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The United States and Mexico today signed an agreement concerning the development of oil and gas reservoirs that cross the international maritime boundary between the two countries in the Gulf of Mexico. The Agreement is designed to enhance energy security in North America and support our shared duty to exercise responsible stewardship of the Gulf of Mexico. It is built on a commitment to the safe, efficient, and equitable exploitation of transboundary reservoirs with the highest degree of safety and environmental standards. Elements of the Agreement · The United States and Mexico jointly announced their intention to negotiate a transboundary hydrocarbons agreement on June 23, 2010, following the Joint Statement adopted by Presidents Obama and Calderon at the conclusion of President Calderon’s State Visit to Washington on May 19, 2010. Upon entry into force, the current moratorium on oil exploration and production in the Western Gap portion of the Gulf of Mexico will end. The Agreement establishes a cooperative process for managing the maritime boundary region that promotes joint utilization of transboundary reservoirs. The Agreement provides a legal framework for possible commercial activities at the maritime boundary and sets clear guidelines for transboundary developments. It establishes incentives for oil and gas companies to voluntarily enter into arrangements to jointly develop any transboundary reservoirs. In the event such an arrangement is not achieved, the Agreement establishes a process by which U.S. companies and PEMEX can individually develop the resources on each side of the border while protecting each nation’s interests and resources. The legal certainty created by the Agreement will enable U.S. companies to explore new business opportunities and carry out collaborative projects with PEMEX. The Agreement also provides for joint inspections teams to ensure compliance with applicable laws and regulations. Both governments will review all plans for the development of any transboundary reservoirs. Further Growth in the Bilateral Energy Relationship: This Agreement has been a catalyst for increased engagement between our respective safety regulators for the oil and gas sector. That engagement is expected to deepen in the years ahead as we work together to exercise responsible stewardship of the Gulf of Mexico. Mexico is consistently one of the top three exporters of petroleum to the United States. It ranked second behind Canada in 2010 with exports to the United States of 1.3 million barrels per day. The United States and Mexico launched the Bilateral Framework on Clean Energy and Climate Change in April 2009 to explore ways to further develop the potential of this important energy trading relationship. With its focus on renewable energy, energy fficiency, adaptation, market mechanisms, forestry and land use, green jobs, low carbon energy technology development and capacity building, the Bilateral Framework has supported work on common emissions standards for heavy vehicles, closer integration of electricity grids and development of solar and wind energy generation plants in the border region.
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Department of State 12 (“US- Mexico Transboundary Hydrocarbon Agreement: Factsheet”, Office of the Spokesperson, US Department of State, 2-20-12, http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2012/02/184235.htm)
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The United States and Mexico today signed an agreement concerning the development of oil and gas reservoirs that cross the international maritime boundary in the Gulf of Mexico designed to enhance energy security in North America The Agreement establishes a cooperative process that promotes joint utilization of transboundary reservoirs for possible commercial activitie It establishes incentives for oil and gas companies to voluntarily enter into arrangements to jointly develop any transboundary reservoirs. This Agreement has been a catalyst for increased engagement for the oil and gas sector That engagement is expected to deepen in the years ahead as we work together to explore ways to further develop the potential of this important energy trading relationship
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The Transboundary Hydrocarbon Agreement increases engagement and energy trade
| 3,161 | 78 | 770 | 475 | 9 | 115 | 0.018947 | 0.242105 |
Mexico THA Aff - MichiganClassic 2013 DW.html5
|
Michigan (Classic)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,801 |
The energy trade between the United States and Mexico is growing, especially for America’s finished petroleum and natural gas exports. Mexico’s heavy oil production is falling, but that means more spare refining capacity on the Gulf Coast if Canadian oil sands can be transported to the Gulf Coast. The energy and economic welfare of the United States and Mexico are intertwined by our shared geography, geology, and peoples. The Transboundary Hydrocarbon Agreement will help to tie our countries together and grow our economies. North America does not lack energy resources, but what we do lack, at times, is the necessary political will that could lead to greater economic growth and prosperity.
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Daniel S. Simmons 13 (expert on energy @ Institute for Energy Research, Before The Subcommittee On Energy And Mineral Resources Committee On Natural Resources Hearing On U.S.-Mexico Transboundary Hydrocarbon Agreement And Steps Needed For Implementation, Released by the Institute for Energy Research, 4-25-13, http://docs.house.gov/meetings/II/II06/20130425/100755/HHRG-113-II06-Wstate-SimmonsD-20130425.pdf)
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energy trade between the U S and Mexico is growing, especially for America’s finished petroleum and natural gas exports. The energy and economic welfare of the United States and Mexico are intertwined by The Transboundary Hydrocarbon Agreement will help to tie our countries together and grow our economies
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The Agreement ties our energy trade closer
| 697 | 43 | 306 | 111 | 7 | 48 | 0.063063 | 0.432432 |
Mexico THA Aff - MichiganClassic 2013 DW.html5
|
Michigan (Classic)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,802 |
Twenty miles west of Moscow, a new technology race, rather like the space race of the 1960s, is opening up.In the area of farmland, Russia is trying to build its own version of Silicon Valley - the Skolkovo Innovation Centre.It is part of the government initiative to divert the country away from its economic dependence on oil and gas and towards a new kind of industry.It has been a key policy for Dmitry Medvedev, the man who was Russia's president until he was replaced by Vladimir Putin at the beginning of May 2012.The Skolkovo project is widely criticised in Russia and construction work has still not started in earnest more than two years after the proposals was announced.Another aim of this proposed technology drive is to keep clever Russians in the country, along with their money-making ideas, rather than them leaving because they are fed up with corruption and the weight of bureaucracy.
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James Melik BBC Reporter, 7/4/12 “Russia Moves to Diversify Economy With Energy Projects” http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-18622834
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Twenty miles west of Moscow, a new technology race, rather like the space race of the 1960s, is opening up. Russia is trying to build its own version of Silicon Valley - the Skolkovo Innovation Centre.It is part of the government initiative to divert the country away from its economic dependence on oil and gas and towards a new kind of industry.It has been a key policy for Dmitry Medvedev, Another aim is to keep clever Russians in the country, along with their money-making ideas,
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Russia not dependent on oil – Skolkovo
| 903 | 38 | 484 | 153 | 7 | 85 | 0.045752 | 0.555556 |
Mexico THA Aff - MichiganClassic 2013 DW.html5
|
Michigan (Classic)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,803 |
Bolivian President Evo Morales has revoked the mining rights of Vancouver-based South American Silver Corp., the latest blow to foreign miners operating in Latin America amid a growing wave of resource nationalism. The decision to expropriate the Canadian company’s Malku Khota silver mine was the second for Bolivia in a month, highlighting the increasing risks to developing mining and energy assets in the mineral-rich region. From expropriations in Venezuela, Bolivia and Argentina to violent opposition in traditionally mining-friendly jurisdictions such as Peru and Chile, the rising political tensions pose a risk to a decade-long bonanza mining companies have enjoyed. “Resource nationalism is not just about expropriation,” said Alan Hutchison, an expert in mining and energy securities and corporate law at Fraser Milner Casgrain LLP who specializes in Latin American matters. “It is the role and the stake that the government is going to take in any resource project and I think you are seeing that on the rise with the continued high commodity prices.”
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Jordan 12 – Mining Journalist at the Globe and Mail, (Pav, “In Latin America, nationalism stumps Canadian mining companies,” Jul. 11 2012, http://www.theglobeandmail.com/report-on-business/international-business/latin-american-business/in-latin-america-nationalism-stumps-canadian-mining-companies/article4405034/)//A-Berg
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the latest blow to foreign miners operating in Latin America amid a growing wave of resource nationalism. the increasing risks to developing mining and energy assets in the mineral-rich region. expropriations in Venezuela to violent opposition in traditionally mining-friendly jurisdictions such as Peru and Chile, the rising political tensions pose a risk Resource nationalism is not just about expropriation It is the role and the stake that the government is going to take in any resource project and I think you are seeing that on the rise with the continued high commodity prices.”
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Resource nationalism takes out the cp.
| 1,064 | 38 | 586 | 164 | 6 | 93 | 0.036585 | 0.567073 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,804 |
After the Lost Decade in the 1980s, Latin America is back in business – or so we are told. The region is currently experiencing sustained growth, attracting inflows of foreign direct investment (FDI) since 2002, circumventing global trends when FDI worldwide shrunk by 15 per cent in 2008. Beside the United States, Canada has become a leading pursuer of gold and other strategic minerals in Latin America. During the 1991–1995 period, the number of properties owned by Canadian companies increased dramatically. Properties in Mexico almost quintupled (52 to 244), and in Peru and Argentina the numbers also skyrocketed (from 3 to 98 in Peru and from 0 to 97 in Argentina) (Lemieux1995). Canadian mining corporations operated some 1,500 projects across the continent in 2007 (Mining Association of Canada 2007, 22).3¶ High commodity prices and government policies favouring deregulation, privatisation, free trade and investment, especially in mining and hydrocarbons, have contributed to the investment frenzy. Policies aimed at attracting foreign capital in extractive industries include new mining codes, liberalised regulatory regimes and favourable institutional arrangements. The new mining codes implemented in the 1990s lifted foreign capital restrictions and entitled individuals, irrespective of nationality, to invest. They also provided subsidiary rights to other natural resources such as water and generous concession timelines. Mining concessions often enjoy legal pre-eminence over other forms of land tenure on the principle that the development of mineral resources is in the public interest.4 Fourteen Latin American mining nations overhauled their regulatory regimes with the help of the World Bank, advisors from the industry and development organisations such as the Canadian International Development Agency (Chaparro Avila2002).5 As a part of the changes in land tenure, communal lands were privatised by the Fujimori administration in Peru in the 1990s and integrated into potential mining concession as part of their “servitude” (Szablowski 2007, 46). The duration of mining concessions was also extended from 20 to 50 years.¶ In a recent meeting, the Confederación Nacional de Comunidades del Perú Afectadas por la Minería (CONACAMI) denounced the contemporary boom in transnational mining as a “pillage of our natural commons”, a phrase that neatly captures the opposition between neoliberal and communitarian natural resource regimes (CONACAMI 2011). “Pillage” connotes colonial and neocolonial forms of extraction. It refers to the way dominant discourses have represented minerals as treasures to be disinterred or otherwise appropriated and set to external ends. The multinational mining corporations of today echo the Spanish conquistadores and the British and American enclaves and monopolies from the early twentieth century. If the neoliberal reforms of the 1990s ushered in the latest cycle of extraction, contemporary post-neoliberal states such as Ecuador, Bolivia and Venezuela have been unable or unwilling to make a clear break from this model (Gudynas 2012).¶ Henry Veltmeyer's article conceptualises such changes by situating them within the “new imperialism” of contemporary forms of capitalist development. In Latin America, he argues, these changes unfolded in two successive stages: a first wave of foreign investment expansion primarily directed at acquiring the assets of state enterprises with minimal transfer of capital or technology, followed by a second wave focused on direct investment in natural resources. These changes set out a neoliberal regime of resource extraction, a revival of the liberal regimes established across the continent in the late nineteenth century. Within this regime, the state positions itself as the facilitating agent of transnational capitalist forms of extraction of natural resources, supporting their sale on the global market. By doing so, however, it simultaneously sets itself in opposition to the communities directly affected by these operations.¶ Today, mining concessions comprise hundreds of millions of hectares, accounting for large swaths of territory: over 20 per cent of Mexico and Ecuador; and 5 to18 per cent of Colombia, Chile and Peru (The Dominion, July 5, 2007; La Jornada, August 8, 2011; El Espectador, January 12, 2011). According to Veltmeyer, up to 70 per cent of the Mexican concessions used to explore and extract minerals belong to Canadian firms. In Argentina, almost 30 million hectares in 23 provinces are under foreign concessions, with another 13 million hectares still available. Large-scale mining has generated significant state revenue and growth in urban sectors, with mines employing technologies that involve extensive use of land to create open pits. However, it has also heightened environmental risks, especially deforestation and the contamination of water, which are becoming a source of socio-environmental conflicts in the rural and remote communities where these resources are found. In most instances, the areas in concessions are also among the poorest, with limited infrastructure (water and energy supply, roads), populated by indigenous people who traditionally use superficial land for subsistence farming.6¶ As a mitigating strategy, mining companies have mobilised resources in developing new forms of governance, with the support of governments and international development agencies, most especially the development of CSR frameworks. These initiatives rely on voluntary codes and self-regulation. In Latin America, CSR practices have positioned the Canadian mining industry as modern and sustainable, promising a new form of mining, different from the American, British or Spanish mining of previous generations and centuries. While CSR has legitimated transnational mining for certain audiences, it has been ineffective in addressing issues raised by the affected communities. Karyn Keenan argues that the Government of Canada's CSR framework and the federally appointed office of the CSR Counselor have demonstrated an inability to carry out independent investigations of alleged corporate violations of various sets of rights (human, labour, environmental or indigenous).¶ The politics of natural resources have moved to the grassroots level. Since late 1990s, an increasing number of social and environmental conflicts protests have arisen around large private mining and oil projects across Latin America. Over 160 mining conflicts have been accounted by the Chilean Observatorio de Conflictos Mineros de America Latina(OLCA), information which is available online on the group's site.7 McGill University's Research Group Investigating Canadian Mining in Latin America (MICLA) has documented over 80 involving a mining corporation registered and capitalised in Canada as listed on its website.8 These mobilisations against extractive industries have focused on land and water rights, indigenous claims to self-determination and territorial rights and, lastly, environmental damage. The majority of these conflicts concerns gold mines, a metal used mostly as a reserve – a medium of exchange, rather than an industrial input, as North and Young point out in their article.¶ Veltmeyer argues that environmental devastation and corruption in the management of a resource, due to circumvention of mining legislation by local authorities, ensured the plunder of the region's natural resources. A 2008 report by Mexico's Auditor General exposed that the fees paid for the concessions to mine were well below the costs of the administrative procedures involved and not reflective of the volumes of nonrenewable mineral resources extracted during the period 2005 to 2010. As the number of social conflict rises in communities directly affected by these operations, governments and private firms have taken repressive measures to control or neutralise them.9¶ Luis Ángel Saavedra examines the environmental destruction wrought by Texaco – now Chevron – during its 28 years of operation in Ecuador (1964–1992) and the tireless efforts to make this company accountable in United States courts. As in the Mexican case, the opposition to transnational oil companies in Ecuador was provoked by unfulfilled promises made to local communities. According to Saavedra, only 10 per cent of oil company representatives honoured their verbal commitments to local indigenous communities in the Ecuadorian province of Orellana. This gave rise to demands by indigenous communities asking that companies write and sign documents to guarantee the compliance of commitments. In time, organised resistance grew against these types of extractive activities. Saavedra also examines the unexpected social mobilisation (and subsequent criminalisation of) citizens' organisations against three mining projects operated by Ecuacorriente (a Sino-Canadian company) and the Canadian companies Iamgold and Kinross.¶ The rise of judicial harassment in the Ecuadorian provinces with mining projects has resulted in over 360 social leaders taken to court, where they have been accused of crimes such as sabotage, injury and robbery. In the past, these cases were brought up by companies, but since 2008, allegations have been brought up by government officials in what Saavedra calls the “criminalisation of social protest”. The initiation of trials and repressive measures against individuals opposed to extractive activities have resulted in the violation of human and ecological rights. Using the methodology of the Ecuadorian Human Rights Ombudsman, Saavedra distinguishes two types of criminalisation: primary and secondary. Primary criminalisation refers to the elaboration of legislation and typification of inadmissible social behaviour (sabotage, terrorism, rebellion, obstruction of public space, illicit association) in the penal code to deter social protests. Secondary criminalisation is de facto and creates “delinquents” in the realm of public opinion. It uses media statements and representations that contain elements of classism, racism and sexism.¶ According to Liisa North and Laura Young, only a handful of mining companies have been driven out of Latin American due to malpractice. Further, in all these cases, local solidarity and organisational capacity have formed the basis for informed and widespread opposition. Protests leading to greater public awareness about the issues and successful political mobilisation may have convinced some governments to alter their paths. However, it has proven difficult for these governments to sue corporations to protect their nationals or to establish regulations that run counter to the trade and investment treaties that favour companies.¶
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Studnicki-Gizbert & Bazo 13, 3/11 - Daviken Studnicki-Gizbert: is Associate Professor at the Department of History and Classical Studies at McGill University. His research focuses on the social and environmental history of natural resource extrac-tion in Latin America. This includes the environmental history of colonial mining, early Iberian discourseson the transformation of nature, and the historical geography of mining in Mexico. He coordinates theMcGill Research Collective for the Investigation of Mining in Latin America (MICLA).Fabiola Bazo: is Adjunct Professor in the Latin American Studies Program at Simon Fraser University. Her research interests include extractive industries and social conflict, the rise of punk music in Peru as a political voice for disenchanted youth in the 1980s, and the role of social media as a catalyst for political change. She writes on current affairs in Peru (Daviken Studnicki-Gizbert & Fabiola Bazo March 11, 2013, “The emergence of transnational “natural commons” strategies in Canada and Latin America” http://academia.edu/3235720/The_Emergence_of_Transnational_Natural_Commons_Strategies_in_Canada_and_Latin_America)//GP
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Latin America is back in business The region is currently experiencing sustained growth, attracting inflows of foreign direct investment Canada has become a leading pursuer of gold and other strategic minerals in Latin America. the number of properties owned by Canadian companies increased dramatically. Properties in Mexico almost quintupled High commodity prices and government policies favouring deregulation, privatisation, free trade and investment, especially in mining and hydrocarbons, have contributed to the investment frenzy Policies aimed at attracting foreign capital in extractive industries include new mining codes, liberalised regulatory regimes and favourable institutional arrangements. They also provided subsidiary rights to other natural resources such as water and generous concession timelines. Mining concessions often enjoy legal pre-eminence over other forms of land tenure on the principle that the development of mineral resources is in the public interest.4 Fourteen Latin American mining nations overhauled their regulatory regimes with the help of the World Bank, advisors from the industry and development organisations such as the Canadian International Development Agency . In a recent meeting, the CONACAMI) denounced the contemporary boom in transnational mining as a “pillage of our natural commons”, a phrase that neatly captures the opposition between neoliberal and communitarian natural resource regimes Pillage” connotes colonial and neocolonial forms of extraction refers to the way dominant discourses have represented minerals as treasures to be disinterred or otherwise appropriated and set to external ends If the neoliberal reforms of the 1990s ushered in the latest cycle of extraction, contemporary post-neoliberal states such as Venezuela have been unable or unwilling to make a clear break from this model In Latin America, he argues, these changes unfolded in two successive stages: a first wave of foreign investment expansion primarily directed at acquiring the assets of state enterprises with minimal transfer of capital or technology, followed by a second wave focused on direct investment in natural resources. These changes set out a neoliberal regime of resource extraction, a revival of the liberal regimes established across the continent in the late nineteenth century. the state positions itself as the facilitating agent of transnational capitalist forms of extraction of natural resources , mining concessions comprise hundreds of millions of hectares, accounting for large swaths of territory: over 20 per cent of Mexico up to 70 per cent of the Mexican concessions used to explore and extract minerals belong to Canadian firms However, it has also heightened environmental risks, especially deforestation and the contamination of water, which are becoming a source of socio-environmental conflicts in the rural and remote communities where these resources are found the areas in concessions are also among the poorest, with limited infrastructure (water and energy supply, roads), populated by indigenous people who traditionally use superficial land for subsistence farming. . In Latin America, CSR practices have positioned the Canadian mining industry as modern and sustainable, promising a new form of mining, different from the American, generations and centuries While CSR has legitimated transnational mining for certain audiences, it has been ineffective in addressing issues raised by the affected communities. the Government of Canada's CSR framework and the federally appointed office of the CSR Counselor have demonstrated an inability to carry out independent investigations of alleged corporate violations of various sets of rights (human, labour, environmental or indigenous). The politics of natural resources have moved to the grassroots level. Since late 1990s, an increasing number of social and environmental conflicts protests have arisen around large private mining and oil projects across Latin America. Over 160 mining conflicts McGill University's Research Group Investigating Canadian Mining in Latin America ) has documented over 80 involving a mining corporation registered and capitalised in Canada as listed on its website These mobilisations against extractive industries have focused on land and water rights, indigenous claims to self-determination and territorial rights and, lastly, environmental damage. . Veltmeyer argues that environmental devastation and corruption in the management of a resource, due to circumvention of mining legislation by local authorities, ensured the plunder of the region's natural resources A 2008 report by Mexico's Auditor General exposed that the fees paid for the concessions to mine were well below the costs of the administrative procedures involved and not reflective of the volumes of nonrenewable mineral resources extracted during the period 2005 to 2010. The initiation of trials and repressive measures against individuals opposed to extractive activities have resulted in the violation of human and ecological rights. Saavedra distinguishes two types of criminalisation: primary and secondary. Primary criminalisation refers to (sabotage, terrorism, rebellion, obstruction of public space, illicit association) in the penal code to deter social protests. Secondary criminalisation is de facto and creates “delinquents” in the realm of public opinion contain elements of classism, racism and sexism.
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Canada destroys Latin America – fills it with corruption, violation of human rights, and severe damage of the environment
| 10,717 | 121 | 5,450 | 1,561 | 19 | 782 | 0.012172 | 0.500961 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,805 |
On November 27, 2009, Mariano Abarca Roblero was shot dead outside his home in Chiapas, Mexico. Abarca was a well-known community activist who led local opposition to a mining operation near his home. The aptly named Payback mine is owned by a Canadian company, Blackfire Exploration. Mexican police have arrested three men in connection with Abarca’s death, one of whom is currently employed by the company. The other suspects are former Blackfire employees, and allegations have surfaced that the company repeatedly bribed local authorities to quell local dissent. The Mexican government temporarily halted Blackfire’s operations after Abarca’s killing, citing environmental violations at the mine site. According to media reports, the company has threatened to sue the Mexican government under the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) for damages incurred as a result of the mine closure. In Canada, civil society organizations have requested a government investigation of Blackfire under legislation that bars Canadian citizens from bribing foreign public officials.¶ Unfortunately, as remarkable as these events may sound, they are not as uncommon as one might expect. Not only do Canadian mining operations in Latin America cause significant environmental damage, but they are also associated with social disruption and human rights violations, and generate conflict with and among local communities.1 Those who oppose mining operations are often harassed and intimidated.2 In recent months, several critics of Canadian mining companies have been murdered in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Mexico.3 Moreover, according to a former cabinet minister from Argentina who recently testified before Canadian Parliament, Canadian mining companies unduly influence the legislative process in her country.4(Canadian mining company Barrick Gold refutes her testimony on its website.)¶ Local communities have responded to the arrival of Canadian mining companies with a variety of strategies aimed at protecting their land and resources. Some of these efforts have yielded positive results. For example, an overwhelming majority of local residents in Tambogrande, Peru, opposed the extraction of a gold deposit located underneath their town, as proposed by Manhattan Minerals, a junior Canadian mining company. The municipal government convened a referendum on the project so that local perspectives would be considered in decision-making concerning the project. Ninety-eight percent of registered voters rejected the project, which was eventually turned down by the Peruvian government.¶ Unfortunately, Tambogrande is an anomaly. In most cases, communities are marginalized from the decision-making over mining projects in their areas. Moreover, host governments are often unwilling or unable to effectively regulate the operations of transnational companies in their territories. Communities are commonly denied access to meaningful mechanisms of legal redress in their countries regarding the damages they suffer as a consequence of poorly regulated mining operations. Several mining-affected populations have turned to international mechanisms to voice their grievances. For example, indigenous communities affected by the Marlin mine in Guatemala brought complaints before the World Bank’s Compliance Advisor Ombudsman and the Canadian National Contact Point. However, the non-binding recommendations that are produced by these offices are of limited impact.¶ Other populations affected by Canadian mining operations have sought redress through the Canadian judicial system. Representatives of indigenous communities in Guyana filed a suit in a Canadian court after a tailings dam failure caused massive environmental contamination at a Canadian mine in their country. The Canadian court refused to hear the case, arguing that Guyana was the appropriate legal forum. The Guyanese judicial system proved equally ineffectual. Now Ecuadoran plaintiffs are testing the Canadian legal system once again, suing the Canadian mining company Copper Mesa, its directors, and the Toronto Stock Exchange in association with death threats and assaults committed against community members who opposed the development of a copper mine.¶ Several Latin American governments have taken steps to better regulate the mining industry. But these efforts are often stymied. For example, the Argentine Congress unanimously passed legislation to protect that country’s glaciers from mining activities. Large tracts of the Andean cordillera on the country’s Chilean border have been included in mining concessions granted to Canadian companies. President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner vetoed the legislation, according to some sources, in response to pressure from Canadian mining interests.5 In other cases, governments are penalized when they strengthen environmental and health protections in relation to mining operations. For example, Canadian mining company Pacific Rim responded to the Salvadoran government’s decision not to issue permits for the company’s El Dorado project by suing it for damages under the Dominican Republic–Central America Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA).¶ *¶ Nowhere is the Canadian mining sector’s presence felt overseas more acutely than in Latin America. The region is the single most important destination for Canadian mining capital, surpassing by a wide margin Africa, the industry’s second choice. In 2008, more than half of Canadian mining companies’ global assets were located in Latin America, at a value close to $57 billion (all values throughout this article are in Canadian dollars).6 The Canadian government is an important partner with this flagship industry, actively supporting mining companies’ overseas operations through the provision of both financial and political backing.¶ This state support takes various forms. Extractive companies (mining, oil, gas) are the single greatest recipient of backing from Export Development Canada (EDC), a state-owned “Crown corporation” that provides financing and insurance to facilitate Canadian exports and overseas investments. In 2008, EDC facilitated Canadian business in the Latin American extractive sector worth more than $4 billion and is poised to expand its support for the Canadian mining industry in the region.7 With new offices in Santiago and Lima, EDC now has a permanent presence in Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and Peru, countries that, together with Argentina, were the top five destinations for Canadian mining capital in Latin America from 2002 to 2008.8Meanwhile, the Canada Pension Plan, a publicly administered fund to which most working Canadians are legally required to contribute, holds equity worth about $2.5 billion in publicly traded Canadian mining companies that operate in developing countries.9 And the Canadian Trade Commissioner facilitates access to foreign markets for Canadian mining companies. For example, Manhattan Minerals obtained its interest in the Tambogrande mine concession shortly after participating in a Team Canada trade mission to Peru.¶ Canadian embassies also provide valuable political backing. The Canadian ambassador to Guatemala published an opinion piece in a local paper, praising the Canadian mining industry, when indigenous communities expressed opposition to the Canadian-owned Marlin mine. In Peru, communities frustrated with operations at the Antamina mine blocked an access road to the mine site.10 Days later, an article appeared on the front page of the Canadian Embassy website showcasing Antamina and praising its achievements as a socially responsible company. According to a representative of Canadian company Corriente Resources, whose operations in Ecuador have been associated with violent conflict and allegations of human rights abuse, “the Canadian Embassy in Ecuador has worked tirelessly to affect [sic] change in the mining policy—including facilitating high-level meetings between Canadian mining companies and President Rafael Correa.”11 Corriente Resources participated in one such meeting, during which the Canadian ambassador expressed the government of Canada’s concerns regarding changes to Ecuador’s regulatory framework.¶ *¶ The challenges created by Canadian mining companies’ international operations are not unique. A vibrant international debate is under way concerning the responsibility of home countries for the overseas activities of their transnational companies. Home countries are those jurisdictions in which transnational companies incorporate, raise capital, and receive public backing. In Canada, this debate has focused on the federal government’s responsibility regarding the international operations of the Canadian extractive sector. Canada currently falls short in two respects. First, it lacks an effective legal or policy framework to regulate the overseas operations of Canadian extractive companies. Applicable legislative provisions are extremely limited in scope. And the Canadian government’s policy of corporate social responsibility for the extractive sector, described below, is unlikely to have a positive impact. Second, non-nationals who are adversely affected by the overseas operations of Canadian extractive companies face daunting barriers in accessing the Canadian legal system.¶
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Keenan, 10 - is Program Officer at the Halifax Initiative, a coalition of Canadian civil society organizations that focuses on public financial institutions. She has worked directly with indigenous communities in Latin America that are affected by mining, oil, and gas operations (“Canadian Mining: Still Unaccountable” North American Congress on Latin America, https://nacla.org/article/canadian-mining-still-unaccountable)//GP
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Not only do Canadian mining operations in Latin America cause significant environmental damage, but they are also associated with social disruption and human rights violations, and generate conflict with and among local communities. Those who oppose mining operations are often harassed and intimidated , several critics of Canadian mining companies have been murdered in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Mexico according to a former cabinet minister from Argentina who recently testified before Canadian Parliament, Canadian mining companies unduly influence the legislative process in her country .) Local communities have responded to the arrival of Canadian mining companies with a variety of strategies aimed at protecting their land and resources . In most cases, communities are marginalized from the decision-making over mining projects in their areas. host governments are often unwilling or unable to effectively regulate the operations of transnational companies in their territories. Several mining-affected populations have turned to international mechanisms to voice their grievances indigenous communities affected by the Marlin mine in Guatemala brought complaints before the World Bank’s Compliance Advisor Ombudsman and the Canadian National Contact Point. the non-binding recommendations that are produced by these offices are of limited impact. Other populations affected by Canadian mining operations have sought redress through the Canadian judicial system. Representatives of indigenous communities in Guyana filed a suit in a Canadian court after a tailings dam failure caused massive environmental contamination at a Canadian mine in their country. The Canadian court refused to hear the case, arguing that Guyana was the appropriate legal forum. The Guyanese judicial system proved equally ineffectual Now Ecuadoran plaintiffs are testing the Canadian legal system once again, suing the Canadian mining company Copper Mesa, its directors, and the Toronto Stock Exchange in association with death threats and assaults committed against community members who opposed the development of a copper mine. Several Latin American governments have taken steps to better regulate the mining industry But these efforts are often stymied In other cases, governments are penalized when they strengthen environmental and health protections in relation to mining operations Canadian mining company Pacific Rim responded to the Salvadoran government’s decision not to issue permits for the company’s El Dorado project by suing it for damages under the Dominican Republic–Central America Free Trade Agreement Nowhere is the Canadian mining sector’s presence felt overseas more acutely than in Latin America In 2008, more than half of Canadian mining companies’ global assets were located in Latin America, at a value close to $57 billion The Canadian government is an important partner with this flagship industry, actively supporting mining companies’ overseas operations through the provision of both financial and political backing , EDC now has a permanent presence in Mexico “the Canadian Embassy in Ecuador has worked tirelessly to affect [sic] change in the mining policy—including facilitating high-level meetings between Canadian mining companies and President Rafael Correa * The challenges created by Canadian mining companies’ international operations are not unique In Canada, this debate has focused on the federal government’s responsibility regarding the international operations of the Canadian extractive sector Canada currently falls short in two respects. First, it lacks an effective legal or policy framework to regulate the overseas operations of Canadian extractive companies. And the Canadian government’s policy of corporate social responsibility for the extractive sector, described below, is unlikely to have a positive impact non-nationals who are adversely affected by the overseas operations of Canadian extractive companies face daunting barriers in accessing the Canadian legal system
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Canada’s corruption in Latin America violates their human rights – net worse than the aff
| 9,276 | 89 | 4,022 | 1,315 | 15 | 575 | 0.011407 | 0.437262 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
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Michigan (7-week)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,806 |
Canada’s mining industry is the largest in the world, with a sizable presence in the developing world.¶ In Latin America, Canadian mining companies are often involved in environmentally destructive and socially irresponsible practices.¶ One Canadian mining company, Pacific Rim, is accused of killing activists opposed to its ongoing mining activities in El Salvador.¶ To date, the Canadian government has not taken measures to hold its mining industry to human rights and environmental standards abroad.¶ A grassroots protest in Peru, which unfortunately turned violent, may represent a policy shift with regard to foreign mining on indigenous lands.¶ Canada’s mining industry is the largest in the world, and in 2004 its world market share accounted for 60 percent of all mining companies. In fact, the entire Latin American region is second only to Canada in terms of the breadth of its mining exploration and development activity.[i] In what some call the “halo effect,” Canadian industries have been perceived as the more conscientious alternative to their U.S. equivalents. Since Canadian industries are understood to have socially responsible practices, especially in contrast to those of American companies, they are typically welcomed abroad.[ii] Nonetheless, recent accusations that the Canadian mining company Pacific Rim played a role in the death squad killings of anti-mining activists in El Salvador has brought this reputation into question, while further investigation into the Canadian government’s regulation reveals that the government has mandated no true restrictions on its industry’s mining practices abroad. Left to its own accord, the Canadian mining industry has no problem destroying landscapes, uprooting communities, and even resorting to violence to promote its interests; for this reason, only government regulation can affect true change. A recent move by the Peruvian government to protect citizens near the city of Puno demonstrates that Latin American governments may finally be willing and able to regulate Canadian mining companies operating within their nations.¶ The Evolution of Canadian Mining in Latin America¶ In the period from 1990 to 2001, mineral investment in Latin America increased by 400 percent, and by 2005, the region was receiving 23 percent of total worldwide exploration investments. The Canadian mining industry’s share of the Latin American market is the largest of any country, at 34 percent in 2004.[iii] However, even with a substantial flow of Canadian investment in the mining sectors of these countries, living standards have not tangibly improved for those in proximity of the mines, despite the image portrayed by the mining industry.¶ For a large part of the 20th century, the majority of the mineral wealth in Latin America was government property
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Whalen, 11- Council on Hemispheric Affairs Research Associate (Daniel Whalen, 7/25/11, “Hidden Hegemony: Canadian Mining in Latin America”, COHA, http://www.coha.org/hidden-hegemony-canadian-mining-in-latin-america/#sthash.6ZZMHvFu.dpuf)//GP
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Canada’s mining industry is the largest in the world, with a sizable presence in the developing world. In Latin America Canadian mining companies are often involved in environmentally destructive and socially irresponsible practices. One Canadian mining company is accused of killing activists opposed to its ongoing mining activities in El Salvador the Canadian government has not taken measures to hold its mining industry to human rights and environmental standards abroad. A grassroots protest in Peru, which unfortunately turned violent, may represent a policy shift with regard to foreign mining on indigenous lands Canadian industries have been perceived as the more conscientious alternative to their U.S. equivalents Since Canadian industries are understood to have socially responsible practices, especially in contrast to those of American companies, they are typically welcomed abroad.[ii] Nonetheless, recent accusations that the Canadian mining company Pacific Rim played a role in the death squad killings of anti-mining activists in El Salvador has brought this reputation into question, hile further investigation into the Canadian government’s regulation reveals that the government has mandated no true restrictions on its industry’s mining practices abroad. the Canadian mining industry has no problem destroying landscapes, uprooting communities, and even resorting to violence to promote its interests; The Canadian mining industry’s share of the Latin American market is the largest of any country even with a substantial flow of Canadian investment in the mining sectors of these countries, living standards have not tangibly improved for those in proximity of the mines, despite the image portrayed by the mining industry the majority of the mineral wealth in Latin America was government property
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Canada shouldn’t do the plan – violate human rights and non-existent environmental standards
| 2,817 | 93 | 1,822 | 427 | 13 | 266 | 0.030445 | 0.622951 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
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Michigan (7-week)
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Affirmatives
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2013
|
3,807 |
¶ The Negative Effects of Canadian Mining Around the World¶ Canadian industries operating abroad have always benefitted from positive perceptions of the nation’s practices resulting from the aforementioned “halo effect.”[xvii] However, in truth, Canadian mining often has drastic consequences for local environments and communities; thus, recent activities, in reality, stand to dampen this image. Across the globe, Canadian mining companies destroy landscapes, contaminate the environment, and disturb the lives of locals. Meanwhile, the Canadian government does little, if anything, to hold these companies accountable for their exploits. In effect, environmental groups recognize that Canadian mining firms are “just as bad as the most ruthless of American companies.”[xviii]¶ To illustrate, one Canadian gold mining company, Goldcorp, maintains mines in the following Latin America nations: Mexico, Guatemala, the Dominican Republic, Honduras, Brazil, Chile, and Argentina. Goldcorp represents just one of the many Canadian mining companies in Latin America, yet its mines have been associated with numerous infractions, including the destruction of archaeological sites, acid mine drainage, water resource depletion in drought-prone areas, polluting water resources with copper and iron, high levels of arsenic and lead in local inhabitants, mercury poisoning, pipeline bursts, and disregarding the pleas of locals.[xix]¶ The Effects of Mining on the Environment¶ Depletion of water resources and contamination are the principal negative ramifications of mining, in addition to physical destruction. Mining companies often forcibly monopolize water resources, as many mining techniques require large amounts of water. As a result, local communities are left with a profound shortage or impaired quality of water. For example, Goldcorp’s Marlin mine in Guatemala uses approximately 2,175,984,000 liters per year compared to the 153,300 used by an average North American citizen or the average 13,505 liters used by an African citizen.[xx] The problem is exacerbated in areas that receive as little as 150 mm of rainfall per year such as northwest Argentina, where the joint venture Alumbrera mine operated by Goldcorp, Xstrata and Northern Orion depletes the already precarious water supply, leaving locals in desperation.[xxi]¶ Water pollution has a more detrimental and long-lasting effect on the environment than water depletion. Acid Mine Drainage (AMD), the most common form of mining contamination, occurs when sulfides housed in the rock are exposed to air during excavation, forming sulfuric acid. This acid runs off into nearby streams and lakes, polluting the surrounding watershed. The acid dissolves other heavy metals it encounters such as copper, lead, arsenic, zinc, selenium and mercury, which further pollute the surface and ground water of the region.[xxii] AMD can continue for thousands of years after the mine is closed, as illustrated by a 2,000-year-old mine in Great Britain that continues to produce AMD today. Goldcorp mines have been associated with AMD in four Latin American countries: Mexico, Honduras, Guatemala, and Argentina.[xxiii]¶ Cyanide, used to extract gold and silver from the surrounding rock, makes large-scale processing possible, but when released into the environment, it can have serious consequences. On average, 70 tons of waste is created in the processing of 1 ounce of gold. At Goldcorp’s San Martín mine in Honduras, an average of .78 ounces of gold is extracted from every ton of ore, and an enormous amount of rock must be moved. When chemically treated rock and ore, known as ‘mine tailings,’ spill during transport, the water supply can become contaminated with cyanide.[xxiv] Though mining companies report that cyanide is broken down by sunlight and transformed into a nontoxic form, it frequently harms, or even kills, aquatic life.[xxv] At the La Coipa mine in Chile, a former Goldcorp holding, mercury as well as cyanide was discovered in groundwater as a result of mine seepage. Blood samples taken from the local community population near Goldcorp’s San Martín mine in Honduras registered high levels of mercury, lead and arsenic.[xxvi]¶ False Hope and Canadian Bill C-300¶ The Canadian mining industry’s operations in Latin America have unquestionably harmed the surrounding environments and communities and influenced the policies of the host nations.[xxvii] Despite this, the Canadian government refuses to enforce any type of human rights regulations outside of Canadian territory; instead, the government supports the mining industry both financially and politically regardless of its practices. Several enlightened segments of the Canadian government took a stand against the government’s policy with respect to foreign mining practices, but to no avail. The parliamentary Standing Committee for Foreign Affairs and International Trade issued a report calling for reforms regarding mining in foreign countries. However, the government responded stating that no precedent for prosecuting or regulating practices outside of the Canadian territory currently exists. The government established a round-table to address the issue, viewed by many critics as an ineffective stalling tactic. [xxviii]¶ Canadian Bill C-300, also known as the Responsible Mining Bill, provided a glimmer of hope for increased accountability of Canadian mining industry practices in the developing world. The bill would have ensured compliance with the stringent international environmental practices the Canadian government claims to uphold, as well as reaffirmed Canada’s commitment to human rights. Additionally, the bill would have outlined environmental standards for the Canadian extractive industry, provisions for grievances to be brought before the ministers of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, and public reporting of any dismissed complaint in the Canada Gazette.[xxix] According to Bill C-300, any government funding for Canadian extractive companies abroad would be contingent upon compliance with the aforementioned standards and would require confirmation by the local Canadian embassy. C-300 was the legal apparatus to ensure acceptable practices by Canadian mining firms abroad. Although C-300 passed on the second reading in 2009, the bill ultimately failed to pass the final vote in the House of Commons on October 27, 2010.[xxx] This was an unfortunate victory for the Canadian mining industry, and was yet another sign that the current Conservative government does not support human rights and environmental health, at least not when Canada’s extractive industry could see its profit margin adversely affected in any way.¶ However, the government holds that it does in fact support human rights in developing nations through the controversial IMF and World Bank structural adjustments plans.[xxxi] In spite of Canada’s rather flattering reputation for high moral standards, at least in comparison to the U.S., Canada’s support for human rights appears quite dubious at times. Ottawa refused to sign the United Nations’ Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples that requires consent from indigenous groups before any projects can commence on their land. Canada, along with Australia, called for revision, which significantly slowed the process and ultimately blocked its passage. [xxxii] The failure of this declaration was a certain victory for the Canadian mining industry in Latin America, which conducts its business almost exclusively on inhabited territory.
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Whalen, 11- Council on Hemispheric Affairs Research Associate (Daniel Whalen, 7/25/11, “Hidden Hegemony: Canadian Mining in Latin America”, COHA, http://www.coha.org/hidden-hegemony-canadian-mining-in-latin-america/#sthash.6ZZMHvFu.dpuf)//GP
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Canadian industries operating abroad have always benefitted from positive perceptions of the nation’s practices resulting from the aforementioned “halo effect , in truth, Canadian mining often has drastic consequences for local environments and communities; thus, recent activities, in reality, stand to dampen this image Canadian mining companies destroy landscapes, contaminate the environment, and disturb the lives of locals. , the Canadian government does little, if anything, to hold these companies accountable for their exploits Canadian mining companies in Latin America, yet its mines have been associated with numerous infractions, including the destruction of archaeological sites, acid mine drainage, water resource depletion in drought-prone areas, polluting water resources with copper and iron, high levels of arsenic and lead in local inhabitants, mercury poisoning, pipeline bursts, and disregarding the pleas of local Environment Depletion of water resources and contamination are the principal negative ramifications of mining, in addition to physical destruction local communities are left with a profound shortage or impaired quality of water Goldcorp depletes the already precarious water supply, leaving locals in desperatio Water pollution has a more detrimental and long-lasting effect on the environment than water depletion. Acid Mine Drainage acid runs off into nearby streams and lakes, polluting the surrounding watershed. dissolves other heavy metals it encounters such as copper, lead, arsenic, zinc, selenium and mercury, which further pollute the surface and ground water of the region Goldcorp mines have been associated with AMD in Mexico, environment Blood samples taken from the local community population near Goldcorp’s San Martín mine in Honduras registered high levels of mercury, lead and arsenic The Canadian mining industry’s operations in Latin America have unquestionably harmed the surrounding environments and communities and influenced the policies of the host nations. the Canadian government refuses to enforce any type of human rights regulations outside of Canadian territory; instead, the government supports the mining industry both financially and politically regardless of its practices. the government responded stating that no precedent for prosecuting or regulating practices outside of the Canadian territory currently exists. , as well as reaffirmed Canada’s commitment to human rights that the current Conservative government does not support human rights and environmental health, at least not when Canada’s extractive industry could see its profit margin adversely affected in any way In spite of Canada’s rather flattering reputation for high moral standards, at least in comparison to the U.S., Canada’s support for human rights appears quite dubious at times.
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Canada poisons Latin America – worsens the lives of the locals
| 7,549 | 62 | 2,829 | 1,107 | 11 | 404 | 0.009937 | 0.36495 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
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Michigan (7-week)
|
Affirmatives
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2013
|
3,808 |
Canadian companies have been among the investors that responded to this opening in Cuba. Some Canadian companies see Cuba as a key opportunity since the American embargo prevents competition from their business rivals in the United States. Yet many Canadian companies are hesitant about investing in Cuba because of the special difficulties related to Cuba’s economic system and the complications that arise from the tension between Havana and Washington. The structure of the Cuban economy poses unique problems for foreign investors. The centrally planned economy is complicated by a dual monetary system: most domestic exchanges for average Cubans take place within the peso economy, but foreigners, including foreign investors, must operate in a separate system with a different currency, the Cuban convertible peso (CUC), that is pegged to US dollars. The existence of a large informal economy that operates mainly beyond state control further complicates the situation. However, Raúl Castro has taken steps to address some of the issues with the Cuban economy. For example, in early 2010, he appeared to be acting on his earlier announcement that the government would slowly phase out the two-tier currency system as more stores and restaurants began to conduct business in the peso system.56 The business culture in Cuba presents additional impediments. Since Cubans have operated largely outside the capitalist system for decades, they are sometimes unfamiliar with common business practices and norms. This presents a challenge for the Cubans who are now attempting to do business with foreign companies and often creates headaches for the companies involved in negotiations with the Cubans. Other complications are directly related to Cuba’s approach to foreign investors. Although there are laws governing foreign investment projects, every investment inquiry is dealt with individually, which has led to inconsistent applications of the law.57 Thus it is often difficult to predict if a project will acquire initial approval and, even if approval is given, whether the decision will be reversed at a later date. A number of foreign firms claim that approved projects have been stalled or cancelled without warning. For example, a Canadian company, Cuban Canadian Resorts International, had an agreement to develop luxury beachfront condominiums in Cuba that was approved by the Executive Committee of the Council of Ministers and signed by Vice-President Carlos Lage in 1998. The company also had Cuba’s minister of tourism, the minister of finance, and the minister of foreign investments onside.58 Despite this level of approval, in 2000 the Cuban government declared that it would not allow foreign ownership of condominium projects; this put an abrupt end to the project, which had been well under way. Further complications arise from the fact that the Cuban government retains control over the hiring decisions, wage rates, and other labour matters on all joint venture projects. When the Cuban economy encounters difficulty, these hurdles are likely to be intensified, creating even more headaches for foreign investors. For instance, recent economic troubles in Cuba have created additional problems for foreign investors, as some report having trouble transferring profits out of the country or even having their funds in Cuba frozen.59 As well as dealing with the unique challenges related to the Cuban economy and investment policies, foreign investors must contend with obstructions emanating from Washington. The United States has imposed an embargo against Cuba since the early days of the Revolution and as such has tried to discourage other countries from doing business with the embargoed state. However, in the 1990s, this dissuasion became more explicit. The Cuban Democracy Act of 1992 forbade subsidiaries of US companies in other countries from trading with Cuba. The Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity (Libertad) Act of 1996, known as the Helms-Burton Act, further complicates foreign business ventures in Cuba. Helms-Burton targets companies accused of “trafficking” in property that was formerly owned by US citizens (including the property of Cubans who have since acquired American citizenship).
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Wylie, ’10 - Associate Professor in Political Science at McMaster University, Ph.D in Political Science from University of Massachusetts, Amherst, (Lana, “Reassessing Canada’s Relationship with Cuba in an Era of Change,” October 2010, http://www.opencanada.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/05/Reassessing-Canada%E2%80%99s-Relationship-with-Cuba-in-an-Era-of-Change-Lana-Wylie1.pdf)//A-Berg
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many Canadian companies are hesitant about investing in Cuba because of difficulties related to Cuba’s economic system and the complications that arise from the tension between Havana and Washington. The structure of the Cuban economy poses unique problems The centrally planned economy is complicated by a dual monetary system domestic exchanges Cubans take place within the peso economy but foreign investors operate in a separate system with a different currency a large informal economy that operates beyond state control further complicates the situation business culture in Cuba presents additional impediments Cubans are unfamiliar with common business practices and norms foreign companies creates headaches for the companies involved in negotiations Other complications are related to Cuba’s approach to foreign investors every investment inquiry is dealt with individually, which has led to inconsistent applications of the law it is difficult to predict if a project will acquire approval and, even if approval is given, whether the decision will be reversed foreign firms claim that approved projects have been stalled or cancelled without warning Further complications arise from the fact that the Cuban government retains control over the hiring decisions, wage rates, and other labour matters on all joint venture projects. creating even more headaches for foreign investors foreign investors report having trouble transferring profit or having their funds in Cuba frozen foreign investors must contend with obstructions emanating from Washington
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Canada fails at engaging with Cuba --- here’s the laundry list.
| 4,239 | 63 | 1,561 | 646 | 11 | 228 | 0.017028 | 0.352941 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
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Michigan (7-week)
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Affirmatives
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2013
|
3,809 |
Recent estimates suggest as much as $300 billion of investment will be needed in Canada over the next two decades to sustain and strengthen energy infrastructure. Much of the existing infrastructure is in need of refurbishment/upgrading, but also new transmission systems and pipelines will be required to enhance regional interconnections and expand export opportunities. In particular, Premiers should focus on greater regional cooperation to enable infrastructure solutions that take advantage of regional energy assets and meet the specific needs of their populations. Through improving liability and expanding access to a broader array of both traditional and renewable energy, governments should seek to ensure affordable energy for consumers and a stronger competitive position for Canadian industry. Investments in infrastructure also are essential to enable Canada to access new market for its energy products. Both the federal and affected provincial governments should work together with industry to examine the potential for multiple energy corridors to the Pacific, in the interests of expanding exports to growing Asian markets. 6. Create a Canadian energy technology advantage Growing world energy demand brings not only the opportunity for expanding our share of bulk energy exports. Cleaner technologies related to energy, as well as related services and expertise, will be in high demand as services with lower environmental and social impact. The competition to provide next-generation technologies is already proving to be fierce, and Canada cannot be left out of the game. As a country, we strive to develop the most supportive public policy framework to spur development and deployment of sounder energy technologies. The Canadian energy industry already is working with governments, researchers and other partners on next-generation technology development. But more needs to be done to foster effective collaboration among the private sector, governments and academia, and to ensure non-private sector research fits the needs of Canadian companies. Clearly, not all of the innovation will happen in Canada, but there is more to be done in establishing cutting-edge laboratories and formulating practical policies that support expanded private sector R&D. One critical issue, not unique to the energy sphere, is how to get beyond the development and demonstration of advanced technologies to full-scale commercialization. There also is a need to think about infrastructure that could support advanced transportation technologies – such as biofuels, natural gas and hydrogen – as well as the potential to create a Canadian advantage in the growing field of energy storage technology. The energy industry also needs to upgrade its commitment to research and development of energy technologies. One promising initiative is the launch of the Canadian Oil Sands Innovation Alliance (COSIA), a consortium of 12 leading companies engaged in oil sands development. COSIA will pool industry efforts toward technology development and deployment aid at developing solutions to the industry’s most pressing environmental challenges. Efforts of this sort are critical, since they will help solidify Canada’s reputation as a developer of sustainable energy solutions, but also because innovation inside the energy industry can spur new levels of innovation outside it. 7. Ensure efficient regulatory processes The World Economic Forum has identified “efficient government bureaucracy” as one of the key impediments to doing business in Canada. Our federal system can sometimes compound our disadvantage, which is why we need to set a goal of an innovative, modern and reformed regulatory system that is a comparative advantage for Canada. When it comes to the approval process for major energy projects, an inefficient regulatory system can easily frustrate efforts to enhance Canadian prosperity, as well as limit Canadians’ access to sounder energy choices and affordable energy with lower environmental impact. The federal government’s announcement of its “Responsible Resource Development” initiative is a significant step towards the reform that has been promised for several years by both levels of government. It has a number of important elements: Establishing appropriate timelines for decision-making to increase timeliness and predictability; Clarifying responsibility among the myriad federal departments and centralizing and simplifying the decision-making process; Specifying the types of major projects that require formal federal assessment and those for which an equivalent provincial process can be substituted. Clarifying what issues are for assessment by the appropriate regulatory body with respect to the individual project, and what issues are the prerogative of government as the key decision-maker with respect to the overall public interest. Streamlining the intervenor process so that all legitimate points of view can be heard, but avoiding duplication and delays that do not enhance the final decision. The problem of overlapping departmental responsibilities also is an issue within several provinces. By simplifying and clarifying their own approval processes, provinces and territories can help to realize the long-stated goof “one project, one review”. With its recent reform proposals, the federal government appears willing; now it is time for the provinces and territories to do their part.
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Canadian Council of Chief Executives 12 - not-for-profit, non-partisan organization composed of the CEOs of Canada’s leading enterprises, (FRAMING AN ENERGY STRATEGY FOR CANADA, Submission to the Council of the Federation,” July 2012 http://www.ceocouncil.ca/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/Framing-An-Energy-Strategy-for-Canada-FINAL-July-20122.pdf
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estimates suggest $300 billion of investment will be needed in Canada to sustain and strengthen energy infrastructure. infrastructure is in need of refurbishment/upgrading, transmission systems and pipelines to enhance regional interconnections and expand export opportunities. The Canadian energy industry already is working with governments, researchers and other partners on next-generation technology developmen . But more needs to be done to foster effective collaboration among the private sector, governments and academia, and to ensure non-private sector research there is more to be done in establishing cutting-edge laboratories and formulating practical policies that support expanded private sector R&D. The energy industry also needs to upgrade its commitment to research and development of energy technologies. The World Economic Forum has identified government bureaucracy” as one of the key impediments to doing business in Canada. Our federal system can compound our disadvantage we need to set a goal of an innovative, modern and reformed regulatory system that is a comparative advantage for Canada. an inefficient regulatory system can easily frustrate efforts to enhance Canadian prosperity, as well as limit Canadians’ access to sounder energy choices and affordable energy with lower environmental impact. The problem of overlapping departmental responsibilities also is an issue
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Multiple structural barriers prevent effective energy cooperation
| 5,434 | 65 | 1,402 | 797 | 7 | 198 | 0.008783 | 0.248432 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
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Michigan (7-week)
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Affirmatives
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2013
|
3,810 |
NAFTA relationship, now almost a decade old; the watershed democratic election of Vicente Fox as Mexico’s president in 2000, and his administration’s advocacy of closer North American cooperation; a continental focus following the events of September 11: all these have brought greater attention to the ties between Canada and Mexico. Before the NAFTA era — and it is worth recalling that NAFTA originated as a bilateral Mexican initiative with the United States to which Canada had reacted coolly — Professor Laura Macdonald observed: “… there were hardly any Mexican experts in Canada. Hardly anyone was interested in Mexico. We had this big mountain between us, the United States, and we couldn’t peer over that big mountain to see each other.”48 Or if Mexico was noticed it was usually in comments like the following: “Canada and Mexico, as the saying goes, have only one common problem between them. This problem, of course, is their relationship with the United States.”49 Even today, there is a tendency for such longstanding separate if parallel bilateral preoccupations to come to the fore. It is harder to sustain political engagement on the still-developing Canada-Mexico and trilateral agenda. Antonio Ocaranza, Director of Public Strategies Inc., described to the Committee in Mexico City a “difficult paradox: Mexico and Canada cooperation is most effective if it plays a significant role in each country’s relationship with the United States. At the same time, it is the significant weight of the United States which impedes Mexico and Canada from being more effective in developing their bilateral relationship.”50 A bit of history provides some context for the current state of the relationship. Prior to the 1990s, Canada’s relations with Mexico (and indeed with Latin American countries in the rest of the hemisphere) were both very limited and overshadowed by each country’s particular bilateral focus on the United States. As several scholars describe that period: “While it is undoubtedly unfair to expect an equivalent relationship to that experienced with the United States, it is nonetheless notable that bilateral Canada-Mexico ties remained underdeveloped, at best, or ignored, at worst.”51 Canada’s 1990 decision to become a full member of the Organization of American States (OAS), followed by Canada’s joining the Mexico-U.S. trade negotiations, which then led to the trilateral NAFTA, signalled a major policy shift. NAFTA, in particular, carried the relationship to a new level. Writing before the election of President Fox and the activist diplomacy pursued by his Foreign Minister Jorge Castañeda, Julian Castro Rea, a professor with both the Centre for Research on North America at the Universidad Autónoma de México and the University of Alberta, put it this way: NAFTA helped Canada and Mexico discover each other after many decades of a relationship that one could characterize as “polite indifference”. The last five years have witnessed an unprecedented deepening of Canada-Mexico relations. Mexico and Canada now cooperate in a wide variety of issues that extend far beyond trade and include a comprehensive agenda that is assessed yearly by joint ministerial teams. Canada has become the most immediate alternative for Mexican desires to diversify its foreign relations, away from its overwhelming priority on the United States.52 Early evidence of a post-NAFTA widening and deepening of the bilateral agenda was the “Declaration of Objectives for the Canada-Mexico Relationship” and “Action Plan” signed by the two heads of government in June 1996. As well, notwithstanding the effects of Mexico’s financial crisis of the mid-1990s, bilateral trade and investment posted impressive growth through the last half of the decade.53 While Canada-Mexico trade is still a very small part of total NAFTA trade, the statistical tables in Chapter 2 show a more than five-fold increase in this trade since 1990. Indeed, the value of Canada’s exports to Mexico increased by 93% from 1997 to 2001, compared with an increase of 44% in the value of Canada’s exports to the United States over the same period. Priority export sectors identified by the Canadian government in regard to Mexico have included advanced manufacturing and information technologies, agricultural modernization, automotive products, and oil and gas equipment and services. Beyond these burgeoning commercial ties, there has also been significant growth in civil-society linkages with Mexican NGOs, and in cooperation in the fields of higher education, training and research. In terms of people-to-people exchanges, DFAIT Assistant Deputy Minister for the Americas Marc Lortie told the Committee: “Now almost one million Canadian tourists travel to Mexico annually, with over 180,000 Mexicans visiting Canada. Canadian educational institutions host over 10,000 Mexican students annually, and 11,000 seasonal Mexican agricultural workers come to Canada.”54 Parliamentary exchanges with Canada, begun formally in 1975, have intensified too, and there is increased potential to benefit from these exchanges, given the push for democratic reforms within Mexico and the greater role being assumed by the Mexican Congress, in matters, inter alia, of foreign policy. Despite such advances, Wood and MacLean, writing at the end of the 1990s, observed several remaining obstacles to be overcome in realizing a closer and fuller Canada-Mexico relationship.55 The first and most obvious of these is the large gap in the level of development between the two countries. This is a persistent problem that is manifested in socio-economic and regional inequalities within Mexico that have grown despite the aggregate trade and investment gains promoted by NAFTA. These political and social, as well as economic, development challenges are perceived as holding Mexico back from being a full North American partner. They surfaced as a repeated and underlying concern during the Committee’s meetings in Mexico City in March 2002. Canadian policy towards Mexico has gone some way towards responding. As Marc Lortie stated to the Committee: “Mexico now sees Canada as a valuable partner in its efforts to address its many and deep-seated social, political, and economic challenges. Cooperation on governance has provided the new focus to bilateral relations.… Canada is clearly committed to helping Mexico reform its government institutions so that it may address overriding concerns of poverty and regional disparity. In addition, CIDA, primarily through the Partnership Branch, has disbursed an average of $7 million per year in Mexico over the past three years. This includes the Canada Fund for local initiatives, with $500,000 in annual funding for grassroots projects, most of which is disbursed in the poorest states in southern Mexico.”56 A strong message conveyed by many Mexicans is that NAFTA has left unfinished business.57 Equally, Mexicans would welcome increased Canadian partnerships (private-sector and non-governmental as well as governmental) in working, both bilaterally and trilaterally, to address Mexico’s development challenges from an increasingly integrated North American regional perspective. Two more subtle obstacles to closer relations were identified by Wood and MacLean: the lack of a deep understanding between the two countries at a broadly social and cultural level; and historic divergences in foreign policy goals, notably in the lack of a common security agenda and in sensitive areas such as human rights. The first may be gradually overcome through the educational initiatives and people-to-people exchanges noted above (including more Canadians learning Spanish;58 unlike the United States, Canada does not have a large population of Mexican or Hispanic origin), improved communications and media links, and more public diplomacy, including regular contacts among Canadian and Mexican legislators. The second issue of closer cooperation and coordination in international affairs has taken on a new light under the Fox administration and since September 11, 2001. Mexico was already a convert to trade liberalization and has now signed ten free trade agreements with 31 countries including those of the European Union. With regard to other multilateral arenas (and it should be noted that Mexico is currently serving a two-year term on the UN Security Council), under Foreign Minister Jorge Castañeda, there has recently been a pronounced shift away from Mexico’s traditionally non-interventionist posture towards a position much closer to Canada’s. As Castañeda has stated: “We are convinced that it is in Mexico’s best interest to adapt itself to the new rules-based international system that is gradually emerging. We therefore now subscribe to the argument that certain principles are universal and beyond the sovereignty of the state.”59 In continental security matters, however, Mexico has never enjoyed the decades-old closely integrated relationship that Canada has had with the United States through NATO and NORAD. Mexico’s relationship with the United States along its northern border has also been a thorny one given issues such as illegal immigration and drug trafficking. Following the terrorist attacks of September 11, Mexico’s border region — which has been its most economically dynamic even though still beset by social and environmental problems — quickly felt the negative effects of new U.S. security measures,60 a situation with which Canadians can certainly empathize. While Canadian officials have tended to see the resolution of Canada-U.S. border access concerns as a separate bilateral discussion, the Mexican government has suggested the goal of a more comprehensive North American approach to securing continental borders without jeopardizing the growing volumes of trade and travel within the NAFTA area. For the moment there are two bilateral tracks. Canada was first off the mark in negotiating a 30-point “Smart Border” accord with the U.S. in December 2001. Mexico was, however, able to use that as a model in pursuing its own 22-point “Smart Border” agreement with the United States, which was signed by presidents Bush and Fox in Monterrey in March 2002 at the time of the UN Summit on Financing for Development.
|
Parliament of Canada no date – (CHAPTER 5: A CANADIAN AGENDA FOR ENHANCING BILATERAL AND TRILATERAL RELATIONS IN NORTH AMERICA, http://www.parl.gc.ca/HousePublications/Publication.aspx?DocId=1032320&Mode=1&Parl=37&Ses=2&Language=E&File=332The )//Modermatt
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Canada and Mexico have only one common problem between them. This problem the United States.”49 longstanding separate bilateral preoccupations to come to the fore It is hard to sustain political engagement on the Canada-Mexico agenda Mexico and Canada cooperation the significant weight of the United States which impedes Mexico and Canada from being more effective in developing their bilateral relationship.” Despite advances several remaining obstacles realizing a closer and fuller Canada-Mexico relationshi The first is the large gap in the level of development between the two countries. This is a persistent problem that is manifested in socio-economic and regional inequalities within Mexico These are perceived as holding Mexico back from being a full North American partner Two more subtle obstacles the lack of a deep understanding between the two countries at a broadly social and cultural level; and historic divergences in foreign policy goals, notably in the lack of a common security agenda and in sensitive areas such as human rights Mexico has never enjoyed the decades-old closely integrated relationship that Canada has had with the United States through NATO and NORAD
|
US prevents effective engagement.
| 10,270 | 33 | 1,189 | 1,566 | 4 | 182 | 0.002554 | 0.11622 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,811 |
And so with his death, it might seem like an opportune time to push the “reset” button on Canada-Venezuelan relations. But that is unlikely, at least for a while. For the moment, it is difficult to foresee any immediate change in the domestic or international policies of Venezuela that would bring about such a rapprochement, especially with no likely electoral change in the near future. To begin with, Canadians business in general will continue to be discouraged by years of the regime’s anti-business rhetoric and actions. And even if the opposition is elected, it will take a number of years to overcome the perceived problems in the judiciary or even for foreigners to feel safe on the mean streets of Caracas, one of the most dangerous cities in the world. In the international sphere, there is even less likelihood that the Canadian government would go out of its way to seek to establish closer ties, at least for a while. In recent years, Ottawa has signed free-trade agreements with many states – Colombia, Panama, Chile, in particular – that have no affinity for Mr. Chavez’s “Bolivarian” vision, exported by its commandante and endorsed by hemispheric outliers.
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Graham 13 - foreign minister of Canada from 2002 to 2004, (Bill, Canada-Venezuela ‘reset’ isn’t yet in the cards, Mar. 08 2013, http://m.theglobeandmail.com/commentary/canada-venezuela-reset-isnt-yet-in-the-cards/article9519784/?service=mobile)//A-Berg
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, it might seem like an opportune time to push the “reset” button on Canada-Venezuelan relations. But that is unlikely, it is difficult to foresee any immediate change in the domestic or international policies of Venezuela that would bring about such a rapprochement, e Canadians business in general will continue to be discouraged by years of the regime’s anti-business rhetoric and actions And even if the opposition is elected, it will take a number of years to overcome the perceived problems in the judiciary or even for foreigners to feel safe there is even less likelihood that the Canadian government would go out of its way to seek to establish closer ties,
|
Venezuela says no to the CP, and even if they don’t Canada wont invest
| 1,175 | 70 | 666 | 196 | 14 | 112 | 0.071429 | 0.571429 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,812 |
Foreign Minister of Canada from 2002 to 2004 Served as Minister of Foreign Affaris, Minister of National Defence Hugo Chavez was an extraordinary individual, a player on the hemispheric if not global stage. Unpredictable as he was charismatic, Mr. Chavez was the joker in the Latin American pack of cards. In other words, he was just the kind of leader who causes headaches for governments like Canada’s, both with his policies and his persona. At the 2001 Summit of the Americas, the question was “What would Chavez do?” This was early in George W. Bush’s presidency and rioters were in the streets of Quebec City; things could have gone badly. But prime minister Jean Chrétien, an old hand at wrangling egos, mollified him by putting him next to Brazilian President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, who kept his Venezuelan counterpart under control. That time, it worked. Things didn’t go as well for me as foreign minister at the 2004 Summit in Monterrey, Mexico, when I expressed Canadian policy critical of Mr. Chavez – while he was sitting next to me. He was surprisingly quiet for someone normally so verbose, but he looked at me with the fierceness of a man who had both instigated and survived coups d’état. And so with his death, it might seem like an opportune time to push the “reset” button on Canada-Venezuelan relations. But that is unlikely, at least for a while. For the moment, it is difficult to foresee any immediate change in the domestic or international policies of Venezuela that would bring about such a rapprochement, especially with no likely electoral change in the near future. To begin with, Canadians business in general will continue to be discouraged by years of the regime’s anti-business rhetoric and actions. And even if the opposition is elected, it will take a number of years to overcome the perceived problems in the judiciary or even for foreigners to feel safe on the mean streets of Caracas, one of the most dangerous cities in the world. In the international sphere, there is even less likelihood that the Canadian government would go out of its way to seek to establish closer ties, at least for a while. In recent years, Ottawa has signed free-trade agreements with many states – Colombia, Panama, Chile, in particular – that have no affinity for Mr. Chavez’s “Bolivarian” vision, exported by its commandante and endorsed by hemispheric outliers. Canada has quite a bit on its plate working with these receptive jurisdictions without expending energy in trying to bring about a better relationship with Venezuela. That role is perhaps best left to Brazil, a neighbour and self-perceived hegemon, as Mr. Cardoso demonstrated in Quebec City. In recent years, another powerful irritant has poisoned Venezuela’s hemispheric relations: its role as a host to Iran in the Americas. In recent years, Mr. Chavez made a point of cultivating close relations with Iran as a part of his anti-Americanism and oil strategy to the point where it is alleged that Venezuela furnished passports to Hezbollah operatives. These actions have provoked a vigorous U.S. response, one manifestation of which is a recent House of Representatives bill, the Countering Iran in the Western Hemisphere Act – yet another extraterritorial extension of American legislative jurisdiction, and making specific reference to Canada and Mexico. Canada’s present relations with Iran are at a low point in any event, but this is an unneeded complication in relations with both the United States and Venezuela. Until this potentially explosive issue is resolved to the satisfaction of both Washington and Ottawa, it is hard to see why any Canadian government would seek to make serious overtures to Venezuela. Mr. Chavez is dead, but the joker he dealt us lives on.
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Graham, 3/8/13 Foreign Minister of Canada from 2002 to 2004, former Minister of national Defence (Bill, 8 March 2013, “Canada-Venezuela ‘reset’ isn’t yet in the cards,” The Globe and Mail, http://www.theglobeandmail.com/commentary/canada-venezuela-reset-isnt-yet-in-the-cards/article9519784/)//KP
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Chavez was an extraordinary individual he was just the kind of leader who causes headaches for governments like Canada And so with his death, it might seem like an opportune time to push the “reset” button on Canada-Venezuelan relations. But that is unlikely it is difficult to foresee any immediate change in the domestic or international policies of Venezuela that would bring about such a rapprochement especially with no likely electoral change Canadians business in general will continue to be discouraged even if the opposition is elected, it will take a number of years to overcome the perceived problems in the judiciary or even for foreigners to feel safe In the international sphere, there is even less likelihood that the Canadian government would go out of its way to seek to establish closer ties Canada has quite a bit on its plate working with these receptive jurisdictions without expending energy in trying to bring about a better relationship with Venezuela. another powerful irritant has poisoned Venezuela’s hemispheric relations: its role as a host to Iran in the Americas. Mr. Chavez made a point of cultivating close relations with Iran as a part of his anti-Americanism and oil strategy to the point where it is alleged that Venezuela furnished passports to Hezbollah operatives. These actions have provoked a vigorous U.S. response Canada’s present relations with Iran are at a low point in any event Until this potentially explosive issue is resolved to the satisfaction of both Washington and Ottawa, it is hard to see why any Canadian government would seek to make serious overtures to Venezuela. Mr. Chavez is dead, but the joker he dealt us lives on.
|
Venezuela’s relationship with Iran and anti-business policies prevents CP solvency
| 3,763 | 82 | 1,680 | 622 | 10 | 277 | 0.016077 | 0.445338 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,813 |
On February 4, 2011, Prime Minister Stephen Harper and President Barack Obama announced the creation of the Canada-United States Regulatory Cooperation Council (RCC) to increase regulatory transparency and coordination between the two countries. Regulation plays an important role in both our countries. Effective regulations protect our health, safety and the environment while supporting growth, investment, innovation and market openness. Canada and the U.S. each have well-developed, independent regulatory regimes and regulatory departments and agencies with experience, expertise and skill in their respective fields, that support each of our domestic and legal policy requirements. While our regulatory systems are very similar in the objectives they seek to achieve, there is value in enhancing the mechanisms in place to foster cooperation in designing regulations or to ensure alignment in their implementation or enforcement. Unnecessary regulatory differences and duplicative actions hinder cross-border trade and investment and ultimately impose a cost on our citizens, businesses and economies. Given the integrated nature of our economies, greater alignment and better mutual reliance in our regulatory approaches would lead to lower costs for consumers and businesses, create more efficient supply chains, increase trade and investment, generate new export opportunities, and create jobs on both sides of the border. The RCC will undertake efforts to better align the regulatory environment between Canada and the United States through a variety of tools such as enhanced technical collaboration, mutual recognition of standards and joint work sharing, in an effort to address root causes of regulatory misalignments, develop lasting solutions and avoid future misalignments from developing. This initial Joint Action Plan seeks to foster new approaches to regulatory alignment and serve as a template for future efforts at Canada-U.S. coordination. Council members agreed to the RCC's Terms of Reference,1 which established the mandate, principles and structure of the RCC and will guide the work of the RCC throughout its mandate. Nothing in this Joint Action Plan is intended to give rise to rights or obligations under domestic or international law.
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ActionPlan 11- Canada’s Economic Action Plan (“Joint Action Plan for the Canada-United States Regulatory Cooperation Council, http://actionplan.gc.ca/en/page/rcc-ccr/joint-action-plan-canada-united-states-regulatory)//Modermatt
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Obama announced the creation of the (RCC) to increase regulatory transparency and coordination between the two countries. Effective regulations protect our health, safety and the environment while supporting growth, investment, innovation and market openness. Canada and the U.S. each have well-developed, independent regulatory regimes and regulatory departments and agencies with experience, expertise and skill in their respective fields, that support each of our domestic and legal policy requirements Given the integrated nature of our economies, greater alignment and better mutual reliance in our regulatory approaches would lead to lower costs for consumers and businesses, create more efficient supply chains, increase trade and investment, generate new export opportunities, and create jobs on both sides of the border This initial Joint Action Plan seeks to foster new approaches to regulatory alignment and serve as a template for future efforts at Canada-U.S. coordination.
|
Perm: have Canada and the US do the plan together
| 2,269 | 49 | 986 | 329 | 10 | 140 | 0.030395 | 0.425532 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,814 |
The democratic outlook in the Americas is on balance positive, particularly when compared with previous periods and to the rest of the world. Free, competitive elections are regularly held and, happily, the massive human rights violations associated with earlier periods of authoritarian rule have passed. Nonetheless, there are fundamental challenges that, if unaddressed, could spread and become far more serious. These problems need to be dealt with collectively through established regional mechanisms. Among these is the defense of democracy, an important area for greater cooperation among the United States, Canada, and Latin America. Today, threats to democratic rule from the actions of the military, as occurred in the June 2009 coup in Honduras, are rare. More commonly, elected executives, once in office, centralize power and assume increasing control of critical institutions, public and private. Checks on presidential authority are, thereby, weakened or eliminated. Governments in Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Ecuador have all followed this pattern, undermining press freedom and other basic rights. Although the Inter-American Democratic Charter calls for collective action to prevent and repair such transgressions, they have, in fact, been met with relative silence. Indeed, the charter has rarely been invoked. This inaction stems from the lack of consensus in the hemisphere about what constitutes violations of democratic principles and how best to respond to them. The charter should be reformed to establish mechanisms for redress when elected executives run roughshod over independent institutions.
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Inter-American Dialogue 12 leading US center for policy analysis, exchange, and communication on issues in Western Hemisphere affairs (April 2012, “Remaking the Relationship: The United States and Latin America,” The Inter-American Dialogue, http://www.thedialogue.org/PublicationFiles/IAD2012PolicyReportFINAL.pdf)//KP
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The democratic outlook in the Americas is on balance positive competitive elections are regularly held and massive human rights violations associated with authoritarian rule have passed there are fundamental challenges that could spread and become far more serious. These problems need to be dealt with collectively through established regional mechanisms. Among these is the defense of democracy, an important area for greater cooperation among the United States, Canada, and Latin America. Inter-American Democratic Charter calls for collective action to prevent and repair such transgressions
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Perm do both – stability and democracy promoting polices are stronger when cooperating with Canada
| 1,620 | 98 | 595 | 235 | 15 | 84 | 0.06383 | 0.357447 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,815 |
In 2007, Prime Minister Harper declared that the Americas are a critical foreign policy priority for Canada, and committed to deepening and broadening Canada’s engagement in the region. Since then, Canada has sought to expand its presence throughout the region while reinforcing bilateral ties and strengthening regional organizations. The Conservative government’s current objectives for the hemisphere closely align with those of the Obama Administration, with both countries advancing policies designed to reinforce democratic governance, increase economic prosperity, and enhance regional stability and security. Background and Analysis Although Canada has long been active in the region, its commitment to sustained engagement in inter-American relations is relatively recent. Throughout the 20th century, Canada forged strong diplomatic and commercial ties with many Latin American and Caribbean countries. Nevertheless, it generally did not consider the region to be a top foreign policy priority. Authoritarian governance and widespread poverty fueled negative perceptions of the region and led Canada to focus its attention elsewhere. According to a number of analysts and former officials, Canada was also reluctant to engage extensively in hemispheric affairs out of concern that it could be drawn into disputes with the United States, which had traditionally played a dominant role in the region
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Ek and Fergusson 4/5 Specialist in International Relations; Specialists in International Trade and Finance (Carl Ek, Ian F. Fergusson, 5 April 2013, “Canada-U.S. Relations,” Congressional Research Service, http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/96-397.pdf)//KP
|
Harper declared that the Americas are a critical foreign policy priority for Canada, Canada has sought to expand its presence throughout the region while reinforcing bilateral ties and strengthening regional organizations. The Conservative government’s current objectives closely align with those of the Obama Administration, with both countries advancing policies designed to reinforce democratic governance, increase economic prosperity, and enhance regional stability and security , its commitment to sustained engagement in inter-American relations is relatively recent
|
Perm do both solves – Canada and the U.S. have the same interests
| 1,407 | 65 | 573 | 201 | 13 | 75 | 0.064677 | 0.373134 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,816 |
As hard as it may be to believe, one of the most difficult foreign files for any Canadian government to manage is the Cuba file. The importance of Cuba, throughout the hemisphere, is as a symbol. The country is of marginal, if any, economic interest and is not a real security threat to anyone in the hemisphere larger than, say, Grenada. The importance of Cuba in the rest of the hemisphere is that it serves as a reminder of centuries of American bullying and degradation. It is hard to overstate the degree of visceral anger that U.S. policy toward Cuba elicits in the region. It is also a subject with which any Latin American government, even one of the few right-of-centre governments such as Colombia, earns cheap points at home and with its neighbours by symbolically kicking the United States. In Canada, Cuba serves a different purpose: It is a symbol of what distinguishes Canada from the United States. Most Canadians strongly disagree with U.S. policy toward Cuba and find it offensive. Instead of anger, though, Canada is more often embarrassed for its neighbour. The U.S. also sees no need to afford Canada the same slack it affords Latin American countries on Cuba. Twice each year the U.S. embassy in Ottawa has to certify that Canada is, more or less, in compliance with the 1996 Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act, also known as Helms-Burton, which requires the United States to penalize any foreign companies that do business with Cuba. (Canadian companies are among the largest international investors in Cuba). The gist of the exercise is to demonstrate that, despite clearly violating the intent if not the letter of Helms-Burton, Canada is doing enough other things to push reform in Cuba to earn a pass from direct sanction by the U.S. The exercise is essentially a series of winks and nods on each side followed by a round of beers. And each year the State Department and congress go along with this while the Canadian government grumblingly counts its blessings. Canada has of course vociferously opposed Helms-Burton, has challenged it under NAFTA, and has adopted laws to counter it. In this it has international law and public opinion on its side. But should the Americans decide to take unilateral action, that combination would prove as effective in defending Canadian interests on Cuba as it did on softwood lumber. As has been seen time and again, all it takes is one member of the U.S. congress (such as a member of the easily-riled congressional Cuba lobby) to raise a fuss, and Canada is left with nothing but a wink and a nod to cover its privates while the bone-chilling breeze of U.S. unilateralism flaps around it. Yes, cooler heads would prevail – eventually. But a lot of damage would be done in the meantime. The fine line that Canada walks on Cuba is an object lesson on the Faustian bargain that the country has struck to enable it to get rich and fat off of easy and privileged access to the U.S. market. Criticize the government if you will, but what choice does Canada really have? Before answering, think of the $1-billion in daily trade across the border. Canada can, does and will have differences with the United States. But it has to pick its fights carefully, and Cuba is not on that list. Making that reality clear to the rest of hemisphere, while explaining how much we do manage to differ from the U.S., is crucial. It appears that this is what the government belatedly did with Foreign Affair Minister John Baird’ trip to the region.
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Dade 2/20/13 senior fellow at the University of Ottawa’s School of International Development (Carlo Dade, 20 February 2013, “On Cuba, Canada has no choice but to walk Washington’s tightrope,” The Globe and Mail, http://www.theglobeandmail.com/commentary/on-cuba-canada-has-no-choice-but-to-walk-washingtons-tightrope/article8878654/)//KP
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one of the most difficult foreign files for any Canadian government to manage is the Cuba file. The importance of Cuba is as a symbol. Cuba serves as a reminder of centuries of American bullying and degradation. In Canada, Cuba is a symbol of what distinguishes Canada from the United States The U.S. sees no need to afford Canada the same slack it affords Latin American countries on Cuba. Twice each year the U.S. embassy in Ottawa has to certify that Canada is in compliance with the Helms-Burton despite clearly violating the intent if not the letter of Helms-Burton, Canada is doing enough other things to push reform in Cuba to earn a pass from direct sanction by the U.S. The exercise is essentially a series of winks and nods on each side followed by a round of beers. Canada has of course vociferously opposed Helms-Burton, has challenged it under NAFTA, and has adopted laws to counter it. all it takes is one member of the U.S. congress to raise a fuss, and Canada is left with nothing but a wink and a nod to cover its privates while the bone-chilling breeze of U.S. unilateralism flaps around it lot of damage would be done but what choice does Canada really have think of the $1-billion in daily trade across the border. Canada can, does and will have differences with the United States. But it has to pick its fights carefully, and Cuba is not on that list.
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Perm do both – unilateral Canadian action can’t solve the net benefit – the U.S. will punish them
| 3,501 | 97 | 1,372 | 606 | 18 | 247 | 0.029703 | 0.407591 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,817 |
The report describes in detail the withering of Canada’s soft power through the continual disinvestment in our diplomatic corps, the shuttering of embassies and high commissions, the failure to leverage our multicultural communities in a strategic manner, and the transformation of our civil service into a cowering army of bureaucrats that focuses too much on departmental interests rather than advancing the national interest. We have entered a new century that will require forward-looking and bold leadership to navigate a world of both opportunity and danger.
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Matthews 10 – (Kyle, “The GPS report: A blueprint for operationalizing strategic change,” June 23, 2010, http://opencanada.org/foreign-exchange/the-gps-report-a-blueprint-for-operationalizing-strategic-change/)//A-Berg
|
the withering of Canada’s soft power through continual disinvestment in our diplomatic corps shuttering of embassies high commissions failure to leverage our multicultural communities the transformation of civil service into bureaucrats
|
Alt causes to Canada soft power
| 564 | 31 | 236 | 85 | 6 | 31 | 0.070588 | 0.364706 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,818 |
What ever happened to soft power? Its advocates seem to be flourishing professionally. But what have they to say about the affairs of the day, such as nuclear proliferation or Haiti? On nuclear proliferation, we all know now that the Americans, and almost everyone else, badly overestimated Iraq's weapons of mass destruction. But we also know now they badly underestimated the international trade in nuclear materials to rogue states (and most Western governments still would if the American invasion of Iraq had not frightened Libya's Col. Gadhafi). You can't just chant "BUSH LIED!" History, as is its wont, has moved on. What shall we do? We need better intelligence or, if we decide that's not really possible, some plan for dealing with inherently inadequate intelligence. Yet Canada basically doesn't do foreign intelligence. We also need some sort of firm plan for dealing with nuclear proliferation. Even in Europe, the realization that biting America's ankles doesn't qualify is painfully sinking in and policy is changing. In a story I don't recall seeing in Maclean's, in late January, Germany's foreign minister told Britain's Daily Telegraph that of course there were no plans for a European superstate. Two days later, "senior German officials" told the Telegraph the quarrel with the U.S. over Iraq had been "catastrophic" for Germany and Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder had become "a prisoner" of French President Jacques Chirac's anti-war campaign. (Also, the implosion of its fledgling democracy makes Russia an increasingly unsuitable third partner.) Moreover, while many Canadians seem to regard the American concern with militant Islamism as redneck xenophobia, in France they have voted to ban headscarves in schools while the ultra-liberal Netherlands is trying to expel thousands of illegal immigrants and Denmark is undertaking immigration reforms openly aimed at radical imams. Such policies put those governments at risk from terrorism that won't be diminished by insulting George Bush especially since, unlike Canadians, they don't secretly know the U.S. must defend them no matter what. The New York Times, not exactly pro-Bush, recently noted that despite "headlines around the world about how American credibility has been reduced to tatters," its allies are now seeking to work more closely with the U.S. to keep WMDs out of the hands of rogue states. Even Hans Blix now says, "We Europeans cannot simply resist forceful action by the United States and leave it at that. We have to take positive action also. We have to push the United States to use international organizations to face threats to our common security." Right. We must face the threats, not deny them. And only the U.S. has the hard power to do so. Yet Canada's government dithers on whether to make a typical "all aid short of help" offer on missile defence involving neither money nor sites, while our foreign minister pushes hard for a treaty to ban weapons in space. The high-tech U.S. military relies on satellite communications, which it must protect from bad guys who laugh at treaties. We're trying to make sure it can't. And we will fail. So far soft power looks like weakness. What about Haiti? It should be the ideal spot for a kinder, gentler Canadian intervention. First, it's in serious need not of a clean military operation to oust the villains but of some of the sensitive nation-building liberals tend to favour. Second, such an intervention would have the quality appealing to liberals of having almost no relevance to our national interest, unless you believe (a) all failed states are breeding grounds for terror and (b) we as well as the Americans are threatened if terror comes to North America. Third, Haiti is a French-speaking nation, and we have a francophone regiment. But we can't do it. We haven't got the ships or the planes, and the Van Doos, as horribly overextended as everyone else in our military, just left for Afghanistan. On the TV news last week, the prime minister said we were monitoring the situation in Haiti closely and were concerned. In other words, we're impotent and frustrated. I'm not sure they give Nobel Peace Prizes for that. There was a time when leftists were prone to expansive, even daffy visions of remaking the world. But they knew, as only a few like historian Jack Granatstein now seem to, that such plans require even more robust military capabilities than realpolitik is likely to. In his excellent new book Who Killed the Canadian Military? Granatstein says that because "soft power" meant military neglect, "Canada has ceased to matter internationally." Ooops. Lloyd Axworthy promised us a world transformed, not ignored. Well? What can "soft power" do on nuclear proliferation, or even Haiti? Guys?
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Robson, John 04- columnist and commentator with Sun Media, is also an Invited Professor at the University of Ottawa (“Reliance on 'soft power' made Canada irrelevant”, 3/1/04, http://dl2af5jf3e.search.serialssolutions.com/?ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&ctx_enc=info%3Aofi%2Fenc%3AUTF-8&rfr_id=info:sid/summon.serialssolutions.com&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:journal&rft.genre=article&rft.atitle=Reliance+on+%27soft+power%27+made+Canada+irrelevant&rft.jtitle=Times+-+Colonist&rft.au=John+Robson&rft.date=2004-03-01&rft.pub=Infomart%2C+a+division+of+Postmedia+Network+Inc&rft.spage=A.6&rft.externalDocID=572689181)//Modermatt
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Canada basically doesn't do foreign intelligence Yet Canada's government dithers on whether to make a typical "all aid short of help" offer on missile defence involving neither money nor sites, while our foreign minister pushes hard for a treaty to ban weapons in spac And we will fail So far soft power looks like weakness. What about Haiti? It should be the ideal spot for a kinder, gentler Canadian intervention. First, it's in serious need not of a clean military operation to oust the villains but of some of the sensitive nation-building liberals tend to favour. Second, such an intervention would have the quality appealing to liberals of having almost no relevance to our national interest, unless you believe (a) all failed states are breeding grounds for terror and (b) we as well as the Americans are threatened if terror comes to North America. Third, Haiti is a French-speaking nation Granatstein says that because "soft power" meant military neglect, "Canada has ceased to matter internationally."
|
Reliance on soft power has made Canada irrelevant
| 4,760 | 49 | 1,011 | 775 | 8 | 165 | 0.010323 | 0.212903 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
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3,819 |
Under the government of Prime Minister Jean Chretien, Canada's international reputation has been dilettantish and irrelevant. In particular, the fondness of Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy for his notion that, in the post-Cold War world, costly ""hard-power'' resources, such as an army, are of lesser importance than "" soft-power' ' persuasion have been scorned as naive. Mr. Axworthy favors ""getting others to want what you want'' through "" peacebuilding'' and ""constructive engagement.'' ""In the real world, whether Mr. Axworthy will admit it or not, hard power does a better job of protecting Canada's interests when others refuse to want what we want,'' says Kim Richard Nossal, one of Canada's pre-eminent political scientists. Similarly, Nobel Peace Prize-winner Jose Ramos Horta has dismissed Canada's foreign policy as ""wishy-washy'' and ""bankrupt.'' A policy of ""constructive engagement,'' he says, is merely a smokescreen to justify trading with repressive regimes. But perhaps the harshest criticism has come from British Lt. Gen. Sir Hew Pike, a NATO commander in Bosnia, who declared that the Canadian military had ""surrendered any claim to be a war-fighting force.'' There is some justice in the claim. When NATO asked members in July to contribute fighter planes for possible attacks against Serbian forces, Canada conveniently didn't have any aircraft available. Likewise, the Canadian government offered only token support for a show of force against Iraq earlier this year. Such behavior - ""defense lite,'' as one analyst puts it - does not win Canada much respect. In Bosnia in 1994, Canada's objections to NATO air strikes were ignored by both the Americans and the British, who thought the country's meager troop contribution didn't warrant it a hearing. All in all, Canada's soft-power policies are little more than foreign policy on the cheap. Soft power is effective only when it's backed up by a country's willingness ""to commit its treasure to world affairs,'' as Mr. Nossal puts it. And that means, in part, spending to have a credible military force.
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Journal of Commerce, October 20, 1998- ROBERT SIBLEY ("Soft power' draws hard comments Journal of Commerce” October 20, 1998, Tuesday)//Modermatt
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the fondness of Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy for his notion that hard-power'' are of lesser importance than "" soft-power' ' have been scorned as naive In the real world, , hard power does a better job of protecting interests Horta has dismissed Canada's foreign policy as ""wishy-washy'' Canada's soft-power policies are little more than foreign policy on the cheap. Soft power is effective only when it's backed up by a country's willingness ""to commit its treasure to world affairs
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Canadian soft power is useless – hard power overwhelms
| 2,098 | 55 | 496 | 327 | 9 | 80 | 0.027523 | 0.244648 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
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Michigan (7-week)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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3,820 |
I was concerned by Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy's April 25 letter, "Why `soft power' is the right policy for Canada." Mr. Axworthy attacks one of Canada's foremost academics, Prof. Kim Richard Nossal; academics in general who disagree with him; and Canada's senior military leadership who do not accept the Canada 21 agenda for a constabulary military and feel-good peacekeeping operations conceived in the Pearsonian Liberal past. The minister should, and indeed is obligated, to bring himself up to date, and take some note of international events. It is a sin that he has not, and shows an amazing lack of knowledge with regard to recent international history. Soft power and Pearsonian peacekeeping died at Srebrenica, where lightly armed peacekeeping troops were forced to lay down their weapons and watch as the civilian population was systematically butchered. Similarly, Mr. Axworthy might want to go and visit the families of Belgian peacekeepers who were butchered by superior forces in Rwanda. The examples go on and on, but armed conflict continues throughout the globe, and between groups and states. If Canada is to be as engaged on the world stage, as Mr. Axworthy suggests, then Canada must maintain well-equipped, modern, combat- ready forces geared for activities all across the spectrum of combat. Without question, soft power was rejected in the 1993 Special Joint Committee Report on Canada's Defence and in the 1994 White Paper, and for well-thought-out reasons. It is time for Mr. Axworthy to accept the realities of world politics/power politics and stop living in the woolly-headed past of Trudeau Liberal defence and foreign policy.
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Michael Forrestall98 - Senator of Canada (Soft power dead wrong for Canada: [Final Edition], May 6, 1998, http://search.proquest.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/docview/240188678)//Modermatt
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Soft power and Pearsonian peacekeeping died at Srebrenica, where lightly armed peacekeeping troops were forced to lay down their weapons and watch as the civilian population was systematically butchered. . If Canada is to be as engaged on the world stage, as Mr. Axworthy suggests, then Canada must maintain well-equipped, modern, combat- ready forces geared for activities all across the spectrum of combat. Without question, soft power was rejected in the 1993 Special Joint Committee Report on Canada's Defence and in the 1994 White Paper, and for well-thought-out reasons. It is time for Mr. Axworthy to accept the realities of world politics/power politics and stop living in the woolly-headed past of Trudeau Liberal defence and foreign policy.
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Soft power won’t be used for peace-keeping
| 1,669 | 42 | 750 | 264 | 7 | 117 | 0.026515 | 0.443182 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
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Michigan (7-week)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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3,821 |
Abstract: Even before 2001, Canada was out of synch in its global vision. Ottawa's peacekeeping orientation was no match for failed states and terrorism. While soft power may be an effective foreign policy approach in this millennium, it is largely ineffective without significant hard power to back it up. And the truth is that today Canada has little hard power. A country that cannot muster and deploy even one self-sufficient brigade to global hot spots is not going to be taken very seriously, and is certainly not a middle power by military measure. In concrete terms, it is certainly wise for Canada to further institutionalize its partnership with the United States in defense of North America. Joining Northern Command would accomplish this, particularly since NORAD is decreasing in importance. Formally joining Northern Command, just as Canada did with NORAD, would confirm that the relationship between Canada and the United States is a model of liberal interdependency suitable for emulation. Democracy, capitalism, and security cooperation can keep the neighboring states strong and successful allies. Ottawa clearly benefits by working closer in defense matters with Washington it can gain significant improvements in training, lift, logistics, and technology, not to mention respect. These benefits will enable the country to quickly deploy a well-trained and equipped military force to global hot spots and sustain them properly. Additionally, such cooperation demonstrates that Canada can provide valuable leadership in the Americas. But Ottawa should understand that Washington needs competent allies -- ones that possess a modicum of hard power.
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Nunez ‘4- Joseph R Nunez, U.S. Army colonel, assigned as an adjunct research professor to the Strategic Studies Institute (“Canada's Global Role: A Strategic Assessment of its Military Power” Storming Media Pentagon Reports, January 1 http://www.stormingmedia.us/55/5546/A554684.html)//Modermatt
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Abstract: Even before 2001, Canada was out of synch in its global vision. Ottawa's peacekeeping orientation was no match for failed states and terrorism. While soft power it is largely ineffective without significant hard power to back it up. And the truth is that today Canada has little hard power. A country that cannot muster and deploy even one self-sufficient brigade to global hot spots is not going to be taken very seriously, and is certainly not a middle power by military measure Ottawa should understand that Washington needs competent allies -- ones that possess a modicum of hard power.
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Canadian soft power fails at resolving conflicts—peacekeeping proves- peacekeeping
| 1,665 | 82 | 600 | 253 | 9 | 100 | 0.035573 | 0.395257 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
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Michigan (7-week)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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3,822 |
Companies need to take more risks in emerging markets so Canada doesn't experience another lost decade for exports, says CIBC's senior economist. Despite nine free trade agreements, the volume of Canadian exports has receded back to about the same level it was a decade ago. That's because exports to countries outside the U.S. have hardly increased over the past four years — and in recent quarters, volume has actually dropped. Benjamin Tal said part of the reason is that Canadian exporters have been squarely focused on China and the United States for growth. While global trade has surged 70 per cent and imports have increased by 45 per cent since 2002, the volume of exports has hardly changed over the same time, he said. "That's basically a lost decade. Now for a small open economy that relies heavily on exports, that's not a very positive trajectory," he said after releasing the report titled "Stuck in Neutral." Tal said the stagnant growth can't solely be blamed on the strength of the loonie, but also other factors, including the struggling U.S. economy and heightened competition from emerging markets. Tal said Canadian companies need to look beyond its two largest trading partners, which promise only slow and unreliable economic growth in the near term, and focus more on emerging countries such as Brazil, India and Indonesia. "I think it's more a problem of attitude, it's more a problem of taking risks and I think that it's doable because we have proven that we can do it," he said. Export Development Canada chief economist Peter Hall said the report doesn't reflect the efforts by Canadian companies to expand trade outside China. "To say it's a lost decade is more true of the world than it is for Canada in isolation," he said. "I think it's important to put this in a context of a world that has seen incredible duress in the last four to five years." Hall said the high Canadian dollar has had a bigger impact on exports than the report captures. Canadian exports to almost all countries but China got pummelled in the downturn. Using 2009 as a reference year would reveal growth in emerging countries such as Brazil, Hong Kong, Indonesia and Russia that are on par with China, he said. Hall doesn't dispute the general thrust of the report, adding Canada can do a better job of boosting trade with South Korea, India and the Middle East. "A very strong growth trend was resumed post-crisis," he said. "It's just that trade was affected in most nations in the crisis year." Lakehead University economics professor Livio di Matteo agreed that trading diversification has stalled even though Canada has become less reliant on the U.S. Canada has traditionally been a "monogamist trade country" — first focused largely on Britain and after the Second World War, on the United States and then China. Di Matteo said Canada can accelerate its ties with emerging countries by increasing international business student exchanges.
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Marowits 4/16/13 business reporter-editor for The Canadian Press (Ross Marowitz, 16 April 13, “Canada needs to diversify trade partners to avoid another lost decade: reports,” Winnipeg Free Press, http://www.winnipegfreepress.com/business/canada-should-look-beyond-traditional-export-nations-for-growth-cibc-203145781.html)//KP
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Companies need to take more risks in emerging markets so Canada doesn't experience another lost decade for exports the volume of Canadian exports has receded back to about the same level it was a decade ago. exports to countries outside the U.S. have hardly increased Canadian exporters have been squarely focused on China and the United States for growth for a small open economy that relies heavily on exports, that's not a very positive trajectory Canadian companies need to look beyond its two largest trading partners, which promise only slow and unreliable economic growth and focus more on emerging countries it's doable because we have proven that we can do it Export Development Canada chief economist Peter Hall said the report doesn't reflect the efforts by Canadian companies to expand trade outside China. "To say it's a lost decade is more true of the world than it is for Canada in isolation it's important to put this in a context of a world that has seen incredible duress in the last four to five years the high Canadian dollar has had a bigger impact on exports than the report captures growth in emerging countries such as Brazil, Hong Kong, Indonesia and Russia that are on par with China A very strong growth trend was resumed post-crisis . "It's just that trade was affected in most nations in the crisis year."
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No need for diversification – every country took a hit in the trading realm
| 2,953 | 76 | 1,334 | 498 | 14 | 230 | 0.028112 | 0.461847 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
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Michigan (7-week)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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3,823 |
There's no doubt that Canada's approach to economic growth is compatible with the Pacific Alliance at a high level, Fast said. "They are the most like-minded and trusted partners in the region." Even though most of the alliance members have seen changes in government recently, their free-market approach to economic growth is well-entrenched, Fast added. Critics see political motives It's that kind of statement that makes NDP international trade critic Don Davies believe Ottawa's aims are more political than economic. Canada already has free trade agreements with all the Pacific Alliance members. So the federal Conservatives seem more interested in joining a right-wing club that would counter the left-wingers that are so powerful in Latin America, Davies said. The involvement with the Pacific Alliance "seems quite clear to be primarily a political initiative, not a trade one," Davies said in an email. From a trade perspective, Canada is already stretched too thin, he added. "I have huge concerns about the Conservatives' scatter-shot trade strategy. There appears to be no sense of prioritizing. Our trade negotiators are overstretched." Given that almost all of Canada's trade with the alliance countries is tariff-free, and that Canada is already talking to most of the members in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations, "it seems clear that the Pacific Alliance is a waste of energy and unnecessary duplication of resources."
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The Canadian Press, 5/23/13 (23 May 2013, “Canada eyes Latin America ‘launching pad’ for freer trade,” CBC news, http://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/story/2013/05/23/pol-cp-harper-colombia-trade-pacific-alliance.html)//KP *quotes Don Davies, member of Canadian Parliament
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There's no doubt that Canada's approach to economic growth is compatible with the Pacific Alliance at a high level, Even though most of the alliance members have seen changes in government recently, their free-market approach to economic growth is well-entrenched, Critics see political motives It's that kind of statement that makes NDP international trade critic Davies believe Ottawa's aims are more political than economic. Canada already has free trade agreements with all the Pacific Alliance members. So the federal Conservatives seem more interested in joining a right-wing club that would counter the left-wingers that are so powerful in Latin America The involvement with the Pacific Alliance "seems quite clear to be primarily a political initiative From a trade perspective, Canada is already stretched too thin I have huge concerns about the Conservatives' scatter-shot trade strategy. Our trade negotiators are overstretched Given that almost all of Canada's trade with the alliance countries is tariff-free, and that Canada is already talking to most of the members in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations, "it seems clear that the Pacific Alliance is a waste of energy and unnecessary duplication of resources
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Canada is overstretched with commitments – further involvement in the region is futile and a duplication of resources
| 1,446 | 117 | 1,231 | 223 | 18 | 186 | 0.080717 | 0.834081 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
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Michigan (7-week)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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3,824 |
Current US strategy implicitly assumes that America must remain engaged because of the Asian countries' failure to balance against Chinese strength. But Japan and Taiwan, the two plausible targets for Chinese aggression, are more than capable of defending themselves from conventional attack. Both enjoy the geographic advantage of being islands. The surrounding oceans ensure a defense dominance that could only be overcome with enormous material or technological advantages. The amphibious operations required for a Chinese invasion of Taiwan or Japan would be extremely difficult and at a minimum would require substantial investment in amphibious warfare capability. Taiwan could extract a withering toll on invading forces. Its air force is large, sophisticated, and growing; its navy has deadly missile boats; and it produces anti-ship cruise missiles. The same Taiwanese forces would make a Chinese blockade of Taiwan even harder. China would find it difficult to harass Taiwanese ports on the eastern side of the island with ground-launched anti-ship cruise missiles.41 Chinese attacks on shipping would be blocked by Taiwan's air superiority and sea control, and Chinese blockading forces would find it difficult to cover the wide swath of ocean around Taiwan, China could use its ballistic missile force to conduct terror attacks against Taiwanese targets, but terror attacks have negligible military or long-run political effects-witness the failures of the German Blitz and of the sustained IRA bombing campaign against the United Kingdom. As long as Taiwan has access to advanced Western weapons, it will be able to defend itself, Japan's threat environment is even more benign. Its "moat" is wider than the Taiwan Strait. Japan's large, sophisticated air and naval forces give it great defensive capabilities, and air and naval warfare play directly to Japan’s technological advantage. The side with the best sensors can target the enemy first, gaining an enormous advantage; empirical evidence suggests that the better trained or technologically superior air force can achieve favorable exchange ratios of 10:1 or greater. Japan's east-coast ports would make a blockade with ground-launched anti-ship cruise missiles technically impossible and would increase the area of coverage for blockading forces beyond the reasonable limits of any non-American navy's sustainment capability. Finally, anti-submarine warfare capability is a particular strength of the Japanese armed forces because of the Cold War mission for which they were designed.
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Gholz, Press, and Sapolsky, 97 (Eugene Gholz and Daryl Press, doctoral candidates in political science at MIT. Harvey Sapolsky, professor of public policy at MIT. International Security, Vol. 21, No. 4. Spring 1997)
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assumes that America must remain engaged because of the Asian countries' failure to balance against Chinese strength. But Japan and Taiwan, the two plausible targets for Chinese aggression, are more than capable of defending themselves from conventional attack. Both enjoy the geographic advantage of being islands. The surrounding oceans ensure a defense dominance that could only be overcome with enormous material or technological advantages Japan's large, sophisticated air and naval forces give it great defensive capabilities, and air and naval warfare play directly to Japan’s technological advantage. The side with the best sensors can target the enemy first, gaining an enormous advantage; empirical evidence suggests that the better trained or technologically superior air force can achieve favorable exchange ratios of 10:1 or greater. Japan's east-coast ports would make a blockade with ground-launched anti-ship cruise missiles technically impossible and would increase the area of coverage for blockading forces beyond the reasonable limits of any non-American navy's sustainment capability. Finally, anti-submarine warfare capability is a particular strength of the Japanese armed forces
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Last Tuesday, a Chinese fishing boat collided with Japanese coast guard boats near the tiny Diaoyutai Islands (as they’re known to Taiwan. China calls them the Diaoyu. Japan calls them the Senkaku. All three countries claim them as their own.) Japan took the captain and crew of the fishing boat hostage. It released the crew today, but the captain and boat remain in custody, pending a Japanese investigation. The arrests underline an ongoing power struggle between the two Asian superpowers, with China increasingly on the offensive. But, according to the Global Post’s Jonathan Adams, China and Japan are too economically interdependent to risk a full-scale conflict: But a serious military showdown is unlikely, for many reasons. Perhaps the most important is the unprecedented economic ties between East Asia’s two big powers. In 2007, China surpassed the U.S. as Japan’s top economic partner. Since then, the two countries haven’t looked back: Two-way trade hit a record of nearly $140 billion in the first half of this year, a 34.5 percent jump from the same period last year, according to Japanese government figures. Japan’s exports to China are rising even faster than its imports, due to rising Chinese consumption that shows China’s increased importance as a market, not just the world’s factory. All of which suggests that Japan has a strong interest in resolving the current spat quickly, and, to the extent
| 2,555 | 1,421 | 1,202 | 380 | 230 | 170 | 0.605263 | 0.447368 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
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Michigan (7-week)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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3,825 |
The Asia-Pacific region can be regarded as a zone of both relative insecurity and strategic stability. It contains some of the world’s most significant flashpoints – the Korean peninsula, the Taiwan Strait, the Siachen Glacier – where tensions between nations could escalate to the point of major war. It is replete with unresolved border issues; is a breeding ground for transnationa terrorism and the site of many terrorist activities (the Bali bombings, the Manila superferry bombing); and contains overlapping claims for maritime territories (the Spratly Islands, the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands) with considerable actual or potential wealth in resources such as oil, gas and fisheries. Finally, the Asia-Pacific is an area of strategic significance with many key sea lines of communication and important chokepoints. Yet despite all these potential crucibles of conflict, the Asia-Pacific, if not an area of serenity and calm, is certainly more stable than one might expect. To be sure, there are separatist movements and internal struggles, particularly with insurgencies, as in Thailand, the Philippines and Tibet. Since the resolution of the East Timor crisis, however, the region has been relatively free of open armed warfare. Separatism remains a challenge, but the break-up of states is unlikely. Terrorism is a nuisance, but its impact is contained. The North Korean nuclear issue, while not fully resolved, is at least moving toward a conclusion with the likely denuclearisation of the peninsula. Tensions between China and Taiwan, while always just beneath the surface, seem unlikely to erupt in open conflict any time soon, especially given recent Kuomintang Party victories in Taiwan and efforts by Taiwan and China to re-open informal channels of consultation as well as institutional relationships between organisations responsible for cross-strait relations. And while in Asia there is no strong supranational political entity like the European Union, there are many multilateral organisations and international initiatives dedicated to enhancing peace and stability, including the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, the Proliferation Security Initiative and the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation. In Southeast Asia, countries are united in a common eopolitical and economic organisation – the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) – which is dedicated to peaceful economic, social and cultural development, and to the promotion of regional peace and stability. ASEAN has played a key role in conceiving and establishing broader regional institutions such as the East Asian Summit, ASEAN+3 (China, Japan and South Korea) and the ASEAN Regional Forum. All this suggests that war in Asia – while not inconceivable – is unlikely.
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Desker and Bitzinger 2008 – *Senior Fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, **Dean of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies and Director of the Institute of Defense and Strategic Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore (Richard and Barry, Survival 50:6, "Why East Asian War is Unlikely", pages 105-28, EBSCO)
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The Asia-Pacific region can be regarded as a zone of both relative insecurity and strategic stability. It contains some of the world’s most significant flashpoints and contains overlapping claims for maritime territories with considerable actual or potential wealth in resources such as oil, gas and fisheries. Finally, the Asia-Pacific is an area of strategic significance with many key sea lines of communication and important chokepoints. Yet despite all these potential crucibles of conflict, the Asia-Pacific, if not an area of serenity and calm, is certainly more stable than one might expect Since the resolution of the East Timor crisis, however, the region has been relatively free of open armed warfare. Separatism remains a challenge, but the break-up of states is unlikely. Terrorism is a nuisance, but its impact is contained. The North Korean nuclear issue, while not fully resolved, is at least moving toward a conclusion with the likely denuclearisation of the peninsula. Tensions between China and Taiwan, while always just beneath the surface, seem unlikely to erupt in open conflict any time soon, especially given recent Kuomintang Party victories in Taiwan and efforts by Taiwan and China to re-open informal channels of consultation as well as institutional relationships between organisations responsible for cross-strait relations. And while in Asia there is no strong supranational political entity like the European Union, there are many multilateral organisations and international initiatives dedicated to enhancing peace and stability, including the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, the Proliferation Security Initiative and the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation. In Southeast Asia, countries are united in a common eopolitical and economic organisation – the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) – which is dedicated to peaceful economic, social and cultural development, and to the promotion of regional peace and stability. ASEAN has played a key role in conceiving and establishing broader regional institutions such as the East Asian Summit, and the ASEAN Regional Forum. All this suggests that war in Asia – while not inconceivable – is unlikely.
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War in Asia is highly unlikely—regional stability concerns are being settled and alliance structures check
| 2,764 | 106 | 2,207 | 412 | 15 | 329 | 0.036408 | 0.798544 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
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Michigan (7-week)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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3,826 |
THE Asia-Pacific region is both a zone of relative insecurity as well as one of relative stability. On the one hand, it contains some of the world's most significant flashpoints: the Korean peninsula, the Taiwan Strait, the Siachen glacier. Tensions between nations at these points could escalate into major wars. The region is also replete with border issues, acts of terrorism and overlapping maritime claims. It is a strategically significant area, sitting astride key sea lines of communication and important choke-points. Nevertheless, the region is more stable than one might believe. Separatism remains a challenge, but the break-up of states is unlikely. The North Korean nuclear issue, while not fully resolved, is moving towards a conclusion with the likely denuclearisation of the peninsula. Tensions between China and Taiwan seem unlikely to erupt into conflict, especially after the recent victories of the Kuomintang in Taiwan. The region also possesses significant multilateral structures such as the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, the nascent Six-Party Talks forum and, in particular, Asean. But the rise of China does not automatically mean that conflict is likely. First, a more assertive China does not mean a more aggressive China. Beijing appears content to press its claims peacefully (if forcefully) through existing avenues and institutions. Second, when we examine the Chinese military buildup, we find that there may be less there than some might have us believe. The Chinese war machine is not quite as threatening - although still worrisome - as some fear. Instead of Washington's perspectives shaping Asia-Pacific affairs coercively, the rise of China is likely to see a new paradigm in international affairs. The nascent 'Beijing Consensus', for want of a better term, would consist of the following attributes: The leadership role of the authoritarian state, a technocratic approach to governance, an emphasis on social rights and obligations over individual rights, a reassertion of the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference, support for freer markets and stronger regional and international institutions. The argument that there is an emerging 'Beijing Consensus' is not premised on the rise of the 'East' and decline of the 'West', as sometimes seemed to be the sub-text of the earlier 1990s 'Asian values' debate. But like the previous debate, this new debate will reflect alternative philosophical traditions. At issue is the appropriate balance between the rights of the individual and those of the state. This debate will highlight the values China and other states in the region share. By contrast, one conventional American view is that Sino-American competition will result in 'intense security competition with considerable potential for war' in which most of China's neighbours 'will join with the United States to contain China's power'. Asia's shared values are likely to reduce the risk of such conflict and result in regional pressure for an accommodation of and engagement with China, rather than a confrontation with it. In its interactions with the region, China itself is beginning to be interested in issues of proper governance, the development of domestic institutions and the strengthening of regional institutions. Nor is Chinese policy unchanging, even on the issue of sovereignty. For example, there has been an evolution in Chinese thinking on the question of freedom of passage through the straits of Malacca and Singapore. China supported the claims of the littoral states to sovereign control over the straits when the Law of the Sea Convention was concluded in 1982. But its increasing dependence on imported oil shipped through the straits has led to a shift in favour of burden-sharing, the recognition of the rights of user states and the need for cooperation between littoral states and user states. China has also revised its earlier advocacy of strict non-intervention and non-interference. Its support for global initiatives such as peacekeeping and nuclear non-proliferation - as well as its restrained use of its veto in the UN Security Council and its active role in the World Trade Organisation - indicates it is aware that responsible participation in global institutions can shape perceptions of a rising China. Beijing has also greatly lowered the tone and rhetoric of its strategic competition with the US. This is significant as most South-east Asian states prefer not to have to choose between the US and China, and have adopted 'hedging' strategies in their relationships with the two powers. The People's Liberation Army (PLA) is certainly in the midst of the most ambitious upgrading of its combat capabilities since the early 1960s. Its current defence doctrine is centred on the ability to fight 'Limited Local Wars'. The emphasis is on pre-emption, surprise and shock value, given that the earliest stages of conflict may be crucial to the outcome of a war. Thus the PLA has pursued the acquisition of weapons for asymmetric warfare. It mimics the US military in terms of the ambition and scope of its transformational efforts - and therefore challenges the US military at its own game. Nevertheless, China is still at least two decades behind the US in terms of its defence capabilities. It is certainly acquiring new and better equipment, but its current military buildup is indicative of an evolutionary, steady-state and sustaining - rather than disruptive or revolutionary - innovation and change. War in the Asia-Pacific is unlikely. But the emergence of East Asia, especially China, will require adjustments by the West, just as Asian societies had to adjust to Western norms and values during the American century.
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Desker 8 6/25, *Barry Desker: dean of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU and writes for The Strait Times, “Why war is unlikely in Asia,” http://www.asiaone.com/News/the%2BStraits%2BTimes/Story/A1Story20080625-72716.html, AJ
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THE Asia-Pacific region is both a zone of relative insecurity as well as one of relative stability the region is more stable than one might believe. Separatism remains a challenge, but the break-up of states is unlikely. The North Korean nuclear issue is moving towards a conclusion with the likely denuclearisation of the peninsula. Tensions between China and Taiwan seem unlikely to erupt into conflict, especially after the recent victories of the Kuomintang in Taiwan. The region also possesses significant multilateral structures such as the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, the nascent Six-Party Talks forum and, in particular, Asean the rise of China does not automatically mean that conflict is likely a more assertive China does not mean a more aggressive China. Beijing appears content to press its claims peacefully through existing avenues and institutions when we examine the Chinese military buildup, we find that there may be less there than some might have us believe. The Chinese war machine is not quite as threatening The leadership role of the authoritarian state, a technocratic approach to governance, an emphasis on social rights and obligations over individual rights, a reassertion of the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference, support for freer markets and stronger regional and international institutions At issue is the appropriate balance between the rights of the individual and those of the state. This debate will highlight the values China and other states in the region share Asia's shared values are likely to reduce the risk of such conflict and result in regional pressure for an accommodation of and engagement with China, rather than a confrontation with it. In its interactions with the region, China itself is beginning to be interested in issues of proper governance, the development of domestic institutions and the strengthening of regional institutions. Nor is Chinese policy unchanging, even on the issue of sovereignty there has been an evolution in Chinese thinking on the question of freedom of passage through the straits of Malacca and Singapore. China supported the claims of the littoral states to sovereign control over the straits when the Law of the Sea Convention was concluded in 1982. But its increasing dependence on imported oil shipped through the straits has led to a shift in favour of burden-sharing, the recognition of the rights of user states and the need for cooperation between littoral states and user states. China has also revised its earlier advocacy of strict non-intervention and non-interference. Its support for global initiatives such as peacekeeping and nuclear non-proliferation - as well as its restrained use of its veto and its active role in the World Trade Organisation - indicates it is aware that responsible participation in global institutions can shape perceptions of a rising China. Beijing has also greatly lowered the tone and rhetoric of its strategic competition with the US. This is significant as most South-east Asian states prefer not to have to choose between the US and China, and have adopted 'hedging' strategies in their relationships with the two powers PLA) is certainly in the midst of the most ambitious upgrading of its combat capabilities since the early 1960s. Its current defence doctrine is centred on the ability to fight 'Limited Local Wars'. The emphasis is on pre-emption, surprise and shock value, given that the earliest stages of conflict may be crucial to the outcome of a war It mimics the US military in terms of the ambition and scope of its transformational efforts - and therefore challenges the US military at its own game China is still at least two decades behind the US in terms of its defence capabilities. It is certainly acquiring new and better equipment, but its current military buildup is indicative of an evolutionary, steady-state and sustaining - rather than disruptive or revolutionary - innovation and change. War in the Asia-Pacific is unlikely
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No risk of Asian war – stability now
| 5,775 | 36 | 4,053 | 904 | 8 | 643 | 0.00885 | 0.711283 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
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Michigan (7-week)
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Affirmatives
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2013
|
3,827 |
Latin America has been the site of fourteen civil wars during the post-World War II era, thirteen of which now have ended. Although not as civil war-prone as some other areas of the world, Latin America has endured some extremely violent and destabilizing intrastate conflicts. (2) The region's experiences with civil wars and their resolution thus may prove instructive for other parts of the world in which such conflicts continue to rage. By examining Latin America's civil wars in some depth not only might we better understand the circumstances under which such conflicts are ended but also the institutional outcomes to which they give rise. More specifically, this paper focuses on the following central questions regarding Latin America's civil wars: Has the resolution of these conflicts produced significant institutional change in the countries in which they were fought? What is the nature of the institutional change that has taken place in the wake of these civil wars? What are the factors that are responsible for shaping post-war institutional change?
|
Hartzell 2000 (Caroline A., 4/1/2000, Middle Atlantic Council of Latin American Studies Latin American Essays, “Latin America's civil wars: conflict resolution and institutional change.” http://www.accessmylibrary.com/coms2/summary_0286-28765765_ITM)
|
Latin America has been the site of fourteen civil wars post-World War II Latin America has endured some extremely destabilizing conflicts The region's experiences may instructive for other parts of the world in which such conflicts continue to rage
|
Escalation’s empirically denied—the region has survived hundreds of wars
| 1,068 | 72 | 248 | 169 | 9 | 39 | 0.053254 | 0.230769 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,828 |
This central pillar of the climate campaign is unlikely to survive much longer, and each repetition of the “science-is-settled” mantra inflicts more damage on the credibility of the climate science community. The scientist at the center of the Climategate scandal at East Anglia University, Phil (“hide the decline”) Jones dealt the science-is-settled narrative a huge blow with his candid admission in a BBC interview that his surface temperature data are in such disarray they probably cannot be verified or replicated, that the medieval warm period may have been as warm as today, and that he agrees that there has been no statistically significant global warming for the last 15 years—all three points that climate campaigners have been bitterly contesting. And Jones specifically disavowed the “science-is-settled” slogan: BBC: When scientists say “the debate on climate change is over,” what exactly do they mean, and what don’t they mean? Jones: It would be supposition on my behalf to know whether all scientists who say the debate is over are saying that for the same reason. I don’t believe the vast majority of climate scientists think this. This is not my view. There is still much that needs to be undertaken to reduce uncertainties, not just for the future, but for the instrumental (and especially the palaeoclimatic) past as well [emphasis added]. Judith Curry, head of the School of Earth and Atmos-pheric Sciences at Georgia Tech and one of the few scientists convinced of the potential for catastrophic global warming who is willing to engage skeptics seriously, wrote February 24: “No one really believes that the ‘science is settled’ or that ‘the debate is over.’ Scientists and others that say this seem to want to advance a particular agenda. There is nothing more detrimental to public trust than such statements.” The next wave of climate revisionism is likely to reopen most of the central questions of “settled science” in the IPCC’s Working Group I, starting with the data purporting to prove how much the Earth has warmed over the last century. A London Times headline last month summarizes the shocking revision currently underway: “World May Not Be Warming, Scientists Say.” The Climategate emails and documents revealed the disarray in the surface temperature records the IPCC relies upon to validate its claim of 0.8 degrees Celsius of human-caused warming, prompting a flood of renewed focus on the veracity and handling of surface temperature data. Skeptics such as Anthony Watts, Joseph D’Aleo, and Stephen McIntyre have been pointing out the defects in the surface temperature record for years, but the media and the IPCC ignored them. Watts and D’Aleo have painstakingly documented (and in many cases photographed) the huge number of temperature stations that have been relocated, corrupted by the “urban heat island effect,” or placed too close to heat sources such as air conditioning compressors, airports, buildings, or paved surfaces, as well as surface temperature series that are conveniently left out of the IPCC reconstructions and undercut the IPCC’s simplistic story of rising temperatures. The compilation and statistical treatment of global temperature records is hugely complex, but the skeptics such as Watts and D’Aleo offer compelling critiques showing that most of the reported warming disappears if different sets of temperature records are included, or if compromised station records are excluded. The puzzle deepens when more accurate satellite temperature records, available starting in 1979, are considered. There is a glaring anomaly: The satellite records, which measure temperatures in the middle and upper atmosphere, show very little warming since 1979 and do not match up with the ground-based measurements. Furthermore, the satellite readings of the middle- and upper-air temperatures fail to record any of the increases the climate models say should be happening in response to rising greenhouse gas concentrations. John Christy of the University of Alabama, a contributing author to the IPCC’s Working Group I chapter on surface and atmospheric climate change, tried to get the IPCC to acknowledge this anomaly in its 2007 report but was ignored. (Christy is responsible for helping to develop the satellite monitoring system that has tracked global temperatures since 1979. He received NASA’s Medal for Exceptional Scientific Achievement for this work.) Bottom line: Expect some surprises to come out of the revisions of the surface temperature records that will take place over the next couple of years. Eventually the climate modeling community is going to have to reconsider the central question: Have the models the IPCC uses for its predictions of catastrophic warming overestimated the climate’s sensitivity to greenhouse gases? Two recently published studies funded by the U.S. Department of Energy, one by Brookhaven Lab scientist Stephen Schwartz in the Journal of Geophysical Research, and one by MIT’s Richard Lindzen and Yong-Sang Choi in Geophysical Research Letters, both argue for vastly lower climate sensitivity to greenhouse gases. The models the IPCC uses for projecting a 3 to 4 degree Celsius increase in temperature all assume large positive (that is, temperature-magnifying) feedbacks from a doubling of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere; Schwartz, Lindzen, and Choi discern strong negative (or temperature-reducing) feedbacks in the climate system, suggesting an upper-bound of future temperature rise of no more than 2 degrees Celsius. Environmental collapse won’t cause extinction
|
Hayward 10 (Steven F, F.K. Weyerhaeuser fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, 2010, The Weekly Standard, “In Denial,” http://www.weeklystandard.com/print/articles/denial)
|
This central pillar of the climate campaign is unlikely to survive much longer The scientist at the center of the Climategate scandal dealt a huge blow with his admission that surface temperature data are in such disarray they probably cannot be verified or replicated, that the medieval warm period may have been as warm as today, and that he agrees that there has been no statistically significant global warming for the last 15 years “No one really believes that the ‘science is settled’ or that ‘the debate is over.’ The Climategate emails and documents revealed the disarray in the surface temperature records the IPCC relies upon temperature stations have been relocated, corrupted by the “urban heat island effect,” or placed too close to heat sources as well as surface temperature series that are conveniently left out of the IPCC reconstructions and undercut the IPCC’s simplistic story of rising temperatures. most of the reported warming disappears if different sets of temperature records are included, or if compromised station records are excluded. satellite records, which measure temperatures in the middle and upper atmosphere, show very little warming since 1979 and do not match up with the ground-based measurements. the satellite readings fail to record any of the increases the climate models say should be happening in response to rising greenhouse gas concentrations. Have the models overestimated the climate’s sensitivity to greenhouse gases? Two recently published studies funded by the Department of Energy argue for vastly lower climate sensitivity to greenhouse gases. Schwartz, Lindzen, and Choi discern strong negative feedbacks in the climate system, suggesting an upper-bound of future temperature rise of no more than 2 degrees Celsius.
|
No warming now – not anthropogenic, their models are inaccurate and negative feedbacks check
| 5,576 | 92 | 1,772 | 864 | 14 | 275 | 0.016204 | 0.318287 |
Canada CP Aff Answers - Michigan7 2013 ACHM.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,829 |
Among those asking this tough question are two young professors, Eugene Gholz, at the University of Texas, and Daryl Press, at Dartmouth College. To find out what actually happens when the world’s petroleum supply is interrupted, the duo analyzed every major oil disruption since 1973. The results, published in a recent issue of the journal Strategic Studies, showed that in almost all cases, the ensuing rise in prices, while sometimes steep, was short-lived and had little lasting economic impact. When there have been prolonged price rises, they found the cause to be panic on the part of oil purchasers rather than a supply shortage. When oil runs short, in other words, the market is usually adept at filling the gap.
|
Kahn 11 (Jeremy, 13 feb 2011, “Crude reality,” http://articles.boston.com/2011-02-13/news/29336191_1_crude-oil-shocks-major-oil-producers, CMR)
|
two professors Gholz, at U T and Press, at Dartmouth analyzed every major oil disruption since 1973 in almost all cases, the ensuing rise in prices was short-lived and had little lasting economic impact When there have been prolonged price rises, they found the cause to be panic rather than a supply shortage. When oil runs short the market is adept at filling the gap.
|
5. NO impact – oil price spikes don’t harm the economy highly qualified studies prove
| 723 | 85 | 370 | 120 | 15 | 65 | 0.125 | 0.541667 |
Venezuela Negative - UNT 2013.html5
|
North Texas (UNT)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
3,830 |
Oil-rich Venezuela has a new president and his name is Nicolas Maduro.¶ On Monday, Maduro was declared the winner of the closest presidential election the country has had in 45 years. He succeeds Hugo Chavez, who died of cancer on March 5.¶ Normally, we wouldn’t write about the results of an election from a far-off outpost like Venezuela here at Energy Ink. But Venezuela isn’t just any outpost.¶ It has some of the largest oil and gas reserves in the world. And under Chavez, the industry and the state-run company, the Petroleos de Venezuela, S.A (PDVSA), have been run badly.¶ That, of course, has been good for Alberta’s own oil and gas industry, particularly the oil sand sector.¶ That’s because Venezuelan heavy oil is a competitor to the bitumen and heavy oil Alberta produces, and as long as the Venezuelan oil and gas industry is badly underperforming, some of the investment that could be going to develop its reserves will flow to the oil sands.
|
Campbell, 2013 (Darren, “A new leader could signal change for Venezuela’s troubled oil and gas sector; If Nicolas Maduro can reverse the industry's decline, it could siphon off investment in Alberta's oil sands,” 4/16/2013, http://www.albertaoilmagazine.com/2013/04/a-new-leader-could-signal-change-for-venenzuelas-oil-and-gas-sector/, accessed tm 7/8
|
Venezuela has some of the largest oil and gas reserves in the world. And under Chavez, the industry and the state-run company, the Petroleos de Venezuela, S.A (PDVSA), have been run badly.¶ That, of course, has been good for Alberta’s own oil and gas industry, particularly the oil sand sector.¶ That’s because Venezuelan heavy oil is a competitor to the bitumen and heavy oil Alberta produces, and as long as the Venezuelan oil and gas industry is badly underperforming, some of the investment that could be going to develop its reserves will flow to the oil sands.
|
Venezuela low output benefits Canada oil
| 958 | 41 | 566 | 165 | 6 | 97 | 0.036364 | 0.587879 |
Venezuela Negative - UNT 2013.html5
|
North Texas (UNT)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
3,831 |
CERI estimates that the overall economic contribution from the oil sands will be $2.1-trillion over the next 25 years. Their study also shows that $783-billion will be paid in federal and provincial taxes and royalties. The significance of this contribution cannot be overstated as our nation begins to confront demographic challenges owing to aging Baby Boomers and the associated health-care and pension commitments. Understand and appreciate that this windfall has already been effectively spent by politicians as we have hundreds of billions of dollars in accumulated debts to service in addition to the aforementioned obligations. If we are to avoid a future of significant tax increases coupled with cuts to entitlements and services, we need this wealth generation. Realizing this economic potential will require a massive capital investment in project development and pipeline transportation. The good news is that Canada’s reserves represent half of all the global oil available for direct investment. Sovereign wealth funds and state-owned enterprises now possess a significant bankroll of investable capital and they are seeking opportunities to invest in our energy. CERI reports that the investment capital required is expected to exceed $253-billion, with another $1.8-trillion required to fund operations, maintenance and sustaining capital. Numbers of this magnitude require significant foreign involvement and we should welcome it.
|
McLellan, Manager - intellectual property, at Petrobank Energy and Resources Ltd. in Calgary, 2013, David, “The oil sands’ benefits”, Financial Post, January 14th 2013, http://opinion.financialpost.com/2013/01/14/the-oil-sands-benefits/, 7/9/13, JG
|
CERI estimates that the overall economic contribution from the oil sands will be $2.1-trillion over the next 25 years that $783-billion will be paid in federal and provincial taxes and royalties. The significance of this contribution cannot be overstated as our nation begins to confront demographic challenges If we are to avoid a future of significant tax increases coupled with cuts to entitlements and services, we need this wealth generation The good news is that Canada’s reserves represent half of all the global oil available for direct investment Sovereign wealth are seeking opportunities to invest in our energy. CERI reports that the investment capital required is expected to exceed $253-billion, with another $1.8-trillion required to fund operations, maintenance and sustaining capital. Numbers of this magnitude require significant foreign involvement and we should welcome it.
|
CERI estimate trillions in economic benefits from Canadian oil sands
| 1,448 | 68 | 893 | 212 | 10 | 134 | 0.04717 | 0.632075 |
Venezuela Negative - UNT 2013.html5
|
North Texas (UNT)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
3,832 |
Economists have a term for this disruption: an oil shock. The idea that such oil shocks will inevitably wreak havoc on the US economy has become deeply rooted in the American psyche, and in turn the United States has made ensuring the smooth flow of crude from the Middle East a central tenet of its foreign policy. Oil security is one of the primary reasons America has a long-term military presence in the region. Even aside from the Iraq and Afghan wars, we have equipment and forces positioned in Oman, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Qatar; the US Navy’s Fifth Fleet is permanently stationed in Bahrain.
|
Kahn 11 (Jeremy, 13 feb 2011, “Crude reality,” http://articles.boston.com/2011-02-13/news/29336191_1_crude-oil-shocks-major-oil-producers, CMR)
|
The idea that oil shocks will wreak havoc on the US economy has become deeply rooted in the American psyche
|
No impact to oil shocks
| 602 | 23 | 107 | 105 | 5 | 20 | 0.047619 | 0.190476 |
Venezuela Negative - UNT 2013.html5
|
North Texas (UNT)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
3,833 |
Gholz and Press are hardly the only researchers who have concluded that we are far too worried about oil shocks. The economy also faced a large increase in prices in the mid-2000s, largely as the result of surging demand from emerging markets, with no ill effects. “If you take any economics textbook written before 2000, it would talk about what a calamitous effect a doubling in oil prices would have,” said Philip Auerswald, an associate professor at George Mason University’s School of Public Policy who has written about oil shocks and their implications for US foreign policy. “Well, we had a price quadrupling from 2003 and 2007 and nothing bad happened.” (The recession of 2008-9 was triggered by factors unrelated to oil prices.)
|
Kahn 11 (Jeremy, 13 feb 2011, “Crude reality,” http://articles.boston.com/2011-02-13/news/29336191_1_crude-oil-shocks-major-oil-producers, CMR)
|
Gholz and Press are hardly the only researchers who concluded that we are far too worried about oil shocks. The economy also faced a large increase in prices in the mid-2000s with no ill effects said Auerswald, an associate professor at George Mason we had a price quadrupling from 2003 and 2007 and nothing bad happened.” (The recession of 2008-9 was triggered by factors unrelated to oil prices.)
|
Multiple empirical examples – no impact on economic prospects
| 738 | 62 | 398 | 123 | 9 | 68 | 0.073171 | 0.552846 |
Venezuela Negative - UNT 2013.html5
|
North Texas (UNT)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
3,834 |
For most countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, threats emanating from terrorism are low. Terrorism in the region is largely perpetrated by groups in Colombia and by the remnants of radical leftist Andean groups. According to the Department of State, most governments in the region have good records of cooperation with the United States on anti-terrorism issues, although progress in the region on improving counterterrorism capabilities is limited by several factors, including corruption, weak governmental institutions, weak or non-existent legislation, and reluctance to allocate sufficient resources. Both Cuba and Venezuela are on the State Department’s list of countries determined to be not cooperating fully with U.S. antiterrorism efforts, and Cuba has remained on the State Department’s list of state sponsors of terrorism since 1982. U.S. officials and some Members of Congress have expressed concern over the past several years about Venezuela’s relations with Iran, with concerns centered on efforts by Iran to circumvent U.N. and U.S. sanctions and on Iran’s ties to Hezbollah, alleged to be linked to two bombings in Argentina in the 1990s. There is disagreement, however, over the extent and significance of Iran’s activities in Latin America. The State Department maintains that there are no known operational cells of either Al Qaeda or Hezbollah-related groups in the hemisphere, although it notes that ideological sympathizers continue to provide financial and moral support to these and other terrorist groups in the Middle East and South Asia.
|
Sullivan and Beittel 2013 (Mark and June, Specialist in Latin American Affairs and Analyst in Latin American Affairs, “Latin America: Terrorism Issues,” 4-5-13, 7-2-13, http://digitalcommons.ilr.cornell.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2063&context=key_workplace)//KC
|
For most countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, threats emanating from terrorism are low. According to the Department of State, most governments in the region have good records of cooperation with the United States on anti-terrorism issues Both Cuba and Venezuela are on the State Department’s list of countries determined to be not cooperating fully with U.S. antiterrorism efforts, and Cuba has remained on the State Department’s list of state sponsors of terrorism since 1982. U.S. officials Congress have expressed concern over the past several years about Venezuela’s relations with Iran . There is disagreement, however, over the extent and significance of Iran’s activities in Latin America. The State Department maintains that there are no known operational cells of either Al Qaeda or Hezbollah-related groups in the hemisphere
|
No impact- Risk of terrorism in Latin America low
| 1,574 | 49 | 843 | 238 | 9 | 129 | 0.037815 | 0.542017 |
Venezuela Negative - UNT 2013.html5
|
North Texas (UNT)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
3,835 |
The prime contractor for an upgrade of the 180,000-b/d Petroleos de Venezuela SA refinery at Puerto La Cruz, Venezuela, has let a contract for construction of key modularized units to Wison Offshore & Marine Ltd. (OGJ Online, July 29, 2011).¶ After completion of the project, the refinery, which now runs light and medium crude oil, will be able to process 210,000 b/d of heavy and extra-heavy crude oil from Venezuela's Orinoco region.¶ The project includes construction of a 50,000-b/d deep-conversion unit based on HDH Plus technology developed by Intevep, PDVSA's research unit. It also includes a three-train sequential hydroprocessing unit, a 130,000-b/d three-train vacuum unit, upgrade of two atmospheric distillation units, auxiliary and service units, interconnections, and tanks.¶ Wison Offshore received the contract from Hyundai-Wison, a consortium of Hyundai Engineering & Construction Co. Ltd., Hyundai Engineering Co. Ltd., and Wison Engineering Ltd. that holds the engineering, procurement, and construction contract.¶ Wison Offshore, for which the project represents a first in onshore module fabrication, will provide pipe racks and equipment modules weighing about 26,000 tonnes, handling fabrication design of the steel structures, material procurement, construction, precommissioning, and loadout. Hyundai-Wison will provide the pipeline, equipment, and electric facilities and instrumentation.
|
Oil and Gas Journal 2013 (“Contract let in PDVSA refinery upgrade” May 20, lexis accessed TM 7/3)
|
The prime contractor for an upgrade of the 180,000-b/d Petroleos de Venezuela SA refinery at Puerto La Cruz, Venezuela, has let a contract for construction of key modularized units After completion of the project, the refinery, which now runs light and medium crude oil, will be able to process 210,000 b/d of heavy and extra-heavy crude oil from Venezuela's Orinoco region Wison Offshore, for which the project represents a first in onshore module fabrication, will provide pipe racks and equipment modules weighing about 26,000 tonnes, handling fabrication design of the steel structures, material procurement, construction, precommissioning, and loadout. Hyundai-Wison will provide the pipeline, equipment, and electric facilities and instrumentation.
|
2. No need for plan -- Refineries increasing in sq
| 1,416 | 51 | 754 | 198 | 10 | 109 | 0.050505 | 0.550505 |
Venezuela Negative - UNT 2013.html5
|
North Texas (UNT)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
3,836 |
With the US decline and the world economic crisis, countries of the South have for the first time the opportunity to influence global governance. The G20 summits, an important example of South-South cooperation that connects different regional powers, reflect the new paradigm full of symbolism where emerging ¶ powers want to lead its own developing process. The Chinese position in these summits suggests the role of ¶ leadership that Beijing is willing to undertake. China frames cooperation with the South within its perception of the international system, contesting the hierarchy of power in main political and economic forums, ¶ such as the UN and WTO, in a clear opposition to US unilateral dominance. Beijing is actively working to ¶ increase its political leverage and shape the agenda of international politics giving South-South cooperation a ¶ strategic dimension well beyond mutual development. This fits South American objectives, namely the ones ¶ of Brazil, Argentina and Venezuela, that aim at diversifying international partnerships and perceive China ¶ as an alternative to the traditional orientation towards Latin America, the US and Europe. China is not happy with the place it occupies in the international system and is interested in ignoring many of the Western ¶ norms. Positioning itself as a stakeholder, China creates the basis for an alternative international order using ¶ persuasion. The Chinese soft power in South America may be a drop of water in a much broader strategy.
|
Zhongguo 3/1/13, (Jiexi Zhongguo, Initiative of China policy observatory, political analyst, journalist, “China in South America: Argentina, Brazil, and Venezuela”.
|
With the US decline countries of the South have the opportunity to influence global governance China frames cooperation with the South within its perception of the international system contesting the hierarchy of power in main political and economic forums , in a clear opposition to US unilateral dominance This fits South American objectives and perceive China ¶ as an alternative to the traditional orientation towards Latin America, the US and Europe ina creates the basis for an alternative international order using ¶ persuasion. The Chinese soft power in South America may be a drop of water in a much broader strategy.
|
China taking charge of Latin America now – challenging US dominance
| 1,507 | 68 | 626 | 238 | 11 | 101 | 0.046218 | 0.42437 |
Venezuela Negative - UNT 2013.html5
|
North Texas (UNT)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
3,837 |
China has had its sights on Latin America for the past decade and is now positioning itself as a competitive trade partner in the region. The populous, rapidly developing Asian nation covets oil, soybeans and gold, of which Latin America has plenty, and has been slowly but steadily increasing its presence and its trade with several countries there.¶ The U.S., whose history of blocking outside political influence in Latin America going back to the Monroe Doctrine, has been directing its attention elsewhere, as Michael Cerna of the China Research Center observed. “[The U.S.'] attention of late has been focused on Iraq and Afghanistan, and Latin America fell lower and lower on America’s list of priorities. China has been all too willing to fill any void,” Cerna said.¶ Between 2000 and 2009, China increased its two-way trade with Latin America by 660 percent, from $13 billion at the beginning of the 21st century to more than $120 billion nine years later. Latin American exports to China reached $41.3 billion, almost 7 percent of the region's total exports. China’s share of the region’s trade was less than 10 percent in 2000; by 2009, the number had jumped to 12 percent.¶ As impressive as that growth is, the numbers still pale in comparison to the U.S.' stats in its commercial relationship with Latin America. The U.S. still holds more than half of the total trade, adding up to $560 billion in 2008. Notably, though, America’s trade participation in Latin America has remained static, while China is closing the gap more and more each year -- having already surpassed the U.S. in some countries, including powerhouse Brazil.
|
IBT 6/28/13, (International Business Times, “Latin America Increases Relations With China: What Does That Mean For The US http://www.ibtimes.com/latin-america-increases-relations-china-what-does-mean-us-1317981# accessed tm 7/8
|
China has had its sights on Latin America for the past decade and is now positioning itself as a competitive trade partner in the region Asian nation covets oil, soybeans and gold, of which Latin America has plenty U.S. has been directing its attention elsewhere attention of late has been focused on Iraq and Afghanistan China increased its two-way trade with Latin America by 660 percent, from $13 billion at the beginning of the 21st century to more than $120 billion nine years later Latin American exports to China reached $41.3 billion, almost 7 percent of the region's total exports. China’s share of the region’s trade was less than 10 percent in 2000; by 2009, the number had jumped to 12 percent America’s trade participation in Latin America has remained static, while China is closing the gap more and more each year -- having already surpassed the U.S. in some countries, including powerhouse Brazil
|
In face of declining US presence, China increasing trade with region
| 1,641 | 69 | 912 | 273 | 11 | 154 | 0.040293 | 0.564103 |
Venezuela Negative - UNT 2013.html5
|
North Texas (UNT)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
3,838 |
In addition to advancing its economic interests,¶ it is clear that Iran has a political agenda aimed¶ at decreasing the country’s international¶ isolation, particularly by forming alliances with¶ other countries that share its anti‐American¶ stance. Yet some observers believe Iran has¶ more menacing goals in Latin America such as¶ obtaining uranium for its nuclear program or¶ developing the infrastructure to carry out¶ terrorist attacks against Western targets in the¶ region (Berman 2012, Cárdenas 2012, Goforth¶ 2012, Noriega 2012, Seligson 2013).Declarations¶ by the Venezuelan government that Iran is¶ assisting Venezuela in its search for uranium¶ reserves certainly heightened suspicions about¶ the nature of the two country’s interactions¶ (Padgett 2009). Moreover, critics note that Iran¶ and its proxies are implicated in the terrorist¶ bombing of the AMIA Jewish community¶ center in Buenos Aires in 1994 and the foiled¶ plot to hire a Mexican drug cartel to kill the¶ Saudi Ambassador to the United States in 2011¶ (Levitt 2012, Savage and Shane 2011). Still,¶ others remain skeptical that Iran’s increased¶ presence in the region poses a serious security¶ threat to the United States, dismissing such¶ claims as either unfounded or simply paranoid¶ (Main 2013, Miller 2013
|
Azpuru 13, (Dinorah Azpuru, professor of Wichita State University, PhD in political science, 2013, Iran is Not Highly Trusted in the Western Hemisphere, http://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/insights/IO891en_v2.pdf)
|
ran has a political agenda aimed¶ at forming alliances with¶ other countries that share its anti‐American¶ stance. Iran has¶ more menacing goals in Latin America such as¶ obtaining uranium for its nuclear program or¶ developing the infrastructure to carry out¶ terrorist attacks against Western targets Declarations¶ by the Venezuelan government that Iran is¶ assisting Venezuela in its search for uranium
|
No - Iran is obtaining uranium from Venezuela with the prospect of proliferation
| 1,288 | 81 | 405 | 193 | 13 | 60 | 0.067358 | 0.310881 |
Venezuela Negative - UNT 2013.html5
|
North Texas (UNT)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
3,839 |
In the view of those in the United States, concerned about issues of Panama Canal security in the wake of the U.S. military withdrawal, the spillover of Colombia’s conflicts into Panama represents a particularly serious threat. Panamanians have tended to downplay this, noting that the border with Colombia is remote from any installations related to the Canal and pointing out that it was clearly in the guerrillas interest to abstain from any actions which might provide an excuse for direct U.S. military actions against them. Rand analysts Rabasa and Chalk largely concur, pointing out that “the constraints against a guerrilla move against Panama or the Canal are largely political,” but adding that if the Colombian government “succeeded in putting real pressure on the guerrillas,” this might change their calculations.58 Of all the bordering nations, Panama is the most vulnerable, having neither regular armed forces nor direct land connections with the border region, a long history of the usage of Panamanian territory by Colombian narcotraffickers, and a lack of any real capacity to control its land, sea, or air frontiers. Panama’s problems have three distinct, but interrelated aspects. The first are the actions of armed Colombians, insurgents, and/or paramilitaries in its national territory. The second encompasses the wide range of criminal activities, notably, but by no means exclusively, narcotics trafficking, linked to Colombian organized crime. Finally, problems are caused by refugees moving into the Darien, representing a threat both to local inhabitants and to the region’s fragile ecological balance. All of this not only undermines Panama’s control over its remote Darien Province, it also contains the potential seriously to disrupt relations with the United States.
|
Richard Millett (sr fellow at North-South Center, emeritus prof of history at Southern Illinois Univ, and foreign policy expert) 2002 “Colombia’s Conflicts: The Spillover Effects of a Wider War,” Strategic Studies Institute, October, http://www.strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/pdffiles/PUB14.pdf
|
concerned about issues of Panama Canal security the spillover of Colombia’s conflicts into Panama represents a particularly serious threat Of all the bordering nations Panama is the most vulnerable having neither regular armed forces nor direct land connections with the border region Panama’s problems are the actions of armed Colombians insurgents and paramilitaries in its territory
|
Colombian escalation will disrupt the Panama Canal
| 1,798 | 51 | 385 | 274 | 7 | 56 | 0.025547 | 0.20438 |
Venezuela Negative - UNT 2013.html5
|
North Texas (UNT)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
3,840 |
Not only is the Panama Canal important to Panama for income and jobs, but it is also considered to be vitally important to the United States economy. Many U.S. exports and imports travel through the Canal daily (over 10% of all U.S. shipping goes through the Canal). Exports represent jobs for U.S. citizens because the products were made by U.S. workers. Imports enable U.S. consumers to receive needed products. Since the United States is the only superpower in the world, the United States is interested in keeping the global economy running smoothly. If world trade is disrupted, it can lead to worldwide economic problems. Therefore, any disruption in the flow of goods through the Panama Canal could directly hurt the U.S. and global economies. For instance, if England were selling products to Peru, England's economy would suffer if the Canal were not operating. Without access to the Canal, the cost of exports from England to Peru would significantly increase because England would have to regain the added expenses involved in sailing around South America. Because of increased prices, Peru could not afford to purchase as many products from England, which in turn would decrease England's revenues gained from exports. Decreased revenues means that England would have less money available to purchase products from the United States and other countries. A "domino effect" would be set in motion as the United States and other countries experienced similar problems with their exports and imports. This example illustrates the economic importance the Panama Canal has to the U.S. and global economies.
|
WJU (Wheeling Jesuit University) 2002 Center for Educational Technologies, “Central America: Panama Canal: Economic Importance,” copyright 1999-2002, http://www.cotf.edu/earthinfo/camerica/panama/PCtopic4.html
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the Panama Canal is vitally important to the U S economy the only superpower in the world is interested in keeping the global economy running smoothly If world trade is disrupted it can lead to worldwide economic problems any disruption in the flow of goods through the Panama Canal could directly hurt the U.S. and global economies A "domino effect" would be set in motion as the U S and other countries experienced similar problems with their exports and imports
|
That collapses the global economy
| 1,612 | 33 | 464 | 258 | 5 | 80 | 0.01938 | 0.310078 |
Venezuela Negative - UNT 2013.html5
|
North Texas (UNT)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
3,841 |
A peace accord between the Colombian government and the FARC (which uses Venezuelan territory as a sanctuary and was supported by Chávez) would reduce a key source of instability in the wider region. To anticipate potential turmoil in Venezuela in the coming period, Washington should be consulting regularly and at the highest levels with South American allies, especially Colombia and Brazil, who have the most at stake should the security situation deteriorate.
|
Shifter Adjunct Professor of Latin American Studies at Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service 2013 --- (3/11/2013, Michael, “The Empire Makes Nice: Is it time for a Venezuela reset?” http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/03/11/the_empire_makes_nice_venezuela_hugo_chavez?page=0,1 accessed tm 7/7)
|
accord between the Colombian government and the FARC would reduce a key source of instability in the wider region.
|
Internal link -- Resolution of Colombian conflict key to regional stability
| 464 | 76 | 114 | 72 | 11 | 19 | 0.152778 | 0.263889 |
Venezuela Negative - UNT 2013.html5
|
North Texas (UNT)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
3,842 |
The Colombian crisis demonstrates the continuing evolution of threats to national security. Today many of the greatest threats are generated by the growing nexus between internal political violence and international criminal activities. These exist around the world, as exemplified by situations in areas as diverse as Sierra Leone, Afghanistan, and the Balkans. There seems to be little difference in the relationships, regardless of whether the conflicts are the result of ethnic divisions, religious conflicts, political ideology, or simply fear and ambition. The result is more the proliferation of lawlessness than the spread of terrorism. Today criminal activities, both international (narcotics trafficking, arms and people smuggling, money laundering) and domestic (kidnappings, extortion, robberies), have become the essential life blood of most insurgent and terrorist movements. The challenge for the governments threatened, for the United States, and for the world community is how to sever these links. Failure to do so can reduce nation-states to the position of pawns rather than principal actors in the violence which threatens to engulf them.
|
Richard Millett (sr fellow at North-South Center, emeritus prof of history at Southern Illinois Univ, and foreign policy expert) 2002 “Colombia’s Conflicts: The Spillover Effects of a Wider War,” Strategic Studies Institute, October, http://www.strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/pdffiles/PUB14.pdf
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The Colombian crisis demonstrates the continuing evolution of threats to national security Today criminal activities narcotics trafficking money laundering kidnappings extortion robberies have become the essential life blood of most insurgent and terrorist movements The challenge is how to sever these links Failure to do so can reduce nation-states to the position of pawns
|
Colombian violence causes organized crime and terrorism
| 1,159 | 55 | 375 | 169 | 7 | 54 | 0.04142 | 0.319527 |
Venezuela Negative - UNT 2013.html5
|
North Texas (UNT)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
3,843 |
As technology advanced and borders became increasingly porous after the Cold War, it became increasingly evident that international crime in all of its various forms threatened U.S. national security interests. Sometimes the threats were direct. Terrorists groups like AlQaeda, no longer as dependent on state sponsorship, began targeting Americans at home and abroad. They also engaged in a host of criminal activities apart from terrorism, from arms trafficking to people smuggling to securities fraud. Vast networks of criminals based in Russia, Nigeria, Latin America, East Asia and elsewhere went global, infiltrating the United States as one of the world’s most lucrative targets. Hackers halfway around the world broke into U.S. computer systems, including sensitive systems belonging to the military and intelligence agencies. International crime also poses indirect threats to U.S. national security. Criminal syndicates have corrupted government officials, undermined democratic governance, and hindered economic development in many countries. This has been well documented in post-communist states like Russia, developing countries like Nigeria, post-conflict societies like Bosnia and countries of particular concern to the United States like Mexico. In Colombia, groups engaged in drug trafficking, terrorist activity and other serious crimes even challenge the government itself for control over territory and the population, just as typical communist insurgencies did a few decades ago. Criminal syndicates have also helped to undermine regional stability. In Sierra Leone, for instance, the illegal smuggling of “conflict” diamonds helped finance a brutal civil war. Elsewhere in Africa and around the world, arms trafficking by organized criminal networks has stoked regional conflicts that might otherwise have died down. Criminal syndicates have been instrumental in violating U.S. and international sanctions regimes in such places as Iraq and Serbia. Russian criminal organizations are reportedly involved in smuggling materials for weapons of mass destruction--chemical, biological and nuclear. In other places, such as in Albania, criminal organizations have driven regime change, as when the collapse of a pyramid scheme precipitated anarchy and flooded next-door Kosovo with small weapons. Financial crimes such as money laundering and counterfeiting have the potential to undermine national banking systems and thereby to destabalize the global financial system. Economic crimes such as piracy--both physical and intellectual--affect U.S. companies’ competitiveness in foreign markets.
|
William F. Wechsler (former Special Advisor to the Secretary of the Treasury, Director for Transnational Threats at the National Security Council and Special Assistant to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff) Spring 2002 The National Interest, “Law in order: Reconstructing U.S. national security,” p17(12), infotrac
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international crime threatened U.S. national security They engage in a host of criminal activities from arms trafficking to people smuggling to securities fraud. Vast networks of criminals based in Russia, Nigeria, Latin America, East Asia and elsewhere went global, infiltrating the U S as one of the world’s most lucrative targets. Criminal syndicates have corrupted government officials, undermined democratic governance, and hindered economic development in many countries. This has been well documented in post-communist states like Russia, developing countries like Nigeria, post-conflict societies like Bosnia and countries of particular concern to the U S like Mexico. In Colombia, groups engaged in drug trafficking, terrorist activity and other serious crimes even challenge the government itself for control over territory and the population, just as typical communist insurgencies did a few decades ago Criminal syndicates undermine regional stability. In Sierra Leone illegal smuggling of “conflict” diamonds helped finance a brutal civil war. Elsewhere in Africa and around the world, arms trafficking by organized criminal networks has stoked regional conflicts that might otherwise have died down. Criminal syndicates have been instrumental in violating U.S. and international sanctions regimes in such places as Iraq and Serbia. Russian criminal organizations are reportedly involved in smuggling materials for w m d chemical, biological and nuclear. In other places, such as in Albania, criminal organizations have driven regime change, as when the collapse of a pyramid scheme precipitated anarchy and flooded next-door Kosovo with small weapons. Financial crimes such as money laundering and counterfeiting have the potential to undermine national banking systems and thereby to destabalize the global financial system. Economic crimes such as piracy--both physical and intellectual--affect U.S. companies’ competitiveness in foreign markets
|
Organized crime causes global economic decline, WMD terrorism and conflicts
| 2,611 | 75 | 1,961 | 365 | 10 | 277 | 0.027397 | 0.758904 |
Venezuela Negative - UNT 2013.html5
|
North Texas (UNT)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
3,844 |
The consolidation of Chávez supporters into a single party dates from 2008. Before then, the Chavistas belonged to a variety of left-wing political parties led by Movimiento Quinta República. But, in 2008, the PSUV won control of seventeen of the twenty-two states and a clear majority of the popular vote in the nation as a whole. ¶ But the real test of whether the PSUV can nurture a healthy democracy will depend on the willingness of its leaders to enforce institutional checks on power that are already stipulated in Venezuelan law. It could start by separating key positions (for example, that of the attorney general and Venezuela’s Electoral Council) from partisan loyalties. Under Chávez, the lack of separation between party and state (including governors, mayors, and ministers), betrayed a key principle of liberal democracy. ¶ It would also help if PSUV’s leaders ceased threatening reprisal and/or dismissal against members of Congress or the judiciary who raise objections to government policy. To become a universally respected institution, the PSUV will have to harness internal voices instead of repressing them and obey a set of rules it helps to formulate.¶ At least in the near future, the opponents to Chavismo will not be able to contribute much to the democratizing project. Although they united behind Henrique Capriles in the 2013 presidential election, and he lost to Maduro by just 1.5 percent, they presented no clearly defined ideology and did not consolidate into a single right-of-center political party. Instead, the opposition cobbled together a shaky alliance of some thirty parties, including, bizarrely, the Marxist-Leninist Red Flag. In the long run, a healthy Venezuelan Right would strengthen democracy in the nation by challenging the Left to contemplate the possibility of losing power.
|
Lecuna 13 (Antonio Lecuna, he is an assistant professor at the School of Business and Economics at the Unversidad del Desarrollo in Santiago, Chile, “From Chavismo to a Democratic Left in Venezuela”, Dissent, 6/1/2013, exact date not specified in article, accessed 7/2/2013, GU)
|
in 2008, the PSUV won control of seventeen of the twenty-two states and a clear majority of the popular vote in the nation as a whole. the real test of whether the PSUV can nurture a healthy democracy will depend on the willingness of its leaders to enforce institutional checks on power that are already stipulated in Venezuelan law. It could start by separating key positions from partisan loyalties. Under Chávez, the lack of separation between party and state (including governors, mayors, and ministers), betrayed a key principle of liberal democracy. It would also help if PSUV’s leaders ceased threatening reprisal and/or dismissal against members of Congress or the judiciary who raise objections to government policy. the PSUV will have to harness internal voices instead of repressing them and obey a set of rules it helps to formulate the opponents to Chavismo will not be able to contribute much to the democratizing project. Although they united behind Henrique Capriles in the 2013 presidential election, and he lost to Maduro by just 1.5 percent, they presented no clearly defined ideology and did not consolidate into a single right-of-center political party. the opposition cobbled together a shaky alliance of some thirty parties a healthy Venezuelan Right would strengthen democracy in the nation by challenging the Left to contemplate the possibility of losing power.
|
Lack of democracy in Venezuela now- lack of separation between party and state, government silencing of criticisms, and a weak opposition party all hinder democratization
| 1,829 | 170 | 1,388 | 288 | 25 | 221 | 0.086806 | 0.767361 |
Venezuela Negative - UNT 2013.html5
|
North Texas (UNT)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
3,845 |
This article is an important addition to both the corruption and turnout literature. First, this study adds to the corruption literature in that it establishes another negative consequence of bribery, clientelism, nepotism, or illegal payments made to public agents with the goal of obtaining benefits and/ or avoiding costs. Corrupt practices not only hinder economic and social development, they also prevent democracies from functioning properly. Confronted with mediocre governance performance, citizens in corrupt democracies may be unwilling or unable to establish trustworthy relations with their representatives. As a result, citizens may distance themselves from the political system, preferring to stay at home on Election Day. Second, this study adds to the vast literature on turnout in that it introduces a new relevant variable, which future studies should include in their turnout models. The variable corruption is both statistically significant and substantively relevant in explaining and predicting voter turnout.¶ Future research should evaluate the impact of corruption on voter apathy in newer and growing democracies. Our theoretical model suggests, but does not test, a possible intervening mechanism of low trust in the corruption-turnout relationship. Many (non-consolidated) Latin American or African democracies (e.g. Mexico or Mali) are characterized by high rates of corruption and relatively low voter turnout. Bribery, despotism as well as vote- and seat-buying might also contribute to a phenomenon, which O’Donnell (1996) labels “delegative democracy”.19 In recent democracies corruption might not only increase the gulf between citizens and policy-makers, it might also create distrust between various relevant political actors and institutions. Future research should tackle this question, which should not only interest the democracy literature, but also practitioners and international organizations involved in democracy assistance efforts.¶ As an addition to this study, it might also be interesting to determine the impact of corruption on unconventional political participation. Frustrated with the political system, people in corrupt countries might develop some apathy to politicians and political institutions. However, it might also be the case that citizens become angered and furious with conventional channels of expression and turn to more radical forms of political action like demonstrations or boycotts. Future research could examine these two hypotheses so as to gain a more comprehensive picture of the influence of corruption on political participation.
|
Stockemer et al. 9 (Daniel Stockemer, school of Political Studies, University of Ottawa, Lyle Scruggs, department of Political Science, University of Connecticut, Bernadette LaMontagne, Department of Political Science, University of Connecticut, “Brides and Ballots: The Impact of Corruption on Voter Turnout in Democracies”, 8/13/2009, accessed 7/3/2013, GU)
|
Corrupt practices not only hinder economic and social development, they also prevent democracies from functioning properly. Confronted with mediocre governance performance, citizens in corrupt democracies may be unwilling or unable to establish trustworthy relations with their representatives citizens may distance themselves from the political system, preferring to stay at home on Election Day. The variable corruption is both statistically significant and substantively relevant in explaining and predicting voter turnout. Future research should evaluate the impact of corruption on voter apathy in newer and growing democracies. Our theoretical model suggests, but does not test, a possible intervening mechanism of low trust in the corruption-turnout relationship. Many Latin American or African democracies are characterized by high rates of corruption and relatively low voter turnout. Bribery, despotism as well as vote- and seat-buying might also contribute to a phenomenon, “delegative democracy”.19 In recent democracies corruption might not only increase the gulf between citizens and policy-makers, it might also create distrust between various relevant political actors and institutions. Frustrated with the political system, people in corrupt countries might develop some apathy to politicians and political institutions. However, it might also be the case that citizens become angered and furious with conventional channels of expression and turn to more radical forms of political action like demonstrations or boycotts.
|
Corruption harms democratic ideals by distancing the citizens from the political system and lowering voter turnout
| 2,609 | 114 | 1,538 | 370 | 16 | 213 | 0.043243 | 0.575676 |
Venezuela Negative - UNT 2013.html5
|
North Texas (UNT)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
3,846 |
Atmospheric research is another area where Cuba and the United States share tangible common interests. Hurricanes and other storms go over Cuba en route to the United States. Clues gained from atmospheric conditions over the Caribbean can give insights—and perhaps early warning—about tornados in Oklahoma and Arkansas, or storms in Chicago and New York.¶ It is an area of particular interest for Turekian, an atmospheric geochemist. “There is no doubt that real atmospheric science involving Cuba—measurements, understanding of atmospheric conditions—is important not only for better understanding of transport of African dust, but also for getting a handle on how atmospheric conditions and dynamics affect the Gulf of Mexico and the southeastern United States,” he said.¶ “Given that tornadoes are driven by really complicated dynamics that involve large amounts of warm air coming up through the Gulf and interacting with cold fronts, any data we can gain can mean lives saved.... But you can’t hope to understand things like storms as they affect the Southeast Coast of the United States without having better joint cooperation between scientists in the U.S. and Cuba, and without research, instruments, and calibration to measure dynamics that affect us both.”¶ Still, both Turekian and Robock suggested that official mistrust and the trade embargo combine to make such collaboration on climate research difficult, if not impossible.¶ Robock, in an interview, outlined efforts by the National Center for Atmospheric Research in Boulder to install global positioning system devices in the central Cuban city of Camaguey. The GPS devices receive signals from satellites; microwave signals are affected by transmission through the atmosphere, and depending on the density of the atmosphere, that allows for insights on weather and climate change.¶ There are nearly 100 such devices in the Caribbean, Robock explained, but Cuba, though one of the largest land masses in the Caribbean, hosts none of them.¶ “Basic weather data are already shared by all the countries of the world,” he said. “But taking specific measurements there with the GPS would be useful to Cubans and to the larger community. It gives you better information about the state of the atmosphere—temperature, humidity, soil moisture. That’s what you need to start a weather forecast model.”¶ But the Cuban military is wary of the GPS devices, and the nation has not approved the installation. At the same time, the U.S. embargo of Cuba makes it impossible for Cuban scientists to come to the United States for even a week-long course in how to use a computer climate model.¶ “Scientists from both countries want to work together,” Robock said. “We’ll do the best we can... but there are significant limitations.”¶ “From the scientific standpoint,” Turekian added, “this is about the ability to go to a place to make measurements so that we can better understand hurricanes and other conditions that affect the Caribbean and the southeastern United States. To do that, we need relationships and protocols so that Americans and the Cubans together can benefit from measurements in Cuba.”
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Lempinen 12 (Edward W. Lempinen, Senior writer at Salon¶ 1 May 2012 “Oceans, Weather, Health—U.S. Researchers Explore Potential Collaboration with Cuban Colleagues” http://www.aaas.org/news/releases/2012/0501cuba.shtml)
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Atmospheric research is where Cuba and the United States share tangible common interests There is no doubt that real atmospheric science involving Cuba is important for getting a handle on how atmospheric conditions and dynamics affect the Gulf of Mexico and the southeastern United States any data we can gain can mean lives saved But you can’t understand things like storms as they affect the United States without having better joint cooperation between scientists in the U.S. and Cuba Scientists from both countries want to work together, but there are significant limitations we need protocols so that Americans and the Cubans together can benefit
|
The SQ fails to promote US-Cuba coop
| 3,155 | 37 | 652 | 496 | 7 | 104 | 0.014113 | 0.209677 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,847 |
The Sandy Stimulus? No, actually the hurricane will hurt the fragile U.S. economy¶ James Pethokoukis | October 30, 2012, 11:24 am¶ Economic consultancy IHS Global Insight dismisses the idea that Hurricane Sandy is just the Keynesian stimulus the American economy needs:¶ The region affected by Hurricane Sandy will be similar to the one affected by Hurricane Irene in 2011 – a region stretching across 15 states on the East Coast with a gross regional product of around $3 trillion. Assuming the total economic losses are around $30 billion to $50 billion that would represent losses equivalent to 1.0% to 1.7% of gross regional product (GRP) for the states affected.¶ This would be larger than the damages from Hurricane Irene which represented about 0.5% of GRP for the 13 most states affected, but it would be much less than Hurricane Katrina, which caused around $120 billion in damages, amounting to 9.6% of gross regional product for the states most impacted – Alabama, Florida, Louisiana, and Mississippi.¶ On a national scale, $30 billion to $50 billion in economics losses would represent about 0.2% to 0.3% of nominal GDP. Part of these losses will eventually be made up by reconstruction activity, but it would be naïve to put forward the view that a hurricane is in some sense a stimulus for the economy. There’s no guarantee that reconstruction activity will be extra activity, on top of what would otherwise have occurred, rather than a substitute for that activity.¶ In the private sector, insurance will cover some of the reconstruction costs, but not all. Other reconstruction may take place at the expense of costs pared elsewhere, or simply may not be done at all. And even the reconstruction covered by insurance is not a “free lunch”, since it comes out of insurers’ profits and perhaps could lead to higher insurance premiums.¶ The effect on growth for the fourth quarter will not be catastrophic but might still be noticeable, especially in an economy with little momentum anyway. Suppose that the affected regions lose just 25% of their overall output for two days that is not recoverable later. That would knock about $25 billion annualized ($6 billion actual) off GDP, and could take as much as 0.6 percentage points off annualized fourth-quarter real GDP growth rate.¶ Many of my readers are well aware of the Broken Windows Fallacy, so need to get into here. But let me add this: The U.S. economy is hovering either at or just above stall speed. The Recession Red Zone. I would not be so quick to dismiss Sandy as a mere economic bump in the road, especially with the fiscal cliff fast approaching.¶
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Pethokoukis, ’12. “The Sandy Stimulus? No, actually the hurricane will hurt the fragile U.S. economy” by James Pethonkoukis, writer for AEIdeas. October 30, 2012. <http://www.aei-ideas.org/2012/10/the-sandy-stimulus-no-actually-the-hurricane-will-hurt-the-fragile-u-s-economy/>
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the hurricane will hurt the fragile U.S. economy¶ The region stretching across 15 states on the East Coast with a gross regional product of around $3 trillion. Assuming the total economic losses are around $30 billion to $50 billion that would represent losses equivalent to 1.0% to 1.7% of gross regional product Hurricane Katrina caused around $120 billion in damages, amounting to 9.6% of gross regional product On a national scale, $30 billion to $50 billion in economics losses would represent about 0.2% to 0.3% of nominal GDP Suppose that the affected regions lose just 25% of their overall output for two days that is not recoverable later. That would knock about $25 billion ) off GDP, and could take as much as 0.6 percentage points off annualized fourth-quarter real GDP growth rate.
|
East Coast economies key
| 2,627 | 24 | 794 | 443 | 4 | 133 | 0.009029 | 0.300226 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,848 |
Residents of Cuba's second-largest city of Santiago remained without power or running water Monday, four days after Hurricane Sandy made landfall as the island's deadliest storm in seven years, ripping rooftops from homes and toppling power lines.¶ Across the Caribbean, the storm's death toll rose to 69, including 52 people in Haiti, 11 in Cuba, two in the Bahamas, two in the Dominican Republic, one in Jamaica and one in Puerto Rico.¶ Cuban authorities have not yet estimated the economic toll, but the Communist Party newspaper Granma reported there was "severe damage to housing, economic activity, fundamental public services and institutions of education, health and culture."¶ Yolanda Tabio, a native of Santiago, said she had never seen anything like it in all her 64 years: Broken hotel and shop windows, trees blown over onto houses, people picking through piles of debris for a scrap of anything to cover their homes. On Sunday, she sought solace in faith.¶ "The Mass was packed. Everyone crying," said Tabio, whose house had no electricity, intermittent phone service and only murky water coming out of the tap on Monday. "I think it will take five to ten years to recover. ... But we're alive."¶ Sandy came onshore early Thursday just west of Santiago, a city of about 500,000 people in agricultural southeastern Cuba. It is the island's deadliest storm since 2005's Hurricane Dennis, a category 5 monster that killed 16 people and did $2.4 billion in damage. More than 130,000 homes were damaged by Sandy, including 15,400 that were destroyed, Granma said.¶ "It really shocked me to see all that has been destroyed and to know that for many people, it's the effort of a whole lifetime," said Maria Caridad Lopez, a media relations officer at the Roman Catholic Archdiocese in Santiago. "And it disappears in just three hours."¶ Lopez said several churches in the area collapsed and nearly all suffered at least minor damage. That included the Santiago cathedral as well as one of the holiest sites in Cuba, the Sanctuary of the Virgin del Cobre. Sandy's winds blew out itsstained glass windows and damaged its massive doors.¶ "It's indescribable," said Berta Serguera, an 82-year-old retiree whose home withstood the tempest but whose patio and garden did not. "The trees have been shredded as if with a saw. My mango only has a few branches left, and they look like they were shaved."¶ On Monday, sound trucks cruised the streets urging people to boil drinking water to prevent infectious disease. Soldiers worked to remove rubble and downed trees from the streets. Authorities set up radios and TVs in public spaces to keep people up to date on relief efforts, distributed chlorine to sterilize water and prioritized electrical service to strategic uses such as hospitals and bakeries.¶ Enrique Berdion, a 45-year-old doctor who lives in central Santiago, said his small apartment building did not suffer major damage but he had been without electricity, water or gas for days.¶ "This was something I've never seen, something extremely intense, that left Santiago destroyed. Most homes have no roofs. The winds razed the parks, toppled all the trees," Berdion said by phone. "I think it will take years to recover."¶ Raul Castro, who toured Cuba's hardest-hit regions on Sunday, warned of a long road to recovery.¶ Granma said the president called on the country to urgently implement "temporary solutions," and "undoubtedly the definitive solution will take years of work."¶ Venezuela sent nearly 650 of tons of aid, including nonperishable food, potable water and heavy machinery both to Cuba and to nearby Haiti, which was not directly in the storm's path but suffered flash floods across much of the country's south.¶ Across the Caribbean, work crews were repairing downed power lines and cracked water pipes and making their way into rural communities marooned by impassable roads.
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Huffington Post 12 “Hurricane Sandy: Cuba's Santiago Without Power, Water After Super Storm” Peter Orsi, journalist for Huffington Post World. October 29, 2012. <http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/10/29/hurricane-sandy-cuba-santiago_n_2039750.html>
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Residents of Cuba's second-largest city of Santiago remained without power or running water Monday, four days after Hurricane Sandy the island's deadliest storm in seven years, Everyone had no electricity and only murky water coming out of the tap I think it will take five to ten years to recover sound trucks cruised the streets urging people to boil drinking water to prevent infectious disease Authorities distributed chlorine to sterilize water said the president called on the country to urgently implement "temporary solutions," and "undoubtedly the definitive solution will take years of work.
|
Deadly hurricanes crush water infrastructure
| 3,904 | 44 | 601 | 637 | 5 | 93 | 0.007849 | 0.145997 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,849 |
Washington, DC (September 13, 2005) -- In the wake of Katrina, the public health threats from infectious diseases in hurricane-devastated areas are more likely to come from milder, more common infections rather than exotic diseases. These common infections can often be prevented using simple hygiene measures and a little common sense.¶¶ Share This:¶ 1¶ "Deadly diseases, such as typhoid or cholera, are unlikely to break out after hurricanes and floods in areas where these diseases do not already naturally occur," says Ruth Berkelman, MD, Chair of the Public and Scientific Affairs Board of the American Society for Microbiology. "The greatest threats to the people in the affected areas are going to be from diseases that were already there."¶ Dr. Berkelman is the Rollins Professor and Director of the Center for Public Health Preparedness and Research at the Rollins School of Public Health at Emory University. She is a former Assistant Surgeon General of the United States and former deputy director of the CDC's National Center for Infectious Diseases (NCID).¶ Common infectious disease problems in New Orleans in the coming weeks are likely to be skin and soft-tissue infections, most likely from cuts, abrasions and wounds. The primary culprits will be Staphylococcus and Streptococcus bacteria, both of which can generally be treated with available antibiotics. Diseases caused by consumption of contaminated food or water as well as diseases caused by mosquitoes or other insect bites are also a threat.¶ Vibrio vulnificus can also cause serious infections, either wound infections or blood poisoning (septicemia); V. vulnificus is a bacterium that is normally present in Gulf Coast waters and is usually contracted by eating tainted seafood. It is primarily a threat to people with weakened immune systems or liver dysfunction. The CDC has confirmed 15 infections with V. vulnificus, 3 of which were fatal. These cases have occurred in areas other than New Orleans where the water has greater salinity.¶ Another concern is diarrhea and gastrointestinal illnesses from the flood waters. Short bouts of diarrhea and upset stomachs sometimes occur after natural disasters and can be caused sewage contamination of the water. Although at high levels in floodwaters, the E. coli found in New Orleans is the type commonly associated with fecal contamination and is not the E. coli H7:O157 strain that can cause serious kidney disease and bloody diarrhea.¶ "At this point in time, I think it is just common sense to continuedrinking only bottled water unless authorities have tested the water now being piped into some facilities and have declared it safe to drink," says Berkelman. "To also prevent risk of infection, people should practice basic hygiene, frequently washing their hands with soap and clean water or disinfecting hands with an alcohol-based hand cleaner. Individuals should not eat food that has been exposed to flood waters or that has not been properly refrigerated."¶ One common misperception is that the body of a person who died as the result of the hurricane and is still in the city poses a risk of infection.¶ "Decaying bodies pose very little risk for major disease outbreaks," says Berkelman. Furthermore, mosquitoes do not spread disease by feeding on dead bodies. There is, however, a risk of mosquito-borne diseases such as West Nile because mosquitoes breed in standing water. Appropriatepest management, including addressing the need to get rid of standing water, is an important public health measure, she said. A bacterial disease, leptospirosis, may be caused by exposure to water contaminated by rodent urine and can be treated successfully with antibiotics.¶ Over the long term, mold may also pose a threat. Mold growth is an indicator of excess moisture, and much will need to be done to dry out New Orleans and clean up mold growth. Some environmental molds can cause allergic reactions.
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Hyde 5 Hurricane Aftermath: Infection Disease Threats” Barbara Hyde, writer for American Society for Microbiology” September 13, 2005. <http://www.asm.org/index.php/component/content/article/92-news-room/press-releases/1830-hurricane-aftermath-infectious-disease-threats-from-common-not-exotic-diseases>
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infectious diseases in hurricane-devastated areas are more likely to come from more common infections Deadly diseases, such as typhoid or cholera, are unlikely to break out after hurricanes and floods in areas where these diseases do not already naturally occur The greatest threats to the people in the affected areas are going to be from diseases that were already there primary culprits will be Staphylococcus and Streptococcus bacteria Diseases caused by consumption of contaminated food or water as well as diseases caused by mosquitoes or other insect bites are also a threat.¶ Vibrio vulnificus can also cause serious infections V. vulnificus t is normally present in Gulf Coast waters The CDC has confirmed 15 infections with V. vulnificus, 3 of which were fatal. There is, , a risk of mosquito-borne diseases because mosquitoes breed in standing water. A bacterial disease, leptospirosis, may be caused by exposure to water contaminated by rodent urine
|
Hurricanes spread infectious diseases
| 3,934 | 37 | 961 | 626 | 4 | 152 | 0.00639 | 0.242812 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,850 |
Do these 7 billion people have an impact on the planet? Yes. An irreversible impact? Probably. Taken together this huge number of people has managed to change the face of the Earth and threaten the very systems that support them. We are now embarked on a trajectory that, if unchecked, will certainly have detrimental impacts on our way of life and to natural ecosystems. Some of these are irreversible, including the extinction of many species. But returning to that single individual, surely two things are true. A single person could not have caused all of this, nor can a single person solve all the associated problems. The message here is that the human-induced global problems that confront us cannot be solved by any one individual, group, agency or nation. It will take a large collective effort to change the course that we are on; nothing less will suffice. Our planet is facing several mammoth challenges: to its atmosphere, to its resources, to its inhabitants. Wicked problems such as climate change, over-population, disease, and food, water and energy security require concerted efforts and worldwide collaboration to find and implement effective, ethical and sustainable solutions. These are no longer solely scientific and technical matters. Solutions must be viable in the larger context of the global economy, global unrest and global inequality. Common understandings and commitment to action are required between individuals, within communities and across international networks. Science can play a special role in international relations. Its participants share a common language that transcends mother tongue and borders. For centuries scientists have corresponded and collaborated on international scales in order to arrive at a better and common understanding of the natural and human world. Values integral to science such as transparency, vigorous inquiry and informed debate also support effective international relation practices. Furthermore, given the long-established global trade of scientific information and results, many important international links are already in place at a scientific level. These links can lead to coalition-building, trust and cooperation on sensitive scientific issues which, when supported at a political level, can provide a ‘soft politics’ route to other policy dialogues. That is, if nations are already working together on global science issues, they may be more likely to be open to collaboration on other global issues such as trade and security.
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Sackett 10 [August 10, Penny Sackett, former Chief Scientist for Australia, former Program Director at the NSF, PhD in theoretical physics, the Director of the Australian National University (ANU) Research School of Astronomy and Astrophysics and Mount Stromlo and Siding Spring Observatories (2002 – 07), “Science diplomacy: Collaboration for solutions,” published in the Forum for Australian-European Science and Technology cooperation magazine
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huge number of people has managed to change the face of the Earth and threaten the very systems that support them It will take a large collective effort to change the course that we are on; nothing less will suffice. Our planet is facing several mammoth challenges: to its atmosphere, to its resources, to its inhabitants Science can play a special role in international relations given the long-established global trade of scientific information and results, many important international links are already in place at a scientific level These links can lead to coalition-building, trust and cooperation on sensitive scientific issues which, when supported at a political level, can provide a ‘soft politics’ route to other policy dialogues. if nations work on global science issues they may be more likely to be open to collaboration on other global issues such as trade and security.
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Environmental disasters inevitable – Science diplomacy solves
| 2,514 | 62 | 886 | 384 | 7 | 143 | 0.018229 | 0.372396 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,851 |
One lesson from the five great global extinctions is that species and ecosystems come and go, but the evolutionary process continues. In short, life forms have a¶ future on Earth, but humankind’s future depends on its¶ stewardship of ecosystems that favor Homo sapiens. By¶ practicing sustainability ethics, humankind can protect¶ and preserve ecosystems that have services favorable¶ to it. Earth has reached its present state through an¶ estimated 4550 million years and may last for 15 000¶ million more years. The sixth mass extinction, now underway, is unique because humankind is a major contributor to the process. Excessive damage to the ecological life support system will markedly alter civilization, as it is presently¶ known, and might even result in human extinction.¶ However, if humankind learns to live sustainably, the¶ likelihood of leaving a habitable planet for posterity¶ will dramatically increase. The 21st century represents¶ a defining moment for humankind — will present generations become good ancestors for their descendants¶ by living sustainably or will they leave a less habitable planet for posterity by continuing to live unsustainably?
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Carins 4 (John Cairns, Jr.*¶ Department of Biology, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blacksburg, Virginia 24061, “Future of life on Earth” USA http://www.int-res.com/articles/esep/2004/E41.pdf February 24, 2004 PS)
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One lesson from the five great global extinctions is that species and ecosystems come and go humankind’s future depends on its¶ stewardship of ecosystems The sixth mass extinction, now underway, is unique because humankind is a major contributor to the process. Excessive damage to the ecological life support system will markedly alter civilization and result in human extinction The 21st century represents¶ a defining moment for humankind will they leave a less habitable planet for posterity by continuing to live unsustainably?
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Environmental collapse causes extinction
| 1,169 | 40 | 532 | 177 | 4 | 81 | 0.022599 | 0.457627 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,852 |
Meanwhile, in the near term, it appears that U.S.-Cuba relations will indeed remain frozen in time. Neither government has the right incentives to take proactive, deliberate action to change bilateral policy. It is not about Miami, as the Pacific Council report correctly points out: It is the consequence of two sides mired in mistrust and motivated more by domestic matters than any desire for the risks of breaking inertia.For Cuba, this amounts to focusing on its own internal economic transition. Government interlocutors on a recent visit to Havana insisted that “Cuba will change at the speed that is internally feasible, regardless of what the U.S. does.” So single-minded were they about the importance and urgency of the reform project (and, perhaps, so pragmatic were they about the reality of the embargo and long-standing U.S. policy) that they argued, “Cuba has to pretend the United States doesn’t exist.”For the United States, inertia is the name of the game. Cuban-American demographics are changing and the time has passed when Miami Cubans were powerful enough to virtually dictate U.S. policy on Cuba. But for U.S. policy makers, there is no pressing reason to actively change current policy when the island falls so very low on the foreign policy priority list. Why take even a small political risk on Cuba in that context?With or without the United States, Cuba is changing. It is apparent on a weekly basis as new changes move forward, including this week’s announcement that public Internet access will be expanded on the island. But in the near term, we can expect more of the same from U.S.-Cuba relations.
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Fortner 13 (Melissa Lockhart, Senior External Affairs Officer at the Pacific Council on International Policy, May 30, 2013, http://foreignpolicyblogs.com/2013/05/30/cuba-focuses-on-cuba-and-us-on-us/) DCS
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, it appears that U.S.-Cuba relations will indeed remain frozen in time. Neither government has the right incentives to take proactive, deliberate action to change bilateral policy. It is the consequence of two sides mired in mistrust and motivated more by domestic matters than any desire for the risks of breaking inertia.For Cuba, this amounts to focusing on its own internal economic transition. for U.S. policy makers, there is no pressing reason to actively change current policy when the island falls so very low on the foreign policy priority list. Why take even a small political risk on Cuba in that context? in the near term, we can expect more of the same from U.S.-Cuba relations.
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US-Cuba Relations are nonexistent in the Status Quo
| 1,632 | 51 | 693 | 268 | 8 | 116 | 0.029851 | 0.432836 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,853 |
The changes Raúl Castro has introduced are almost certainly irreversible. Much of Cuban farming is, in effect, being privatised. In all, around a third of the country's workforce is due to transfer by 2015 to an incipient private sector. As well as employing others, Cubans can now buy and sell houses and cars, even as the number of mobile phones and computers on the island is rising fast. This looks like a turning point similar to Deng Xiaoping's revolution in China. Reform is moving slowly partly because Mr Castro is ambivalent. He insists, as Deng did, that his aim is to sustain, not dismantle, the Communist Party's control. There are also obstacles to reform. Bureaucrats fear losing power and perks; ordinary people fear rising prices. Popular opposition forced Mr. Castro to drop a proposal to scrap the ration books that give all Cubans some subsidised food. But going too slowly is now as dangerous for the Castros as going too fast. Cubans are unhappy. Their schools and hospitals are not as good as they were. Inequalities of income now exist alongside those of power. There is much resentment of the opportunities afforded to insiders and denied to everyone else. Having raised Cubans' hopes of change, Raúl Castro urgently needs to create some winners from the reforms—and that means pushing ahead. Small businesses must be allowed to become medium and large ones. Foreign investment should be welcomed. And the ration books should go, with subsidies targeted at the poor. The other reason for urgency is that the Castros have failed to groom a successor. When Fidel, who is 85, dies, change will doubtless accelerate, but the regime will not fall apart: Raúl is the important one now. Yet whoever takes over from him—and a partial handover may start as soon as 2013—will not have the brothers' revolutionary credentials. Cubans will judge their next leader strictly on his or her present performance. The longer Raúl tarries over placing the economy on a sustainable footing, the greater the risk that a post-Castro leadership will be swept away on a tide of popular anger. Few will mourn this regime. But there are several reasons for all sides to prefer an orderly transition to capitalism and democracy in Cuba. The sudden collapse of communism risks civil war, or at least the danger that Cuba's formidable security and intelligence agencies will become hired guns at the service of drug trafficking and organised crime. The presence of 1.2m Cuban-Americans in south Florida makes it likely that the United States would get dragged into any conflict. Unfortunately American policy towards Cuba resembles a 50-year tantrum, rather than a coherent plan for encouraging a transition to democracy. The hurt suffered by the exiles was indeed great, but it should not supersede the national interest of the United States. The 50-year-old economic embargo of the island, which this newspaper has long opposed, has done more than anything else to keep the Castros in power. The abiding trope of the brothers' propaganda is the need for “unity” against the aggressor over the water—the official justification for the lack of political freedom and for one-party rule. The exiles' powerful lobby in Miami and Washington, DC, maintains that going easy on the Castros, even when they are opening up, is a betrayal of American ideals. This is nonsense. The Cuban people are not free, but neither are the Chinese or Vietnamese, and America has concluded that it is in its interests to have normal relations with their countries. For all its many faults, Cuba is not North Korea nor Iran. It is no longer a security threat to the United States, nor to the rest of the region. The only sensible question outsiders need to ask is how they can best speed change in Cuba. In the short term regime change is not likely. The dissident groups that American policy favours are small and isolated. There is no Mandela in waiting. The rest of Latin America has concluded that encouraging the regime down the road to reform is better than stopping it. Next year a Brazilian-built deepwater port, backed by a free-trade zone, is due to open. That looks like a useful capitalist tool. Cuba is a declining corner of a rising, and largely democratic, Latin America. After 50 years in which it has been an exception, the island's destiny increasingly resembles that of its region. It is high time that those on both sides of the Florida strait recognise that. Half a century of failure is evidence enough to support a change of policy.
|
The Economist 2012 (http://www.economist.com/node/21551047 Mar 24, 2012 “The Castros, Cuba, and America”)
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There are obstacles to reform. Bureaucrats fear losing power and perks; ordinary people fear rising prices going too slowly is now as dangerous as going too fast. Cubans are unhappy Cubans will judge their next leader strictly on his or her present performance. The longer Raúl tarries over placing the economy on a sustainable footing, the greater the risk that a post-Castro leadership will be swept away on a tide of popular anger The sudden collapse of communism risks civil war Cuba's formidable security and intelligence agencies will become hired guns at the service of drug trafficking and organised crime The presence of 1.2m Cuban-Americans in south Florida makes it likely that the United States would get dragged into any conflict. Unfortunately American policy towards Cuba resembles a 50-year tantrum, rather than a coherent plan for encouraging a transition to democracy. the United States is the aggressor over the water It is evidence enough to support a change of policy
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Without Help, Unrest in Cuba Will Lead to Civil War Over Power Transition, Hurts U.S. if U.S.-Cuba Relations Aren’t Better
| 4,527 | 122 | 988 | 762 | 20 | 160 | 0.026247 | 0.209974 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,854 |
In a few years, the two oldest national academies of science in the world outside of Europe—those of the United States and Cuba—will celebrate their 150th anniversaries. Yet despite the proximity of both nations and many common scientific interests, the U.S. embargo on exchanges with Cuba, which began in 1961 and is now based on the 1996 U.S. Helms-Burton Act and subsequent regulations, has largely blocked scientific exchange. It's time to establish a new scientific relationship, not only to address shared challenges in health, climate, agriculture, and energy, but also to start building a framework for expanded cooperation.¶ Restrictions on U.S.-Cuba scientific cooperation deprive both research communities of opportunities that could benefit our societies, as well as others in the hemisphere, particularly in the Caribbean. Cuba is scientifically proficient in disaster management and mitigation, vaccine production, and epidemiology. Cuban scientists could benefit from access to research facilities that are beyond the capabilities of any developing country, and the U.S. scientific community could benefit from high-quality science being done in Cuba. For example, Cuba typically sits in the path of hurricanes bound for the U.S. mainland that create great destruction, as was the case with Hurricane Katrina and again last month with Hurricane Ike. Cuban scientists and engineers have learned how to protect threatened populations and minimize damage. Despite the category 3 rating of Hurricane Ike when it struck Cuba, there was less loss of life after a 3-day pounding than that which occurred when it later struck Texas as a category 2 hurricane. Sharing knowledge in this area would benefit everybody.¶ Another major example where scientific cooperation could save lives is Cuba's extensive research on tropical diseases, such as dengue fever. This viral disease is epidemic throughout the tropics, notably in the Americas, and one of the first recorded outbreaks occurred in Philadelphia in the 18th century. Today, one of the world's most outstanding research centers dedicated to dengue fever is in Cuba, and although it actively cooperates with Latin America and Africa, there is almost no interaction with U.S. scientists. Dengue fever presents a threat to the U.S. mainland, and sharing knowledge resources to counter outbreaks of the disease would be an investment in the health security of both peoples.¶ Cuba has also made important strides in biotechnology, including the production of several important vaccines and monoclonal antibodies, and its research interests continue to expand in diverse fields, ranging from drug addiction treatment to the preservation of biodiversity. Cuban scientists are engaged in research cooperation with many countries, including the United Kingdom, Brazil, Mexico, China, and India. Yet there is no program of cooperation with any U.S. research institution.¶ The value system of science—openness, shared communication, integrity, and a respect for evidence—provides a framework for open engagement and could encourage evidence-based approaches that cross from science into the social, economic, and political arenas. Beyond allowing for the mutual leveraging of knowledge and resources, scientific contacts could build important cultural and social links among peoples. A recent Council on Foreign Relations report argues that the United States needs to revamp its engagement with Latin America because it is no longer the only significant force in this hemisphere. U.S. policies that are seen as unfairly penalizing Cuba, including the imposition of trade limitations that extend into scientific relations, continue to undermine U.S. standing in the entire region, especially because neither Cuba nor any other Latin American country imposes such restrictions.¶ As a start, we urge that the present license that permits restricted travel to Cuba by scientists, as dictated by the U.S. Treasury Department's Office of Foreign Assets Control, be expanded so as to allow direct cooperation in research. At the same time, Cuba should favor increased scientific exchanges. Allowing scientists to fully engage will not only support progress in science, it may well favor positive interactions elsewhere to promote human well-being. The U.S. embargo on Cuba has hindered exchanges for the past 50 years. Let us celebrate our mutual anniversaries by starting a new era of scientific cooperation.¶
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Pastrana and Clegg 8 1Sergio Jorge Pastrana is the Foreign Secretary of the Academia de Ciencias de Cuba. 2Michael T. Clegg is the Foreign Secretary of the U.S. National Academy of Sciences “U.S.-Cuban Scientific Relations” 17 October 2008 http://www.sciencemag.org/content/322/5900/345.full
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despite the proximity of both nations and many common scientific interests, the U.S. has largely blocked scientific exchange. It's time to establish a new scientific relationship Cuba is scientifically proficient in disaster management and mitigation Cuban scientists could benefit from research facilities that are beyond the capabilities of any developing country, and the U.S. scientific community could benefit from high-quality science being done in Cuba. For example, Cuban scientists and engineers have learned how to protect threatened populations and minimize damage. Sharing knowledge in this area would benefit everybody. As a start the present license that permits restricted travel to Cuba by scientists, as dictated by the U.S. Treasury Department's Office of Foreign Assets Control, be expanded so as to allow direct cooperation in research.
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The plan solves US preparedness
| 4,454 | 31 | 856 | 668 | 5 | 125 | 0.007485 | 0.187126 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,855 |
Total Economic Engagement seeks to integrate and coordinate all U.S. economic instruments and programs into our regional and country strategies. The Bureau of Economic, Energy and Business Affairs’ (EEB) broad cross-section of economic disciplines, interagency contacts, and expertise in such areas as trade, finance, energy, development, transportation, and telecommunications help ensure this coordination.¶ EEB is actively involved in the entire range of international economic issues affecting America’s security and well-being. Our priorities extend from securing reliable, sustainable energy supplies to increasing market access for U.S. goods and services. Protection of American interests, such as intellectual property rights, fair play in international business, and shutting down terrorist access to financial networks, is not only part of our work, it is the foundation on which our efforts rest.¶ But promoting U.S. economic and security interests is not a short-term endeavor; dealing creatively with emerging markets and alleviating poverty are priorities that are even more important in the era of rapid globalization than they were in the wake of World War II.¶ To quote Franklin D. Roosevelt: “True individual freedom cannot exist without economic security and independence. People who are hungry and out of a job are the stuff of which dictatorships are made.”¶ Poverty and political unrest walk hand-in-hand, and too many countries’ economic situations offer little hope to their citizens. However, the economic landscape does not need to remain dormant. We believe, the crop of economic security, individual prosperity and political stability can be grown through total economic engagement.¶ Total economic engagement looks beyond the current practice of using financial development assistance as the only ox at the plow. We know that developing countries own the keys to their own economic success. Just as democracy relies on the educated and active common man, so a healthy economy rests on the liberated individual. Ronald Reagan summed it up well: “We who live in free market societies believe that growth, prosperity and ultimately human fulfillment, are created from the bottom up, not the government down. “Only when the human spirit is allowed to invent and create, only when individuals are given a personal stake in deciding economic policies and benefiting from their success – Only then can societies remain economically alive, dynamic, progressive, and free.”¶
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US Department of State, 2009 United States Department of State. “What is Total Economic Engagement?” 2009, <http://www.state.gov/e/eeb/92986.htm>.
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Economic Engagement seeks to integrate and coordinate all U.S. economic instruments and programs into our regional and country strategies. expertise in such areas as trade, finance, energy, development, transportation, and telecommunications help ensure this coordination economic engagement looks beyond the current practice of using financial development assistance as the only ox at the plow.
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Economic Engagement includes programs and development
| 2,495 | 53 | 395 | 372 | 6 | 54 | 0.016129 | 0.145161 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,856 |
A lack of evacuation plans and procedures is cause for concern, as amplified in newly released results of a telephone interview study conducted by Opinion Research Corp. for Allstate Insurance Company. Of 2,800 residents along the Atlantic and Gulf Coasts, only two-thirds said they would probably evacuate if another Katrina was headed their way. New Orleans is an exception to the rule for many of the survey statistics. 78% of New Orleans residents surveyed said they have an evacuation plan, compared with only 55% across all of the coastal areas, and 84% of New Orleanians said they would evacuate if another Katrina-like hurricane was headed their way, compared with 66 percent across all the other cities surveyed. Experts predict above average hurricane activity this year, with up to nine major hurricanes. Those predictions, said Allstate’s National Catastrophe Team Director Les Mertins, together with statistics uncovered through the survey, "make it clear to Allstate that we need to continue to raise awareness about hurricane preparedness among coastal residents." Though 55% of all respondents said they're prepared for a hurricane right now, the majority admitted to not having an evacuation plan in place for their family or a meeting place away from the coast. That means they're not prepared. 400 residents were sampled in each of the coastal areas of New Orleans; Houston; Tampa; Virginia Beach/Norfolk; Philadelphia/Southern New Jersey; Long Island and Wilmington, NC. The one-third who said they probably wouldn't evacuate gave reasons like feeling safe at home or protecting their home from looters, even though 70% of hurricane survivors agree that riding out a hurricane is a very scary experience. Surprisingly, the survey showed that many Atlantic or Gulf Coast residents could not name many of the most essential things they need in case of a hurricane. Having cash and a full tank of gas were mentioned by only about one in 10, indicating the need for better hurricane preparedness awareness. While two-thirds could name food and water as necessities, less people named other important survival items such as a flashlight (39%), batteries (30%), radio (18%) and first aid kit (13%). Families should prepare by creating a well-stocked first-aid kit along with a disaster-supply kit and keeping them in convenient places. The disaster-supply kit should contain a three-day supply of water and ready-to-eat, non-perishable foods as well as utensils, personal hygiene items, extra clothes, blankets and shoes. Travelers checks and extra cash should also be stored in a secure place. Almost 70% said that if their home were destroyed by a hurricane, they would probably stay in the area and either rebuild their home (49%) or find another in the same area (21%). Only about one in four say they would probably move away from the area. Less than 30% of those living in these hurricane risk areas say they have a separate flood insurance policy. Regional differences were pronounced, with two-thirds of New Orleans residents saying they have flood insurance, half in Houston, roughly one-third in Tampa and Wilmington, N.C., and about one-fourth or less in Virginia Beach, Long Island and the Philadelphia/Southern New Jersey regions. 62% of the respondents said they had not made a list of their possessions in the past year or two in case of a disaster (compared with 50% of New Orleans residents who have made a list of their possessions). Almost nine out of 10 people in hurricane prone areas say they keep all their important documents in one place, to easily find them in case of evacuation. Not surprisingly, 76% also agree that government is moving too slow in developing a comprehensive plan to prepare and protect Americans from destructive hurricanes and should make this a top priority. Only 15% of the respondents believe they have time to develop a plan since a storm as destructive as Katrina is rare.
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Scott Pelley, May 23, 2008. [ Scott Pelley is the anchorman for CBS news. He has won several prestigious awards. http://www.katrinaconnection.com/HurricaneEvacuationSurvey.html ]
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Those predictions, said Allstate’s National Catastrophe Team Director Les Mertins, together with statistics uncovered through the survey, "make it clear to Allstate that we need to continue to raise awareness about hurricane preparedness among coastal residents." Though 55% of all respondents said they're prepared for a hurricane right now, the majority admitted to not having an evacuation plan in place for their family or a meeting place away from the coast. That means they're not prepared 62% of the respondents said they had not made a list of their possessions in the past year or two in case of a disaster Almost nine out of 10 people in hurricane prone areas say they keep all their important documents in one place, to easily find them in case of evacuation. Not surprisingly, 76% also agree that government is moving too slow in developing a comprehensive plan to prepare and protect Americans from destructive hurricanes and should make this a top priority. Only 15% of the respondents believe they have time to develop a plan since a storm as destructive as Katrina is rare.
|
Prefer our interpretation—the Neg definition is defined in context of Dutch embassies, and not general, or specific definitions
| 3,940 | 128 | 1,090 | 638 | 18 | 182 | 0.028213 | 0.285266 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,857 |
Three days ago, I thought we were among the most thoroughly prepared parents in lower Manhattan. We’d spent the weekend doing everything you’re supposed to do when every forecaster known to man tells you a freak superstorm has a high probability of hitting your city — and you’re the parents of a small child. My husband was dispatched to the hardware store for flashlights, batteries and huge bottles of water. I stocked up on Power Bars, toilet paper and dog food. On Monday morning, we downloaded a collection of G movies and charged every gadget that we own. By Monday afternoon, we’d filled both of our bathtubs, set all our supplies out on the kitchen counter and coordinated a schedule of intra-building play dates for our three-year old son, so he’d hopefully see the storm as a fun diversion from normal life and not a stressful day or two. (Peter Foley - BLOOMBERG) We talked to him about what to expect, and explained — the highlight in his point of view — that if we lost power, we’d all have to go to the bathroom a bunch before we could fill the back of the toilet and flush with the bath water. And then Hurricane Sandy whipped through New York City and I realized just how faint a clue we have when it comes to disaster preparedness. Sure, all of the stuff we did was necessary and helped get us through the first few hours, but it was far from sufficient. Fifteen hours after everyone below Thirty-Fifth street lost power, I saw just how much I’d under-estimated mother nature and over-estimated our family’s readiness for any emergency. Apparently, Sandy knocked out a quarter of the cell phone towers in an area spreading across 10 states. Connecting a call or sending an e-mail or text was impossible anywhere in lower Manhattan. Our fully charged smart phones and iPads were useless, as nothing could connect to the Internet to give us any news or updates. People started lining up for hours to use the single working payphone down the street. Afterward, I talked to the director of the Johns Hopkins Center for Injury Research and Policy, Andrea Gielen, who is an expert in public safety and child injury prevention. She says some of the things we are told to do to prepare for an emergency are actually increasing our child’s exposure to life-threatening hazards. For example, if a family lights candles, but the smoke alarm doesn’t work, nobody can call 911 if there’s a fire. Filled bathtubs, too, place toddlers and babies at an increased drowning risk. She tells parents in any part of the country to put fresh batteries in smoke alarms for hurricanes, snowstorms or power outages. She also advises every family to buy an old-fashioned radio. Honestly, the idea that all of our high tech gadgetry could fail us never even occurred to me. The fact that city officials might not know when power and running water would be restored — and that it could take a week or more, had also never crossed my mind. My husband and I have lived in lower Manhattan for 15 years. We were here for 9/11 and for the blackout of 2003. But having a child changes everything. Adults may be able to wing it for a few days or even a week on Power Bars and a bathtub full of water. But parents have to be better prepared. And we will be next time.
|
Urist, 2012 “Hurricane Sandy exposes faults of modern family preparedness” by Jacoba Urist. Published in Washington Post. Urist is a Journalist. November 1, 2012.
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Hurricane Sandy whipped through New York City Sandy knocked out a quarter of the cell phone towers in an area spreading across 10 states. Connecting a call or sending an e-mail or text was impossible smart phones and iPads were useless, as nothing could connect to the Internet to give us any news or updates. Andrea Gielen, an expert in public safety and child injury prevention says some of the things we are told to do to prepare for an emergency are actually increasing our child’s exposure to life-threatening hazards if a family lights candles, but the smoke alarm doesn’t work, nobody can call 911 if there’s a fire. She also advises every family to buy an old-fashioned radio. all of our high tech gadgetry could fail us city officials might not know when power and running water would be restored — and that it could take a week or more Adults may be able to wing it for a few days or even a week on Power Bars and a bathtub full of water. But parents have to be better prepared.
|
The US remains too reliant on our advanced technology during a hurricane
| 3,249 | 72 | 988 | 583 | 12 | 182 | 0.020583 | 0.312178 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,858 |
Speaking at a Romney campaign office in Florida,Giuliani said “[Obama] right now is doing a terrible job of disaster relief in my city, but no one is talking about it…People don’t have water, they don’t have food, electricity and his FEMA is no where to be found. This is a worse response than Katrina.” He also levelled the charge during a Fox News appearance, telling host Neil Cavuto that the notion FEMA was doing a good job was a “joke:” I think maybe because there’s an election going on, people don’t want to say that, but I think FEMA has dropped the ball, certainly as big they did with Katrina, maybe bigger because they had more warning here and the situation isn’t as big as Katrina.
|
Beauchamp, Zack. "Giuliani Claims Obama Response To Hurricane Sandy â˜Worse Than Katrinaâ™." ThinkProgress. Http://thinkprogress.org/, 4 Nov. 2012. Web. 30 Nov. 2012. <http://thinkprogress.org/election/2012/11/04/1137131/giuliani-claims-obama-response-to-hurricane-sandy-worse-than-katrina/?mobile=nc>.
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Obama is doing a terrible job of disaster relief but no one is talking about it…People don’t have water, they don’t have food, electricity and his FEMA is no where to be found This is a worse response than Katrina FEMA has dropped the ball and the situation isn’t as big as Katrina.
|
Status quo fails- Sandy response was worse than Katrina
| 695 | 55 | 282 | 126 | 9 | 53 | 0.071429 | 0.420635 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,859 |
A lack of evacuation plans and procedures is cause for concern, as amplified in newly released results of a telephone interview study conducted by Opinion Research Corp. for Allstate Insurance Company. Of 2,800 residents along the Atlantic and Gulf Coasts, only two-thirds said they would probably evacuate if another Katrina was headed their way. New Orleans is an exception to the rule for many of the survey statistics. 78% of New Orleans residents surveyed said they have an evacuation plan, compared with only 55% across all of the coastal areas, and 84% of New Orleanians said they would evacuate if another Katrina-like hurricane was headed their way, compared with 66 percent across all the other cities surveyed. Experts predict above average hurricane activity this year, with up to nine major hurricanes. Those predictions, said Allstate’s National Catastrophe Team Director Les Mertins, together with statistics uncovered through the survey, "make it clear to Allstate that we need to continue to raise awareness about hurricane preparedness among coastal residents." Though 55% of all respondents said they're prepared for a hurricane right now, the majority admitted to not having an evacuation plan in place for their family or a meeting place away from the coast. That means they're not prepared. 400 residents were sampled in each of the coastal areas of New Orleans; Houston; Tampa; Virginia Beach/Norfolk; Philadelphia/Southern New Jersey; Long Island and Wilmington, NC. The one-third who said they probably wouldn't evacuate gave reasons like feeling safe at home or protecting their home from looters, even though 70% of hurricane survivors agree that riding out a hurricane is a very scary experience. Surprisingly, the survey showed that many Atlantic or Gulf Coast residents could not name many of the most essential things they need in case of a hurricane. Having cash and a full tank of gas were mentioned by only about one in 10, indicating the need for better hurricane preparedness awareness. While two-thirds could name food and water as necessities, less people named other important survival items such as a flashlight (39%), batteries (30%), radio (18%) and first aid kit (13%). Families should prepare by creating a well-stocked first-aid kit along with a disaster-supply kit and keeping them in convenient places. The disaster-supply kit should contain a three-day supply of water and ready-to-eat, non-perishable foods as well as utensils, personal hygiene items, extra clothes, blankets and shoes. Travelers checks and extra cash should also be stored in a secure place. Almost 70% said that if their home were destroyed by a hurricane, they would probably stay in the area and either rebuild their home (49%) or find another in the same area (21%). Only about one in four say they would probably move away from the area. Less than 30% of those living in these hurricane risk areas say they have a separate flood insurance policy. Regional differences were pronounced, with two-thirds of New Orleans residents saying they have flood insurance, half in Houston, roughly one-third in Tampa and Wilmington, N.C., and about one-fourth or less in Virginia Beach, Long Island and the Philadelphia/Southern New Jersey regions. 62% of the respondents said they had not made a list of their possessions in the past year or two in case of a disaster (compared with 50% of New Orleans residents who have made a list of their possessions). Almost nine out of 10 people in hurricane prone areas say they keep all their important documents in one place, to easily find them in case of evacuation. Not surprisingly, 76% also agree that government is moving too slow in developing a comprehensive plan to prepare and protect Americans from destructive hurricanes and should make this a top priority. Only 15% of the respondents believe they have time to develop a plan since a storm as destructive as Katrina is rare.
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Scott Pelley, May 23, 2008. [ Scott Pelley is the anchorman for CBS news. He has won several prestigious awards. http://www.katrinaconnection.com/HurricaneEvacuationSurvey.html ]
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A lack of evacuation plans and procedures is cause for concern, as amplified in newly released results of a telephone interview study conducted by Opinion Research Corp. Of 2,800 residents along the Atlantic and Gulf Coasts, only two-thirds said they would probably evacuate if another Katrina was headed their way. 55% of all respondents said they're prepared for a hurricane right now, the majority admitted to not having an evacuation plan in place for their family or a meeting place away from the coast. one-third who said they probably wouldn't evacuate gave reasons like feeling safe at home residents could not name many of the most essential things they need in case of a hurricane While two-thirds could name food and water as necessities, less people named other important survival items such as a flashlight batteries radio and first aid kit Almost nine out of 10 people in hurricane prone areas say they keep all their important documents in one place, to easily find them in case of evacuation. Not surprisingly, 76% also agree that government is moving too slow in developing a comprehensive plan to prepare and protect Americans from destructive hurricanes
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Americans don’t know how to deal with a hurricane
| 3,941 | 49 | 1,174 | 638 | 9 | 193 | 0.014107 | 0.302508 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,860 |
Siboney was a pretty town on the Caribbean coast of Cuba before Hurricane Sandy tore through. Now, it is a disaster area. In some spots there are piles of rubble in place of houses. Many of those buildings still standing have gaping holes in their walls; most are missing all, or part of, their roofs. Residents are still struggling to come to terms with the destruction more than two weeks after the passage of the storm which killed 11 people in eastern Cuba and razed 15,000 homes. "We have had cyclones before, but nothing like this devastation," says Trinidad, a pensioner whose house was drenched and possessions washed away when waves up to 9m (30ft) high smashed through [Eastern Cuba] Siboney. The sick and infirm had been evacuated from the town, but everyone else was at home. They [people] talk about having watched a state TV forecast defining Sandy as a tropical storm; then the power went out. The next morning they were hit by a Category Two hurricane. Trinidad tells me: "I stayed to try to protect my things, because I am poor. But I couldn't. I [They] had no time to save anything." "I want to leave here now," she confesses, starting to cry. "I'm afraid." Joaquin Barosso (seen here with his niece) lost everything from his house The damage further up the coast is even worse. One house has concertinaed to the ground, as if hit by an earthquake. Joaquin Variento Barosso leans on the squashed ruins of his home and remembers the storm's arrival. "The sea was furious. It carried off everything: bed, fridge, mattress." "We had to run, but we watched the destruction from higher ground." No electricity Many people have moved in with relatives. Others are now sheltering in state workers' holiday homes where basic food is being provided. But by Friday, 16 days after the storm, Siboney still had no electricity. Teams of electricians were deployed to Santiago province from all over the island within hours of the hurricane hitting. They have been working late every night to repair thousands of lamp posts and reconnect power lines. The lights came back on in Cuba's second city, Santiago, late last week. But restoring power to everyone is a huge task.“ Start Quote Cuba had not seen anything like this at least in 60 years.” Barbara Pesce Monteiro UN co-ordinator "We've got no money, not even a spoon to eat with. There's nothing left," Joaquin Barosso shrugs, contemplating the destruction of his house, and his hometown. "I don't know what we'll do now." The situation is particularly tough for a poor country like Cuba, which is still struggling to re-house those caught up in the last major storms four years ago. Subsidies This time, the government has announced a 50% price cut for construction materials and interest-free loans to repair the damage. That aid will be means-tested, in line with the new Cuban thinking. Further subsidies are promised for the poorest or hardest hit. There are already supplies of usually scarce building materials in a street in Siboney, including corrugated iron sheets, metal rods and cement. Nearby, local officials are compiling data from families about the damage they have suffered. They have recorded 178 total house collapses in this small area alone. A blackboard advertises the cost of building materials, halved by a government subsidy Housing officer Susen Correa is helping the effort and she assures me: "People were pretty depressed at first, but the mood has lifted since we've been offering support." "They are traumatised, but we are trying to address as many of their problems as we can." Across the province, other military and civilian teams were mobilised quickly to clear the streets of rubble and an estimated 6.5m cubic metres (230m cubic feet) of felled trees. This once lush, green region now looks bare. And it is not just the small or coastal towns like Siboney that have suffered. Santiago city itself is a jumble of missing roofs, flattened street signs and smashed windows. Bizarrely, the giant replica bottle above the original Bacardi rum complex has survived. Aid arrives By Friday, 18 planeloads of humanitarian aid had arrived in the region from countries including Venezuela, Russia and Japan as well as the International Red Cross and UN. The resident UN co-ordinator, Barbara Pesce Monteiro, is visiting the hurricane zone. "This [situation] is extraordinary. Santiago de Cuba had not seen anything like this at least in 60 years. It goes far beyond what they're used to," she explains. "It has affected a large population and all the livelihoods that go around it. It is obviously on a major scale and needs to be given attention." None of those many tonnes of foreign aid - food, clothes, and construction materials - have made it to Siboney yet, or its newly homeless. But Maria Louisa Bueno of the Ministry for Foreign Trade and Investment denies that the government is being excessively slow to deliver aid. "Institutions like hospitals, homes for the elderly and schools are favoured," She points out that storage warehouses need re-roofing after the storm to protect the aid. "The hurricane victims will be looked after by the government, you can be clear on that," she insists. On Friday, the Red Cross made the first delivery direct to the population, taking cookery and hygiene packs to the picturesque, but now battered Cayo Granma, a few minutes ferry-ride from the mainland. The aid had arrived in Cuba the day before. Its delivery, via a long human chain of volunteers, was applauded by residents still picking up the pieces in the wake of Hurricane Sandy. But this is short-term emergency relief. A massive recovery task lies ahead. "We have got nothing left but the clothes we were wearing," Roberto Salazar tells me, amidst the flattened ruins of his home. The enormous rock responsible now stands in what used to be a bedroom. It was thrown through the house by a raging sea. "I need to find some way of rebuilding it all," Roberto says, quietly. "But it won't be easy."
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Rainsford, 2012 “Hurricane Sandy: Cuba struggles to help” By Sarah Rainsford, Journalist. BBC News, Santiago province, Cuba. 12 November 2012
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Hurricane Sandy killed 11 people in eastern Cuba and razed 15,000 homes waves up to 9m (30ft) high smashed through [Eastern Cuba] [people] talk about having watched a state TV forecast defining Sandy as a tropical storm; then the power went out. The next morning they were hit by a Category Two hurricane. [They] had no time to save anything The situation is particularly tough for a poor country like Cuba, which is still struggling to re-house those caught up in the last major storms four years ago. It is obviously on a major scale and needs to be given attention
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Early Warning effectiveness in Cuba is reduced by crippled infrastucture
| 5,991 | 73 | 567 | 1,015 | 10 | 101 | 0.009852 | 0.099507 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,861 |
If any reminders are needed, the destroyed houses, the erosion and a beach that no longer appeals are right there in plain sight.¶ “The sea flooded all this area. It also piled up mountains of sand, so much so that they had to take it away in trucks. They say that the cyclone of 1944 was similar, and that people died in it. This last time no one was killed, because they evacuated the entire population, as usual,” said Mario, a voluble bartender in the small tourist complex, completely empty during this winter season.¶ The emergency plans put in place ahead of the hurricane season, lasting from June to November each year, prevent loss of human life or reduce it to a minimum. However, they are not so effective against economic damage.¶ Hurricanes Gustav, Ike and Paloma which lashed this Caribbean island within a three-month period in 2008, caused damages officially estimated at 10 billion dollars.¶ Related IPS Articles¶ So there is no doubt that, while prevention is a good thing, so is adaptation to the consequences of climate change, of which the rise in sea level is among the most fearsome. Yet it is a risk that families living on the coastline do not always appreciate.¶ “Yes, yes, we know that we are close to the ocean, but the water has not risen much here. Besides, we’re building our new house on higher ground,” said a woman relying on her own resources to put up her new home. “My son receives cash remittances from his father, and he helps me with the building work which we are doing a little at a time, as we are able,” she said.¶ Studies by Cuban scientists on the vulnerability of coastal ecosystems in the Caribbean region warn that the sea level will rise by 27 to 85 centimetres between 2050 and 2100, a prospect with major geographical, demographic and economic implications for island states.¶ Official estimates indicate that 2.32 percent of Cuban territory may be permanently under water by 2050. If the necessary adaptation measures are not taken, as many as 79 coastal settlements will be affected and 15 will completely disappear.¶ Coastal ecosystems occupy five percent of the total area of the island, which has 588 km of beaches. An estimated 250 km of coastline are urbanised, and 1.4 million people live in 244 settlements, 63 of them urban and 181 rural.¶ “Above all, people need to know why and what adaptation is necessary,” Gisela Alonso, head of the government’s Environment Agency, told IPS. “We are undertaking climate studies in Cuba, and we have our own evaluations and our own models to predict the impact levels we have to face.”¶ She said financial resources, knowledge, technology and a national infrastructure of both material and human resources are needed in order to combat problems that are not primarily of developing nations’ making. “How can they take climate adaptation on board, when they lack education, health and nutritional security?” she asked.¶ A study carried out in eight Caribbean island nations, published in 2010 by the Caribbean Catastrophe Risk Insurance Facility (CCRIF), said these countries could lose up to nine percent of annual GDP due to storms and floods, believed to result from climate change.¶ Cuba is facing “above all, increased frequency and intensity of extreme weather events, particularly related to water circulation in the atmosphere, on land and underground, including not only tropical hurricanes but also drought, serious floods, higher temperatures and – for us as an archipelago, one of the greatest dangers – rising sea level,” Alonso said.¶ However, the expert said Cuba has “a certain advantage” because it has developed its scientific potential, with the result that for many years now it has been able to evaluate and offer alternatives for social measures “within which health issues are essential”, and for economic and environmental problems.¶ According to Alonso, the island nation has a programme on climate change that covers previous studies on hazards, vulnerability and risks, including possible impacts from rising sea levels, as well as action that should be taken by each sector.¶ The plans, as yet unpublished, include land use measures that establish how far from the coast tourism investments and new urban zones should be located; and the replanting and recovery of mangrove forests, which together with coral reefs are important natural barriers protecting the coastline. On the agricultural front there will be close monitoring of water used for irrigation.¶ “The island of Cuba rests on a layer of karst (rock dissolved by groundwater, forming interconnected caves), and sea level elevation will increase saline infiltration. Water tainted with seawater will increase soil salinity, harming agricultural production,” Alonso said.¶ From the educational and social point of view, Alonso said, the community ought to know what it is up against, because climate change added to soil degradation, water pollution, shortage of water for human consumption and other environmental problems are creating a complex global scenario.¶
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Grogg, 2012. “Cuba: Adapting to Climate Change Proves a Complex Challenge”. Patricia Grogg. Journalist for Inter Press Service News Agency. January 30, 2012. <http://www.ipsnews.net/2012/01/cuba-adapting-to-climate-change-proves-a-complex-challenge/>
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The emergency plans put in place ahead of the hurricane season, lasting from June to November each year, prevent loss of human life or reduce it to a minimum. However, they are not so effective against economic damage. adaptation is necessary We are undertaking climate studies in Cuba, and we have our own evaluations and our own models to predict the impact levels we have to face financial resources, knowledge, technology and a national infrastructure of both material and human resources are needed in order to combat problems that are not primarily of developing nations’ making. “How can they take climate adaptation on board, when they lack education Cuba is facing above all, increased frequency and intensity of extreme weather events, particularly related to water circulation in the atmosphere, on land and underground, including tropical hurricanes From the educational and social point of view, the community ought to know what it is up against, because climate change added to soil degradation, water pollution, shortage of water for human consumption and other environmental problems are creating a complex global scenario.¶
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Cuba’s ability to handle engineering problems is insufficient
| 5,052 | 61 | 1,140 | 825 | 8 | 179 | 0.009697 | 0.21697 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,862 |
WWF, the conservation organisation, warned today that super-hurricanes like Hurricane Floyd which is currently bearing down on the United States, could become more commonplace in the Atlantic unless governments do more to combat global warming. The warning is accompanied by a new analysis of the latest science of warming oceans and Atlantic hurricanes by the WWF Climate Change Campaign (1). The analysis points to global warming acting as the priming mechanism for stronger hurricanes. It concludes that the Atlantic may find itself "ripped apart by a barrage of super-hurricanes during La Nina years." Adam Markham, Director of the WWF Climate Change Campaign said, "Stoking up sleeping giants like super-hurricanes endangers the safety and prosperity of coastal communities in entire regions. It could also mean enormous destruction of wildlife and nature on land and in the sea. The Clinton Administration can help minimise the risk by taking an international lead with prompt and cost-effective measures to reduce global warming emissions in the US." ¶ The world has warmed on average by over half a degree Celsius (around 1 degree F) over the past century. Coral reefs around the world have suffered unprecedented levels of damage from extreme ocean temperatures in recent years. Species of north Pacific salmon have been threatened by ocean temperature increases of up to 6 degree C (10.8 degree F). Global warming now appears to be affecting ocean conditions on a wider scale. The international scientific consensus is that global temperatures could increase by a further 3 degrees C (5.4 degree F) over the coming century if there are no significant cuts in global warming emissions.
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WWF 99 (World Wildlife Fund is a conservationist program that works to combat climate change and endangered species. M2 PRESSWIRE¶ September 16, 1999¶ WWF ¶ “Devastation from super-hurricanes, like here in Honduras, could increase.”)
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super-hurricanes could become more commonplace unless governments combat global warming the latest science of warming oceans and hurricanes point to global warming priming for stronger hurricanes the Atlantic may find itself "ripped apart by a barrage of super-hurricanes super-hurricanes endanger the safety and prosperity of communities It could also mean destruction of wildlife on land and sea minimise the risk by taking a lead to reduce global warming emissions The world has warmed 1 degree F warming appears to be affecting ocean conditions temperatures increase 5.4 degree F f there are no cuts in emissions
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Warming is creating stronger and more frequent super-hurricanes
| 1,695 | 63 | 617 | 268 | 8 | 95 | 0.029851 | 0.354478 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,863 |
The most violent storms are expected to be concentrated in the west Atlantic, putting the Bahamas and south-east coast of the US at risk. New Orleans could find itself in the path of more Katrina-level storms, according to the research.* Click here to watch latest YEP news and sport video reports. Previous climate simulations have pointed to an increase in hurricane intensity, but the new study involves a "sharper" picture of atmospheric changes than any seen before.* Click here for latest YEP news and sport picture slideshows. Scientists used a technique of transferring data from "fuzzy" climate models to ones of increasing resolution. In the end they were able to predict which hurricanes would develop into moderate Category Three and more powerful Category Four and Five storms. The model, reported in the journal Science, showed an 18% decline in the number of hurricanes, but by the end of the 21st century, Category Four and Five storms with maximum wind speeds of more than 134mph doubled in frequency. A three-fold increase was seen in the occurrence of "super-hurricanes" with winds above 145mph.The findings support the theory that as ocean temperatures rise, the extra water vapour driven into the atmosphere can intensify existing storms and inhibit the formation of new ones. The US scientists, led by Morris Bender from the Geophysical Fluid Dynamics Laboratory in Princeton, New Jersey, wrote: "Our results suggest that a significant anthropogenic (man-made) increase in the frequency of very intense Atlantic hurricanes may emerge from the background climate variability in the latter half of the 21st century, despite a projected decrease in the overall number of hurricanes." Despite the smaller number of storms, the destructive potential of powerful cyclones meant hurricanes were likely to inflict more damage than they do today. To date Category Three to Five storms have accounted for 86% of all damage in the US caused by hurricanes, said the scientists. The new forecast predicts an increase in potential damage of around 30% in the 21st century. Claims that global warming has already affected hurricane activity are not borne out by the models, the researchers said. In the real world, hurricanes have doubled in number over the past 25 years.
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EIW 10 (January 22nd,Hurricanes 'to become more destructive, Europe Intelligence Wire 22 General OneFile. Web. 3 July 2013. http://go.galegroup.com/ps/i.do?id= GALE%7CA218180371&v=2.1&u=ksstate_ukans&it=r&p=ITOF&sw=w)
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New Orleans could find itself in the path of more Katrina-level storms, Previous climate simulations have pointed to an increase in hurricane intensity, but the new study involves a "sharper" picture of atmospheric changes they were able to predict which hurricanes would develop into Category Four and Five storms. by the end of the 21st century, Category Four and Five storms with maximum wind speeds of more than 134mph doubled in frequency A three-fold increase was seen in the occurrence of "super-hurricanes" as ocean temperatures rise, the extra water vapour driven into the atmosphere can intensify storms potential of powerful cyclones meant hurricanes were likely to inflict more damage than they do today hurricanes have doubled in number over the past 25 years
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Super-hurricanes are coming—newest scientific data¶
| 2,279 | 52 | 772 | 365 | 5 | 123 | 0.013699 | 0.336986 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,864 |
James Brown, of the Coffee County Emergency Management Agency, spoke with meeting attendants saying this hurricane season is expected to be active. Last year was an active season as well, however, most storms stayed off the coast in the Atlantic Ocean due to an el niño. Brown said the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration has predicted 13-20 named storms, 7-11 hurricanes with 3-6 of those being major storms. “They’re predicting more and stronger storms this year,” Brown said. “That’s mainly because of the atmospherics that are coming off the Atlantic basin. Right now, the storms are primarily forming in the (Gulf of Mexico). As we move into July, they’ll move into the Yucatan Peninsula area and then off of the east coast of Florida. As we move into August and September, they’ll start forming off the coast of Africa, and those are usually the ones that are the worst.” So far, this hurricane season has produced two named storms, Andrea and Barry. The next named storm will be Chantal.
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Omenhise 13. Carly Omenhiser- staff writer for southeast sun. July 3rd, 2013
http://www.southeastsun.com/news/article_2d268e62-e41b-11e2-8a33-0019bb30f31a.html
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National Oceanic and Atmospheric They’re predicting more and stronger storms this year That’s mainly because of the atmospherics that are coming off the Atlantic basin. Right now, the storms are primarily forming in the (Gulf of Mexico)
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Stronger storms coming in 2013
| 1,006 | 30 | 236 | 169 | 5 | 37 | 0.029586 | 0.218935 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,865 |
Daily Mail Reporter 13. Daily Mail Reporter, April 10th 2013
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2307091/2013-predicted-average-hurricane-season-18-tropical-storms-hurricanes.html
The 2013 hurricane season is expected to be 'above average' featuring 18 tropical storms, nine of which will intensify into hurricanes, forecasters at Colorado State University report.¶ Four of the hurricanes will be major with sustained winds reaching at least 111 miles per hour, the leading U.S. storm research team said of their prediction on Wednesday.¶ An average season from June 1 to November 30th brings about 12 tropical storms, six hurricanes and two major hurricanes in the Atlantic, Caribbean and Gulf of Mexico, according to CSU. ¶ The prediction for a busier 2013 season was based on two factors, the researchers said. Hurricanes thrive on warm water and the Atlantic Ocean has warmed in recent months.¶ there is also little expectation of an El Nino effect this summer and fall.¶ ¶ El Nino is a warming of surface waters in the tropical Pacific that occurs every four to 12 years and has far-ranging effects around the globe. ¶ The weather phenomenon creates wind shear that makes it harder for storms to develop into hurricanes in the Atlantic-Caribbean basin.¶ The researchers said there was a 72 percent chance that a major hurricane will hit the U.S. coast this year, compared with a historical average of 52 percent.¶ There is a 48 percent chance a major hurricane will hit the U.S. East Coast, compared with a historical average of 31 percent, and a 47 percent chance one would hit the Gulf of Mexico coast, compared with an average of 30 percent.¶ The 2012 hurricane season spawned 19 tropical storms and 10 hurricanes, including Hurricane Sandy, which hit the northeastern United States in October after rampaging through the Caribbean.¶ Sandy killed more than 200 people and caused more than $71 billion of damage in New York and New Jersey.¶ 'Information obtained through March 2013 indicates that the 2013 Atlantic hurricane season will have more activity than the median 1981-2010 season.'
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http://www.havanatimes.org/?p=92811
Research scientists* at the Colorado State University’s Department of Atmospheric Science anticipate that the 2013 hurricane season (June 1 – November 30) will have enhanced activity in comparison to the 1981-2010 climatology, primarily due to an anomalous warming of the tropical Atlantic and the unlikeliness of an El Niño event during the summer and fall.¶ They have estimated that this year will have 18 named storms, 9 of which will reach the category of hurricane and 4 will become major hurricanes (category 3 or higher).¶ The probability of at least one major hurricane tracking into the Caribbean is estimated to be about 61%. For category 1 and 2 hurricanes, it is estimated at 77% and, for tropical storms, at 95 %.¶ According to the forecast, this year’s hurricane season will be similar to 2004’s (with hurricanes Charley and Ivan) and 1996’s (which saw hurricane Lily)¶ This year’s forecast is based on a new extended-range statistical prediction scheme that was developed utilizing 29 years of past data and analog predictors.¶ Seasonal updates of the forecast will be issued on June 3 and August 2.¶ This forecast is similar to the one offered by Joe Bastardi from the private meteorology company WeatherBell, which predicts 16 named storms and 12 hurricanes.¶ The World Meteorological Organization’s hurricane committee has decided to retire Sandy from the official list of Atlantic Basin tropical cyclone names because of the human and material losses it caused in the Caribbean, the United States and Canada last year.¶ In Cuba, 11 people (9 in Santiago de Cuba and 2 in Guantanamo) died as a result of the hurricane, and material losses were estimated at 2 billion dollars.¶ - See more at: http://www.havanatimes.org/?p=92811#sthash.FLf4zsOH.dpuf
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Daily Mail Reporter 13
The 2013 hurricane season is expected to be 'above average' The prediction for a busier 2013 season was based on two factors Hurricanes thrive on warm water and the Atlantic Ocean has warmed in recent months.¶ there is also little expectation of an El Nino effect this summer and fall.¶ The researchers said there was a 72 percent chance that a major hurricane will hit the U.S. coast this year, compared with a historical average of 52 percent.¶
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There is more than a 60% chance of a major hurricane in 2013
Diaz 13. Eduardo A. Fernandez Diaz- staff writer for the Havana Times. May 9th 2013
| 2,102 | 144 | 472 | 329 | 28 | 82 | 0.085106 | 0.24924 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,866 |
Al Gore talks about several mountains and glacier parks from all over the ¶ world that are melting away to nothing. Some of these are: Mount Kilimanjaro, ¶ Glacier National Park, Colombia Glacier, the Himalayas, the Italian Alps, and ¶ mountains in Switzerland, Argentina, and Peru. The ice shelves in Antarctica are ¶ melting and one of the biggest ice shelves has split in half. Another effect from ¶ the ice melting is that scientists have found that more polar bears are drowning ¶ then in recent years due to the fact that they are swimming longer distances ¶ because they cannot find glaciers to rest on because they are all melting. ¶ Normally the arctic ice caps reflect the sun, but now that the ice caps are smaller ¶ the sun rays are being absorbed in the water. This is making the water warmer ¶ and making the arctic ice caps melt faster. These details express emotion ¶ because they are shocking to viewers and the effects of these problems could result in something devastating. If Antarctica continues to melt or Greenland ¶ melts, the Earth’s sea level will go up about twenty feet. Over 100 million people ¶ would be without homes if this happened in places like: Florida, San Francisco ¶ Bay, the Netherlands, Beijing, Shanghai, Calcutta and Bangladesh. In ¶ Manhattan, the World Trade Center memorial would be under water. This ¶ emotionally affects the viewers because the attacks on 9/11 are a fairly recent ¶ event and now since the US is putting up a memorial, Americans are not going to ¶ want to see the memorial under water. If it does all the people who lost someone ¶ they loved in this catastrophic event, are going to be very angry. “Is it possible ¶ that we should prepare against other threats besides terrorists? Maybe we ¶ should be concerned with other things as well” (An Inconvenient Truth). Many ¶ people in the United States are concerned about the war in Iraq and terrorism ¶ because of the events of September 11¶ th¶ . But what we should be concerned ¶ about is the gradual changes in the environment caused by global warming. The ¶ United States is the leading contributor to greenhouse gases, yet the government ¶ is not making this issue a public concern. ¶ An Inconvenient Truth also demonstrates several examples of logos. ¶ Many people in the public and in the press do not believe that the effects of ¶ global warming are real. They think that the ideas are just myths. But according ¶ to An Inconvenient Truth, a survey was taken from 928 peer-edited scholarly ¶ journals that were read by scientists about the effects of global warming and out ¶ of those 928 articles; zero scientists disagreed with any of the articles. There ¶ was another survey taken from 636 articles in the public press about global ¶ warming and more than half of the readers in the public press were unsure of the ¶ effects for no reason what so ever. Most of the people who do not believe in ¶ global warming are not scientists and are just regular people with no scientific ¶ training, who are by far less credible. Another example is that the ten hottest ¶ years on this planet have been in the past fourteen years and that 2005 was the ¶ hottest year on record since the movie. In addition to this, the United States is ¶ by far the leading contributor to global warming.
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Gore 7 (Albert, 45th Vice President of the United States, currently an author and environmental activist. He has founded a number of non-profit organizations, including the Alliance for Climate Protection, and has received a Nobel Peace Prize for his work in climate change activism, “An Inconvenient Truth”, http://cabunch.public.iastate.edu/Revised%20Paper%20An%20Inconvenient%20Truth.pdf, JNP)
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Many ¶ people in the United States are concerned about war But what we should be concerned ¶ about is global warming. The ¶ United States is the leading contributor to greenhouse gases, and global warming
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The U.S. is the main contributor to global warming – that means the plan solves
| 3,301 | 79 | 204 | 594 | 15 | 36 | 0.025253 | 0.060606 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,867 |
But those boom times have come at what scientists and insurance executives say is likely to be a very high price, payable sometime in the future.¶ The reason is hurricanes.¶ Some experts see Hurricane Bob's passage in August as a wake-up call for what is expected to be a decades-long period of more frequent and intense storms. In their view, the coast is overdue for a bruising, powerful hurricane.¶ Hurricane Bob served as a reminder that these storms, so powerful that an hour of their energy could supply the nation's electrical needs for a year, are not just a phenomenon of Southern latitudes.¶ An increase in hurricanes would follow a lull in the 1970s and most of the 1980s - a relatively dormant period that just happened to coincide with the surge in coastal development from North Carolina up the coast.¶ The big one could even come this hurricane season. They are liable to roll up the coast any month from June through November. Historically, September is the worst month, followed by August and October.¶ For insurers, the simple reality is that there is a lot more to lose than there was 20 years ago. Property values exposed to hurricane losses in the 11 coastal states from North Carolina to Maine increased by 66 percent between 1980 and 1988, to more than $1 trillion, according to an industry estimate.¶ In New Jersey, insured coastal property values rose 73 percent, to $88 billion. Delaware's increased by 80 percent to nearly $39 billion. And New York's rose 60 percent to $301 billion.¶ The concern is not idle: Hurricanes may tend to skirt New Jersey and Delaware because of their north-south alignment, but the south-facing coasts of Long Island and New England are invitations to disaster.¶ "People need to understand that inevitably, there will be a very serious tragedy. Sooner or later, a big storm is going to swing right into Long Island," says Nicholas Coch, a coastal geologist and hurricane expert at Queens College in New York.¶ Seven major hurricanes already have passed across Long Island in this century. The worst was the storm of 1938, which killed about 600 people on Long Island and in New England, where wind speeds were clocked at 183 m.p.h.¶ Computer simulations by hurricane experts of a Hugolike storm passing at low tide over the Hudson River predict massive flooding along Long Island's heavily populated South Shore. Kennedy International Airport would be under 26 feet of water. And the Hudson River would rise by 28 feet at the George Washington Bridge, and flood the Holland and Lincoln Tunnels.¶ "You don't need a hurricane of Hugo's strength to effect the same kind of damage on New York," warns Peter J. R. Buttner, who headed the study for New York state. "We looked at lesser storms and the damage was tremendous. Central Brooklyn would be overwhelmed with water and debris."¶ Some experts believe, moreover, that the region is overdue for a storm of Hugo's might. Had Hugo - which caused most of its damage in South Carolina - maintained its strength and passed over New York City, damage claims would have reached $15 billion to $20 billion, according to one expert at Travelers Insurance Co. of Hartford, Conn.¶ How well the insurance industry could respond to a truly catastrophic storm or storms awaits testing. But one industry study of two hypothetical hurricanes, each causing $7 billion in damage in the same summer, predicted ''major market dislocations" and "severe damage to the property-casualty insurance industry in the U.S. and abroad."¶ Bob hinted at how much could be lost. At $620 million, not including federally backed flood claims, it was the nation's fifth most costly hurricane for insurers. The storm was expensive precisely because it hit heavily populated regions of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New York and Connecticut, where it caused substantial wind damage.¶ Even so, it could have been worse. Experts say that if the storm had moved on a track 30 to 40 miles to the west, Bob's most powerful winds - on the right side of the counterclockwise revolving storm - would have struck Providence, R.I., and Boston.¶ What is worrisome is that some experts believe that changes in weather patterns and atmospheric conditions are signaling an end to the lull in hurricane activity that has spared the Northeast in recent years.¶ One theory suggests that the formation of hurricanes south of the Cape Verde Islands, a prime spawning ground, is strongly influenced by weather conditions in West Africa, where a long drought is showing signs of easing. As the drought ends, according to this theory, there will be an increase in the frequency and ferocity of hurricanes making their way east across the Atlantic Ocean toward the United States.
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Conway 91 Hurricane Warnings The East Coast Is Due, And It May Pay Dearly¶ By Chris Conway, Inquirer Staff Writer¶ POSTED: October 06, 1991 (http://articles.philly.com/1991-10-06/news/25814643_1_intense-storms-powerful-hurricane-hurricane-warnings)
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experts see Hurricane Bob as a wake-up call for what is expected to be a decades-long period of more frequent and intense storms. the coast is overdue for a bruising, powerful hurricane An increase in hurricanes would follow a lull in the 1970s The big one could even come this hurricane season They are liable to roll up the coast any month from June through November Property values exposed to hurricane losses in the 11 coastal states increased by 66 percent between 1980 and 1988, to more than $1 trillion the south-facing coasts of Long Island and New England are invitations to disaster People need to understand that inevitably, there will be a very serious tragedy. Sooner or later, a big storm is going to swing right into Long Island says Coch, a coastal geologist and hurricane expert Seven major hurricanes already have passed across Long Island in this centur The worst killed about 600 people Computer simulations predict massive flooding along Long Island's heavily populated South Shore. Kennedy International Airport would be under 26 feet of water. And the Hudson River would rise by 28 feet at the George Washington Bridge, and flood the Holland and Lincoln Tunnels We looked at lesser storms and the damage was tremendous. Central Brooklyn would be overwhelmed with water and debris industry study of two hypothetical hurricanes predicted ''major market dislocations" and "severe damage to the property-casualty insurance industry in the U.S. and abroad What is worrisome is that some experts believe that changes in weather patterns and atmospheric conditions are signaling an end to the lull in hurricane activity that has spared the Northeast in recent years.¶ One theory suggests that the formation of hurricanes south of the Cape Verde Islands, a prime spawning ground, is strongly influenced by weather conditions in West Africa, where a long drought is showing signs of easing As the drought ends there will be an increase in the frequency and ferocity of
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1. First, extend the MPR of 12 evidence that explains how Katrina-sized hurricanes increasing in frequency. Because the ocean is warming at more northern latitudes, we’ll see frequent and intense storms that could hit even this hurricane season.
| 4,724 | 245 | 1,983 | 792 | 38 | 326 | 0.04798 | 0.411616 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,868 |
Scientists also point to another factor: statistical inevitability.¶ Since 1871, when the National Weather Service began cataloguing hurricanes, 247 have made direct hits on the United States. Of those, 12 would result in damage equal to or greater than Hugo if they hit today, including four of 15 that landed in the Northeast, according to one insurance expert.¶ Here on the Outer Banks, for instance, the explosion of growth on these long, narrow islands has come even though they rank just behind the Florida Keys as having the second-highest annual probability of being struck by a hurricane. The National Hurricane Center puts those chances at 16 percent in any given year.¶ Even so, people are playing the odds. Thousands from Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and New York bought vacation homes here during the 1980s to escape their own crowded beaches.¶ The result: Dare County's population has jumped 225 percent to 22,700 people in the last 20 years. Nearly $1 billion has been invested in residential and commercial development in just the last 10 years - much of it on impressive, multistory homes of weathered cedar built high on pilings to protect them from angry seas.¶ And more people are on the way. Virtually all available vacant land has been mapped for homes and subdivisions, and officials here expect the Outer Banks to reach "build-out" within 20 years.
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Conway 91 Hurricane Warnings The East Coast Is Due, And It May Pay Dearly¶ By Chris Conway, Inquirer Staff Writer¶ POSTED: October 06, 1991 (http://articles.philly.com/1991-10-06/news/25814643_1_intense-storms-powerful-hurricane-hurricane-warnings)
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Scientists point to statistical inevitability Since 1871 247 have made direct hits on the United States the Outer Banks, for instance explosion of growth has come even though they rank as having the second-highest annual probability of being struck by a hurricane. The National Hurricane Center puts those chances at 16 percent in any given year people are playing the odds
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It is statistically inevitable; a hurricane will hit.
| 1,388 | 54 | 373 | 228 | 8 | 61 | 0.035088 | 0.267544 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,869 |
Irene's storm surge may flood New York City's subway system The floodwalls protecting Manhattan are only five feet above mean sea level. During the December 12, 1992 Nor'easter, powerful winds from the 990 mb storm drove an 8-foot storm surge into the Battery Park on the south end of Manhattan. The ocean poured over the city's seawall for several hours, flooding the NYC subway and the Port Authority Trans-Hudson Corporation (PATH) train systems in Hoboken New Jersey. FDR Drive in lower Manhattan was flooded with 4 feet of water, which stranded more than 50 cars and required scuba divers to rescue some of the drivers. Mass transit between New Jersey and New York was down for ten days, and the storm did hundreds of millions in damage to the city. Tropical Storm Floyd of 1999 generated a storm surge just over 3 feet at the Battery, but the surge came at low tide, and did not flood Manhattan. The highest water level recorded at the Battery in the past century came in September 1960 during Hurricane Donna, which brought a storm surge of 8.36 feet to the Battery and flooded lower Manhattan to West and Cortland Streets. However, the highest storm surge on record in New York City occurred during the September 3, 1821 hurricane, the only hurricane ever to make a direct hit on the city. The water rose 13 feet in just one hour at the Battery, and flooded lower Manhattan as far north as Canal Street, an area that now has the nation's financial center. The total surge is unknown from this greatest New York City hurricane, which was probably a Category 2 storm with 110 mph winds. NOAA's SLOSH model predicts that a mid-strength Category 2 hurricane with 100-mph winds could drive a 15 - 20 foot storm surge to Manhattan, Queens, Kings, and up the Hudson River. JFK airport could be swamped, southern Manhattan would flood north to Canal Street, and a surge traveling westwards down Long Island Sound might breach the sea walls that protect La Guardia Airport. Many of the power plants that supply the city with electricity might be knocked out, or their docks to supply them with fuel destroyed. The more likely case of a Category 1 hurricane hitting at high tide would still be plenty dangerous, with waters reaching 8 - 12 feet above ground level in Lower Manhattan. Given the spread in the models, I predict a 20% chance that New York City will experience a storm surge in excess of 8 feet that will over-top the flood walls in Manhattan and flood the subway system. This would most likely occur near 8 pm Sunday night, when high tide will occur and Irene should be near its point of closest approach. Such a storm surge could occur even if Irene weakens to a tropical storm on its closest approach to New York City.
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Berkely Department of Nuclear Engineering 11 Any concern about Irene´s Hurricane and nuclear power plants or another nuclear facilities? Thu, 2011-08-25 09:34 Berkeley Radiological Air and Water Monitoring Forum (http://www.nuc.berkeley.edu/node/5457)
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storm surge may flood New York City's subway system The floodwalls protecting Manhattan are only five feet above mean sea level NOAA predicts that a mid-strength Category 2 hurricane with 100-mph winds could drive a 15 - 20 foot storm surge to Manhattan, Queens, Kings, and up the Hudson River. JFK airport could be swamped, southern Manhattan would flood north to Canal Street, and a surge traveling westwards down Long Island Sound might breach the sea walls that protect La Guardia Airport. Many of the power plants that supply the city with electricity might be knocked out, or their docks to supply them with fuel destroyed. The more likely case of a Category 1 hurricane hitting at high tide would still be plenty dangerous
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A direct hurricane hit to New York would be devastating to the economy.
| 2,732 | 72 | 729 | 484 | 13 | 124 | 0.02686 | 0.256198 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,870 |
Should it be surprising that the two costliest disasters were triggered by a hurricane in the US and an earthquake in Japan? On one level, the answer is clearly no. Common sense tells us that economic damage of natural disasters is higher the wealthier the affected country and the US and Japan are among the wealthiest nations in the world, though hurricane Katrina and the Tōhoku quake struck relatively poor areas of these countries.¶ ¶ Still, we argue in this article that because the US and Japan are frequently hit by strong tropical cyclones and quakes, the predicted resulting economic loss is systematically lower than if cyclones and quakes of similar magnitude struck countries where such natural hazards generally tend to be less frequent and less strong. Natural disaster propensity, i.e. the frequency and intensity of experiencing natural hazards of a certain type, influences disaster damage because it determines the incentives faced by governments and private actors in undertaking measures that will prevent or at least mitigate damage in case hazard strikes. In this respect, the two costliest disasters in human history are outliers. They were so costly because existing safety measures were insufficient and failed, not because the US and Japanese governments irrationally abstained from taking any precautionary measures in the face of high tropical cyclone and earthquake propensity, respectively.
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Neumayer and Plumper et al 13 (Eric Neumayer, professor of economics at The London School of Economics, Thomas Plümper, Professor of Government at Essex, Fabian Barthel), “The political economy of natural disaster damage, Global Environmental Change,” 23 May 2013
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Should it be surprising that costliest disasters were triggered by a hurricane because the US are frequently hit by strong tropical cyclones the predicted resulting economic loss is systematically lower Natural disaster propensity the frequency and intensity of experiencing natural hazards influences disaster damage because it determines the incentives faced by governments in undertaking measures that will prevent damage in case hazard strikes the two costliest disasters in human history are outliers They were so costly because existing safety measures were insufficient not because the US irrationally abstained from taking precautionary measures
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Current hurricane defense insufficient to combat super-storms and lead to costly damage
| 1,423 | 87 | 655 | 221 | 12 | 92 | 0.054299 | 0.41629 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,871 |
Hurricanes are among the most socially devastating natural disturbances, easily exceeding earthquakes, fires and volcanoes (Tomblin, 1981, Pielke and Pielke, 1997 and Diaz and Pulwarty, 1997b). Hurricanes cause billions of dollars in losses due to destruction of infrastructure, life, and property (Tomblin, 1981 and Rappaport and Fernández-Partagás, 1997). Hurricane Hugo caused 30 billion dollars in damage in the USA and Puerto Rico and soon after Hurricane Andrew, 11 insurance companies became insolvent and 140 either pulled out or greatly curtailed property insurance in South Florida. Moreover, hurricanes also affect people’s psyches as the level of anxiety and other syndromes increases after experiencing one of these events. The trend in the loss of life due to hurricanes increased each century over the last 500 years in the Western Hemisphere (Rappaport and Fernández-Partagás, 1997) but decreased during the 20th century in the USA and Puerto Rico (Jamieson and Drury, 1997). However, loss of property and infrastructure increased significantly everywhere over the same time period. Increases in population density, changes in age structure and population health, sprawl of urban areas, insufficient infrastructure, and human occupation of coastal and flood — and mass wasting — prone areas have all increased the vulnerability of the USA, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands to hurricanes (Pielke and Pielke, 1997, Pulwarty and Riebsame, 1997 and Rodrı́guez, 1997).
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Lugo 00 (Ariel Lugo is a scientist, ecologist and Director of the International Institute of Tropical Forestry within the United States Department of Agriculture Forest Service) Ariel E. Lugo, Effects and outcomes of Caribbean hurricanes in a climate change scenario, Science of The Total Environment, Volume 262, Issue 3, 15 November 2000. TAB
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Hurricanes are the most devastating natural disturbances exceeding earthquakes, fires and volcanoes Hurricanes cause billions of dollars in losses due to destruction of infrastructure, life, and property Hurricane Hugo caused 30 billion dollars in damage 11 insurance companies became insolvent and 140 either pulled out hurricanes also affect people’s increases The trend in the loss of life due to hurricanes increased each century over the last 500 years Increases in population density, changes in age structure and population health, sprawl of urban areas, insufficient infrastructure, and human occupation of coastal and flood — and mass wasting — prone areas have all increased the vulnerability of the USA
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Hurricanes kill the economy—Laundry list
| 1,482 | 40 | 713 | 220 | 5 | 107 | 0.022727 | 0.486364 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,872 |
The new technologies, in all fields, are complex and require a high degree of engineering expertise to implement effectively. Cuba will need first rate engineers if it is to develop and maintain a stable growth in the economy. And whether Cuba will have the engineering talent to support a fast growth will depend on the quality of engineering education. This article will analyze a number of issues of the greatest importance for Cuba's engineering education. Issues where the United States, and our universities, due to geographical closeness, historical ties, and the presence of the influential Cuban exiles in the United States, will play a major role. These issues include, among others: * The need to restructure the content of engineering programs, as well as the diversity of the engineering fields * The role of design, manufacturing and processing in engineering curricula * The problem of faculty recruitment and development * The need of good engineering laboratories * The career long education of engineers * The quality of students and their precollege preparation * The integration of computers in the engineering curricula * The overall quality of the programs
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Careijo 12 (Manuel Careijo Professor at the college of engineering at the Florida International University http://www.amigospais-guaracabuya.org/oagmc040.php *Kuwait Fund for Economic Development)
|
The new technologies, in all fields, are complex and require a high degree of engineering expertise to implement effectively. Cuba will need first rate engineers if it is to develop Issues where the United States, and our universities, due to geographical closeness, historical ties, and the presence of the influential Cuban exiles in the United States, will play a major role.
|
The KFAED* can’t solve. Cuba needs engineering and scientific expertise, not funding.
| 1,178 | 85 | 378 | 188 | 12 | 61 | 0.06383 | 0.324468 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,873 |
If Earth doesn't do us in, our fellow organisms might be up to the task. Germs and people have always coexisted, but occasionally the balance gets out of whack. The Black Plague killed one European in four during the 14th century; influenza took at least 20 million lives between 1918 and 1919; the AIDS epidemic has produced a similar death toll and is still going strong. From 1980 to 1992, reports the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, mortality from infectious disease in the United States rose 58 percent. Old diseases such as cholera and measles have developed new resistance to antibiotics. Intensive agriculture and land development is bringing humans closer to animal pathogens. International travel means diseases can spread faster than ever. Michael Osterholm, an infectious disease expert who recently left the Minnesota Department of Health, described the situation as "like trying to swim against the current of a raging river." The grimmest possibility would be the emergence of a strain that spreads so fast we are caught off guard or that resists all chemical means of control, perhaps as a result of our stirring of the ecological pot. About 12,000 years ago, a sudden wave of mammal extinctions swept through the Americas. Ross MacPhee of the American Museum of Natural History argues the culprit was extremely virulent disease, which humans helped transport as they migrated into the New World.
|
Powell 2k (Reporter for discover magazine, a magazine specializing in science and technology http://discovermagazine.com/2000/oct/featworld#.Udlu6_myCSo)
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If Earth doesn't do us in, our fellow organisms might be up to the task. Germs and people have always coexisted, but occasionally the balance gets out of whack. The Black Plague killed one European in four during the 14th century; influenza took at least 20 million lives between 1918 and 1919; the AIDS epidemic has produced a similar death toll and is still going strong. From 1980 to 1992, reports the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, mortality from infectious disease in the United States rose 58 percent. Old diseases such as cholera and measles have developed new resistance to antibiotics. . International travel means diseases can spread faster than ever. The grimmest possibility would be the emergence of a strain that spreads so fast we are caught off guard or that resists all chemical means of control, perhaps as a result of our stirring of the ecological pot. About 12,000 years ago, a sudden wave of mammal extinctions swept through the Americas. Ross MacPhee of the American Museum of Natural History argues the culprit was extremely virulent disease, which humans helped transport as they migrated into the New World.
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Drug resistant waterborne diseases are here and continue to develop. They will cause extinction
| 1,424 | 95 | 1,146 | 231 | 14 | 191 | 0.060606 | 0.82684 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,874 |
According to Ostfeld, this could result in increased risk of infectious diseases carried by urban rats, including leptospirosis, hantavirus, typhus, salmonella, and even the plague. "One of things we know can exacerbate disease is massive dispersal," he added. "Rats are highly social individuals and live in a fairly stable social structure. If this storm disturbs that, rats could start infesting areas they never did before." And it's not only the bite of a rat than can transmit disease. Rodent feces and urine can spread hantavirus, for example. Still, Ostfeld suggested that the huge volume of water Sandy is expected to bring should dilute the pathogens and lessen risks to public health. Health experts have warned of floods flushing out the pests before. Out of the U.K. this summer, there were reports of "rats washed out of sewers" that began infesting homes. "The rodents breed fast and by the time the flood water recedes, a single pair of rats can generate rodents through an entire neighbourhood," the Winnipeg Free Press reported in April 2011, when rising flood waters in Manitoba brought fleeing rats close to the city. "It's not just about the high winds and rain," said Ostfeld of Hurricane Sandy. "A rat distrubance is something we should be concerned about.”
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Peeples 11/12 (Lynn Peeples, Huffington post reporter 11/01/2012 11:39 am EDT Dr. Rick Ostfeld Ph.D., 1985, University of California, Berkeley Expertise: disease ecology, Lyme disease, West Nile virus http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/10/29/hurricane-sandy-flood-rats-disease-new-york_n_2041474.html)
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According to Ostfeld, this could result in increased risk of infectious diseases carried by urban rats, including leptospirosis, hantavirus, typhus, salmonella, and even the plague. "One of things we know can exacerbate disease is massive dispersal," he added. And it's not only the bite of a rat than can transmit disease. Rodent feces and urine can spread hantavirus, for example. A rat distrubance is something we should be concerned about.”
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Rats carry diseases such as the black plague
| 1,280 | 44 | 444 | 210 | 8 | 70 | 0.038095 | 0.333333 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,875 |
Two important services in a post-Castro Cuba will be water and sanitation industries. The water and sewer services infrastructure should be dealt with the objectives of addressing the initial short term emergency relief program of basic assistance during the initial transition government, and the long term relief program needed to initiate Cuba’s economic revival. Very little has been done concerning water and sewer systems since 1959, taking into consideration that the population has doubled since then. No maintenance has been given to plants, distribution, collection and transmission systems, and patch-up work is done when absolutely necessary. United States manufactured treatment plants have been repaired using parts from the former Eastern Block, making these maintenances a headache. A “zone” distribution system is now in effect since no continuous overall supply can be given. Zones get service at different times as a result of the system deterioration. Since all components are so updated and in disrepair, short range considerations are very difficult. The bulk of the water and sewer facilities in the urban areas of Cuba have an average life of 70 years. The useful life of water distribution and sewer lines is universally accepted at 50 years, and only when reliable maintenance has been provided. The country, due to the mixing of drinking water and waste from sewer lines, which is flowing along the gutters of the streets.
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Careijo 12 (Manuel Careijo Professor at the college of engineering at the Florida International University http://www.amigospais-guaracabuya.org/oagmc040.php *Kuwait Fund for Economic Development)
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Two important services in a post-Castro Cuba will be water and sanitation industries. Very little has been done concerning water and sewer systems since 1959, taking into consideration that the population has doubled since then. No maintenance has been given to plants, distribution, collection and transmission systems, and patch-up work is done when absolutely necessary. . The country, due to the mixing of drinking water and waste from sewer lines, which is flowing along the gutters of the streets.
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Water and sewage infrastructure is obviously failing. No changes or updates since 1959
| 1,449 | 86 | 503 | 227 | 13 | 79 | 0.057269 | 0.348018 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,876 |
The environment is everything that surrounds the humans and where all the eco- nomic activity occurs. The lithosphere, the atmosphere and the hydrosphere are the three distinct components of the environment. Processes and events interact in different ways with the environment. For example, a hurricane is formed in the atmosphere and encompasses water that comes from the hydrosphere. When the hurricane washes over land, it dumps to the ground very high quantities of water as rain, which causes local flooding, erodes the soil and caries it into the sea. These types of interactions produce environmental changes, most of which are undesirable. Ecology is the study of the relationships of organisms with one another and the relationship of organisms to their environment. This subject incorporates principles from the scientific disciplines of biological sciences, physics, physiology, and chemistry. The ecosystem is a rather loose concept that refers to a subdivision of the landscape or a geographic region that is relatively homogeneous. An ecosystem is made up of organisms, environmental factors, and physical or ecological processes. Hence, the concept of ecosystem comprises organisms, species and populations; soil and water; climate and other physical factors; and processes, such as nutrient cycles, energy flow, water flow, freezing, and thawing. Although the two are related and are often confused, there is a clear distinction between environmental and ecological processes as well as between the environmental and ecological concerns: The ecological concerns always involve effects on ecosystems. For example, a hurricane will wash a great deal of soil into the sea and will change the coastline of an entire region. If we are only concerned with the physical process of soil erosion, the suspension sediment in the water, and its subsequent deposition on the bottom of the sea, three purely physical processes, then we have an environmental concern. If we are concerned about the effect of the erosion on the crops, the loss of habitat of subsurface organisms, or about the effect of the increased concentration of pesticides that accompanies soil erosion on the aquatic life, then we have an ecological concern.
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Michaelides, 2012. “Alternative Energy Sources” Efstathios Michaelide, Ph.D., professor and chair of mechanical engineering, Oxford. 2012, XVII, 459. <http://www.springer.com/engineering/energy+technology/book/978-3-642-20950-5?detailsPage=authorsAndEditors>
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a hurricane is formed in the atmosphere and encompasses water that comes from the hydrosphere. When the hurricane washes over land, it dumps to the ground very high quantities of water as rain, which causes local flooding, erodes the soil and caries it into the sea. These types of interactions produce environmental changes which are undesirable a hurricane will wash a great deal of soil into the sea and will change the coastline of an entire region
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Hurricanes have undesirable effects on the environment
| 2,228 | 54 | 451 | 345 | 7 | 77 | 0.02029 | 0.223188 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,877 |
Biodiversity and Ecosystems in LAC: The region includes five of the ¶ world’s ten most bio-diverse countries — Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, and Peru — as well as the world’s single most biologically-diverse area, ¶ the Amazon. South America alone has more than 40% of Earth’s biodiversity and more than one-quarter of its forests. Yet, the region has only ¶ about 16% of the global land surface and 10% of Earth’s human population. ¶ Across Latin America, the ongoing loss of biodiversity and deterioration ¶ of ES is being driven by a complex set of interlinked factors. The immediate drivers of biodiversity loss and ecosystem degradation include: ¶ (1) habitat loss, conversion, and alteration (e.g., due to logging, fires, ¶ fragmentation), (2) overharvesting or unsustainable use of terrestrial and ¶ aquatic resources, (3) unsustainable land-management practices, (4) contamination of terrestrial and aquatic ecosystems from intensive economic ¶ activities, (5) the spread of alien, invasive species that impact the structure ¶ and functioning of ecosystems, and (6) climate change. ¶ Of these, the loss of natural ecosystems and their conversion to productive ¶ systems is currently the most important driver of biodiversity loss and ecosystem degradation, with an estimated 4 million ha/year of tropical forest ¶ cleared in South America alone. These proximate drivers of biodiversity loss ¶ and ecosystem degradation, in turn, are driven by a combination of underlying demographic, social, political, economic, and cultural forces.
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Bovarnick, A., F. Alpizar, C. Schnell, Editors. The Importance of Biodiversity and Ecosystems in Economic Growth ¶ and Equity in Latin America and the Caribbean: An economic valuation of ecosystem, United Nations Development ¶ Programme, 2010.
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South America alone has more than 40% of Earth’s biodiversity and more than one-quarter of its forests. ¶ Across Latin America, the ongoing loss of biodiversity and deterioration ES is being driven by a complex set of interlinked factors. The immediate drivers of biodiversity loss and ecosystem degradation include habitat loss and unsustainable land-management practices the loss of natural ecosystems is currently the most important driver of biodiversity loss and ecosystem degradation proximate drivers of biodiversity loss ¶ and ecosystem degradation, in turn, are driven by a combination of underlying demographic, social, political, economic, and cultural forces.
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And, probability outweighs -- Latin America is the most important region for biodiversity
| 1,546 | 89 | 671 | 236 | 13 | 97 | 0.055085 | 0.411017 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,878 |
Through accidents of geography and history, Cuba is a priceless ecological resource. The United States should capitalize on its proximity to this resource-rich island nation by moving to normalize relations and establishing a framework for environmental cooperation and joint initiatives throughout the Americas. Cuba is the most biologically diverse of all the Caribbean Islands. Since it lies just 90 miles south of the Florida Keys, where the Atlantic, the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico intersect, the U.S. could play a key role in environmental conservation as well as the region in general. However, when it comes to environmental preservation, the Obama administration is obstructing progress and hindering any meaningful cooperation with its current U.S.- Cuba policy.¶ Climate change and environmental degradation are two of the most pressing contemporary issues. If President Obama is sincerely committed to environmental sustainability, he must forge international partnerships to implement this objective. Where better to begin than in the U.S.’s own backyard, where Cuba has a huge presence. Only then can Cuba and the United States move forward to find joint solutions to environmental challenges.¶ Cuba’s glittering white sand beaches, extensive coral reefs, endemic fauna and diverse populations of fish compose the Caribbean’s most biologically diverse island. Based on a per hectare sampling when compared to the U.S. plus Canada, Cuba has 12 times more mammal species, 29 times as many amphibian and reptile species, 39 times more bird species, and 27 times as many vascular plant species. Equally important, adjacent ocean currents and the island nation’s close proximity, carry fish larvae into U.S. waters, making protection of Cuba’s coastal ecosystems [is] vital to replenishing the U.S.’s ailing fisheries. Therefore, preserving the marine resources of Cuba is critical to the economic health of North America’s Atlantic coastal communities.¶ The U.S. and Cuba also share an ancient deepwater coral system that stretches up to North Carolina. The island’s 4,200 islets and keys support important commercial reef fish species such as snapper and grouper as well as other marine life including sea turtles, dolphins and manatees in both countries. Fifty percent of its flora and 41 percent of its fauna are endemic, signifying the importance of protecting the island’s resources in order to safeguard the paradisiacal vision that Christopher Columbus observed when landing on the island in 1492.
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Conell, ’09. “THE U.S. AND CUBA: DESTINED TO BE AN ENVIRONMENTAL DUO?” Christana Conell, Research Associate at Council on Hemispheric Affairs. June 12, 2009. <http://www.coha.org/the-us-and-cuba-an-environmental-duo/>
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Cuba is a priceless ecological resource. The United States should normalize relations and establishing a framework for environmental cooperation Cuba is the most biologically diverse of all the Caribbean Islands , the U.S. could play a key role in environmental conservation Climate change and environmental degradation are two of the most pressing contemporary issues. Where better to begin than in the U.S.’s own backyard, where Cuba has a huge presence. Only then can Cuba and the United States move forward to find joint solutions to environmental challenges , protection of Cuba’s coastal ecosystems [is] vital to replenishing the U.S.’s ailing fisheries.
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The United States has the resources to help Cuba with environmental problems
| 2,520 | 76 | 660 | 382 | 12 | 101 | 0.031414 | 0.264398 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
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2013
|
3,879 |
In many parts of the country communism has inadequately acted as a seal to preserve elements of Cuba’s past as the centralized government prohibited private development by not giving special permission. A number of tourist resorts already dot the island, but Cuba has been largely exempt from mass tourist exploitation due to frozen relations with the U.S. Although the island remains underdeveloped, Fidel Castro has used his unchecked power to back policies, which have been heedless to environmental considerations, thus damaging some of the island’s pristine ecosystem that once defined the island. Roughly the size of Pennsylvania, Cuba is the largest Caribbean island, and if preservation and conservation measures are planned and carried out in a cognizant manner, it could become a paradigm for sustainable development at the global level. An environmental partnership between the U.S. and Cuba is not only possible, but could result in development models that could serve as an example for environmental strategies throughout the Americas. The U.S. has the economic resources necessary to aid Cuba in developing effective policy, while the island provides the space where sustainable systems can be implemented initially instead of being applied after the fact. Cuba’s extreme lack of development provides an unspoiled arena for the execution of exemplary sustainable environmental protection practices.
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Conell, ’09. “THE U.S. AND CUBA: DESTINED TO BE AN ENVIRONMENTAL DUO?” Christana Conell, Research Associate at Council on Hemispheric Affairs. June 12, 2009. <http://www.coha.org/the-us-and-cuba-an-environmental-duo/>
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Castro has used his unchecked power to back policies, which have been heedless to environmental considerations Cuba is the largest Caribbean island, and if preservation and conservation measures are planned and carried out in a cognizant manner, it could become a paradigm for sustainable development at the global level. An environmental partnership between the U.S. and Cuba is not only possible, but could result in development models that could serve as an example for environmental strategies throughout the Americas. The U.S. has the economic resources necessary to aid Cuba in developing effective policy, while the island provides the space where sustainable systems can be implemented initially instead of being applied after the fact. Cuba’s extreme lack of development provides an unspoiled arena for the execution of exemplary sustainable environmental protection practices.
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The development of environmental programs between the US and Cuba are Key and can lead to similar practices in Latin America and the world.
| 1,412 | 139 | 886 | 212 | 24 | 131 | 0.113208 | 0.617925 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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3,880 |
Restrictions on U.S.-Cuba scientific cooperation deprive both research communities of opportunities that could benefit our societies, as well as others in the hemisphere, particularly in the Caribbean. Cuba is scientifically proficient in disaster management and mitigation, vaccine production, and epidemiology. Cuban scientists could benefit from access to research facilities that are beyond the capabilities of any developing country, and the U.S. scientific community could benefit from high-quality science being done in Cuba. For example, Cuba typically sits in the path of hurricanes bound for the U.S. mainland that create great destruction, as was the case with Hurricane Katrina and again last month with Hurricane Ike. Cuban scientists and engineers have learned how to protect threatened populations and minimize damage. Despite the category 3 rating of Hurricane Ike when it struck Cuba, there was less loss of life after a 3-day pounding than that which occurred when it later struck Texas as a category 2 hurricane. Sharing knowledge in this area would benefit everybody.
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Clegg 8 (Dr. Michael, foreign secretary of the National Academy of Sciences, October 17, 2008, http://thehavananote.com/node/155)
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Restrictions on U.S.-Cuba scientific cooperation deprive both research communities of opportunities that could benefit our societies, as well as others in the hemisphere, particularly in the Caribbean. Cuba is scientifically proficient in disaster management and mitigation Cuban scientists could benefit from access to research facilities that are beyond the capabilities of any developing country, and the U.S. scientific community could benefit from high-quality science being done in Cuba. For example, Cuba typically sits in the path of hurricanes bound for the U.S. mainland that create great destruction, as was the case with Hurricane Katrina and again with Hurricane Ike. Cuban scientists and engineers have learned how to protect threatened populations and minimize damage. Despite the category 3 rating of Hurricane Ike when it struck Cuba, there was less loss of life after a 3-day pounding than that which occurred when it later struck Texas as a category 2 hurricane. Sharing knowledge in this area would benefit everybody.
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Coop with Cuba on Science Diplomacy key to solve environmental disasters
| 1,087 | 72 | 1,037 | 163 | 11 | 157 | 0.067485 | 0.96319 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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3,881 |
President Raúl Castro of Cuba announced Sunday that the five-year term he has just begun will be his last, giving the Castro era an official expiration date of 2018.¶ The race to succeed Mr. Castro, who is 81, now has a front-runner: Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, 52, an electrical engineer and former minister of higher education, whom Mr. Castro selected as his top vice president on Sunday, making him first in the line of succession.¶ “It represents a definitive step in the configuration of the future leadership of the nation,” Mr. Castro told lawmakers at a conference of legislative leaders in Havana on Sunday. He added that Cuba is at a moment of “historic transcendence.”¶ Indeed, Mr. Castro’s speech — attended by his brother Fidel, 86, who made a rare public appearance — had the tone of an unsentimental goodbye. Just as Mr. Castro has inched the island toward free market reforms since taking over from his brother in 2006, his plan for a transition amounts to a slow fade, or, as Mr. Castro put it, the “gradual transfer” of “key roles to new generations.”¶ And yet, on an island where a Castro has been in charge since 1959, he also seemed intent on changing how his successors will rule. In an announcement more surprising than his retirement plan, Mr. Castro said he hoped to establish term limits and age caps for political offices, including the presidency. Some broad constitutional changes, he said, will even require a referendum.¶ Not that the country’s controlled socialism is on the way out, he insisted. The leaders he has elevated are all loyalists, including Mr. Díaz-Canel, who came up through the army and then served in provincial leadership before being elevated within the Communist Party. He is widely seen inside Cuba as a technocrat — a “regional czar whose power is discrete but tangible,” said Arturo López Levy, a former analyst with the Cuban government — who earned Mr. Castro’s favor not only with youth and loyalty, but also by being a good manager.¶ “He was a senior Communist Party official for Villa Clara and Holguin provinces, where there were important openings with foreign investment in tourism,” said Mr. López Levy. He added that Mr. Díaz-Canel often worked as an intermediary between the central government and the military, which has taken an expanded role in tourism under Raúl Castro. “In that sense,” Mr. López Levy said, “he will face the challenge and opportunity to prepare a smooth landing for a new type of civil-military relationship in the future.”¶ Mr. Díaz-Canel’s rise has been closely watched over the past year. He has appeared on Cuban television more often; in June 2012 he accompanied Raúl Castro to the Rio+20meeting in Brazil and led the Cuban delegation to the London Olympics in July. He has also recently played a central role in meetings with officials from Venezuela, Cuba’s most important ally, which supplies it with subsidized oil.¶ But even as the meeting on Sunday projected an image of complete unity, there was no guarantee that Mr. Díaz-Canel will be Cuba’s next president. Many other young leaders have been pushed out of power over the years for reasons of scandal or disloyalty, and among the rising ranks, there are other leaders in their 50s who have recently been given more significant roles. Experts say that a power struggle is likely behind the Communist Party curtain, and in front of it as well, over the final five years of Mr. Castro’s presidency.¶ “Much could happen between now and then, both within the government and in various sectors of Cuba’s emergent civil society,” said Ted Henken, president of the Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy, a research group.¶ The choice of Mr. Díaz-Canel nonetheless signals a major change. Even with a five-year transition, Mr. Castro’s decision to move Cuba publicly toward a new leader means that the island is now a heartbeat away from being ruled by a person who did not fight in the revolution that brought the Communists to power. The Castros, after aligning themselves for decades with the fighters whom they knew as young guerrillas, appear to have accepted that Cuba will be ruled next by someone whose career developed after the cold war.¶ “This is the first time the younger generation has a figure who is first in line,” said Philip Peters, a veteran Cuba scholar and vice president of the Lexington Institute, which tracks relations between the United States and Cuba. In an interview from Havana, he said: “It is the first time the older generation admitted the possibility of someone in the younger generation becoming president. We’ll see.”¶
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NY Times 13 http://www.nytimes.com/2013/02/25/world/americas/raul-castro-to-step-down-as-cubas-president-in-2018.html?_r=0 February 25, 2013 Raúl Castro Says His New 5-Year Term as Cuba’s President Will Be His Last
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President Raúl Castro of Cuba announced Sunday that the five-year term he has just begun will be his last, giving the Castro era an official expiration date of 2018. . Even with a five-year transition, Mr. Castro’s decision to move Cuba publicly toward a new leader means that the island is now a heartbeat away from being ruled by a person who did not fight in the revolution that brought the Communists to power.
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Extend Lopez-Levy 11—The death of Castro began Cuba’s transition to a capitalist democracy. US-Cuba relations are key in making sure that this does not spark conflict.
| 4,610 | 167 | 414 | 775 | 26 | 74 | 0.033548 | 0.095484 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,882 |
There is essentially no international support for continuing the embargo. For instance, the European Union plans to explore improving relations with Havana. Spain’s Deputy Foreign Minister Gonzalo de Benito explained that the EU saw a positive evolution in Cuba. The hope, then, is to move forward in the relationship between the European Union and Cuba.¶ The administration should move now, before congressmen are focused on the next election. President Obama should propose legislation to drop (or at least significantly loosen) the embargo. He also could use his authority to relax sanctions by, for instance, granting more licenses to visit the island.¶ Ending the embargo would have obvious economic benefits for both Cubans and Americans. The U.S. International Trade Commission estimates American losses alone from the embargo as much as $1.2 billion annually.¶ Expanding economic opportunities also might increase pressure within Cuba for further economic reform. So far the regime has taken small steps, but rejected significant change. Moreover, thrusting more Americans into Cuban society could help undermine the ruling system. Despite Fidel Castro’s decline, Cuban politics remains largely static. A few human rights activists have been released, while Raul Castro has used party purges to entrench loyal elites.¶ Lifting the embargo would be no panacea. Other countries invest in and trade with Cuba to no obvious political impact. And the lack of widespread economic reform makes it easier for the regime rather than the people to collect the benefits of trade, in contrast to China. Still, more U.S. contact would have an impact. Argued trade specialist Dan Griswold, “American tourists would boost the earnings of Cubans who rent rooms, drive taxis, sell art, and operate restaurants in their homes. Those dollars would then find their way to the hundreds of freely priced farmers markets, to carpenters, repairmen, tutors, food venders, and other entrepreneurs.”
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Bandow, 2012. “Time to End the Cuba Embargo” Doug Bandow, writer for Cato Institute. December 11, 2012. <http://www.cato.org/publications/commentary/time-end-cuba-embargo>
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There is no international support for continuing the embargo The administration should move now President Obama should propose legislation to significantly loosen the embargo relax sanctions for both Cubans and Americans Expanding economic opportunities might increase pressure within Cuba for further economic reform the lack of widespread economic reform makes it easier for the regime rather than the people to collect the benefits of trade
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The international Community is pressing the US to end the Embargo
| 1,980 | 65 | 443 | 303 | 11 | 65 | 0.036304 | 0.214521 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
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3,883 |
At present, the U.S. is largely alone in restricting access to Cuba. The embargo has long been a point of friction between the United States and allies in Europe, South America, and Canada. Every year since 1992, the U.S. has been publically condemned in the United Nations for maintaining counterproductive and worn out trade and migration restrictions against Cuba despite the fact that nearly all 5,911 U.S. companies nationalized during the Castro takeover have dropped their claims.¶ Moreover, since Europeans, Japanese, and Canadians can travel and conduct business in Cuba unimpeded, the sanctions are rather toothless. The State Department has argued that the cost of conducting business in Cuba is only negligibly higher because of the embargo. For American multinational corporations wishing to undertake commerce in Cuba, foreign branches find it easy to conduct exchanges.
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Hanson, 2013. “It’s Time for the US to End Its Senseless Embargo of Cuba” Daniel Hanson, writer for Forbes. Forbes, January 16, 2013. <http://www.forbes.com/sites/realspin/2013/01/16/its-time-for-the-u-s-to-end-its-senseless-embargo-of-cuba/>
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the U.S. is largely alone in restricting access to Cuba. The embargo has long been a point of friction between the United States and allies in Europe, South America, and Canada. since 1992, the U.S. has been publically condemned in the United Nations for maintaining migration restrictions against Cuba since Europeans, Japanese, and Canadians can travel and conduct business in Cuba unimpeded, the sanctions are rather toothless.
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The Internation Community is against the US embargo on Cuba
| 884 | 59 | 430 | 135 | 10 | 67 | 0.074074 | 0.496296 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
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2013
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3,884 |
In the midst of all this change in Cuba, the lack of change in the bilateral relationship was all the more striking. There was little on our trip to suggest that a bilateral relationship defined by the U.S. trade embargo against Cuba, or “the blockade” as Cubans refer to it, is likely to change in the near future. While this conclusion is not particularly surprising, the reasons for its continued survival were illuminating. Simply put, it is not all or even mainly about Miami. It is instead the consequence of two governments mired in mistrust and motivated by domestic matters that preclude any willingness to take the necessary risks to overcome that mistrust. On the U.S. side, our conversation with Rep. Joe Garcia reinforced what many academic analysts of Cuban-American public opinion and politics have concluded: that Cuban-American attitudes and Florida politics more broadly are changing. Younger generations of Cuban-Americans and later waves of Cuban migrants, whose departures were motivated more by economic opportunity than politics, have dampened support among Cuban-Americans for a policy of economic isolation toward Cuba.. Despite its evident failure as a tool of U.S. foreign policy, the embargo, in Rep. Garcia’s words, “defines us.” Thus, changing Cuban-American attitudes about the embargo will take time. At the same time, the opinions of Cuban-Americans about Cuba matter less and less as a driver of U.S. policy. The growth of the non-Cuban Hispanic community and other demographic groups in Florida is rapidly diluting the influence of Cuban-Americans in Florida politics and thus in U.S. presidential politics in a key swing state—as President Obama’s Florida victories in 2008 and 2012 suggest. The time has passed when “Miami Cubans” were powerful enough to virtually dictate U.S. policy toward Cuba. But this does not mean that U.S. Cuban policy will soon cease to be driven more by U.S. domestic politics than U.S. international interests. As Rafael Hernández reminded the group, one of the “truths” Americans think they know about Cuba is the fact that U.S. policy toward Cuba is largely defined by Cuban Americans and that as this community changes, so will U.S. policy. He argued that U.S. policy is operating on inertia, a point reinforced by the response from several of the Cubans we met, including Dr. Hernández, to Jerry Green’s comment/question: “With all respect, Cuba is just not that important to the United States.” No one could deny this. Our meetings suggested at least three reasons why, despite all their public protestations, the Cuban government may not place an end to the “blockade” at the top of their to-do list: the impact of history; the profound asymmetry of power between the two nations; and the utility of U.S. hostility in unifying the nation against threats to the survival of the Revolution. The history of U.S.-Cuban relations has taught Cuba to be very wary of the United States. Over a half century of hostility has taught each side to mistrust the other, but Cuban suspicion of the United States runs deeper. In part, this is because U.S. policy toward Cuba since 1961 has been geared toward removing the Cuban government from power, and in part it is because of U.S.-Cuban relations even before the Cuban Revolution.
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Starr 13 (Pamela K.- director of the U.S.-Mexico Network, a university fellow at the USC Center on Public Diplomacy, and an associate professor of teaching in the School of International Relations and in Public Diplomacy, “As Cuba Changes, US Policy Does Not,” Pacific Council on International Policy, 5-7)
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lack of change in the bilateral relationship was striking It is the consequence of two governments mired in mistrust and motivated by domestic matters that preclude any willingness to take the necessary risks to overcome that mistrust. opinions of Cuban-Americans about Cuba matter less and less as a driver of U.S. policy. The growth of the Hispanic community and other demographic groups in Florida is rapidly diluting the influence of Cuban-Americans in Florida politics and thus in U.S. presidential politics in a key swing state Over a half century of hostility has taught each side to mistrust the other, but Cuban suspicion of the United States runs deeper. In part, this is because U.S. policy toward Cuba since 1961 has been geared toward removing the Cuban government from power, and in part it is because of U.S.-Cuban relations even before the Cuban Revolution.
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US Cuba Relations Stagnant
| 3,289 | 26 | 873 | 535 | 4 | 143 | 0.007477 | 0.26729 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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3,885 |
How can we break the fifty year old diplomatic deadlock between the United States and Cuba? U.S. policy—imposing economic sanctions to provoke the overthrow of Cuba’s government – has never worked and never will. The two nations simply won’t agree on each other’s most basic demands. Cuba asks for an unconditional end to the U.S. embargo; the U.S. demands that Cuba unilaterally dismantle its political system. With both sides so hopelessly divided, how can we even begin a conversation to end this stalemate? There are numerous topics of global and mutual interest to talk about. The Center for Democracy in the Americas has identified nine critical areas where Washington and Havana can communicate, work together and build relationships of confidence and trust. CDA recruited a team of scholars and experts (see brief bios below) to offer their ideas for cooperation in military affairs, migration, energy, trade, academic exchange and other fields which could then produce the progress that has eluded our diplomats for five decades. In their essays, the experts address: Cuba’s peerless civil defense program and mass mobilization in natural disasters dramatically reduces the number of casualties from serious tropical storms. With storm activity in the Caribbean rising, shared information to improve hurricane forecasting and response would benefit both countries. Broad academic cooperation between the U.S. and Cuba in public health, biotechnology, arts education and environmental issues is impermissible under current sanctions. A democratic society cherishes the free flow and exchange of ideas; the U.S. should act in accordance with its values and resume academic exchange.
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CDA 2009 (Center for Democracy in the Americas “9 Ways for US to Talk to Cuba and for Cuba to Talk to US” consulting with Ivor van Heerden, Ph.D., holds a doctorate degree in Marine Sciences and was the deputy director of the Louisiana State University Hurricane Center, before being dismissed by LSU following Hurricane Katrina)
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How can we break the fifty year old diplomatic deadlock between the United States and Cuba? There are numerous topics of global and mutual interest to talk about. The Center for Democracy in the Americas has identified critical areas where Washington and Havana can communicate, work together and build relationships of confidence and trust CDA recruited a team of scholars and experts to offer their ideas for cooperation the experts address: Cuba’s peerless civil defense program and mass mobilization in natural disasters dramatically reduces the number of casualties from serious tropical storms. With storm activity in the Caribbean rising, shared information to improve hurricane forecasting and response would benefit both countries.
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Hurricane Cooperation Solves for bad U.S. Cuba Relations
| 1,689 | 56 | 740 | 257 | 8 | 111 | 0.031128 | 0.431907 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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3,886 |
Cuba is an authoritarian state guilty of serious human rights violations. Human rights organizations estimate that there are between one hundred and two hundred political prisoners in Cuba today. In early 2008, Rau´l Castro was elected by the Cuban National Assembly and its Council of State to become the president of the Council of State and of the republic. Within the framework of socialism, a number of measures designed to enhance the quality of people’s lives and personal freedoms have followed. More, in the realm of shrinking the size of the state and boosting productivity and the creation of wealth, may follow. Fidel Castro’s formal resignation and the stable succession of his brother as head of state have challenged the effectiveness of a half century of U.S. economic sanctions, whether designed to destabilize or overthrow the regime, interrupt its continuity, or bring liberal democracy to the island. The United States can play a positive role in promoting the values of an open society with policies that support the greater enjoyment of human rights by Cubans and lay the groundwork for a pluralistic future on the island. This could be facilitated by increasing contact between U.S. and Cuban citizens (including Cuban Americans and their families) through reducing current Department of Treasury travel restrictions. While increased trade might funnel more resources to the Cuban government and strengthen its short-term staying power, economic isolation has long provided Cuba’s authorities with a convenient excuse for many of the island’s core problems. The time is ripe to show the Cuban people, especially the younger generations, that an alternative exists to permanent hostility between these two nations and that the United States can play a positive role in Cuba’s future. Given this, the United States should initiate a series of steps, with the aim of lifting the embargo against Cuba
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Barshefsky and Hill et al. May 2008 [Charlene, Senior international partner at Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP and James T,. Retired Four-star general and President of the JT Hill Group, a strategic consulting firm located in Miami, Florida] Council on Foreign Relations Special Task Force Report “U.S.-Latin America Relations: A New Direction for a New Reality”
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. The United States can play a positive role in promoting an open society with policies that support the greater enjoyment of human rights by Cubans . This could be facilitated by increasing contact between U.S. and Cuban citizens through reducing Treasury travel restrictions economic isolation has long provided Cuba’s authorities with a convenient excuse for many of the island’s core problems. The time is ripe to show the Cuban people, that an alternative exists to permanent hostility between these two nations and that the United States can play a positive role in Cuba’s future.
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Lifting the embargo in Cuba would foster better human rights, help the U.S. and Cuban economies, and would better the relationships between the United States and other countries around the world.
| 1,919 | 195 | 586 | 304 | 31 | 95 | 0.101974 | 0.3125 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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3,887 |
The group hopes that U.S. citizens will one day look to Cuba as a viable model during natural disasters and achieve their level of self-reliance in emergency situations. While Rocko hoped that the days of “fire drills and hurricane preparedness” could come back, Lacy believed that the two countries need to “bridge the [political] gap for the sake of education.”Spraggins sums up the panel’s general attitudes by commenting that “we do not need to learn twice about Katrina; we need to find a way to do what [the Cubans] do” in emergency situations. A last0minute addition to the conference, Sabine Prokscha, a German journalist and Political Science Ph.D candidate at the Freie Universitat (Free University) in Berline, presented her research work, the “American-Cuban Learning Process in Disaster Management” during the next panel. She became interested in the interchange between the two nations after spending a year at Tulane University in New Orleans during the immediate aftermath of Hurricane Katrina in 2006. She sought to put the conference in an academic framework and raised the notion among policy transfer among states. While policy transfers usually occur between two politically or socioeconomically “similar” or “equal” countries, this conference highlights a unique transfer in which the relatively poorer country serves as the learning model for the richer one. A year prior to Hurricane Katrina, the United Nations declared the Cuban model of hurricane relief as the exemplary model for the entire region. She also provided a startling statistic regarding the likelihood of death and natural disasters fron the 2004 UN Report “Reducing Disaster Risk” that stated that one is fifteen times more likely to die in a hurricane in the United States than in Cuba due to the country’s extensive preparation. In the future, Prokscha hopes to understand where these conversations regarding hurricane preparedness can lead the two countries, and she ended her talk by saying that given the history of political enmity between the U.S. and Cuba, the “conference is definitely a unique and momentous occasion.”
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Mejia 2011 [“U.S. - Cuban Cooperation in Defending Against Hurricanes” Biloxi, Mississippi Fiorella Mejia August 2011]
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The group hopes that U.S. citizens will one day look to Cuba as a viable model during natural disasters and achieve their level of self-reliance in emergency situations. While Rocko hoped that the days of “fire drills and hurricane preparedness” could come back, Lacy believed that the two countries need to “bridge the [political] gap for the sake of education.”Spraggins sums up the panel’s general attitudes by commenting that “we do not need to learn twice about Katrina; we need to find a way to do what [the Cubans] do” in emergency situations. A last0minute addition to the conference, Sabine Prokscha, a German journalist and Political Science Ph.D candidate at the Freie Universitat (Free University) in Berline, presented her research work, the “American-Cuban Learning Process in Disaster Management” during the next panel. She became interested in the interchange between the two nations after spending a year at Tulane University in New Orleans during the immediate aftermath of Hurricane Katrina in 2006. In the future, Prokscha hopes to understand where these conversations regarding hurricane preparedness can lead the two countries, and she ended her talk by saying that given the history of political enmity between the U.S. and Cuba, the “conference is definitely a unique and momentous occasion.”
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U.S- Cuban engagement feasible
| 2,119 | 30 | 1,316 | 334 | 4 | 207 | 0.011976 | 0.61976 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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3,888 |
"Hurricane devastation reconciles Cuba-U.S. differences," blazes one newspaper headline. Another shouts, "International flood aid leads to 'a nuclear-free future' for North Korea."¶ Well, not quite. In reality, disasters have rarely yielded durable conflict resolution. Instead, unsurprisingly, the memory of assistance and humanitarianism fades away while petty-politics-as-usual dominates. Yet interest in the idea of "disaster diplomacy" continues to build (see www.disasterdiplomacy.org). A growing body of research is examining how and why disaster-related activities do and do not induce cooperation among enemies. The key phrase here is "disaster-related activities," including those that take place before a disaster strikes (such as prevention, mitigation, and preparedness) as well as afterward (including response and recovery).¶ The research to date suggests that disaster-related activities do not generate entirely new diplomatic efforts, but they can catalyze diplomacy which has a pre-existing basis, whether it be cultural or trade links or secret negotiations among the parties in conflict. When ongoing diplomacy is influenced, it tends to happen in the short term—on the order of weeks or months—whereas in the longer-term, non-disaster factors tend to dominate the diplomatic process. These factors could range from a leadership change to an historical grievance that trumps the humanitarian imperative.¶ To make these outcomes a reality, we must recognize that politics serve as both a constraint and an opportunity. In itself, disaster aid is only a Band-Aid—helping the surface wound heal without addressing the fundamental cause of the injury—unless it can factor in and link to the root causes which lead to disasters. Hurricane deaths occur not merely because a storm is particularly intense but because of long-standing policies, decisions, and actions which lead people to live in the hurricane's path without adequate preparation for the possible consequences. The lack of preparation could be due to poverty, ignorance, apathy, or other factors, such as the need to avoid an ongoing conflict or simply finding food for tomorrow.¶ Politics also provide opportunity. Disaster mitigation and aid efforts could potentially be used as a process to highlight and avert the long-term dangers of poverty, ignorance, and apathy. Where a transnational conflict already exists, and a disaster then affects one or more countries, leaders could try to create a neutral and mediated environment to determine how to manage the aid and relief operation. Any collaboration and trust thus generated could be used as a stepping stone to further non–disaster-related diplomatic interactions.
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Ilan Kelman 2007. [UCAR Quarterly, Fall 2007, p. 6, full text (15 kb in PDF). http://www.ucar.edu/communications/quarterly/fall07/diplomacy.jsp]
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. . A growing body of research is examining how and why disaster-related activities do and do not induce cooperation among enemies The key phrase here is "disaster-related activities," including those that take place before a disaster strikes (such as prevention, mitigation, and preparedness) as well as afterward (including response and recovery The research to date suggests that disaster-related activities do not generate entirely new diplomatic efforts, but they can catalyze diplomacy which has a pre-existing basis, whether it be cultural or trade links or secret negotiations among the parties in conflict. When ongoing diplomacy is influenced, it tends to happen in the short term—on the order of weeks or months—whereas in the longer-term, non-disaster factors tend to dominate the diplomatic process. In itself, disaster aid is only a Band-Aid—helping the surface wound heal without addressing the fundamental cause of the injury—unless it can factor in and link to the root causes which lead to disasters. Hurricane deaths occur not merely because a storm is particularly intense but because of long-standing policies, decisions, and actions which lead people to live in the hurricane's path without adequate preparation for the possible consequences. Where a transnational conflict already exists, and a disaster then affects one or more countries, leaders could try to create a neutral and mediated environment to determine how to manage the aid and relief operation. Any collaboration and trust thus generated could be used as a stepping stone to further non–disaster-related diplomatic interactions.
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U.S.-Cubans relations and technological sharing is key to co-op
| 2,706 | 63 | 1,620 | 395 | 9 | 244 | 0.022785 | 0.617722 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,889 |
Our national security interests are also relatively easy to list. We want to:¶ • Avoid one or more mass migrations the size of the Mariel Boat Lift or the ¶ 1994 Rafter Crisis.¶ • Prevent Cuba from becoming another porous border that allows continuous ¶ large-scale migration.¶ • Prevent Cuba from becoming a major source or transshipment point for the ¶ illegal drug trade.¶ • Avoid Cuba becoming a state with ungoverned spaces that would provide a ¶ platform for terrorists and others wishing to harm the United States.¶ Cuba is in the beginning of a transition from almost fifty years of¶ Fidel Castro’s rule. If we handle our part wisely a new Cuba may emerge,¶ democratic and with growing prosperity. We will not of course be the¶ principal player in Cuba’s future—that belongs to the people of Cuba—¶ but if we mishandle our role, we could delay or short-circuit that desired¶ future. Current US policy is governed by the 1994 Cuban Libertad Act¶ (Helms-Burton), the goal of which is the overthrow of the current regime¶ and the prevention of its continuation under new leadership. It sets conditions for our assistance to a post-Castro Cuba, but remains mute on issues¶ of national security. To his credit, President Bush has tried to think through the issues we will face after Fidel leaves the scene. His appointment of the Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba was a good first¶ step, and in its second report, CAFC II, the Commission defined key¶ issues and proposed some workable solutions. Unfortunately, the Commission could only go so far, because the Administration limited its recommendations to those allowed by Helms-Burton.
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Maybarduk 8 (Consultant on Cuban and other Foreign Policy Issues, American Diplomat )“The US Strategy for Transition in Cuba,” Gary H. Maybarduk. (http://web.gc.cuny.edu/dept/bildn/publications/documents/Maybarduk12_001.pdf)
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Our national security interests Avoid one or more mass migrations • Prevent Cuba from becoming another porous border that allows continuous ¶ large-scale migration Prevent Cuba from becoming a major source or transshipment point for the ¶ illegal drug trade Avoid Cuba becoming a state with ungoverned spaces that would provide a ¶ platform for terrorists Cuba is in the beginning of a transition from almost fifty years of¶ Fidel Castro’s rule. f we handle our part wisely a new Cuba may emerge,¶ democratic if we mishandle our role, we could delay or short-circuit that desired¶ future Current US policy is governed by the Helms-Burton Unfortunately, the Commission could only go so far, because the Administration limited its recommendations to those allowed by Helms-Burton.
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US-Cuba relation key to preventing drug-trade and terrorism
| 1,646 | 59 | 778 | 275 | 8 | 124 | 0.029091 | 0.450909 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,890 |
The general assessment Kelman presents in his disasters provide a catalyst for transformation but do not create it. ( Kelman 2006; Kelman 2007a, Kelman 2007b) As a result of various case studies, Kelman discovered that disaster diplomacy typically follows three possible outcomes of: short term, long term, and the opposite desired effect. Short term outcomes occur when the disaster provides new avenues for negotiation between opposing parties. However, for this to be successful there needs to be an existing foundation for negotiation. Long term outcomes find that pre-existing prejudices are strong factors in diplomacy and that memory of collaboration during the disaster quickly fades. Within outcomes that produce the opposite desired effect—diplomatic efforts backfire and conflict is inflamed. (disasterdiplomacy.org,Kelman 2006, Kelman2011) In spite of potentially negative outcomes, the fact remains that response to disasters normally bring opposing communities together for a short time. (Weker 2010) Eric Weker (2010) wrote and article on disaster politics for Harvard International Review that acknowledged this window of opportunity, but then asked what the barrier might be to releasing the potential for this window. A few of the barriers he cited are donor bias, donor fatigue, and the “CNN Effect” (where the media sensationalizes a disaster only for a short time). The biggest issue, however, is politics and how they sweep back into play almost immediately after a disaster, when the hope would be for continued a-political involvement. Kelman’s research offers similar assessments to those of Weker. On one level, reconciliation has never been a priority when responding to disasters, which leads to a lack of political forethought and the subsequent likelihood that diplomatic initiatives will fail. ( Kelman 2012, Kelman 2011) These barriers to diplomatic process are rooted in the much deeper conceptual debate surround the marriage of divorce of politics with humanitarian action. According to purists, typically the International Committee of the Red Cross, International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent, and Medecins San Frontiers—humanitarian action can onlyu be termed as such if its space id devoid of politics. This is due to an understanding of humanitarianism as responsive action (to both disasters and complex emergencies) that ensure the “equal dignity” of all human beings. The only way this can be done is through impartiality due to its implication “that assistance is based solely on need, without discrimination among reciepients because of nationality, race, religion, or other factors.” This humanitarian imperative demands that any disaster-related activity should be free of politics. Disaster diplomacy, therefore, should not even be an option because its directive lies outside the mandate of humanitarian action. The other issue on this level is, again, the media. The hyper or “CNN Effect” can derail goodwill be setting unattainable standards.
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Maciver 2012 (Christa Maciver December 2012. [ Disaster Diplomacy: A brief Review. Class of 1994. Charleston Academy. http://servantforge.org/sites/default/files/Disaster%20Diplomacy%20FINAL%20Lit%20Review.pdf]
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As a result of various case studies, Kelman discovered that disaster diplomacy typically follows three possible outcomes of: short term, long term, and the opposite desired effect.
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Regardless of U.S-Cuban relations in Status Quo, political factors have no implications on solvency
| 3,005 | 100 | 180 | 450 | 14 | 27 | 0.031111 | 0.06 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,891 |
I was in Cuba several days the end of May with a group of Texas legislators. As we’d planned the trip over a period of months, our principal purpose had been to discuss defense against hurricanes, a purpose for which the Center for International Policy has been taking delegations to Cuba for several years now. Cuba has an excellent defense system and record. In the past 10 years, it has only lost some 30 lives to hurricanes. The U.S. lost more that 1,500 to Hurricane Katrina alone. Worth taking a look at how they do it, we’ve thought, and how we might cooperate.¶ By the time we traveled to Cuba, another, more urgent threat had arisen in the Gulf of Mexico: BP PLC’s oil spill off the Louisiana coast. That then became the first topic of conversation. The Cubans with whom we spoke, including Vice Minister of Foreign Relations Dagoberto Rodriguez, acknowledged that at first the spill had not been a great concern to them — in fact had seemed to have little to do with Cuba. They had assumed that the U.S. — and BP — would get it capped and contained quickly. Their concerns have of course grown — especially so as their information now indicates the expanding pool of oil may soon be caught up in the loop current and carried through the Straits of Florida into the Atlantic. Further, their specialists say that as a result of wind and currents, the flow could do serious damage to the Cuban coast.¶ Thus, Cuba, like the U.S. Gulf Coast, is now threatened — though to be sure not to the same extent. It stands ready to share pertinent information and to cooperate against the danger. No talks on the subject have been held, Rodriguez said, but for its part, Cuba is ready for them.¶ Cooperation with Cuba is of course not a panacea. It will not end the threat from the spill. But it could contribute. And in any event, not to cooperate in the face of this danger that confronts everyone on the Gulf Coast, should be unthinkable.¶ Further, hurricanes are now a looming part of the oil spill threat. The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration is predicting a very dangerous hurricane season. Even if BP succeeds in halting the flow of oil out of the well, which at this point seems unlikely, a huge pool will remain in the Gulf. Imagine a hurricane of the magnitude of Katrina tearing into that mass.¶ Nor is this, the oil-spill-hurricane problem, one that will go away. On the contrary, it is likely to become more complex. A number of foreign oil companies are scheduled to begin exploratory drilling shortly off Cuba’s north coast. And just as a spill in our waters is affecting Cuba, so could one in theirs affect us. The U.S. and Cuba are both members of international conventions aimed at protecting the marine environment. But there is no agreement between the two of them. One is needed and needed now, especially since under present conditions, should there be some accident at a Cuban well, the free movement of equipment and know-how necessary to address the problem might well be obstructed by our embargo. Protocols and regulatory changes must be affected by the Obama Administration now to remove those restrictions And we should move toward that more cooperative relationship today — not wait until the problem is upon us.
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Smith 10 Wayne S. Smith is a Senior Fellow at the Center for International Policy in Washington, D.C., and an expert in Cuban affairs, having been Chief of the U.S. Interests Section in Havana (1979-82). He is also a member of the Cuba-Mexico-US Coalition to Protect the Gulf of Mexico. “U.S.-Cuba Cooperation on Gulf is in Our Interest” http://www.ciponline.org/research/entry/us-cuba-cooperation-on-gulf-is-in-our-interest June 14, 2010
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Cuban Vice Minister of Foreign Relations Dagoberto Rodriguez acknowledged concerns of the expanding pool of oil the flow could do serious damage to the Cuban coast. Cuba stands ready to share pertinent information and to cooperate against the danger. Cooperation with Cuba could contribute not to cooperate in the face of this danger that confronts everyone on the Gulf Coast, should be unthinkable. hurricanes are now a looming part of the oil spill threat the oil-spill-hurricane problem is likely to become more complex the free movement of equipment and know-how necessary to address the problem might well be Protocols and regulatory changes must be affected by the Obama Administration now to remove those restrictions And we should move toward that more cooperative relationship today
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Cuban is ready to cooperate – fear hurricanes will magnify oil spills
| 3,255 | 69 | 793 | 572 | 12 | 124 | 0.020979 | 0.216783 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,892 |
Cuban doctors put on stand-by a week ago by President Fidel Castro to fly to the aid of the victims of Hurricane Katrina said on Friday they hoped the United States would put politics aside and accept their help.¶ So far, the word from Washington has been thanks, but no thanks. The White House snubbed Cuba's offer and said Castro would do better "freeing" his Communist-run country.¶ Meanwhile, the 1,500 doctors are taking English language classes and brushing up on their epidemiological skills.¶ "We are sad about the position the American government has taken. All of us have been waiting here for eight days," said Dr. Juan Carlos Dupuy, a general practitioner and chemical lab specialist.¶ "This is a humanitarian problem. We have to put aside politics. We are ready to go," he said.¶ Castro, calling a truce in Cuba's four-decade-old ideological war with the United States, offered on Sept. 2 to fly the doctors to treat people in the New Orleans disaster.¶ The Cuban leader said it was no bluff.¶ He gathered 1,586 physicians at Havana's convention center for a pep talk, each clad in white overalls and equipped with green satchels of medical supplies.¶ Millions of people were displaced when Katrina hit the U.S. Gulf coast last week, with many of them sick and injured. New Orleans city officials first said they believed the death toll could be as high as 10,000, but a U.S. Homeland Security relief officer said on Friday the number may not be that high.¶ Some 100 countries -- rich and poor, friend and foe -- ranging from Honduras and Sri Lanka to Germany offered to help U.S. relief efforts.¶ Venezuela's leftist government, a close Cuban ally with tense ties to Washington, offered at least $1 million to the Red Cross and said it would send an extra one million barrels of gasoline to the U.S. market.¶ The U.S. State Department said all offers would be considered based on needs rather than political grounds.¶ But the Bush administration's message to Havana was clear.¶ "When it comes to Cuba, we have one message for Fidel Castro: He needs to offer the people of Cuba their freedom," White House spokesman Scott McClellan said at a press briefing on Thursday.¶ Cuba regularly sends medical assistance to other countries hit by natural disasters. Cuban doctors serve in dozens of developing nations.¶ The contingent on stand-by at an international medical school in Havana includes doctors who worked in Sri Lanka after the tsunami disaster.¶ "We are waiting for a final decision. We want to help because we saw on television how difficult things are in New Orleans," said Dr. Marcia Consuegra, a cardiologist who served in Ethiopia and currently works in poor hillside slums outside Caracas.¶ "If they rejects us, it is their loss, because we have no political interest in this," she said. "My English is not good, but my heart is big," she added in broken English.
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Anthony Boadle September 2005. [Anthony is a writer for Reuters. Cuban Doctors say Politics bad. http://www.banderasnews.com/0509/nw-cubanaid.htm]
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Cuban doctors put on stand-by a week ago by President Fidel Castro to fly to the aid of the victims of Hurricane Katrina said on Friday they hoped the United States would put politics aside and accept their help.¶ So far, the word from Washington has been thanks, but no thanks. The White House snubbed Cuba's offer and said Castro would do better "freeing" his Communist-run country Meanwhile, the 1,500 doctors are taking English language classes and brushing up on their epidemiological skills.¶ "We are sad about the position the American government has taken "This is a humanitarian problem. We have to put aside politics. We are ready to go," he said. Cuba regularly sends medical assistance to other countries hit by natural disasters
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Cuban will say yes – history of helping with hurricanes
| 2,888 | 55 | 741 | 490 | 10 | 124 | 0.020408 | 0.253061 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,893 |
GAIL REED, [in Havana] medic at infomed.sld.cu, also via Camila Curtis-Contreras, ccurtiscontreras at mediccglobal.org ¶ Reed is executive editor of MEDICC [Medical Education Cooperation with Cuba] Review.¶ She said today: “In the many years I’ve worked here in Cuba, I’ve seen the disaster prevention strategy up close — and been in at least five hurricanes myself. Cuba does a few things we don’t often see in other countries that help save lives: they close schools to keep families together; use ‘community evacuation’ in especially isolated areas — where specific buildings or homes have been reinforced just for that purpose — rather than having people and their household goods traveling miles to shelters; and they turn the lights out and shut down the cooking gas mains when winds reach a certain speed. This last measure alone has certainly saved hundreds of lives, since many deaths result from people wading in flood waters zapped by downed electric wires, or from gas explosions. We also get radio and television messages a full 72 hours before a storm is expected to hit — and TV meteorologist Jose Rubiera is something of a folk hero in Cuba for his informative ‘stormtracking’ broadcasts day and night. Finally, the Cuban Civil Defense, a small organization at the top, involves virtually everybody at the municipal level; together with public health and Red Cross participation, local government and institutions are well prepared with risk assessments and disaster planning.¶ “The success of Cuba’s disaster preparation and mitigation strategies shows up in the results: just 35 deaths were caused by the 16 hurricanes and tropical storms that have torn through the island since 2001 — and 17 of those from Hurricane Dennis in 2005, which hit a province usually spared from such weather. Which brings me to another reason why the Cubans are successful: they learn from their mistakes. After Dennis, they studied why people had low risk perception, taking chances that put their lives in danger. On other occasions, they have scrapped old ways of doing things to give people and property better protection.¶ “Cuba’s experience is interesting because in an economically deprived context, they set the goal of a PUBLIC system that protects 100 percent of their population. That means prioritizing vulnerable people — from those who live along the coastlines, to the elderly, disabled, families in precarious housing, and pregnant women and children.”¶ See MEDICC’s “Strategies for Disaster Management” issue.¶ SAUL LANDAU, slandau at igc.org, saullandau.com¶ Professor emeritus at California State University, Pomona, Landau is a senior fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies and has won numerous awards for the 40 films he has produced, several of which are about Cuba.¶ He said today: “The Cubans made a sensible decision to save lives during hurricanes and erected an infrastructure to do the job — which is logical for Florida and the Texas gulf ports as well. Before hurricanes strike, Cubans evacuate likely victims and insure their safety. We do not do this, nor have we begun to even discuss it. Yet, each year, the big storms ravage areas of this country. Cuba has special medical and paramedical units trained, and they make plans for all their regions. We do not. They offered to send people after Katrina, but Bush refused the offer.”
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Reed, 2012 “Cuba’s Hurricane Preparedness: A Model for Florida and the Gulf Coast?” Gail Reed, journalist for Institute for Public Accuracy. August 24, 2012. <http://www.accuracy.org/release/cubas-hurricane-preparedness-a-model-for-florida-and-the-gulf-coast/>
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The success of Cuba’s disaster preparation and mitigation strategies shows up in the results: just 35 deaths were caused by the 16 hurricanes and tropical storms that have torn through the island since 2001 Cuba’s experience is interesting because in an economically deprived context, they set the goal of a PUBLIC system that protects 100 percent of their population. The Cubans made a sensible decision to save lives during hurricanes and erected an infrastructure to do the job — which is logical for Florida and the Texas gulf ports as well. Before hurricanes strike, Cubans evacuate likely victims and insure their safety. We do not do this, nor have we begun to even discuss it. Yet, each year, the big storms ravage areas of this country. Cuba has special medical and paramedical units trained, and they make plans for all their regions. We do not. They offered to send people after Katrina, but Bush refused the offer.”
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Cuba’s experience is logical to help the United States
| 3,365 | 54 | 927 | 545 | 9 | 157 | 0.016514 | 0.288073 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,894 |
Emergency Management in St. Tammany Parish, ¶ LA, Dexter Accardo said, made him realize that Cubans “have the same desire” as Americans--to improve their ¶ standard of living. Due to the open and informative conversations with Cubans, Spraggins declared the May ¶ delegation “the greatest” of the CIP delegations to date. They also realized that Cuba and the Gulf region confront ¶ similar obstacles including an aging population, disintegrating historical buildings and threatening hurricanes. ¶ District 5 Country Supervisor Connie Rocko believed that “there are so many things that if the US could sit down ¶ in Cuba, we could see that we have the same issues they’re facing.” She lamented that “Cuba is a fascinating ¶ place, and it’s unfortunate that [Americans] cannot visit freely.” ¶ More importantly, the group was impressed by Cuba’s civil defense program. The Cuban civil defense is built ¶ on year-long planning and education. In Cuba, the government provides shelters for personal belongings in ¶ case of evacuations and fully equips local hospitals and shelters, which makes the decision to evacuate much ¶ easier for Cubans. From an early age, children learn what they need to do in emergencies, culminating in a ¶ National Day of Exercise, a staged rehearsal of evacuation drills. Accardo greatly advocates the Cuban focus ¶ on “teaching children on what should be done, rather than telling them what to do” at the moment of danger. ¶ This group agreed that this focus on education is “lacking” in the United States, and they fear that this leads to ¶ complacency, especially in the once-destroyed Gulf region. The group [we] support the widespread implementation ¶ of school programs that will instruct children on the hazards, and in turn, they can then relay this information to ¶ their families. Outside the formal classroom, the Cuban government makes sure that all people are aware of the ¶ dangers. Lacy notes that Cuba looks to natural disasters around the world as a learning opportunity. According ¶ to Spraggins, the Cubans, as a result, “know how to take care of themselves and are not dependent on the ¶ government.” Rocko further underlined this argument, saying that “Americans remain governed by the up-down ¶ […] while Cubans get their information and act accordingly.”¶ The group hopes that U.S. citizens will one day look to Cuba as a viable model during natural disasters and ¶ achieve their level of self-reliance in emergency situations. While Rocko hoped that the days of “fire drills and ¶ hurricane preparedness” could come back, Lacy believed that the two countries need to “bridge the [political] ¶ gap for the sake of education.” Spraggins sums up the panel’s general attitudes by commenting that “we do not ¶ need to learn twice about Katrina; we need to find a way to do what [the Cubans] do” in emergency situations.¶ A last-minute addition to the conference, Sabine Prokscha, a German journalist and Political Science Ph.D ¶ candidate at the Freie Universität (Free University) in Berlin, presented her research work, the “American-Cuban ¶ Learning Process in Disaster Management” during the next panel. She became interested in the interchange ¶ between the two nations after spending a year at Tulane University in New Orleans during the immediate ¶ aftermath of Hurricane Katrina in 2006. She sought to put the conference in an academic framework and ¶ raised the notion of policy transfer among states. While policy transfers usually occur between two politically ¶ or socioeconomically “similar” or “equal” countries, this conference highlights a unique transfer in which the ¶ relatively poorer country serves as the learning model for the richer one. A year prior to Hurricane Katrina, the ¶ United Nations declared the Cuban model of hurricane relief as the exemplary model for the entire region. She ¶ also provided a startling statistic regarding the likelihood of death and natural disasters from the 2004 UN Report ¶ “Reducing Disaster Risk” that stated that one is fifteen times more likely to die in a hurricane in the United States ¶ than in Cuba due to the country’s extensive preparation. In the future, Prokscha hopes to understand where ¶ these conversations regarding hurricane preparedness can lead the two countries, and she ended her talk by ¶ saying that given the history of political enmity between the U.S. and Cuba, the “conference is definitely a unique ¶ and momentous occasion.” ¶ After working overnight to attain the Cubans’ visas, moderator Spraggins, was proud to introduce Cuba’s “weather ¶ superstar,” Dr. Jose Rubiera of the Cuban Meteorological Institute in Havana, for the next panel focusing on ¶ meteorology. Joining Rubiera on the panel were Mike Reader, Chief Meteorologist of local WLOX-TV MS, and ¶ Kenneth Graham, Meteorologist-in-Charge at the National Weather Service in New Orleans and Baton Rouge.¶ Rubiera first alluded to his late-night visa troubles, “hurricanes do not need a visa to arrive here.” He went on to ¶ describe the “natural cooperation” between the meteorological centers in Havana and in the U.S., a relationship ¶ that dated back to the late nineteenth century.
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Mejia, 2011 “U.S. - Cuban Cooperation in Defending Against Hurricanes” Biloxi, Mississippi Fiorella Mejia Execuive Assistant on Cuba from Brown University August 2011 <http://www.ciponline.org/images/uploads/publications/0811_Hurricane_Conf_Report.pdf>
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From an early age, children learn what they need to do in emergencies, culminating in a ¶ National Day of Exercise, a staged rehearsal of evacuation drills. ¶ This group agreed that this focus on education is “lacking” in the United States, and they fear that this leads to ¶ complacency, especially in the once-destroyed Gulf region. [we] support the widespread implementation ¶ of school programs that will instruct children on the hazards, and in turn, they can then relay this information to ¶ their families. Outside the formal classroom, the Cuban government makes sure that all people are aware of the ¶ dangers. Cuba looks to natural disasters around the world as a learning opportunity. the Cubans, as a result, “know how to take care of themselve A year prior to Hurricane Katrina, the ¶ United Nations declared the Cuban model of hurricane relief as the exemplary model for the entire region. one is fifteen times more likely to die in a hurricane in the United States ¶ than in Cuba due to the country’s extensive preparation. “hurricanes do not need a visa to arrive here.”
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Cuban Hurricane Preparedness strategies are vastly superior to the US
| 5,178 | 69 | 1,086 | 844 | 10 | 187 | 0.011848 | 0.221564 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,895 |
The utter failure of the imperialists and the region's capitalist governments to warn the people of the Indian Ocean about the tsunami and to mitigate the chaos that reigned both during and after the devastation brings into bold relief the monumental accomplishments of socialist Cuba in the sphere of disaster management. Cuba has been cited by the United Nations, the International Federation of the Red Cross, the Red Crescent Society and other agencies and authorities who deal with the effects of natural disasters as the world model in disaster management, not only for underdeveloped countries but for all countries. Massive, humane evacuations of hundreds of thousands of people have been carried out within hours during hurricanes that reached high levels. In 2001, when Hurricane Michelle, a level-4 storm, hit with sustained 125-mile-per-hour winds and widespread floods, more than 700,000 people were evacuated. Only five Cubans lost their lives in the storm, which killed 20 people in Central America. Had India, Indonesia, Thailand, Sri Lanka and other countries in the Indian Ocean region had socialist regimes that put the interests of the people at the forefront, day-in, day-out, as in socialist Cuba, they would have seized upon the scientific and technological technology to detect tsunamis that is already deployed in the Pacific Ocean and collectively either purchased or developed it themselves.
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Goldstein 5 (Fred Goldstein, leader of American Workers World Party and contributing editor of Workers World, part of the Secretariat. Workers World http://www.workers.org/ww/2005/cuba0120.php)
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Cuba has been cited by the United Nations, the International Federation of the Red Cross, the Red Crescent Society and other agencies and authorities who deal with the effects of natural disasters as the world model in disaster management, not only for underdeveloped countries but for all countries Had India, Indonesia, Thailand, Sri Lanka and other countries in the Indian Ocean region had socialist regimes that put the interests of the people at the forefront, day-in, day-out, as in socialist Cuba, they would have seized upon the scientific and technological technology to detect tsunamis
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Cuban disaster management modeled worldwide
| 1,418 | 43 | 595 | 220 | 5 | 94 | 0.022727 | 0.427273 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,896 |
At the national level, Cuba’s disaster legislation, public education on disasters, meteorological research, early warning system, effective communication system for emergencies, comprehensive emergency plan, and Civil Defense structure are important resources in avoiding disaster. The Civil Defense structure depends on community mobilization at the grassroots level under the leadership of local authorities, widespread participation of the population in disaster preparedness and response mechanisms, and accumulated social capital. Both the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and the International Federation of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) have repeatedly pointed out Cuba as an example for other countries to emulate in risk reduction. As the number of deaths from weather-related disasters continues to rise worldwide, it is increasingly imperative to protect those populations most vulnerable to hazards. Fundamentally, long term national and international strategies of sustainable development are the necessary basis for achieving comprehensive risk reduction for vulnerable populations. With the current absence of that commitment within national and international structures, it is important to explore successful shorter term strategies and mechanisms for risk reduction that can be implemented with limited financial resources by local governments. The increasingly popular Community Based Disaster Management (CBDM) approach focuses on strengthening capacity and building skills for risk reduction at the community level. Cuba shows us a rare example of successfully building CBDM into a national risk reduction program. Examining Cuba’s experience, Oxfam America argues that strengthening community capacity, strong coordination of local actors and investing in social capital are determinate factors for successful risk reduction. This report hopes to present a comprehensive overview of the Cuban model of risk reduction in disaster mitigation, preparedness, response and recovery and explore what may be adapted from this model in other countries. The Secretary General of the World Meteorological Organization (WMO), Prof. G.O.P. Obasi focused on this point in his address to the World Climate Change Conference on Sept 29, 2003, in which he urged countries to “increase their resilience to the extreme events that put citizens in jeopardy and destroy years of economic growth.” The 14th WMO Congress in May 2003 initiated a new cross-cutting program that emphasized prevention and management of risk rather than disaster recovery. It is precisely in the areas of prevention and risk management that the Cuban experience has the most to offer. The next section of this report will examine the Cuban risk reduction model in detail. Cuba's risk reduction model is multidimensional in nature, with a wide scope and multiplicity of complementary elements. These range from disaster mitigation legislation to the development of a culture of safety to community mobilization. All these components work extremely well together to reduce risk. The Cuba risk reduction model incorporates all of the areas of the risk reduction cluster as outlined by the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, the IFRC. Cuba’s experience shows that working on these six areas simultaneously adds up to more than the sum of the whole, as the actions in each area overlaps to enhance the end result, which is to optimize the level of risk reduction for the population in an emergency. This experience is true for any government or governing entity.
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Thompson and Gaviria 2004 (An Oxfam America Report “Weathering the Storm: Lessons in Risk Reduction from Cuba” Martha Thompson, manager of UUSC's Rights in Humanitarian Crises Program, Izaskun Gaviria)
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Both the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and the International Federation of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) have repeatedly pointed out Cuba as an example for other countries to emulate in risk reduction long term national and international strategies of sustainable development are the necessary basis for achieving comprehensive risk reduction The increasingly popular Community Based Disaster Management approach focuses on strengthening capacity and building skills for risk reduction at the community level. Cuba shows us a rare example of successfully building CBDM into a national risk reduction program the Cuban model of risk reduction in disaster mitigation, preparedness, response and recovery may be adapted from this model in other countries The Secretary General of the World Meteorological Organization urged countries that the Cuban experience has the most to offer The Cuba risk reduction model incorporates all of the areas of the risk reduction cluster as outlined by the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, This experience is true for any government or governing entity.
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Cuba is world model in disaster prep
| 3,593 | 36 | 1,147 | 528 | 7 | 171 | 0.013258 | 0.323864 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,897 |
http://www.npr.org/blogs/itsallpolitics/2012/11/16/165283004/republican-lock-on-floridas-cuban-american-vote-may-be-over “Republican Lock On Florida's Cuban-American Vote May Be Over” November 11, 2012For Republicans ruminating over why their party lost the presidential election, here's something else to digest from the swing state of Florida. Cuban-Americans — long a reliable Republican voting bloc — split almost evenly between Mitt Romney and President Obama, according to at least one group's exit polls.¶ And that may explain why Obama won Florida and its 29 electoral votes.¶ Perhaps more important, the trend away from overwhelming Republican support signals that the long relationship between Florida's politically active Cuban-Americans and the GOP is beginning to fray.¶ Bendixen & Amandi International, a polling firm that works for Democrats, found in its exit polls that 52 percent of Cuban-American voters cast ballots for Romney, while 48 percent went for Obama. That would be by far the greatest percentage of Cuban-American support for a Democratic presidential candidate in decades.¶ "To jump up into 48 percent all of a sudden puts a vote that historically was monolithically Republican in play," said Fernand Amandi, managing partner of Bendixen & Amandi, who noted that while Democrats have been steadily gaining among Cuban-Americans, in 2008, that translated into just 35 percent support for Obama.¶ Other exit polls looking at the Cuban-American electorate had a somewhat higher level of Romney support, and there was some dispute about who won among the demographic on Nov. 6. But virtually all signs point to a trend away from a securely Republican voting bloc.¶ Amandi called his group's finding "a major development with implications, not just for Florida, but for the country." Bendixen had found support for Republican presidential candidates from Cuban-Americans in the state at 75 percent in 2000, 71 percent in 2004 and 65 percent in 2008.¶ The relationship between Florida's Cuban community and Republican presidential candidates dates to the 1980 election of Ronald Reagan.¶ Traditionally, candidates make a pilgrimage to Miami's Little Havana, where they drink Cuban coffee before TV cameras and throngs of approving Cuban-American voters. (Romney — a Mormon, and thus a non-coffee drinker — chose a juice bar rather than a cafe for his photo op.)¶ For the past three decades, the Cuban-American Republican voting bloc in South Florida has helped offset the region's many Democrats. And Cuban-Americans have been the key to Republican presidential victories here.¶ In the final week of this year's race, the Romney campaign mounted a Spanish-language TV ad in Miami in an effort to shore up its support among Cuban-Americans. It was anything but subtle.¶ The ad showed Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez and the niece of Cuban leader Fidel Castro both saying they would vote for Obama. It was an attempt to push a well-used button in the Cuban-American community — linking an opponent with despised Venezuelan and Cuban dictators.¶ The Miami Herald had this translation:¶ NARRATOR: Who supports Barack Obama? CHAVEZ: "If I were American, I'd vote for Obama." NARRATOR: Raúl Castro's daughter, Mariela Castro, would vote for Obama. CASTRO: "I would vote for President Obama." NARRATOR: And to top it off, Obama's Environmental Protection Agency sent emails for Hispanic Heritage month with a photo of Che Guevara. CHAVEZ: "If Obama were from Barlovento (a Venezuelan town), he'd vote for Chávez." ROMNEY: I'm Mitt Romney, and I approve this message.¶ Democratic strategist Jeffrey Garcia finds it noteworthy that the ad had little impact. "I just think it's about a community in general becoming a little bit more Americanized," he said.¶ Garcia and other analysts say exit polls confirm what's been evident for some time: that for Cuban-Americans, the future of their native land is no longer a major factor in determining whom they vote for.¶ One reason is that there's little difference between the two parties on support for the trade embargo against Cuba and how they view U.S. relations with Cuba.¶ Enlarge image¶ And more than 50 years after the Cuban revolution, many in the first wave of exiles have died. Second- and third-generation Cuban-Americans, and more recent newcomers, are more open to voting Democratic.¶ But Dario Moreno, a political science professor at Florida International University and a strategist who works for Republican campaigns, says it's not just about demographics.¶ He says Romney's message on immigration, the economy and the "47 percent" alienated many Latinos, including Cuban-Americans. Moreno also says that was true even in staunchly Republican areas such as Hialeah — a blue-collar Cuban-American enclave.¶ "I think the Republican Party needs to reassess its rhetoric and some of its policies toward Latinos, beyond immigration to education and economic policies, without losing the core Republican message of lesser government," says Moreno.¶ Cuban-American support is one of the reasons Miami-Dade County was one of the few in the country to produce more votes for Obama this election than in 2008. The president's margin in Miami-Dade was 70,000 votes higher than four years ago. That's about the same number of votes by which he carried Florida.¶ Moreno and other analysts say this election shows Cuban-Americans, rather than being a sure thing for Republicans, have now become swing voters in Florida. That has implications for both parties as they begin to look ahead to future elections.
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NPR 12
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Cuban-Americans — long a reliable Republican voting bloc — split almost evenly between Mitt Romney and President Obama that may explain why Obama won Florida and its 29 electoral votes. To jump up into 48 percent all of a sudden puts a vote that historically was monolithically Republican in play virtually all signs point to a trend away from a securely Republican voting bloc. a major development with implications, not just for Florida, but for the country. support for Republican presidential candidates from Cuban-Americans in the state at 75 percent in 2000, 71 percent in 2004 and 65 percent in 2008. the Cuban-American Republican voting bloc in South Florida has helped offset the region's many Democrats. And Cuban-Americans have been the key to Republican presidential victories here. analysts say this election shows Cuban-Americans, rather than being a sure thing for Republicans, have now become swing voters in Florida. That has implications for both parties as they begin to look ahead to future elections.
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Cuban Americans have become a swing vote, critical for future elections
| 5,577 | 71 | 1,025 | 858 | 11 | 163 | 0.012821 | 0.189977 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,898 |
Coinciding with the start of hurricane season and in the wake of devastating tornadoes, U.S. Representative Patrick E. Murphy announced today the formation of the bipartisan Disaster Relief Caucus. Joining Rep. Murphy as co-chairs of the caucus are Reps. Peter King (R-NY), Cedric Richmond (D-LA), and Kay Granger (R-TX). The bipartisan Disaster Relief Caucus will facilitate policy discussions to promote more organized, streamlined, and timely responses to natural disasters.¶ "With the start of what is predicted to be an active hurricane season and after witnessing the tragedies caused by recent tornadoes, wildfires in California, and with the northeast still recovering from Superstorm Sandy, we are reminded that disasters can strike in any community," said Rep. Murphy. "Having lived in Florida my entire life, I have witnessed firsthand the impact these disasters can have, especially when politics tie up response efforts. That is why I am proud to join my colleagues Reps. King, Richmond, and Granger in announcing the formation of the Disaster Relief Caucus to improve the effectiveness of disaster preparedness and response efforts."¶ “Unfortunately as we all know, disasters can strike any Congressional district," said Rep. King. "It is important that any improvements in disaster preparedness and response are communicated and developed effectively to mitigate any tragedies and loss of life. As a co-chair of this caucus, I look forward to working with my colleagues.”¶ “As someone who has witnessed the devastation of hurricanes firsthand, I am extremely pleased to join my colleagues in establishing the Disaster Relief Caucus to ensure that our communities are better prepared and protected,” said Congressman Richmond. “The founding of a caucus that addresses the increasing threat of natural disasters is critical as we work to rebuild our communities in the aftermath of hurricanes and tornadoes. It is vital that we unite in a common effort to proactively advocate for stronger policies, better preparation, and more effective responsiveness at the onset and after a disaster strikes.
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Murphy 13 (http://patrickmurphy.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=336515 Press release from Florida Representative)
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Representative Patrick E. Murphy announced the formation of the bipartisan Disaster Relief Caucus. Joining Reps. Peter King (R-NY), Cedric Richmond (D-LA), and Kay Granger (R-TX) The Disaster Relief Caucus will facilitate policy discussions to promote more organized, streamlined, and timely responses to natural disasters. to improve the effectiveness of disaster preparedness and response efforts. It is important that any improvements in disaster preparedness and response are communicated and developed effectively to mitigate any tragedies and loss of life It is vital that we unite in a common effort to proactively advocate for stronger policies, better preparation, and more effective responsiveness at the onset and after a disaster strikes
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Bipartisan support for disaster relief is growing
| 2,109 | 49 | 749 | 322 | 7 | 108 | 0.021739 | 0.335404 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
3,899 |
¶ Superstorm Sandy occurred at a unique time.¶ Congress was out of session, and the election season was in full swing. The chairmen and ranking members of congressional committees that oversee the Federal Emergency Management Agency were campaigning for reelection in their home states, some of which were hit by Sandy.¶ ¶ Disasters affect both sides of the aisle, and support for FEMA has always been bipartisan. ¶ The East Coast now faces billions of dollars in damage estimates, and that number could very well increase. Currently there is $4 billion in the Disaster Relief Fund (DRF), which is often referred to as the President’s Disaster Relief Fund and managed by FEMA. ¶ In the past, if disaster damage exceeded the amount in the DRF, Congress has appropriated funds to maintain the fund at a certain level. Following a large disaster, Congress will then make emergency supplemental appropriations.¶ Congress must come together to aid the areas affected by Sandy with supplemental appropriations. Some people in Washington think supplemental disaster relief money should be restricted unless the money is offset elsewhere. Other opponents note that reliance upon this type of supplement could result in overfunding, because many initial estimates can be exaggerated.¶ So far, a request has not been made for a supplemental funding measure by the White House. It may not even need to be requested until the new year. But that could easily change. Last year, Congress appropriated $1.9 billion for Hurricane Irene, which hit the East Coast. While a devastating storm, Irene is likely to be considerably less costly than Sandy. If the FEMA budget suddenly runs low, which is likely, the congressional leadership would undoubtedly work to request supplemental funds in a most timely manner. ¶ According to a report by the Congressional Research Service, Congress has appropriated about $322.7 billion for disaster assistance in 34 appropriations acts since 1989. But the costliest disasters have occurred since 2001, including the 9/11 attacks and 2005’s hurricane season, which included Katrina. With Katrina, Congress approved two emergency supplemental spending bills less than two weeks after the storm struck that provided $62.3 billion in emergency response and recovery. A third request was later approved by Congress.¶ The pros of additional funds clearly outweigh the cons, however. Disasters are unpredictable and costly, but emergency supplements allow for flexibility during times of need. It’s impossible to budget for major storms because Congress would have to reduce funding for other programs to pay for a hypothetical event in the future.¶ The recovery from Superstorm Sandy will likely require more money. New Jersey is still cleaning up from Irene, and damage assessments have yet to be completed for Sandy. These massive storms seem to be normal now. In the last 10 years, the nation’s costliest disasters have occurred, including the Midwest floods and Hurricanes Gustav and Ike in 2008, the 2011 Midwest tornado outbreak and, that same year, severe flooding in Minot, N.D. ¶ The country will face more disasters just as terrible — and perhaps larger than Sandy — in the future.¶ If the administration finds that more funding is going to be required for Sandy, we must have supplemental spending bills to help our fellow Americans, and they must have bipartisan support, because that is what we do in this country during times of crisis. We help those in need when the resources of a state are overwhelmed by a disaster, and politics should never play into it.
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James Lee Witt 12 ( Founder of Witt associates http://thehill.com/opinion/op-ed/267437-fema-support-is-bipartisan )
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Disasters affect both sides of the aisle, , if disaster damage exceeded the amount in the DRF, Congress has appropriated funds to maintain the fund at a certain level. Congress will then make emergency supplemental appropriations. . Last year, Congress appropriated $1.9 billion for Hurricane Irene, which hit the East Coast . If the FEMA budget suddenly runs low, the congressional leadership would work to request supplemental funds in a most timely manner. Congress has appropriated about $322.7 billion for disaster assistance in 34 appropriations acts since 1989. the costliest disasters have occurred since 2001, . The pros of additional funds clearly outweigh the cons Disasters are unpredictable and costly, but emergency supplements allow for flexibility during times of need We help those in need when the resources of a state are overwhelmed by a disaster, and politics should never play into it.
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Disaster Relief is always a bipartisan issue
| 3,587 | 44 | 909 | 576 | 7 | 143 | 0.012153 | 0.248264 |
Cuba Sugarcane Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
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