture of Fricourt. Gough with the cavalry and infantry standing by to exploit a gap was not called on and at 7:00 p.m. Rawlinson requested that he take over X Corps and VIII Corps to reorganise the front astride the Ancre. The 12th Division was sent to relieve the 8th Division and the 25th Division was moved closer to X Corps. Haig ordered the 23rd and 38th divisions to move towards the Somme front and at 10:00 p.m. the Fourth Army headquarters ordered all corps to continue the attack. Local conditions south of the Albert–Bapaume road led many officers to urge the German defeat in the area to be exploited with fresh divisions but XIII Corps was ordered to consolidate and prepare to attack Mametz Wood with XV Corps, which was to capture Fricourt and advance towards Contalmaison, which was still thought to have been captured. III Corps was ordered to attack La Boisselle and Ovillers again and reach Contalmaison and X Corps and VIII Corps were ordered to capture all of the German first position and reach the intermediate line.
In the afternoon of 1 July the German survivors of the 28th Reserve Division and 12th Division and part of the 10th Bavarian Division at Montauban Ridge, had been driven back to the Braune Stellung (second position) from Ginchy to Longueval and Bazentin le Grand. The 12th Reserve Division arrived in the evening from Bapaume and was sent towards Combles and Ginchy. At 6:45 p.m. a counter-attack was ordered to regain Montauban Ridge between Favières Wood and Montauban. One regiment was to advance past the north end of Combles to Guillemont to re-capture the north end of Montauban, a regiment in the centre was to retake Favières Wood and th left regiment was to advance along the north bank of the Somme between Curlu and Maurepas as existing troops joined in from the second position. Dawn was breaking at 3:00 a.m. on 2 July before the advance reached Bernafay Wood and a British barrage quickly forced back the Germans into Caterpillar Valley. At La Briqueterie the German infantry were quickly repulsed, as was the attack along the river by French infantry south of Favières Wood. The 12th Division had many losses and was withdrawn to Grüne Stellung (an intermediate position) around Maltz Horn Farm in front of the second line.
Commemoration[]
For Newfoundland, the first day of battle changed the course of the island's history, ending any hope of independence. After the war the Newfoundland government bought 40 acres (16 ha) at the site of the battalion's attack and created the Newfoundland Memorial Park to commemorate the dead, which was opened by Haig on 7 June 1925. Although the rest of Canada celebrates Canada Day on 1 July, it remains Memorial Day in Newfoundland and Labrador.
Victoria Cross[]
Eric Norman Frankland Bell, 9th Battalion Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers at Thiepval.
Geoffrey St. George Shillington Cather, 9th Battalion Royal Irish Fusiliers at Hamel.
John Leslie Green, Royal Army Medical Corps (att'd 1/5th Bn Sherwood Foresters) at Foncquevillers.
Stewart Walter Loudoun-Shand, 10th Battalion Alexandra, Princess of Wales's Own (Yorkshire Regiment) at Fricourt.
William Frederick McFadzean, 14th Battalion Royal Irish Rifles at Thiepval Wood.
Robert Quigg, 12th Battalion Royal Irish Rifles at Hamel.
Walter Potter Ritchie, 2nd Battalion Seaforth Highlanders (Ross-shire Buffs, Duke of Albany's) at Beaumont Hamel.
George Sanders, 1/7th Battalion West Yorkshire Regiment (The Prince of Wales's Own) at Thiepval.
James Youll Turnbull, 17th Battalion Highland Light Infantry at Authuille.
Notes[]
[]
References[]
[]
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56th Infantry Division (German Empire)
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The 56th Infantry Division (56. Infanterie-Division) was a division of the Imperial German Army. It was formed during World War I and dissolved with the demobilization of the German Army in 1919. The 56th Infantry Division was formed on March 5, 1915 and began organizing itself over the next two...
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Military Wiki
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https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/56th_Infantry_Division_(German_Empire)
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56th Infantry Division (56. Infanterie-Division)Active 1915-1919Country GermanyBranch ArmyType InfantrySize Approx. 15,000Engagements World War I: Gorlice-Tarnów Offensive, Lemberg (1915), 2nd Champagne, Verdun, Somme, Arras
The 56th Infantry Division (56. Infanterie-Division) was a division of the Imperial German Army. It was formed during World War I and dissolved with the demobilization of the German Army in 1919.
Formation and organization[]
The 56th Infantry Division was formed on March 5, 1915 and began organizing itself over the next two months. It received the 35th Fusilier Regiment (Füsilier-Regiment Prinz Heinrich von Preußen (Brandenburgisches) Nr. 35) from the 6th Infantry Division, the 88th Infantry Regiment (2. Nassauisches Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 88) from the 21st Infantry Division, and the 118th Infantry Regiment (Infanterie-Regiment Prinz Carl (4. Großherzogl. Hessisches) Nr. 118) from the 25th Infantry Division.[1] The 35th Fusiliers was a Prussian regiment from Brandenburg, the 88th Infantry was a Prussian regiment from the former Duchy of Nassau, and the 118th Infantry was from the Grand Duchy of Hesse. The 56th Infantry Division's order of battle on March 7, 1915 was as follows:[1]
112.Infanterie-Brigade:
Infanterie-Regiment Nr.35
Infanterie-Regiment Nr.88
Infanterie-Regiment Nr.118
Radfahr-Kompanie Nr. 56
4.Eskadron/Braunschweigisches Husaren-Regiment Nr. 17
56.Feldartillerie-Brigade:
Feldartillerie-Regiment Nr.111
Feldartillerie-Regiment Nr.112
Fußartillerie-Bataillon Nr.56
Pionier-Kompanie Nr.111
Pionier-Kompanie Nr.112.
Combat chronicle[]
After organizing and training in the Champagne region of France, the division was transported to the Eastern Front. It participated in the Gorlice-Tarnów Offensive of 1915, and the Battle of Lemberg. At the end of June 1915, the division was transported back to the Western Front.[1]
The division saw action from September through November 1915 in the Second Battle of Champagne. After a period in the trenchlines and then rest in the army reserve, in May 1915, the division entered the Battle of Verdun, fighting in the struggle for the Dead Man's Hill. The division joined the Battle of the Somme at the end of August 1916. In October 1916, the division received the 47th Ersatz Infantry Brigade as reinforcement, and returned to the final phase of the Battle of the Somme in November. The 47th Ersatz Infantry Brigade was transferred from the division in January 1917. The division remained in positional warfare along the Somme and in Flanders in early 1917. It faced the British offensive at Arras in April and May, and then after more time in the trenchlines, it returned to Verdun in August. The division remained at Verdun into early 1918, and then returned to the Flanders region. It ended the war in battle before the Antwerp-Maas defensive line.[1]
Allied intelligence rated the division as a second class division, mainly due to the heavy fighting it had seen and the losses it had taken.[2]
Late-war organization[]
Given its late formation, the division underwent fewer structural changes than other divisions by late-war. It became more Hessian in nature, losing the 35th Brandenburg Fusiliers to the 228th Infantry Division and receiving the 186th Infantry Regiment (Infanterie-Regiment Nr.186), a regiment formed from the Grand Duchy of Hesse and the Prussian Province of Hesse-Nassau. The division's order of battle on October 19, 1918 was as follows:[1]
112.Infanterie-Brigade:
Infanterie-Regiment Nr.88
Infanterie-Regiment Nr.118
Infanterie-Regiment Nr.186
4.Eskadron/Braunschweigisches Husaren-Regiment Nr. 17
Artillerie-Kommandeur Nr. 56:
Feldartillerie-Regiment Nr.112
Fußartillerie-Bataillon Nr.56
Pionier-Bataillon Nr.139
Divisions-Nachrichten-Kommandeur Nr. 56
References[]
56.Infanterie-Division at 1914-18.info
Hermann Cron, Geschichte des deutschen Heeres im Weltkriege 1914-1918 (Berlin, 1937)
Histories of Two Hundred and Fifty-One Divisions of the German Army which Participated in the War (1914-1918), compiled from records of Intelligence section of the General Staff, American Expeditionary Forces, at General Headquarters, Chaumont, France 1919, (1920)
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[Get a fresh cup of coffee. This is a long one. Enjoy!]
This regiment was composed of ten (10) companies which assembled at the camp of instruction, known as Camp Mangum, located on the North Carolina Railroad, four (4) miles west of Raleigh, in the Spring and Summer of 1862.
Company ACamden County, mainlyAs twelve (12) months' volunteers, they had formed a part of the detachment captured at Hatteras Inlet Batteries on August 29, 1861, and had recently been exchanged. Its officers were successively as follows: Granville Gratiott Luke, Captain, April 7, 1862, elected Lieutenant Colonel on July 31, 1862; Noah H. Hughes, Captain, July 31, 1862, from 2nd Lieutenant on April 7, 1862, died on June 14, 1864 of Typhoid Fever; Thomas P. Savells, Captain, June 12, 1864, from 1st Lieutenant on April 18, 1864; Henry W. Lane, 1st Lieutenant, July 15, 1862, transferred from Sergeant of Company G, killed April 17, 1864 in an accident; Edward F. Hanks, 1st Lieutenant, June 12, 1864, from 2nd Lieutenant on February 20, 1864; Caleb L. Grandy, 3rd Lieutenant, June 1, 1864; William H. Seymour, 2nd Lieutenant, July 1, 1864; Caleb P. Walston, 3rd Lieutenant, August 5, 1862, became Captain in the 68th NC Regiment on August 15, 1863.
Company BCumberland County and Johnston CountyThis company came in under Franklin N. Roberts. A good portion of this command was from the old ante-bellum organization known as the Lafayette Light Infantry, and with their present Captain had formed a part of the 1st NC Volunteers known as the "Bethel Regiment," who were six (6) months' volunteers, and who had been in the battle of Big Bethel Church on June 10, 1861. Its officers in succession were: Franklin N. Roberts, Captain, September 30, 1861 (who had been a Lieutenant in the Bethel Regiment), killed on June 18, 1864 during the Siege of Petersburg, VA; Alexander R. Carver, Captain, June 18, 1864, for gallant service from 3rd Lieutenant, May 10, 1864, served in Bethel Regiment, was retired on February 22, 1865, being disabled by wounds; William T. Taylor, Captain, February 22, 1865, from Sergeant Major, served in Bethel Regiment; Richard W. Thornton, 1st Lieutenant, April 1, 1862, captured on May 22, 1863 at the battle of 2nd Gum Swamp, NC; Daniel M. McDonald, 2nd Lieutenant, April 1, 1862, captured on May 22, 1863 at the battle of 2nd Gum Swamp, NC; Benjamin W. Thornton, 3rd Lieutenant, April 1, 1862, killed on April 20, 1864, at the battle of 2nd Plymouth, NC; James A. King, 3rd Lieutenant, July 1, 1864, killed on August 21, 1864, at the battle of 2nd Weldon Railroad (aka Globe Tavern, aka Davis House) near Petersburg.
Company CPasquotank County and Chatham CountyAlexander P. White, Captain, May 21, 1862, captured at the battle of Five Forks, VA on April 1, 1865; Matthew W. Fatherly, 1st Lieutenant, July 28, 1862; John B. Lyon, 2nd Lieutenant, May 21, 1862, resigned on August 17, 1863, and appointed Captain in the 68th NC Regiment; William P, Bray, 2nd Lieutenant, November, 1863 from 3rd Lieutenant on June 26, 1862; Edward S. Badger, 2nd Lieutenant, March 1, 1864, captured at the battle of Five Forks, VA on April 1, 1865. The bulk of Company C, under original enlistments, had been among the earliest volunteers and captured at the battle of Hatters Inlet Batteries on August 29, 1861; Capt. Alexander P. White being then 1st Lieutenant in the Independent Grays [Company A of the 7th NC Volunteers], commanded by Capt. William F. Martin.
Company DOrange CountyThis company was brought in by John W. Graham, who had entered the service as 2nd Lieutenant on April 20, 1861, in the Orange Guards [Company G of the 27th NC Regiment], which with the Guilford Grays, (both of them ante-bellum volunteer companies,) had been ordered to coast defense duty at Fort Macon. On June 21, 1861, he was appointed Aide-de-Camp to Brig. Gen. Richard C. Gatlin, commanding the Department of Eastern North Carolina, and received a commission as 1st Lieutenant in the 8th NC Regiment [?] State Troops. The company was officered as follows: John W. Graham, Captain, March 23, 1862, from Aide-de-Camp, promoted to Major on September 1, 1863; Robert D. Graham, Captain, September 1, 1863, from 1st Lieutenant May 23, 1863, from 2nd Lieutenant May 17, 1862; David S. Ray, 1st Lieutenant, May 17, 1862, mortally wounded on May 22, 1863 at the battle of 2nd Gum Swamp, NC, died the next day; Joseph B. Coggin, 1st Lieutenant, February 20, 1864, from Sergeant, wounded on June 17, 1864 at the beginning of the Siege of Petersburg, and died therefrom in Petersburg Hospital on August 21, 1864; Robert T. Faucett, 1st Lieutenant, by promotion and transferred from 2nd Lieutenant of Company H on September 18, 1864, from 1st Sergeant of Company D; Charles R. Wilson, 3rd Lieutenant, May 17, 1862, captured on April 1, 1865 at the battle of Five Forks; William Turner, 2nd Lieutenant, July 25, 1863, from 1st Sergeant, captured on April 1 1865 at the battle of Five Forks.
Company ENorthampton County and Moore CountyJoseph G. Lockhart, Captain, April 1, 1862, resignation accepted on October 11, 1864; King J. Rhodes, Captain, October 11, 1864, from 1st Lieutenant May 24, 1863, and 2nd Lieutenant February 1, 1863, from 1st Sergeant (earlier in Bethel Regiment); Jarvis B. Lutterloh, 1st Lieutenant, April 1, 1862, mortally wounded on April 28, 1863 at the battle of 1st Gum Swamp, died the next day (earlier in the Bethel Regiment); John M. Jacobs, 1st Lieutenant, October 11, 1864, from 2nd Lieutenant July 10, 1863, from Sergeant, and Captured at the battle of 2nd Weldon Railroad (aka Globe Tavern); George B. Barnes, 2nd Lieutenant, April 1, 1862, promoted to Assistant Quartermaster (AQM) on August 1, 1862, with rank of Captain; William S. Moody, 3rd Lieutenant, April 1, 1862, resignation accepted on January 17, 1863; Robert B. Peebles, 2nd Lieutenant, August 5, 1862, from 1st Sergeant, promoted and transferred as Adjutant in the 35th NC Regiment, later A.A.G. in Brig. Gen. Ransom's Brigade; Alexander B. McDougald, 3rd Lieutenant, June 9, 1863, from 1st Sergeant, mortally wounded at the beginning of the Siege of Petersburg on June 17, 1864, died on July 2, 1864; Cornelius Spivey, 3rd Lieutenant, September 18, 1864, captured on April 1, 1865 at the battle of Five Forks; William J. Thomas, 2nd Lieutenant, November 1, 1864.
Company FCleveland County, mainlyHenry F. Schenk, Captain, April 1, 1862, Major July 31, 1862, resignation accepted on August 15, 1863; Benjamin F. Grigg, Captain, August 5, 1862 (Lincoln County), from 1st Sergeant May 10, 1862, (earlier in the Bethel Regiment); Valentine J. Palmer, 1st Lieutenant May 10, 1862, captured on April 1, 1865 at the battle of Five Forks; John R. Williams, 2nd Lieutenant, May 10, 1862, killed at Ware Bottom Church, near Drewry's Bluff, on May 20, 1864; Alfred R. Grigg, 2nd Lieutenant, May 20, 1864, from 3rd Lieutenant, May 10, 1862, captured at Hare's Hill (aka Fort Stedman) on March 25, 1865; Anthony B. Persse, 3rd Lieutenant, July 1, 1864, from Sergeant of Company C.
Company GHenderson CountyHenry E. Lane, Captain, April 12, 1862, resignation accepted on May 31, 1864; Otis P. Mills, Captain May 31, 1864, from 1st Lieutenant April 12, 1862; Benjamin D. Lane, 1st Lieutenant, June 1, 1864, from 2nd Lieutenant April 12, 1862; James M. Davis, 3rd Lieutenant, April 12, 1862, resignation accepted on September 21, 1864; Julius A. Corpening, 2nd Lieutenant, July 1, 1864, from Private and Commissary Sergeant; William F. Kimzey, 3rd Lieutenant, October 1, 1864, from Sergeant, captured on April 1, 1865 at the battle of Five Forks.
Company HAlexander, Caswell, Orange, and other CountiesThomas C. Halyburton, Captain, June 5, 1862, appointed Assistant Commissary of Subsistence (ACS) on October 4, 1862, resignation accepted on December 5, 1862; William G. Graves, Captain, August 1, 1862, from 1st Lieutenant July 5, 1862, (earlier in the 13th NC Regiment); James D. Patterson, 2nd Lieutenant, July 5, 1862, resignation accepted on February 13, 1863; Samuel R. Holton, 1st Lieutenant, February 13, 1863, from 3rd Lieutenant July 28, 1862, (often detailed on brigade staff), from 1st Sergeant; Robert T. Faucette, 2nd Lieutenant, March 1, 1863, from 1st Sergeant and transferred with fifteen (15) men from Company D, promoted to 1st Lieutenant and transferred back to Company D on September 18, 1864; Robert W. Belo, 2nd Lieutenant, September 18, 1864, from 3rd Lieutenant March 1, 1863, from 1st Sergeant (captured and lost his right foot at the battle of Ware Bottom Church on May 13, 1864); Solon E. Burkhead, 3rd Lieutenant, September 18, 1864, from 1st Sergeant in Company D, enlisted from Randolph County.
Company IRutherford CountyThis company was composed of recruits mainly from Rutherford County and enlisted in February of 1862, by 1st Lieutenant James W. Kilpatrick and Private Lawson Harrill, both then of Company D, 6th NC Volunteers, sent home for recruits. They secured 76 men and organized as Company N on April 7, 1862, at Fredericksburg, VA, by electing James W. Kilpatrick Captain, Lawson Harrill 1st Lieutenant, James H. Sweezy 2nd Lieutenant, and Henry A. L. Sweezy 3rd Lieutenant. Later the following officers were elected to fill vacancies and promoted as follows: At the battle of Seven Pines Capt. James W. Kilpatrick was killed on May 31, 1862 and Lawson Harrill promoted to Captain on June 1, 1862, James H. Sweezy to 1st Lieutenant, Henry A. L. Sweezy to 2nd Lieutenant, and Joseph M. Walker elected 3rd Lieutenant. All of Company N was transferred to the 56th NC Regiment on June 19, 1862 and was then designated as Company I, known as the Rutherford Rifles. On August 28, 1862 James H. Sweezy's, 1st Lieutenant, resignation was accepted, on account of ill health and soon afterwards he died. This caused the following promotions: Henry A. L. Sweezy to 1st Lieutenant on August 28 1862; Joseph M. Walker to 2nd Lieutenant, and Philip H. Gross was elected 3rd Lieutenant (September 22, 1862) from the ranks. At the battle at the Davis House, known as the battle of 2nd Weldon Railroad, on August 21, 1864, 1st Lieutenant Henry A. L. Sweezy was killed, and the following promotions followed: Joseph M. Walker to 1st Lieutenant, Philip H. Gross to 2nd Lieutenant, and Orderly Sergeant Lewis M. Lynch to 3rd Lieutenant. During the month of February, 1865, in latter part of the Siege of Petersburg, 3rd Lieutenant Lewis M. Lynch was killed by a sharpshooter, and Sgt. Columbus P. Tanner was elected 3rd Lieutenant, but was never granted a commission. This company was first attached to the 16th NC Regiment (State Troops) and made the thirteenth company [Company N] in that Regiment. On April 8th, this Company commenced the long march to Yorktown, a distance of 130 miles, and arrived on April 19th. On May 2nd, 1862, Yorktown was evacuated, and at Williamsburg the 16th NC Regiment was held as a reserve to support the line of battle. This was on the famous retreat of General Joseph E. Johnston during the Peninsula Campaign between the James and York rivers. At Seven Pines on May 31, 1862, this attached company, only in service about two (2) months, went into that fearful battle and fought like veterans. Capt. James W. Kilpatrick, Drummer J. G. Price, W. M. Brooks, A. K. Lynch, and H. R. Sorrels were killed, and seven (7) wounded. Soon after this battle the company was ordered to Camp Mangum, near Raleigh, NC, and was designated as Company I of the 56th NC Regiment on June 19, 1862.
Total commissioned and non-commissioned officers and men of Company I were (first and last), 146; killed in battle and died from wounds, 23; wounded and sent to hospital, 24; died from diseases, 29; discharged for disability, 5; besides a large number of slight wounds not reported.
Company KMecklenburg and Iredell countiesFrancis R. Alexander, Captain, July 26, 1862, mortally wounded in a night charge on June 17, 1864, at the beginning of the Siege of Petersburg, and died on June 19, 1864 (Mecklenburg); John F. McNeely, Captain, June 20, 1864, from 1st Lieutenant December 11, 1862, and 2nd Lieutenant July 2, 1862 (Iredell); James A. Wilson, 1st Lieutenant, July 2, 1862, resignation accepted on December 11, 1862 (Mecklenburg); James W. Shepherd, 1st Lieutenant, June 20, 1864, from 2nd Lieutenant December 11, 1862, from 3rd Lieutenant July 2, 1862 (Iredell), captured on March 25, 1865 at Hare's Hill (aka Fort Stedman); Charles M. Payne, 2nd Lieutenant, June 19, 1864, from 3rd Lieutenant December 20, 1862, from Sergeant (Davidson County), often detailed on Regimental Staff as Acting Adjutant, captured on April 1, 1865 at the battle of Five Forks; John A. Lowrance, 3rd Lieutenant, July 1, 1864, from Sergeant from Corporal (Mecklenburg), captured on April 1, 1865 at the battle of Five Forks.
May 21, 1862, Col. H. B. Watson assumed command of the Camp of Instruction, with Capt. Alfred H. Belo as Adjutant of the Post and Battalion Drillmaster. The letter designation above given for each company showed the relative rank of its Captain; but the dates of their commissions as they now appear in Moore's Roster, are not thus accurately corroborated.
July 31, 1862Organized today by the election of Field Officers. The following shows the result, with Staff and succession as far as preserved:
Paul Fletcher Faison, Colonel. Had been Major 4th NC Volunteers. (Northampton) Class of 1861 at West Point.
Granville Gratiot Luke, Lieutenant Colonel, from Captain of Company A. (Camden)
Henry Franklin Schenk, Major, from Captain Company F, Resignation accepted on August 15, 1863. (Cleveland)
John Washington Graham, Major, September 1, 1863, from Captain Company D. (Orange)
Edward Joseph Hale, Jr., Adjutant, August 1, 1862; promoted to Assistant Adjutant General (A.A.G.) of Brig. Gen. James H. Lane's (NC) Brigadeon October 24, 1863. (Cumberland)
John W. Faison, Adjutant, December 1, 1863. (Northampton) Captured on April 1, 1865 at the battle of Dinwiddie Court House.
George B. Barnes, Assistant Quartermaster (AQM), August 1, 1862, from 2nd Lieutenant Company E. (Northampton)
Thomas C. Halyburton, Assistant Commissary of Subsistence (ACS), August 1, 1862, from Captain Company H. (Iredell)
James Mason Clark, Color Sergeant August 1, 1862, and Ensign September 24, 1864, from Sergeant Company D. (Orange)
Columbus Alexander Thomas, Surgeon. (Warrenton)
Charles H. Ladd, Surgeon. (South Carolina)
Moses John DeRosset, Surgeon. (Wilmington)
Cader Gregory Cox, Assistant Surgeon. (Onslow) William T. Taylor, Sergeant Major, from Private Company B, promoted to Captain Company B, February 22, 1865. (Cumberland)
Joel Mable, Sergeant Major, August 8, 1862, from Private Company K. (Mecklenburg)
William W. Graves, Quartermaster Sergeant, from Private in Company C. (Pasquotank)
Stephen O. Mullen, Commissary Sergeant, from Corporal in Company C. (Onslow)
John Irvin Elms, Ordnance Sergeant, from Private in Company K (Onslow)
Bailey Buie, Hospital Steward, from Private in Company E. (Moore)
William Fenoni, Drum Major, August 1, 1862. (Italy)
William W. Wallace, Drum Major, from Private in Company A. (Northampton)
On August 1, 1862, Col. Paul F. Faison assumed command, and on August 8th the regiment moved to Goldsborough.
For the next three (3) months we were frequently on the march and counter-march in reconnoissances between Goldsborough, Warsaw, Magnolia, Beaver Dam Church, Wilmington, the seacoast, and Tarborough. Off the coast we saw the Federal blockading squadrons, which our Advance and other vessels eluded on frequent trips.
On November 3rd, we marched through Tarborough to meet our forces retreating from Williamston, and all went into camp near Cross Roads Church. The 26th NC Regiment was sent out on reconnoissance.
On November 4th, Governor Zebulon B. Vance, who had been elected Governor from the position of Colonel of the 26th NC Regiment, arrived with Brig. Gen. James G. Martin, Adjutant General of North Carolina. Gov. Vance's reception by his old command was something unique. As the enemy were not in speaking distance, so fine a disciplinarian as their model commander, Col. Henry K. Burgwyn, had to waive ceremony for the time being. The sincerity of their congratulations was attested by utterly ignoring the dignity hedging about his new position, and recalling the camp-fire scenes where the jovial spirit by his wit and humor had always found a silver lining to the darkest cloud, and led them to look upon any sacrifice that might be offered in the name of "the good Old North State," as a privilege.
CHECKING FOSTER'S RAID.
On November 5th, Brig. Gen. James G. Martin's (NC) command, consisting of the 17th, 26th, 42nd, 56th, and 61st NC Regiments, Walker's squadron of cavalry and two or three (2-3) batteries of artillery, set out for Hamilton [Martin County]. Within six (6) miles of that place the enemy was reported between us and Tarborough. Counter-marched to within three (3) miles of Cross Roads Church. Just at nightfall, Capt. William H. Crawford's company [2nd Company B] of the 42nd NC Regiment encountered the enemy's cavalry, losing none, and the enemy, according to prisoners captured on November 6th, suffering a loss of sixteen (16) killed and wounded. Six (6) of their dead were left on the field. Slept in line of battle expecting a general attack at daybreak.
On November 6th, the enemy retreated, and we pursued through a drenching rain; bivouacked in six (6) miles of the terminus of the Wilmington & Weldon Railroad from Tarborough.
On November 7th, it snowed through the day and into the night; marched to the railroad terminus. At this point Brig. Gen. Martin organized three (3) brigades of the six (6) regiments, the 44th NC Regiment having joined us on November 5th; our Col. Paul F. Faison commanding a brigade composed of the 17th NC Regiment, under Lt. Col. John C. Lamb, and the 56th NC Regiment under Lt. Col. Granville G. Luke. The 47th NC Regiment, Col. Sion H. Rogers, came in on November 9th.
On November 11th, Col. Faison's Brigade reached Hamilton. It is evident now that the campaign is ended, and the enemy frightened from his attempt on Tarborough, has returned to Washington, NC. Their raid was under command of Maj. Gen. John G. Foster, late a superintendent of the United States Military Academy at West Point while Col. Faison was a cadet there. The utterly wanton destruction of household and other private property left in their trail has not inspired their pursuers with any respect for their soldierly qualities. It is estimated that they have carried off 3,000 laborers (slaves) from Martin and adjoining countiesa more legitimate prize, as without such wasting of the sinews of war, the struggle may be prolonged indefinitely.
SERVICE ON THE BLACKWATER.
On November 15th, the 56th NC Regiment takes up line of march for Franklin, VA, and crosses the Roanoke River at Hill's Ferry, a mile from Palmyra [Halifax County]. On November 16th, through Bertie County by Woodville, bivouacked in a mile of Rockville, making nineteen (19) miles. On November 17th, we reached Murfreesborough [Hertford County], about twenty-two (22) miles. On November 18th, we marched through the town; reception and escort by Colonel Wheeler's Cavalry. Reached Monroe, VA, a ferry on the Nottoway River, eighteen (18) miles. On November 19th, we crossed the Nottoway River, passed through Franklin, six (6) miles beyond, and went into camp. Line of defense includes this point with old South Quay and Cherry Grove. Heavy entrenchments thrown up along this linea week's work. Brig. Gen. Roger A. Pryor (VA), with a portion of Brig. Gen. James J. Pettigrew's (NC) Brigade, is in command at Franklin, Brig. Gen. Pettigrew's headquarters being at Petersburg.
On December 8th, a detachment of the 56th NC Regiment, with another from the 42nd NC Regiment, have rebuilt the bridge over the Blackwater River at Joyner's Store. A gunboat on the river was fired into by a portion of Company I, under 1st Lt. Henry A.L. Sweezy. On December 9th, our detachments returned from Joyner's Store, bivouacked near the 52nd NC Regiment, who had been with us at Wilmington last Summer. On December 10th, we rejoined the regiment in camp, expecting an advance of the enemy by morning. 1st Lt. Matthew W. Fatherly, of Company C, had fired into a patrol gunboat at the junction of Nottoway and Blackwater rivers. On December 11th, Col. Paul F. Faison, with six (6) companies, reported to Brig. Gen. Roger A. Pryor (VA) at Franklin, leaving the other four (4) companies with Lt. Col. Granville G. Luke at New South Quay. Brig. Gen. Pryor made a foraging expedition across the river through Carrsville and Windsor, returning on December 28th without loss, and having taken one prisoner.
While on the Blackwater River we were thrown with the 11th NC Regiment, now under Col. Collett Leventhorpe, who had been a Captain in the British Army. To this regiment the 56th NC Regiment would concede the palm for superiority in the manual of arms, while for excellence in tactics, military bearing and discipline, it yielded to none. Col. Faison was fresh from West Point, and the officers had chosen him with a full appreciation of the importance of these essentials. Of our service along the Blackwater River the writer heard Brig. Gen. Pryor say: "Colonel Faison was always on time with his regiment."
The regiment was also fortunate in the assignment of its Quartermaster, Commissary and Surgeons, Capt. George B. Barnes and Capt. Thomas C. Halyburton being efficient men of affairs, while Drs. Columbus A. Thomas, Charles H. Ladd, Moses J. DeRosset, and Cader G. Cox stood high in their profession. Dr. DeRosset had taken a foreign course, and was an accomplished French and German scholar.
EASTERN NORTH CAROLINA.
On January 4, 1863, off with Brig. Gen. James J. Pettigrew's (NC) Brigade for Rocky Mount, NC, reaching that point about dark. On January 17th, we were on to Goldsborough, and camped within a short distance of Brig. Gen. John R. Cooke's (NC) Brigade, Brig. Gen. Junius Daniel's (NC) being on the other side of the town.
An advance of the enemy is anticipated from the coast. On January 20th, went into bivouac near Brig. Gen. Pettigrew's Brigade, two (2) miles east of Magnolia Station [Duplin County]. On January 21st, we bivouacked near the academy east of Kenansville, and reported to Brig. Gen. Robert Ransom, and thus became a part of that brigade.
On February 22nd, off for Wilmington, and at Camp Lamb until February 24th, when we marched out to Old Topsail Sound. On March 9th, Brig. Gen. Ransom followed with the 25th, 35th, and 49th NC Regiments.
On March 28th, Capt. John W. Graham, Company D, detailed to relieve Adjutant Edward J. Hale as Judge Advocate, since early in January, of court-martial, sitting in Wilmington. 2nd Lt. Robert D. Graham has been Acting Adjutant in the absence of Adjutant Hale. Brigade remaining here about ten (10) days, and passing through Goldsborough, where a short halt was made, reached Kinston on April 1st.
On April 17th, we marched out of camp, east of the premises of George Washington, and proceeding across the river, expected to go down the Dover Road some eighteen (18) miles to reinforce the 59th NC Regiment, which had engaged the enemy at Sandy Ridge. Learning of their withdrawal, we bivouacked on the south side of the river. On April 19th, we marched to Wyse's Fork, and offered battle; but the enemy withdrew, and we returned to camp at Kinston.
On April 24th, the 56th NC Regiment is on picket duty east of Wyse's Fork, below Kinston. Companies H and K, under Capt. Francis R. Alexander [K], hold the Neuse River Road; Companies E, G and I, under Capt. Lawson Harrill [I], the Dover Road at Gum Swamp, while Companies A, B, D and F, under Maj. Henry F. Schenk, were posted on the Upper Trent Road at Noble's Farm. Company A was held in reserve.
FIRST GUM SWAMP.
On April 28th, the enemy driving in the picket line, attacked Companies E, G, and I about 3 p.m. Their line shows four (4) flags, indicating as many regiments, say 1,600 men, in the front line, while our total is 180 men, with earthworks proving rather a death-trap than a defense. The slight elevation of the railroad embankment, four or five (4-5) feet, as it emerges eastward from the swamp, had been utilized to face the enemy advancing on our left flank. This faced north, while a breastwork of equal length, say 150 yards, facing east, starting at a right angle from this improvised line, extended around southward and then westward into the same swamp.
Thus the enemy, advancing to the crest of the elevated ground on the south, overlooking the railroad embankment, could count our men aligned along it. In this unequal contest the detachment of three (3) companies under Capt. Lawson Harrill [Company I] held their position for two (2) hours, when they were joined by the Colonel, who, after continuing the fight stubbornly on this and the second line occupied on the west side of the swamp, over three (3) hours, at the approach of night, finding the enemy in sufficient numbers to surround his men, withdrew them. Citizens in their rear report the enemy's loss at 10 killed and 18 wounded. Our loss was one officer and three (3) men killed. This officer is 1st Lt. Jarvis B. Lutterloh [mortally wounded, died the next day], of Fayetteville, commanding Company E. His genial spirit and gallant behavior had made him a favorite throughout the regiment. The men killed were Private Neill T. McNeill, of Moore County; Private Washington M. Vickers, of Orange County, and Private Miles M. Nelson, of Henderson County.
A courier from Maj. Gen. Daniel H. Hill (NC) about sundown reached the four (4) companies at the upper Trent River crossing to warn them that they were now cut off, when Maj. Henry F. Schenck drew in his pickets, and avoiding the column by a circuitous march, had all at Wyse's Forks within the lines about sunrise. This was the Major's last field service. He had long fought against failing health, but was now completely broken down and was at once sent to the hospital, from which he was eventually retired by the board of examining surgeons, with the respect and sympathy of his many friends.
On May 16th, Brig. Gen. John R. Cooke's North Carolina Brigade has come to Kinston from the vicinity of Charleston, SC. On May 17th, the 56th NC Regiment relieves a regiment of Brig. Gen. Junius Daniel's North Carolina Brigade on outpost duty at Gum Swamp, which is eight (8) miles below Kinston, on the Dover Road. The line of defense has been improved by Col. Henry M. Rutledge with his 25th NC Regiment of Brig. Gen. Robert Ransom's (NC) Brigade. The breastwork, already noted, extending out of the east side of the swamp at a point on the south (right), and continuing around to the north to the fatal railroad embankment (here running back through the swamp at a right angle), is now carried across it, extending the arc of the circle northwest until it enters the swamp again. The railroad embankment thus becomes a traverse, while others are added against the enfilade from the east and south. The country road from New Bern to Kinston here winding like the letter S crosses the Atlantic & North Carolina Railroad three (3) times, and thus with it completes a dollar mark ($) within two (2) miles behind us. A redoubt with one gun commands the first crossing immediately in our rear.
May 21st. Scouts late this afternoon report an advance of the enemy from New Bern, four (4) companies of cavalry having crossed Core Creek.
SECOND GUM SWAMP.
May 22nd. While the regiment is in line of battle, seven (7) companies occupying the circular earthworks, with the other three (3) posted at gaps in the swamp occurring on the right flank, Company I occupying the extreme point a mile to the south, our pickets are driven in at daylight. 2nd Lt. Robert D. Graham soon thereafter calls the attention of the Colonel to an order plainly heard on the left, "Throw out your skirmishers," and is sent out with six (6) men to reconnoiter. Finds the enemy advancing a strong line of skirmishers, with a line of battle behind them, opens the battle by getting the first fire, and returns to report their position. The left wing, ready and waiting for them as they rush forward to the assault, receives them with a steady fire, and they take shelter in a screen of dense woods separated from us by an open space of 100 yards in width.
The fire here is maintained briskly for some time, and then their next regiment advances against the right wing of our seven (7) companies, where the reception is equally effective, again silencing their fire. These demonstrations after a considerable interval are renewed with the same result, and the third time all is silent.
At this point Col. Paul F. Faison expressed to the writer a determination to charge them, and sent him around their right flank with twenty (20) men to locate them. It was soon evident why they had not up to this time, about 10:30 a.m., used against our front their third regiment of infantry supporting the first two (2), nor the three (3) pieces of artillery held under cover near the Dover Road and supported by the four (4) companies of cavalry, of which we heard the evening before, constituting the brigade here assembled. Another force, whose strength we must learn by feeling it, is now rapidly closing in on the Dover Road directly in rear of our right flank. They have not pierced any point in the line committed to the 56th NC Regiment; but however there, they have gained the rear of the redoubt, and can soon rake the road through the swamp with our own gun. The Colonel is amazed that there is no attack upon them by the always reliable regiment that had been posted at the next crossing as our reserve. They soon develop a considerable force, taking the redoubt in the rear, and a hasty retreat along the railroad before they can gain it, now offers the only escape from capture by the two (2) brigades between which the battalion is being wedged in. Col. Faison accordingly withdrew it, and keeping up a running fire, saved the greater portion of his command before the enemy got possession of the railroad.
The enemy had rushed in between 2nd Lt. Robert D. Graham's reconnoitering party and the retiring battalion, but by a circuitous route through the swamp, he joined the rear companies as they were successfully replying to an attack from the swamp upon the left flank of the column. The defense was here vigorously maintained for some time, Lt. Col. Granville G. Luke shouting: "Give it to them boys; it will be all right tomorrow." But the left flank and rear of our new line of battle are now open to the advancing brigade that we have fought throughout the morning on the east side of the swamp, while our right flank and its rear are commanded by the other brigade, which after gaining the crossing that was occupied by our reserve regiment when the battle opened, is rushing in from that point on the west to join the line coming over the railroad embankment from the south, and thus completing the circle around us.
The battle is evidently over, and we must save as many men as we can through the swamp in our rear north of the railroad. Plunging into the dense tall growth of reeds, we were met by demands to surrender. The alternative seemed to be capture or to receive a volley of musketry at close quarters. But the cover of the reeds was complete at a short distance. Taking advantage of this and playing men as pawns, the writer sent the smaller number between himself and the enemy directly into their hands. Without waiting to see this maneuver completed, he faced about and set the column in motion in another direction. The enemy realized only about 20 percent of the prize that was within their grasp at this point; for 150 men were thus rescued with the assistance of 3rd Lt. Charles M. Payne, of Company K, since an able Presbyterian Doctor of Divinity, recently deceased.
Adjutant Edward J. Hale, Jr., who had acted with coolness and gallantry throughout the whole engagement, was near this point of the rear guard and brought out a good number.
If there was any officer of the regiment who failed to measure up to his duty in either of the two (2) battles at this outpost, we never discovered it. A court of inquiry acquitted our Colonel commanding. Of this result none of his comrades had entertained the least doubt.
Major Edward J. Hale has recently written me:
"I notice that Professor D. H. Hill, in 'Confederate Military History,' Vol. IV, page 155, says that the Fifty-sixth and Twenty-fifth Regiments were surprised at Gum Swamp 22 May, 1863. This is not true of the Fifty-sixth, whatever may be true of any others. We had been engaged for some hours at intervals with the enemy in our front, which we had completely protected and defended by repulsing his three several attacks. No part of the line defended by or belonging to the Fifty-sixth was punctured.
"After the third repulse of the enemy an order was given to withdraw the regiment to the Kinston side of Gum Swamp, as the enemy had crossed it some miles south of us. I was shot while directing this movement, but paid no attention to the matter until next day. Shortly after we had gotten most of the men across the country road, I remember that you and I were chatting beside the railroad about the want of orders. We saw the Twenty-fifth in line a few hundred yards to the rear (west). Word was started to them that with a change of front to the south, we would join them in attacking this new force of the enemy which was then coming up from that direction. But suddenly the Twenty-fifth was marched away towards Kinston. Our support being thus withdrawn, we then had nothing to do but to save as many as possible from capture."
Capt. Wiliam G. Graves now writes: "I have never felt any scruples about this fight, as no blame could be placed upon the men or regimental officers."
Brig. Gen. Robert Ransom (NC), just returned from sick leave, barely escaped capture as he was coming to the outpost and had only passed to the front of the reserve, when he was met by a volley from the enemy at that instant emerging from the swamp to attack the rear of the redoubt and of our right flank. Two (2) regiments of the enemy had gained this position, led by a native guide in a circuitous, all night march of fourteen (14) miles in single file through a marsh that they found well nigh impassable. They thus avoided by several miles the line committed to the 56th NC Regiment, and came upon the field from the southwest.
Col. Paul F. Faison was just then quiet for the want of something to shoot at; and was ready to make a counter-charge at the most favorable point; but it seems that his silence was mistaken in the rear for a surrender. This misunderstanding and the consequent withdrawal of the 25th NC Regiment at the very instant when it should have charged and united with us to crush their rear attack, was the mistake of the day. But from such mistakes even Napoleon was not free.
Maj. Gen. Daniel H. Hill (NC), reaching the outpost with Brig. Gen. Robert Ransom's (NC) and Brig. Gen. John R. Cooke's (NC) Brigades about 5 p.m., pushed the enemy back within his fortifications at New Bern, a shell there killing Col. J. R. Jones, of the 58th PA Regiment, who had commanded the two brigades in the attack on the 56th NC Regiment [not accurateCol. Jones was killed the next day at Batchelder's Creek]. The brigade in our front was immediately under Colonel Pierson, of one of the four (4) Massachusetts regiments, while Colonel Jones accompanied the column that penetrated the swamp. He was a brave, energetic officer, and doubtless would have been appointed a general for this affair which he reported that afternoon as "partially successful." He therein says that "the enemy was able to defend himself sometime under cover of a swamp, and when finally broken, his men mostly escaped," and that he "almost took General Ransom himself, who was accidentally at the post."
Our loss was three (3) Lieutenants and 146 men captured, 1st Lt. David S. Ray, of Company D, dying of his wounds next day in New Bern. He was a gallant and meritorious officer, who had the confidence and affection of the company, of which he was in command. Capt. John W. Graham being on detail as Judge Advocate of the Court-Martial at Wilmington. 2nd Lt. Robert D. Graham was promoted to 1st Lieutenant, and 1st Sergeant William Turner was promoted to 2nd Lieutenant.
Query: How did it happen, when it was known at the outpost on the afternoon of May 21st, and presumably at headquarters early in the evening, that a column was advancing from New Bern on the same road by which the four (4) regiments had attacked this outpost within the last four (4) weeks, and this column was morally certain to reach it next morning, that an effective force of three (3) brigades at Kinston, only eight (8) miles distant and ample to give the enemy a complete surprise by striking the first blow, or at least simultaneously with their assault upon our single regiment and possibly cutting off their line of retreat, if strategically disposed during the night, did not start towards the scene of action until the next afternoon, after the incident was closed? No explanation is found in the official records or other source of information.
May 28th. The brigade is off for Virginia via Goldsborough and Weldon, reaching Petersburg by train in the night. May 29th, on to Richmond, and bivouacked at Camp Lee (State Fair Grounds).
June 2nd. Right-about to Petersburg again, and next day proceeded to Ivor, on the Norfolk & Petersburg Railroad.
June 13th. Brig. Gen. Robert Ransom has been promoted to Major General [commissioned on May 26, 1863]; Col. Matthew W. Ransom to Brigadier General today. Back in Petersburg and march over to Drewry's Bluff on the James River, halfway between Petersburg and Richmond. The appearance of troops in permanent quarters, on garrison duty, is here a novel sight to our command, so constantly in motion.
June 17th. Back to Petersburg, and June 21st to Halfway Station, towards Richmond. Occupied former cabins of Brig. Gen. Junius Daniel's North Carolina Brigade.
During this month all the enlisted men captured at Gum Swamp, have been exchanged and returned to duty.
June 26th. Night march to Seven Pines.
June 29th. Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's (NC) Brigade is engaged in dismantling breastworks constructed here by the enemy under Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan a year ago. Major Generals Arnold Elzy (VA), Robert Ransom (NC), and Daniel H. Hill (NC) have recently been successively in command at Richmond. Both Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's and Brig. Gen. John R. Cooke's Brigades had been ordered up to participate in the counter-invasion to the north, but at the solicitation of these post commanders were retained for protection of the capital. General Robert E. Lee's letter on the subject says: "I have always considered Cooke's and Ransom's Brigades as part of the Army of Northern Virginia."
BATTLE AT CRUMP'S FARM [aka BOTTOM'S BRIDGE].
Ours was now a duty of observation and reconnoissance to meet any demonstration of the enemy from the seacoast. Thus an opportunity was given to participate in one of the most brilliant campaigns of the warsharp, quick and decisive. The enemy watching our capital could learn approximately the strength of the small force, protecting it. Accordingly Federal Maj. Gen. John A. Dix and Maj. Gen. Erasmus D. Keyes, advancing cautiously by the way of the White House, apparently had a walk-over.
July 2nd. Maj. Gen. Daniel H. Hill (NC), without waiting for them to approach nearer to his fortified line of defense, which he had not enough troops to adequately man, moved out rapidly upon them with Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's North Carolina, Brig. Gen. John R. Cooke's North Carolina, and Brig. Gen. Albert G. Jenkins' South Carolina Brigades, Branch's Virginia Battery of Artillery and three others-a total of sixteen (16) gunsand a squadron of cavalry. He met them at Crump's Farm, near Bottom's Bridge, between sunset and dark, and immediately opened such a vigorous assault that the enemy were compelled to assume the defensive, and night found them in full retreat, doubtless believing that those three (3) brigades must have been immensely reinforced since their last reports had come in. Brig. Gen. Ransom's Brigade sustained the only loss on our side, one man killed and two (2) wounded. Six or seven (6-7) prisoners taken admitted a loss of thirty (30) on their side.
July 11th. To Petersburg again, and camped on Dunn's Farm.
RAID AGAINST WELDON BRIDGE CHECKED.
July 28th. A part of the 49th NC Regiment and three (3) companies of the 24th NC Regiment and a battery of Georgia Artillery, met Spear's Regiment of New York Cavalry and Dodge's Mounted Riflemen and several pieces of artillery at Boon's Mill, ten (10) miles south of Weldon and two (2) miles from Jackson, NC. The 56th NC Regiment arrived that evening, but the enemy had withdrawn. Disposition was made for attack that night; but they did not return. The 49th NC Regiment lost one man killed, and in the 24th NC Regiment three (3) were wounded. The enemy buried 11 of their dead on the field.
August 1st. Back to Garysburg, and camped near Mr. Moody's.
August 12th. To Halifax Court House, and August 13th took boat for Hamilton. Down the Roanoke River seventy-three (73) miles, arriving in the afternoon.
August 14th. Company D, under 1st Lt. Robert D. Graham, detached to Poplar Point, and threw up breastworks covering the river landing.
August 16th. Returned through Palmyra and Halifax to Garysburg.
September 1st. Capt. John W. Graham of Company D, on retirement of Maj. Henry F. Schenk, is promoted to Major, 1st Lt. Robert D. Graham to Captain, and Sergeant Joseph B. Coggin to 1st Lieutenant. For the succeeding four (4) months, eight (8) companies of this regiment and the 21st NC Regiment were posted in the West to meet any incursions from East Tennessee, and to break up the refuge found there by deserters and lawless characters from the several States, and to see that the Conscription Act was fairly enforced. The effort was to gain friends, and make no new enemies for the State in her desperate struggle, and thus keep the people united in domestic tranquility. The moral effect of this movement was salutary, whether now viewed from a Confederate or Federal standpoint, and it is beyond doubt that it was so regarded by Federal Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant when the war was over, and the proscription naturally following it was at fever heat.
Two companies, H and E, under Capt. William G. Graves [Company H], were protecting the building of the Confederate ram Albemarle on the Roanoke River near Halifax, at Edwards' Ferry.
October 24th. Adjutant Edward J. Hale, Jr., is promoted to Assistant Adjutant General and assigned to Brig. Gen. James H. Lane's (NC) Brigade. As his modesty naturally forbade the incorporation of his military record in his history of the Bethel Regiment [1st NC Volunteers], and as he contributed so largely to the efiiciency of the 56th NC Regiment, it will be a pleasure to every survivor of the latter to have an outline of so brilliant a career here preserved for the honor of the State that we all love so well.
Private in Bethel Regiment April 17 to November 13, 1861; 2nd Lieutenant December 2, 1861, and Adjutant 56th NC Regiment August 1, 1862, to October 24, 1863; Judge Advocate Court-Martial at Wilmington January to March, 1863.
Designated by General Robert E. Lee to convey to Federal Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant assent and permit to remove his dead and wounded lost at Cold Harbor on June 2, 1864, Lt. Gen. Grant reluctantly thus acknowledging a defeat.
Assigned as Assistant Adjutant General to Brig. Gen. William B. Taliaferro's (VA) Division, Army Northern Virginia, but re-assigned to Brig. Gen. James H. Lane's (NC) Brigade on petition of its officers, in consequence of Brig. Gen. Lane being absent, wounded.
For ''conspicuous gallantry and merit" recommended by Brig. Gen. James H. Lane (NC), Maj. Gen. Cadmus M. Wilcox (NC) and Lt. Gen. A. P. Hill (VA) for Colonel of the 28th NC Regiment on request of all its officers then present, September 26, 1864; but the Act of the CSA Congress was found to provide only for the regular line officers.
In March of 1865, he was commissioned Major and Assistant Adjutant General; wounded at 2nd Gum Swamp and at the Wilderness, and was in the surrender at Appomattox. At the crisis in the battle of Fussell's Mills, August 16, 1864, (commanding the Darbytown Road in front of Richmond), Brig. Gen. James H. Lane's (NC) Brigade was put in under the eye of General Robert E. Lee to recapture the lost line. Col. William M. Barbour [37th NC Regiment] commanding, was wounded and the charge arrested, but the Adjutant General assumed command and pushed forward to a speedy victory. In the presence of the troops he was thanked by the chief engineer, Brig. Gen. Walter H. Stevens (VA). For the latter's consideration he then recommended that the line of defense be here so changed as to give full effect to the modern long-range small arms, commanding approaches over wide plains, therefore to be preferred instead of precipices. This was then a new departure in fortifications, but was promptly adopted and superintendence of the work given to Maj. Hale, so that when the next morning dawned the enemy found four (4) miles of such defenses awaiting their assault, and withdrew. It was effectually adopted by the Turks at Plevna, while much later the British lost Majuba Hill by adhering to the antiquated system.
In the North Carolina victory at 2nd Reams Station, August 25, 1864, he had a similar experience. Brig. Gen. James Conner (VA) was disabled and Col. William H.A. Speer [28th NC Regiment] mortally wounded just as Brig. Gen. James H. Lane's (NC) Brigade started forward. He assumed command, and they were among the first over the line.
Losing only by a legal technicality the promotion to Colonel in the line, as above mentioned, the extraordinary commission of Major and Assistant Adjutant General of Brigade was given him as some measure of compensation. He was succeeded as Adjutant by John W. Faison.
FIRST EXPEDITION AGAINST NEW BERN.
In January of 1864, an expedition was organized for the recapture of New Bern, under Maj. Gen. George E. Pickett (VA).
January 28th. Reached Goldsborough, the 56th NC Regiment reported to Brig. Gen. Montgomery D. Corse, commanding a Virginia Brigade. At night Brig. Gen. Seth M. Barton (AR), commanding his own brigade and the other four (4) regiments under Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom (NC), marched out on the Neuse River Road for New Bern.
January 31st. Column consisting of Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke's North Carolina, Brig. Gen. Thomas L. Clingman's North Carolina, and Brig. Gen. Montgomery D. Corse's Virginia Brigade (temporarily including the 56th NC Regiment), took the Dover Road, passed through Gum Swamp, whence we marched down the railroad track some six (6) miles, turning into the country road again at Sandy Ridge, the scene of a fight between the 49th NC Regiment and the enemy last year, and went into bivouac about eight (8) miles beyond, making twenty-three (23) miles that day. Skirmishers out that night from Brig. Gen. Corse's Brigade under Maj. John W. Graham, of the 56th NC Regiment.
February 1st. Set out at 2 a.m. and captured the outpost at Bachelor's Creek. Here Col. Henry M., Shaw, 8th NC Regiment, was killed at the opening of the engagement. A portion of Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke's (NC) men, with Companies B and I, of the 56th NC Regiment, were actively engaged. Our total loss was eight (8) killed and fifty (50) wounded. We captured 250 prisoners with the blockhouse. The railroad crosses the creek at this point, and the 56th NC Regiment made a race to strike the track in the rear of the train carrying the residue of the enemy to New Bern. They escaped. The fort was destroyed and a large quantity of Quartermaster and Commissary stores secured.
Our part being thus accomplished, we listened in vain for Brig. Gen. Seth M. Barton's (AR) guns as a signal for our further advance. At night Capt. Robert D. Graham, with 100 men from Companies D and K, of the 56th NC Regiment, with two (2) pieces of artillery, was posted by Brig. Gen. Montgomery D. Corse (VA) on the Washington Road as a force of observation against a garrison cut off in the fort at the crossing of Bachelor's Creek. At daylight Colonel Chew came out with the 29th and 30th VA Regiments and with Capt. Graham's detachment moved upon the garrison. The 30th VA Regiment and the artillery was moved around to the right of the road, while the rest of the force took position on the left. A demand was then made for surrender; and the enemy finding himself within point-blank range of the artillery in his rear, to which he could not reply, without bringing his own outside the fort, capitulated. Our spoils were a section of artillery with caisson, and 100 stand of small arms, with a supply of ammunition. The prisoners, 120 men and four (4) officers. Captain Cowdy commanding. Meanwhile the enemy had advanced from New Bern upon Brig. Gen. Hoke, and been repulsed.
Brig. Gen. James G. Martin (NC), on the Wilmington Road, had carried everything before him up to the reserve works. Every assault had been successful, and Brig. Gen. Seth M. Barton (AR) could readily have found men to take the task assigned him. But as he reported it impracticable, the whole expedition was finally abandoned, when it seemed the general opinion that a determined assault would have been crowned with success.
I leave the above recital, as most of this sketch, just as written during the war. On consulting U.S. Official Records, I now find that I have expressed the opinion of both Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke (NC) and Maj. Gen. George E. Pickett (VA). But it therein also appears that Brig. Gen. Seth M. Barton (AR) in his official report, says that before abandoning his attempt to cross Brice's Creek, he made, together with the two (2) brigade commanders under him, a personal reconnoissance. He requested a court of inquiry, and this request was recommended accordingly to Adjutant General Samuel Cooper by General Robert E. Lee.
February 5th. Rejoined our own brigade under Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom (NC) at Kinston, and on February 7th, we reached Weldon on train via Goldsborough.
February 8th. Ordered to Richmond, but countermanded just as the train is about to pull out. In camp again near the Moody house. Daily exercises in company and battalion drill, each Captain successively acting as regimental commander.
EXPEDITION TO SOUTH MILLS.
February 26th. Off for Franklin, VA, on the Blackwater River, crossed at Old South Quay, and marched to South Mills, Camden County, NC. From this point commissary stores are gathered; and a detachment of the enemy appearing, is chased down the Dismal Swamp canal by Colonel Dearing with his battalion of cavalry to within twelve (12) miles of Norfolk. Captured a 1st Lieutenant, a Surgeon and half a dozen privates. The object accomplished, the wagon trains under our protection having been loaded and started back, the return commences on the night of March 4th, and at the two (2) creeks first to be crossed, Capt. Robert D. Graham's company of the 56th NC Regiment, as rear guard, had prepared bright fires that there should be no delay in crossing. The enemy were reported to have ascended the Chowan River, and were expected to pay us some attention before we were back across the Blackwater River with our long train of wagons loaded with provisions. Halted at Sandy Cross, twenty (20) miles from South Mills, for two (2) days. No appearance of the enemy.
RECAPTURE SUFFOLK.
March 7th. Proceeded to within eight (8) miles of Old South Quay and learned that the enemy had again occupied Suffolk.
March 9th. Passed through Somerton at 10 a.m., and at a church within three (3) miles of Suffolk, routed a cavalry outpost and pressed on to the railroad. Here the enemy's cavalry formed to charge the 24th NC Regiment; but a few well-directed shots put them to flight. Capt. Cicero A. Durham, promoted to Assistant Quartermaster for gallantry in the line and known as the Fighting Quartermaster of the 49th NC Regiment, gathered a squad of a dozen mounted men among the teamsters, and charged them in turn. Seeing the paucity of his numbers, they made a stand, but were attacked with such vigor that they resumed their flight before the infantry could get within range. The 56th NC Regiment was second in the column, led by Lt. Col. Granville G. Luke, and complimented on the good order sustained on a double-quick pursuit of three (3) miles. The only escape for the cavalry was by completing a semi-circle outside the earthworks, defending the town, before we could run through on the street and road forming the chord to the arc. With their spurs and the aid of the shells from our artillery, they beat the race.
We had no cavalry and did not lose a man, but Federal Maj. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, like Job's warhorse, "smelleth the battle afar off," and pens to the Secretary of War the following bulletin as it appears in Official War Records:
Fort Monroe, 12 March, 1864.
No. 1.
Cole's Cavalry, Second United States, had a skirmish the day before yesterday with the enemy near Suffolk, Va. While making a rcconnoissance, they came upon Ransom's Brigade, consisting of four regiments of infantry, four pieces of artillery and 300 cavalry. The enemy made a charge upon two squadrons of Cole's, and were handsomely repulsed with a loss of about sixty.
The charge brought the colored soldiers into a hand-to-hand fight with the rebels, and the enthusiastic testimony of their officers is that that they behaved with the utmost courage, coolness and daring. I am perfectly satisfied with my negro cavalry.
Benj. F. Butler,
Major-General.
Hon. E. M. Stanton.
We pursued them to Bernard's Mills, capturing the camp of the white troops and returned with one piece of artillery and considerable stores.
Three (3) negro soldiers took refuge in a house in town and refusing to surrender, perished in its flames. Another, rushing out with his gun and fighting to the last, was shot.
March 11th, returned to Franklin via Carrsville. March 12th, off by rail to Weldon, and in camp near Mr. Moody's at Grarysburg, and on March 17th, muster and inspection for January and February, 1864, by Colo. Paul F. Faison.
THE PLYMOUTH CAMPAIGN.
April 14th. The 24th, 25th, and 56th NC Regiment, under Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom (NC), set out by rail and reported to Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke (NC) at Tarborough. The 49th NC Regiment was on outpost duty near Edenton, and its place was now supplied by the 8th NC Regiment, from Brig. Gen. Thomas L. Clingman's (NC) Brigade.
April 15th. The column, consisting of Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke's (NC) Brigade under Col. John T. Mercer of the 21st GA Regiment, which was then with it; Brig. Gen. James L. Kemper's (VA) Brigade, under Col. William R. Terry, and Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's (NC) Brigade with Pegram's Battery, under Brig. Gen. Ransom, and Stribblings', Graham's Virginia, Miller's, Moseley's, and Read's batteries of artillery belonging to Col. James Dearing's command, and Dearing's Battalion of cavalry, took up the line of march against Plymouth, NC. At Hamilton we were joined by the 35th NC Regiment. Passing through Williamston and Jamesville, we reached the vicinity Sunday, April l7th, a little before nightfall.
Immediately a strong line of skirmishers, including Company I, of the 56th NC Regiment, was thrown out from Brig. Gen. Ransom's Brigade, under Maj. John W. Graham, and pushed forward nearly to the entrenchments. A picket post of eleven (11) men was surprised, nine (9) captured, one killed and one escaped. A reconnoissance in force was made in front of Fort Gray, on Warren's Neck, between the mouths of two (2) creeks emptying into the Roanoke River, two (2) miles west of Plymouth, and Col. Dearing's artillery crippled one of the gunboats so that it sank on reaching the wharf. A redoubt was immediately begun on the Jamesville Road leading south for our 32-pound Parrott gun. The ironclad C.S.S. Albemarle, Cdr. James W. Cooke, was expected during the night. Fort Gray's armament was one 100-pounder and two 32-pounders.
April 18th. The C.S.S. Albemarle, for some reason, was making slow progress down the Roanoke River, and the day passed without a sign of it. Shelling at intervals was kept up, the 56th NC Regiment suffering but one casualty, the wounding of a man in Company H. During the night Col. Faison, with 250 men, had completed the earthwork near the Washington and Jamesville Road from which to bombard the fort at Sanderson's.
At sundown a demonstration on both sides of Lee's Mill, Bath Road, was made against the enemy's south front by the artillery and Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's (NC) Brigade. Our assaulting column was formed with the left resting on Frank Fagan's house on the Jamesville Road, a mile and a quarter south of town, and two (2) regiments, the 24th and 8th NC Regiment, beyond the Lee Mill Road at Redd Gap. The 56th NC Regiment was next on the left, and then the 35th NC Regiment, while the 25th NC Regiment connected us with Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke's (NC) right. The batteries following on the heels of a battalion of sharpshooters composed of Companies B, I, E, and A, of the 56th NC Regiment, under their worthy CaptainsFranklin N. Roberts, Lawson Harrill, Joseph G. Lockhart, and Noah H. Hughes, led by Capt. John C. Pegram, Assistant Adjutant General, driving the enemy over their breastworks, advanced steadily from position to position, firing with the utmost rapidity, while the rest of the brigade in the line of battle kept pace with them. Brig. Gen. Ransom was conspicuous on the field, keeping his mount throughout the engagement. This was kept up till 10 p.m., the enemy replying with great spirit from his forts and gunboats, carrying twenty (20) pieces. The object was as far as possible to draw the enemy's fire in this direction, while Brig. Gen. Hoke's Brigade assaulted in earnest the "85th Redoubt" at the Sanderson House, some distance to our left. The fort was carried after a very stubborn resistance and the death of its commander, Captain Chapin. Among our killed we mourn the loss of the brigade commander, the gallant Col. John T. Mercer, of the 21st GA Regiment. 3rd Lt. Charles R. Wilson, of Company D, and 14 men of the 56th NC Regiment were wounded at our end. Col. Mercer was a West Point classmate of Maj. Gen. J. E. B. Stuart (VA), Lt. Gen. John B. Hood (TX), Brig. Gen. George Washington Custis Lee (VA), and Maj. Gen. William D. Pender (NC). He is buried at Tarborough beside his last named comrade.
April 19th. Towards day Col. William J. Clarke, with his own, the 24th NC Regiment, and the 56th NC Regiment, was posted below the town on the Columbia Road, to prevent escape in that direction. But the enemy was still confident in the strength of his fortifications, even after the loss of the "85th Redoubt" and the arrival of our ram, Albemarle, the same night passing the big guns at Warren's Neck unharmed. It sank one of their gunboats, the Southfield, and chased off the other two (2), the naval commander, Flusser, being killed on the deck of the Miami. The enemy still held a continuous, thoroughly fortified line, well constructed, from a point on the river, near Warren's Neck, along their west and south fronts, and terminating on the east in a swamp, bordering which a deep creek, known as Conaby, a mile or two further east, runs into the Roanoke River, on the south bank of which Plymouth is situated. It has four (4) streets parallel with the river and five (5) at right angles to it. Fort Williams, projecting beyond the south face of the parallelogram, is ready for action on all four (4) sides and enfilades, right and left, the whole south front of the fortifications, while Battery Worth was built to command the west, water and land, approach.
Between the latter and Warren's Neck was "85th Redoubt" at Sanderson's House. At Boyle's steam mill near the road entering Second Street from the west was another redoubt outside the entrenchments, and within the southwest angle still another at Harriet Toodles'. On the east center was Fort Comfort, with a redoubt on either side of the Columbia Road at James Bateman's and Charles Latham's. Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke (NC) ordered an assault from this (east) side by Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's (NC) Brigade. Accordingly that night our sharpshooters effected a crossing of Conaby Creek on felled trees with some opposition. A pontoon bridge was laid, and before the night was far advanced, the brigade was over. With a line of skirmishers out in front, the brigade slept in line of battle, and perhaps never more soundly, for tired nature's sweet restorer was welcome, even on the eve of certain battle.
April 20th. At the first break of day Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom (NC) was again in the saddle, and his ringing voice came down the line: ''Attention, brigade!" Every man was upon his feet instantly, and the adjusting of twisted blankets across the left shoulder and under the belt at the right hip was only the work of another moment; the line of battle was formed, "Fix bayonets," "Trail arms!" "Forward march!" and the charge began. The alignment was as follows: The 56th NC Regiment on the right, flanked by Company I, as sharpshooters, (resting on the Roanoke River and near the Albemarle, then engaged, as it had been at intervals through the night, with Battery Worth on the river face of the town), and 25th, 35th, 8th, and 24th NC Regiments successively on to the left. On our part of the line a large drove of cattle was encountered and driven on as a living wall between us and the enemy until they reached the canal, down which they refused to plunge, or escort us further. Maddened by this strange spectacle of "man's inhumanity to man," they turned about, and "with no reputation to lose," dashing through our line, sought safety in flight. The canal was found with steep banks, but fortunately with fordable water. Ranks were necessarily broken in getting across, but were soon in perfect order on the farther side, and the forward movement resumed. The next obstacle was a swamp, in places waist deep, through which the regiment floundered as best it could, impeded by the mire and cypress knees with which it abounded. The 56th NC Regiment was the first through, and immediately reforming under an oblique fire from the left, charged up a slight hill, and routed the opposing regiment sheltered behind a fence of palings, here the outer line of the town. This and the adjacent houses blocked further advance in regimental line of battle.
But the halt here was only for a moment. Company I pressed straight forward, sweeping everything before them between Water Street and the river bank, while the 25th NC Regiment on getting through the swamp and finding the 56th NC Regiment in its front, debouched to the right and thus went up Water Street between the 56th NC Regiment and its detached company. At the same instant Brig. Gen. Ransom, reaching this point, the 56th NC Regiment moved off by the left flank and entered the town on the next street east, by filing to the right, left in front. Maj. John W. Graham was at the extreme left, now head of column, and on gaining the open space about the county jail, deployed the regiment forward into line of battle, just in time to checkmate a battery of artillery taking position to rake the street with its guns. These movements and the obstacles encountered, again divided the regiment, carrying the Colonel and Lieutenant Colonel back to Water Street to direct the extreme right, while the Major, with eight (8) companies, pressed forward to silence the artillery. The fire, delivered before we could reach them, was fortunately a little too high, the shells in a direct line being plainly visible as they passed over, and the guns were at once in our possessionnot, however, until one brave fellow had blown up his limber in our faces, killing his nearest horses and wounding several of our men. It would be a pleasure here to record his name. The man retreating with the caisson was killed in the street, with four (4) of his six (6) horses, by a shell from Fort Williams.
This wing of the regiment, then, without waiting for any support, as all seemed to have enough to do, swept on fighting between these two (2) streets the entire length of the town, and without a halt charged the redoubt in their front, constituting a west section of the enemy's heavy line of fortifications, facing front and rear. Here they captured a Pennsylvania regiment, and Maj. John W. Graham, mounting the works with the regimental flag, waved it to Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke's (NC) Brigade, now under Lt. Col. William G. Lewis (afterwards Brigadier General), and thus announced that the way was open on that side. In this last charge the 24th NC Regiment went in abreast with us, having entered the town by the Columbia Road, which leads into Second Street, after crossing Conaby Creek with a northwest trend and then midway changing to due west. While the 8th and 35th NC Regiments swung around to invest Fort Comfort, the 24th NC Regiment overcoming all opposition before them at the Bateman and Latham redoubts, pushed forward and connected with our left flank as we struck the fortificationsredoubt and entrenched camp.
Maj. Graham's prisoners, some 300 of infantry and artillery, were turned over to Capt. Joseph G. Lockhart, when, under shelter of a ravine, uniting his battalion with Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke's (NC) Brigade, he swept down first the west and then the south entrenchments to Fort Williams, into which Federal Brig. Gen. Henry W. Wessels had withdrawn with the remnant of his army. The 24th NC Regiment came up on the other side. After consultation with Lt. Col. William G. Lewis, it was deemed unnecessary to assault it, as its surrender would be compelled by our artillery with the aid of sharpshooters being rapidly posted to overlook its interior from the windows and tops of the nearest houses. The two (2) opposing generals then met in a personal interview, and the demand to capitulate was refused. But the inevitable was soon acknowledged by raising a white flag, as we had silenced every gun in the fort.
Meantime, the part assigned to Capt. Lawson Harrill's men, under their fearless leader, had been as effectually accomplished. Through water hip deep, they had crossed the canal and swamp, and keeping near the river, passing around houses and bursting through garden and yard fences, they reached the rear of Battery Worth, containing the 200-pounder, specially provided to anticipate the coming of our ironclad Albemarle. One volley was sufficient. The white flag was run up and the battery, with some twenty (20) artillerymen, surrendered to him.
Taking the prisoners with them from this battery on the river, they immediately charged to their left and thus struck in the flank and rear the right section of the enemy's line of battle occupying the breastworks, here on Water Street, facing up the river. His demand to surrender was promptly complied with, and while Capt. Harrill here gathered in his prisoners, largely outnumbering his own rank and file, Lt. Col. Lewis' men who had held the attention of the enemy in their front, came in at a double-quick over the causeway leading through the swamp on the west of Plymouth, passed Capt. Harrill's position, and joined Maj. Graham's detachment at the upper ravine further to the south, as above noted.
How does it happen, then, that the capture of Battery Worth, or Fort Hal, noted above as by Company I, has been claimed for Company B, with whom were Col. Paul F. Faison and Col. James Dearing (VA), a portion of the 25th NC Regiment supporting the artillery? Both claims are literally true.
A correspondent to the Fayetteville Observer, on April 22, 1864, says: "On the river face of the town was a camp entrenched to resist any attack from the water, and a little lower down an earthwork for the same purpose." The latter, admitted to be Battery Worth, we must observe the distinction between the two, though close together.
As to the time of the first movement, Capt. Lawson Harrill's report is embodied in the foregoing narration. Federal Brig. Gen. Henry W. Wessells report: "At daylight the following day, 20 April, while my right and front were seriously threatened, the enemy advanced rapidly against my left, assaulting and carrying the line in that quarter, penetrating the town along the river and capturing Battery Worth." This left the entrenched camp not yet captured, and as no other Confederate troops were in that quarter at that early hour, the claim of Company I to Battery Worth is thus afiirmed.
From this point of time Brig. Gen. Wessells thus continues: "A line of skirmishers was formed from the breastworks perpendicularly towards the river in hopes of staying the advance. This effort succeeded for a time; but the troops seemed discouraged and fell back to the entrenchments."
The conduct of the 56th NC Regiment was well calculated to create such discouragement, as it broke through all obstacles, driving the enemy from the streets, yards, houses, cellars, and bombproofs, from which Maj. Graham says they came out like a colony of prairie puppies, or groundhogs on the 2nd of February. As those not captured in this charge were thus gradually pressed back to their double-faced entrenchments, the infantry garrison in the entrenched camp at Battery Worth, guarding the water approach and, owing to the contour of the ground, not in sight from his side of the fortifications when Capt. Harrill some two (2) hours before had taken the artillerymen out of the battery, appear now to have had their attention diverted from the commotion of the Albemarle downstream to their right and Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke (NC) up the river to their left. They now for the first time saw their enemy in the town, and were ready with the portion of the retreating line that had joined them, to enfilade Company B as it came up. Here Col. Faison, with this gallant company under Capt. Franklin N. Roberts, had his hands full for some time and accomplished important results, as described by the subsequent Captain, then 1st Sergeant Alexander R. Carver:
"In this charge our 3rd Lt. Benjamin W. Thornton, fell on Water Street with a bullet through the side of his forehead near the eye. I stopped long enough to see the wound, and thought him dead; but he survived for a day or two. Our company had become detached by the evolutions and obstacles in getting through the town. Just before Brig. Gen. Henry W. Wessells capitulated, say by 9 or 10 o'clock, we had reached the vicinity of Fort Hal, with the 200-pound gun bearing on the river. It was full of the enemy, on whom we were firing with our rifles and they were briskly returning our fire. Col. Paul F. Faison came up to me during this firing, when I pointed to a hill on the right overlooking the fort, and said if the artillery were posted there, we would have the fort in five (5) minutes. Soon after he left me, I saw our battery open from the hill, and immediately a white handkerchief was hoisted on a bayonet above the fort. I was very near and ran for the fort. Col. James Dearing got across the moat and into the fort ahead of me, and jumped on tbe big gun as if he were going to spike it, when I met an officer at the gate and demanded his surrender. He asked to be allowed to surrender to some higher officer. I called Col. Dearing and he told him to surrender to me. He thereupon handed over his sword and pistol, which I kept during the war. I think he belonged to the infantry. He had on his overcoat."
So there were two (2) captures of the same fort, separated by an interval of two or three (2-3) hours.
Col. James Dearing subsequently fell [as a Brigadier General] on April 6, 1865, at High Bridge [aka Farmville], on the retreat towards Appomattox Court House, in a hand-to-hand contest with Major Read, of Maj. Gen. Edward O.C. Ord's staff, both antagonists going down together. The big gun was naturally the chief attraction to him, and of course he believed to the day of his death that his portion of the line had captured it, whereas it clearly appears that it had been silent for at least two (2) hours, ever since Capt. Lawson Harrill carried off the artillerymen who had served it. It was the infantry of the adjoining entrenched camp, together with some others, who had taken refuge in the vacant fort, that he and Col. Faison so effectually silenced; and we may say in the spirit of the generous Admiral Winfield Scott Schley, who later said in 1901 "there was glory enough for all."
The possibilities of such independent actions by detachments may be better understood when it is remarked that within the fortifications on the west side were three (3) ravines, and on an elevation between the lower one and the river was planted Battery Worth, with the entrenched camp lower down. The redoubt at Boyle's Steam Mill on the road on this side of the town, appears to have been blown up by a shell entering its magazine, and so it offered no resistance to our infantry, while that at Harriet Toodle's, about the southwest angle, and the intervening entrenched camps were taken with the connecting breastworks.
The writer was near Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke (NC) when he received Federal Brig. Gen. Henry W. Wessels, accompanied by his officers, as his prisoner. There was everything in his courteous and considerate bearing to lessen the sting of defeat. Dismounting from his horse and clasping the captive's hand, he assured him of his respect and sympathy, and added: ''After such a gallant defense you can bear the fortune of war without self-reproach."
Brig. Gen. Henry W. Wessels' official report, made after his exchange four (4) months later, says that Brig. Gen. Hoke's conduct was courteous and soldier-like. His return of casualties, killed, wounded, and missing was 127 officers and 2,707 men, from the 16th CT Infantry, 2nd MA Heavy Artillery, 2nd NC (Union) Infantry, 12th NY Cavalry, 85th NY Infantry, 24th NY Battery, and 101st and 103rd PA Infantry. Besides 3,000 stand of small arms and some twenty (20) pieces of artillery, there was a large quantity of all other supplies.
In our advance there were no shirks. The respective muster rolls might be exhibited as lists of those deserving honorable mention. The splendid conduct of Color Guard Corporal Job C. Hughes, of Camden County [Company A], is here gratefully remembered.
The regimental colors were carried by a Sergeant, later on given the rank of Ensign by the Confederate Congress, and he was supported by eight (8) volunteer Corporals. This guard of three (3) ranks in line of battle formed the extreme left of the right center company. This position fell to Company D, and was retained by it to the end of the war. It was thus in the assault upon the redoubt beyond the head of Second Street that the Captain of this company found Corporal Hughes at his side while a blue coat in front was drawing a bead on him within a space less than the width of the street"Hughes, kill that Yank," followed, and the enemy's aim was as deliberately changed to save his own life. There was one report from two (2) rifles, and both men went down. It was the last shot ever fired by the Federal. His sight was as good as that of his foeman, his minie ball perforating Corporal Hughes' blanket (13) thirteen times, as it was twisted and worn as above described, but ended with the penetration of the breast-boneprobably owing to his not having driven the ball home in too rapidly loading his piece. Within about a month he was at his post again. He was a brother of the gallant Capt. Noah H. Hughes of Company A. In this charge the brave Corporal William J. Daves, volunteer to the Color Guard from Company I, was killed, and Private James P. Sossaman, of Company K, was also severely wounded at the flag.
The Albemarle had advanced along the river front with the charge, firing over the line. The honor of capturing Fort Comfort on our left, fell to the 35th NC Regiment and it was renamed Fort Jones in honor of its Colonel [John G. Jones].
Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke (NC) was thereupon promoted to Major General in recognition of this successful initiation of this campaign, and of a well earned record for gallantry and efliciency in the Army of Northern Virginia, and Col. James Dearing (VA) was made a Brigadier General. Lt. Col. William G. Lewis [43rd NC Regiment] was soon thereafter promoted to Brigadier General.
In the 56th NC Regiment, we have one complete company report of casualties:
Company D: Mortally wounded, Private James W. Hall, Private John W. Holsemback, and Private Simpson Riley3. Severely wounded, 3rd Lt. Charles R. Wilson, Corporals Green W. Montgomery, and William W. Redding, Privates William F. G. Barbee, DeWitt W. King, Cyrus Laws, James R. Miller, Burroughs Pool, James Roberts, Lewellyn Taylor, Thomas J. Taylor, Harris Wilkinson12. The commander of the company and others were also struck, but not put hors du combat.
In Company F, 1st Lt. Valentine J. Palmer, bravely leading Company F, was severely wounded as we passed the court house. 3rd Lt. Benjamin W. Thornton, of Company B, was mortally wounded, the ball entering just above the eye, and coming out near the ear, but was still able, though his sight was gone, to recognize the writer when he visited him with other wounded that evening. He was a faithful and efficient soldier from Fayetteville. The other regiments of the brigade also bore conspicuous parts. One company, at least, of the 56th NC Regiment, and perhaps nearly the whole regiment, here secured a complete equipment of first class rifles.
Company I was most fortunate in doing its gallant part, having none permanently disabled and the ever faithful Corporal William J. Daves at the colors being its only man killed today.
Since writing the above we have found in the files of the Fayetteville Observer, on May 9, 1864, the report of Adjutant John W. Faison, and give the casualties accordingly:
Company AKilled: Lemuel Sawyer. Wounded: Sergeant Samuel S. Smith, Corporal Thomas G. Ferrell, William Garrett, Job C. Hughes (in breast), James H. Johnson, Henry Williams, William G. Gallop, and William Gilbert.
Company BWounded: 3rd Lt. Benjamin W. Thornton, mortally. Sergeant Leonidas H. Hurst, Warren Carver, John T. Moore, William Handy, and Richard H. Averett.
Company CWounded: Joel S. Sawyer, Basil A. Hackney, John Howard, Pleasant M. Pendergrass, Levi W. Williams, and John Parker.
Company D(Given above, 3 killed, 12 wounded).
Company EWounded: 2nd Lt. Jacob M. Jacobs, Sergeant Lemuel Harrell, Corporal William H. Turner, Hector M. McNeill, Hezekiah Wheeler, William H. Holland, William H. McBryde, William H. Turner, and Joseph Banks.
Company F1st Lt. Valentine J. Palmer, Corporal Anderson Nowlin, Allen C. Cogdale, Adney C. Cogdale, William Chitwood, Hosea M. Gladden, John G. Webb, J. W. Lindsay, Thomas P. Cabaniss, and Noah W. Ross.
Company GKilled: Thomas W. Noblin and Ozark D. Kimzey; wounded, Hewit Allen, Ellsberry Carlan, James B. Holinsworth, Landon M. Greer, Henry R. Perry, Leroy Smith, and Stephen Taylor.
Company HWounded: 1st Lt. Samuel R. Holton, Charles D. Donoho mortally, Thomas F. Barnwell, Noah C. Fox, Thomas Gately, James H. Miles, David Miller mortally, Bedford J. Page, William M. Thompson, David A. Thompson, and John Chisenhall.
Company IKilled: William J. Daves; wounded, Thomas R. Campbell, Samuel Green, Housand D. Harrill, J. P. Philbeck, Henry W. Price, and Riley H. Wall.
Company KWounded: John Strider, James P. Sossaman, and James W. Auten.
In the same issue is found the report of Capt. Sterling H. Gee, Assistant Adjutant and Inspector General, giving Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's total casualties in the three (3) days' operations, as follows:
KILLED WOUNDED TOTAL Officers Men Officers Men 8th NC Regiment 2 18 5 102 127 24th NC Regiment 2 11 3 85 101 25th NC Regiment 0 3 0 20 23 35th NC Regiment 1 19 4 84 108 56th NC Regiment 0 4 4 80 88 Maj. Moseley's Artillery 0 0 0 17 17 Maj. Read's Artillery 0 2 1 9 12 5 57 17 397 476
The surrender, already noted, took place at 10:30 a.m. Several interesting, though partial, accounts of this affair were published in the Fayetteville Observer soon after the battle.
April 21st. Maj. John W. Graham, with Company I, 24th NC Regiment, Capt. Edwin A. Boykin; Company K, 25th NC Regiment, 1st Lt. Jesse M. Burlison; and Company D, 56th NC Regiment, Capt. Robert D. Graham, was placed in charge of Fort Gray on Warren's Neck.
April 22nd. Visited by the commanding Major General who found the post in much better order than we had.
April 25th. Detachment rejoined the brigade. At 10 a.m. the column set out for Washington, NC, leaving as a garrison at Plymouth Brig. Gen. James G. Martin's North Carolina Brigade, which has just joined us.
April 26th. Arrived in front of Washington, NC. Some shells thrown at us from the enemy's forts. The enemy withdrew during the night to concentrate at New Bern. Thus the second point in the campaign was scored in Maj. Gen. Robert F. Hoke's (NC) favor, this time without the loss of a man.
April 28thMay 2nd. At Greenville probably awaiting the arrival of the Confederate marines and pontoons from Richmond. Crossed the Tar River here and Contentnea Creek at Coward's Bridge, where we were joined by Col. John N. Whitford's 67th NC Regiment.
May 5th. We passed the Neuse River on a pontoon bridge, not far from where we left the Contentnea Creek. On nearing New Bern, Brig. Gen. William G. Lewis' (NC) Brigade made a dash upon the redoubts at Deep Gully; but the enemy fled to avoid capture. The main column then crossed the Trent River at Pollocksville, captured a Block House near a mill dam, and took position near the railroad bridge. Brig. Gen. James Dearing's (VA) cavalry and artillery moved to the south and captured the Block House on Brice's Creek that Brig. Gen. Seth M. Barton (AR) thought such a Gibraltar last February, and took fifty (50) prisoners. A section of Capt. Henry Dickson's North Carolina Battery [13th NC Battalion Light Infantry], from Orange County, under 1st Lt. Halcott P. Jones, supported by part of Brig. Gen. Nathan G. Evans' South Carolina Brigade, now under Brig. Gen. William S. "Live Oak" Walker (SC), moved to the front and engaged the enemy's railroad ironclad monitor. Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's (NC) Brigade was not far from the south bank of the Trent River.
Preparations were made for putting in the river that night a pontoon bridge, first parallel with the stream, securing it to the bank at the lower end and swinging the other across with the current under the protection of our guns, to the New Bern side within the enemy's line of fortifications. The spirit of the troops assured success, and thus was to culminate our North Carolina campaign of 1864.
PETERSBURG AND RICHMOND.
May 6th. The intended assault has been abandoned, and Federal Brig. Gen. Innis N. Palmer, U.S.A., is left in quiet possession of New Bern; for the morning finds us on a forced march for old Virginia again. Federal Maj. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler is coming up the south side of the James River via Bermuda Hundreds, with 30,000 men to attack Petersburg. If possible, we must get there first. Maj. Gen. Robert F. Hoke (NC), in a recent letter, says: "Your mention of what was intended at New Bern is correct and I had no doubt of its success. The recall was one of the greatest disappointments I ever had."
May 8th. Reach Kinston at 8 a.m. and via Goldsborough proceed to Weldon.
May 9th. Off for Petersburg by rail as far as Jarratt's Station. Here Brig. Gen. August V.Kautz's Federal cavalry have dashed in and cut the line of railway. March thence along the track to Stony Creek, about twenty (20) miles, that night. The weird hooting of the great owls in the swamps was almost human in its intonations and called forth comments, half in earnest and half in raillery, here and there along the line, such as: "That is a bad sign, boys; hard times in old Virginia, and worse a'coming."
May 10th. At Stony Creek we take the trains that have come out to meet us, and are soon in Petersburg. Stack arms on Poplar Lawn. The generous hospitality of Judge Lyon, William R. Johnson, and other citizens is pleasantly remembered. Hear that the place has been held till our arrival by the single brigade of Brig. Gen. Johnson Hagood's South Carolinians. Lt. Gen. Daniel H. Hill (NC), too earnest to be long quiet, is occupying the anomalous position of volunteer Aide-de-Camp to General Pierre G.T. Beauregard (LA), commanding at Petersburg, pending a dispute with President Jefferson Davis as to an assignment proper to his rank. (This quarrel seems to have resulted in a failure to present his appointment to the CSA Congress for confirmation.) He was noted for a disposition "to feel the enemy;" and on such occasions his feelings were very rough. Our coup de main of July 2, 1863, at Crump's Farm below Richmond, he had just repeated here with more terrible odds, against Federal Maj. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler's advancing column. With this handful of men, he had met him near Chester and made such a desperate assault as to put him on the defensive to await further developments. In the time thus gained reinforcements arrived, and we knew that with the Army of Northern Virginia we could successfully hold Richmond and Petersburg against all opposing forces then in the field. With Maj. Gen. Robert F. Hoke (NC), there were now Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's North Carolina, Brig. Gen. William G. Lewis' North Carolina, Brig. Gen. William S. Walker's (formerly Evans') South Carolina, Brig. Gen. Montgomery D. Corse's Virginia, and Brig. Gen. James L. Kemper's Virginia Brigades. This division took position a short distance beyond Swift Creek.
May 11th. Moved to Half-Way House. The enemy now appears in great force between us and Petersburg, occupying both the railroad and turnpike. We offer battle; but nothing follows beyond some sharp skirmishing. Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's (NC) Brigade forms the extreme Confederate left, near the river.
BATTLE OF 12 MAY.
May 12th. This brigade is moved across the turnpike and posted near the winter quarters on rising ground to the right, facing Petersburg, forming now the right flank. In the afternoon, advanced down the railroad towards Petersburg, and occupied breastworks at a point near where the fortified line crosses this road. Here the line terminates after changing its general course and running off at almost a right angle (towards the river on the left near _____ house). Our artillery is engaged with that of the enemy in the woods to the front. A line of skirmishers is scarcely formed and thrown out to our right and rear for a reconnoissance under "the fighting Quartermaster of the Forty-ninth," Capt. Cicero A. Durham, when they receive a volley from a line of battle in ambush, and this gallant leader and many of his brave comrades have fought their last fight. A rush is made by the enemy, and Maj. Gen. Hoke and Brig. Gen. Ransom, just arrived at the house for consultation, barely escape capture. On came the line as to an easy victory, but not as quick as was our command in leaping to the other side of the breastworks.
After a sharp fight they were repulsed by the well-directed shots of a portion of the 56th NC Regiment holding the top of the steep bank of earth, while their comrades in the deep ditch below handed up their rifles as rapidly as they could be reloaded. There were here many instances of individual bravery, and it is a matter of regret that the State, at whose call these men offered their lives, has no fuller account of them. In Company B, Private Dixon P. Blizzard was killed, and the gallant 3rd Lt. Alexander R. Carver, then a Lieutenant and subsequently Captain, lost an arm. Private David R. McKee, of Company D, Orange County, is now remembered as among the conspicuous ones in the position which he occupied, and from which he fired sixteen (16) times with steady aim, and it is thought, with fatal effect, at such close quarters. When the exposed portion of the brigade, after resisting the assault upon it, had been withdrawn behind this effective fire, the 56th NC Regiment as rear guard, retired in perfect order. They had simply practiced the tactics of Forrest and checkmated a rear attack of the enemy. "Face about and get in their rear," was his only order for a similar occasion. The perfect discipline of the command was evinced by there being no sign of a panic. Private Solomon Thomas Owens and Private George O. Griffin, of Company I, were also among those who displayed coolness and courage in this action, the former being severely wounded. From exposure he had lost his voice so that he could not speak above a whisper. The wound directly above his breast instantaneously cured his aphonia (laryngitis).
But the enemy is evidently in such force that we concentrate upon our second line of defenses. Each side watches for the initiative from the other. At night there is cheering along our lines, and the cause is that General Pierre G.T. Beauregard (LA) has just come in from Petersburg.
SECOND DAY'S FIGHT.
May 13th. The writer saw General Beauregard on the field. Of medium size and military bearing, his most striking feature is his sharp bright eye, and a thoughtful, intelligent expression befitting his reputation as one of the best military engineers. Firing kept up through the day by the artillery and skirmishers.
THIRD DAY'S FIGHT.
May 14th. Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom (NC) is severely wounded in the left arm by a minie hall and does not return to the brigade till the fall. Col. William J. Clarke, of the 24th NC Regiment, as senior Colonel, succeeds him. Battle at long range continued through the day.
FOURTH DAY'S FIGHT.
May 15th. Yesterday's program continued, in which we again lose a brigade commander, Col. Clarke being wounded in the shoulder by the fragment of a shell. Col. Leroy M. McAfee, of the 49th NC Regiment, then assumes command. The 56th NC Regiment occupied a position on the line near the Washington Artillery, of New Orleans.
Without the means of corroboration, I here note that we hear that President Jefferson Davis, who has come down from Richmond, orders General Pierre G.T. Beauregard (LA) to make a general assault tomorrow, and that General Beauregard files a protest, in view of the terrible odds against his available forceat least 3 to 2, probably double thatand protected by breastworks.
BATTLE OF DREWRY'S BLUFF.
May 16th. Soon after midnight the brigade is moved from the trenches, occupied for the last three (3) days, and formed in line of battle across the Petersburg Turnpike, facing towards Petersburg, with the left of the 56th NC Regiment resting on the turnpike. Up to this time it was thought we were going out to get a rest. This opinion, however, was dispelled by the issuing of an extra quantity of cartridges. But for the first time in our history, we start in on the reserve line. Just before dawn we move forward supporting Brig. Gen. Bushrod R. Johnson's Tennessee Brigade. They suffer severely near the turnpike, their advance being impeded by obstructions of telegraph wire upon which many of them are tripped within deadly range. But they gallantly carry the line in their front, while our 24th and 49th NC Regiments take the enemy's line of works in a piece of woods to their right. The assault is, as Mr. Davis had predicted, successful at every point; while Maj. Gen. Robert Ransom (NC), having come out from Richmond with three (3) Brigades, is sweeping down their left flank, and rear, capturing some regiments entire. Before Maj. Gen. Ransom reaches them, spasmodic efforts here and there are made to regain lost points along the line, from which we had dislodged them; but they are repulsed in each instance. They rush down the turnpike with their artillery nearly to our lines, just taken from them, and open fire; but their guns are soon in our hands, men and horses going down under the terrible fire with which they are met. It was not far from this point that the writer saw the President during this battle. He was probably nearer Federal Maj. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler than he had been for four (4) years, as his courier whom we captured in the vicinity, said he was then very near the general. (At the National Democratic Convention of 1860, in Charleston, SC, Butler gave fifty-seven successive votes for Davis as his choice for President of the United States.)
And now we waited anxiously for the attacks to be made on the right flank and rear of the enemy by Maj. Gen. William H.C. Whiting (VA) with the two or three (2-3) brigades in his hands on the Petersburg side. But in vain! This plan carried out with the courage for which the General had already made a reputation among the bravest and the best soldiers in the Army of Northern Virginia, should have resulted in the capture of all of Maj. Gen. Butler's artillery and wagons, (that he was safely withdrawing in our sight), and a good portion of his Army of the James. Lt. Gen. Daniel H. Hill was with Maj. Gen. Whiting, but without command. Both his prayers and imprecations to deliver the coup de grace were without avail. Is it an evil genius that thus hovers above the Confederate cross? For this is not the first time that it has been checked on the high tide to an effective victory by a voice that certainly came not out of the North, saying: "Thus far shall thou go, and no farther."
The only casualty remembered in the regiment as of today is the mortally wounding of Private Green W. Bowers, of Company D, by a rifle ball which also went through an artillery horse near him on the front line.
BUTLER BOTTLED UP.
May 17th. Though we have not captured Maj. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, we have "bottled him up" (as Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant reports it to President Abraham Lincoln), between the James and Appomattox rivers, and a much smaller force will be amply sufficient to hold our shorter line across the narrow neck from bend to bend of the here converging rivers, which lower down diverge considerably before uniting, thus suggesting Lt. Gen. Grant's figure. Our line extends from near Bermuda Hundreds on the former to a point in the vicinity of the Confederate Fort Clifton on the latter. Lt. Gen. Daniel H. Hill (NC) urges another assault.
May 18th. With a picket line advanced, we throw up a counter line of works, receiving a shelling from Maj. Gen. Butler's gunboats.
May 19th. Company D is out in front, some 500 yards to the right of the Howlett House, rectifying the line of rifle pits to conform to the possible line of attack and defense. Consultation with Brig. Gen. William G. Lewis (NC), recently promoted from Lieutenant Colonel to Brigadier General, and well known as an engineer of ability, who appears on the line.
BATTLE OF WARE BOTTOM CHURCH, OR CLAY'S FARM.
May 20th. Companies B and H, Capt. Franklin N. Roberts and Capt. William G. Graves, relieve Company D, which joins the regiment. About 2 p.m., General Pierre G.T. Beauregard (LA) makes a general assault from right to left on Maj. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler's line, and drives it in three-quarters of a mile on the right, and something less on the left. Our troops on this part of the line were put in too spasmodically, in unsupported detachments, allowing the enemy to reinforce from point to point as successively threatened, or to make a counter-charge and flank movement with fresh troops against ours before they could recover from the disorder incident to a headlong rush into the contested positions. The fight upon the part of the 56th NC Regiment ended with the enemy's picket line, from which we had driven their advanced line of battle, in our possession. The loss to the 56th NC Regiment was 90 killed and wounded in less than half as many minutes, Lt. Col. Granville G. Luke being one of the wounded.
In Company D, as follows: Washington Blackwood, Jesse Clark, John Clark, James Hicks, Elzy Riley, James Roberts, William N. Sims, and Corporal James Erwin Laycock; also James M. Clark, Ensign, and Jesse Brown and William E. Faucett, all wounded. Jesse Brown, like Corporal Hughes at Plymouth, had his twisted blanket pierced a dozen times by a minie ball which burnt his arm without breaking the bone, and he will return to duty in a few days. The Captain of Company D promoted Solon E. Burkhead from Private to 1st Sergeant for conspicuous bravery in this battle, known as the battle of Ware Bottom Church, or Clay's Farm. Among the wounded in Company H was 2nd Lt. Robert W. Belo, who lost a foot. Company I lost some of its best men: Sergeant Amos Harrill (brother of the Captain), Corporal William C. L. Beam, George O. Griffin and the brothers, Jackson and Joseph Tessenear, all killed, and twelve (12) men wounded. Company A here lost a great favorite in the wounding and capturing of the brave Isaac G. Gallop, who later died in captivity.
May 21st. Busy strengthening the new line, and May 22nd, 3rd Lt. Charles R. Wilson and others rejoined the company, having been wounded at Plymouth.
May 23rd, Flag of truce to bury the dead on the contested ground between the two lines. A ghastly sight. Some are not recovered, as they fell within the enemy's lines, three (3) days agoa sad uncertainty around some hearthstones until peace on earth shall return again. Information is obtained of the gallant Brig. Gen. William S. "Live Oak" Walker, whom we met on the field just to our right, May 20th, in command of Brig. Gen. Evans' (SC) Brigade, Colonel Elliott now commanding. The enemy report him doing well after the amputation of his leg.
Some of the casualties of the last week's operations were:
Company BKilled: Dixon P. Blizzard; wounded. 3rd Lt. Alexander R. Carver, and John Tart.
Company CWounded: Corporal James A. Matthews and William Childress.
Company ESergeant Isaac N. Clark and Benjamin J. Garner; wounded, Benjamin F. Sykes.
Company FWounded: 3rd Lt. Alfred R. Grigg, William C. Wolf, Michael W. Crowder.
Company GKilled: James J. Tucker; wounded, Robert P. Smith and Robert C. Love.
Company HWounded: Sergeant Thomas F. Montague, Corporal Norfleet A. Horn, David May, James O. Scoggins, Sergeant Sidney A. Thompson (POW), Corporal Hiram C. Murchison (POW), William F. Lackey, Hawkins Bledsoe (POW), Joseph Bolin (POW), George W. Bogle (POW), Silas L. Carden, John T. Lee (POW), Franklin C. Patterson (POW), Thomas J. Peed (missing, probably killed), John M. Stewart (POW), Jesse H. Vickers (POW), William S. Whitaker, Gaston Roberts, William T. Patterson (POW). Missing: Newton P. Combs (POW), John L. Cazorte (POW), and James S. Massey (killed).
Company IWounded: Sergeant Columbus P. Tanner, George W. Spurlin, David P. Smart, James M. Michael, John W. Canipe, and George J. Horton.
Company KWounded: Sergeant James J. McNeely, George W. Edwards, Zachariah H. Morgan, and Alex C. Shields.
May 25th. In the romantic intimacy that has sprung up between the pickets of the two (2) opposing armies, a soldier in the 25th NC Regiment lends his pick to a Yankee to dig his rifle pit, a new one being made necessary by our last move upon them; and the blue coat returns it after completing the job.
May 31st. Maj. Gen. Robert F. Hoke (NC), with his di
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Offensive, Gorlice
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The Gorlice-Tarnów Offensive of May/June 1915 was a major military success for Austria-Hungary and Germany on the Eastern Front. Following the joint campaign of the Central Powers, the Russian army had to beat a retreat along a wide front and was neutralized as a fighting force for months to come.
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1914-1918-Online (WW1) Encyclopedia
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https://encyclopedia.1914-1918-online.net/article/offensive-gorlice-tarnow/
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Offensive, Gorlice-Tarnow
By Richard Lein
The Gorlice-Tarnów Offensive of May/June 1915 was a major military success for Austria-Hungary and Germany on the Eastern Front. Following the joint campaign of the Central Powers, the Russian army had to beat a retreat along a wide front and was neutralized as a fighting force for months to come.
The Situation in Spring 1915
In spring 1915, the situation of the Central Powers on the Eastern Front was critical. Having suffered severe losses during the battles of summer/autumn 1914 and the Carpathian Winter War of 1914/1915, the military forces of the Habsburg Empire had been weakened considerably and were expected to collapse under the next attack. Moreover, large parts of the crown lands Galicia and Bukovina had fallen into Russian hands following the retreat of the Austro-Hungarian forces in summer 1914, a loss that had severely damaged the reputation of the Habsburg Monarchy. Its evident military weakness left Vienna in a most uncomfortable position, especially since it was obvious that Italy and Romania, which had remained neutral in 1914, were tempted to join the ranks of the Entente in order to benefit from the seemingly unavoidable defeat of Austria-Hungary.
For Germany, the situation was likewise unfavourable, though for different reasons. Contrary to its ally, the German army had been more successful against the Russians on the Eastern Front and had even managed to push back the Tsarist forces into Russian Poland in December 1914. However, since Germany was engaged in a two-front war on the Eastern and Western Fronts, it seemed only a matter of time until its forces would be overextended and defeated by one of the Entente Powers.
Russia, by contrast, believed that it was in a much better strategic position than the Central Powers in the spring of 1915. The Tsarist army had likewise suffered considerable losses in the battles of 1914 and early 1915, but had been able to recover due to its reserves of men and war materiel. Having experienced defeat against German forces in late 1914 and early 1915, the Russian leadership turned its attention to the southern part of the Eastern Front in spring 1915, hoping to break the Austro-Hungarian army in an upcoming offensive and, consequently, to knock the Habsburg Monarchy out of the war.
Planning the Campaign
Germany and Austria-Hungary both considered returning to offensive warfare on the Eastern Front in spring 1915, though with different aims. The primary objective of the Habsburg Monarchy was the liberation of territories occupied by the Tsarist army, especially since a major military success of the Austro-Hungarian army was expected to leave a strong impression on Italy and Romania, convincing them to maintain their neutral status. Germany, on the other hand, aimed to crush the Russian forces on the Eastern Front, eliminating the Tsarist army as a military factor for the time being and preventing the imminent military collapse of the Habsburg Monarchy. After stabilizing the situation in the East, the German high command planned on sending a large part of its forces to the Western Front, where they were to deliver a war-deciding blow. Since both objectives could only be accomplished if the Central Powers joined forces, the German and Austro-Hungarian general staffs, which had until then waged war independently for the most part, reluctantly agreed to draw up a plan for a joint campaign on the Eastern Front.
Although a much larger campaign was originally proposed, the Austro-Hungarian and German chiefs of staff, Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf (1852-1925) and Erich von Falkenhayn (1861-1922), finally agreed on a conventional, much smaller offensive to take place east of Cracow near the town of Tarnów. The region was chosen because its railway lines facilitated the fast deployment of troops and materiel, while the river Vistula to the north and the Beskid Mountains to the south provided natural protection of the assailants’ flanks. The joint forces of the Central Powers (German 11th Army and Austro-Hungarian 4th Army), commanded by German General August von Mackensen (1849-1945), consisted of eight Austro-Hungarian and ten German infantry divisions (about 220,000 officers and men) as well as some 900 artillery guns.
The opposing forces, the Russian 3rd Army under the command of General Radko Dimitriev (1859-1918), occupied positions on the heights near Tarnów and almost matched the numbers of the combined German and Austro-Hungarian attacking force. However, the Russian troops in the sector were mostly inexperienced, lacked artillery, and most of their trenches provided only insufficient cover against artillery fire. Moreover, even when Russian reconnaissance reported the deployment of large numbers of German troops in the Gorlice-Tarnów region in mid-April 1915, the 3rd Army was not reinforced, since most available troops were concentrated in the Carpathians for an imminent attack.
Breakthrough
The joint German-Austro-Hungarian offensive began on the morning of 1 May 1915, with intense artillery bombardment, followed by an assault on the Russian positions. Although the defenders initially put up stiff resistance and available reserves were deployed swiftly, the Russians were soon overwhelmed by well-guided artillery fire and the onslaught of about 40,000 German and Austro-Hungarian soldiers in the first wave of attack. By the evening of the first day, the troops of the Central Powers had advanced more than ten kilometres into the enemy’s zone of defence, while the Russians were struggling to rally scattered troops, bring up reinforcements and re-establish a line of defence. All efforts, however, proved futile as the German and Austro-Hungarian troops kept advancing, while arriving Russian reinforcements were rushed into battle and consequently often isolated, outflanked and defeated. Within only eight days, the 3rd Army was almost completely destroyed, forcing the Russian high command to order a general retreat to a new defensive line along the river San. When this line was also penetrated by advancing German and Austro-Hungarian troops, the Stavka ordered the complete withdrawal of all Russian forces from Galicia on 21 June 1915. By that date, which marked the official end of the Gorlice-Tarnów campaign, about 100,000 Russian soldiers had been killed or wounded in action, and another 250,000 captured by the Austro-Hungarian and German forces, along with large amounts of weapons and other war materiel. At the same time, the Central Powers had lost about 90,000 men, who had been killed, wounded or gone missing.
Conclusion
The Gorlice-Tarnów Offensive was a striking success for the Central Powers, accomplishing all its objectives in less time than expected. Not only were the Russians driven back from Galicia, the offensive also laid the basis for the successful Austro-Hungarian/German campaign in summer 1915, when the Russian army was forced to beat a retreat along the entire Eastern Front, with huge losses of men and war materiel. Especially the loss of weapons and equipment, which could not readily be replaced by Russia’s insufficient industrial production capacities, neutralized the Tsarist army as a fighting force for months to come. This circumstance proved crucial for Austria-Hungary when Italy declared war on it in May 1915. Since the Russian army was retreating in chaos at the time, the Habsburg Monarchy could transfer a considerable number of troops from the Eastern Front to the new theatre of war, where they managed to stop the Italian attacks.
It is puzzling, however, that despite the striking success of the Gorlice-Tarnów campaign, Germany and Austria-Hungary did not continue their close military cooperation. Instead, Vienna and Berlin, despite being allies, went back to waging war almost independently of each other, coming together only in times of crisis. This fact, which can be attributed above all to distrust between Conrad von Hötzendorf and Falkenhayn, as well as to general disagreements regarding the question on which front a crucial blow could be delivered, obviously reduced the Central Powers’ already slim chances of deciding the conflict in their favour.
Richard Lein, Austrian Academy of Sciences
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Battle of Berlin
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https://www.tracesofwar.com/articles/5628/Battle-of-Berlin.htm
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Although agreements had already been made between the Americans, British and Soviets during the war about the post-war partition of Germany, the conquest of Germany was not coordinated. At the Yalta Conference (February 4-11, 1945) it was decided that after the war Berlin would be divided into four occupation zones, but who would have the honor of taking the capital of the Third Reich was uncertain for a long time. After the Normandy landings, the Anglo-American armies were only 99 miles further away from Berlin than the spearheads of the Red Army near Vitebsk, which would soon launch Operation Bagration there. Since the Soviet Union had by far the largest army of all Allied countries, had fought uninterrupted battles with the Axis powers since June 1941, and had suffered by far the heaviest losses during the war, Joseph V. Stalin believed that the Red Army deserved to take Berlin.
Marshal Georgy Zhukov. Source: Public Domain
Marshal Ivan Konev. Source: Public Domain
Stalin thought there was a chance that the Germans would give up the struggle in the West and deploy the entire armed forces in the war against communism. The Germans had indeed strewn propaganda magazines over the Allied armies in the West, calling on them to join forces with the German army to fight the communists. Stalin was very suspicious of Winston Churchill in particular and considered him able to conclude such an agreement with the Germans - contrary to the agreements made in Yalta. This was an error of judgment by Stalin, but because the advance of the Western Allies had started to gain momentum in the early months of 1945, Stalin wanted to speed up the offensive towards Berlin.
The advance to the Oder
As early as the summer of 1944, the Red Army had reached the Weichsel in eastern Poland, and after a long supply period, the Weichsel-Oder offensive finally began on January 12, 1945. The attack came as a surprise to the Germans, and the numerically superior Soviet armies quickly advanced. The enormous force of the Soviet troops also played a role here: the four jaded armies that the Germans deployed (2. , 9. and 17. Armee and the 4. -Panzerarmee) were quickly overrun. Marshal Ivan S. Konev's 1st Ukrainian Front kicked off the campaign on January 12 and was deep in Silesia two weeks later. The 1st Byelorussian Front of Marshal Georgy K. Zhukov, immediately north of Konev, attacked on January 14 near Warsaw and stood on the banks of the Oder on January 29, only 50 miles from Berlin.
Advance of the Red Army, April 16 to 21 1945.PZA: Panzerarmee, STL: Shock troops, GTL: Guards Tank Army, GL: Guards Army. Source: Roger Paulissen, TracesOfWar
Stalin now faced a dilemma. Berlin was within reach, but the rapid advance had led to a concentration of German forces around Königsberg in early February, Heeresgruppe Weichsel still standing in Pomerania and the fortified cities of Breslau, Posen and Küstrin not yet conquered. Colonel General Vasily I. Chuikov, commander of the 8th Guards Army, urged Zhukov to advance to Berlin and clean up the rear of the resistance later on. The question is whether the Berlin defenders could have stopped an attack in February.
However, Stalin chose to eliminate the various German threats before targeting Berlin. Konev therefore surrounded Breslau and found connection to Zhukov's front on the Oder, Zhukov's 1st and 2nd Guards Tank army turned to the Northwest to push back together with Marshal Konstantin K. Rokossovsky's 2nd Byelorussian Front and Chuikov's 8th Guards Army conquered the fortified towns of Posen and Küstrin. Rokossovsky's 2nd Byelorussian Front was now also on the Oder, three Soviet fronts with a total of 34 armies were ready for the attack on Berlin.
From the Oder to Berlin: Zhukov vs. Konev
By November 1944, the General Staff had broadly drawn up a plan for the attack on Berlin, but in early March 1945, Zhukov came to Moscow to work out the details of the plan with the chief of the General Staff, Army General Aleksei I. Antonov. On March 8, the plan was approved by Stalin, after which the final logistical preparations for the offensive were completed. On April 1, Zhukov and Konev were summoned to Moscow, where the operation plan was explained and the starting date was set on April 16.
The plan was relatively simple: Zhukov had to launch a frontal attack towards Berlin from the bridgeheads on the Oder via the Seelower Heights. On Zhukov's northern flank Rokossovsky had to go around Berlin and launch an attack from the west. South of Zhukov, Konev would advance towards Dresden and Leipzig and then turn towards Potsdam, completing the encirclement. Zhukov considered it his privilege to be first in the center of Berlin and hoist the Soviet flag on the Reichstag building, but Konev objected.
Both Zhukov and Konev were unwilling to let the other run off with this honor. An important reason for this lay in the rivalry between the two marshals, which went back many years: as early as 1939 during the fighting against the Japanese at Khalkhin-Gol, the seed for the animosity between the two officers was sown. Both were known to be extremely self-righteous. Zhukov also disliked the political corps within the army, from which Konev came. Zhukov took credit for Khalkhin-Gol's successes and was named a 'Hero of the Soviet Union', while Konev, at the time even higher in rank, got nothing from it.
There are indications that Stalin, who had a knack for assessing and exploiting human weaknesses, had been aware of Konev's envy since 1941 and began preparing him as rival for Zhukov. Stalin refused to allow his officers to grow above himself and he could play off Konev nicely against the ambitious Zhukov. In October 1941, Zhukov succeeded Konev as commander of the Western Front, which had lost nearly four armies under Konev in a major encirclement. Zhukov kept Konev as his deputy, but Konev held this position for no longer than a week. In 1943 and 1944, Zhukov, now a Marshal, commanded two or three fronts simultaneously during several operations, one of which was under the command of Konev. Due to the narrowing front line, from November 1944, Zhukov had to settle for command of a single front, the 1st Byelorussian, effectively putting him on an equal footing with Konev, who now also held the rank of Marshal.
The memories of the two marshals of the discussion of April 1, 1945 are very different. Zhukov later stated that Stalin had promised him Berlin and that Stalin had ordered Konev to enter the southern suburbs of Berlin only if Zhukov's offensive stalled. Konev remembered none of this. He later claimed that Stalin and the General Staff, at his insistence, had drawn the line of demarcation between the two fronts no further than Lübben (southeast of Berlin), implying that Konev should also aim his arrows at Berlin, if conditions permit. "Kto pervy vorvyotsya, to pust i beryot Berlin", Stalin is said to have said - "Whoever breaks through first, may also take Berlin".
The Seelower Heights
Zhukov had a strong force on the bridgeheads on the Oder. His front alone had nearly 14,600 cannons, over 1,500 Katyusha rocket launchers, and nearly 3,100 tanks and units of self-propelled guns. The main barrier he would encounter on the route to Berlin were the Seelower Heights, a series of steep hills that encircled the village of Seelow and protruded 196 feet above the low-lying banks of the Oder. Generaloberst Gotthard Heinrici's Heeresgruppe Weichsel, in particular the 9. Armee of General der Infanterie Theodor Busse, had positioned artillery on the hills to cover the entire approach area. Zhukov planned to launch a night attack, in which 143 searchlights would blind the defenders. The original attack plan had foreseen a flank attack by Zhukov's two tank armies (1st Guards Tank Army under General Mikhail Y. Katukov and 2nd Guards Tank Army under General Semyon I. Bogdanov), but concerned about the German artillery threat, Zhukov chose to direct his tanks to storm the hills, in the wake of Chuikov's 8th Guards Army.
Just before dawn on April 16 - the Western Allies were now barely 81 miles from Berlin - Marshal Zhukov signaled the start of the attack at Chuikov's headquarters. The enormous artillery and air bombardment that heralded the offensive was felt in Berlin. After half an hour the spotlights were turned on, but due to the dense smoke, there was nothing to see. More than anything, the reflections from the searchlights hindered the advancing Soviet infantry. The Oderbruch was partly soggy and partly sandy, and the accessibility was made even more difficult by the numerous bomb craters, as a result of which the vehicles and cannons quickly got stuck. In addition, Heinrici was aware of the Soviet plan and had the front line cleared, causing the bombing to hit mostly empty bunkers and trenches.
Soviet artillery prior to the battle at Seelow. Source: Bundesarchiv.
Chuikov's vehicles got stuck on the steep slopes of the heights. Zhukov then made the notable mistake of sending his two Guard Tank Armies forward in an attempt to capture the hills quickly. Supply roads quickly became clogged and the two guard tank armies, which were normally active on open ground, now barely had any freedom of movement. The crews of Busse's 900 guns on the hills were nervous and moderately trained, but the barely mobile Soviet tanks were sitting ducks for the German anti-tank guns and suffered heavy casualties.
On day two of the operation, the heights were stormed, but most defenders retreated to the third line of defense. On the third day, Chuikov broke through this line, but suffered heavy enemy fire and some counter attacks. On the 19th, Zhukov's main force reached Müncheberg and Bogdanov's 2nd Guards Tank Army was 12. 5 miles north past Wriezen. Zhukov had regained momentum, and by the 20th, his vanguard had reached the outskirts of Berlin.
The result of four days of fighting
Konev had achieved success much faster in the south. He had chosen darkness and crossed the Neisse on April 16, covered by dense smoke screens. The 4. Panzerarmee of General der Panzertruppe Fritz-Hubert Gräser on the left flank of Heeresgruppe Mitte (under Generalfeldmarschall Ferdinand Schörner) was quickly pushed back. On April 17, Konev's troops had crossed the Spree, and on April 18, his front had already covered 37 miles. Stalin rebuked Zhukov for the wrongful deployment of his tank armies and rewarded Konev by allowing him to advance to Berlin. Konev's two Guards Tank Armies (the 3rd Guards Tank Army under General Pavel S. Rybalko and the 4th Guards Tank Army under General Dmitry D. Lelyushenko) made significant progress in the days that followed and reached Berlin on April 21.
Soviet infantry near the Seelower Heights. Source: Public Domain
The Red Army paid a heavy toll for the breakthrough at Seelow: by their own admission more than 33,000 soldiers had died (the actual number could well have been double) and 743 tanks and some units of self-propelled guns were lost, the equivalent of a full tank army. It didn't seem to bother Zhukov. Speaking at a press conference in June 1945 in honor of the victory, he said casually about the fighting at Seelow: "It was an interesting and instructive fight, especially in terms of the pace and technique of night fighting on such a scale". On German side about 12,000 men from the 9. Armee died, and the rest of the army was located south of Müncheberg, between Zhukov and Konev and isolated from the rest of Heeresgruppe Weichsel.
Berlin had already endured hundreds of bombings during the war: by American B-17s during the day and British Lancasters at night. A significant portion of the total 328 square miles of urban area had been destroyed, but the government and Oberkommando der Wehrmacht (OKW) were still located in the city. On January 15, Adolf Hitler had left the Adlerhorst near Frankfurt and moved into his office in the Reichskanzlei the following day. From mid-February, Berlin endured air bombardments virtually every day and night. 78 percent of the city center was destroyed and 48 percent of the Tiergarten district. The Reichskanzlei was also repeatedly hit and from the beginning of March Hitler lived and worked in the Führerbunker beneath the garden of the Reichskanzlei
Berlin prepares for war
Generalleutnant Hellmuth Reymann, commander of Verteidigungsbereich Berlin. Source: Unknown.
Out of the 4.3 million inhabitants before the war, Berlin had 2 to 2. 5 million inhabitants left in April 1945 (including refugees from the east). The population was severely affected by the Allied bombings: a third of the bombing tonnage on Berlin fell from February to May 1945, during which an estimated 110,000 civilians were killed. However, life went on for the survivors, and the people of Berlin prepared as best as they could under the circumstances for the upcoming fighting. People stocked up on food supplies, the capacity of hospitals was expanded, and bomb shelters were built.
From a military point of view, the defense of Berlin was prepared late. Hitler refused to give permission for political and psychological reasons, but probably also because of his growing unworldliness. As long as he imagined that he still had strategic choices, he refused to pay attention to the Berlin sector. The evacuation of the civilian population has also not yet been discussed. It was Wilhelm Keitel , chief of the OKW, who decided in early February to have the army make preparations.
The Berlin garrison
Responsibility for the defense shifted to Wehrkreis III, the military district that oversaw Berlin, Brandenburg and part of Neumark (western Poland). Joseph Goebbels, in addition to his position as Propaganda Minister, as Reichsverteidigungskommissar Wehrkreis III was ultimately responsible for the defense of Berlin. The commander of Wehrkreis III, Generalleutnant Bruno Ritter von Hauenschild, therefore had to ask Goebbels for approval of defense plans. Goebbels refused to approve an evacuation of the civilian population, which he said would cause unnecessary panic, but he also made no preparations for the food and care of the civilian population in case the city turned into a battlefield. Like Hitler, Goebbels had a flawed sense of reality, issued numerous contradictory orders, and meddled in defense matters at all levels, but showed genuine interest in defense and consulted commanders in the field.
Generalleutnant Reymann inspecting a machine gun nest in Sector B, March 1945. Source: Bundesarchiv.
Von Hauenschild was replaced due to illness on March 6 by Generalleutnant Hellmuth Reymann. He deemed the dual function of commander of Wehrkreis III and of Verteidigungsbereich Berlin unworkable, and at his request retained responsibility for the defense of Berlin only. Hitler declared Berlin a fortress in early February and promised Reymann that in due course he would have front troops at his disposal to man the defensive positions. In the second half of March, Reymann had only a handful of troops: the Wachregiment "Großdeutschland", a Territorial Battalion, an SS Territorial Police Battalion, a company of buried tanks, an anti-tank company, two small engineering battalions, a pair of battery-looted cannons manned by Hitler Youth members and 20 Volkssturm battalions.
The Volkssturm formed a special category. The organization was created in the fall of 1944 to serve as a local people's militia and to construct defenses. Summoning Volkssturm members was the task of the Gauleiter, who also commanded the units. In Berlin, this was one of Joseph Goebbels' many duties. Since almost all German men between the ages of 17 and 45 were already under arms, the Volkssturm consisted mainly of teenagers and old men who were capable of handling a weapon but were not fit enough for active military service. The Wehrmacht was not concerned with the armament, equipment and clothing of the Volkssturm ; it had to acquire this locally and therefore had shortages everywhere.
A member of the Berlin Volkssturm of advanced age is trained to use a Panzerfaust. Source: Bundesarchiv
In addition to the Volkssturm, boys from the Hitlerjugend were also deployed as soldiers. The Hitler Youth initially consisted of children between the ages of 14 and 18, but in 1945 12-year-olds also joined. In March, everyone born in 1929 or later - including 15 and 16-year-olds - got their hands on a weapon, but even younger children sometimes fought. The fanaticism they often fought with shocked the Soviet soldiers as much as the indifference of the Hitler Youth leaders.
In addition, the 1. Flak-Division of Generalmajor Otto Sydow was stationed in Berlin, which Reymann would have at his disposal when the fighting started. Sydow's division managed anti-aircraft batteries in Berlin; his division had been stripped bare to fortify the Oderfront, and of the original 500 batteries, few remained. However, the remaining positions were well positioned and relatively well armed. The main anti-aircraft installations were the three Berlin Flak towers, built in Friedrichshain Park, Humboldthain Park and in the Zoo, immediately southwest of the Großer Tiergarten. These huge concrete behemoths were lavishly equipped with anti-aircraft guns and were able to protect civilians during bombing raids. Each Flak tower consisted of a turret, armed with four double-barreled 12. 8 cm guns and twelve quadruple 2 or 3. 7 cm guns, and a fire control tower. The turrets contain barracks for the 100-man garrison, a hospital, an art store, a radio room, field kitchens and a canteen. Almost 15,000 civilians could be accommodated in the basement. The towers were initially assigned an air defense role, but during the Battle of Berlin they would act very effectively against ground targets.
Defenses
Only in March did Reymann develop a defense plan, which provided for four lines of defense. The fourth and outer was the Äußerer Sperr-Ring, which enclosed Berlin and all its suburbs and had an average radius of about 19.8 miles. The eastern boundary of this line ran from Biesenthal, Tiefensee and Rüdersdorf to Königs Wusterhausen on the Berliner Ring. The third defense ring was the "Grüne" Hauptkampflinie, a perimeter roughly 10 miles from the city center. This ring ran roughly around the districts of Tegel, Pankow, Marchow, Marzahn, Dahlwitz, Rahnsdorf and Rudow. The second line was the Hauptkampflinie S-Bahnring, which followed the S-Bahn around the districts of Charlottenburg, Moabit, Wedding, Prenzlauer Berg, Friedrichshain, Neukölln and Schöneberg. Finally, the inner defense ring, surrounding the Zitadelle, enclosed the government district, including the Führerbunker, Reichskanzlei and the Reichstag. The entire area with all four lines of defense was divided into eight 'pie slices' called 'Befehlsabschnitte'. These defense sectors were designated A to H (clockwise from the Northeast). The Zitadelle in the center formed its own sector, Abschnitt Z. Only when the code word 'Clausewitz' was given, the warning that the enemy was approaching, would the sector commanders - most of whom were in the rank of Oberstleutnant or Oberst - be given command of all Wehrmacht troops and Volkssturm units that happened to be in their sectors at the time.
Generaloberst Gotthard Heinrici, commander of Heeresgruppe Weichsel. Source: Bundesarchiv
The two-month wait for the Red Army's final offensive gave Reymann time to prepare a significant number of defenses. In the weeks leading up to the fighting in Berlin, 70,000 people were deployed daily, in addition to Reymann's engineering units, to construct defenses, bunkers, tank obstacles and barbed wire barriers, deploy explosives and mines. Personnel was provided by the Organization Todt and the Reichsarbeitsdienst, which usually had adequate tools. In addition, soldiers, civilians, prisoners of war and forced laborers were deployed. The factories that had not yet been destroyed in the city remained operational to the last minute and produced supplies for the lines of defense day and night, but it was not enough to supply all lines adequately. The transport of construction crews proved even more problematic: there was an acute shortage of fuel and the countless air strikes caused parts of the railway line to be continuously out of order.
In a general sense, efforts were made to barricade all major intersections and to transform all solid buildings into fortified positions, which was largely successful. However, as the periphery of the city was reached, the defenses were less well armed and less effective. The "Grüne" Hauptkampflinie consisted of little more than a trench, supported by a number of covered scaffolding and a few obsolete buried tanks. A tank ditch ran in the southeast. The Hauptkampflinie S-Bahnring was considerably stronger and consisted of parallel trenches, ramparts and tank ditches. The defenders were able to hide in buildings within the perimeter and their range was excellent. The Zitadelle in the heart of the city, where the defenses partly followed the course of the Spree and the Landwehrkanal, contained the best-equipped line of defense. All streets were barricaded, and machine guns were set up in basements and on higher floors. Partition walls had been broken through so that the defenders could reach the different cellars from the inside. The U-Bahn was also barricaded at intervals. Cannons and tanks - including several Tigers - were dug in and trenches were constructed in the Tiergarten. Strong bastions were constructed immediately east and west of the Zitadelle, on Alexanderplatz and the Knie (Ernst-Reuter-Platz).
On April 15, Reymann attended a meeting at the headquarters of Heeresgruppe Weichsel, covering among others the 483 bridges and many important facilities in Berlin. Hitler had decided on a scorched earth policy and Reymann had placed hundreds of explosives in the city. Both Generaloberst Heinrici and Albert Speer, the Minister of Armaments, who was also present, tried to persuade Reymann not to implement this policy in order to prevent famine and the economic collapse of the capital. Blowing up the bridges would mean that gas, water, sewer and electricity lines would no longer work. Moreover, Heinrici had no intention of having his Heeresgruppe fight in Berlin itself; he wanted to hold out on the Oder for as long as possible and then retreat on both sides of the city. He advised Reymann to take positions only at the city limits and to save the city itself from the violence of war.
Map of the major districts, locations and roads in Berlin and the two inner defense perimeters. Source: Roger Paulissen, TracesOfWar
Much hope was put in the line on the Oder, but the German war industry and the number of available troops were insufficient to build a strong defense. In the sector immediately east of Berlin, only 9. Armee of Theodor Busse with its 14 divisions were deployed. Zhukov's 1st Byelorussian Front was able to deploy more than 90 divisions and more than 50 brigades. Heinrici predicted that he could hold the Seelower Heights for no more than three or four days without reinforcements. These did not come and it was inevitable that the Soviet armies, despite their heavy losses, had already passed the Seelower Heights after three days and reached Berlin on the 20th.
On the morning of April 20, Konstantin K. Rokossovsky's 2nd Byelorussian Front was the last of the three Soviet fronts to begin his offensive from the Oder bridgeheads. The only German army that could resist this sector was Heinrici's 3. Panzerarmee under General der Panzertruppe Hasso von Manteuffel . That same day, Hitler decided late to place Reymann's Verteidigungsbereich Berlin under the command of Heeresgruppe Weichsel, so preventing 3. Panzerarmee from being cut off from the rest of the army group by Rokossovsky's troops, Heinrici decided to have Von Manteuffel`s reserves, consisting of the III. SS-Panzerkorps of SS-Obergruppenführer Felix Steiner, cover Von Manteuffel's southern flank.
To the south, the remains of Busse's 9. Armee, which had been ordered by Hitler to hold its position on the Oder, were surrounded by Zhukov and Konev. The only formation Heinrici could deploy to defend Berlin was one of Busse's corps, the LVI. Panzer Corps of General der Artillerie Helmuth Weidling, which occupied a wide front between the 3. Panzerarmee and Busse's main force. It managed to slow the Soviet troops somewhat on the outer defense line, but soon Bogdanov's 2nd Guards Tank army in the north broke through Weidling's line. A day later there contact with the rest of the 9. Armee in the south was also broken.
General der Artillerie Helmuth Weidling. Source: Bundesarchiv
Hitler and the Führerbunker
In the damp and noisy Führerbunker, where day and night were indistinguishable, Adolf Hitler slowly but surely lost contact with reality. Apart from a visit to the 51. Armeekorps on March 3, Hitler had not left the bunker since he had moved in. The horrors of war completely passed him by and the orders he issued testified to a completely lacking sense of reality. On April 20, his 56th birthday, Hitler received visits from many notables, including Joseph Goebbels, Karl Dönitz , Albert Speer, Joachim von Ribbentrop, Hermann Göring , Arthur Axmann , Martin Bormann and Heinrich Himmler . Given the hopeless military situation around Berlin, most tried to convince Hitler to leave the city soon; the Berghof in the Bavarian Alps was already prepared for his arrival. Hitler rejected this plan, however. Since the Red Army would likely make contact with the Americans and British in central Germany soon, splitting Germany in two, he repeated his earlier instructions that after the split, Dönitz should take command in the north and Albert Kesselring in the south. Hitler's birthday was also a final farewell to some of his senior guests, many of whom left Berlin at the end of the day to move into their new headquarters.
The Soviet artillery had already targeted neighborhoods of Berlin since April 19, but the first shells exploded in the city center on the morning of the 21st. Hitler could feel the explosions in the Führerbunker. He believed that it was railway artillery and that the Soviets must have built a bridge over the Oder. He called General der Flieger Karl Koller, the chief of staff of the Luftwaffe, who then contacted the Flak tower in the Zoo. He reported that these were heavy howitzers which fired from the Marzahn district, directly behind the "Grüne" Hauptkampflinie, about 10 miles from the center.
In an unrealistic attempt to halt the rapid Soviet advance, Hitler decided that afternoon to withdraw Weidling's corps to Berlin. Communication with the corps was poor and Hitler did not know that the corps was already fighting on the city boundary. Weidling also had to seek connections with Steiner in the north. Steiner in turn had to launch a southward attack from Eberswalde. His unit had to be strengthened with everything Heinrici could find and was renamed Armeeabteilung Steiner. Busse's 9. Armee should attack northward from the Spreewald at the same time to encircle Zhukov's vanguard. Both Steiner and Busse, however, were already engaged in fierce defensive battles and with the insignificant reinforcements unable to launch an offensive. Steiner was under such severe pressure from Zhukov's northern flank and his air support that he was forced to evacuate his headquarters in Oranienburg. Busse was in an even more painful situation; tens of thousands of refugees from the eastern provinces had joined his army, and while sufficient food was available, the pocket had to endure continuous air strikes by the 2nd, 16th and 18th air forces. There was a great shortage of fuel and the artillery ammunition ran out on the 21st, after which Heinrici advised Busse to disengage from the Soviet troops, ignore Hitler's orders and withdraw from the Oder.
Although the regular telephone network was still working, communication between units became increasingly problematic from 21 April and the chaos in the German chain of command grew rapidly. Weidling controlled an area between Neuenhagen and Rahnsdorf and had his own command post in Kaulsdorf, not far behind. Nevertheless, there was a rumor that his corps was starting to withdraw to Döberitz, west of Berlin, on which both Hitler and Busse ordered Weidling to be arrested and executed. Meanwhile, Weidling himself had insubordination problems with SS Brigadeführer Joachim Ziegler, the commander of the SS-Panzergrenadierdivision "Nordland", previously attached to Felix Steiners III. SS-Panzerkorps who now felt irritated to fight under a Wehrmacht general. Ziegler decided to join Steiner, after which Weidling relieved him of his command, but then Ziegler was subsequently ordered to return to Berlin with his division, without Weidling.
Relief of Berlin
In the afternoon of April 22, the situation discussion in the Führerbunker was held only by Hitler, Martin Bormann (Hitler's personal secretary), Generalfeldmarschall Wilhelm Keitel (Chief of the OKW), Generaloberst Alfred Jodl (Chief of Operations of the OKW) and General der Infanterie Hans Krebs (Chief of Staff of the Wehrmacht). When Hitler learned that Steiner had not launched an attack, he flew into a rage. He raved that he had been betrayed by his generals and that their betrayal, ignorance and cowardice had undermined his efforts for Germany. After some time, Hitler recovered and declared that he would stay in Berlin until the bitter end. He also decided to take charge of the defense of Berlin (again). Hellmuth Reymann was then ordered to take command of the Potsdam garrison. His formation received the impressive designation Armeegruppe Spree, but consisted of only two weak infantry divisions.
Soviet artillery in the suburbs of Berlin, April 1945. Source: Public Domain
That evening, Keitel and Jodl learned from Hitler that if Berlin fell into Soviet hands, he would commit suicide. Nevertheless, Hitler continued to look for a military way out. US troops had now reached the Elbe, but clearly had no intention of crossing the river. That's why Hitler decided to order 12. Armee under General der Panzertruppe Walther Wenck to turn east from the Elbe and join Busse's 9. Armee. After this, the two armies had to relieve Berlin together.
Of Wenck's army, only the XX. Armeekorps was of reasonable strength. The XXXIX and XXXXI. Panzerkorps had suffered heavy losses and the XXXXVIII Panzerkorps consisted of a largely immobile Flak division and a variety of smaller units. Wenck informed Keitel he was not ready for his advance until April 25, but Keitel did not pass this on to the Führer. During the situation discussion on April 23, Krebs told Hitler, against his better judgment, that Wenck's army was already on the way. These kinds of incidents clearly illustrate how Hitler continued to live in his fantasy world and how the staff officers who still had a realistic view of the military situation made no effort to disprove falsehoods.
A propaganda poster by Viktor Koretsky of early 1945. It reads: `We only have one goal, Berlin`. Source: Public Domain
To the north, Armeeabteilung Steiner still defended a line along the Havel, between Oranienburg and Berlin. On the night of April 22-23, the 47th Army managed to cross the Havel at Hennigsdorf. After this, the 47th Army quickly penetrated into the German rear guard. It turned south and soon reached Döberitz and Spandau. The OKW headquarters in Krampnitz, just north of Potsdam, was surprised by the news of cavalry units in the countryside near Döberitz and was quickly evacuated. At the same time, Lelyushenko's 4th Guards Tank Army had penetrated the lake area west of Potsdam. On the morning of April 25, the 4th Guards Tank Army northwest of Potsdam contacted the 47th Army, which surrounded Berlin.
Strength of the garrison
In the eastern suburbs, like Heinrici, Helmuth Weidling had no intention of getting involved in city fighting. On the 23rd he received instructions from Busse to reconnect with the main force of the 9. Armee, an order that Weidling was only too happy to obey. At the same time, he learned of his arrest warrant, after which he contacted Krebs for a statement. Weidling was ordered to report to the Führerbunker early in the evening of April 23. Here he first spoke with Hans Krebs and General der Infanterie Wilhelm Burgdorf, the chief adjutant of the OKW and then also with Hitler. Weidling was told to ignore Busse's orders and that his corps was needed in Berlin. He was to command defenses A to E (northeast to southwest). On the morning of the 24th Weidling was summoned again to the Führerbunker; Krebs told him that the Führer was so impressed by his speech the night before that he had been appointed the new commander of Verteidigungsbereich Berlin. Weidling reportedly said that he preferred to be executed instead of this 'promotion'. Weidling asked Krebs to allow him to act independently, but this request was rejected. His responsibility was to Hitler.
At this stage, Weidling`s LVI. Panzer Corps had the following units at its disposal:
Panzerdivision "Müncheberg", Generalmajor der Reserve Werner Mummert lost around a third of his troops during the fighting in the suburbs.
18. Panzergrenadierdivision, Generalmajor Josef Rauch was still largely intact.
20. Panzergrenadierdivision, Generalmajor Georg Scholze had suffered heavy losses.
11. SS-Panzergrenadierdivision "Nordland", SS-Brigadeführer Joachim Ziegler was still relatively strong.
9. Fallschirmjägerdivision, Oberst Harry Herrmann suffered quite heavy losses.
In total, Weidling's corps currently numbered about 13,000 to15,000 troops. In addition, the Berlin-based units of the 1. SS-Panzerdivision "Leibstandarte SS Adolf Hitler ", led by SS-Brigadeführer Wilhelm Mohnke and renamed Kampfgruppe Mohnke, had about 2000 men and there was still 1. Flakdivision of Generalmajor Otto Sydow. Together with all the smaller units, the garrison counted between 45 and 60,000 troops with 50 to 60 tanks, apart from the Volkssturm and Hitlerjugend soldiers. On April 24, the last reinforcements that could still use the corridor in the west arrived, 350 mainly French volunteers of the disbanded 33. Waffen SS-Grenadierdivision "Charlemagne". They were led by SS-Brigadeführer dr. Gustav Krukenberg. Due to the persistent insubordination problems with Ziegler of the Nordland division, Weidling had asked the OKW for a replacement and Krukenberg was chosen.
German strategy
Weidling decided to have his staff headed by two officers: Oberst Theodor von Dufving, Chief of Staff of the LVI. Panzerkorps, became responsible for all military matters, and Oberst Hans Refior, who had previously been Reymann's chief of staff, became liaison officer to the civilian authorities. Weidling's limited freedom of action, as well as the interference of Goebbels and other party leaders, did not benefit the defense. In addition, the chain of command was very chaotic at this stage, both vertically in the military hierarchy and horizontally, and there was often poor cooperation between Waffen-SS and Wehrmacht commanders. The streets were no longer cleared of debris and were continuously under artillery fire, which greatly hindered the work of couriers. The sector commanders were therefore forced to decide for themselves where they would use their very limited resources and which lines they would defend. Reymann's original defense plan simply could not be fully implemented due to a lack of troops. Some commanders held the outer perimeter for as long as possible, others focused primarily on defending tactically located fortified buildings, and still others soon fell back on the S-Bahn line.
To counteract weaknesses in the defense zones, Volkssturm and Hitlerjugend units were mixed with regular army units as much as possible. At the same time, Weidling wanted to keep as many military units intact as possible in order to deploy them as effectively as possible in crucial sectors. The result was that the Soviet troops regularly succeeded in identifying the weaknesses in the German lines and moving around the stronger units.
Soviet strategy
When the street fighting started, the Red Army also thought about the strategy to follow. Previous street battles had shown that infantry units were best split up into small, effective attack groups. Artillery and tank units were split up and assigned a supporting role. A standard group consisted of a platoon of infantry, one or two tanks, a pair of engineers, a pair of flamethrowers, an anti-tank gun section, and two or three field guns. The system worked reasonably well, but the mixing of several armies - Chuikov's 8th Guards Army and Katukov's 1st Guards Tank Army operating in the same sector in the southeast - sometimes created messy situations. The fact that the tank troops now had a supporting role and that Katukov was now subordinate to Chuikov did not go down well with the tank troops.
Army and front artillery meanwhile continued to bombard the urban area. Heavy howitzers were also sometimes assigned to the attack groups and literally shot their way through the barricades and heaps of debris. Particularly in the eastern sector of Colonel General Nikolai E. Berzarin's 5th Shock Troops, buildings were systematically destroyed by cannons and mortars trying to make their way through the center. With 2000 wagons full of ammunition for the calibers above 80 mm, Berzarin had an abundance of ammunition. Also Colonel General Vasily I. Kuznetsov's 3rd Shock Troops simply shot one building after another to rubble. Howitzers and Katyusha missile launchers fired countless bursts at the defenses, while more persistent targets from shorter distances were destroyed by tanks and lighter artillery. The artillery density was so great that the guns were often arranged side by side, wheel against wheel. At a certain point in the south, Rybalko had 650 guns at his disposal.per mile of front line
Most Soviet armies followed a strategy in which every infantry regiment was assigned a street daily. Two battalions advanced on either side of the road, with the soldiers exposing themselves as little as possible and usually blowing the partition walls between houses and cellars to move forward. Walls and doors were blown away with anti-tank guns or explosives. Fires broke out everywhere. A German soldier later said: "Gradually we lost our human appearance. Our eyes were burning and our faces were drenched and smeared by the dust around us. We could no longer see the blue sky; everywhere buildings were on fire, ruins collapsed, and smoke billowed back and forth through the streets. The silence that followed each bombardment was only the prelude to the engine roar and chattering of tracks that heralded a new tank attack."
During the race between Zhukov's 1st Byelorussian and Konev's 1st Ukrainian Front, the two fronts were insufficiently aware of each other's positions. In addition, Zhukov was unaware that - after Zhukov's disappointing performance during the fighting at Seelow - Stalin had given permission to Konev to advance to Berlin. Chuikov's 8th Guards Army and Katukov's 1st Guards Tank Army were therefore very surprised when they arrived from the southeast at Schönefeld Airport in the morning of April 24 and found units of Rybalko's 3rd Guards Tank Army - Konev's armored spearhead. The news came to Zhukov only that evening, which he initially refused to believe, and ordered Chuikov to send "reliable staff officers" to determine which units were involved. It was clear that Zhukov had not been informed of Stalin's permission for Konev to participate in the Battle of Berlin. Subsequently, instructions came from Moscow that the demarcation line between the two fronts from the southern suburb of Lichtenrade would follow the railway to Anhalter station. This meant that the Tiergarten and the Reichstag were still within reach of Konev's troops.
Battles at the inner defense perimeter
After taking office as Kampfkommandant, Weidling went out of his way to improve the existing defense system, but it all had little effect at this late stage. He replaced a number of incompetent commanders and reduced the number of defense sectors. In the north, Hermanns 9. Fallschirmjägerdivision still held a position around the Flak tower in Humboldthain. The defense here was so unshakable that large parts of the area between the Spree and the northern section of the S-Bahn remained in German hands until the end. Krukenbergs 11. SS-Panzergrenadierdivision "Nordland" occupied positions in Neukölln and east of Kreuzberg. The division was seriously depleted; when Krukenberg took over command of Ziegler, a number of frontline soldiers were found to have withdrawn to rest and only 70 men were fighting. Mummerts Panzerdivision "Müncheberg" fought at Tempelhof airfield and still had ten tanks and 30 half-track vehicles. Rauchs 18. Panzergrenadierdivision, which was still relatively strong and had a good number of tanks and other vehicles, defended the Zehlendorf region in the southwest. Scholze's 20. Panzergrenadierdivision had been cut off on the Wannsee island between Zehlendorf and Potsdam and had only 92 soldiers.
As the Soviet troops moved closer to the heart of Berlin, the lines of defense became smaller and smaller. Despite heavy German losses, this meant that troop density on the front line increased, as did the percentage of experienced soldiers. A German officer stationed at the Reichskanzlei reported on April 25 that desertion was widespread among the Volkssturm units, but that Hitler Youth members were usually very loyal and courageous and that the regular army units fought with "calm determination". The inner lines of defense were also more solid, and their breakthrough was quite a challenge for the Soviet troops in a number of sectors. By 24 April, two Soviet armies had reached the S-Bahn line: the 3rd Shock Troops in the north and northeast (from Wedding to Prenzlauer Berg) and the 5th Shock Troops in the east and southwest (from Prenzlauer Berg to Treptow). In the north and east they encountered the Flak towers in park Humboldthain and park Friedrichshain, respectively, which offered fierce resistance. It was therefore decided to pass by the Humboldthain Tower, keeping it in operation until the end of the battle. The tower in Friedrichshain also slowed down the advance and was eventually passed by. The garrison there persisted until the morning of May 1. In other sectors, such as on the Frankfurter Allee in the east, the resistance was surprisingly weak.
Confusion between Konev and Zhukov
In the south, on the morning of the 24th, Rybalko crossed the Teltowkanal near the Zehlendorf district. Marshal Konev led the crossing personally. The Soviet troops met with strong opposition from the local defenders here, supported by Scholze's 20. Panzergrenadierdivision and parts of Rauchs 18. Panzergrenadierdivision. At the end of the day, Rybalko had penetrated about 1.2 miles into the German lines. Rybalko was still ahead of Chuikov and Katukov at this point, but Chuikov made rapid progress. He reached the Teltowkanal during April 24 and made the crossing the following morning. Then Chuikov captured Tempelhof Airport and turned more to the northwest, into the Schöneberg district, with his right flank along the Landwehrkanal. With this, Chuikov had crossed the front line Lichtenrade-Anhalter station and entered Rybalko's sector; either Chuikov was unaware of this line, or he consciously ignored it. With only the Landwehrkanal and the Tiergarten in front of him, it was only a few hundred yards for Chuikov to the Reichstag.
In the morning of April 28, General Rybalko's 3rd Guards Tank Army had also crossed the Landwehrkanal from the south. Assuming they were the first Soviet unit on the canal, Rybalko's artillery launched its preliminary bombing of the troops across the canal. Only after some time did it dawn on him that the enemy troops were really men of Chuikov's 8th Guards Army. Much to his disappointment, Konev realized that Zhukov had overtaken him. Konev was eventually forced to order Rybalko to turn west. Rybalko was seething and Konev was utterly disappointed that Zhukov would be given the honor of conquering the Reichstag.
Fighting in the Zitadelle
As the Soviet troops moved ever closer to the Zitadelle, Weidling introduced an outbreak plan to Hitler during the evening meeting on April 26. After some consultation with Goebbels, Hitler rejected the plan: "Your proposal is fine, but what is the purpose of all this? I don't want to wander around in the woods to be attacked there. I will stay here and will die at the head of my troops. You can continue the defense!" Nevertheless, Weidling and his staff continued to fine-tune the plan to put it into effect as soon as an opportunity arose.
As a result of Chuikov's fierce attacks, the German defenders of Krukenberg's Nordland division retreated across the Landwehrkanal on the night of April 26-27. Now that the fighting had reached the Zitadelle, new misunderstandings and communication problems arose. As a defense sector, the Zitadelle had its own commander, Oberstleutnant Seifert of the Luftwaffe, but the defense of the government district - including the Führerbunker and the Reichskanzlei - was the responsibility of the SS troops of SS-Brigadeführer Wilhelm Mohnke. Mohnke did not consider himself subordinate to Weidling or Seifert, and was directly answerable to Hitler. Krukenberg, who had unilaterally decided to make himself and his division available to Mohnke, also refused to listen to Weidling.
Living conditions in the Zitadelle gradually deteriorated. Because it was extremely dangerous on the streets as a result of the artillery shelling, large numbers of civilians had resorted to finding refuge in the S-Bahn tunnels. There were also countless injured people here, who could not be evacuated from the combat zone. A German lieutenant described the situation in the tunnels under the Anhalter station as follows: "The station looks like an army camp. Women and children hiding in the niches. Some sit on folding chairs and listen to the sounds of the battle. Grenades hit the roof, cement crumbles from the ceiling. Hospital trains slowly roll by". Various headquarters were also located in the underground corridors; for example, Krukenberg's headquarters was located in an abandoned rail car in the U-Bahn station Stadtmitte. He did not have electric light and telephone connections here. Every now and then an artillery shell broke through the roof, resulting in heavy losses. On the 27th, water suddenly poured into the tunnels below the Anhalter station, which led to many civilians and wounded drowning or being trampled in the panic that followed. It is unclear whether, despite its usefulness to civilians, wounded and military headquarters, it was deliberately flooded - so that the Red Army could not use it - or whether damage to the tunnels was the cause.
Fires, meanwhile, raged uncontrollably in much of the central districts. Because of the incessant artillery fire, firefighters were unable to do their job. The enormous smoke development made it almost impossible to drop supplies by German planes and to carry out bombing raids by Soviet planes. On the 26th, the telephone connections between the pocket and the outside world, which had only worked sporadically in the last two days, were permanently broken. The military communication systems no longer worked within Berlin, but the regular telephone network still worked. Therefore, in order to remain somewhat aware of the military situation, Krebs' staff was forced to dial random numbers from the phone book, reportedly occasionally talking to a Soviet soldier. A Soviet officer later claimed that he had been connected to Joseph Goebbels from Siemensstadt in West Berlin and had an unashamed conversation with him in German.
In the evening of April 29, during the last discussion about the situation in the Führerbunker, Weidling sketched a grim picture. The ammunition had almost run out and ammunition drops were no longer possible. Weidling considered it inevitable that the fighting would end within 24 hours. Mohnke agreed with this estimate. Weidling asked Hitler what to do as soon as the ammunition ran out, after which Hitler indicated that "small groups" could break out. The total surrender of Berlin, on the other hand, Hitler continued to prohibit categorically.
Weidling still had close to 30,000 combat-worthy troops holding a 8.5 miles strip from Alexanderplatz in the east to the Havel in the west. The strip was only a mile wide in some sectors. During the day the Spree was reached in several places in the north. Berzarin's 5th Shock Troop Army had crushed most of the resistance east of the Spree, and further to the southwest Berzarin's left flank had captured Anhalter station. From the south, countless small storm groups of Chuikov's 8th Guards Army fought their way across the Landwehrkanal with rafts or via the handful of remaining bridges. Concealed German artillery and machine guns inflicted heavy losses on the Soviet infantry, but by the end of the day, Chuikov had captured Potsdamer Platz and had reached the Großer Tiergarten.
Break out and attempts at relief
Further west, the pressure on the German lines was less. Rauch's 18. Panzergrenadierdivision stood on the S-Bahn line from Westend to Hohenzollerndamm. Rauch realized that Heerstraße, and above all both bridges over the Havel at Pichelsdorf that this street used, had to remain in German hands for a possible outbreak. Two bridges were also intact a few hundred yards further north. The bridges and Heerstraße were defended by a Hitler Youth regiment that originally consisted of 5,000 boys; as a result of heavy artillery fire, only 500 of them were still able to fight. Some superfluous adjutants and liaison officers from the Führerbunker made good use of this opening on the 29th and managed to escape by going down the Havel to the south.
On April 26, Wenck had made an attempt at dawn with the XX. Armeekorps under General der Kavallerie Carl-Erik Koehler, which managed to surprise the weaker Soviet troops southwest of Potsdam. Quite a few Red Army logistic units and workshops were captured intact, and Koehler was ultimately 15.5 miles from Berlin. There was some contact with the garrison of Potsdam, but on April 29 XX. Armeekorps could do nothing but defend themselves in the area south of Schwielowsee. Another planned attack to be carried out by Generalleutnant Rudolf Holste's XXXXI. Panzerkorps from the Rathenow region west of Berlin never got off the ground.
Just before midnight on April 29, Hitler asked the OKW for the last time about the status of the attempts to relieve Wenck and Busse. At one o'clock in the morning he received an answer from Keitel: Wenck's spearhead had stalled due to fierce Soviet attacks south of Schwielowsee, Busse's 9. Armee was surrounded and parts of it tried to break out to the west and Holste's XXXXI. Panzerkorps had gone into defense around Rathenow. Because relief was not forthcoming, Hitler`s only way out was suicide. Mohnke estimated that the Soviet troops would launch a major attack on the Reichskanzlei in the early morning of May 1.
Battle at Halbe
Theodor Busse's greatly weakened 9. Armee, which had been surrounded since the beginning of the battle of Berlin, was now almost continuously bombarded by land and air forces of the Red Army. Busse realized that a connection to Wencks 12. Armee was the only way to keep his troops out of the hands of the Red Army and so decided on the 25th to launch a breakthrough westward. Only later did Busse receive Hitler's unrealistic orders to launch an attack in the direction of Berlin together with Wenck. Both Wenck and Busse viewed the plan purely as a rescue operation, intended to keep Busse's troops out of the hands of the Red Army.
From the wooded area between Lübben and Halbe, Kampfgruppe von Luck (Oberst Hans von Luck) and Kampfgruppe Pipkorn, SS-Standartenführer Rüdiger Pipkorn) led the outbreak of Busse's three corps. From Baruth, the Soviets fiercely resisted, killing Pipkorn on April 25 and taking von Luck prisoner on April 27. Busse's main force also suffered heavy losses, but made another attempt at attack in the evening of April 28. The attack was concentrated on a narrow front line at Halbe, the border between the two Soviet fronts, where the German forces had to force a breakthrough like a wedge. After a night of fierce fighting, a breach was made in the Soviet lines. Two corps managed to escape, but the V. SS-Freiwilligen-Gebirgskorps, parts of the 21. Panzerdivision and most of the refugees were left behind. The stragglers fought desperately, with both sides suffering heavy losses, but the attention of the other two corps was also diverted. Constantly harassed by Soviet troops, they managed to break through two cordons. Finally, exhausted, they reached Wenck's lines on the morning of May 1. Busse estimated that some 40,000 troops and a few thousand refugees had reached 12. Armee; Soviet estimates were considerably lower. Be that as it may, most of the 9. Armee had been killed or captured, but in view of the circumstances the contact was a great achievement.
The iconic photo of the Soviet soldier hoisting the red banner on the Reichstag building, with a destroyed Berlin in the background, became world famous immediately after publication. In the eyes of many, the image of the Soviet flag on the Reichstag meant that the Third Reich had perished, and long before the battle of Berlin, the Soviet High Command had decided that the Reichstag would be the ultimate target of the attack. But actually, this was a special choice. The Reichstag building was built in 1894 to serve as the seat of the German Parliament, and in that capacity the building was used by the German Empire (1871-1918) and then the Weimar Republic (1919-1933). The iconic words Dem Deutschen Volke ("To the German people") gave the building a democratic appearance. The Nazi regime, on the other hand, did not use the building; in February 1933, shortly after Hitler's seizure of power, the well-known Reichstag fire broke out and the building was only partially repaired after this. Nevertheless, it soon became clear to the Soviets, possibly as early as the summer of 1943, that the Reichstag would become the ultimate goal of the campaign and symbolize the Third Reich . Perhaps the fact that the building was clearly recognizable and that it was a practical military target because of its dimensions and detached location. Bombs were painted with the text "For the Reichstag" and tanks were marked "On to Berlin".
The race to Tiergarten
Konev's troops might have turned around on April 25, but for the armies of the 1st Byelorussian Front, the race to the Reichstag was not over yet. From the Kremlin, heavy pressure was put on Zhukov's armies to raise the flag on the Reichstag as soon as possible, preferably before May 1 (Labor Day). This phase of the battle of Berlin is not only important because of the irrational importance attached to the conquest of the Reichstag: with its politically motivated deadline, it was also illustrative of the way the operation was conducted on the Soviet side, in which hasty military decisions led to unnecessary losses. In the morning of April 29, Chuikov prepared to cover the last 400 yards but the dense build-up and fierce resistance from German troops hindered his advance. However, there were other armies in the running. To the east, Berzarin's 5th Shock Troop Army had reached Leipziger Straße and were less than a mile from the Reichstag. The formation that was to take credit was nevertheless General Perevyortkin's 79th Pursuit Corps of General Kuznetsov's 3rd Shock Troops, which had approached the Spree from the northwest via Alt-Moabit. In the afternoon of April 28, the first units of the 79th Jägerkorps saw the Reichstag through smoke. Guards of the 150th Pursuit Division (under Major General Shatilov) and 171st Pursuit Division (under Colonel Negoda) managed to cross the Spree via the Moltkebrücke on the night of April 28-29. At 04:00 in the morning of April 30, the 150th Pursuit Division had captured the Ministry of the Interior - also known as "Himmler's House" - 200 yards away. Half an hour later, the exhausted soldiers - without thorough reconnaissance or a thorough artillery bombardment - were sent to Königsplatz, but from the Reichstag, the Tiergarten on the right flank and the ruins of the Kroll opera behind them, the soldiers were heavily targeted. It was not until April 30 that the two divisions finally managed to cross Königsplatz and reach the Reichstag.
The question of who first hoisted the banner of victory on the roof of the Reichstag was the subject of much debate after the war, not least because it was promised that the soldiers who succeeded first would be appointed Hero of the Soviet Union. Prior to the offensive, the staff of the 3rd Shock Troop Army had issued nine so-called victory banners (znameni pobedy) to its divisions to hoist on the Reichstag. With the Reichstag in sight, General Shatilov gave banner no. 5 to Colonel Fyodor Zinchenko's 756th Fighter Regiment, which again passed it to the 1st Battalion under Captain Stepan Neustroyev. Vasily Davydov's 1st Battalion of the 674th Fighter Regiment also received a flag, as did First Lieutenant Konstantin Samsonov's 1st Battalion of the 380th Fighter Regiment. Also, banners went to two special storm groups formed by General Perevyortkin's headquarters. One was led by Major Mikhail Bondar, Perevyortkin's adjutant, and the other by Captain Vladimir Makov, a staff officer.
In the Reichstag
On April 30, several storm groups, some 300 men in total, invaded the Reichstag. Reaching the roof proved to be quite a task as thousands of SS troops fiercely resisted the various floors for hours. Only late in the evening did a unit of four sergeants led by Captain Makov manage to get to the roof. One of the sergeants, Mikhail Minin, finally hoisted the victory banner on the Germania sculpture above the pediment at 10:40 PM. The corps commander, General Perevyortkin, was immediately informed of this by radio. Major Bondar's storm group arrived a short time later and placed a second banner above the pediment. Makov's group guarded the banners and stairs on the roof until 5:00 a. m. on May 1, when the group left the Reichstag.
As the storm groups of Makov and Bondar fought their way up, another unit headed for the roof bearing Neustroyev's flag. This group, consisting of sergeants Mikhail Yegorov and Meliton Kantaria under the leadership of Lieutenant Aleksei Berest and supported by a machine gun company under Sergeant Syanov, managed to get past the German defenders with great difficulty. In the early hours of May 1, this group raised its flag on the southern side of the roof. At the time, there were no further banners visible on the roof. Because fires were raging all over the Reichstag, the other two flags were believed to have been burned or taken away by the Germans - who resisted Weidling's capitulation order on May 2. Because the storm group from Berest arrived on the roof just after midnight, this version is not in line with Minin's claim that his group guarded the roof until 05:00 in the morning. According to other sources, Berest's group managed to place a banner at the same time as Makov's group, or even earlier, around 9:50 PM.
In any case, because a missing banner could hardly serve as a symbol of victory, the storm group of Berest got all the credit. Their victory banner was marked "150th Order of Kutuzov 2nd Class Idritsa-Pursuit Division, 79th Pursuit Corps, 3rd Shock Troops, 1st Belarusian Front" and was flown to Moscow on June 20, 1945 by Samsonov, Neustroyev, Kantaria, Yegorov and Syanov. There the standard still has its own hall in the Central Museum of the Armed Forces. The scouts Kantaria and Yegorov, battalion commander Neustroyev, regimental commander Zinchenko, division commander Shatilov and corps commander Perevyortkin were later all appointed Hero of the Soviet Union. Berest was ignored for unknown reasons; he, like the men of Makov's group, he had to make do with an Order of the Red Banner. Berest was only posthumously awarded the title 'Hero of Ukraine' in 2005.
Yevgeny Khaldei`s picture
The hoisting of the first flags on the Reichstag building has not been recorded, partly because there was still heavy fighting in the building until 2 May. The world-famous photo of the flag placed on the roof against the background of a destroyed Berlin has therefore been staged. Photo correspondent Yevgeny Khaldei was instructed by TASS Press Agency to take a picture of the moment a flag was raised on the Reichstag. Shortly after the fighting in Berlin ended, Khaldei went to the roof of the Reichstag building. Here he asked three soldiers of the 8th Guards Army, who just happened to be there, Aleksei Kovalyov, Abdulkhakim Ismailov and Leonid Gorichev, to re-enact the hoisting of the flag, of which Khaldei took a series of photos. Kovalyov held the flagpole, assisted by Ismailov and Gorichev. So the photographers were not Kantaria, Yegorov and Berest, as is often claimed. Khaldei says he was inspired by the photo taken by Joe Rosenthal two months earlier of the placement of the American flag on Mount Suribachi on the Japanese island of Iwo Jima. Both photos are among the most famous from World War II.
Hitler was married on the evening of April 28 to his girlfriend, Eva Braun, who had accompanied him in the bunker from the beginning of April and refused to leave Berlin. After noon on April 30, as Soviet troops made their way to the roof of the Reichstag, the two retired to their quarters in the Führerbunker. There they committed suicide at 3:20 PM. Their bodies were placed in a pit in the garden of the Reichskanzlei, doused in petrol, cremated and then buried in a bomb crater.
Negotiations
Weidling had agreed with his sector commanders that an outbreak attempt would be made on April 30 at 10:00 PM, but a few hours before, he was summoned by Krebs to the Führerbunker. Here Krebs revoked Hitler's previous permission to break out; he indicated that he wanted to negotiate a German surrender with the Soviet High Command. Weidling was "deeply shocked" and saw it as a senseless game of power by Goebbels and Bormann that only meant that the suffering of the civilian population would continue and that the troops would continue their senseless struggle.
Wilhelm Mohnke as SS-Standartenführer, shortly after the Ritterkreuz was awarded to him. As far as is known, there is no picture of him in the uniform of a Brigadeführer. Source: Unknown
In the afternoon of April 30, contact was made with a division of General Berzarin's 5th Shock Troops. Just after midnight, Krebs and Theodor von Dufving, Weidling's "military" chief of staff, and SS-Untersturmführer Neilands, a battalion commander who acted as interpreters (although Krebs spoke Russian fluently), went to the Soviet lines. Near the Anhalter station, they crossed the front line and were taken by jeep to General Chuikov's headquarters at the Schulenburgring. The discussion lasted several hours: Krebs sought to gain recognition for the new German government, which, according to Hitler's political will, was now led by Joseph Goebbels as Reich Chancellor, with Karl Dönitz as Reich President. The Soviets, in turn, were only interested in an unconditional surrender, and Krebs was not authorized for such discussions. It was therefore decided that contact should be made by telephone with Goebbels in the Führerbunker. An attempt to install a telephone cable failed, after which Krebs returned to the Führerbunker and decided to send the Soviets a written response. Since the Soviets were clearly not interested in a truce with a National Socialist government, even if it was a pro-Russian one, and could only accept an unconditional surrender, Goebbels recognized that further negotiations were pointless. With the help of an SS doctor, the six children of Joseph and Magda Goebbels were killed in their sleep by administering cyanide. After this, Goebbels and his wife left the Führerbunker and committed suicide in the garden of the Reichskanzlei.
Last resistance
Because Krebs' request for a truce had been rejected and no contact had been made with the Führerbunker, the offensive was resumed in the afternoon of May 1 Labor Day. After a heavy preliminary artillery bombardment, one of Chuikov's corps opened fire on the defenses of the Zoo, where the Flak tower was still in operation and continued to fire on the Soviet troops in the southeast and at the Reichstag. Since the tower was strong enough to withstand direct hits from 203mm howitzers, a direct storm was waived and the Soviets sent a surrender proposal to the tower commander on April 30, guaranteeing that no German soldier would be executed. Late in the evening of May 1, the Germans agreed to the offer and at midnight the garrison surrendered.
General der Infanterie Hans Krebs. Source: Bundesarchiv
The area to the south and west of the Zoo was defended by Mummert's Müncheberg division, and on the night of 1 to 2 May, scouts of this division discovered that the Soviet troops in the Spandau district were quite weak, so an outbreak was still a possibility. Some officers saw the most salvation in a westward outbreak attempt, but Mohnke decided to break through northward towards the Flak tower in Humboldthain and then turn northwest. Several plans were drafted. Late in the evening of May 1, Weidling gathered as many officers and NCOs as possible at his headquarters in the Bendlerblock for a meeting. He indicated that Hitler had committed suicide and thus had broken his oath, relieving the German military of their personal oath to Hitler. It was decided that Weidling would start negotiations with the Soviets just after midnight and that any outbreak attempts should be made prior to that.
Attempts at break out
Late in the evening of May 1, while the Flak tower surrendered, Generalmajor Otto Sydow of 1. Flak-Division attempted an outbreak from the Zoo. With the remaining tanks and half-track vehicles of Panzer-Division "Müncheberg" and the 18. Panzergrenadierdivision led the way by several hundred soldiers and several hundred civilians to reach the bridges in Spandau. The last five miles were covered in silence and without light through the U-bahn tunnels, beneath the Soviet lines. Amazingly, they managed to escape unnoticed. Other units, including a group of soldiers and armored vehicles from the Müncheberg division, clashed with Soviet troops and suffered losses in the attempted escape. The Charlottenbrücke, one of the more northerly bridges over the Havel, was the scene of a gruesome slaughter. In the pouring rain and violent artillery fire of the 47th Army, vehicles and a ragged crowd of soldiers and civilians rushed across the bridge, many killed by Soviet fire, trampled or run over by armored vehicles.
Krebs at the headquarters of Zhukov May 1, 1945. Source: Unknown
The units that chose an outbreak to the north were lucky. Major Lehnhoff's Wachregiment "Großdeutschland" suffered heavy casualties, but five tanks and 68 soldiers managed to reach Oranienburg. The tanks had to be abandoned here because of technical defects, but the troops managed to escape. Several small groups also attempted an escape from the Führerbunker. SS-Brigadeführer Mohnke had divided those present into ten groups and devised some escape plans. The first group, led by Mohnke, managed to reach the Spree via the U-Bahn tunnels, crossed the river via a small footbridge and reached the northern districts of Berlin through a wilderness of ruins. For groups that left later, the escape became more and more difficult, as the Soviet troops were alarmed by less attentive Germans following an above-ground route. SS-Brigadeführer Krukenberg's group, supported by a Tiger II and five half-track vehicles, was ambushed not far from the Gesundbrunnen U-Bahn station and lost many troops to enemy fire. Krukenberg's predecessor, SS-Brigadeführer Joachim Ziegler, was among those killed. Only Krukenberg escaped with a handful of survivors.
The other Nazi leaders from the Führerbunker, who jointly undertook an outbreak, ended differently. Werner Naumann, Goebbels' Secretary of State for Information and Propaganda, managed to flee the city. SS-Gruppenführer Hans Baur, Hitler's personal pilot, was seriously injured and taken prisoner of war. Artur Axmann hid in Berlin and later escaped to the West. Martin Bormann and Ludwig Stumpfegger, Hitler's personal physician, committed suicide; their bodies were buried a few days later and only discovered in 1972. Hans Krebs and Wilhelm Burgdorf decided to stay in the Führerbunker and committed suicide there.
Surrender
After Weidling had informed the Soviets by radio that he would send another envoy, Theodor von Dufving walked with an interpreter to the Soviet lines on the Landwehrkanal at around 1:00 am on May 2. It was agreed with Chuikov that Weidling would surrender at 6:00 AM and his troops an hour later. At 5:00 am - an hour earlier than expected, as the Soviets were using Moscow time - Weidling was picked up and taken to Chuikov's headquarters. Weidling was accompanied by retired generals Kurt Woytasch and Walter Schmid-Dankward, who volunteered to join Weidling's staff in April 1945 to help organize the defense. Here Weidling drew up his surrender order to the Berlin garrison, in which he wrote that Hitler had abandoned his soldiers by committing suicide and that all opposition should be ended immediately. Weidling then recorded the message so that it could be broadcast via propaganda vehicles near the remaining areas of resistance.
German officers in captivity, May 2, 1945. F.l.t.r. Weidling, probably Generalleutnant Walter Schmid-Dankward, probably Oberst Hans Refior and an unknown general. Source: Unknown
All hostilities were to end at 1:00 PM, but the last German troops did not lay down their weapons until 5:00 PM. Many soldiers who had managed to escape from the center saw no possibility of escaping to the West and were taken prisoner of war by the Red Army after the fall of Berlin. A factor in this was that Wencks 12. Armee had meanwhile moved away from Berlin, so that the majority of German troops failed to join Wenck or reach the Elbe, with the ultimate aim of surrendering to the British or Americans; soldiers preferred to be taken prisoner by the British or Americans rather than by the Russians. Generalmajor Sydow's unit, now several thousand strong, was surrounded and forced to surrender on May 3, west of Berlin. Krukenberg hid for several hours in North Berlin, but was eventually forced to surrender to the Soviets. Mohnke's group had arrived at the Flak tower in Humboldthain when they heard that Weidling had capitulated. In a brewery a few hundred meters away, Mohnke decided to surrender with his group around 8 p. m.
Even though the Red Army had enormous numerical and technological superiority, the hasty and careless attacks urged from above had led to terrible losses. Not a single officer was alive in some of Konev's units. Some infantry units of the 2nd Guards Tank Army reported 95 percent losses. Several tank brigades had suffered such heavy casualties in street fighting that they had lost their full infantry support and had only a handful of tanks left. During the Battle of Berlin, approximately 80,000 Soviet soldiers lost their lives and 275,000 were injured. The Soviets claimed to have lost 2,156 tanks and pieces of self-propelled guns, 1,220 cannons and mortars and 527 aircraft, but it is not inconceivable that actual losses have been noticeably greater.
According to the Soviets, about 70,000 soldiers were taken prisoner of war in Berlin, but they also included a very large number of civilians - even including women - who were taken to labor camps in the Soviet Union. The type of uniform made no differnce: firefighters and railway officials were also included. The number of casualties on the German side is difficult to estimate, because numbers of victims could no longer be kept up to date at this late stage of the war. A survey conducted shortly after the war reports over 22,000 civilian deaths in central Berlin and about the same number of killed soldiers. Including the deaths in the suburbs, the German casualty figure is probably around 106,000.
Fate of the vanquished
Helmuth Weidling had commanded the Berlin defense for barely nine days. When this position was assigned to him on April 24, Weidling was aware that he could do little for Berlin. He had probably also sensed that this responsibility would cost him dearly later. He was brought before a military tribunal in Moscow in February 1952 and sentenced to 25 years in prison for alleged war crimes. After the intervention of Konrad Adenauer, the last German prisoners of war in the Soviet Union were released between October 1955 and January 1956, but Weidling did not ive to see this: he died on November 17, 1955, aged 64, in a prison in the city of Vladimir, 124 miles east of Moscow.
German soldiers as prisoners of war after the battle of Berlin. Source: Unknown
Werner Mummert, the former commander of the Müncheberg division, would never see Germany again either. He died on January 28, 1950, aged 52, in a hospital in the small town of Shuya, 186 miles northeast of Moscow. Nearly all imprisoned generals still in captivity in 1952 were sentenced to 25 years in prison for war crimes they allegedly committed. So too generals like Gustav Krukenberg, Wilhelm Mohne, Josef Rauch and Otto Sydow, but they all returned to Germany in October 1955 after more than ten years in captivity. The Soviets were more merciful to less prominent officers. Retired generals Woytasch and Schmid-Dankward, who volunteered to join Weidling's staff, were released from Soviet captivity in October 1949. Weidling's two chiefs of staff, Hans Refior and Theodor von Dufving, do not know how long they were held as prisoners of war in the Soviet Union, but at some point, they returned to Germany. Most prisoners of war in lower ranks and positions were released in the late 1940s, but some of these less prominent prisoners were held until the 1950s. The last soldiers and civilian internees, all labeled as war criminals by the Soviets, saw Germany again in 1956.
Being held as prisoners of war by the Americans or British was generally much more tolerable and of shorter duration. The senior officers who were not extradited to the Soviets and who were not convicted of war crimes were usually released after two or three years. Theodor Busse, Gotthard Heinrici, Hasso von Manteuffel , Felix Steiner and Walther Wenck all returned from captivity in 1947 or 1948.
Berlin after the war
While fighting was still going on, Nikolai E. Berzarin, the commander of the 5th Shock Troop Army, was appointed Berlin's first commander. However, he died not long after, in June 1945, in a motorcycle accident. During his short term as city commander, Berzarin had started restoring order and all kinds of basic facilities in Berlin. The inhabitants were embittered by the large-scale looting and rape by Soviet soldiers, but at the same time amazed and grateful that the Red Army made an effort to feed them; Joseph Goebbels' propaganda machine had set expectations very low.
Destruction in the center. View of the Brandenburger Tor and the Unter den Linden. Source: Public Domain
The ratio of damaged buildings in Berlin ranged from around 70 percent in the outer districts to as much as 95 percent in the city center, and a million citizens were homeless. They often continued to live in basements and bomb shelters. However, the somewhat restrained attitude and cynical humor exhibited by the Berliners during the war had not disappeared. For example, new names were introduced for all Berlin districts: Charlottenburg became Klamottenberg (mountain of rags), Steglitz became Steht Nichts ('there is nothing') and Lichterfelde became Trichterfelde ('crater field').
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Fate of the victors
On the Soviet side, the Battle of Berlin was largely considered a success, and many involved officers would go far. Vasily I. Chuikov, whose 8th Guards Army had both defended Stalingrad and accepted the surrender of Berlin, held several other senior positions and in 1955 was awarded the rank of Marshal of the Soviet Union. Marshal Ivan S. Konev had a similarly successful career. Georgy K. Zhukov became Defense Minister in 1955, but he fell out of favor in late 1957 and was relieved of all functions.
The Medal for the Capture of Berlin, awarded in 1945 to all of the 1.1 million participants in the battle of Berlin. Source: Collection Auke de Vlieger.
In the post-war period, the three Marshals committed violent polemics and criticized each other in their memoirs and in opinion pieces, including the strategy followed in the spring of 1945. Shortly after Zhukov fell into disgrace, an article by Konev appeared in Pravda in which he stated that Zhukov had taken credit for military achievements that he had not achieved and that he lacked strategic insight. Chuikov also criticized Zhukov: in an article published in April 1964, he criticized Zhukov's decision not to attack Berlin as early as February 1945. In fierce terms, Zhukov disproved this theory in his memoirs and in some articles, incidentally implicitly supported by Konev. It wasn't until years later that Zhukov and Konev buried the hatchet: In the 1970s, Konev visited Zhukov to apologize and discuss their war experiences, a gesture of reconciliation accepted by Zhukov.
The victory over Nazi Germany was inflated to mythical proportions and Marshal Zhukov was portrayed as the great victor. Source: Public Domain
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