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Will a Middle Eastern oil disruption crush the economy? New research suggests the answer is no -- and that a major tenet of American foreign policy may be fundamentally wrong.For more than a month, the world has been riveted by scenes of protest in the Middle East, with demonstrators flooding streets from Tunisia to Egypt and beyond. As the unrest has spread, people in the West have also been keeping a wary eye on something closer to home: the gyrating stock market and the rising price of gas. Fear that the upheaval will start to affect major oil producers like Saudi Arabia has led speculators to bid up oil prices — and led some economic analysts to predict that higher energy costs could derail America’s nascent economic recovery.The idea that a sudden spike in oil prices spells economic doom has influenced America’s foreign policy since at least 1973, when Arab states, upset with Western support for Israel during the Yom Kippur War, drastically cut production and halted exports to the United States. The result was a sudden quadrupling in crude prices and a deep global recession. Many Americans still have vivid memories of gas lines stretching for blocks, and of the unemployment, inflation, and general sense of insecurity and panic that followed. Even harder hit were our allies in Europe and Japan, as well as many developing nations.Economists have a term for this disruption: an oil shock. The idea that such oil shocks will inevitably wreak havoc on the US economy has become deeply rooted in the American psyche, and in turn the United States has made ensuring the smooth flow of crude from the Middle East a central tenet of its foreign policy. Oil security is one of the primary reasons America has a long-term military presence in the region. Even aside from the Iraq and Afghan wars, we have equipment and forces positioned in Oman, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Qatar; the US Navy’s Fifth Fleet is permanently stationed in Bahrain.But a growing body of economic research suggests that this conventional view of oil shocks is wrong. The US economy is far less susceptible to interruptions in the oil supply than previously assumed, according to these studies. Scholars examining the recent history of oil disruptions have found the worldwide oil market to be remarkably adaptable and surprisingly quick at compensating for shortfalls. Economists have found that much of the damage once attributed to oil shocks can more persuasively be laid at the feet of bad government policies. The US economy, meanwhile, has become less dependent on Persian Gulf oil and less sensitive to changes in crude prices overall than it was in 1973.
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Kahn, 2011 (Jeremy, New Delhi based journalist, “Crude reality,” Boston Globe, February 13, http://www.boston.com/bostonglobe/ideas/articles/2011/02/13/crude_reality/?page=full)
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Will a Middle Eastern oil disruption crush the economy? no The idea that a spike in oil prices spells economic doom has influenced America’s foreign policy since 1973 this conventional view is wrong. The US economy is far less susceptible to interruptions in the oil supply than previously assumed Scholars found the worldwide oil market remarkably adaptable and surprisingly quick at compensating for shortfalls. Economists have found that much of the damage once attributed to oil shocks can more persuasively be laid at the feet of bad government policies. The US economy has become less dependent on Persian Gulf oil and less sensitive to changes in crude prices overall than it was in 1973
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Oil shocks won’t hurt the economy.
| 2,653 | 34 | 694 | 444 | 6 | 114 | 0.013514 | 0.256757 |
Venezuela Starter Pack - UTNIF 2013.html5
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Texas (UTNIF)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,301 |
“A lot of Venezuelans seem to think that a close election is not a valid election, so this leaves room for Maduro’s critics to question it,” says Mark Weisbrot of the Center for Economic and Policy research, an independent think-tank in Washington. Mr. Weisbrot says he thinks the US is trying to take advantage of this situation. Far from putting a dent in Maduro’s credibility, other observers believe that continued tensions between Venezuela and the US serve as a positive for a president whose supporters have come to expect belligerence towards “las imperialistas.” “In many ways John Kerry is doing Maduro a favor by not recognizing him,” says Jones. “The US’s refusal to cooperate plays into the socialists’ broader narrative that the US is conspiring to defeat Venezuela’s revolution.”
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Baverstock 5-17-13. Alasdair, CS Monitor. Foreign Correspondent and Guidebook Author. “Venezuela's Maduro still waiting on Washington's recognition” [http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Americas/2013/0517/Venezuela-s-Maduro-still-waiting-on-Washington-s-recognition][MG]
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A lot of Venezuelans seem to think that a close election is not a valid election the US is trying to take advantage of this situation Far from putting a dent in Maduro’s credibility observers believe continued tensions serve as a positive for a president whose supporters have come to expect belligerence towards “las imperialistas.” Kerry is doing Maduro a favor by not recognizing him US’s refusal to cooperate plays into the socialists’ broader narrative that the US is conspiring to defeat Venezuela’s revolution.”
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Maduro will say no to appear more hardline against the U.S.
| 794 | 60 | 518 | 129 | 11 | 84 | 0.085271 | 0.651163 |
Venezuela Starter Pack - UTNIF 2013.html5
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Texas (UTNIF)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,302 |
Barack Obama heads to Latin America tomorrow, bringing with him little more than a winning smile and the hope that the afterglow of his election, which Latin Americans celebrated with great cheer, still warms. The trip is meant to show that his administration has not let crises, domestic and foreign, prevent a proactive engagement with the region. In reality, Obama will be playing catch-up, trying to slow down China’s inroads into what used to be the United States’s backyard, shore up an alternative to the so-called “bad left” countries of Venezuela, Nicaragua, Bolivia and sometimes Ecuador and Argentina, and win back Brazil. With its $6 trillion economy, Brazil has helped lead what Ecuador’s president Rafael Correa recently called the “second and definitive independence” of Latin America, opposing Washington on issues ranging from climate change to trade, Palestine to Honduras. Having been early critics of the militarism (most Latin American countries opposed the “War on Terror” broadly and the invasion of Iraq in particular) and extreme neoliberalism that crashed the United States, they believed he would help them create a new hemispheric framework, leaving behind the old failed orthodoxies and finding a way to cooperatively deal with transnational problems like poverty, inequality, crime, migration and climate change. At the very least, they thought he would finally end the US cold war against Cuba. But despite getting off to a good start at the Summit of the Americas shortly after his inauguration, Obama has largely disappointed. His administration’s shameful legitimizing of the June 2009 Honduran coup was a symbolic turning point, but the disenchantment has been widespread. An expected alliance with Brazil’s Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva didn’t pan out; immigration reform is off the table, as is a renewal of the assault rifles ban that might stem the flow of the weapons into Mexico; the United States refuses to lower its multibillion-dollar subsidy and tariff program that floats corporate giants like ADM and Monsanto; Cuba remains a pariah, if only in Washington’s eyes. As Obama quickly learned, obstacles to an effective hemispheric diplomacy were not to be found in the “bad left" countries but much closer to home: it’s the NRA, the anti-Castro Cuban lobby, agro-industry, anti-Latino jingoism, as well as the State and Commerce departments (along with the Office of the US Trade Representative) stuffed with holdovers from the Clinton and Bush administrations, that prevent much-needed movement on any number of issues: migration, Cuba, gun smuggling into Mexico, tariffs (the last Congress renewed a 54 cent tariff on each gallon of imported Brazilian ethanol—so much for “free trade”), and poverty reduction. As a result, Obama succumbed to inertia, carrying on a disastrous war on drugs and pushing an economic agenda as if 2008 (or 2002 in Argentina, the worst recorded economic collapse in history) never happened.
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Grandin, 2011 (Greg, “Obama's Latin America Policy: Renewal or Further Decline?” March 16, The Nation, http://www.thenation.com/blog/159256/obama-latin-america-renewal-or-further-decline)
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Obama heads to Latin America Obama will be playing catch-up, trying to slow down China’s inroads most Latin American countries opposed the “War on Terror” broadly they believed he would help them create a new hemispheric framework, leaving behind the old failed orthodoxies and finding a way to cooperatively deal with transnational problems At the very least, they thought he would finally end the US cold war against Cuba despite a good start Obama has disappointed shameful legitimizing of the Honduran coup was a symbolic turning point, but disenchantment has been widespread An alliance with Lula didn’t pan out; immigration reform is off the table, as is a renewal of the assault rifles ban that might stem the flow of the weapons into Mexico; the U S refuses to lower its multibillion-dollar subsidy and tariff program that floats corporate giants like Monsanto; Cuba remains a pariah obstacles to effective hemispheric diplomacy were not in bad left" countries but the NRA, the anti-Castro Cuban lobby, agro-industry, anti-Latino jingoism, as well as the State and Commerce departments Obama succumbed to inertia, carrying on a disastrous war on drugs and pushing an economic agenda as if 2008 never happened
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Too many alt causes to Latin American relations—Venezuela doesn’t even start to cover it
| 2,961 | 88 | 1,216 | 466 | 14 | 196 | 0.030043 | 0.420601 |
Venezuela Starter Pack - UTNIF 2013.html5
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Texas (UTNIF)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,303 |
3. Strategic Recovery by the US. The US will not, in 2012 or 2013, show signs of any recovery of its global strategic credibility or real strength. Its manufacturing and science and technology sectors will continue to suffer from low (even declining) productivity and difficulty in capital formation (for political reasons, primarily). A significant US recovery is not feasible in the timeframe given the present political and economic policies and impasse evident. US allies will increasingly look to their own needs while attempting to sustain their alliance relationship with the US to the extent feasible. Those outside the US alliance network, or peripheral to it, will increasingly disregard US political/diplomatic pressures, and will seek to accommodate the PRC or regional actors. The continued economic malaise of the US during 2012, even if disguised by modest nominal GDP growth, will make economic (and therefore strategic) recovery more difficult and ensure that it will take longer. In any event, the fact that the US national debt exceeds the GDP hollows the dollar and thus makes meaningful recovery impossible in the short-term. The attractiveness of a low dollar value in comparison to other currencies in making US manufacturing investment more feasible than in recent years is offset by declining US workforce productivity and political constraints which penalize investment in manufacturing, or even in achieving appealing conditions for capital formation. Banks are as afraid of such investment as are manufacturing investors themselves.
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Copley ’12 (Gregory R., editor of Defense & Foreign Affairs’ Strategic Policy, Strategic Policy in an Age of Global Realignment, lexis, June 2012)
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The US will not, in 2012 or 2013, show signs of any recovery of its global strategic credibility or real strength. manufacturing and science and technology will continue to suffer from declining) productivity and difficulty in capital formation significant US recovery is not feasible US allies will increasingly look to their own needs Those outside the US alliance network increasingly disregard US political/diplomatic pressures and will seek to accommodate the PRC or regional actors The continued economic malaise of the US during 2012, even if disguised by modest nominal GDP growth, will make economic (and therefore strategic) recovery more difficult and ensure that it will take longer. In any event the fact that the US national debt exceeds the GDP hollows the dollar and thus makes meaningful recovery impossible
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Alt causes overwhelm or hegemony is resilient
| 1,560 | 45 | 825 | 238 | 7 | 129 | 0.029412 | 0.542017 |
Venezuela Starter Pack - UTNIF 2013.html5
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Texas (UTNIF)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,304 |
Regrettably, Secretary Kerry and his Department of State colleagues are succumbing to Diplomat’s Syndrome, a form of optical illusion or mental disorientation that mistakes talk for action and assigns friendly gestures equal weight with actual deeds. That top diplomats of the U.S. and Venezuela talked is no big deal. President Obama made nice with President Chavez in April 2009 and relations continued to deteriorate. What really matters is whether Venezuela’s populist authoritarian leadership is genuinely ready to modify behaviors that clash with important U.S. interests and values. Beginning with the death of Chavez on March 5, the Maduro regime has engaged in virtually non-stop anti-American diatribes. It arrested U.S. citizen and filmmaker Tim Tracy on farcical charges of espionage. His recent release is a long overdue and little more than a concession to reality. Since March, President Maduro and company have repeatedly blocked efforts to obtain a fair review of voting irregularities in the April 14 elections and threatened and assaulted members of the democratic opposition, including a brutal attack on opposition legislators on the floor of the National Assembly. Maduro and company have also spoken of punitive reprisals against U.S. ally Colombia, because Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos met with defeated opposition candidate Henrique Capriles. Maduro and Jaua clearly hope that Secretary Kerry and the Obama Administration will finally recognize the outcome of the April 14 elections and legitimate Maduro’s presidency while openly throwing the democratic opposition under the bus. Kerry’s statement equating Maduro’s mouthpiece Jaua with Venezuela is disconcerting. The offensive of Maduro and Jaua is aimed at undercutting the diplomatic offensive of the opposition. They also hope to keep the systemic failures of their Cuban-inspired socialism and economic mismanagement out of the discussion and obscure their ties with Iran, Syria, and Hezbollah. Therefore, the bar for genuine improvements in U.S.–Venezuela relations should remain high. It should include a serious commitment by the Maduro regime to not only respect the rights of the democratic opposition but to enter into an actual dialogue aimed at reducing tensions and preserving fundamental political and economic rights. It will also require a major reversal in persistent anti-Americanism coupled with genuine cooperation to combat illicit drug trafficking and terrorism and adherence to all Iran and Syria sanctions. Without progress on these keys themes, Kerry and company will falter when it comes to changing the dynamic with post-Chavez Venezuela and legitimate authoritarian rule in Venezuela.
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Walser 6-7-13. Ray Walser was a career Foreign Service officer with the U.S. Department of State for 27 years and is a Senior Policy Analyst specializing in Latin America @ Heritage. “Buyer Beware: Secretary Kerry and Venezuela” [http://blog.heritage.org/2013/06/07/buyer-beware-secretary-kerry-and-venezuela/] [MG]
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Kerry and his Department are succumbing to Diplomat’s Syndrome That top diplomats of the U.S. and Venezuela talked is no big deal the Maduro regime has engaged in virtually non-stop anti-American diatribes. Kerry’s statement equating Maduro’s mouthpiece Jaua with Venezuela is disconcerting. The offensive of Maduro and Jaua is aimed at undercutting the diplomatic offensive of the opposition. They also hope to keep the systemic failures of their economic mismanagement out of the discussion and obscure ties with Iran, Syria, and Hezbollah the bar for genuine improvements in U.S.–Venezuela relations should remain high It should include a serious commitment by the regime to not only respect the rights of the democratic opposition but to enter into an actual dialogue aimed at reducing tensions and preserving fundamental political and economic rights. It will also require genuine cooperation to combat illicit drug trafficking and terrorism and adherence to all Iran and Syria sanctions. Without progress on these keys themes, Kerry and company will falter when it comes to changing the dynamic and legitimate authoritarian rule in Venezuela.
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The plan’s unconditional nature turns the entirety of AFF solvency-Venezuela will use renewed relations with the US to obscure corruption and maintain ties with US adversaries
| 2,701 | 176 | 1,149 | 401 | 26 | 175 | 0.064838 | 0.436409 |
Venezuela Starter Pack - UTNIF 2013.html5
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Texas (UTNIF)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,305 |
In furtherance to what is discussed above, it is interesting to illustrate whether the constraints to expanding ¶ the Sino-Venezuelan relations stems from the fact that, both for China and Venezuela, the U.S. is a more ¶ attractive option. With regard to the U.S.-Venezuelan relations, the advantages of geographical proximity ¶ and processing Venezuelan oil in the U.S. has previously been discussed and concludes that, despite ¶ Venezuela´s political friction, doing oil business is quite lucrative. But why is China likely to benefit more ¶ from a benign U.S. than a strategic partnership with Venezuela? The Sino-U.S. relations are the final factor¶ requiring discussion in order to assess the geopolitical impact that the relationship between China and ¶ Venezuela have on the world. ¶ Some would assess China’s oil diplomacy and its quest for overseas energy resources as a negative ¶ component to its relations with various countries. As China is strengthening its relations with oil-producing ¶ and exporting countries, constituting a great competitor for other countries that rely on oil imports, China is ¶ likely to undermine their oil security and contravene their policies towards oil-producing countries ¶ (Hongyi, 2007: 530). In scrambling for energy resources, both China and the U.S. as the world’s major ¶ powers want to project their influence on the world’s geopolitical regions. Although Latin America may be ¶ the backyard of the U.S., for both China and the U.S. Latin America is turning into another geopolitical ¶ region. China’s relations with Latin American countries in general and Venezuela in particular, have ¶ primarily emphasized on their economic relations in terms of trade and investments. Along these lines, ¶ China could be reducing U.S.’ opportunity to have trade relations and make investments in the region ¶ instead. The fact that China’s military relations with countries would affect the U.S., could be construed as ¶ an upcoming threat to U.S. national security. Although China’s power projection on the world can ¶ generally be characterized as ‘soft power’, China is also growing security relations with its international ¶ partners. China claims that its militarization in these countries is a natural consequence of the need it has to ¶ protect its interests from potential rivals. It is hard to tell whether or not the U.S. should be keeping a close ¶ eye on this, still, minor threat to preserve its national security. Also, the consolidation of China’s political ¶ relations with U.S. opposing parties, fuels tensions between the U.S. and China whether this is justified or ¶ not.
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Tania ‘12 [Maxime, Master of Science (M.Sc.), International Relations and Affairs from the University of Amsterdam, master’s thesis on China’s energy security in Venezuelan politics, “China’s energy security¶ strategy towards Venezuela,” July 1, http://epa.iias.asia/files/Maxime%20Tania%20-%20Chinas%20energy%20security%20strategy%20towards%20Venezuela%20-%20Transnationalization%20and%20the%20geopolitical%20impact%20of%20the%20Sino-Venezuelan%20relationship.pdf]
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The Sino-U.S. relations are the final factor In scrambling for energy resources, both China and the U.S. as the world’s major powers want to project their influence on the world’s geopolitical regions. Although Latin America may be the backyard of the U.S., for both China and the U.S. Latin America is turning into another geopolitical region. China’s relations with Latin American countries in general and Venezuela in particular, have primarily emphasized on their economic relations in terms of trade and investments China claims that it has to protect its interests from potential rivals consolidation of China’s political relations with U.S. opposing parties, fuels tensions between the U.S. and China
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The plan incites tensions with China and collapses relations. Competition in the region has the unique potential to escalate—
| 2,638 | 125 | 713 | 420 | 19 | 109 | 0.045238 | 0.259524 |
Venezuela Starter Pack - UTNIF 2013.html5
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Texas (UTNIF)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,306 |
The evolution of Sino-U.S. relations over the next months, years, and decades has the potential to have a greater impact on global security and prosperity than any other bilateral or multilateral arrangement. In this sense, many analysts consider the US.-China diplomatic relationship to be the most influential in the world. Without question, strong and stable U.S. alliances provide the foundation for the protection and promotion of U.S. and global interests. Yet within that broad framework, the trajectory of U.S.-China relations will determine the success, or failure, of efforts to address the toughest global challenges: global financial stability, energy security and climate change, nonproliferation, and terrorism, among other pressing issues. Shepherding that trajectory in the most constructive direction possible must therefore be a priority for Washington and Beijing. Virtually no major global challenge can be met without U.S.-China cooperation. The uncertainty of that future trajectory and the "strategic mistrust" between leaders in Washington and Beijing necessarily concerns many experts and policymakers in both countries. Although some U.S. analysts see China as a strategic competitor—deliberately vying with the United States for energy resources, military superiority, and international political influence alike— analysis by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has generally found that China uses its soft power to pursue its own, largely economic, international agenda primarily to achieve its domestic objectives of economic growth and social stability.1 Although Beijing certainly has an eye on Washington, not all of its actions are undertaken as a counterpoint to the United States. In addition, CSIS research suggests that growing Chinese soft power in developing countries may have influenced recent U.S. decisions to engage more actively and reinvest in soft-power tools that have atrophied during the past decade. To the extent that there exists a competition between the United States and China, therefore, it may be mobilizing both countries to strengthen their ability to solve global problems. To be sure, U.S. and Chinese policy decisions toward the respective other power will be determined in large part by the choices that leaders make about their own nations interests at home and overseas, which in turn are shaped by their respective domestic contexts. Both parties must recognize—and accept—that the other will pursue a foreign policy approach that is in its own national interest. Yet, in a globalized world, challenges are increasingly transnational, and so too must be their solutions. As demonstrated by the rapid spread of SARS from China in 2003, pandemic flu can be spread rapidly through air and via international travel. Dust particulates from Asia settle in Lake Tahoe. An economic downturn in one country can and does trigger an economic slowdown in another. These challenges can no longer be addressed by either containment or isolation. What constitutes the national interest today necessarily encompasses a broader and more complex set of considerations than it did in the past As a general principle, the United States seeks to promote its national interest while it simultaneously pursues what the CSIS Commission on Smart Power called in its November 2007 report the "global good."3 This approach is not always practical or achievable, of course. But neither is it pure benevolence. Instead, a strategic pursuit of the global good accrues concrete benefits for the United States (and others) in the form of building confidence, legitimacy, and political influence in key countries and regions around the world in ways that enable the United States to better confront global and transnational challenges.
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Cohen ‘09 [William S. Cohen is chairman and CEO of The Cohen Group, a strategic business consulting firm based in Washington, D.C. Secretary Cohen served as U.S. secretary of defense, Maurice R. Greenberg is chairman and CEO of C.V. Starr & Co., Inc. Mr. Greenberg retired four years ago as chairman and CEO of American International Group (AIG) after more than 40 years of leadership, creating the largest insurance company in history, “Smart Power in U.S.-China Relations,” http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/090309_mcgiffert_uschinasmartpower_web.pdf]
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The evolution of Sino-U.S. relations over the next months, years, and decades has the potential to have a greater impact on global security and prosperity than any other bilateral or multilateral arrangement. In this sense, many analysts consider the US.-China diplomatic relationship to be the most influential in the world. Without question, strong and stable U.S. alliances provide the foundation for the protection and promotion of U.S. and global interests. Yet within that broad framework, the trajectory of U.S.-China relations will determine the success, or failure, of efforts to address the toughest global challenges: global financial stability, energy security and climate change, nonproliferation, and terrorism, among other pressing issues. Shepherding that trajectory in the most constructive direction possible must therefore be a priority for Washington and Beijing. Virtually no major global challenge can be met without U.S.-China cooperation Although some U.S. analysts see China as a strategic competitor—deliberately vying with the United States for energy resources, military superiority, and international political influence alike— analysis by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has generally found that China uses its soft power to pursue its own, largely economic, international agenda primarily to achieve its domestic objectives of economic growth and social stability . An economic downturn in one country can and does trigger an economic slowdown in another. These challenges can no longer be addressed by either containment or isolation. What constitutes the national interest today necessarily encompasses a broader and more complex set of considerations than it did in the past
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Collapse of US-Sino Cooperation turns every impact—
| 3,791 | 52 | 1,734 | 572 | 7 | 252 | 0.012238 | 0.440559 |
Venezuela Starter Pack - UTNIF 2013.html5
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Texas (UTNIF)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,307 |
Kerry's visit consolidated ties with China and enhanced cooperation amid growing tensions on Korean Peninsula¶ US Secretary of State John Kerry has just concluded his first visit to China since taking office. His trip had three purposes: The first was to establish a working relationship with China's leaders, the second was to establish a strong and special Sino-US relationship, and the third was to consult with China over the security situation on the Korean Peninsula.¶ While meeting with Chinese leaders - President Xi Jinping, Premier Li Keqiang, State Councilor Yang Jiechi and Foreign Minister Wang Yi all had in-depth talks with Kerry - both sides agreed to continuously enrich the content of bilateral relations, achieve new breakthroughs in the depth and quality of their cooperation, and expand their common interests.
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Wenzhao 4-18-13 [Tao, China Daily, “A strong and special relationship,” http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/opinion/2013-04/18/content_16417551.htm]
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Kerry's visit consolidated ties with China and enhanced cooperation amid growing tensions Chinese leaders all had in-depth talks with Kerry - both sides agreed to continuously enrich the content of bilateral relations, achieve new breakthroughs in the depth and quality of their cooperation, and expand their common interests
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US-China relations are strong
| 831 | 29 | 325 | 130 | 4 | 48 | 0.030769 | 0.369231 |
Venezuela Starter Pack - UTNIF 2013.html5
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Texas (UTNIF)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,308 |
Venezuela. The PRC has long had a close relationship with the populist regime of ¶ Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez, including China National Petroleum Corporation ¶ (CNPC), which has been operating Venezuelan oil fields in Zulia and Anzoategui ¶ provinces for several years.42 The Chinese presence was important in helping the ¶ Venezuelan state oil company Petroleos de Venezuela Sociedad Anónima (PdVSA) to ¶ recover from the 2003 strike, when the Venezuelan president fired half of the PdVSA ¶ workforce.43 During 2005, CNPC signed additional agreements to develop the oilfields ¶ Zumano and the Junín 4 block in Orinoco, as part of collaboration with PdVSA to boost ¶ the nation’s petroleum output.44
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Ellis 6. [Evan, Associate with Booz Allen Hamilton, Inc., with an emphasis on Latin American security issues, PhD in Political Science, "The New Chinese Engagement with Latin America: Understanding its Dynamics and the Implications for the Region" Booz-Allen -- March 3 -- www6.miami.edu/hemispheric-policy/ellisthenewchineseengagementwithlatinamerica030306.pdf]
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The PRC has long had a close relationship with the populist regime of ¶ Venezuelan including China National Petroleum Corporation CNPC), which has been operating Venezuelan oil fields for several years 42 The Chinese presence was important in helping the ¶ Venezuelan state oil company PdVSA) to ¶ recover from the 2003 strike CNPC signed additional agreements to develop the oilfields as part of collaboration with PdVSA to boost ¶ the nation’s petroleum output
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China is heavily invested in Venezuelan energy—
| 705 | 47 | 462 | 111 | 7 | 74 | 0.063063 | 0.666667 |
Venezuela Starter Pack - UTNIF 2013.html5
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Texas (UTNIF)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,309 |
The U.S is still the most important economic partner for Latin America, but recently many in the region have felt neglected by Washington, whose focus on terrorism and the middle east and ‘rigid U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America has left regional leaders with no option but to look for other patrons. Net foreign direct investment in Latin America has fallen from $78 billion in 2000 to $36 billion in 2003.” [71] This economic neglect is exacerbating the political grievances of the likes of Hugo Chavez, but the more moderate social democratic governments of Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, recently extended the designation of Market Economy Status (MES) to China, something the U.S and the E.U have still denied. MES “substantially diminishes the effect of anti-dumping legislation under World Trade Organization rules. Given the preponderance of non-market factors in the P.R.C.’s economy… there can be little doubt that the three countries made their decision almost exclusively on the basis of China’s growing political and economic influence.” [72] This highlights the politico-economic independence of the U.S that Latin America is exerting. This is also symptomatic of a deep paradox in the American thinking about how to deal with China. On one hand, tying the nominally communist state to the world economy is expected to bring about economic maturity and gradual political change, but on the other, China is still a U.S rival whose influence China is competing against. The situation is reciprocal, as China views the U.S as “[using] its economic leverage to exert political pressure on China, which is one reason that China seeks to diversify its economic relationships.” [73] In this respect, the U.S has what it wants – China is intrinsically tied to the ideals of the open market – as a lower cost, less politicized alternative to the United States.
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Fergusson 12 [Robbie Murray, MS in China In The International Arena, “The Chinese Challenge to the Monroe Doctrine”, http://www.e-ir.info/2012/07/23/does-chinese-growth-in-latin-america-threaten-american-interests/, 7/23]
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The U.S is still the most important economic partner for Latin America, but recently many in the region have felt neglected by Washington whose rigid U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America has left regional leaders with no option but to look for other patrons Net foreign direct investment in Latin America has fallen Given the preponderance of non-market factors in the P.R.C.’s economy… there can be little doubt that the three countries made their decision almost exclusively on the basis of China’s growing political and economic influence This highlights the politico-economic independence of the U.S that Latin America is exerting This is also symptomatic of a deep paradox in the American thinking about how to deal with China. On one hand China is still a U.S rival whose influence China is competing against. China views the U.S as “[using] its economic leverage to exert political pressure on China, which is one reason that China seeks to diversify its economic relationships
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China is suspicious of US attempts at challenging it’s economic engagement with Latin America – they are in direct competition
| 1,871 | 126 | 988 | 302 | 20 | 160 | 0.066225 | 0.529801 |
Venezuela Starter Pack - UTNIF 2013.html5
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Texas (UTNIF)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,310 |
Among the numerous needs of China, the demand for oil has always been the most powerful driving force. In the past 30 years, China has consumed one-third of the world's new oil production and become the world's second-largest oil importer. More than half of China's oil demand depends on imports, which increases the instability of its energy security. Diversification is inevitable. In this context, Latin America and its huge reserves and production capacity naturally became a destination for China. China must better protect its energy supply, and can't just play the simple role of consumer. It must also help solidify the important links of the petroleum industry supply chain. Indeed, the China National Petroleum Corporation frequently appears in Latin American countries, and China’s investment and trade in the Latin American countries are also focused on its energy sector.
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Economic Observer 13 [“IN AMERICA'S BACKYARD: CHINA'S RISING INFLUENCE IN LATIN AMERICA”, http://worldcrunch.com/china-2.0/in-america-039-s-backyard-china-039-s-rising-influence-in-latin-america/foreign-policy-trade-economy-investments-energy/c9s11647/, May 6]
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Among the numerous needs of China, the demand for oil has always been the most powerful driving force China has consumed one-third of the world's new oil production and become the world's second-largest oil importer. More than half of China's oil demand depends on imports, which increases the instability of its energy security In this context, Latin America and its huge reserves and production capacity naturally became a destination for China China must better protect its energy supply, and can't just play the simple role of consumer It must also help solidify the important links of the petroleum industry supply chain. and China’s investment and trade in the Latin American countries are also focused on its energy sector.
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Close oil linkages to Latin America are necessary for Chinese energy security
| 884 | 77 | 730 | 138 | 12 | 118 | 0.086957 | 0.855072 |
Venezuela Starter Pack - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,311 |
Planet Earth, creation, the world in which civilization developed, the world with climate patterns that we know and stable shorelines, is in imminent peril. The urgency of the situation crystallized only in the past few years. We now have clear evidence of the crisis, provided by increasingly detailed information about how Earth responded to perturbing forces during its history (very sensitively, with some lag caused by the inertia of massive oceans) and by observations of changes that are beginning to occur around the globe in response to ongoing climate change. The startling conclusion is that continued exploitation of all fossil fuels on Earth threatens not only the other millions of species on the planet but also the survival of humanity itself—and the timetable is shorter than we thought.How can we be on the precipice of such consequences while local climate change remains small compared with day-to-day weather fluctuations? The urgency derives from the nearness of climate tipping points, beyond which climate dynamics can cause rapid changes out of humanity's control. Tipping points occur because of amplifying feedbacks—as when a microphone is placed too close to a speaker, which amplifies any little sound picked up by the microphone, which then picks up the amplification, which is again picked up by the speaker, until very quickly the noise becomes unbearable. Climate-related feedbacks include loss of Arctic sea ice, melting ice sheets and glaciers, and release of frozen methane as tundra melts. These and other science matters will be clarified in due course.
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Hansen ‘9, heads the NASA Goddard Institute for Space Studies and adjunct professor in the Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences at Columbia University (James, December, Storms of My Grandchildren, ix)
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Planet Earth is in imminent peril We now have clear evidence of the crisis, provided by increasingly detailed information about how Earth responded to perturbing forces during its history The startling conclusion is that continued exploitation of all fossil fuels on Earth threatens not only the other millions of species on the planet but also the survival of humanity itself—and the timetable is shorter than we thought.How can we be on the precipice of such consequences while local climate change remains small ? The urgency derives from the nearness of climate tipping points, beyond which climate dynamics can cause rapid changes out of humanity's control. Tipping points occur because of amplifying feedbacks Climate-related feedbacks include loss of Arctic sea ice, melting ice sheets and glaciers, and release of frozen methane as tundra melts.
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Rapid tipping points mean warming will cause extinction quickly
| 1,595 | 63 | 854 | 250 | 9 | 133 | 0.036 | 0.532 |
Venezuela Starter Pack - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,312 |
Mexico has experienced a transition from a PAN Administration focused on combating organized crime to a PRI government focused on bolstering competitiveness by enacting structural reforms. As a result, security issues may take a back seat to economic issues on the bilateral agenda for the first time since September 2001. On May 2, 2013, President Obama traveled to Mexico for a trip focused on enhancing economic cooperation and expanding educational exchanges between the two countries.113 When asked about changes in Mexico’s security strategy, President Obama said “it is up to the Mexican people to determine their security structures and how [they will engage] with other nations, including the United States.”114 He reiterated his Administration’s support for Mexico’s efforts to reduce violence and criminality, including continued U.S. assistance. When examining the future of the Mérida Initiative, Congress may first consider defining the desired end state of the Mérida Initiative. Congress may then seek to ensure that those who are implementing the Initiative have developed adequate metrics to measure progress, and that those metrics are shared with Congress for review and oversight. Given the level of progress that has been made thus far, the current Mérida strategy may be deemed sufficient or insufficient. If it is judged insufficient, Congress may consider how it might be improved. When considering future assistance for the Mérida Initiative, Congress may compare how much funding programs in Mexico, an upper middle income country, are receiving from the Peña Nieto government, and whether U.S. funding is complementing or duplicating Mexican efforts. As President Peña Nieto implements his security strategy, the 113th Congress may wish to examine how the Mexican government’s priorities align with U.S. interests. Congressional approval will be needed should the State Department seek to shift funding to better align with Mexico’s new priorities. Should disagreements occur between Mexican and U.S. priorities, Congress may weigh in on how those disagreements should be resolved. If the Peña Nieto Administration no longer has the same goals as the United States or Congress sees a significant change in Mexican cooperation, Congress may consider reevaluating some types of Mérida Initiative funding.
|
Seelke and Finklea, 2013 (Clare Ribando, Specialist in Latin American Affairs, Kristin M., Analyst in Domestic Security “U.S.-Mexican Security Cooperation: The Mérida Initiative and Beyond” June 12, 2013 in the Congressional Research Service http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R41349.pdf.
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Mexico has experienced a transition from a PAN Administration focused on combating organized crime to a PRI government focused on bolstering competitiveness by enacting structural reforms. As a result, security issues may take a back seat to economic issues on the bilateral agenda for the first time since September 2001. When examining the future of the Mérida Initiative, Congress may first consider defining the desired end state of the Mérida Initiative. Congress may then seek to ensure that those who are implementing the Initiative have developed adequate metrics to measure progress Given the level of progress that has been made thus far, the current Mérida strategy may be deemed sufficient or insufficient. If it is judged insufficient, Congress may consider how it might be improved. When considering future assistance for the Mérida Initiative, Congress may compare how much funding programs in Mexico, an upper middle income country, are receiving from the Peña Nieto government, and whether U.S. funding is complementing or duplicating Mexican efforts. Congress may wish to examine how the Mexican government’s priorities align with U.S. interests. Congressional approval will be needed should the State Department seek to shift funding to better align with Mexico’s new priorities. Should disagreements occur between Mexican and U.S. priorities, Congress may weigh in on how those disagreements should be resolved. If the Peña Nieto Administration no longer has the same goals as the United States or Congress sees a significant change in Mexican cooperation, Congress may consider reevaluating some types of Mérida Initiative funding.
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Under the Mérida Initiative, Congress is able to re-evaluate funding if Mexican cooperation is changed or disagreements occur
| 2,330 | 126 | 1,652 | 350 | 18 | 251 | 0.051429 | 0.717143 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,313 |
As Kelly Oliver's work on witnessing suggests, the way to restore public voice and subjectivity to survivors of political trauma is to afford them opportunities to bear witness to what they have suffered. This process helps subjects work through rather than act out or suffer the repetition of trauma. It helps restore their subjectivity as well as the sociosymbolic world in which their words can be heeded. In the very process of bearing witness to the traumas that tore away their dignity and membership in the sociosymbolic field, survivors begin to re-create this field and their membership therein. Another important function of testifying about trauma is that the testimony and the way it is taken up by the community allow for the possibility of integrating experience. Traumatic events fracture experience; suffering is often private and becomes even more surreal when its reality is publicly denied. Testifying makes it possible to integrate what has been fractured and privatized into a more coherent narrative ordering of events, so that survivors can see the larger political malfunctions and crises that sundered their experience. While the senseless and brute dumb facts of trauma can imprison the subject and the social in repetition compulsion and obsessions, testimony can give these facts new meaning. In short, witnessing to trauma not only helps those who have suffered privately, it helps build new connections between the psyche and the social in that space I described earlier as the overlapping space of the psyche and the social: the space of sublimation that is simultaneously the person's space for joining humanity and the space of a political humanity. A need for such restoration seems to underlie many recent efforts to transition to democracy. For example, to heal their nation, many countries have held truth and reconciliation commissions. From South Africa to El Salvador, these commissions have given thousands of survivors of past regimes the opportunity to stand before their nation and tell the story of the brutality they underwent. In the process, these individuals reclaim their dignity and title of citizen. At the same time, they create the conditions for the possibility of politics: a discursive field and an affective identity with others. Brutality undermined victims' sense of dignity, humanity, and public worth (all necessary to effective agency as a citizen); the process of testifying in public helps to restore their sense of being citizens able to help steer their communities. When those who have been muted begin to speak in the presence of others, they begin to re-create their mental and affective world with its geography that orients them to others in the community. On the remains of a decimated public sphere, testifying in public to trauma reconstitutes he subject as a member of a political community while simultaneously re• treating that community or sociosymbolic field. The process puts a subject back in an intersubjective field and creates a space in which newly healed citizens begin to talk together again.
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McAfee, 2008 [Noelle, Associate Research Professor of Philosophy and Conflict Analysis at George Mason, Democracy and the Political Unconscious, 2008]
|
the way to restore public voice and subjectivity to survivors of political trauma is to afford them opportunities to bear witness to what they have suffered This process helps subjects work through rather than act out or suffer the repetition of trauma It helps restore their subjectivity as well as the sociosymbolic world in which their words can be heeded Another important function of testifying about trauma is that the testimony and the way it is taken up by the community allow for the possibility of integrating experience Testifying makes it possible to integrate what has been fractured and privatized into a more coherent narrative ordering of events so that survivors can see the larger political malfunctions and crises that sundered their experience witnessing to trauma not only helps those who have suffered privately it helps build new connections between the psyche and the social in that space as the overlapping space of the psyche and the social the space of sublimation that is simultaneously the person's space for joining humanity and the space of a political humanity A need for such restoration seems to underlie efforts to transition to democracy truth and reconciliation commissions From South Africa to El Salvador have given thousands of survivors of past regimes the opportunity to stand before their nation and tell the story of the brutality they underwent In the process these individuals reclaim their dignity and title of citizen At the same time they create the conditions for the possibility of politics a discursive field and an affective identity with others Brutality undermined victims' sense of dignity humanity and public worth the process of testifying in public helps to restore their sense of being citizens able to help steer their communities When those who have been muted begin to speak in the presence of others they begin to re-create their mental and affective world with its geography that orients them to others in the community The process puts a subject back in an intersubjective field and creates a space in which newly healed citizens begin to talk together again
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TRCs create the condition of possibility to move toward integrating experiences, opening space of political humanity, and transition to democracy
| 3,080 | 145 | 2,124 | 491 | 20 | 347 | 0.040733 | 0.706721 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,314 |
Given the continuing violence in places like the Sudan, Iraq, and East Timor, discussions of post-conflict transitions and reconstructions have been appearing with increasing frequency in academic, political, and civil society circles. n2 One of the most important aspects of a post-conflict transition is the pursuit of a transitional justice mechanism to address the atrocities committed during the course of the conflict. Transitional justice mechanisms can help restore the rule of law, strengthen democratic institutions, provide a form of retribution for victims, promote national peace and unity, n3 and, perhaps most importantly, provide recuperating states with a sense of justice and legal order. n4 As Gary Bass notes, "the treatment of humbled or defeated enemy leaders and war criminals can make the difference between war and peace." n5 Transitional justice options span from retributive justice, taking the form of trials and reparations, to restorative justice, advanced through informal or formal amnesty. n6 Somewhere in between trials and amnesty lies a relatively unnoticed option: the truth commission. n7 As a midpoint between tribunals and amnesty, truth commissions are often criticized as purely symbolic mechanisms that fail to employ the sticks of trials or the carrots of amnesty agreements-"at best an empty gesture and at worst a fig leaf covering up continued abuses." n8 Yet, even a symbolic option is better than nothing, as complete inaction can result in [*185] deadly self-help, as witnessed by the retribution killings of World War II prior to the establishment of the Nuremburg trials and the Tutsi vigilante killings of unincarcerated Hutu genocidaires. n9 It is true that many truth commissions have been forced to compromise justice for the sake of peace or stability, n10 but even a compromised truth commissions has much to offer. In El Salvador, a sweeping amnesty passed close on the heels of the commission's report release. In South Africa, the truth commission offered amnesty to cooperating individuals. Yet, these two commissions are arguably two of the most constructive truth commissions ever created. n11 Even if approached as the least-common denominator or option of last resort, truth commissions are better than nothing.
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Zhu, 2009 (Ming, Fellow at the Boston Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights Under Law “POWER AND COOPERATION: UNDERSTANDING THE ROAD TOWARDS A TRUTH COMMISSION” Buffalo Human Rights Law Review 15 Buff. Hum. Rts. L. Rev. 183 2009 lexis-nexus
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One of the most important aspects of a post-conflict transition is the pursuit of a transitional justice mechanism to address the atrocities committed during the course of the conflict. Transitional justice mechanisms can help restore the rule of law, strengthen democratic institutions, provide a form of retribution for victims, promote national peace and unity, n3 and, perhaps most importantly, provide recuperating states with a sense of justice and legal order n5 Transitional justice options span from retributive justice, taking the form of trials and reparations, to restorative justice, advanced through informal or formal amnesty. n6 Somewhere in between trials and amnesty lies a relatively unnoticed option: the truth commission. n7 truth commissions are often criticized as purely symbolic mechanisms that fail to employ the sticks of trials or the carrots of amnesty agreements-"at best an empty gesture and at worst a fig leaf covering up continued abuses." n8 Yet, even a symbolic option is better than nothing, as complete inaction can result in [*185] deadly self-help, as witnessed by the retribution killings of World War II prior to the establishment of the Nuremburg trials n9 It is true that many truth commissions have been forced to compromise justice for the sake of peace or stability, n10 but even a compromised truth commissions has much to offer. In El Salvador, a sweeping amnesty passed close on the heels of the commission's report release. In South Africa, the truth commission offered amnesty to cooperating individuals. Yet, these two commissions are arguably two of the most constructive truth commissions ever created. n11 Even if approached as the least-common denominator or option of last resort, truth commissions are better than nothing.
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Truth and Reconciliation commissions create transitional justice for those who have been affected by conflict and leads to mechanisms of democracy
| 2,277 | 147 | 1,782 | 350 | 21 | 277 | 0.06 | 0.791429 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,315 |
Violence, perceived injustice and negative stereotyping have combined over extended periods of time to render many contemporary conflicts inaccessible to standard non-violent resolution processes. In these situations violence, either latent or manifest, has become the status quo and any lasting change can only follow a transformation of the various dynamics underlying that status quo. Reconciliation is promoted by its theorists and practitioners as just such a tool of transformation. There is some breadth of definition of this concept in the literature which the following selection of citations tries to capture: Reconciliation is currently essential to the construction of sustainable peace. It can be defined as a profound process of dialogue between conflicting parties, leading to the recognition of the “other” , and respect for his or her differences, interests and values (International Year for Reconciliation, 1998b).Reconciliation is “the action of restoring broken relations” (International Year for Reconciliation, 1998a).Reconciliation is..."the acknowledgment of the dignity of victims for long ignored. It restores the individual’s capacity to take hold of herself and to manage the future and herself in that future. It restores the capacity to live with or alongside the other. It allows us, while remembering, to bring closure to a chapter in our past. It enables us to live in the present, making our life as a nation and our lives as individuals in a shared future. It always remains a never-ending process" (Commissioner Wynand Malan of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, cited in “Reconciliation by Understanding,” 1997).Montville, who has studied the psychological effects of political violence in some depth, explains that those who have suffered unjustified violent attacks have an enduring fear of their trauma re-occurring; a fear which undermines the possibility of developing renewed trust in their victimizers, and inhibits any true negotiation or eventual (re)integration with them (Montville, 1998). Thus, in regard to most communal conflicts time does not “heal all wounds.” Instead, grievances associated with unacknowledged and unforgiven wounds are passed down the generations, creating a widening gap of estrangement, fear and hatred, which increases the likelihood of further violent conflict and aggravates its intensity. Montville (1998) mentions Catholics in Northern Ireland, Anatolian Armenians, European Jews during World War II, Palestinian Arabs after 1948, Poles and Ukrainians as examples of peoples for whom “victimhood is an integral part of their identity.” True healing according to Montville can only come through reconciliation which involves a sequence of three steps:1. Acknowledgment. When oppressors publicly acknowledge what they have done, knowledge becomes, in a sense, truth, and victims are (to some extent) assured that the past will not repeat itself. This in itself is contributes to victims' healing and, thereby, facilitates dialogue. However, as Montville (1998) points out: “The act of acknowledgment to be effective must be complete and detailed. The victim cannot accept the omission of any painful episode of loss by the acknowledging side, otherwise the good faith of the acknowledgment will be suspect.”2. Contrition. The next step is to take responsibility for past actions, to express regret, and to directly request forgiveness. Again, sincerity, as judged by the victims, is the key to the success of this step.3. Forgiveness. The first two steps by the oppressor/aggressor prepare the ground for the final psychological step, which is the victim’s voluntary forgiveness of past injuries. It may take time for victims to express their forgiveness, but true acknowledgment and contrition by the other side will in themselves have a positive effect on relations between the parties (Montville, 1998).Montville envisions reconciliation occurring in specially designed “workshop” contexts where participants from both sides feel secure, and trained neutral third parties conduct various therapeutic exercises such as “walks through history.” Reported results indicate that this kind of intimate, smallscale activity can bring about real transformation in attitudes and relationships among former enemies. However, where aspects of the reconciliation process have been applied at the national level to entire societies the results, while positive in certain respects, are on the whole more ambiguous. At present, states trying to get beyond their dark pasts seem to inevitably face a cruel short-term tradeoff between reconciliation and justice.
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Lerche III, 1999’ (Charles, Director in the School of Graduate Studies, Norwich University “TRUTH COMMISSIONS AND NATIONAL RECONCILIATION” 1999 http://www.gmu.edu/programs/icar/pcs/LERCHE71PCS.html
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Violence, perceived injustice and negative stereotyping have combined over extended periods of time to render many contemporary conflicts inaccessible to standard non-violent resolution processes. In these situations violence, either latent or manifest, has become the status quo and any lasting change can only follow a transformation of the various dynamics underlying that status quo. Reconciliation is promoted by its theorists and practitioners as just such a tool of transformation. Reconciliation is currently essential to the construction of sustainable peace. It can be defined as a profound process of dialogue between conflicting parties, leading to the recognition of the “other” , and respect for his or her differences, interests and values Reconciliation is “the action of restoring broken relations” Reconciliation is..."the acknowledgment of the dignity of victims for long ignored. It restores the individual’s capacity to take hold of herself and to manage the future and herself in that future. It restores the capacity to live with or alongside the other. It allows us, while remembering, to bring closure to a chapter in our past. It enables us to live in the present, making our life as a nation and our lives as individuals in a shared future. It always remains a never-ending process" those who have suffered unjustified violent attacks have an enduring fear of their trauma re-occurring; a fear which undermines the possibility of developing renewed trust in their victimizers, and inhibits any true negotiation or eventual (re)integration with them True healing according can only come through reconciliation which involves a sequence of three steps:1. Acknowledgment. When oppressors publicly acknowledge what they have done, knowledge becomes, in a sense, truth, and victims are assured that the past will not repeat itself. This in itself is contributes to victims' healing and, thereby, facilitates dialogue The act of acknowledgment to be effective must be complete and detailed. The victim cannot accept the omission of any painful episode of loss by the acknowledging side, otherwise the good faith of the acknowledgment will be suspect.”2. Contrition. The next step is to take responsibility for past actions, to express regret, and to directly request forgiveness. . Forgiveness. The first two steps by the oppressor/aggressor prepare the ground for the final psychological step, which is the victim’s voluntary forgiveness of past injuries. It may take time for victims to express their forgiveness, but true acknowledgment and contrition by the other side will in themselves have a positive effect on relations between the parties where aspects of the reconciliation process have been applied at the national level to entire societies the results, while positive in certain respects, are on the whole more ambiguous. At present, states trying to get beyond their dark pasts seem to inevitably face a cruel short-term tradeoff between reconciliation and justice.
|
Reconciliation is essential to the construction of sustainable peace in the effected region and promotes a process of healing on a national level
| 4,647 | 145 | 2,999 | 684 | 23 | 459 | 0.033626 | 0.671053 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,316 |
In 2006, Mexico declared war against the drug trafficking organizations operating within its borders. While narcotic trafficking has always attracted crime and c rime groups, few expected the magnitude of the response from the Mexican transnational criminal organizations. The violence in Mexico has grown to unparalleled levels, occurring in more locations, with more frequency, and reaching previously unimagined levels of cruelty. Incidents of beheadings, mutilations, and piles of bodies left for public display are all too common. Additionally, corruption in the Mexican Criminal Justice System caused by these drug trafficking organizations has grown dramatically. This is exemplified by the firing of 3,200 federal police officers, almost 10% of the force, in August of 2010 for failing basic integrity tests (Beittel, 2012) The rampant escalation of corruption and violence in Mexico is beginning to affect the state of democracy (Beittel, 2012). Citizens are starting to question whether the government has the ability to protect them (Guerrero-Gutierrez, 2011) and if left unchecked, these criminal acts could cause more severe problems. The extensive use of violence and corruption by Mexican criminal organizations must be better understood in order to promote a peaceful and law-abiding society. To that end, this paper attempts t o bring new light to the problem by focusing on the victims of violence and corruption in order to determine if specific populations are more vulnerable to certain criminal acts than others. An individual’s role and its impact on drug trafficking directly affects the use of violence and corruption by Mexican crime organizations, the type, nature, degree and purpose behind the act, and the goal sought after.
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Courtney 13 (Matthew B., Honors Scholars degree student in the department of Criminal Justice at the Eastern Kentucky University School of Justice Studies. "Drug Trafficking Related Violence and Corruption Among Specific Populations in Mexico" (Spring 4-19-2013). Honors Theses. Paper 87. http://encompass.eku.edu/honors_theses/87)
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The violence in Mexico has grown to unparalleled levels, occurring in more locations, with more frequency, and reaching previously unimagined levels of cruelty. Incidents of beheadings, mutilations, and piles of bodies left for public display are all too common. Additionally, corruption in the Mexican Criminal Justice System caused by these drug trafficking organizations has grown dramatically The rampant escalation of corruption and violence in Mexico is beginning to affect the state of democracy Citizens are starting to question whether the government has the ability to protect them and if left unchecked, these criminal acts could cause more severe problems. The extensive use of violence and corruption by Mexican criminal organizations must be better understood in order to promote a peaceful and law-abiding society
|
Violence and corruption in Mexico are on the rise
| 1,754 | 50 | 828 | 266 | 9 | 123 | 0.033835 | 0.462406 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,317 |
Mexican President-elect Enrique Peña Nieto takes office today, but when Mexicans chose him as president in July, they voted for more than just a presidential platform. Voters elected to bring back to power a party that ran the state for 71 years through a combination of corruption and cronyism, and, at its worst, with a repressive authoritarian hand.¶ Some Mexicans do fear a return of past practices: Immediately upon his victory, Mr. Peña Nieto's Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) faced a scandal alleging that they systematically handed out gift cards in exchange for votes.¶ Many others, however, seem to think that Mexico of the 21st century leaves no space for the free reign that the PRI enjoyed while in power in the last century. and the PRI itself maintains it's a new party, just as committed to democratic principles as any other.¶ Still, it is corruption, in its many different forms, that is likely to be the party's constant challenge for the next six years.¶ Not only will the PRI likely have to continuously prove clean credentials to skeptics, corruption itself is deeply rooted in Mexico, affecting everything from fighting drug traffickers to collecting taxes. The National Action Party (PAN), which took power from the PRI in 2000, made some limited progress, but graft remains rampant. And corruption has morphed from a more localized problem of bribing to a sophisticated, multi-country phenomenon that involves multinationals and all three branches of government. Exhibit A is the recent Walmart scandal in Mexico, in which the American corporation allegedly bought permits to more quickly construct big-box stores here.¶ "Their biggest challenge is to convince people on the streets that they are really a new PRI. This is not going to be easy," says Eduardo Bohorquez, head of Transparencia Mexicana, the Mexican chapter of the global watchdog Transparency International.¶ "As much as the PRI says it wants to change... the levels of systemic corruption... have also changed in the past 15 years. [Corruption] includes bribing a police officer, but there is a much more sophisticated form of corruption today."¶ In order for the PRI to clamp down on the various forms that corruption takes, it will have to exercise a lot of political control, Mr. Bohorquez says. But then "it will resemble this idea of an authoritarian presidency. It's not a simple balance."
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Llana 12 (Sara Miller, The Christian Science Monitor, “Mexico inaugurates new President Peña Nieto, but takes on 'old' party reputation; Corruption will likely be a constant challenge for Peña Nieto and his PRI party, which ruled Mexico for 71 years largely through graft before it lost the presidency in 2000.” December 1, 2012, http://www.lexisnexis.com.lib-proxy.fullerton.edu/lnacui2api/auth/checkbrowser.do?ipcounter=1&cookieState=0&rand=0.5233570411862154&bhcp=1)
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Voters elected to bring back to power a party that ran the state for 71 years through a combination of corruption and cronyism, and, at its worst, with a repressive authoritarian hand.¶ Some Mexicans do fear a return of past practices: Immediately upon his victory, Mr. Peña Nieto's PRI) faced a scandal alleging that they systematically handed out gift cards in exchange for votes.¶ Still, it is corruption, in its many different forms, that is likely to be the challenge for the next six years corruption itself is deeply rooted in Mexico, affecting everything from fighting drug traffickers to collecting taxes. And corruption has morphed from a more localized problem of bribing to a sophisticated, multi-country phenomenon that involves multinationals and all three branches of government.
|
Corruption is deeply rooted in the Mexican government
| 2,394 | 54 | 794 | 388 | 8 | 126 | 0.020619 | 0.324742 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,318 |
As the United States deals with the problems in its own backyard, it should also be helping Mexico address its challenges. Until just last year, the United States provided less than $40 million a year in security funding to its southern neighbor -- in stark contrast to the $600 million designated for Colombia. This changed last June with Congress' passage of the Merida Initiative, which called for supplying $1.4 billion worth of equipment, software, and technical assistance to Mexico's military, police, and judicial forces over three years. Despite its many laudable elements, the Merida Initiative does not go far enough fast enough. For one thing, it is just too small. The current budget for Plan Colombia is twice as large as Mexico's 2009 allotment -- and that is for a country that does not share a border with the United States. And even the support for Plan Colombia pales next to the billions of dollars U.S. drug consumers supply to Mexico's enemies in this confrontation. Compared to other U.S. national security threats, Mexico remains an afterthought. The spending has also been far too slow. Although $700 million had been released by Congress as of April 2009, only $7 million had been spent. Despite the touted urgency, a cumbersome consultation process between the two countries, combined with a complicated dispersement process (since all of the assistance is in kind, not cash), has meant little headway even as the deaths mount. Most important, the focus of this aid is too narrow, reflecting a misunderstanding of Mexico's fundamental challenge. Unlike Colombia, which had to retake vast swaths of territory from guerrilla groups, paramilitary organizations, and drug cartels, the Mexican state has been able to quell the rising violence when it has deployed large and well-armed military units. So far, the cartels have put up limited resistance in the face of true shows of force by the state -- for instance, when the government sent in 7,000 troops to Ciudad Juárez in March 2009. Firepower is not the main issue; sustainability is. Mexico's Achilles' heel is corruption -- which in an electoral democracy cannot be stabilizing the way it was in the days of Mexico's autocracy. Under the PRI, the purpose of government policy was to assert power rather than govern by law. The opacity of court proceedings, the notorious graft of the police forces, and the menacing presence of special law enforcement agencies were essential elements of an overall system of political, economic, and social control. Rather than acting as a check or balance on executive power, the judiciary was often just another arm of the party, used to reward supporters and intimidate opponents. Law enforcement, too, was used to control, rather than protect, the population. The decline of the PRI and the onset of electoral competition transformed the workings of the executive and legislative branches quite quickly, but the changes have had much less influence over the judicial branch or over law enforcement more generally. Instead, even after the transition to democracy, accountability mechanisms remain either nonexistent or defunct. Most of Mexico's various police forces continue to be largely incapable of objective and thorough investigations, having never received adequate resources or training. Impunity reigns: the chance of being prosecuted, much less convicted, of a crime is extremely low. As a result, Mexicans place little faith in their law enforcement and judicial systems. And as today's democratic government struggles to overcome this history through legislative reform, funding new programs for vetting and training and creating more avenues for citizen involvement, it faces a new threat: increasingly sophisticated, well-funded, and autonomous criminal organizations intent on manipulating the rule of law for their own benefit. The Merida Initiative provides some funding for institution building, but that is dwarfed by the amount spent on hardware. Furthermore, although Mexico's lawlessness is most intractable at the state and local levels, the Merida funding focuses almost solely on the federal level. This neglects some 325,000 officers -- 90 percent of the nation's police. It leaves out those on the frontlines who are most likely to face the ultimate Faustian bargain -- money or death -- from organized crime. The United States should expand Merida's focus to incorporate local and state-level initiatives and training, including vetting mechanisms similar to those envisioned for federal agents, training for local crime labs, training for judges and lawyers, and support for community policing programs. In the end, all lasting security is local.
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O’Neil 09 (Shannon, Douglas Dillon Fellow for Latin America Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations and Director of the CFR task force on U.S.-Latin American relations, “The Real War in Mexico: How Democracy Can Defeat the Drug Cartels”, Foreign Affairs, 88(4), P. 63, July/August 2009, http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/65175/shannon-k-oneil/the-real-war-in-mexico#)
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the Mexican state has been able to quell the rising violence when it has deployed large and well-armed military units. Firepower is not the main issue; sustainability is. Mexico's Achilles' heel is corruption which in an electoral democracy cannot be stabilizing the way it was in the days of Mexico's autocracy. Under the PRI, the purpose of government policy was to assert power rather than govern by law. The opacity of court proceedings, the notorious graft of the police forces, and the menacing presence of special law enforcement agencies were essential elements of an overall system of political, economic, and social control. Rather than acting as a check or balance on executive power, the judiciary was often just another arm of the party, used to reward supporters and intimidate opponents. Law enforcement, too, was used to control, rather than protect, the population. Instead, even after the transition to democracy, accountability mechanisms remain either nonexistent or defunct. Most of Mexico's various police forces continue to be largely incapable of objective and thorough investigations, the chance of being prosecuted, much less convicted, of a crime is extremely low. Mexicans place little faith in their law enforcement and judicial systems. And as today's democratic government struggles to overcome this history through legislative reform, funding new programs for vetting and training and creating more avenues for citizen involvement, it faces a new threat: increasingly sophisticated, well-funded, and autonomous criminal organizations intent on manipulating the rule of law for their own benefit.
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Corruption is Mexico’s Achilles heel – hinders accountability and causes mistrust
| 4,693 | 81 | 1,627 | 738 | 11 | 247 | 0.014905 | 0.334688 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
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2013
|
5,319 |
The present study focuses ¶ on Mexico and tests the effects of perceptions of corruption on public opinion, a ¶ relevant issue in most Latin American emerging democracies.¶ Corruption is a complex problem that takes different forms: abuse and misuse ¶ of power, manipulation of electoral results, black market operations, illegal foreign ¶ transactions, unaudited revenues, fraud, perversion of justice, extortion, falsification of records, unauthorized sale of public offices, and tax evasion (Caiden 2001, 17). It ¶ has been defined as an activity that “involves behavior on the part of officials in the ¶ public sector, whether politicians or civil servants, in which they improperly and unlawfully enrich themselves, or those close to them, by the misuse of the public power ¶ entrusted to them” (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development 2008, ¶ 23). Although the meaning of corruption has not been regularly surveyed in Mexico, ¶ empirical data suggest that bribe-taking by officials and fraudulent elections are the two ¶ main types of corruption identified by citizens. People associate corruption with the ¶ use of public office for personal gain. In 1998, 76 percent of Mexicans perceived that ¶ most government officials were corrupt and accepted bribes (Klesner 2001, 127).¶ Mexicans also view fraud in electoral results as a serious form of corruption. ¶ In 1998, 61 percent of respondents stated that elections were regularly fraudulent ¶ (Klesner 2001, 127). The empirical evidence suggests that voters consider corruption to be a problem primarily entailing both the acceptance of improper “gifts” ¶ (bribes) by officials and illegal actions in political competitions (fraudulent elections) (Klesner 2001, 125).¶ t¶ he ¶ m¶ exican ¶ c¶ ontext
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Gómez-Vilchis 12 (Ricardo, PhD candidate in Political Science at the University of California, San Diego who obtained an M.A. in Political and Social Studies from the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) with honors, “Changes in Perceptions of Corruption and Presidential Approval in Mexico”, Public Integrity. October 1, 2012; 14(4), pg. 343-344. http://web.ebscohost.com.lib-proxy.fullerton.edu/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?sid=9f9394bf-bb77-4c16-9e1d-633b33c9faa2%40sessionmgr10&vid=6&hid=10)
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Corruption is a complex problem that takes different forms: abuse and misuse of power, manipulation of electoral results, black market operations, illegal foreign transactions, unaudited revenues, fraud, perversion of justice, extortion, falsification of records, unauthorized sale of public offices, and tax evasion It has been defined as an activity that “involves behavior on the part of officials in the public sector in which they improperly and unlawfully enrich themselves, or those close to them, by the misuse of the public power entrusted to them in Mexico, empirical data suggest that bribe-taking by officials and fraudulent elections are the two main types of corruption identified by citizens. People associate corruption with the use of public office for personal gain. In 1998, 76 percent of Mexicans perceived that most government officials were corrupt and accepted bribes
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The majority of Mexicans perceive that government officials are corrupt
| 1,779 | 71 | 903 | 274 | 10 | 134 | 0.036496 | 0.489051 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
|
2013
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5,320 |
Historically, the judgment of many public officials in Mexico has been influenced by private interests, leading these officials (and, consequently) the state to take erroneous decisions in order to maintain their preferential and privileged status about ordinary citizens rather than serving public needs. This is not to suggest that corruption is absent from the private of business sectors, nor that corruption at both the international and the national levels does not pose an equally serious problem for the country. In fact, in some instances, private sector corruption can actually prove far more damaging than its political/administrative counterpart because it can go unnoticed by the general public whereas the public sector is more closely monitored du to the nature of its functions.
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Gonzálex et al. ’06 (José C. Garcia, The University of Miami Inter-American Law Review, “Public Sector Corruption in Mexico: Social Representations among the Legal Community of the Federal District”, Vol. 37, No. 2) Winter, 2006 pg. 232
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This is not to suggest that corruption is absent from the private of business sectors, nor that corruption at both the international and the national levels does not pose an equally serious problem for the country. In fact, in some instances, private sector corruption can actually prove far more damaging than its political/administrative counterpart because it can go unnoticed by the general public whereas the public sector is more closely monitored du to the nature of its functions.
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Corruption in Mexico has not only spread at a political level but in the private sector as well
| 794 | 95 | 488 | 121 | 18 | 78 | 0.14876 | 0.644628 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
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2013
|
5,321 |
MEXICO CITY -- But with governors from opposing political parties succeeding one another and doing away with the unspoken pact of the PRI years, in which incoming leaders protected departing ones, a system of checks and balances -- some have called it political retribution -- is emerging. Freedom of information laws, recent legislative overhauls demanding more accountability from state governments and an increasingly technologically engaged society have been more successful at preventing murky finances from going unquestioned. As a result, tales of disgraced former governors are becoming a staple of the news here, and are part of what Mr. Zárate calls an ''incipient democracy.'' In 2011, the federal attorney general's office opened an investigation into a $3 billion debt in the state of Coahuila, acquired mostly during the administration of Humberto Moreira, a former president of the PRI, which recovered the presidency in December. The former governor of the state of Aguascalientes, Luis Armando Reynoso, is being investigated over improper exercise of public service, news organizations have reported. Last year, Mario Ernesto Villanueva Madrid, the former governor of the state of Quintana Roo who was extradited to the United States in 2010, pleaded guilty to conspiring to launder millions of dollars in bribes he received from the powerful Juárez drug organization, to ensure that its cocaine moved safely through his state, undisturbed by law enforcement. Inroads in transparency, however, have yet to change the culture and mentality of ''El que no tranza, no avanza,'' or ''He who does not cheat, does not get ahead,'' a popular motto here. And these victories have yet to transform the country's image abroad: Mexico fell in Transparency International's corruption perception index to 105th place in 2012 from 57th in 2002, with a lower ranking indicating that the country is seen as more corrupt. ''We still don't have accountability,'' said Mr. Cancino, the political analyst, who warned that progress in transparency practices at the federal level would slowly make their way down to the local and state levels. ''There are still 32 battles that we have to wage,'' he said, referring to Mexico's 31 states and one federal district. Small gains in transparency, seen through scandals like the one enveloping Mr. Granier, have not translated into justice served, experts say. Governors are investigated but rarely charged. ''We know what is going on,'' said Sergio Aguayo, a political analyst at the Colegio de México. ''But no measures are being taken.'' Mexicans who are active on Twitter discuss these scandals for days and sometimes weeks, shaming politicians and pressing traditional news media to cover them extensively. But political analysts argue that there are no effective mechanisms yet to translate citizen participation into structural change. ''What do we do so that society goes from indignation to action?'' Mr. Cancino asked. In the meantime, former politicians who endure public scrutiny and a dose of humiliation often come out of these scandals largely unscathed. In April, the newspaper Reforma reported that Mr. Moreira, the repudiated former Coahuila governor, was living with his family in an upscale neighborhood in Barcelona, Spain, while attending a local university. ‘
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Zabludovsky 13 (Karla, The NY Times, “Official Corruption in Mexico, Once Rarely Exposed, Is Coming to Light,” June 23, 2013, http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/24/world/americas/official-corruption-in-mexico-once-rarely-exposed-is-starting-to-come-to-light.html?_r=0 )
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Freedom of information laws, recent legislative overhauls demanding more accountability from state governments and an increasingly technologically engaged society have been more successful at preventing murky finances from going unquestioned. As a result, tales of disgraced former governors are becoming a staple of the news here Inroads in transparency, however, have yet to change the culture and mentality of ''He who does not cheat, does not get ahead,'' Mexico fell in Transparency International's corruption perception index to 105th place in 2012 from 57th in 2002, with a lower ranking indicating that the country is seen as more corrupt. Small gains in transparency, seen through scandals have not translated into justice served no measures are being taken.'' Mexicans who are active on Twitter discuss these scandals for days and sometimes weeks, shaming politicians and pressing traditional news media to cover them extensively. But political analysts argue that there are no effective mechanisms yet to translate citizen participation into structural change. ''What do we do so that society goes from indignation to action?'
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Gains in transparency ineffective because cheating is still the norm
| 3,322 | 69 | 1,137 | 516 | 10 | 171 | 0.01938 | 0.331395 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,322 |
Political corruption raises several issues regarding the relationship between citizens and their governments. At one level, when the highest authorities are frequently implicated in electoral manipulation, financial scandals, or the abuse of public resources to achieve personal benefits, their bases of authority and legitimacy may be seriously undermined. At another level, corruption constitutes a violation of the unwritten contract between citizen and public official. Political corruption "distorts public demands, increases the cost, reduces quality, and delays the completion of public works, delays access to public administration for those people who do not pay bribes and reduces the productivity" of all those involved with the state (Della Porta 2000). Thus it is no surprise that some scholars view corruption as a "common and profound obstacle to the consolidation of new democracies" (Schedler et al. 1999, 1). A vital step in combating political corruption is that citizens be able to hold leaders accountable when they engage in malfeasance. For this "vertical accountability" (O'Donnell 1999) to exist, citizens need to be able to hold political leaders to some standard and punish them when they violate that standard. Accountability of this sort entails two additional requirements. First, citizens must accurately perceive corruption when it does exist. If citizens simply believe that all politicians are corrupt, this would most likely bode poorly for the fate of democracy, as none of the electoral alternatives would appeal to citizens. Additionally, there would be nothing left to explain if citizens from all countries viewed their democratic leaders as either all being corrupt or not corrupt at all. We find that possibility unlikely. Second, citizens need to adjust their opinions of the relevant leaders (or institutions) accordingly. Thus, when citizens accurately perceive corruption and they adjust their opinions of the leader, they will be better able to hold that leader accountable through democratic processes (elections, judicial procedures, protest, and so on). Positive consequences can result when citizens identify certain leaders or political institutions as corrupt and they are able to hold them accountable through various forms of sanction. When political leaders are thought to be corrupt and the legislature or citizens hold the leader accountable, this is an example of democracy in action. However, if citizens misplace blame, it is possible that corruption can have a destabilizing affect on democratic political systems. For instance, if citizens believe that corruption is an inherent component of a democratic regime and not merely attributable to an individual political leader or institution, this may weaken support for democracy as a form of governance, thereby increasing the risk that an alternate regime will emerge. Therefore, it is critically important to identify whether citizens can accurately assess the level of corruption in their nation and whether perceptions of corruption affect their support for the incumbent government, the political system and democracy as a system of governance.
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Canache & Allison 05 (Damarys & Michael E., “Perceptions of Political Corruption in Latin American Democracies”, Latin American Politics and Society, Vol. 47, No. 3 (Autumn, 2005), pp. 92-93, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4490419)
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Political corruption raises several issues regarding the relationship between citizens and their governments. when the highest authorities are frequently implicated scandals, their bases of authority and legitimacy may be seriously undermined. Political corruption "distorts public demands, increases the cost, reduces quality, and delays the completion of public works, delays access to public administration for those people who do not pay bribes and reduces the productivity" of all those involved with the state A vital step in combating political corruption is that citizens be able to hold leaders accountable when they engage in malfeasance. citizens need to be able to hold political leaders to some standard and punish them when they violate that standard. if citizens misplace blame, it is possible that corruption can have a destabilizing affect on democratic political systems. if citizens believe that corruption is an inherent component of a democratic regime and not merely attributable to an individual political leader or institution, this may weaken support for democracy as a form of governance, thereby increasing the risk that an alternate regime will emerge. Therefore, it is critically important to identify whether citizens can accurately assess the level of corruption in their nation and whether perceptions of corruption affect their support for the incumbent government, the political system and democracy as a system of governance.
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Political corruption is destabilizing and reduces productivity of the state
| 3,161 | 75 | 1,460 | 471 | 10 | 217 | 0.021231 | 0.460722 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,323 |
It is fashionable in the United States these days to assert that Mexico has arrived on the world stage economically and politically. Certainly, Mexico’s political, business and union elites have acquired great wealth — explained and unexplained — since the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement with the United States and Canada in the 1990s. Yet the vast majority of Mexicans face a daily struggle to survive under a government that is often either absent or corrupt, high levels of common and organized crime, a chronic lack of formal employment opportunities, and the highest levels of insecurity since the Mexican Revolution. Though it is now caught in a painful political transition, Mexico has the potential to become a world-class economic and political powerhouse. But it’s not there yet. Several necessary ingredients are missing. All countries, of course, are afflicted to some degree with internal organized crime. Russia and China generate criminal groups even more powerful than those in Mexico; West European nations face the lawless cross-border activities of many well-financed criminal groups. But none of these countries experience such extreme forms of organized violence as do Mexico and some of its Central American neighbors, all of which face unprecedented rates of homicide, human trafficking, kidnapping and extortion. Illegal drugs and the access to weapons do not in themselves cause such extremes. Studies show that organized crime syndicates usually try to avoid confrontation with strong central governments, preferring to operate in local and regional markets that augment the lucrative trade in illicit narcotics. ¶ Mexico’s extreme violence is caused rather by the power vacuums and failures created by the country’s chronically corrupt governments. The corruption creates huge incentives for criminal groups to consolidate their markets through savage competition for voids in “authority.” Under the previous conservative federal administration, states like Michoacan appeared to have been infiltrated by sophisticated criminal enterprises, such as La Familia Michoacana. In 2010, the half-brother of the Michoacan governor was forced out of his seat in Congress after he was accused of being a top-ranking member of La Familia, and he remains on the run. In 2009, three dozen mayors in the state were arrested and accused of working for organized crime, though later the charges were dropped. ¶ Prosecution of political figures in Michoacan was made difficult because prosecutors were under the complete political control of the party running the federal government. Moreover, the rights of the accused, all of whom belonged to opposition parties, were often violated, making any indictments legally unsustainable. ¶ More recently, the current federal administration arrested the leader of the national teachers’ union on charges of embezzling 2 billion pesos in union funds. Before her indictment, she had voiced objections to the education reforms of President Enrique Peña Nieto, which only strengthened the perception that criminal indictments are used for political purposes. ¶ In the 12 years that the Institutional Revolutionary Party (P.R.I.) was out of power, until it retook the presidency in 2012, many but not all of the authoritarian institutions that developed during more than 70 years of P.R.I. rule were dismantled. Yet it has been far more difficult to fill the resulting power vacuums with legitimate and stable democratic institutions.
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Buscaglia 13 (Edgardo, He received a master's in law and economics and a Ph.D. in economics from the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. A fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University and director of the International Law and Economic Development Centre, he serves as a legal/economic senior adviser to several international organizations (e.g. UN and World Bank), bilateral institutions in the United States (e.g. USAID) and in Europe (e.g. GTZ), and the US Government. “Mexico’s Deadly Power Vacuum”, The International Herald Tribune, Published May 30, 2013, http://www.nytimes.com/2013/05/31/opinion/global/mexicos-deadly-power-vacuum.html)
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the vast majority of Mexicans face a daily struggle to survive under a government that is often either absent or corrupt, high levels of common and organized crime, a chronic lack of formal employment opportunities, and the highest levels of insecurity since the Mexican Revolution. All countries are afflicted to some degree with internal organized crime But none experience such extreme forms of organized violence as do Mexico and some of its Central American neighbors, all of which face unprecedented rates of homicide, human trafficking, kidnapping and extortion Mexico’s extreme violence is caused rather by the power vacuums and failures created by the country’s chronically corrupt governments In the years that the was out of power many but not all of the authoritarian institutions that developed during more than 70 years of P.R.I. rule were dismantled. Yet it has been far more difficult to fill the resulting power vacuums with legitimate and stable democratic institutions.
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Extreme violence in Mexico caused by failures of the corrupt government
| 3,503 | 71 | 988 | 534 | 11 | 155 | 0.020599 | 0.290262 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,324 |
A year and nine months ago I’d never have believed that I’d be here today. Every morning I’m surprised by life and open my eyes on a burnt out country where in six years more than 60,000 people have been executed by the government or organised crime. Their eyes will never open again. I’m surprised by being able to embrace my children, my mother and my siblings in a country where more than 18,000 children, teenagers and parents have disappeared in a phoney war against drug trafficking. Their families will never embrace them again.¶ In December 2010 when the book ‘The Drug Lords’, a product of five years of journalistic investigation, was published, I was sentenced to death by high-ranking officials of the Ministry of Public Security of president Felipe Calderón’s government for having exposed his relationship with kidnappers and the Sinaloa Cartel, the most powerful cartel in the world according to the United States’ Drug Enforcement Administration. Since the 1st December 2010 a price has been put on my head and on that day I decided to fight for my life. Since then I have been on the verge of losing the things that I love the most. My family was attacked, my sisters have been harassed in their homes by armed thugs, my information sources now feature on the list of missing persons, have been killed or unjustly imprisoned. Every day I live with this weight in my heart, never knowing when my time will be up.¶ The world looks to a burnt out Mexico but never quite understands what goes on here and consequently does not realise that this could happen anywhere on earth. I have had the chance to talk with journalists from all over the world who have come to Mexico over the course of recent years to experience the adrenaline of the safari of terror and death. They come in search of shootings, corpses and pieces of bodies; they count the hangings and interview hit men, but never get to the bottom of the problem.¶ The Nobel Prize for Literature winner, Mario Vargas Llosa once said that there existed in Mexico a ‘perfect dictatorship’. In Mexico today there is a ‘perfect criminal dictatorship’. The most repressive regime of all time is that of the power of organised crime that has blended with Mexico’s political and economic power thanks to a corrupt and unpunished national system. This combination of a drowsy society divided by indifference or terror makes for the perfect milieu for this perverse regime to maintain itself and grow. To think this, say this or write this is more dangerous in Mexico than being a drug-trafficker or working for them.¶ This is the power that has murdered thousands of innocent children, youths, women and men. This is the power that has seized areas of Mexican territory and subjected the population to a regime of terror, extortion, kidnapping and impunity. This is the power that obstructs freedom of expression, the power that has executed 82 journalists over the course of a decade, has caused more than 16 to disappear and threatened hundreds, such as myself. 80% of these cases have taken place under the government of the current outgoing president, Felipe Calderón.¶ This is the power that ensures that crimes against journalists go unpunished. So as to wash their hands before public opinion and the international community, the government of Mexico, which is currently considered the most dangerous place on earth to work as a journalist, claims to have created a prosecution office to protect journalists and resolve cases of their murder. This office has done nothing but conceal the consent of federal and local government in the murder of journalists. Its budget has been reduced by up to 74%, an indication of governmental interest, and 90% of cases remain unpunished. In only one of every ten cases has the alleged perpetrator been jailed.¶ The crisis within Mexico with regard to freedom of expression has been devastating. The media are afraid and preserve their economic interests with the government, and barely fight back when their journalists are killed, are threatened or disappear. There is inaction in part due to a lack of solidarity in the union and among the dynamic media egotists that well you know, but also because the government has criminalised murdered journalists in general, as well as anyone who tries to defend them. Family members have no way out; they collect pieces of tortured and dismembered journalists who have been dumped in rubbish sacks. They must be quiet and keep their heads down when the infamous government, with no evidence whatsoever, claims that the journalist was involved in trafficking.
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Hernandez 12 (Anabel, 2012 laureate of the WAN-IFRA (World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers) Golden Pen of Freedom known for her investigative reporting on corruption and the abuse of power in Mexican politics, from Anabel Hernández’ Golden Pen of Freedom Acceptance Speech “Living”, August 22, 2012, http://www.wan-ifra.org/articles/2012/08/22/anabel-hernandez-golden-pen-of-freedom-acceptance-speech)
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in six years more than 60,000 people have been executed by the government or organised crime. The most repressive regime of all time is that of the power of organised crime that has blended with Mexico’s political and economic power thanks to a corrupt and unpunished national system. This combination of a drowsy society divided by indifference or terror makes for the perfect milieu for this perverse regime to maintain itself and grow. To think this, say this or write this is more dangerous in Mexico than being a drug-trafficker or working for them This is the power that has murdered thousands of innocent children, youths, women and men seized areas of Mexican territory and subjected the population to a regime of terror, extortion, kidnapping and impunity. This is the power that obstructs freedom of expression, the power that has executed 82 journalists over the course of a decade
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Organized crime has blended in with Mexico’s national system and repressed human rights
| 4,610 | 87 | 892 | 778 | 13 | 149 | 0.01671 | 0.191517 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,325 |
In a phrase, Mexico has democratized (though it has transited along its own rather unique path). Hence, the broader, theoretical question addressed here centers on the impact of democracy and democratization on political corruption. At a very general level, theory predicts that democracy reduces corruption (Johnston 1998; Rose-Ackerman 1999). It does so through both structural and institutional as well as ideological and cultural mechanisms. At the structural and institutional level, democracy restrains the behavior of the elite by holding them accountable for their actions (i.e., making officials answerable for their behavior and subject to some form of sanction for behavior deemed un- satisfactory) (Etzioni-Halevy 2002, 233; Mainwaring and Welna 2003; O’Donnell 1994, 1998, 2003).4 This includes, above all, elections—a critical tool of vertical accountability—which allow the general public a means, albeit crude, to hold their elected officials answerable and to reward good behavior and punish bad (Downs 1957; Rose-Ackerman 1999, 127–142). It also includes basic freedoms (press freedoms, freedom of expression), a second mechanism of vertical or societal accountability, which allow citizens, the press, and autonomous social organizations to collect and expose information on public officials independently of the government, to lobby for policy changes, to engage in open public debate, and to operate unfettered by government intervention (Adserá, Boix, and Payne 2003; Brunetti and Weder 2003; Smulovitz and Peruzzotti 2000). Democracy also embraces key mechanisms of horizontal accountability whereby government monitors itself. This occurs through autonomous auditing mechanisms within the government as well as through shared powers and checks and balances across the various branches of government. Through such horizontal mechanisms, democracy structurally seeks to “pit ambition against ambition” so as to control and check the behavior of the elite, as James Madi- son famously noted in Federalist Paper no. 51 (see also Laffont and N’Gues- san 1999).In addition to its structural and institutional effects, democracy also works to curb corruption by way of its ideological and cultural foundations. The philosophical, normative discourse informing the institutions of democracy privileges basic notions of equality and justice, of citizenship, and of openness and accountability: values clearly antithetical to corruption. The very essence of democracy holds that government should serve the interests of the people (popular sovereignty), that the people have a fundamental right to know about the affairs of state in order to fulfill their role as citizens, and, as such, that the rulers are fundamentally answerable to or accountable to the people (Dahl 1998; Warren 2004). Democracy thus nourishes popular demands and pressures for good government and for justice—forces driving efforts to detect and punish corruption—while raising, at the same time, the threshold of intolerance toward those within government who violate the law (Shirk and Ríos Cázares 2007, 7). The very idea of democracy itself, in short, lofts the issue of corruption high atop the political agenda.Viewed from a slightly different angle, democracy heightens the importance of corruption because corruption constitutes a threat to democracy. By converting collective goods into personal favors, corruption undermines the provision of justice (Johnston 2005). By denying citizens access and a role in determining collective decisions and actions, corruption disempowers people (Warren 2004). By distorting and crippling government responsiveness to popular demands, corruption undermines the meaning of citizenship and the rule of law. Even the perception of corrupt politicians and institutions erodes the foundations of trust essential to democracy (Warren 2004). In a sense, then, corruption and democracy represent opposing forces, one embodying the philosophical ideal of taming corruption and ensuring equal justice for all—a government for the people, rather than for the rulers—the other threatening to undermine the very meaning and existence of democracy itself.
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Morris, ‘9 (Stephen, University of South Alabama department of political science, Political Corruption in Mexico: The Impact of Democratization, https://www.rienner.com/uploads/4a0b19b1192c4.pdf) 2009, pg. 4-6
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In a phrase, Mexico has democratized Hence, the broader, theoretical question addressed here centers on the impact of democracy and democratization on political corruption At the structural and institutional level, democracy restrains the behavior of the elite by holding them accountable for their actions Democracy also embraces key mechanisms of horizontal accountability whereby government monitors itself. This occurs through autonomous auditing mechanisms within the government as well as through shared powers and checks and balances across the various branches of government. democracy also works to curb corruption by way of its ideological and cultural foundations. The philosophical, normative discourse informing the institutions of democracy privileges basic notions of equality and justice, of citizenship, and of openness and accountability: values clearly antithetical to corruption The very essence of democracy holds that government should serve the interests of the people (popular sovereignty), that the people have a fundamental right to know about the affairs of state in order to fulfill their role as citizens, and, as such, that the rulers are fundamentally answerable to or accountable to the people Democracy thus nourishes popular demands and pressures for good government and for justice—forces driving efforts to detect and punish corruption—while raising, at the same time, the threshold of intolerance toward those within government who violate the law The very idea of democracy itself, in short, lofts the issue of corruption high atop the political agenda.Viewed from a slightly different angle, democracy heightens the importance of corruption because corruption constitutes a threat to democracy. By converting collective goods into personal favors, corruption undermines the provision of justice By distorting and crippling government responsiveness to popular demands, corruption undermines the meaning of citizenship and the rule of law. Even the perception of corrupt politicians and institutions erodes the foundations of trust essential to democracy In a sense, then, corruption and democracy represent opposing forces, one embodying the philosophical ideal of taming corruption and ensuring equal justice for all—a government for the people, rather than for the rulers—the other threatening to undermine the very meaning and existence of democracy itself.
|
The corruption in Mexico is undermining its potential to be a successful democracy.
| 4,176 | 84 | 2,399 | 601 | 13 | 344 | 0.021631 | 0.572379 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,326 |
Brazen assassinations, kidnappings, and intimidation by drug lords conjure up images of Colombia in the early 1990s. Yet today it is Mexico that is engulfed by escalating violence. Over 10,000 drug-related killings have occurred since President Felipe Calderón took office in December 2006; in 2008 alone, there were over 6,000. Drug cartels have begun using guerrilla-style tactics: sending heavily armed battalions to attack police stations and assassinating police officers, government officials, and journalists. And they have also adopted innovative public relations strategies to recruit supporters and intimidate their enemies: displaying narcomantas -- banners hung by drug traffickers -- in public places and uploading videos of gruesome beheadings to YouTube. Washington is just waking up to the violence next door. Last December, the U.S. Joint Forces Command's Joint Operating Environment, 2008 paired Mexico with Pakistan in its discussion of "worst-case scenarios" -- states susceptible to "a rapid and sudden collapse." In January, Michael Hayden, the departing CIA chief, claimed that Mexico could become "more problematic than Iraq," and Michael Chertoff, the departing secretary of homeland security, announced that the Department of Homeland Security has a "contingency plan for border violence, so if we did get a significant spillover, we have a surge -- if I may use that word -- capability." The U.S. media breathlessly proclaims that Mexico is "on the brink." This rising hysteria clouds the real issues for Mexico and for the United States. The question is not whether the Mexican state will fail. It will not. The Mexican state does, and will continue to, collect taxes, run schools, repair roads, pay salaries, and manage large social programs throughout the country. The civilian-controlled military has already extinguished any real guerrilla threats. The government regularly holds free and fair elections, and its legitimacy, in the eyes of its citizens and of the world, is not questioned. The actual risk of the violence today is that it will undermine democracy tomorrow. What has changed in Mexico in recent years is not the drug trade but that a fledgling market-based democracy has arisen. Although an authoritarian legacy persists, power now comes from the ballot box. This transformation has coincided with the rise of Mexico's middle class, which, now nearly 30 million strong, has supported more open politics and markets. But Mexico's democratic system is still fragile. And by disrupting established payoff systems between drug traffickers and government officials, democratization unwittingly exacerbated drug-related violence. The first two freely elected governments have struggled to respond, hampered by electoral competition and the decentralization of political power. Yet in the long run, only through true democratic governance will Mexico successfully conquer, rather than just paper over, its security challenges. For the safety and prosperity of Mexico and the United States, Washington must go beyond its current focus on border control to a more ambitious goal: supporting Mexico's democracy.
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O’Neil 09 (Shannon, Douglas Dillon Fellow for Latin America Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations and Director of the CFR task force on U.S.-Latin American relations, “The Real War in Mexico: How Democracy Can Defeat the Drug Cartels”, Foreign Affairs, 88(4), P. 63, July/August 2009, http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/65175/shannon-k-oneil/the-real-war-in-mexico#)
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today Mexico is engulfed by escalating violence Over 10,000 drug-related killings have occurred since December 2006; in 2008 alone, there were over 6,000 The question is not whether the Mexican state will fail. It will not. The actual risk of the violence today is that it will undermine democracy tomorrow. Mexico's democratic system is still fragile. in the long run, only through true democratic governance will Mexico successfully conquer, rather than just paper over, its security challenges. For the safety and prosperity of Mexico and the United States, Washington must go to a more ambitious goal: supporting Mexico's democracy
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Mexico engulfed by escalating violence – only democracy solves
| 3,149 | 62 | 635 | 472 | 9 | 99 | 0.019068 | 0.209746 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,327 |
Though cross-sectional (static) research suggests that democracy may eventually lead to a reduction in corruption (at least based on the current state of democracy worldwide), the link is clearly not automatic. As Rose-Ackerman (1999, 226) notes, “Corruption cannot be expected to wither away just because a reform government has taken power.” This suggests, at least theoretically, that corruption may actually increase during the process of democratization or at best remain unchanged before it falls at some point in the future. And in-deed, analysts highlight how in the years following the celebrated return to democracy in the 1980s in Latin America, corruption actually increased (or, as most would concede, failed to fall appreciably as theoretically predicted) (Weyland 1998; Geddes and Neto 1992, 1998; Brown and Cloke 2004, 2005). Or as Mark Robinson (1998, 2) concludes, “Democratic structures have proved markedly ineffective in curbing the spread and tenacity of corrupt practices in developing countries.”7
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Based on this consensus finding—that democracy does seem to reduce corruption, but only over time—it seems fruitful to distinguish democracy (a state) from democratization (a process) and to differentiate their effects on corruption.
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Though cross-sectional (static) research suggests that democracy may eventually lead to a reduction in corruption the link is clearly not automatic As Rose-Ackerman notes, “Corruption cannot be expected to wither away just because a reform government has taken power.” This suggests, at least theoretically, that corruption may actually increase during the process of democratization or at best remain unchanged before it falls at some point in the future
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With long exposure to a successful democracy, the corruption in Mexico is more likely to change.
| 1,021 | 97 | 455 | 152 | 16 | 68 | 0.105263 | 0.447368 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,328 |
This paper will discuss Mexico's fight against corruption. For years, Mexico has unfortunately been synonymous to the rest of the world with at least two things. The first set includes beaches, food, mariachis, and maybe some pyramids. The second refers to a pervasive idea of some kind of corruption, mordidas (bribes), and drug trafficking. With that in mind, the Mexican Government has attempted, for several years now, to combat corruption through diverse mechanisms. The latest one is the formal incorporation of different social sectors into the fight against corruption. This is due to the premise that the fight against corruption is a shared responsibility and not a responsibility solely of the government.
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Labardini ’03 (Rodrigo, International Enforcement Law Rep., United States-Mexico Law Journal, “The Fight Against Corruption in Mexico”http://www.lexisnexis.com/hottopics/lnacademic/?verb=sr&csi=156170&sr=TITLE(The%20Fight%20Against%20Corruption%20in%20Mexico)%20and%20date%20is%20April%201,%202003) Spring 2003, pg. N/A
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, Mexico has unfortunately been synonymous to the rest of the world with at least two things. The second refers to a pervasive idea of some kind of corruption, mordidas (bribes), and drug trafficking. With that in mind, the Mexican Government has attempted, for several years now, to combat corruption through diverse mechanisms. The latest one is the formal incorporation of different social sectors into the fight against corruption. This is due to the premise that the fight against corruption is a shared responsibility and not a responsibility solely of the government.
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The way public figures in the Mexican Government behave induce the main issue of corruption
| 716 | 92 | 574 | 112 | 15 | 92 | 0.133929 | 0.821429 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,329 |
Most of the studies under review brilliantly describe—often in graphic and depressing detail—life and death in Mexico in the twenty-first century. They depict ¶ how the illicit trade in drugs, corruption, impunity, and violence have become ¶ deeply ingrained in everyday life, creating what Howard Campbell refers to as a “complex blend of order and chaos, structure and antistructure” (17).¶ The linkages attending drug trafficking are many; their impacts hauntingly ¶ far reaching. The illicit trade in drugs has become an integral part of Mexico’s ¶ economy. Operating through vast networks of street and prison gangs, police, ¶ customs officials, front companies, banks, and many others, Mexican cartels employ an estimated 450,000 people; have operations throughout the United States ¶ and in parts of Central and South America, as well as Europe; and take in between ¶ $25 billion and $30 billion a year. Robert J. Bunker and John P. Sullivan estimate ¶ that the livelihood of some 3.2 million people in Mexico depends on the illicit ¶ trade in narcotics, a figure that does not include the thousands of people and ¶ billions of dollars involved in combating it (Bunker, 41). Indeed, DTOs provide ¶ financial opportunities where few others exist and pump needed funds into local ¶ economies. Drug traffickers pay for “schools and hospitals, pour[ing] money into ¶ churches and homes” (Beith, 87). They provide “gifts to children, assist victims ¶ of natural disasters, [and] generate employment in poor areas” (Grayson, 122). ¶ Overall, Charles Bowden estimates that between 30 percent and 60 percent of the ¶ Juárez economy runs on laundered drug money (45).¶ The contrasting forces of corruption and coercion in turn link the drug trade ¶ to the state. Considered the sine qua non of the drug trade, corruption is a major ¶ focus of all the works under review. They all address how governors, mayors, ¶ high-ranking officials in federal law enforcement, and military officers provide ¶ DTOs with access to the transportation routes needed to move their merchandise; ¶ how cartels buy the loyalty and protection of district commanders of the federal ¶ police and military; how police at all levels of government affiliated with drug ¶ cartels intimidate, kidnap, and murder their opponents, provide inside information to cartel leaders, and warn them via ¶ pitazos¶ (tips) of antidrug operations; how ¶ seized drugs often seem to disappear; how bribes to customs officials at airports ¶ facilitate the transportation of merchandise; and how bribes to prison officials allow capos either to continue to run their operations from behind bars or to escape, ¶ as in the case of “El Chapo” Guzmán.¶
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Morris 12 (Stephen D, professor and chair of the political science department at Middle Tennessee State University who received his Ph.D. from the University of Arizona, “Drugs, Violence, and Life in Mexico” in the Latin American Research Review, 47(2), pg 216-217, June 21, 2012, online access at http://lasa-2.univ.pitt.edu/LARR/prot/fulltext/Vol47no2/47-2_216-223_morris.pdf)
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the illicit trade in drugs, corruption, impunity, and violence have become deeply ingrained in everyday life, Operating through vast networks of street and prison gangs, police, ¶ customs officials, front companies, banks, and many others, Mexican cartels employ an estimated 450,000 people; have operations throughout the United States ¶ and in parts of Central and South America, as well as Europe; and take in between ¶ $25 billion and $30 billion a year. governors, mayors, ¶ high-ranking officials in federal law enforcement, and military officers provide ¶ DTOs with access to the transportation routes needed to move their merchandise; ¶ how cartels buy the loyalty and protection of district commanders of the federal ¶ police and military; how police at all levels of government affiliated with drug ¶ cartels intimidate, kidnap, and murder their opponents, provide inside information to cartel leaders, and warn them of antidrug operations; how ¶ seized drugs often seem to disappear; and how bribes to prison officials allow capos either to continue to run their operations from behind bars or to escape, ¶ as in the case of “El Chapo” Guzmán.¶
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The drug trade and corruption have economically and politically infiltrated Mexico
| 2,700 | 82 | 1,155 | 439 | 11 | 185 | 0.025057 | 0.421412 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,330 |
Efforts to confront and defeat drug trafficking and organized crime in Mexico are severely handicapped not only by corruption but also by the state’s inability to enforce the rule of law, by society’s lack of trust in government and the law itself, and by the fear spread by high-profile violence and insecurity. Nevertheless, the state has unleashed a massive crackdown marked by the militarization of vast portions of the country, daily raids, and a record number of arrests. This campaign has resulted in more than forty-five thousand violent deaths since 2006: police and military officers have killed those engaged in criminal activities; criminals (including corrupt police and military officers, and civilians disguised as them) have killed government officials and criminal rivals; and state officials and criminals alike have threatened, terrorized, and killed journalists, political activists, and citizens. Contesting the government’s claim that drug cartels are simply fighting and killing one another, Bowden contends that the “only certain thing is that various groups—gangs, the army, the city police, the state police, the federal police—are killing people in Juárez as a part of a war for drug profits” (23). Indeed, it is whispered in the city that the army is doing the killing (114). This view is partially reinforced by reports by human rights organizations and citizen complaints. Going beyond often dry and abstract academic analysis, some of the works under review seek to evoke what it is like to live (and die) in such horrid conditions, particularly in the border region or, as Campbell labels it, the “Drug War Zone.” At its core, this environment is fueled by deep-seated poverty and neglect, widespread lawlessness, impunity, and a lack of state authority. Where abstract laws are viewed as minor obstacles, and in practical terms no one is in charge, it seems, as Beith notes, that “[d]rugs are the only way to get ahead” (87). In ageneralized consumerist culture that glorifies material success, the illegal drug trade is a “caricatured celebration of consumerism and wealth” (Campbell, 9). Citizens “treat minor cross-border smuggling of food, clothing, medicine, and other items as a regular part of life rather than a moral crime” (Campbell, 31), and a “culture of illegality . . . seems to have won out over any other options” (Beith, 88). So, beyond a potential parallel state run by DTOs, Bunker sees a challenge to traditional values, an antivalue system. Similarly, Campbell notes the emergence of a powerful and complex social identity, replete with narcomansiones, narcoarte,narcointeligencia, narcoabogados, and ¶ narcocorridos,¶ and involving cultlike religions ¶ and blood and ritual sacrifice.
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Morris 12 (Stephen D, professor and chair of the political science department at Middle Tennessee State University who received his Ph.D. from the University of Arizona, “Drugs, Violence, and Life in Mexico” in the Latin American Research Review, 47(2), pg 217-218, June 21, 2012, online access at http://lasa-2.univ.pitt.edu/LARR/prot/fulltext/Vol47no2/47-2_216-223_morris.pdf)
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Efforts to confront and defeat drug trafficking and organized crime in Mexico are severely handicapped not only by corruption but also by the state’s inability to enforce the rule of law, by society’s lack of trust in government and the law itself, and by the fear spread by high-profile violence and insecurity. since 2006: police and military officers have killed those engaged in criminal activities; criminals have killed government officials and criminal rivals; and state officials and criminals alike have threatened, terrorized, and killed journalists, political activists, and citizens. At its core, this environment is fueled by deep-seated poverty and neglect, widespread lawlessness, impunity, and a lack of state authority
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Poverty and corruption cripple the anti-drug effort
| 2,739 | 52 | 735 | 427 | 7 | 110 | 0.016393 | 0.257611 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,331 |
Many have noted the strong interdependence between human rights violations and intractable conflict. Abuse of human rights often leads to conflict, and conflict typically results in human rights violations. It is not surprising, then, that human rights abuses are often at the center of wars and that protection of human rights is central to conflict resolution.[20]¶ Violations of political and economic rights are the root causes of many crises. When rights to adequate food, housing, employment, and cultural life are denied, and large groups of people are excluded from the society's decision-making processes, there is likely to be great social unrest. Such conditions often give rise to justice conflicts, in which parties demand that their basic needs be met.¶ Indeed, many conflicts are sparked or spread by violations of human rights. For example, massacres or torture may inflame hatred and strengthen an adversary's determination to continue fighting. Violations may also lead to further violence from the other side and can contribute to a conflict's spiraling out of control.¶ On the flip side, armed conflict often leads to the breakdown of infrastructure and civic institutions, which in turn undermines a broad range of rights. When hospitals and schools are closed, rights to adequate health and education are threatened. The collapse of economic infrastructure often results in pollution, food shortages, and overall poverty.[21] These various forms of economic breakdown and oppression violate rights to self-determination and often contribute to further human tragedy in the form of sickness, starvation, and lack of basic shelter. The breakdown of government institutions results in denials of civil rights, including the rights to privacy, fair trial, and freedom of movement. In many cases, the government is increasingly militarized, and police and judicial systems are corrupted. Abductions, arbitrary arrests, detentions without trial, political executions, assassinations, and torture often follow.¶ In cases where extreme violations of human rights have occurred, reconciliation and peacebuilding become much more difficult. Unresolved human rights issues can serve as obstacles to peace negotiations.[22] This is because it is difficult for parties to move toward conflict transformation and forgiveness when memories of severe violence and atrocity are still primary in their minds.
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Maiese 3 (Michelle, researcher at the Conflict Research Consortium, “Human Rights Violations”, July 2003, http://www.beyondintractability.org/bi-essay/human-rights-violations)
|
Many have noted the strong interdependence between human rights violations and intractable conflict. Abuse of human rights often leads to conflict human rights abuses are often at the center of wars and that protection of human rights is central to conflict resolution. Violations of political and economic rights are the root causes of many crises. When rights to adequate food, housing, employment, and cultural life are denied, and large groups of people are excluded from the society's decision-making processes, there is likely to be great social unrest. many conflicts are sparked or spread by violations of human rights. Violations may also lead to further violence from the other side and can contribute to a conflict's spiraling out of control.¶ armed conflict often leads to the breakdown of infrastructure and civic institutions, which in turn undermines a broad range of rights. The collapse of economic infrastructure often results in pollution, food shortages, and overall poverty. various forms of oppression violate rights to self-determination and often contribute to further human tragedy in the form of sickness, starvation, and lack of basic shelter. The breakdown of government institutions results in denials of civil rights the government is increasingly militarized, and police and judicial systems are corrupted. Abductions, arbitrary arrests, detentions without trial, political executions, assassinations, and torture often follow
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Violations of human rights cause war, economic collapse, starvation, and a myriad of other impacts
| 2,414 | 98 | 1,459 | 357 | 15 | 216 | 0.042017 | 0.605042 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,332 |
The number of conflict-related deaths is only a small indication of the tremendous amount of suffering, displacement and devastation caused by conflicts. Assaults on the fundamental right to life are widespread -- massacres, indiscriminate attacks on civilians, executions of prisoners, starvation of entire populations. Torture is common in internal conflicts, as are measures restricting people's freedom of movement -- forcible relocations, mass expulsions, denial of the right to seek asylum or the right to return to one's home. Women and girls are raped by soldiers and forced into prostitution, and children are abducted to serve as soldiers. Tens of thousands of people detained in connection with conflicts "disappear" each year, usually killed and buried in secret, leaving their families with the torment of not knowing their fate. Thousands of others are arbitrarily imprisoned and never brought to trial or, if they are, are subject to grossly unfair procedures. Homes, schools and hospitals are deliberately destroyed. Relief convoys, which try to assist civilians by providing humanitarian aid, are attacked. ¶ The denial of fundamental rights relating to employment, housing, food or the respect for cultural life, and large-scale discrimination and exclusion from the decision-making processes of society are the root causes of many grave crises today. Armed conflicts clearly illustrate the indivisibility and interdependence of all human rights. The collapse of infrastructure and civic institutions undermines the range of civil, economic, political and social rights. The rights to adequate health, housing, education, freedom of movement and expression, privacy and fair trial are only some of the fundamental rights and freedoms affected when hospitals and schools are closed, water and sanitation polluted, local administrations unable to function, and police and judicial systems shattered or corrupted. Government institutions often become increasingly militarized, with the armed forces assuming civilian policing functions and military courts trying civilians. Prolonged conflicts also affect rural areas; crops are destroyed, crippling productivity in subsistence farming and agriculture and leading to chronic food shortages, malnutrition and famines. Ill health and poverty are often the most devastating long-term consequences of conflicts.
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UN, no date (The United Nations, “Human Rights and Conflicts”, A United Nations Priority, http://www.un.org/rights/HRToday/hrconfl.htm)
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The number of conflict-related deaths is only a small indication of the tremendous amount of suffering, displacement and devastation caused by conflicts. Assaults on the fundamental right to life are widespread -- massacres, indiscriminate attacks on civilians, executions of prisoners, starvation of entire populations. Torture is common as are measures restricting people's freedom of movement -- forcible relocations, mass expulsions, Women and girls are raped by soldiers and forced into prostitution, and children are abducted to serve as soldiers. Tens of thousands of people detained in connection with conflicts "disappear" each year, usually killed and buried in secret, leaving their families with the torment of not knowing their fate. Thousands of others are arbitrarily imprisoned and never brought to trial or, if they are, are subject to grossly unfair procedures. Homes, schools and hospitals are deliberately destroyed. Relief convoys, which try to assist civilians by providing humanitarian aid, are attacked. ¶ The denial of fundamental rights relating to employment, housing, food or the respect for cultural life, and large-scale discrimination and exclusion from the decision-making processes of society are the root causes of many grave crises today. Prolonged conflicts also affect rural areas; crops are destroyed, crippling productivity in subsistence farming and agriculture and leading to chronic food shortages, malnutrition and famines. Ill health and poverty are often the most devastating long-term consequences of conflicts.
|
Denial of fundamental rights is the root cause of many conflicts today, the consequences of which are devastating
| 2,372 | 114 | 1,557 | 340 | 18 | 225 | 0.052941 | 0.661765 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,333 |
Conventional understanding of political discourse sharply distinguishes between the public and the private, culture and nature, thought and bodies. But this conventional understanding cannot make sense of the kinds of political witnessing that go on today, that indeed have gone on for a century. In times of trouble, people testify in public to the wrongs that have afflicted their entire beings, public and private, psyche and soma. Note the advent of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), convened in places from South Africa to Haiti.' In such political discourse, the distinctions between what is properly private and what is public begin to disintegrate. By speaking in public of the devastating crimes committed, often clandestinely, that robbed victims of their humanity, these speakers begin to restore their own and their nation's soul, especially its public space and public being. By attending to this kind of "public talk," we can recall, through a new framework, the old feminist mantra: the personal becomes political. Julia Kristeva is one of the few philosophers of our day to provide a language for thinking about how the personal becomes political, namely, how affective and somatic forces enter into language and culture. While it is true that, since Nietzsche, most every Marxist, pragmatic, and Wittgensteinian account of language has considered how subterranean forces make their way into public discourse, these accounts generally attend to the dynamics among people (historical, productive, and cultural) rather than the dynamics within them.3 Kristeva (ever indebted to Freud, Klein, and Lacan) focuses on how inner tumults make themselves felt in our shared language and world. Kristeva's engagement with Hannah Arendt suggests how affective forces might enter into and transform political space.4 While Kristeva is curiously silent on how her own theory of language can supplement Arendt's philosophy of the public sphere, her engagement resurrects the Aristotelian idea that what makes human beings political animals is language. As Aristotle writes in the Politics, "Nature makes nothing pointlessly, as we say, and no animal has speech except a human being... Speech is for making clear what is beneficial or harmful, and hence also what is just or unjust. For it is peculiar to human beings, in comparison to other animals, that they alone have perception of what is good or bad, just or unjust, and the rest. And it is community in these that makes a household and a city-state" (1253a7-18). In other words, human beings possess the ability not only to discern but also to talk, to share their inner world in public and so to create a public space, what Arendt call a "space of appearance." In Arendt's thoroughly Aristotelian view, if people do not take part in this space, then they haven't actualized their potential to be political beings. Following Aristotle, Arendt calls on people to enter this plural world. But what happens when people are denied entrance—when their title as citizens is revoked, not simply by overt disenfranchisement but through trauma and terror, political crimes of torture, rape, and other humiliations, or everyday but debilitating instances of racism?5 As humanity has too often witnessed, brutal regimes systematically destroy their victims' sense of dignity, humanity, and public worth, which are all necessary to effective agency as a citizen. They thus strip victims of their identity as agents in a common world with others. They often push victims back to the recesses of a pre-symbolic, mute existence and deprive them of dignity and humanity, of the right to participate in a common world. When those who have been muted begin to speak in the presence of others, they begin to re-create their mental and affective world, with its geography that orients them to others in the community. In the remainder of this chapter, I use Kristeva'e work on Arendt as an opportunity to explore how testimonies in the public sphere can transform political communities trying to recover from regimes of terror. First I examine how Kristeva's ideas can be used to understand the political dynamics of bearing witness in the public sphere.
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McAfee, 2008 [Noelle, Associate Research Professor of Philosophy and Conflict Analysis at George Mason, Democracy and the Political Unconscious, 2008]
|
Conventional understanding of political discourse sharply distinguishes between the public and the private, culture and nature, thought and bodies. But this conventional understanding cannot make sense of the kinds of political witnessing that go on today, that indeed have gone on for a century. In times of trouble, people testify in public to the wrongs that have afflicted their entire beings, public and private, psyche Note the advent of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), convened in places from South Africa to Haiti.' In such political discourse, the distinctions between what is properly private and what is public begin to disintegrate. By speaking in public of the devastating crimes committed, often clandestinely, that robbed victims of their humanity, these speakers begin to restore their own and their nation's soul, especially its public space and public being. While it is true that, since Nietzsche, most every Marxist, pragmatic account of language has considered how subterranean forces make their way into public discourse, these accounts generally attend to the dynamics among people rather than the dynamics within them.3 Kristeva focuses on how inner tumults make themselves felt in our shared language and world Speech is for making clear what is beneficial or harmful, and hence also what is just or unjust. For it is peculiar to human beings, that they alone have perception of what is good or bad, just or unjust, and the rest. And it is community in these that makes a household and a city-state In other words, human beings possess the ability not only to discern but also to talk, to share their inner world in public and so to create a public space if people do not take part in this space, then they haven't actualized their potential to be political beings As humanity has too often witnessed, brutal regimes systematically destroy their victims' sense of dignity, humanity, and public worth, which are all necessary to effective agency as a citizen. They thus strip victims of their identity as agents in a common world with others. They often push victims back to the recesses of a pre-symbolic, mute existence and deprive them of dignity and humanity, of the right to participate in a common world. When those who have been muted begin to speak in the presence of others, they begin to re-create their mental and affective world, with its geography that orients them to others in the community
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TRCs create a political discourse that is able to bring together the victims and the afflicters to re-create their mental and affective world in route to confine their humanity and political being
| 4,206 | 196 | 2,446 | 670 | 32 | 402 | 0.047761 | 0.6 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
|
Kansas (JDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,334 |
Truth commissions have emerged in most cases as part of transitions from some form of authoritarian government (military or civilian dictatorship, or minority rule) toward a more democratic political system in societies often characterized by serious divisions along class or communal lines. Richard Wilson (1998) describes them as “... post-war structures for publicly addressing unresolved issues arising from past human rights violations”, which “...typically consist of an investigative team with a mandate to take testimonies, corroborate evidence, document human rights abuses and make recommendations regarding structural reforms and reparations.” They have been established either through legislation or presidential decree to achieve a defined and delimited task, and they are dissolved once they have reported their findings. Truth commissions can be seen as important milestones on the road toward democracy. The extensiveness of a commission’s mandate, the thoroughness of and public support for its inquiries and the impact of its report (if any) are all indicators of the relative strength of the new political order. The data on various commissions presented in the Appendix reflects just how diverse national experiences with truth commissions, and related bodies, has actually been. Even a cursory comparison of the various cases reveals significant differences in regard to: Purpose. Besides exposing the truth of human rights abuses, some seemed intended to show the current regime’s immediate predecessors in a bad light (Ethiopia, Haiti) Time period investigated. While some commissions investigated periods as brief as 3-4 years (Haiti), several examined one or more decades of their nation’s history (Chile, Germany, and South Africa among others).Documentation. Several commissions documented thousands -- and in a few instances tens of thousands -- of cases of abuse (Chile) while others found very few (Bolivia).Reporting. Some commissions have issued no report (Bolivia, Philippines) or a report which was kept confidential (Zimbabwe). In some cases those responsible for abuses were named (El Salvador, Honduras) and in others they were not (Uruguay). One of the most controversial aspects of truth commissions has been the granting of amnesty. Though amnesty has not occurred in all countries, it has been prominent in just those cases where the commissions have been regarded as most thorough in their inquiries. On balance, it almost seems that some sort of amnesty has been a necessary prerequisite for a commission to contribute to national reconciliation. This is exemplified by the Chilean case, where the military under former Head of State General Pinochet only accepted the Truth Commission on the condition of amnesty and a compromise in which the maximum truth about “disappearances” could be reported but judgment on whether the deaths were justified was left to “individual discretion”(Green, 1996). Despite these seeming equivocations the Chilean truth commission is assessed by many human rights experts as having dealt with past issues in such a way as to contribute to national reconciliation (Human Sciences Research Council, 1998).
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Lerche III, 1999’ (Charles, Director in the School of Graduate Studies, Norwich University “TRUTH COMMISSIONS AND NATIONAL RECONCILIATION” 1999 http://www.gmu.edu/programs/icar/pcs/LERCHE71PCS.html
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Truth commissions have emerged in most cases as part of transitions from some form of authoritarian government (military or civilian dictatorship, or minority rule) toward a more democratic political system in societies often characterized by serious divisions along class or communal lines. post-war structures for publicly addressing unresolved issues arising from past human rights violations”, which consist of an investigative team with a mandate to take testimonies, corroborate evidence, document human rights abuses and make recommendations regarding structural reforms and reparations.” They have been established either through legislation or presidential decree to achieve a defined and delimited task, and they are dissolved once they have reported their findings. Truth commissions can be seen as important milestones on the road toward democracy The extensiveness of a commission’s mandate, the thoroughness of and public support for its inquiries and the impact of its report (if any) are all indicators of the relative strength of the new political order. Besides exposing the truth of human rights abuses, some seemed intended to show the current regime’s immediate predecessors in a bad light While some commissions investigated periods as brief as 3-4 years several examined one or more decades of their nation’s history Several commissions documented thousands -- and in a few instances tens of thousands -- of cases of abuse while others found very few Some commissions have issued a report which was kept confidential In some cases those responsible for abuses were named and in others they were not One of the most controversial aspects of truth commissions has been the granting of amnesty. Though amnesty has not occurred in all countries, it has been prominent in just those cases where the commissions have been regarded as most thorough in their inquiries. it almost seems that some sort of amnesty has been a necessary prerequisite for a commission to contribute to national reconciliation. Chilean truth commission is assessed by many human rights experts as having dealt with past issues in such a way as to contribute to national reconciliation
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Truth commissions can bring to light the concealed issues of a nation and move towards a positive reconciliation that entails a process that is structured towards a new political order
| 3,179 | 184 | 2,176 | 474 | 30 | 336 | 0.063291 | 0.708861 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,335 |
This analysis of the degree of public participation in the varying transitional justice mechanisms highlights that the nature of the public consultation depends on the type of transitional justice system being implemented. Consultations regarding the early high courts tended to be limited to educational sessions, while hybrid tribunals have come to rely more on public input with regards to the design of the tribunal. TRCs have also increased their reliance on public input, including on the question of whether a TRC should be created at all.¶ These differences in the nature of the consultation process can be explained by a number of factors. TRC's aim is first and foremost to promote national reconciliation and to establish a balanced picture of the conflict. A TRC may not be appropriate for every transition and this is a decision that should belong to those who have lived through the conflict. n180 The international community may assist in providing information and expertise based on other TRCs but cannot force such decisions. n181 Trials on the other hand seek to achieve justice which, to a certain degree, should be achieved whether or not all nationals agree. The resemblance of hybrid tribunals to domestic criminal proceedings for which public participation does not play a part, explains in part why, during the initial hybrid tribunals, public participation has not always been seen as crucial. n182 In addition, although the design of court systems varies, there are a number of procedural and substantive similarities among tribunals. n183 This is not true however of TRCs which should be [*140] unique to each conflict. n184 Indeed, the Office of the UNHCHR has emphasized that "unlike courts, for which there are clear international norms regarding their appropriate structure, components, powers and minimal standards for proceedings, truth commissions will reasonably differ between countries in many aspects." n185¶
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Triponel & Pearson 10 (Anna Triponel and Stephen Pearson are dual qualified attorneys who head the Jones Day law firm’s New York office's International Law Pro Bono which advises the Public International Law & Policy Group (PILPG), which provides legal assistance to states and governments Group involved in conflicts, including the design and implementation of domestic mechanisms to support war crimes prosecution, truth-telling and reconciliation, “What do you think should happen? Public Participation in Transitional Justice” in the Pace University School of Law International Law Review, Rev. 103, Pg 12, Winter 2010)
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TRCs have increased their reliance on public input TRC's aim is first and foremost to promote national reconciliation and to establish a balanced picture of the conflict. TRCs should be unique to each conflict.
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TRCs promote national reconciliation and are uniquely designed to the conflict at hand
| 1,946 | 87 | 210 | 305 | 13 | 34 | 0.042623 | 0.111475 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,336 |
Transitional justice is defined by the United Nations ("UN") as "the full range of processes and mechanisms associated with a society's attempts to come to terms with a legacy of large-scale past abuses, in order to ensure accountability, serve justice and achieve reconciliation." n1 Most typically it refers to the methods by which a state seeks to address major human rights abuses that occurred within its borders, often after a transition from a tyrannical regime to a democratic one. n2 Instead of focusing solely upon the accountability of individual perpetrators, as in a traditional criminal justice system, transitional justice combines the goals of justice for victims with the objectives of peace, reconciliation, and social reconstruction. n3¶ [*104] States often use a variety of both judicial and non-judicial transitional justice mechanisms. n4 This article will focus on three of these methods. The first transitional justice method involves using high court procedures against individuals who are alleged to have committed gross violations of human rights. n5 These court procedures are aimed at judging only a nominal number of defendants: typically those accused of particularly serious crimes. n6 Examples include the International Criminal Tribunal for ex-Yugoslavia, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, and courts set up in Cambodia, Sierra Leone and Timor-Leste.¶ The second method is the use of trial-type procedures based on local, traditional justice mechanisms against lower-level offenders. n7 These procedures are typically integrated into the country's domestic criminal system and are intended to hold accountable those who played a part in the conflict but who did not necessarily commit offences that rise to the level of international crimes. Examples include the Gacaca system in Rwanda and the Bosnian War Crimes Chamber.¶ The third method involves the use of truth and reconciliation commissions ("TRCs") which are designed to establish a historical record of past conflict and enhance reconciliation. n8 Unlike the first two mechanisms, TRCs are non-judicial bodies which map patterns of past human rights abuses. n9 Such bodies have been established in a number of countries, and have been [*105] used either alone or in conjunction with one or both of the two mechanisms referenced above. In Argentina, Chile and Liberia, TRCs were the only transitional justice methods used, whereas in Sierra Leone, Timor-Leste and Rwanda, they have been combined with high court or trial-type procedures.
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Triponel & Pearson 10 (Anna Triponel and Stephen Pearson are dual qualified attorneys who head the Jones Day law firm’s New York office's International Law Pro Bono which advises the Public International Law & Policy Group (PILPG), which provides legal assistance to states and governments Group involved in conflicts, including the design and implementation of domestic mechanisms to support war crimes prosecution, truth-telling and reconciliation, “What do you think should happen? Public Participation in Transitional Justice” in the Pace University School of Law International Law Review, Rev. 103, Pg 1-2, Winter 2010)
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Transitional justice is defined by the United Nations as "the full range of processes and mechanisms associated with a society's attempts to come to terms with a legacy of large-scale past abuses, in order to ensure accountability, serve justice and achieve reconciliation." it refers to the methods by which a state seeks to address major human rights abuses that occurred within its borders, transitional justice combines the goals of justice for victims with the objectives of peace, reconciliation, and social reconstruction truth and reconciliation commissions ("TRCs") are designed to establish a historical record of past conflict and enhance reconciliation. TRCs are non-judicial bodies which map patterns of past human rights abuses. Such bodies have been established in a number of countries
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Truth and reconciliation commission addresses human rights abuses and enhances reconciliation
| 2,543 | 94 | 801 | 386 | 11 | 121 | 0.028497 | 0.313472 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,337 |
There is also ongoing debate regarding the possibility of implementing transitional justice mechanisms in a number of other states. In Sudan, thought is being given as to how to promote sustainable peace through post-conflict reconciliation mechanisms. n17 The international community is discussing the possibility of implementing transitional justice mechanisms in [*107] Zimbabwe at some point in the future, n18 while in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the international community is analyzing how the transitional justice mechanisms which were implemented there could have been more effective and credible. n19 In recent years, there has been interest in setting up a truth commission in Afghanistan, Angola, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Cambodia, Colombia, Indonesia, Jamaica, Mexico, Morocco, Philippines and Venezuela. n20
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Triponel & Pearson 10 (Anna Triponel and Stephen Pearson are dual qualified attorneys who head the Jones Day law firm’s New York office's International Law Pro Bono which advises the Public International Law & Policy Group (PILPG), which provides legal assistance to states and governments Group involved in conflicts, including the design and implementation of domestic mechanisms to support war crimes prosecution, truth-telling and reconciliation, “What do you think should happen? Public Participation in Transitional Justice” in the Pace University School of Law International Law Review, Rev. 103, Pg 2, Winter 2010)
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There is debate regarding the possibility of implementing transitional justice mechanisms in a number of other states. In recent years, there has been interest in setting up a truth commission in Afghanistan, Angola, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Cambodia, Colombia, Indonesia, Jamaica, Mexico, Morocco, Philippines and Venezuela.
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There will be support for implementing a TRC in Mexico
| 822 | 54 | 320 | 115 | 10 | 43 | 0.086957 | 0.373913 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,338 |
During the third wave of transitional justice, the public came to play an increasingly large role in the establishment of TRCs, and, in particular, in deciding whether a TRC should be created and how such a body should operate. Indeed, governments have to a greater degree encouraged the public to be involved in drafting the legislation establishing the TRC, which includes determining the composition and operation of the commission. In addition, the local population can play a role in raising funds and promoting outreach to expatriates. The experiences of Timor-Leste, Peru, Sierra Leone, and Liberia are pertinent examples of this shift in the establishment of TRCs and illustrate how national and international NGOs work together to contribute to the process.¶ a. Timor Leste¶ ¶ Timor-Leste included NGOs in the entire CAVR planning process. The Government of Timor-Leste, supported by UNTAET, held a meeting in June 2000 to discuss transitional justice, including whether a truth commission should be established. n112 The meeting included various civil society groups, community leaders, and the Catholic Church. n113 It resulted in a recommendation to the National Council of Timorese Resistance to create an independent commission that would have "a mandate to investigate past violations and promote reconciliation." n114 This Council acted upon the recommendation quickly and created a "steering committee" which was to determine the details of the TRC. n115¶ The steering committee in charge of determining what the TRC would look like included representatives of various national and international NGOs. n116 The steering committee conducted [*127] consultations in all thirteen districts of Timor-Leste from September 2000 through January 2001. These included consultations with political parties, jurists, human rights organizations and victims' groups to assess the public's views on what such a body should look like, as well as public meetings at the district, sub-district, and village levels. n117 The consultations had a built-in educational and feedback system enabling the steering committee to describe the type of institution the TRC would be while allowing the community members to provide feedback. n118 Additionally, the CAVR solicited community leaders to endorse the procedures and incorporated small elements of traditional ceremony into the procedures to enhance acceptance of this mechanism by the community leaders. n119¶ b. Peru¶ ¶ In Peru, the legislation creating the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (Comision de la Verdad y Reconciliacion, the "CVR"), was drafted by a working group composed of representatives from the government and civil society, including the ministries of justice, defense, interior, women's issues and human development, the human rights ombudsman's office, the National Human Rights Coordination, the Peruvian Episcopal Conference and the National Evangelical Council of Peru. n120 The Commission worked with the International Center for Transitional Justice which allowed for consultation with other TRCs around the world in order to gather input on design, methodology and other similar details. n121¶ [*128] ¶ c. Sierra Leone¶ ¶ In Sierra Leone, various civil society groups were involved in the creation and establishment of a TRC. n122 The civil society groups involved in peace negotiations advocated for the establishment of a TRC and worked with the Office of the UNHCHR on preliminary issues regarding the TRC's establishment. n123 Civil society also reviewed the draft terms for the TRC's statute prepared by the office of the UNHCHR. n124¶ A Truth and Reconciliation Commission Working Group was subsequently established to make recommendations on the composition of the TRC. n125 This resulted in a transparent process as the public nominated sixty-five commissioner candidates. n126 A selection panel then made recommendations to a selection coordinator who recommended four of the finalists for appointment to the TRC. n127 Sierra Leoneans living abroad were also included in the process and were able to nominate the commissioners for that state's TRC. n128 Public input in the design of the TRC and in the selection of its commissioners allowed for increased national ownership of the institution, while still relying on international groups such as the ICTJ, for assistance in technical and other matters. n129 Thus, the institution [*129] was given credibility not only for being a product of national civil society, but also for adhering to international standards.¶ Education was also made a high priority. The commission provided a grant to the International Human Rights Law Group and other NGOs to establish a public education and awareness campaign before the establishment of the TRC. n130 This campaign used radio, television, songs, drama, and posters to educate the public, and it also relied on civil society groups to carry out the campaign. n131 Other NGOs also conducted public education on the TRC with independent funding. n132 Furthermore, public workshops and conferences were held with strong civil society engagement prior to the inception of the TRC. n133¶ d. Liberia¶ ¶ In Liberia, n134 the Transitional Justice Working Group (the "TJWG"), a coalition of NGOs, worked closely with the UN Mission in Liberia and the ICTJ to provide input on the creation of the TRC. n135 The act creating the TRC allowed the public, including [*130] those abroad, to nominate TRC commissioners, subject to a further vetting process by a selection panel. n136 In 2005, the Liberian public nominated over 150 candidates for the TRC commissioners. n137 The selection panel screened the 150 nominees and shortened the candidate list to fifteen. n138 The commission also conducted a Nationwide Needs Assessment in May 2006 and later launched a Nationwide Outreach and Sensitization Campaign to introduce itself to the public prior to its launch. n139 The Liberian TRC commissioners conducted extensive public outreach within Liberia and amongst the Liberian community world-wide, calling for widespread participation from all members and former members of the society. n140¶ During the months prior to launching the TRC, the Liberian civil society, international NGOs, and the TRC commissioners conducted extensive educational campaigns. n141 The TJWG conducted a public education and awareness campaign, including meetings in four Liberian counties to obtain public feedback on the TRC. n142 In May 2006, the TJWG and ICTJ organized a consultation session to outline the role of civil society groups in the truth and reconciliation process. n143 Approximately fifty civil society representatives from all counties in Liberia attended this session. n144 The ICTJ also helped organize workshops to train the local media groups about the TRC. n145
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Triponel & Pearson 10 (Anna Triponel and Stephen Pearson are dual qualified attorneys who head the Jones Day law firm’s New York office's International Law Pro Bono which advises the Public International Law & Policy Group (PILPG), which provides legal assistance to states and governments Group involved in conflicts, including the design and implementation of domestic mechanisms to support war crimes prosecution, truth-telling and reconciliation, “What do you think should happen? Public Participation in Transitional Justice” in the Pace University School of Law International Law Review, Rev. 103, Pg 8-9, Winter 2010)
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During the third wave of transitional justice, the public came to play an increasingly large role in the establishment of TRCs, and in deciding whether a TRC should be created and how such a body should operate. governments have encouraged the public to be involved in drafting the legislation establishing the TRC, which includes determining the composition and operation of the commission. The experiences of Timor-Leste, Peru, Sierra Leone, and Liberia are examples of this shift in the establishment of TRCs The committee in charge of determining what the TRC would look like conducted onsultations in all thirteen districts of Timor-Leste These included consultations with political parties, jurists, human rights organizations and victims' groups to assess the public's views on what such a body should look like, as well as public meetings at the district, sub-district, and village levels. consultations had a built-in educational and feedback system enabling the steering committee to describe the type of institution the TRC would be while allowing the community members to provide feedback In Sierra Leone Civil society reviewed the draft terms for the TRC's statute A Truth and Reconciliation Commission Working Group was established to make recommendations on the composition of the TRC This resulted in a transparent process as the public nominated sixty-five commissioner candidates. Public input in the design of the TRC and in the selection of its commissioners allowed for increased national ownership of the institution In Liberia the TRC allowed the public to nominate TRC commissioners Liberian TRC commissioners conducted extensive public outreach within Liberia and amongst the Liberian community world-wide, calling for widespread participation from all members and former members of the society.
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TRCs consult and involve the public
| 6,830 | 36 | 1,820 | 1,041 | 6 | 275 | 0.005764 | 0.264169 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,339 |
One factor that is considered increasingly important in the success of transitional justice systems is early consultation with the population about the proposed system. The international community now generally refers to the benefits of public participation during the planning phase as a "given." n21 Meaningful participation involves integrating feedback received from the public into the transitional justice mechanism, as opposed to outreach which focuses on educating the public. For example, in Burundi, the UN recommended that there "be a broad-based, genuine and transparent process of consultation ... with a range of national actors and civil society at large, to ensure that, within the general legal framework for the establishment of judicial and non-judicial accountability mechanisms acceptable to the United Nations and the Government [of Burundi], the views and wishes of the people of Burundi are taken into account." n22 In Nepal, non-governmental organizations ("NGOs") including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have urged the government "to involve actively all those [*108] concerned in the discussions on the establishment, mandate, and powers of the Disappearances Commission and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission." n23 Furthermore, surveys conducted in countries setting up transitional justice mechanisms, demonstrate that "the legitimacy of a tribunal may be intimately connected with public perceptions of its work." n24 In a 2004 report on the use of transitional justice in post-conflict societies, the UN Secretary-General indicated that the past decade has shown that maintenance of peace in the long term "cannot be achieved unless the population is confident that redress for grievances can be obtained through legitimate structures for the peaceful settlement of disputes and the fair administration of justice." n25¶ An analysis of public participation in the planning phases of transitional justice mechanisms which have already been implemented therefore provides useful guidance to states which are currently implementing these procedures. To set the stage, this article first tracks the evolution of transitional justice mechanisms over the past twenty years, highlighting a gradual increase in national involvement in the nascent stages of transitional justice, as well as a more pronounced focus on reconciliation (Part I). This article then discusses the emerging trend towards promoting early public participation in transitional justice systems. The analysis demonstrates that public participation during the creation of the transitional justice system paves the way for increased public participation throughout its period of operation (Part II). In turn, these evolutionary trends assist in developing a nascent set of best practices, which countries emerging from conflict, such as Nepal, Uganda and Kenya, can [*109] consult as they strive to achieve justice with reconciliation (Part III).¶
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Triponel & Pearson 10 (Anna Triponel and Stephen Pearson are dual qualified attorneys who head the Jones Day law firm’s New York office's International Law Pro Bono which advises the Public International Law & Policy Group (PILPG), which provides legal assistance to states and governments Group involved in conflicts, including the design and implementation of domestic mechanisms to support war crimes prosecution, truth-telling and reconciliation, “What do you think should happen? Public Participation in Transitional Justice” in the Pace University School of Law International Law Review, Rev. 103, Pg 2-3, Winter 2010)
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One factor that is important in the success of transitional justice systems is early consultation with the population about the proposed system. The international community now generally refers to the benefits of public participation during the planning phase as a "given." n21 Meaningful participation involves integrating feedback received from the public into the transitional justice mechanism, the UN Secretary-General indicated that the past decade has shown that maintenance of peace in the long term "cannot be achieved unless the population is confident that redress for grievances can be obtained through legitimate structures for the peaceful settlement of disputes and the fair administration of justice." public participation during the creation of the transitional justice system paves the way for increased public participation throughout its operation
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Consultation of the public is key to success of transitional justice systems
| 2,959 | 76 | 867 | 428 | 12 | 124 | 0.028037 | 0.28972 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,340 |
This article demonstrates that the public outreach mechanisms used by a country and the UN during the establishment of a transitional justice system will depend on the specific circumstances of each country. Nevertheless, early and comprehensive public outreach is increasingly viewed as crucial in helping the state achieve its objective of creating a successful transitional justice system inclusive of all perspectives of the conflict and accepted by the population at large. The need to obtain public feedback at the outset is especially important in view of the current trend towards the establishment of hybrid courts with increased national elements and national TRCs focused on reconciliation.¶ [*142] The experience of various transitioning countries throughout the first, second, and third waves provides a lesson to those countries who now find themselves in similar circumstances. Experience shows that in designing a transitional justice system that incorporates feedback from the public, the system ultimately has a better chance of achieving its aim of justice for victims, while reinforcing the possibility of peace, reconciliation, and social reconstruction. Countries now emerging from a conflict could learn from the experience of countries before them.¶ Integrating public input into a transitional justice system will have major benefits for the country as a whole and the converse is also true. Kenya's recent creation of the Truth, Justice, Reconciliation Committee ("TJRC") highlights this point. When the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights was consulted regarding setting up the TJRC, the short timelines set for consultation did not enable this commission to consult properly with its constituencies. n193 In addition, the Bill on Special Tribunals appeared in that country's Gazette for two weeks of public debate after discussions between the Ministry of Justice and the Attorney-General, by which time, changes were unlikely. n194 Kenya's experience accordingly demonstrates that "meaningful public input must take place before the tabling of Bills in Parliament, and that a special duty is imposed upon government to ensure that this happens." n195 The head of the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights has, for example, stated that "public participation improves lawmaking while giving citizens a stake in it. By inviting participation, lawmakers not only gather important information on which to make better laws, they also express their respect for the citizens whom they consult. In turn, those consulted become more engaged and responsible in public life." n196¶
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Triponel & Pearson 10 (Anna Triponel and Stephen Pearson are dual qualified attorneys who head the Jones Day law firm’s New York office's International Law Pro Bono which advises the Public International Law & Policy Group (PILPG), which provides legal assistance to states and governments Group involved in conflicts, including the design and implementation of domestic mechanisms to support war crimes prosecution, truth-telling and reconciliation, “What do you think should happen? Public Participation in Transitional Justice” in the Pace University School of Law International Law Review, Rev. 103, Pg 13, Winter 2010)
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early and comprehensive public outreach is increasingly viewed as crucial in helping the state achieve its objective of creating a successful transitional justice system inclusive of all perspectives of the conflict and accepted by the population at large. in designing a transitional justice system that incorporates feedback from the public, the system has a better chance of achieving its aim of justice for victims, while reinforcing the possibility of peace, reconciliation, and social reconstruction. Integrating public input into a transitional justice system will have major benefits for the country as a whole Kenya's recent creation of the Truth, Justice, Reconciliation Committee ("TJRC") highlights this point. The head of the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights has, for example, stated that "public participation improves lawmaking while giving citizens a stake in it. By inviting participation, lawmakers not only gather important information on which to make better laws, they also express their respect for the citizens whom they consult. In turn, those consulted become more engaged and responsible in public life."
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Early public outreach bolsters success and provides a multitude of benefits
| 2,608 | 76 | 1,139 | 390 | 11 | 169 | 0.028205 | 0.433333 |
Mexico TRCs Affirmative - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Affirmatives
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2013
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5,341 |
The second thought underlying this book is that the violence of democracy has changed, or is unfolding in a certain direction, across the twentieth and into the twenty-first centuries. Something is in the process of emerging, awaiting our understanding. It is not merely that violence is increasing. Of course, the wars of the twentieth century were the bloodiest in history, and throughout that century millions were slaughtered in the name of the people’s will. Although the technological means for producing such slaughter continues inexorably to advance, especially in those countries that call themselves democracies, the violence of war ebbs and flows. Measured by the quantity of corpses, the Gulf Wars were placid affairs in comparison with the Vietnam War. And the most advanced weaponry is hardly necessary to achieve the most brutal results, as the Rwandan catastrophe so amply illustrated. For most of its existence modern democracy has conceived itself as a stable system. In earlier centuries war and conquest formed part of the very raison d’ˆetre of a state, and peacetime was more akin to a re-gathering of strength in readiness for the next campaign. All modern democracies continue to prepare in case of war. But unlike earlier democracies, modern democracies have mostly regarded war as an occasionally necessary aberration, rather than something essential to the life of a democracy. This detachment of the life of the modern state from its military capacity has determined the way in which democracy relates to law. The difference between military and police is the distinction between conceptions of law. Military rule implies that power emanates directly from the sovereign, a matter of might and fact. The power of a police force is only indirectly related to the sovereign. Law stands independently of that sovereignty, as shown by the legitimate right of the law or the police to act even against the sovereign. That the law is autonomous implies it is conceived as transcendent, as permanent and eternal. The norms of law, grounded in the sovereignty of the people and the dignity of humanity, are essentially inviolable. The twentieth century is divided into two halves by the extermination of the Jews in Europe. This was not merely another wartime massacre on a larger scale, but the decision to systematically eradicate an entire population, with whatever industrial means best facilitated the outcome. Although the 1942 Wannsee conference took place in wartime the decision was not a military one, but rather partook of another, more enigmatic, logic. Yet although the decision was not military or strategic, this logic was unlike any normal peacetime legislation, founded as it was upon the designation of an absolute enemy. The decision to implement the “Final Solution” was a singular event. But the entire apparatus by which from 1933 onward the Jews were transported and corralled, controlled, degraded, and finally killed, was equally singular. From the systematic way in which National Socialism stripped the Jews of all rights, to the complex and calculated arrangements through which it dehumanized and murdered them in the camps, it deployed a remarkable array of means with which to “treat” this “enemy.” Thereby National Socialism revealed a single-minded determination to carry out its will, exceeding all barriers of law or humanity. Those victims of this will not only suffered violent treatment. They were thoroughly, gradually, and systematically divested of all those qualities with which humanity convinces itself of its dignity and the justness of its sovereignty. This scar on humanity, of course, left its imprint not only upon the victims, but equally upon those capable of devising and carrying out such acts. The second half of the twentieth century was marked by the violence of the extermination. These marks were left, for instance, in the formation and political history of Israel. They were left in the collective psychology of the German people, as shame or the refusal of shame, as the ability or inability to mourn for the lost Germany. And they were left in the legal systems of various democracies and international juridical bodies. They were left, for instance, in the concept of “crimes against humanity.” The name itself, “crime against humanity,” exposes that it is a reaction, a wish to save the transcendent concepts of law and humanity from this event. It is the very culmination and last resort of the idea of law grounded in the sovereignty of humanity. But if it is such, it is so out of desperation, out of the fear and perhaps the knowledge that what was fatally damaged by the extermination was the notion of transcendent law grounded in human dignity. Such is the conclusion of Giorgio Agamben: This is also why Auschwitz marks the end and the ruin of every ethics of dignity and conformity to a norm. The bare life to which human beings were reduced neither demands nor conforms to anything. It itself is the only norm; it is absolutely immanent. And “the ultimate sentiment of belonging to the species” cannot in any sense be a kind of dignity.4 If this is so, then the concept of “crimes against humanity” is not only the last resort of law grounded in human sovereignty. It is also the symptom of the inability to locate any other ground for law or politics. The sixty years since the extermination are then comprehensible as the consequences of denial, a denial of the degree to which the basis of democratic thinking has been undone by this singular event. And with this denial, even in its perpetual call to never forget, the work of forgetting advances. In more recent times, however, a different logic is making itself visible in the workings of democracy. This logic is increasingly prepared to dispensewith the concepts of transcendent law and humanitarianism. One source of this new logic is the recognition that if capitalism is infact a planetary economic and technical system, then it has its own requirements, which exceed the laws of each nation. A process of unwinding national sovereignty has thus been underway for some time, reducing democracies to local councils, with powers limited by global competition and by transnational bodies regulating economic and other matters. This global process has sometimes produced political consequences that undermine it. As sovereignty appears to wither, the citizenry of democracies reacts, rationally and irrationally. Governments are elected that resist the pressures of globalization, or that are committed to strengthening national sovereignty, national identity, and national borders. The processes of globalization have until now had to cope with democracy, coercing and managing it,¶ but occasionally stymied by determined electorates. The largest democracies, however, have managed to advance their integration into a global system without substantial public interference, and without overtly sacrificing the instruments of democracy, such as free speech or representative elections. What is remarkable about today’s freedom of speech is its inverse correlation with the visibility of dissent. Freedom of speech increasingly means freedom of entertainment. The electoral system itself becomes one more form of entertainment, subsumed to the needs of the media system. The distance from Athens to Washington is thereby revealed. If the violence of democracy has changed, it is not only a matter of punitive or overt violence. The violence inherent to the “benevolent” operations of the state upon its citizenry, that is, in matters of health and welfare, must also be recognized. The state increasingly organizes and penetrates the bodies of its populace, either to “optimize” the functioning and survival of the individual or of the state itself. The body of the citizenry is increasingly available to the state as matter, to be controlled, stimulated, improved, treated, manipulated, harvested or terminated. Since 11 September 2001, however, something else has emerged, in the United States, England, Australia, and elsewhere. It is not so much war that has changed, but the way in which democracy imagines itself. “Democracy” seems to be rethinking itself, no longer on the ground of transcendent law based in the sovereignty of a people. Law is reconfigured on the basis that there is an enemy, internal and external, against which it is necessary to act rather than react. The law thus becomes that weapon for seeking out and hunting down those enemies that threaten “democracy.” The exigencies of the new situation increasingly undermine the constraining effect upon governments and legislators played by notions of legal rights and human dignity. Law is reconceived on a war footing. Or, more precisely, and resembling Nazism, peacetime and wartime, and right and fact, are increasingly convergent. It is remarkable that this re-imagination of democracy occurred at precisely the moment when globalization seemed to suggest that war had finally become anachronistic and inexpedient. Yet if this is the return of a martial sovereignty, it is not simply a matter of the authoritarianism of military dictatorship. It is, more complexly, the falling away of the notion that law transcends the bare facts of human life, that law responds to and confers the dignity of humanity. It is the final evaporation of the thought that the political life is part of the essence of humanity. Rather, men and women are simply those beings that inhabit the system that protects them, the system in which they work and consume, in which they are kept healthy, and in which they die. If dignity remains a relevant concept in this new democracy, it may take the nostalgic form of the honor and discipline of the protective and valorous guardians. The new hero of democracy is the military and intelligence machine dedicated to detecting and thwarting the work of the enemy terrorist. But the new state of democracy is not merely a militarized one, but a hybrid of martial logic and medical/managerial technocracy. The response to the post-11 September American anthrax scare exemplifies the convergence of “health” and “defense,” with hospitals forced to stockpile medicines in case of a terrorist catastrophe. More importantly, hospitals were forced to re-imagine their function in terms of the overall scheme of “homeland security.” Conversely, military personnel are coerced to take “protective” drugs to guard against the possibility of biological, chemical, or nuclear attack. Human beings are the material of the state, to be protected from internal and external enemies, and to be protected from suffering, disease, and death, by an ostensibly democratic, human, and benevolent authority, but one that is equally autocratic, inaccessible, medico-technical, and capable of powerful controlling and destructive violence. This new state of democracy no longer has the sovereignty of the people or the dignity of humanity at its core. For this reason, it may also be the means by which the future of the state is reconciled with the process of globalization. The dangers of these developments are obvious, comprising dangers to the rights of individuals, to the concept of life, and to democracy itself. But transcendent law and human dignity were in some way veils concealing difficult truths about human existence, truths exposed at Auschwitz. First among them is that law and dignity are impotent and false when confronted with the worst. If this is accepted, then at least what was concealed may become visible. On the other hand, democracy maybe the name and the guise under which the worst returns. Perhaps the way of¶ thinking that made the camps possible continues to work its effects and is even resurgent. If democracy has a future meaning other than as the vehicle of a new and unprecedented fascism, it must be reinvented, such that it again gains the possibility of rupture, of disrupting the reality of what is currently violently unfolding itself.
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Ross, Australian philosopher with a doctorate from Monash University, 2004 (Daniel Joseph “Violent Democracy”)
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the violence of democracy has changed, or is unfolding in a certain direction, across the twentieth and into the twenty-first centuries violence is increasing For most of its existence modern democracy has conceived itself as a stable system unlike earlier democracies, modern democracies have mostly regarded war as an occasionally necessary aberration, rather than something essential to the life of a democracy. This detachment of the life of the modern state from its military capacity has determined the way in which democracy relates to law. The difference between military and police is the distinction between conceptions of law. Military rule implies that power emanates directly from the sovereign, . The power of a police force is only indirectly related to the sovereign. Law stands independently of that sovereignty, as shown by the legitimate right of the law or the police to act even against the sovereign. That the law is autonomous implies it is conceived as transcendent, The norms of law, grounded in the sovereignty of the people and the dignity of humanity, are essentially inviolable. The twentieth century is divided into two halves by the extermination of the Jews in Europe. This was not merely another wartime massacre on a larger scale, but the decision to systematically eradicate an entire population, . although the decision was not military or strategic, this logic was unlike any normal peacetime legislation, founded as it was upon the designation of an absolute enemy. The decision to implement the “Final Solution” was a singular event. But the entire apparatus by which from 1933 onward the Jews were transported and corralled, controlled, degraded, and finally killed, was equally singular. From the systematic way in which National Socialism stripped the Jews of all rights, to the complex and calculated arrangements through which it dehumanized and murdered them in the camps, it deployed a remarkable array of means with which to “treat” this “enemy.” Thereby National Socialism revealed a single-minded determination to carry out its will, exceeding all barriers of law or humanity. Those victims of this will not only suffered violent treatment. They were thoroughly, gradually, and systematically divested of all those qualities with which humanity convinces itself of its dignity and the justness of its sovereignty. This scar on humanity, of course, left its imprint not only upon the victims, but equally upon those capable of devising and carrying out such acts. The second half of the twentieth century was marked by the violence of the extermination. These marks were left, for instance, in the formation and political history of Israel. They were left in the collective psychology of the German people And they were left in the legal systems of various democracies and international juridical bodies. They were left, for instance, in the concept of “crimes against humanity.” The name itself, “crime against humanity,” exposes that it is a reaction, a wish to save the transcendent concepts of law and humanity from this event. It is the very culmination and last resort of the idea of law grounded in the sovereignty of humanity the concept of “crimes against humanity” is not only the last resort of law grounded in human sovereignty. It is also the symptom of the inability to locate any other ground for law or politics. The sixty years since the extermination are then comprehensible as the consequences of denial, a denial of the degree to which the basis of democratic thinking has been undone by this singular event. And with this denial, even in its perpetual call to never forget, the work of forgetting advances. In more recent times a different logic is making itself visible in the workings of democracy. This logic is increasingly prepared to dispensewith the concepts of transcendent law and humanitarianism. One source of this new logic is the recognition that if capitalism is infact a planetary economic and technical system, then it has its own requirements, which exceed the laws of each nation. This global process has sometimes produced political consequences that undermine it. As sovereignty appears to wither, the citizenry of democracies reacts, rationally and irrationally. Governments are elected that resist the pressures of globalization, or that are committed to strengthening national sovereignty The largest democracies, however, have managed to advance their integration into a global system without substantial public interference, and without overtly sacrificing the instruments of democracy, such as free speech or representative elections If the violence of democracy has changed, it is not only a matter of punitive or overt violence. The violence inherent to the “benevolent” operations of the state upon its citizenry, that is, in matters of health and welfare, must also be recognized. The state increasingly organizes and penetrates the bodies of its populace, either to “optimize” the functioning and survival of the individual or of the state itself. The body of the citizenry is increasingly available to the state as matter, to be controlled, stimulated, improved, treated, manipulated, harvested or terminated. Since 11 September 2001, , something else has emerged, “Democracy” seems to be rethinking itself, . Law is reconfigured on the basis that there is an enemy, against . The law becomes that weapon for seeking out and hunting down those enemies that threaten “democracy Law is reconceived on a war footing. resembling Nazism, It is, the falling away of the notion that law transcends the bare facts of human life, that law responds to and confers the dignity of humanity. It is the final evaporation of the thought that the political life is part of the essence of humanity. Rather, men and women are simply those beings that inhabit the system that protects them, the system in which they work and consume, in which they are kept healthy, and in which they die The new hero of democracy is the military and intelligence machine dedicated to detecting and thwarting the work of the enemy terrorist. Human beings are the material of the state, to be protected from internal and external enemies, and to be protected from suffering, disease, and death, by an ostensibly democratic, human, and benevolent authority, but one that is equally autocratic, inaccessible, medico-technical, and capable of powerful controlling and destructive violence. . If democracy has a future meaning other than as the vehicle of a new and unprecedented fascism, it must be reinvented, such that it again gains the possibility of rupture, of disrupting the reality of what is currently violently unfolding itself.
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Democracies constructed under a political ontology of liberalism pose the gravest danger – for their wars transcend the realm of the political and ground their justifications in universal law, making the greatest violence possible.
| 11,993 | 231 | 6,694 | 1,919 | 34 | 1,070 | 0.017718 | 0.557582 |
Cuba Terror List Negative Supplement - GMU 2013.html5
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Unknown
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2013
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5,342 |
There were 1,297 medicines readily available in Cuba prior to 1991, but only 889 of these medicines are now obtainable, with doctors' access to these drugs intermittent at best.34 Because US-developed drugs are unavailable, a startling 80 percent of the medicines currently available in Cuba are manufactured in Cuba itself. The lack of financial resources in Cuba, however, has caused a shortage of the raw materials needed to manufacture medicines, severely limiting the number of medicines available to the public. Due to intellectual property laws, Cuba can only produce generic drugs, once again limiting the overall number of medicines available to its citizens. For the average Cuban citizen, drugs are simply not obtainable on a consistent basis, be they prescription or even just a simple tablet of aspirin. Finally, beyond national access to medication, the US embargo has had serious effects on public health at the local level. It was reported in 1995 that when individuals check into the hospital, they must bring their own sheets, toilet paper, soap, and other personal items.35 Running water and disinfectants are regularly unavailable, and blackouts are common. As stated above there is a lack of medicines, and even basic medical supplies, such as gloves, gauze, and antibacterial soap are in very short supply. Moreover, absenteeism among medical staff and theft of supplies are major problems.36 The embargo has also limited Cuba's access to water treatment chemicals and spare parts for its water supply system, resulting in an increase in water-born diseases that doctors do not have the means to treat effectively. 37
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Roberg and Kuttruff, professor of political science at Carthage College, political scientist, 07 [ Jeffrey L, Alyson. “Cuba: Ideological Success or Ideological Failure?” Human Rights Quartely. Vol. 29. No. 3. Aug., 2007. JSOTR. CJS]
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There were 1,297 medicines readily available in Cuba prior to 199 but only 889 of these medicines are now obtainable, with doctors' access to these drugs intermittent US-developed drugs are unavailable 80 percent of the medicines currently available in Cuba are manufactured in Cuba itself lack of financial resources in Cuba caused a shortage of the raw materials needed to manufacture medicines severely limiting the number of medicines available to the publi Cuba can only produce generic drugs drugs are not obtainable on a consistent basis the US embargo has had serious effects on public health at the local level Running water and disinfectants are regularly unavailable, and blackouts are common there is a lack of medicines, and basic medical supplies such as gloves, gauze, and antibacterial soap The embargo has limited Cuba's access to water treatment chemicals and spare parts for its water supply system, resulting in an increase in water-born diseases that doctors do not have the means to treat effectively
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The US--Cuba Embargo-- not terror list-- contributes to lower human rights in Cuba
| 1,639 | 83 | 1,022 | 259 | 13 | 163 | 0.050193 | 0.629344 |
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Unknown
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Since the end of the Cold War, democracy promotion has been one of the default elements of U.S. foreign policy. Spreading democracy became a particularly important part of the Bush administration's rhetoric in support of its so-called "freedom agenda," which was at the same time far more selective and inconsistent than its universalistic assumptions would suggest. And since the beginning of popular uprisings in North Africa and the Near East last year, democracy promotion has also figured more prominently in the public rhetoric and policies of the Obama administration. But let's face it: While there may be exceptions, during the last decade has generally produced dismal results for the nations affected by it. It is easy enough to point to well-known examples in which the "freedom agenda" immediately backfired: In places like Iraq, Lebanon, and Gaza, democracy-hocking meddlers empowered sectarian parties, militias, and terrorist groups. However, that doesn't fully account for its failure. The best way to appreciate the failure of U.S.-led democracy promotion over the last 10 years is to look closely at its supposed success stories in Georgia and Libya. Democracy promotion during the last decade has generally produced dismal results for the nations affected by it.
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Larison, columnist and contributing editor at The American Conservative, 2012 [Daniel. "The enduring failure of democracy promotion abroad." The Week. April 11, 2012. Accessed 7/2/13. cjs]theweek.com/bullpen/column/226662/the-enduring-failure-of-democracy-promotion-abroad#
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Since the Cold War, democracy promotion has been one of the default elements of U.S. foreign policy. Spreading democracy became a particularly important part of the Bush administration's rhetoric in support of its so-called "freedom agenda which was far more selective and inconsistent than its universalistic assumptions would suggest democracy promotion has also figured more prominently in the public rhetoric and policies of the Obama administration. during the last decade has generally produced dismal results for the nations affected by it Iraq, Lebanon, and Gaza, democracy-hocking meddlers empowered sectarian parties, militias, and terrorist groups that doesn't fully account for its failure. Democracy promotion during the last decade has generally produced dismal results for the nations affected by it.
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Spread of Democracy empirically fails
| 1,282 | 37 | 815 | 199 | 5 | 118 | 0.025126 | 0.592965 |
Cuba Terror List Negative Supplement - GMU 2013.html5
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Unknown
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5,344 |
The worsening problems of economic nationalism reached crisis¶ proportions during the 1980s in many Latin American and African¶ countries.52 Governments had racked up huge foreign debt to sustain¶ their tottering development model. The debt crisis erupting in 1982¶ capped this lifeline and threatened many nations with economic collapse;¶ inflation exploded, reaching triple or even quadruple digits, especially¶ in Latin America.¶ Facing the abyss, governments finally abandoned gradual adjustment¶ efforts and swallowed the bitter pill of drastic reform,53 with its uncertain¶ economic, social, and political repercussions. Rapid trade liberalization¶ would help force prices down and induce domestic industries to¶ become more efficient—or go bankrupt. Of course, the latter outcome¶ would aggravate the economic crisis, and even economically successful¶ adjustment would boost unemployment. No one could know whether¶ fragile democracies and countries in transition from authoritarian rule¶ could withstand the resulting stress and strain. If protests erupted, foreign¶ investors would pull back, limiting the economic payoffs of reform¶ and potentially trapping the country in a low-growth equilibrium.¶ Where governments therefore suppressed protests, democracy would¶ suffer and perhaps fall to renewed authoritarianism. Thus, trade liberalization¶ and other market reforms held tremendous economic, social,¶ and political risks.
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Weyland, professor at UT on foreign affairs, 08 [Kurt. “Toward a New Theory of Institutional Change.” World Politics, Volume 60, Number 2, January 2008, pp. 281-314 (Article). Pg 298. Cjs]
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The worsening problems of economic nationalism reached crisis in many Latin American countries Governments had racked up huge foreign debt Rapid trade liberalization would help force prices down and induce domestic industries to become more efficient—or go bankrupt the latter outcome would aggravate the economic crisis, and economically successful adjustment would boost unemployment. If protests erupted, foreign investors would pull back, limiting the economic payoffs of reform and potentially trapping the country in a low-growth equilibrium Where governments therefore suppressed protests, democracy would suffer and perhaps fall to renewed authoritarianism. Thus, trade liberalization and other market reforms held tremendous economic, social, and political risks.
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Democratic transition fails—causes unemployment and destroys their economy.
| 1,437 | 76 | 772 | 193 | 8 | 104 | 0.041451 | 0.53886 |
Cuba Terror List Negative Supplement - GMU 2013.html5
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Unknown
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5,345 |
Economic engagement is another bedrock principle for ¶ Europe. Through two-way trade, investment, and tourism, ¶ the EU can create incentives for gradual change. But the EU ¶ should move beyond these pillars of economic engagement. Through European lending ¶ institutions and joint ventures, the EU is well-positioned to advise and encourage the ¶ process of ‘enterprise perfecting’ that Raúl Castro has made a public goal. Additionally, ¶ communication and cooperation with European states with strong public service ¶ sectors could be beneficial to both parties. Europe has lauded the achievements of ¶ Cuban healthcare and education while acknowledging that public oversight in these ¶ sectors often limits efficiency and creates shortages of supplies and personnel. While ¶ Europe might not be fertile ground for a Barrio Adentro programme like the one that ¶ has placed about 25,000 Cuban doctors abroad in Venezuela, the EU social democracy ¶ model might be one that is more appealing to the Cubans than the prevalent US socioeconomic model. At the moment, the EU has relatively high-level contacts with and access to Cuban ¶ government officials. This is the primary advantage of the European position and this ¶ level of communication should be maintained if not expanded. The EU could seize the ¶ opportunity to reach out to Raúl Castro following Fidel Castro’s death. Raúl Castro ¶ may be inclined to work with European governments. The EU is particularly well positioned to engage and influence the new government, because, unlike the United ¶ States, it is not perceived to be openly adversarial.
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Daniel P. Erikson, 2009 Senior Associate for US policy and ¶ Director of Caribbean programs at the Inter-American Dialogue (IAD) “Europe’s Cuba Problem: ¶ The Limits of Constructive ¶ Engagement” accessed 7.1.2013 http://www.idea.int/resources/analysis/loader.cfm?csmodule=security/getfile&pageid=38108¶
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the EU ¶ should move beyond pillars of economic engagement EU is well-positioned to advise and encourage the ¶ process of ‘enterprise perfecting’ that Raúl Castro has made a public goal the EU has relatively high-level contacts with and access to Cuban ¶ government officials This is the primary advantage of the European position and this ¶ level of communication should be maintained if not expanded The EU could seize the ¶ opportunity to reach out to Raúl Castro Raúl Castro ¶ may be inclined to work with European governments The EU is particularly well positioned to engage and influence the new government it is not perceived to be openly adversarial.
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EU should reach out to Cuba to encourage engagement
| 1,608 | 51 | 658 | 258 | 9 | 111 | 0.034884 | 0.430233 |
European Union Counterplan - JDI 2013.html5
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(Reuters) - The European Union and Cuba re-established cooperation on Thursday that was broken off five years ago in a dispute over Cuban political prisoners.¶ Cuba Foreign Minister Felipe Perez Roque and EU Commissioner for Development and Humanitarian Aid Louis Michel signed a declaration pledging new cooperation in what Michel called "a turning point for EU-Cuban relations."¶ The agreement calls for the two sides to look for ways to work together in areas such as trade, the environment, science and technology.¶ The European Commission, executive body of the 27-nation EU, said in a statement it may invest 20 million to 25 million euros in joint projects. It also said it would give Cuba 2 million euros to aid recovery from recent hurricanes Gustav and Ike.¶ The EU imposed diplomatic sanctions in 2003 after Cuba imprisoned 75 presumed opponents of the communist-led government. About 55 are believed to still be in jail.
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Reuters 2008, staff “EU and Cuba renew cooperation after 5-year chill”¶ Thu Oct 23, 2008 7:49pm BST http://uk.reuters.com/article/2008/10/23/uk-cuba-eu-idUKTRE49M7QD20081023 accessed 7.1.2013
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The European Union and Cuba re-established cooperation that was broken off five years ago in a dispute over Cuban political prisoners Cuba Foreign Minister Felipe Perez Roque and EU Commissioner for Development and Humanitarian Aid Louis Michel signed a declaration pledging new cooperation in what Michel called "a turning point for EU-Cuban relations The agreement calls for ways to work together in areas such as trade, the environment, science and technology The European Commission said in a statement it may invest 20 million to 25 million euros in joint projects it would give Cuba 2 million euros to aid recovery from recent hurricanes
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EU have reestablished connection with Cuba and are looking for trade ties
| 932 | 73 | 643 | 151 | 12 | 103 | 0.07947 | 0.682119 |
European Union Counterplan - JDI 2013.html5
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Peter C. Glover, International Associate Editor, Energy Tribune and co-author, 05/08/13, “The World is not running out of oil – but Europe is”, The Commentator, online at http://www.thecommentator.com/article/3472/the_world_is_not_running_out_of_oil_but_europe_is, accessed 07/02/13, A.S. If Europe thought it had a crisis on its hands in the eurozone, it’s nothing compared to the crisis a lack of oil would inflict. Thanks to the EU’s disastrous energy policies, while the world is proving to be awash with black gold in one form or another, Europe is fast losing the security of its oil supply. And, just for good measure, a UK House of Lords report recently published concludes that the EU will need a trillion euros of new investment if it is to stave off an energy crisis – investment its “muddled” policies are currently failing to attract
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Glover 13
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Thanks to the EU’s disastrous energy policies while the world is awash with black gold Europe is fast losing the security of its oil supply. EU will need a trillion euros of new investment if it is to stave off an energy crisis
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Europe needs oil investment to sustain itself
| 846 | 45 | 227 | 133 | 7 | 43 | 0.052632 | 0.323308 |
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The European Union sugar market will probably be balanced in two years as imports from preferential nations are set to rise, reducing the need for the bloc to take steps to boost supplies, Czarnikow Group said.¶ Shipments from countries that have trade agreements with the EU will reach 2.86 million metric tons in the 2014-15 season, estimated Peter de Klerk, a senior analyst at the London-based Czarnikow, which traded sugar in more than 90 countries in 2011. That compares with a forecast for imports of 2.34 million tons in the current season, according to the European Commission, the bloc’s regulatory arm.
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Isis Almeida - Apr 18, 2013 8:19 AM CT, staff “EU Sugar Market Seen Balanced in Two Years as Imports Rise” http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-04-18/eu-sugar-market-seen-balanced-in-two-years-as-imports-rise-1-.html
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The European Union sugar market will probably be balanced in two years as imports from preferential nations are set to rise Shipments from countries that have trade agreements with the EU will reach 2.86 million metric tons in the 2014-15 season
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EU will balance sugar market in two years
| 613 | 41 | 245 | 101 | 8 | 41 | 0.079208 | 0.405941 |
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Fidel Castro’s decision to step down as Cuba’s ruler brings the country one step closer to a democratic transition. Could it also be one step closer to an economic transformation?¶ A sweet cash crop (Wikipedia)¶ Before Castro’s 1959 revolution, Cuba was the world’s biggest sugar producer; today, its battered sugar mills and neglected land produce about 10% of what they did. In the meantime, though, sugar has become a real cash crop: While regular sugar sells for around 11 cents a pound, ethanol made from sugarcane can fetch $2 a gallon.¶ The academics who try to make sense of Cuba’s economy—and divine its post-Castro future—have spent a lot of time wondering if Cuba could be a baby Brazil, which has become the world’s biggest producer of ethanol by pouring half its sugar crop into the fuel. The short answer, from the Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy’s Juan Tomas Sanchez:¶ The 1 billion gallons [of sugarcane-derived ethanol] that Brazil will export in 2007 could have been produced in [the Cuban province of] Camaguey.¶ Mr. Sanchez set out to determine how much ethanol Cuba could produce after an exhaustive study of Cuban land use. In a best-case scenario, where post-Castro Cuba opened the door to hefty foreign investments to modernize its sugar industry and without any barriers to the U.S. market, Cuba could produce 3.2 billion gallons of ethanol a year, Mr. Sanchez figures. (Other academics guess it would be closer to 2 billion gallons.)¶ But unlike Brazil, which has a thirsty domestic auto market to feed, Cuba’s relative lack of internal demand would free most of that ethanol for export. Mr. Sanchez figures as much as 3 billion gallons, worth around $7 billion at today’s prices. Hard currency aside, sugarcane ethanol appears to have two other selling points over other varieties. It seems to produce lower carbon-dioxide emissions than biofuel made from corn, soy, or palm oil. And sugarcane biomass, long used to fire distilleries in Cuba, could produce an additional 4 gigawatts of power (think four nuclear plants) for the electricity-starved nation.¶ Doubtless some big biofuels producers are rubbing their hands today. Another ASCE academic reported recently that Archer Daniels Midland tried to break into the Cuban sugarcane ethanol business in the mid-1990s, but was rebuffed by the regime. Maybe Raul will be more receptive?
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Keith Johnson February 19, 2008 http://blogs.wsj.com/environmentalcapital/2008/02/19/sweet-home-santiago-cubas-ethanol-future/ “Sweet Home, Santiago: Cuba’s Ethanol Future” Wall Street Journal
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sugar has become a real cash crop ethanol made from sugarcane can fetch $2 a gallon academics have spent a lot of time wondering if Cuba could be a baby Brazil The 1 billion gallons [of sugarcane-derived ethanol] that Brazil will export in 2007 could have been produced in [the Cuban province of] Camaguey Cuba could produce 3.2 billion gallons of ethanol a year Cuba’s relative lack of internal demand would free most of that ethanol for export
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Cuba could export more ethanol than Brazil, time to act now
| 2,377 | 59 | 445 | 388 | 11 | 78 | 0.028351 | 0.201031 |
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Consider the causes:¶ * Cold War legacy: U.S. intervention in Vietnam, and covert attempts to overthrow governments in Iran, Guatemala and Cuba, among others, created profound distrust of U.S. motives throughout the developing world. Europeans also disdain these policies and bemoan the cultural coarseness of Americanization sweeping their continent.¶ Americans, by contrast, tend to dismiss this side of the Cold War. Gore Vidal famously referred to this country as the United States of Amnesia. We're all about moving forward, getting over it, a nation of immigrants for whom leaving the past behind was a geographic, psychological and often political act. As the last guy standing when the Cold War ended, in 1989, we expected the world to embrace free markets and liberal democracy.¶ * Power and powerlessness: Power generates resentment. But the United States has lost the ability to see its power from the perspective of those with less of it. In Latin America, for example, U.S. policies - whether on trade, aid, democracy, drugs or immigration - presumed that Latin Americans would automatically see U.S. interests as their own. And when denied deference, we sometimes lash out, as did Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld when he lumped Germany, a close U.S. ally, with Cuba and Libya because Berlin opposed the Iraq war.
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Julia E. Sweig 2006 (The Los Angeles Times¶ Tuesday 15 August 2006 the Nelson and David Rockefeller Senior Fellow for Latin America Studies and Director for Latin America Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations and specializes in Latin America and U.S.-Latin America foreign policy, benperi.eu, “Why They Hate Us”)
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U.S. covert attempts to overthrow governments in Cuba created profound distrust of U.S. motives throughout the developing world Europeans also disdain these policies and bemoan the cultural coarseness of Americanization sweeping their continent. We're all about moving forward, getting over it, a nation of immigrants for whom leaving the past behind was a geographic, psychological and often political act we expected the world to embrace free markets and liberal democracy. In Latin America U.S. policies - whether on trade, aid, democracy, drugs or immigration - presumed that Latin Americans would automatically see U.S. interests as their own
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Cuba hates US due to foreign policies towards developing nations
| 1,331 | 64 | 647 | 213 | 10 | 97 | 0.046948 | 0.455399 |
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Mexico and the European Union share the view that Nuclear Safety is paramount to ensure ¶ the safety of the populations and the environment and for the continued use of nuclear ¶ power. ¶ Following exploratory discussions between officials of the European Commission and the ¶ Mexican Ministry of Energy, the parties agree to cooperate in the field of nuclear safety ¶ with a view to further enhance the safety of nuclear installations in Mexico. The ¶ cooperation may cover the fields of design safety, operational safety, regulatory issues and ¶ waste management.
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Council of European Union, 5/16/10, “Mexico – European Union Strategic Partnership Joint Executive Plan” http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/en/er/114467.pdf 7/2/13
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Mexico and the European Union share the view that Nuclear Safety is paramount to ensure ¶ the safety of the populations and the environment the parties agree to cooperate in the field of nuclear Mexico. The ¶ cooperation may cover the fields of design safety, operational safety, regulatory issues and ¶ waste management.
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Nuclear weapons are inevitable, but EU and Mexico solves for Nuclear Safety
| 565 | 75 | 321 | 93 | 12 | 53 | 0.129032 | 0.569892 |
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Mexico and the European Union recognise that corruption is an obstacle to democracy and ¶ economic growth. ¶ Mexico and the EU will endeavour to strengthen coordination and cooperation to combat ¶ corruption within the framework of the Conference of parties to the United Nations ¶ Convention against Corruption (Merida Convention) and other anti-corruptions ¶ instruments they are adhering to. ¶ In this context, both sides reiterate their commitment to working to ensure that an ¶ increasing number of countries ratify or accede to the Convention, in order to increase the ¶ number of parties and thereby contribute to universal accession to this instrument. ¶ Both Parties recognize the importance of the mechanism for reviewing the implementation ¶ of the Convention, recently approved at the Third session of the Conference of the States ¶ Parties to UNCACC (Doha, 9-13 November 2009), and commit themselves to encourage ¶ civil society participation in review processes and to publish their review reports in full.
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Council of European Union, 5/16/10, “Mexico – European Union Strategic Partnership Joint Executive Plan” http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/en/er/114467.pdf 7/2/13
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Mexico and the European Union recognise that corruption is an obstacle to democracy and ¶ economic growth. ¶ Mexico and the EU will endeavour to strengthen coordination and cooperation to combat ¶ corruption sides reiterate their commitment to working to ensure that an ¶ increasing number of countries ratify the Convention, in order to increase the ¶ number of parties and thereby contribute to universal accession to this instrument. ¶
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EU and Mexico will combat corruption
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Mexico and the EU will work together to contribute to providing an efficient and timely response to the region's health needs in six areas of common interest: eradication of child malnutrition, maternal health, epidemiological surveillance, control of dengue and malaria, universal vaccines and enhancing human resources in the health sector. In this connection, consideration will be given to mechanisms to provide financial and technical
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Council of European Union, 5/16/10, “Mexico – European Union Strategic Partnership Joint Executive Plan” http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/en/er/114467.pdf 7/2/13
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Mexico and the EU will work together to contribute to providing an efficient and timely response to the region's health needs in six areas of common interest: eradication of child malnutrition, maternal health, epidemiological surveillance, control of dengue and malaria, universal vaccines and enhancing human resources in the health sector.
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Mexico and EU work for six areas of health care
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CARACAS - In this exclusive interview with Le Monde, his first for any international media since his recent victory in the April 14 Venezuelan presidential election, former union leader Nicolas Maduro, 50 years old, does not waver. ¶ The hand-picked heir of Hugo Chavez had served as the Comandante’s Foreign Minister, and you can hear it in his speeches as he preaches radical “Chavism:” no mercy against the opposition's disputing his election, endless references to the Bolivarian revolution's legacy, hero-worshiping of leaders, and a strident anti-American stance that echos Gaddafi and Iran’s dictatorial regime. Maduro apologies for none of it, and only seems open to foreign investors such as China, referring to the very Chinese “special economic areas” concept.¶ Nicolas Maduro - sporting a colorful tracksuit - received us in the hall of his modest presidential residence, located on a military base as the capital Caracas saw its streets filled with May 1st demonstrators, both opposition supporters as well as the “Chavists,” deprived of their iconic leader who ran this oil state for 14 years.¶ LE MONDE: Brawls in the parliament, violent incidents in the streets resulting in seven dead: Venezuela is a very tense and polarized state. How do you intend to prevent such events from recurring?¶ NICOLAS MADURO: The country is not polarized, it’s mobilized. It remains so thanks to our revolution against economic dependency, poverty, impoverishment, inequalities. It’s a revolution against the same capitalism that devastated our homeland in the past. We have a democratic socialism. When groups of people decide to fight against us –- it happened 200 years ago during the struggle for independence, it’s happening again, this time for our new independence -- it always creates tensions. We rely on our constitution and institutions to move forward, and we can trust them. I can guarantee you peace and democracy. Whatever threat is made against us, we shall overcome it. Europe needs to understand this for the Europeans still trust their stereotypes. People think Venezuela is a dictatorial regime.¶ Are you willing to open a dialogue with the opposition?¶ I have called for a sit-down with everyone, but the opposition’s leadership is composed of very extreme right-wingers, they won’t let the political parties have peaceful negotiations. This group wants to hijack the government. […] I’m calling upon Europeans to open their eyes. Chile had Pinochet. When (Salvador)Allende was attacked, everyone was shocked by the violence. The same ideology is emerging here. If I make any comparison with Mussolini, Franco or Hitler, people say I’m exaggerating. But I’m sounding the alarm here in Latin America. All the ingredients for an extremist right-wing project are there. If those people happen to take over – it won’t happen - they would destroy democracy in Venezuela and enforce a totalitarian regime.¶ The opposition convinced 49% of the Venezuelans. Do you believe all of its members are “fascists” as you call them?¶ Not all of them are but what we call social democracy or Christian democracy is on the verge of extinction in Venezuela because of these extremists on the right. We won 17 out of the 18 elections these last 14 years. We just faced the most difficult of them all for we had to run without Commandante Chavez, the soul of the Bolivarian revolution. I was a candidate who started with nothing and I won. Chavism was fluctuating between 50 and 60%, sometimes 63%. It’s a very strong and solid historic movement. My message to France and Europe is that we will make sure Venezuela won’t witness the rise of another Pinochet. And we will do it the democratic way.¶ You see yourself as Hugo Chavez’s heir. His stance on the international stage was the one of a “resistance” against an alleged American imperialism and through alliances with repressive regimes – Gaddafi, Al-Assad, Lukashenko, Ahmadinejad. Are you willing to take a step back from all this?¶ You say “an alleged imperialism.” Imperialism exists! The US has practiced worldwide imperialism. They had already invaded half of Mexico in the 19th century. During the 20th, they accomplished a total hegemony, an economic, military and political empire. The 21st century was the start of a new era. On one side, you have a unipolar imperial world and on the other, an emerging pluripolar, multicentric, and balanced world, which in fact follows the path of our libertador Simon Bolivar. We believe in a balanced world without empires. Venezuela has coped with a century of oil domination, American companies sowing misery, this is why we have an anti-imperialist program.¶ As of our friends… Gaddafi was friends with Sarkozy and Berlusconi. They attended banquets together. He was financing their campaigns. As a member of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, we have always been friends with Libya. President Chavez has always been a loyal friend of Gaddafi, assassinated in the crudest way possible. Europe should think about the bombings and the destruction of Libya that filled the country with terrorists. Who’s truly ruling Libya’s military and sending thousands of armed men to fight in Syria? It’s Al Qaeda.¶ The Syrian president is bombing his own people with planes and tanks. Why aren’t you condemning these actions if you’re preaching democracy?¶ The foreign intervention in Syria has created a civil war. We have a good economic agreement with Bashar Al-Assad. We need to draw a line here anyway: Venezuela is a democratic country. And in Latin America in general, everyone’s looking for its own economic model after the 1990s neo-liberal disaster. As a matter of fact, what’s happening now in Europe echoes what occurred here during the 1990s: every social indicator was pointing downward, and it led to a political explosion and revolutions. This is the reason why Chavez, Kirchner, Correa and Lula came to power. Europe, be advised.¶ You speak of a multipolar world. Who should be Venezuela’s ally in the 21st century? Europe or China and Russia?¶ A group has been formed: the BRICS. This is the global core which may bring balance through great changes. It comprises 3 billion people: China, our Brazilian brothers, India, South Africa…It brings great hope to the world, just like Europe once did. The problem is Europe let itself get dominated by the American policies. Europe needs to join the BRICS to form a great global alliance for a new kind of coexistence in order to end interventionism and war.¶ What would it take for Obama’s United States and your country to normalize relations?¶ Respect. Respect for Latin America. They don’t respect us. It’s an old grudge. Two doctrines. The Monroe Doctrine used to mean “America for Americans,” that is the United States of America. And then there was Simon Bolivar saying “the union of America, former Spanish colony.” These are two different doctrines. One is imperialist and the other is preaching liberation. I know for a fact that there is a group of ultra-conservatives and terrorists within the US. Look up Roger Noriega, John Negroponte, Otto Reich…Each of these men are planning the violent destabilization of Venezuela. Sometimes, the US government tries to control them, sometimes it doesn’t. The United States are ruled by a financial, media-centered, military-industrial apparatus. Behind Obama’s grin, he orders bombings. He just displays a different image than Bush. That’s how he expands US global domination. We just appointed a new chargé d’affaires. We are willing to work on a more positive relation. We will see.¶ Oil has been Chavez’s great tool of leverage in his regional policy, with the social programs. However, your country’s production is stagnant. How are you going to open this sector for foreign investments? How are you planning to diversify an oil-dominated economy?¶ In Venezuela, the oil belt hosts 27 multinational companies from around the world, including French ones. We welcome everyone who hasn’t invested in our country yet to do so. We are creating special economic areas to favor investments and technology. We have studied the Chinese experience of the municipality of Pudong in Shanghai. On the other hand, Venezuela has 33 million hectares of arable land available and only use 3 million. We have all it takes to be a major power in agriculture.¶ You speak of liberty. When you go to Cuba to talk with Raul and Fidel Castro, which you recently did, do you tackle the subjects of political prisoners and detained journalists?¶ We are proud of Cuba and we will continue to show our support for this noble and united people. Fidel and Chavez had a special bond, like between father and son. Fidel Castro represents the dignity of the South American continent against empires. He’s a living legend, an icon of independence and freedom across the continent. ¶
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Marie Delcas and Natalie Nougayrède (Staff writers for WorldCrunch) 5/03/13 [“’Obama doesn’t respect us’- Nicolas Maduro Interview” World Crunch News http://www.worldcrunch.com/world-affairs/-quot-obama-doesn-039-t-respect-us-quot-the-nicolas-maduro-interview/maduro-venezuela-oil-usa-chavez/c1s11678/, July 1]
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The hand-picked heir of Hugo Chavez had served as the Comandante’s Foreign Minister, and you can hear it in his speeches as he preaches radical “Chavism:” no mercy against the opposition's disputing his endless references to the Bolivarian revolution's legacy, hero-worshiping of leaders, and a strident anti-American stance Maduro apologies for none of it NICOLAS MADURO: The country is not polarized, it’s mobilized It’s a revolution against the same capitalism that devastated our homeland in the past. We have a democratic socialism. When groups of people decide to fight against us it always creates tensions I can guarantee you peace and democracy Europe needs to understand this for the Europeans still trust their stereotypes. People think Venezuela is a dictatorial regime.¶ I have called for a sit-down with everyone, but the opposition’s leadership is composed of very extreme right-wingers, they won’t let the political parties have peaceful negotiations. This group wants to hijack the government. calling upon Europeans to open their eyes. United States don’t respect us. It’s an old grudge The United States are ruled by a financial, media-centered, military-industrial apparatus. Behind Obama’s grin, he orders bombings. He just displays a different image than Bush. That’s how he expands US global domination. We are proud of Cuba and we will continue to show our support for this noble and united people.
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Venezuela would rather have relations with the EU than the U.S.
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Upon completing a series of high-level talks in France, Portugal and Italy, securing a slew of new bilateral agreements this week, Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro described his visit to Europe as producing “excellent results”.¶ After meeting with his French counterpart President Francois Hollande on the final day of his trip, Maduro announced a “new phase” in the relationship between the two countries.¶ Maduro stated that a “strategic alliance” would be formed between Venezuela and France. According to the Venezuelan president, the relationship between Paris and Caracas could act as an “engine” to promote cooperation between Europe and Latin America.¶ Both leaders stated that the “alliance” would focus on strengthening economic ties. “The partnership could help establish closer ties between the European Union and Latin America,” Maduro stated.¶ While visiting Paris, Maduro also held a meeting with French oil company Total, the news agency EFE reported, though no details of the meeting were initially made public. The president also reportedly met with French car manufacturer Renault and the aircraft producer Airbus. EFE reports that Maduro discussed purchasing a “large” number of airliners for the Venezuelan national carrier, Conviasa.¶ According to Maduro, the two leaders will follow up talks during the Fourth Joint Commission between Venezuela and France in July.¶ France is a major investor in Venezuela, though in April 2006 Total's oilfields were among those nationalised by the Bolivarian government. On 17 April the Hollande administration became the third European government to acknowledge Maduro's victory in the 14 April presidential election.¶ When the Venezuelan president arrived in Paris, “dozens” of Latin American residents of the city gathered to welcome him, according to Prensa Latina.¶ The visit immediately followed Maduro's trip to Portugal earlier in the week, where he signed 14 new agreements in Lisbon.¶ Among the agreements inked during the eighth meeting of the Joint Committee between Portugal and Venezuela on Tuesday is a deal that Venezuela will import 100,000 tonnes of frozen food from Portugal. Other agreements also reportedly included concessions to encourage the expansion of Portugal's largest private bank, Banco Espírito Santo and the Lisbon based financial services group Banif's operations in Venezuela.¶ Deals were also signed relating to the Caracas-La Guaira freeway, according to AVN. AVN reported that the freeway will run between Caracas and the Simon Bolivar International Airport in Maiquetia, and will be built with Portuguese cooperation. Maduro has stated that the project is slated for completion in 2017.¶ Venezuela is currently Portugal's second largest trading partner in South America.¶ Prior to visiting Portugal, Maduro kicked off his first trip to Europe as president in Italy on Sunday. Along with meeting Pope Francis, Maduro also spoke with the Italian president, Giorgio Napolitano.¶ However, Venezuelan opposition leader Henrique Capriles has continued to criticise Maduro, including in a letter sent to the pope just days before Maduro visited the Vatican City. In the letter, Capriles accused the government of being complicit in “repeated human rights violations”, and undermining democracy.¶ In April, the Venezuelan national assembly launched a probe to investigate Capriles' role in a deadly wave of violence following the 14 April presidential elections. Capriles has also rejected calls from the country's electoral authority, the National Electoral Council, to accept the results of the elections.¶ On Wednesday, another opposition figure, Acción Democrática party president Edgar Zambrano reportedly met with the Pope Francis to request political assistance from the papacy.¶ Despite an ongoing campaign from the Venezuelan opposition for international support against Maduro, the president has stated that he received a warm welcome in Rome. Speaking to Italian media, Maduro said he was “moved” by the “expressions of love, kisses and lovely greetings from people in Rome”. “I must appreciate so much love, so much support, so much solidarity from Italy,” he added.¶ Maduro returned to Caracas on Wednesday night, but has already hinted at his next trip abroad. On Tuesday, Maduro tweeted that he intends to meet with the new Iranian president, Hassan Rowhani in the near future.¶ After winning the 14 June elections in Iran, Rowhani is set to be sworn in on 3 August, replacing Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
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Ryan Mallett-Outtrim (Staff Writer for VenezuelaAnalysis.com) Jun 20th 2013 [“Venezuela’s Maduro Concludes ‘Successful’ European Tour” VenezeulaAnalysis.com, http://venezuelanalysis.com/print/9741, July 1, SY]
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Upon completing a series of high-level talks in France, Portugal and Italy, securing a slew of new bilateral agreements this week, Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro described his visit to Europe as producing “excellent results”. After meeting with his French counterpart President Francois Hollande on the final day of his trip, Maduro announced a “new phase” in the relationship between the two countries Maduro stated that a “strategic alliance” would be formed between Venezuela and France. According to the Venezuelan president, the relationship between Paris and Caracas could act as an “engine” to promote cooperation between Europe and Latin America Both leaders stated that the “alliance” would focus on strengthening economic ties. “The partnership could help establish closer ties between the European Union and Latin America,” Maduro stated France is a major investor in Venezuela, When the Venezuelan president arrived in Paris, “dozens” of Latin American residents of the city gathered to welcome him
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European Nations are very involved with Venezuela
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1. EU/EC CO-OPERATION OBJECTIVES ¶ 1.1. The EU Treaty Objectives for External Co-operation ¶ In accordance with Article 177 of the Treaty Establishing the European Community, the ¶ Community’s co-operation policy shall foster the sustainable economic and social ¶ development of developing countries, the smooth and gradual integration of these ¶ countries into the global economy and the fight against poverty. The Community’s ¶ policy in this area shall contribute to the general objective of developing and ¶ consolidating democracy and the rule of law, as well as respect for human rights and ¶ fundamental freedoms. ¶ On the basis of Article 179 of the same Treaty, a new Development Cooperation ¶ Instrument (DCI) was adopted in December 2006. Venezuela is eligible to participate in ¶ cooperation programmes financed under the DCI [European Parliament and Council ¶ Regulation (EEC) No. 1905/2006 of 18 December 2006 establishing a financial ¶ instrument for development cooperation.] ¶ 1.2. The Joint Statement on EU Development Policy “The European Consensus” ¶ (2005) ¶ The context for the new strategy for the period 2007–2013 is the EU Development Policy ¶ Statement “The European Consensus on Development” adopted by the European ¶ Parliament, the Council of Ministers, the Member States and the European Commission ¶ in December 2005. This Statement underlines that the primary and overarching objective ¶ of EU development cooperation is the eradication of poverty in the context of sustainable ¶ development, including the pursuit of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). It ¶ also highlights the importance of partnership with the developing countries as well as the ¶ promotion of good governance, human rights and democracy, in order to achieve a fair ¶ and equitable globalisation. The Statement sets out a differentiated approach, according ¶ to the relevant context and needs, and proposes a common thematic framework which ¶ includes social cohesion and employment, as well as trade and regional integration, ¶ among the priorities for Community cooperation. ¶ The Development Policy Statement also contains a specific chapter on mainstreaming ¶ cross-cutting issues. Special reference is made to the promotion of human rights, gender ¶ equality, democracy, good governance, children’s rights and the rights of indigenous ¶ peoples, conflict prevention, environmental sustainability and combating HIV/AIDS. ¶ These cross-cutting issues are both objectives in themselves and vital factors in ¶ strengthening the impact and sustainability of cooperation. ¶ 1.3. Commission Communication on “A Stronger Partnership between the ¶ European Union and Latin America” (2005) ¶ In December 2005, the European Commission adopted a Communication on a renewed ¶ strategy designed to strengthen the EU-Latin America strategic partnership. With a view 7¶ to the 4th EU-Latin America/Caribbean Summit which was held in Vienna in May 2006, ¶ the Communication analysed the current challenges and made practical recommendations ¶ for revitalising the partnership. Its proposals included stepping up political dialogue ¶ between the two regions, stimulating economic and commercial exchanges, encouraging ¶ regional integration, tackling inequality and tailoring its development and aid policy more ¶ closely to actual conditions in Latin America. The Declaration of Vienna, issued by the ¶ Heads of State and Government of the European Union and of Latin America and the ¶ Caribbean on 12 May 2006, reiterates the commitment to expand and deepen EU-LAC ¶ cooperation in all areas in a spirit of mutual respect, equality and solidarity.
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European Commission 2013 [“Venezuela’s Country Strategy Paper” European Commision, http://eeas.europa.eu/venezuela/csp/07_13_en.pdf, July 1, SY]
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In accordance with Article 177 of the Treaty Establishing the European Community, the ¶ Community’s co-operation policy shall foster the sustainable economic and social ¶ development of developing countries, the smooth and gradual integration of these ¶ countries into the global economy and the fight against poverty. The Community’s ¶ policy in this area shall contribute to the general objective of developing and ¶ consolidating democracy and the rule of law, as well as respect for human rights and ¶ fundamental freedoms. ¶ In December 2005, the European Commission adopted a Communication on a renewed ¶ strategy designed to strengthen the EU-Latin America strategic partnership. Communication analysed the current challenges and made practical recommendations ¶ for revitalising the partnership. Its proposals included stepping up political dialogue ¶ between the two regions, stimulating economic and commercial exchanges, encouraging ¶ regional integration, tackling inequality and tailoring its development and aid policy more ¶ closely to actual conditions in Latin America.
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EU involvement can help global economy and fight against poverty
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Tensions increased further at the beginning of June when the EU decided to review its Common Position on Cuba, limit high-level government visits, reduce member states’ participation in cultural events in Cuba and increase official contacts with Cuban-based dissident groups. The actions of individual EU member states also reflected the cooling of relations. In particular, Spain, Italy and France made their displeasure clear by downgrading diplomatic links, increasing contacts with dissident groups and terminating a number of cooperation and development programmes. In retaliation, President Castro announced, on 27 July, that he had decided to reject all EU aid. Castro argued that the government, ‘out of a basic sense of dignity, relinquishes any aid or remnant of humanitarian aid that may be offered by the European Commission and the governments of the European Union’. In June, Castro had led huge protest demonstrations outside the Spanish and Italian embassies, while in September Cuba took control of Spain’s cultural centre in Havana. The Spanish Embassy called the move against the centre ‘a profoundly lamentable blow to freedom of expression’. It is clear from these diplomatic and verbal exchanges, that in a very short period of time, the EU’s policy of constructive engagement had been given an almighty battering, with relations between the EU and Cuba falling to an all time low. There was even a suggestion that a joint EU-US action towards Cuba might be established
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Peter Clegg, No Date, Lecturer in Politics, University of the West of England, Bristol, UK, ¶ “EU-Cuban Relations: An End To ‘Constructive Engagement’?” http://www.erpic.eu/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=130%3Aeu-cuban-relations-an-end-to-constructive-engagement&catid=31%3Aoctober-2003&Itemid= accessed 7.1.2013
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Tensions increased when the EU decided to review its Common Position on Cuba, limit high-level government visits, reduce member states’ participation in cultural events in Cuba and increase official contacts with Cuban-based dissident groups The actions of individual EU member states also reflected the cooling of relations by downgrading diplomatic links, increasing contacts with dissident groups and terminating a number of cooperation and development programmes In retaliation, President Castro announced that he had decided to reject all EU aid Castro had led huge protest demonstrations outside the Spanish and Italian embassies the EU’s policy of constructive engagement had been given an almighty battering, with relations between the EU and Cuba falling to an all time low
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EU-Cuban relations are bad now
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The European Union got it right last year when it rebuffed suggestions that Cuba be invited to participate in an EU aid pact with poor African, Caribbean and Pacific nations. The pact, know as the Cotonou agreement, sets conditions regarding human rights and democracy. Cuba's totalitarian dictatorship didn't respect those conditions then, nor does it now.
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The Miami Herald 03 (staff “The Regime Doesn't Respect Human Rights”¶ Posted on Fri, Mar. 14, 2003 in The Miami Herald. http://www.cubanet.org/CNews/y03/mar03/14e2.htm)
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The European Union got it right when it rebuffed suggestions that Cuba be invited to participate in an EU aid pact The pact sets conditions regarding human rights and democracy. Cuba's totalitarian dictatorship didn't respect those conditions then, nor does it now
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Cuba-EU trade will not happen due to Cuban dictatorship
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The European Union suspended some licenses to import sugar awarded last month at a tender intended to ease shortages because there are questions about the validity of two bids, according to the bloc’s regulatory arm.¶ The European Commission will cancel the awards if the bids are found to be invalid, it said in a statement e-mailed today in response to questions from Bloomberg News. The EU accepted bids to import 40,000 metric tons of raw sugar and 116,121 tons of white, or refined, sweetener at a reduced duty last month to ease shortages in the bloc, the commission said on May 16. Another import tender is scheduled for June 12.¶ “The licenses have been suspended while the relevant authorities seek to provide more details,” the commission said in the statement. “The suspension or potential cancellation of the awards does not necessarily mean that the volumes accepted at the next tender will be higher.”¶ Sugar shortages emerged in the EU as shipments from countries that traditionally export to the bloc fell short of the commission’s forecasts. Prices in the bloc’s 27 member countries jumped to an average 738 euros ($977) a ton in January, the highest since at least 2006, data from the commission showed. Shortages prompted the bloc to allow more imports.
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Isis Almeida June 07, 2013, (staff writer, “EU Suspends Some Sugar Import Licenses After Tender in May (1)” http://www.businessweek.com/news/2013-06-07/eu-suspends-some-sugar-import-licenses-after-tender-in-may-1)
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The European Union suspended some licenses to import sugar awarded last month The European Commission will cancel the awards if the bids are found to be invalid Sugar shortages emerged in the EU as shipments from countries that traditionally export to the bloc fell short of the commission’s forecasts
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EU has suspended sugar imports CP gets no solvency
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Brazil is the world's largest producer of sugarcane and its government has been at the forefront in pushing sugarcane onto the agrofuel agenda. Backed by the sugarcane industry, Brazil is keen to see the EU introduce higher targets for agrofuels. It claims that Europe can fuel its cars on ethanol made from sugarcane, reducing greenhouse gas emissions without affecting food prices; and without deforestation or damage in rural communities.¶ The Brazilian government is keen to see EU tariff barriers for ethanol swept aside, and is pushing for this in WTO negotiations, in order to allow ethanol from sugarcane to become a competitive alternative to gasoline. Brazil is also expected to push for EU and US tariff reductions on ethanol from sugarcane at the International Biofuels Forum scheduled to take place in Sao Paulo in November.¶ Since these attempts to slash tariff barriers have failed so far, Brazil has turned to bilateral accords of various kinds with EU member states like the Netherlands and Germany. And in January this year, the Swedish government applied for EU approval to import Brazilian ethanol at a lower tariff rate than the present tariff.[1]¶ Ethanol from sugarcane is presented as a climate-friendly source of fuel - but the indirect effects of expanding sugarcane plantations in Brazil are overlooked. And what are the other impacts of this monoculture crop? Can sustainability standards really address the fundamental problems, and are current initiatives in this respect mainly serving business, or communities?
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Transnational Institute 8 September 2008 http://www.tni.org/article/sugarcane-ethanol-sweet-solution-europes-fuel-addiction “Sugarcane ethanol: a sweet solution for Europe's fuel addiction?”
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Brazil is the world's largest producer of sugarcane and its government has been at the forefront in pushing sugarcane onto the agrofuel agenda Brazil is keen to see the EU introduce higher targets for agrofuels It claims that Europe can fuel its cars on ethanol made from sugarcane reducing greenhouse gas emissions without affecting food prices; and without deforestation or damage in rural communities.¶ The Brazilian government is keen to see EU tariff barriers for ethanol swept aside, and is pushing for this in WTO negotiations, in order to allow ethanol from sugarcane to become a competitive alternative to gasoline Ethanol from sugarcane is presented as a climate-friendly source of fuel
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Brazil Pushing for EU trade
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The United States and Mexico will continue environmental cooperation along the more than 3,000 kilometer U.S. - Mexico border. U.S. Environmental Protection Agency [EPA] Administrator Lisa Jackson and Mexican Secretary for the Environment Juan Elvira Quesada met in Tijuana, August 8th, to sign the Border 2020 framework agreement. They were joined by U.S. Ambassador to Mexico Anthony Wayne; Baja California Governor Jose Guadalupe Osuna Millan; Commissioners Drusina and Salmon from the International Boundary and Water Commission; Tijuana Mayor Carlos Bustamante Anchondo; representatives from Baja California, Nuevo Leon, California, and New Mexico; tribal officials; representatives of EPA and Mexico’s environmental protection agency, SEMARNAT. The Border 2020 Program is the latest environmental initiative implemented under the 1983 La Paz Agreement. It builds on the Border 2012 Environmental Program, emphasizing regional, bottom-up approaches for decision making, priority setting, and project implementation to address the environmental and public health problems in the border region. Border 2020 will seek to reduce pollution in water, air, and on land, reduce exposure to chemicals from accidental releases, and improve environmental stewardship. “Since the U.S. and Mexico agreed to collaborate and engage stakeholders from various sectors to address the environmental challenges along our international border, residents from both countries have benefited from cleaner air, water and land,” said EPA Administrator Jackson. Environmental Secretary of Mexico Elvira acknowledged cooperation between Mexico and the United States through the Border 2012 program and noted the accomplishments which include the removal of over 6.8 million used tires and cleaning up the waste disposal sites in Mexicali, Baja California. He explained there were over 140 projects that reduced air, water and soil pollutants; protected environmental health, prepared our response to environmental emergencies, and promoted compliance with environmental laws. Fourteen million inhabitants along the U.S. – Mexico border benefit from these projects. Ambassador Wayne, in his discussions with U.S. and Mexican officials, noted that pollutants are a shared challenge and responsibility and expressed confidence that Border 2020 will build on the successes of Border 2012.
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[Staff Writer, Voice of America Editorials “U.S-Mexico Environmental Cooperation”, http://editorials.voa.gov/content/us-mexico-environmental-cooperation/1494052.html 07/05/13]
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The United States and Mexico will continue environmental cooperation The Border 2020 Program is the latest environmental initiative implemented It builds on the Border 2012 Environmental Program and project implementation to address the environmental problems Border 2020 will seek to reduce pollution in water, air, and on land, reduce exposure to chemicals from accidental releases, and improve environmental stewardship. U.S. and Mexico agreed to collaborate and engage stakeholders from various sectors to address the environmental challenges residents from both countries have benefited from cleaner air, water and land, there were over 140 projects that reduced air, water and soil pollutants; protected environmental health, prepared our response to environmental emergencies, and promoted compliance with environmental laws. Fourteen million inhabitants benefit from these projects.
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U.S Mexico working on environment issues
| 2,363 | 40 | 892 | 331 | 6 | 122 | 0.018127 | 0.36858 |
European Union Counterplan - JDI 2013.html5
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Kansas (JDI)
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Counterplans
|
2013
|
5,362 |
Americans were more confident in the economy last week than in any week since Gallup began tracking economic confidence daily in 2008. The Gallup Economic Confidence Index rose to -5 last week from -11 the prior week. The current score exceeds the previous weekly high of -8 reached two weeks ago and in early February. Gallup Economic Confidence Index -- Weekly Averages, 2008-2013 Americans' confidence in the economy has been stronger this year than in recent years as U.S. stock prices hit record highs and unemployment in April declined to its lowest level since December 2008. Additionally, home prices have been higher and gas prices have generally been lower than they were last year, which likely boosted economic confidence. The Gallup Economic Confidence Index was -22 in the first week of the year as Congress and the president reached a deal to resolve the fiscal cliff, and it steadily improved to -8 in the week ending Feb. 3. The Index fell sharply in the first week of March to -22 as leaders in Washington failed to reach an agreement to avoid budget sequestration cuts, but has generally trended upward in most weeks since early March. Gallup's Economic Confidence Index has a theoretical minimum of -100 and a theoretical maximum of +100. The index is based on Americans' ratings of current economic conditions in the United States as well as their assessments of whether the economy is getting better or worse. The index has never been positive since Gallup began Daily tracking of economic confidence in January 2008. Gallup asked the same questions in periodic surveys prior to 2008, though methodological differences between the tracking and nontracking surveys make precise comparisons of the results from each difficult. Nevertheless, in a broad sense, Americans haven't been on balance positive toward the economy since late 2006/early 2007.
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Brown 13 (Alyssa, Gallup Economy; U.S. Economic Confidence Reaches Five-Year Weekly High, http://www.gallup.com/poll/162698/economic-confidence-reaches-five-year-weekly-high.aspx)
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Americans were more confident in the economy last week than in any week since Gallup began tracking economic confidence daily in 2008. The Gallup Economic Confidence Index rose to -5 last week from -11 the prior week. Americans' confidence in the economy has been stronger this year than in recent years as U.S. stock prices hit record highs and unemployment in April declined to its lowest level since December 2008. Additionally, home prices have been higher and gas prices have generally been lower than they were last year, which likely boosted economic confidence.
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US economy is booming, investor confidence
| 1,868 | 42 | 569 | 304 | 6 | 93 | 0.019737 | 0.305921 |
Guest Workers Negative - DDI 2013 SS.html5
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Dartmouth DDI
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Case Negatives
|
2013
|
5,363 |
The U.S. housing recovery is strengthening. Factories are fielding more orders. And Americans' confidence in the economy has reached its highest point in 5½ years. That brightening picture, captured in four reports Tuesday, suggests that the economy could accelerate in the second half of the year. It underscores the message last week from the Federal Reserve, which plans to slow its bond-buying program this year and end it next year if the economy continues to strengthen. The Fed's bond purchases have helped keep long-term interest rates low. Investors appeared to welcome the flurry of positive data. The Dow Jones industrial average rose 100 points to close at 14,760, and broader stock indexes also ended the day up. Those gains made up only a fraction of the markets' losses since Chairman Ben Bernanke said last week that the Fed will likely scale back its economic stimulus within months -- a move that would send long-term rates up. But the rising confidence of U.S. consumers shows that most Americans are focused on a better job market, said Beth Ann Bovino, chief economist at Standard & Poor's.
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Rugaber and Crutsinger 6/25 (Christopher S., Martin; AP, Mercury News, U.S. economic picture continues to brighten, points to strong second half, http://www.mercurynews.com/business/ci_23536142/u-s-economic-picture-continues-brighten-points-strong)
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The U.S. housing recovery is strengthening. Factories are fielding more orders. And Americans' confidence in the economy has reached its highest point in 5½ years. That brightening picture suggests that the economy could accelerate in the second half of the year The Fed's bond purchases have helped keep long-term interest rates low he Fed will likely scale back its economic stimulus within months -- a move that would send long-term rates up. But the rising confidence of U.S. consumers shows that most Americans are focused on a better job market, said Beth Ann Bovino, chief economist at Standard & Poor's.
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US economy strong- no risk of collapse
| 1,111 | 38 | 611 | 184 | 7 | 100 | 0.038043 | 0.543478 |
Guest Workers Negative - DDI 2013 SS.html5
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Dartmouth DDI
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Case Negatives
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2013
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5,364 |
Principle No. 1: Smart Security. All too often progress at the border has centered on numbers-of agents hired, miles of fencing built, cameras deployed, etc.[23] A smart approach to border security includes policies and programs that make Americans more secure and prosperous while protecting the sovereignty of both border partners. An example of a smart approach to border security is the Border Enforcement Security Taskforce (BEST). BEST is a program that couples U.S. federal, state, and local law enforcement with Mexican law enforcement to share information and collaborate on matters such as border crime.[24] Neither country is forced to cede control over its border to the other; instead, both the U.S. and Mexico work together to tackle border challenges voluntarily, while maintaining individual sovereignty.
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McNeill 9 (Jena Baker, Professional Staff, U.S. Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, Oversight of Government Management Subcommittee, 2011-2012 Senior Policy Analyst for Homeland Security, The Heritage Foundation, 2008-2011 Aide, Office of Robert Ehrlich, Jr. (Maryland), 2005 Law Clerk, U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary, Antitrust Subcommittee, 2006The Heritage Foundation, 15 Steps to Better Border Security: Reducing America's Southern Exposure, http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2009/03/15-steps-to-better-border-security-reducing-americas-southern-exposure)
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All too often progress at the border has centered on numbers-of agents hired, miles of fencing built, cameras deployed, etc.[23] A smart approach to border security includes policies and programs that make Americans more secure and prosperous while protecting the sovereignty of both border partners. An example of a smart approach to border security is the Border Enforcement Security Taskforce (BEST). BEST is a program that couples U.S. federal, state, and local law enforcement with Mexican law enforcement to share information and collaborate on matters such as border crime.[2
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1. Multiple alt causes to border insecurity—
| 820 | 44 | 582 | 124 | 7 | 89 | 0.056452 | 0.717742 |
Guest Workers Negative - DDI 2013 SS.html5
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Dartmouth DDI
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Case Negatives
|
2013
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5,365 |
(Reuters) - Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke said on Wednesday that the U.S. central bank will continue to pursue an accommodative monetary policy for now as inflation remains low and the employment rate may be overstating the health of the labor market.¶ "The overall message is accommodation," Bernake said at a conference sponsored by the National Bureau of Economic Research. He said that a "highly accommodative policy is needed for the forseeable future."¶ Markets recently sold off amid fears that the Fed may begin to taper its monthly bond-buying program.¶ Bernanke said the current unemployment rate of 7.6 percent "if anything overstates the health of the labor market" and said the central bank will not automatically raise interest rates when the unemployment rate hits 6.5 percent.¶ The housing market is a bright spot in the economy, Bernanke said, adding that the Fed is "somewhat optimistic" for the outlook on the U.S. economy.
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Reuters 7/10 (“Bernanke says highly accommodative policy needed for now” July 10, 2013. http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/07/10/us-usa-fed-outlook-idUSBRE9690ZL20130710) VP
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Bernanke said on Wednesday that the U.S. central bank will continue to pursue an accommodative monetary policy The overall message is accommodation," Markets recently sold off amid fears that the Fed may begin to taper its monthly bond-buying program anything overstates the health of the labor market" and said the central bank will not automatically raise interest rates when the unemployment rate hits 6.5 percent. Fed is "somewhat optimistic" for the outlook on the U.S. economy.
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Accommodative policies will continue
| 952 | 36 | 485 | 152 | 4 | 76 | 0.026316 | 0.5 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
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Case Negatives
|
2013
|
5,366 |
At 620 days after the end of the monetary policy meeting held a news conference, Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke has made it clear ¶ that the slowdown may begin later this quantitative easing, Ming could end QE. And policy meeting minutes compared to apparently Bernanke has been regarded as mild mannered.¶ Just yesterday, Bernanke at the National Bureau of Economic Research speech when a tendency to change as early as the end of QE’s position, which means that in the “foreseeable future requires highly accommodative policy.”¶ By the “feel good”, the dollar fell, the stock market rose.
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Stock Market Watch 7/14 (Stock Market Today - Stock Market News | Market Watch. "Bernanke unexpectedly changed tone: still highly accommodative monetary policy" July 14, 2013. www.thestockmarketwatch.co/bernanke-unexpectedly-changed-tone-still-highly-accommodative-monetary-policy.html) VP
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yesterday, Bernanke at the National Bureau of Economic Research speech when a tendency to change as early as the end of QE’s position, which means that in the “foreseeable future requires highly accommodative policy.”¶ By the “feel good”, the dollar fell, the stock market rose.
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Bernanke will continue QE
| 585 | 25 | 278 | 97 | 4 | 45 | 0.041237 | 0.463918 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
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Case Negatives
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2013
|
5,367 |
Misguided Measures¶ The response of U.S. officials to the current turmoil in Mexico is the same as in the past: more loans with more onerous conditions. There are at least three reasons why that is a wrong-headed approach. First, loans or loan guarantees by the United States create a moral hazard that brews trouble in the future. Second, use of the Treasury by the administration to fund foreign states without congressional appropriation raises constitutional issues regarding the separation of powers. The administration's use of the Federal Reserve to fund such loans also violates the principle of central bank independence. Third, the loans help special interests and do nothing to raise living standards for most Mexican citizens.¶ Moral Hazard¶ The U.S. government's regular practice of extending guarantees to certain countries experiencing financial difficulties underwrites policies in those countries that otherwise would be untenable. It sends a message to investors, both foreign and domestic, that they can invest with little fear of a total loss. That weakens the integrity of financial contracts and the scrutiny that contracting parties would otherwise apply to each other. It also results in excessive risk taking because a third party bears the risk. That situation is analogous to the moral hazard created by federal deposit insurance. Depositors do not scrutinize banks' financial strengths and weaknesses because they bear no risk of loss. That frees bank officials to take larger risks than they could if there were no deposit insurance. By encouraging excessive risk taking, the federal guarantee threatens large losses to U.S. taxpayers who already have paid $150 billion for the thrift bailout.¶ The combination of variable and rising inflation with the common practice among savings and loans of borrowing on a short-term basis while lending on a long-term basis erased the net worth of a large number of institutions in the early 1980s. Increases in inflation pushed interest rates paid for short-term deposits above fixed yields on existing longterm loans, turning net interest income negative for many institutions. By the middle of the decade, the busts in the agriculture, oil, and real estate industries worsened the losses. Lax supervisors failed to close institutions and federal deposit insurance allowed them to continue to attract deposits. Because of the guarantee provided by deposit insurance, depositors were free to ignore the increasing risks being taken by savings and loans in attempts to earn back their capital.(19)¶ That example is directly relevant to the Mexican loan agreement because that agreement de facto extends deposit insurance from the U.S. Treasury to investors in Mexican bonds and depositors in Mexican banks. By establishing a practice of guaranteeing investments in developing countrieswith a third party's money, the U.S. government, the IMF, the World Bank, and other institutions have created a moral hazard. Government officials in developing countries can behave incompetently or criminally and still expect foreign capital inflows. Foreign investors can target high-return investments, with little regard for the associated risk. The result is a growing potential claim on U.S. taxpayers' money.¶ There is also the potential for creating a two-tiered market, in which loans to national governments are distinguished by whether they are likely to be backed by the United States. The result would be diminished liquidity in some developing countries, investment losses, and fewer willing lenders in nonguarantee markets.(20)
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Coons and Hoskins 95 (W. Lee Hoskins is chairman and CEO of the Huntington National Bank in Columbus, Ohio. He served as president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland from 1987 to 1991. James W. Coons is vice president and chief economist of the Huntington National Bank. “Mexico: Policy Failure, Moral Hazard, and Market Solutions” in Cato Policy Analysis No. 243, October 10, 1995. http://www.cato.org/pubs/pas/pa-243.html) VP
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The response of U.S. officials to turmoil in Mexico is the same more loans with more onerous conditions loans or loan guarantees by the United States create a moral hazard that brews trouble in the future. The U.S. government's regular practice of extending guarantees to certain countries experiencing financial difficulties sends a message to investors, , that they can invest with little fear of a total loss. That weakens the integrity of financial contracts and the scrutiny It also results in excessive risk taking because a third party bears the risk. analogous to the moral hazard created by federal deposit insurance Depositors do not scrutinize banks' financial strengths and weaknesses the federal guarantee threatens large losses to U.S. taxpayers The combination of inflation with the common practice among savings and loans of borrowing on a short-term basis while lending on a long-term basis erased the net worth of a large number of institutions Increases in inflation pushed interest rates paid for short-term deposits above fixed yields on existing longterm loans, turning net interest income negative the busts in industries worsened the losses. Lax supervisors failed to close institutions and federal deposit insurance allowed them to continue to attract deposits. depositors were free to ignore the increasing risks being taken by savings and loans in attempts to earn back their capital. That example is directly relevant to the Mexican loan agreement because that agreement de facto extends deposit insurance from the U.S. Treasury to investors in Mexican bonds and depositors in Mexican banks Government officials in developing countries can behave incompetently or criminally and still expect foreign capital inflows The result is a growing potential claim on U.S. taxpayers' money. There is also the potential for creating a two-tiered market, The result would be diminished liquidity in some developing countries, investment losses, and fewer willing lenders in nonguarantee markets
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Plan creates a moral hazard weakening business and takes money from US citizens
| 3,595 | 79 | 2,011 | 548 | 13 | 308 | 0.023723 | 0.562044 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
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Case Negatives
|
2013
|
5,368 |
Some observers, including some members of the¶ U.S. Congress, believe Mexico and its creditors should¶ have handled the crisis alone, without any special U.S.¶ government loans or guarantees to stave off a Mexican¶ government default. L. William Seidman (1995) argued¶ against U.S. involvement, suggesting that the problem¶ be resolved through negotiations between Mexico and¶ its creditors. In this scenario, both Mexico and its creditors would suffer, but in the future both borrowers and¶ lenders would be more careful. He compares the situation with the savings and loan problem of the 1980s and¶ worries that U.S. intervention to prevent default today¶ may lead to greater problems in the future. ¶ The problem Seidman alludes to is called moral¶ hazard, the tendency for insurance to encourage irresponsible behavior in the future. In this case, U.S.¶ guarantees are alleged to cause lenders, the Mexican¶ government, and perhaps other developing country¶ governments to behave less cautiously in the future¶ than they would without the precedent of U.S. guarantees, thereby increasing the likelihood of future crises.
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Whitt 96 (Joseph A. Whitt, Jr., Economist in the macropolicy section of the Atlanta Federal Reserve’s research department. “The Mexican Peso Crisis” Economic Review, January/February 1996. http://www.frbatlanta.org/filelegacydocs/j_whi811.pdf) VP
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and its creditors should have handled the crisis alone the problem be resolved through negotiations between Mexico and its creditors. In this scenario, both borrowers and lenders would be more careful The problem Seidman alludes to is called moral hazard, the tendency for insurance to encourage irresponsible behavior in the future .S. guarantees are alleged to cause lenders, the Mexican government, and perhaps other developing country governments to behave less cautiously in the future than they would without the precedent of U.S. guarantees, thereby increasing the likelihood of future crises.
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Plan creates a moral hazard that makes economic crisis inevitable
| 1,124 | 65 | 600 | 171 | 10 | 90 | 0.05848 | 0.526316 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
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Case Negatives
|
2013
|
5,369 |
The fundamental objection to the involvement of the ESF is that it undermines the separation of powers. A case can be made that circumventing the congressional appropriations process violates Article I of the Constitution. In fact, the Gold Reserve Act itself is of questionable constitutionality, because it gives to the executive branch unreviewable authority to engage in covert actions in international finance--a sphere explicitly reserved solely for Congress by Article I, Section 8, clause 3 (the commerce clause).(33) In effect, the executive branch is financing the restructuring of Mexico's entire short-term, dollar-denominated debt without a congressional appropriation.(34)¶ Foreign aid has rarely drawn much support in the United States. As a consequence, administrations have attempted to avoid approaching Congress for appropriations for such ventures--the Iran-Contra scheme being a recent extreme example. The ESF has been a source of funds for discretionary executive branch spending, the likes of which Congress sought to prevent. The Constitution limits spending by theTreasury to appropriations approved by Congress. Moreover, the statutory authority for ESF activities pertains only to foreign exchange intervention to support the dollar.(35)
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Coons and Hoskins 95 (W. Lee Hoskins is chairman and CEO of the Huntington National Bank in Columbus, Ohio. He served as president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland from 1987 to 1991. James W. Coons is vice president and chief economist of the Huntington National Bank. “Mexico: Policy Failure, Moral Hazard, and Market Solutions” in Cato Policy Analysis No. 243, October 10, 1995. http://www.cato.org/pubs/pas/pa-243.html) VP
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The fundamental objection to the involvement of the ESF is that it undermines the separation of powers. umventing the congressional appropriations process violates Article I of the Constitution. it gives to the executive branch unreviewable authority to engage in covert actions in international finance the executive branch is financing the restructuring of Mexico's entire short-term, dollar-denominated debt without a congressional appropriation. The ESF has been a source of funds for discretionary executive branch spending, the likes of which Congress sought to prevent The Constitution limits spending by theTreasury to appropriations approved by Congress. the statutory authority for ESF activities pertains only to foreign exchange intervention to support the dollar
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ESF appropriations in international finance violates the separation of powers
| 1,265 | 77 | 775 | 179 | 10 | 109 | 0.055866 | 0.608939 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
5,370 |
Central Bank Independence. The use of the Federal Reserve to fund Treasury activities not only raises questions about the separation of powers between the executive branch and Congress but also damages the principle of an independent central bank. Much effort has gone into keeping the Treasury and the Fed at arm's length from each other to reinforce both the perception and the reality of central bank independence. The comptroller of the currency and the secretary of the treasury originally served as ex officio members of the board of governors of the Federal Reserve System, but the Banking Act of 1935 ended that arrangement. In addition, the Fed does not purchase securities directly from the Treasury, the governors serve staggered terms, and the Fed does not depend on Congress for appropriations. Executive branch influence on the Fed through ESF transactions raises questions about the independence of monetary policymakers to pursue price stability.
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Coons and Hoskins 95 (W. Lee Hoskins is chairman and CEO of the Huntington National Bank in Columbus, Ohio. He served as president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland from 1987 to 1991. James W. Coons is vice president and chief economist of the Huntington National Bank. “Mexico: Policy Failure, Moral Hazard, and Market Solutions” in Cato Policy Analysis No. 243, October 10, 1995. http://www.cato.org/pubs/pas/pa-243.html) VP
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The use of the Federal Reserve to fund Treasury activities not only raises questions about the separation of powers between the executive branch and Congress but also damages the principle of an independent central bank to reinforce both the perception and the reality of central bank independence. the Fed does not depend on Congress for appropriations. Executive branch influence on the Fed through ESF transactions raises questions about the independence of monetary policymakers to pursue price stability.
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Plan kills Fed bank independence and decreases price stability
| 962 | 62 | 509 | 151 | 9 | 77 | 0.059603 | 0.509934 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
5,371 |
Thus far there have been only a few examples of RMBdenominated lending in Latin America and of RMB currency swaps. In 2010, for instance, the China Development ¶ Bank denominated half of a US$ 20 billion loan to ¶ Venezuela in RMB.6¶ The loan was denominated as such ¶ because Venezuela agreed to spend much of it on Chinese ¶ goods and services. China’s Ex-Im Bank has also issued ¶ RMB-denominated lines of credit to Jamaica and Bolivia for ¶ equipment and construction.7¶ Brazil and China agreed on ¶ a US$ 30 billion currency swap in 2012 as part of broader ¶ “currency swap diplomacy” efforts over the past four years.8¶ An RMB 70 billion swap with Argentina will allow China to ¶ receive RMB instead of dollars for its exports to the country. ¶ And in 2009, China and Brazil completed a groundbreaking ¶ cross-border RMB settlement managed by Bank of China ¶ (Brazil) Co. Ltd. and Bank of China Guangdong/Shanghai.9¶ China remains interested in reducing exchange rate risk ¶ by settling its imports from Latin America in RMB. It is ¶ here that Latin America and other emerging market economies stand to gain. Latin America runs a trade surplus with ¶ China which should continue in the medium term. If Latin ¶ American nations receive this surplus in RMB, their holdings would likely appreciate against the dollar. Additional ¶ benefits for Latin American partners settling commercial ¶ transactions in RMB include better payment terms, more ¶ efficient processing of payments and currency diversification, according to the Bank of China.10¶ There are few technical barriers when settling trade transactions in RMB. Latin American firms can conduct their ¶ transactions in RMB in Hong Kong’s financial markets with ¶ relative ease. The more important question is whether, ¶ beyond the current examples of ¶ RMB-denominated lending and currency swapping, there is sufficient ¶ demand in Latin America to use RMB ¶ when settling transactions. While the ¶ possibility of RMB appreciation is ¶ attractive to some, Latin America’s ¶ much higher domestic interest rates ¶ mean that returns on Chinese deposits or papers will be particularly lucrative only in the event of a sharp RMB appreciation. And while some Latin American firms would find it ¶ useful to reinvest RMB-based proceeds in China, they are in ¶ the minority.
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Aziz 13 (Jahangir Aziz, Senior Asia Economist at JP Morgan Chase. “Latin America’s Role in Renminbi Internationalization” January 2013. http://www.thedialogue.org/PublicationFiles/IAD9029_AzizEconomicsBrief_v3.pdf) VP
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Thus far there have been RMB lending in Latin America and of RMB currency swaps. China remains interested in reducing exchange rate risk from Latin America in RMB Latin America and other emerging market economies stand to gain. Latin America runs a trade surplus with China If nations receive this surplus in RMB, their holdings would likely appreciate against the dollar benefits for Latin American partners settling commercial transactions in RMB include better payment terms, more efficient processing of payments and currency diversification with relative ease The more important question is whether, beyond the current examples of RMB-denominated lending and currency swapping, there is sufficient demand in Latin America Latin America’s much higher domestic interest rates mean that returns on Chinese deposits or papers will be particularly lucrative only in the event of a RMB appreciation.
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Latin America is key for yuan usage – plan causes falling demand and depreciation
| 2,327 | 81 | 900 | 389 | 14 | 136 | 0.03599 | 0.349614 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
5,372 |
U.S. Treasury Secretary Timothy F. Geithner said further appreciation in the yuan is important to aid a reshaping of China’s economy as significant as the nation’s opening of its markets in the 1970s.¶ “A stronger, more market-determined” currency would “reinforce China’s reform objectives of moving to higher value- added production, reforming the financial system and encouraging domestic demand,” Geithner said today at U.S.-China talks in Beijing. “Future economic growth will require another fundamental shift in economic policy” akin to that of more than 30 years ago, he said.¶ Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao’s remarks in March that the yuan may be near an equilibrium and the currency’s failure to gain against the dollar this year suggest that Geithner could be disappointed. The economic talks today and tomorrow are being overshadowed by the case of blind Chinese legal activist Chen Guangcheng after a deal that ended his stay in the U.S. embassy began to unravel.¶ Zhou Xiaochuan, governor of China’s central bank, said the market “has its own power to correct” any imbalances in the exchange rate. Zhou said he thought there were “no big differences” in the U.S. and China positions on the yuan even as they choose different words on the topic.¶ Commerce Minister Chen Deming told reporters that the rate has little impact on the nation’s trade surplus with the U.S., instead blaming U.S. export controls. “I hope I have enough patience for such a day” when controls will ease, Chen said.¶ Tilting Growth¶ Wen and the ruling Communist Party are trying to tilt growth more toward consumption and away from exports and investment, while gradually loosening controls on financial markets and the yuan, without harming their grip on power in a country of 1.3 billion people.¶ “The United States has a strong interest in the success of these reforms, as does the rest of the world,” Geithner said in opening remarks to the discussions. In separate comments to an economic session today, he said that boosting the value and relaxing controls on the yuan “will provide China the independence and flexibility to respond to future changes in growth and inflation.”¶ The yuan strengthened 0.03 percent against the dollar to 6.3050 today. Geithner highlighted the currency’s 13 percent gain over the last two years as a sign of progress by China.¶ Both Geithner and Chinese Vice Premier Wang Qishan called for deeper cooperation between the world’s two largest economies. Wang said the global economic situation remains “complicated and severe” and that the nations have “continuously deepened relationships” in trade and investment while dealing “hand-in- hand” with the financial crisis and European debt turmoil.
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Bloomberg 12 (Bloomberg News. "Geithner Says Yuan Gains Would Aid China Economic Shift" May 3, 2012. www.bloomberg.com/news/2012-05-03/geithner-sees-need-for-1970s-style-shift-in-china-economy.html) VP
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Geithner said further appreciation in the yuan is important to aid a reshaping of China’s economy as significant as the nation’s opening of its markets in the 1970s A stronger, more market-determined” currency would “reinforce China’s reform objectives of moving to higher value- added production, reforming the financial system and encouraging domestic demand,” Future economic growth will require another fundamental shift in economic policy the ruling Communist Party are trying to tilt growth more toward consumption he United States has a strong interest in the success of these reforms, as does the rest of the world,” Geithner said he said that boosting the value and relaxing controls on the yuan “will provide China the independence and flexibility to respond to future changes in growth and inflation.
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Yuan appreciation is vital for Chinese economic stability and growth
| 2,715 | 68 | 811 | 434 | 10 | 126 | 0.023041 | 0.290323 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
5,373 |
As already argued, the economic advance of China has taken place with relatively few corresponding changes in the political system, although the operation of political and economic institutions has seen some major changes. Still, tools are missing that would allow the establishment of political and legal foundations for the modem economy, or they are too weak. The tools are efficient public administration, the rule of law, clearly defined ownership rights, efficient banking system, etc. For these reasons, many experts fear an economic crisis in China. Considering the importance of the state for the development of the global economy, the crisis would have serious global repercussions. Its political ramifications could be no less dramatic owing to the special position the military occupies in the Chinese political system, and the existence of many potential vexed issues in East Asia (disputes over islands in the China Sea and the Pacific). A potential hotbed of conflict is also Taiwan's status. Economic recession and the related destabilization of internal policies could lead to apolitical, or even military crisis. The likelihood of the global escalation of the conflict is high, as the interests of Russia, China, Japan, Australia and, first and foremost, the US clash in the region.
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Kaminski 7 (Antoni Z., Professor – Institute of Political Studies, “World Order: The Mechanics of Threats (Central European Perspective)”, Polish Quarterly of International Affairs, 1, p. 58)
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an economic crisis in China would have serious global repercussions Its political ramifications could be no less dramatic owing to the special position the military occupies in the Chinese political system A hotbed of conflict is Taiwan's status. Economic recession could lead to a military crisis. The likelihood of global escalation is high, as the interests of Russia, China, Japan, Australia and the US clash in the region
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Chinese economic crisis causes Taiwan war that escalates
| 1,300 | 56 | 426 | 202 | 8 | 68 | 0.039604 | 0.336634 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
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5,374 |
As another nail to U.S. dollar hegemony coffin, Zhou Xiaochuan, governor of People’s Bank of China (PBoC) and Mervyn King, governor of Bank of England (BoE) have signed an agreement to establish a reciprocal 3-year sterling/renminbi (RMB, or Chinese yuan) currency swap line, according to an announcement on the BoE’ website on Saturday night.¶The maximum value of the swap is RMB 200 billion Chinese yuan/20 billion pounds. The swap line may be used to promote bilateral trade between the two countries and to support domestic financial stability should market conditions warrant, said BoE.¶The Bank of England has long been hesitant to launch currency swaps with other countries. It has such arrangements only with the U.S. Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank, deals that were signed after the financial crisis.¶It is the first deal of its kind between China and London, the first city in a G7 country to do so. Thus, this deal marks a breakthrough for the yuan.¶ Commenting, the Governor of the Bank of England said: “It is a testament to the outstanding working relationships between the Bank of England and the People’s Bank of China (PBoC) that this swap line has now been signed. The establishment of a sterling/renminbi swap line will support UK domestic financial stability.¶ The long-anticipated deal, signed by Bank of England governor Mervyn King and People’s Bank of China chief Zhou Xiaochuan, means the banks can draw on each other’s currencies directly in the event of a sudden shortage on the markets.
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Santos 13 (Lady Michelle-Jennifer Santos, Founder and Owner of The Santos Republic News Service. “China, Britain signs €24bn direct currency swap, Redback nails Greenback again” June 22, 2013. http://thesantosrepublic.com/2013/06/china-britain-signs-e24bn-direct-currency-swap-redback-nails-greenback-again/) VP
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As another nail to U.S. dollar hegemony coffin, People’s Bank of China and governor of Bank of England have signed an agreement to establish a reciprocal 3-year currency swap line The maximum value of the swap is RMB 200 billion Chinese yuan/20 billion pounds to promote bilateral trade and to support domestic financial stability should market conditions warrant The Bank of England has long been hesitant to launch currency swaps It has such arrangements only with the U.S. Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank It is the first deal of its kind between China and London, the first city in a G7 country to do so this deal marks a breakthrough for the yuan. banks can draw on each other’s currencies directly in the event of a sudden shortage on the markets.
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China swap line with England is a breakthrough for the yuan to beat the dollar
| 1,528 | 78 | 766 | 250 | 15 | 133 | 0.06 | 0.532 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
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Case Negatives
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2013
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5,375 |
The People's Bank of China has signed an agreement with the Monetary Authority of Singapore to double the size of a currency-swap arrangement, the two sides said on Friday.¶ Originally agreed at 150 billion yuan in 2010, the swap has been increased to 300 billion yuan ($48.24 billion), or 60 billion Singapore dollars.¶ The arrangement will be effective for three years and could be further extended if both sides agree.¶ "The extension aims at boosting bilateral financial cooperation, facilitate trade and investment, and provide short-term liquidity support for the stability of the financial market," the PBOC said.¶ The move comes a month after the Chinese central bank approved the Singapore branch of the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China as the clearing bank in Singapore, an indication the Southeast Asia country could become the Chinese mainland's third offshore yuan center after Hong Kong and Taiwan.¶The expansion of the agreement makes Singapore's swap line the third largest, after Hong Kong (400 billion yuan) and South Korea (360 billion yuan), signaling that policymakers are projecting a sizable yuan market in Singapore.¶ Australia and New Zealand Banking Group analysts said in a research note that they expect the swap arrangement could be further increased to 400 billion to 500 billion yuan, using Hong Kong's deposit of 624 billion as a benchmark.¶ "The agreement is a complementary measure to support ICBC as the clearing bank.¶ "It appears that the formal launch of the offshore RMB business in Singapore should come soon," the note said.¶ As of last June 2012, yuan deposits in Singapore stood at about 60 billion yuan.¶The currency has been gaining popularity worldwide as China accelerates its pace of expanding offshore renminbi hubs and gradually achieves convertibility of the renminbi under the capital account.¶The Bank of England said in January it is prepared in principle to become the first G7 central bank to enter a foreign exchange swap agreement with China.¶A Standard Chartered Bank index measuring the global use of the yuan registered a new high in January, as trade settlements and other yuan-denominated international payments continued to grow.¶ The lender said on Thursday that payments through Hong Kong, Singapore and London had hit record highs, and cross-border renminbi payments through Singapore rose 30 percent from a month earlier.¶ Yi Gang, PBOC's deputy governor, said on Wednesday that he expected the exchange rate of China's currency to remain stable, with greater flexibility.¶ He said the central bank had reduced its intervention in the currency market, and the currency is very close to its equilibrium level.
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China Daily 13 (Wang Xiaotian from China Daily news. “Singapore currency swap deal doubled to $48b” March 9, 2013. http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/business/2013-03/09/content_16293180.htm) VP
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China has signed an agreement with Singapore to double the size of a currency-swap arrangement the swap has been increased to 300 billion yuan The extension aims at boosting bilateral financial cooperation, move comes a month after the Chinese central bank approved the Singapore branch of the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China the Chinese mainland's third offshore yuan center The expansion of the agreement makes Singapore's swap line the third largest The currency has been gaining popularity worldwide as China accelerates its pace of expanding offshore renminbi hubs and gradually achieves convertibility of the renminbi under the capital account The Bank of England said in January it is prepared in principle to become the first G7 central bank to enter a foreign exchange swap agreement with China A Standard Chartered Bank index measuring the global use of the yuan registered a new high in January payments through Hong Kong, Singapore and London had hit record highs PBOC's deputy governor expected the exchange rate of China's currency to remain stable, with greater flexibility
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China is rapidly increasing swap lines for more yuan usage
| 2,683 | 58 | 1,096 | 423 | 10 | 173 | 0.023641 | 0.408983 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
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Case Negatives
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2013
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5,376 |
(Reuters) - France intends to set up a currency swap line with China to make Paris a major offshore yuan trading hub in Europe, competing against London, the China Daily on Saturday cited Bank of France Governor Christian Noyer as saying.¶ Yuan deposits in Paris amount to 10 billion yuan ($1.6 billion), making it the second largest pool for the Chinese currency in Europe after London. Almost 10 percent of Sino-French trade is settled in yuan, also called the renminbi or RMB, according to French data cited by the official newspaper.¶ "The Bank of France has been working on ways to develop a RMB liquidity safety net in the euro area with due consideration of a supporting currency swap agreement with the People's Bank of China," Noyer told the English-language newspaper.¶ The yuan's internationalization and bilateral financial cooperation could be among the main topics during French President Francois Hollande's visit to China in late April, the paper said.¶ French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius paid a two-day visit to Beijing this week.¶ The planned swap line would be the latest in a string of bilateral currency agreements that China has signed in the past three years to promote use of the yuan in trade and investment.¶ It followed a similar step by the Bank of England to set up a reciprocal three-year yuan-sterling swap line with China.¶ Britain, always anxious to maintain London's status as Europe's biggest financial center, launched an offshore yuan currency and bond market to great fanfare last year.¶ Noyer said Paris has been committed to strengthening its position in corporate bonds and short-term negotiable debt securities markets as well as the associated trading infrastructure, to promote wider use of the yuan.¶ In 2011 and 2012, the total value of offshore yuan-denominated bonds issued by French corporates was nearly 7 billion yuan, twice the value of bonds issued by their British counterparts, according to a report by Paris Europlace, an association that supports the French financial industry and promotes Paris as an international financial center.¶ A survey by the association, the China Daily reported, also showed that 50 percent of French companies have used yuan-denominated products and services.¶ European and U.S. officials have for years been pressing China to do more to open up the yuan to international markets, saying its artificial weakness was one of the key imbalances of the global economy.¶ However, the Obama administration again stopped short of labeling the world's No 2 economy as a currency manipulator in its latest semi-annual report.¶ Beijing is gradually allowing a degree of flexibility in the yuan's value, though it still keeps a tight rein on gains in the currency for fear it will weaken its export-powerhouse economy, which has been the biggest engine of global growth for a decade.
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Reuters 13 ("France plans currency swap line with China: paper" April 12, 2013. www.reuters.com/article/2013/04/13/us-china-france-currency-idUSBRE93C01S20130413) VP
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France intends to set up a currency swap line with China to make Paris a major offshore yuan trading hub in Europe The Bank of France has been working on ways to develop a RMB liquidity safety net in the euro area with due consideration of a supporting currency swap agreement with The yuan's internationalization and bilateral financial cooperation The planned swap line would be the latest in a string of bilateral currency agreements that China has signed in the past three years to promote use of the yuan in trade and investment. It followed a similar step by the Bank of England total value of offshore yuan-denominated bonds issued by French corporates was nearly 7 billion yuan, Beijing is gradually allowing a degree of flexibility in the yuan's value, though it still keeps a tight rein on gains in the currency for fear it will weaken its export-powerhouse economy, which has been the biggest engine of global growth for a decade.
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China-France swap agreement internationalizes the Yuan
| 2,861 | 54 | 941 | 462 | 6 | 162 | 0.012987 | 0.350649 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
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Case Negatives
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2013
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5,377 |
Since 2009, a total of RMB 1.665 trillion has been ¶ supplied through bilateral currency swap agreements that ¶ China has signed with 19 countries (Table 3). These agreements are a key component of China’s strategy and the ¶ first step towards deeper financial and monetary integration with the signatory countries.7¶ Providing competitive loans to countries that have ¶ limited borrowing capacity in the global capital market is ¶ another important component of China’s RMB strategy. ¶ In 2009 and 2010 CDB and China Ex-Im Bank, the two ¶ policy banks, signed agreements on loans of around ¶ US$110 billion to governments and companies based ¶ in countries including Russia, Venezuela and Brazil ¶ (Anderlini, 2011). In March 2012, the CDB signed a ¶ memorandum of understanding with Brazil, Russia and ¶ India,8¶ after providing a US$30 billion loan to Venezuela’s ¶ state oil company. In addition, in 2011 China Ex-Im Bank ¶ began cooperating with the Inter-American Development ¶ Bank with the purpose of setting up an RMB-denominated ¶ fund to support infrastructure investments in Latin ¶ America and in the Caribbean.9¶ ***To Footnotes*** 7 There are no official documents that explicitly refer to the importance of the swap agreements, but it is widely acknowledged that they are an essential ¶ element of China’s RMB strategy. They are signed ‘for the purpose of promoting bilateral financial cooperation, facilitating bilateral trade and investment, ¶ and maintaining regional financial stability’ (PBoC, 2011). The State Council decides on the arrangements, selection and volume of each bilateral ¶ agreement. ¶ 8 In the MoU each BRIC pledges to provide loans in its own domestic currency to the other BRICs. ¶ 9 The RMB fund is part of the ODI programme. Through it, China can expand RMB lending in commodity-rich countries in Latin America. This is strategically ¶ important if China is to gain greater dominance in the global commodities supply chain.
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Huang and Subacchi 12(Helena Huang, Research Assistant, International Economics at Chatham House, and Paola Subacchi, Research Director, International Economics at Chatham House. "The Connecting Dots of China’s Renminbi Strategy: London and Hong Kong" September 2012. www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/public/Research/International%20Economics/0912bp_subacchi_huang.pdf) VP
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RMB 1.665 trillion has been supplied through bilateral currency swap agreements that China has signed with 19 countries Providing competitive loans to countries that have limited borrowing capacity in the global capital market is another important component of China’s RMB strategy two policy banks, signed agreements to Venezuela and Brazil with the purpose of setting up an RMB-denominated fund to support infrastructure investments in Latin America and in the Caribbean China can expand RMB lending in commodity-rich countries in Latin America. This is strategically important if China is to gain greater dominance in the global commodities supply chain.
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Latin American swaps are key for China’s yuan strategy
| 1,965 | 54 | 657 | 318 | 9 | 98 | 0.028302 | 0.308176 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
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Case Negatives
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2013
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5,378 |
The internationalization of RMB, the Chinese currency, is currently in a high growth phase and the yuan could soon catch up with the Yen and British Pound Sterling (GPB) with appropriate measures, Beijing Times reported.¶ In 2012, the RMB internationalization index stood at 0.87, up 49% year-on-year, but the index for the US dollar and the Euro is at 54.18 and 24.86, said the "RMB Internationalization Report 2013" jointly released by the International Monetary Institute of Renmin University and the Bank of Communications on Sunday.¶ "Although this shows that the RMB is fastly becoming a global currency, its internationalization process still has a long way to go," said Chen Yulu, a member of the Chinese central bank's monetary policy committee and head of the International Monetary Institute of Renmin University.¶ The RMB internalization index (RII), as explained in the "RMB Internationalization Report 2013", is compiled by the International Monetary Institute of Renmin University, and indicates the proportion of RMB settlement in world trade, its credit among global foreign credit, its security within the global issuance and remaining sum of international bonds and bills, its direct investment in global foreign investment along with its foreign exchange reserves in global foreign exchange reserves.¶ Obstacles such as a lack of will and capacity of enterprises to use RMB for quoting prices in trades, the internationallization of financial institutes lagging behind trade activities, and the small number of RMB in direct exchange in foreign exchange markets still remain in the RMB internationalization path.¶ Chen said through bilateral and regional trade and using ASEAN and South Korea and Japan, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the BRIC nations, Latin America and the African Union and other economies as a breakthrough, it will be possible to continue to strengthen the yuan-denominated functions in international trade.¶ If the RMB can be used more frequently in trade with Latin America, the African Union and South Korea, the RMB internationalization index could quickly catch up with the Yen and the GPB, and the RMB would become the first member of the emerging economies to enter the international currency club, Chen added.
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China Daily 13 (USA Edition. "RMB internationalization still has a long way to go" June 17, 2013. usa.chinadaily.com.cn/business/2013-06/17/content_16630859.htm) VP
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The internationalization of RMB, currently in a high growth phase and the yuan could soon catch up with the Yen and British Pound Sterling Although this shows that the RMB is fastly becoming a global currency, its internationalization process still has a long way to go Obstacles such as a lack of will and capacity of enterprises to use RMB for quoting prices in trades, the internationallization of financial institutes lagging behind trade activities, and the small number of RMB in direct exchange in foreign exchange markets still remain in the RMB internationalization path Chen said through bilateral and regional trade and usin Latin America it will be possible to continue to strengthen the yuan-denominated functions in international trade If the RMB can be used more frequently in trade with Latin America RMB would become the first member of the emerging economies to enter the international currency club
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Latin America is key to yuan appreciation
| 2,266 | 41 | 917 | 350 | 7 | 148 | 0.02 | 0.422857 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
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Case Negatives
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2013
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5,379 |
As I have argued before, the South African manufacturing sector needs a strengthening rand in order to encourage real savings and investment into the sector, to reverse the consumer boom that is causing manufacturing to contract. Furthermore, a strengthening rand would force existing manufacturers to improve the quality of products they produce so foreigners would want to buy them.¶ Kobus van der Wath, MD of The Beijing Axis, this week explained how a strengthening yuan is benefiting the Chinese manufacturing sector.¶ The appreciating renminbi is actually helping China’s efforts in restructuring its economy. Beijing is sending a signal that, in the future, it wants to steer clear from unsustainable low-end sectors. This will force enterprises to improve their products, invest in technological upgrades and look for new ways to compete, such as through better after-sales service, warranties and quality. Domestic and overseas capital that enters China now will probably be invested in more high-end sectors like those in Chengdu, for example — as my letter last week mentioned — where the portion of revenue put into research and development is closing in on 3%.¶ So essentially, by preventing the yuan from strengthening as much as it should’ve before, the Chinese government incentivised the development of low-end, low quality goods manufacturers rather than high-end high quality products as the Swiss and Germans produce. It looks like these times are changing. Expect higher quality products from China, but to pay much higher prices for them.
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Becker 13 (Chris Becker, an economic strategist at ETM Analytics, an economic and investment consultancy. “How a Strengthening Yuan is Helping the Chinese Economy Restructure” June 21, 2013. http://chrislbecker.com/2013/06/21/how-a-strengthening-yuan-is-helping-the-chinese-economy-restructure/) VP
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a strengthening would force existing manufacturers to improve the quality of products they produce so foreigners would want to buy them. strengthening yuan is benefiting the Chinese manufacturing sector helping China’s efforts in restructuring its economy. Beijing is sending a signal that, in the future, it wants to steer clear from unsustainable low-end sectors. This will force enterprises to improve their products, invest in technological upgrades and look for new ways to compete, such as through better after-sales service, warranties and quality. capital that enters China now will probably be invested in more high-end sectors by preventing the yuan from strengthening the Chinese government incentivised low quality goods these times are changing
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Yuan strength is key to Chinese economic development and manufacturing
| 1,560 | 70 | 757 | 243 | 10 | 112 | 0.041152 | 0.460905 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
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Case Negatives
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2013
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5,380 |
Many foreign trade experts have called for delaying the further liberalization of the exchange rate in order to mitigate the negative impact on China’s exporters.¶ It’s too late. China’s yuan has crossed the Rubicon.¶ “A stronger yuan is not the end of the world for China,” said Edmund Harriss, a fund manager for Guinness Atkinson in the U.K. “It makes importing capital goods and natural resources more affordable and China will continue to need those things.”¶ China is currently in the midst of a structural change. Its once export-driven economy is turning inward. Now that those exports have helped make the Chinese richer, they have more to spend on food, clothing and shelter. This is no longer a $2 a day society. The big bet on China, both from government policy makers and investors, is the Chinese consumer. The structural shift that is occurring there is based on consumer spending increases.Despite that obvious trend, Beijing is acutely aware of the other trend, the slow decline in exports and a rise in trade deficits.¶ The Ministry of Commerce is planning to assist manufacturers in identifying new markets beyond the U.S. and Europe, particularly India which is going through its own middle class expansion, albeit from a much lower base. Wang Shouwen, director-general of the department of foreign trade at the ministry, told China Daily this week that the department planned to produce a list of target countries for China exporters “that includes some key emerging markets.”¶ According to the General Administration of Customs, China’s 2012 exports to ASEAN countries grew by 20.1% last year, and 13.2% to neighboring Russia while total exports gained just 7.9% from 2011.¶ Also last year, China trade with Hong Kong, the E.U., United States and Japanaccounted for 44% of total trade, down from 50.2% in 2007.¶ “We have seen progress in China’s efforts to optimize its overseas markets,” Yao Jian, spokesman for the ministry, was quoted saying in the Daily.¶ Official statistics released at this year’s Canton Fair, a biannual event for global traders, showed that orders from Brazil, Russia and India increased over 5% last year and the Middle East increased imports of China made goods by 3.8%.¶ These are potential markets. And China will have to learn to sell to them. It will not be easy. Countries like Brazil ave a government that is not keen to import Chinese sneakers. As it is, China made toys have decimated the toy industry in Brazil. The massive shoe and clothing industry there could suffer a similar fate.¶ Meanwhile, the yuan will remain a thorn in the side of certain China exporters. Investors are discovering the currency is an asset worth having, like euros and yens. They wanting more of it. The government is going to give it to them, piecemeal. The Ministry of Finance said last week that it is issuing $3.2 billion in 50-year bonds priced in yuans that yield 4.24%. The offer is small. Corporations have bigger bond offerings. But the yield is attractive for a government that’s not going bankrupt anytime soon.
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Rapoza 13 (Kenneth Rapoza, covers BRIC countries for Forbes magazine. “Stronger Yuan Makes Life Harder For Chinese Exporters” May 19, 2013. http://www.forbes.com/sites/kenrapoza/2013/05/19/stronger-yuan-makes-life-harder-for-chinese-exporters/) VP
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Many called for delaying the further liberalization to mitigate the negative impact on China’s exporters. It’s too late China’s yuan has crossed the Rubicon “A stronger yuan is not the end of the world for China,” said Edmund Harriss It makes importing capital goods and natural resources more affordable and China will continue to need those things. China s once export-driven economy is turning inward exports have helped make the Chinese richer, they have more to spend on food, clothing and shelter. We have seen progress in China’s efforts to optimize its overseas markets,” These are potential markets. And China will have to learn to sell to them. Investors are discovering the currency is an asset worth having, the yield is attractive for a government that’s not going bankrupt anytime soon
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Negative effects on exports are inevitable and China will adjust
| 3,058 | 64 | 799 | 509 | 10 | 131 | 0.019646 | 0.257367 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
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Case Negatives
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2013
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5,381 |
As our discussion on¶ complexity theory¶ illustrates, once a complexsystem reaches a critical state, the catalytic event that causes cascadingfailure and collapse can be almost anything. It is worth rememberinghere that the financial system in China—and in the rest of the world—islarger and more complex than in 2007, when it began its collapse. Butas the problems in China grow, they are becoming exponentially bigger than the government’s ability to control them or react correctly towardthem. China has reached—or is approaching—a¶ critical state ¶ , whereina small event will have an exponentially large impact and lead to itscollapse.Given the precarious state of China’s environmental resources anddisappearing arable lands, along with a demographic shift to Westerndietary patterns, climate change, rising global demand for food, and met-astatic corruption throughout the country, the most likely event leadingto China’s collapse will be food riots. These will be due to the aforemen-tioned factors contributing to rapidly rising national food prices andshortages that are endemic to command economies.Another likely catalytic event is the revolt of people whose landshave been seized by the state. This phenomenon is increasing as theoutput of the Chinese economy continues its decline and is cited as amain cause for the hundreds of protests that now take place in China on¶ a daily basis. For that reason alone, there is no real expectation that stateland seizures will abate in the near future.A third transformative event may well be Xinjiang province, with itsdeep and historical Muslim ties to neighboring states, declaring its alle-giance to a neighboring Islamic state, or at least its independence fromChina. Xinjiang province ’s proximity to several Muslim nations, includ-ing Pakistan, makes it a likely suspect for the importation of firearms intoChina and into the hands of the Muslim people in that province, at theleast. In fact, China suspects that this has already been happening.¶ 3¶ None-theless, as global Islamism continues its rise, China will remain a target tothe many Muslim states that lie on its Western border. The tensions willbecome particularly more acute as China ramps up its oppression of theUighurs in the province. But regardless of whether food riots or any of these other catalytic events are the trigger for China’s collapse, severalthings will likely transpire within a short period of time of a catalyticevent occurring.The first response will be reactive. The CCP will crack down heav-ily on the riots; as we know, this is already transpiring. As pointed outin the previous chapters, China’s internal security budget surpassed itsdefense budget in 2010 and continues to supersede it each year. This isa major development in the mindset of the CCP toward their peopleand the rising anti-CCP sentiment or illegitimacy. In a very real sense,China is already at war with its people. However, as the crackdowns¶ become greater, and the response from the people becomes greater andmore widespread, not only will the People’s Liberation Army (PLA)be brought in to restore order, just as it was in Tiananmen Squarein 1989, but urban militias will also be relied upon to control civilunrest.One of the diffi culties for the PLA, urban militias, and the CCPleadership will be the sheer number of places where disorder and civilviolence erupt. This will require a greater commitment of PLA resourcesand personnel, and the civilian battles in the streets against the PLA willbe the beginnings of a civil war in China. The CCP will not be able tocontrol the responses of the urban militias, which will likely overreactand bring about more chaos, not less.At about the same time, sensing an opportunity, Xinjiang province,as well as others, may well attempt to secede from China.¶ Tibet, for example, may also seize upon the opportunity. The DalaiLama, if he were to be still around at that time, would likely be the moralvoice speaking against the elevated level of Chinese violence, while theMuslim nations bordering Xinjiang would likely be tempted to fun-nel larger amounts of arms and explosives, if not fighters, into the rebelprovince.In response to Xinjiang and Tibet, the CCP may well increase their military forces in those provinces, with resistance and escalating violenceas a result. Religious minorities would be heavily persecuted as for-eign agents, enemies of Chinese culture, and saboteurs against the state.China’s immediate focus will be inward, to control renegade provincesas they try to secede from Beijing’s control.Meanwhile, Hong Kong and Shanghai will be watching it all withthe eyes of an interested observer backed into a corner with few goodchoices, which would certainly be the case. There would likely be amassive outflow of financial assets that would funnel through HongKong and Shanghai, for however long as permitted by Beijing. As notedin earlier chapters, CCP leadership has been fully involved in movingbillions of dollars out of the country for the past several years, if notlonger.¶ In the process of food shortages and civil violence, China wouldprobably continue and escalate its standing policy and publicly blame theUnited States for its woes, as well as those nations in the region alignedwith the United States. That would specifically include Taiwan. Whether or not China would invade Taiwan is, of course, unknowable. In the faceof famine and civil war, however, China’s leaders may calculate that theUnited States will be unable or unwilling to come to Taiwan’s defense.China may also see that an invasion of the island would serve severalpurposes, including providing access to food and other vital materials.Such a decision is plausible, if for no other reason, because China haswanted the United States out its sphere of influence since 1949. Besides,China may in fact have rendered the United States financially unable tocome to the aid of Taiwan with a gold-backed yuan either before thecrisis or in the midst of it.Why would this happen?In the midst of China’s growing civil conflict, foreign investmentflows would slow down even more, if not stop altogether. Additionally,¶ output at factories would also slow down in the civil crisis, as wouldforeign demand. It also seems likely that China would cease its purchasesof U.S. Treasuries as a way of crippling its regional hegemony adversary,the United States. This would be a strategic move, planned for well inadvance.China’s policy planners know that withdrawing support of the dol-lar would send the U.S. bond market into a free fall. This would resultin the United States falling into its own financial crisis—if it had notalready done so—which would cause a ripple efect throughout Europeand the rest of the world. In that scenario, the United States wouldface an immediate existential threat to its financial system, which wouldconsume the sitting administration for the weeks and months ahead. Aninvasion of Taiwan by China—or even just the threat of invasion if theydidn’t cooperate—would seem more likely than not to be on the table,and probably successful.As China’s internal stability declines, the yuan may not be anacceptable currency for trade. Or, it might. A crash in the U.S. bondmarket followed by a collapsing dollar is what may prompt the CCP tointroduce a new, gold-backed yuan. As a way to attract foreign invest-ment—or at least foreign trade for food, fuel, and other essentials—agold-backed yuan would certainly be alluring, and necessary, in light of the greater danger in investing in China. Furthermore, China has thegold reserves necessary to do so on some level. But even though Chinamay indeed put the final nail in the dollar ’s coffi n, it is not so likely thatthe yuan will be able to replace the dollar as a reserve currency if Chinahas descended into a state of civil war and its economy is in the throesof collapse.With regard to the Asian-Pacific region, China would likely inten-sify its aggressive policy of resource conquest, specifically with regardto oil, as indicated by its current policy toward Vietnam, Japan, and thePhilippines, and the undersea oil fields in various disputed waters. It isreasonable to assume that China will desperately need resources andfood, and will do whatever it has to in order to acquire them. Local warswith the above-mentioned nations would not be out of the realm of possibility or reason given the existential crisis that communist Chinawould be facing.¶ The Breakup¶ Eventually, as China loses its tight grip on Xinjiang and Tibet andthe internal situation deteriorates, the CCP will lose all ability tocontrol China as a whole. It would likely retain some control over the urban regions for a time, but even that will not last in the face of famine, an inflow of arms to rebel provinces, and economic collapse.The CCP will have lost its legitimacy and its power base in the coun-try, as well-heeled Party members and business owners will flee thesinking ship. When high-ranking members of the Communist Partyleadership begin to take early morning flights out of China with their families, fortunes, and bankers in tow, the world will know that thegame is over for the CCP. There will be a great reckoning for thosemembers of the CCP who did not leave China, and there will be agreat need to gain control of the PLA in order to obtain a cease-firewithin the country, which may prove quite diffi cult to bring aboutwith any expediency. China, finished with the yoke of centralizedtyranny around its neck, will then probably break apart into severalautonomous regions.At some point, before or after the breakup occurs, a new leader or leaders will emerge as an alternative to the CCP. Perhaps the leader willcome from Taiwan, which would not be out of the question and wouldbe a politically legitimate source for an anti-CCP leader other than aMainland Chinese individual with proven liberal ideas who might riseto the occasion. Or, it may be a group of leaders from various regionsand provinces, who collectively wish to not be held under the boot of acentral government in Beijing. They may agree to a loose federation of Chinese states. This outcome might look like and be fashioned similarlyto the breakup of the old Soviet Union.
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Gorrie13 (James R. Gorrie, writes on macroeconomic topics, investment strategies, and geopolitical events around the world, spent over eighteen years in the financial industry, and specializes in international political economy. "The Fall of the Red Dragon" The China Crisis: How China's Economic Collapse Will Lead To A Global Depression, May 28, 2013. www.scribd.com/doc/140657893/The-China-Crisis-How-China-s-Economic-Collapse-Will-Lead-to-a-Global-Depression) VP
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once a complexsystem reaches a critical state, the catalytic event that causes cascadingfailure and collapse can be almost anything China has reached a critical state , whereina small event will have an exponentially large impact and lead to itscollapse.Given the precarious state of China’s environmental resources the most likely event leadingto China’s collapse will be food riots. due to factors contributing to rapidly rising national food prices andshortages that are endemic to command economies.Another likely catalytic event is the revolt of people whose landshave been seized by the state. protests now take place in China on a daily basis A third transformative event may well be Xinjiang province declaring its alle-giance to a neighboring Islamic state, or at least its independence fromChina. proximity to Pakistan, makes it a likely suspect for the importation of firearms intoChina , China will remain a target China ramps up its oppression of theUighurs severalthings will likely transpire within a short period of time The first response will be reactive. The CCP will crack down heav-ily on the riots China’s internal security budget surpassed itsdefense budget This isa major development in the rising anti-CCP sentiment or illegitimacy China is already at war with its people. the PLA)be brought in to restore order, just as it was in Tiananmen Square militias will also be relied upon This willbe the beginnings of a civil war in China. The CCP will not be able tocontrol the responses and bring about more chaos, Tibet may also seize upon the opportunity In response to Xinjiang and Tibet, the CCP may well increase their military forces in those provinces, with resistance and escalating violenceas a result There would likely be amassive outflow of financial assets In the process of food shortages and civil violence, China wouldprobably blame theUnited States well as those nations in the region alignedwith the United States. That would specifically include Taiwan China’s leaders may calculate that theUnited States will be unable or unwilling to come to Taiwan’s defense.China may also see that an invasion would serve severalpurposes, including providing access to food and other vital materials. foreign investmentflows would slow down even more, if not stop China would cease its purchasesof U.S. Treasuries withdrawing support of the dol-lar would send the U.S. bond market into a free fall. This would resultin the United States falling into its own financial crisis which would cause a ripple efect throughout Europeand the rest of the world. the United States wouldface an immediate existential threat to its financial system As China’s internal stability declines, the yuan may not be anacceptable currency China would likely inten-sify its aggressive policy of resource conquest, specifically with regardto oil China will desperately need resources andfood, and will do whatever it has to in order to acquire them. Local wars would be possibility given the existential crisis that communist Chinawould be facing the CCP will lose all ability tocontrol China as a whole that will not last in the face of famine, an inflow of arms to rebel provinces, and economic collapse. the world will know that thegame is over for the CCP China will break apart into severalautonomous region This outcome might look like and be fashioned similarlyto the breakup of the old Soviet Union.
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Chinese economic decline causes famine, resource wars, terrorism, Chinese civil war, Taiwan invasion, US and global economic collapse, and CCP instability – the brink is now
| 10,254 | 173 | 3,411 | 1,622 | 26 | 540 | 0.01603 | 0.332922 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
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Case Negatives
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2013
|
5,382 |
The consequences of a Chinese collapse, however, would be severe for the United States and for the world. There could be no major Chinese contraction without a concomitant contraction in the United States. That would mean sharply curtailed Chinese purchases of U.S. Treasury bonds, far less revenue for companies like General Motors, Nike, KFC and Apple that have robust business in China (Apple made $6.83 billion in the fourth quarter of 2012, up from $4.08 billion a year prior), and far fewer Chinese imports of high-end goods from American and Asian companies. It would also mean a collapse of Chinese imports of materials such as copper, which would in turn harm economic growth in emerging countries that continue to be a prime market for American, Asian and European goods.
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Karabell 13 (Zachary Karabell, president of River Twice Research and River Twice Capital, regular commentator on CNBC and a contributing editor for Newsweek. "The U.S. can’t afford a Chinese economic collapse" March 7, 2013. blogs.reuters.com/edgy-optimist/2013/03/07/the-u-s-cant-afford-a-chinese-economic-collapse/) VP
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The consequences of a Chinese collapse, , would be severe for the United States and for the world There could be no major Chinese contraction without in the United States. That would mean sharply curtailed Chinese purchases of U.S. Treasury bonds, far less revenue for companies that have robust business in China and far fewer Chinese imports of high-end goods . It would also mean a collapse of Chinese imports of copper, which would in turn harm economic growth in emerging countries that continue to be a prime market for American, Asian and European goods.
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Chinese economic collapse crushes the global economy
| 781 | 52 | 561 | 129 | 7 | 95 | 0.054264 | 0.736434 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
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Case Negatives
|
2013
|
5,383 |
(Reuters) - China's $736-billion pushto harness nuclear, wind, solar and biomass energy hinges on making the cleaner fuels competitive with cheap and CO2-intensive coal without derailing surging industrial growth. The world's second-largest economy faces formidable challenges to make the plan work. Beijing must upgrade its rickety electricity grid, open up the network to alternative energy and raise tariffs to make new energy sources competitive with coal-fired power. All that while retaining investor confidence China will remain the low cost factory of the world. "Parallel policies are essential," said Wang Yi, deputy head of Institute of Policy and management, China Academy of Science. "The government must gradually lift fossil fuel prices while granting incentives to non-fossil fuels to establish a long-term price signal." The plan is awaiting government approval, and the loans, grants and tax breaks it includes aim to encourage renewables, gas and nuclear use. Beijing aims to cut carbon intensity as much as 45 percent from 2005 levels by 2020 and increase the share of renewables to 15 percent of primary energy consumption. That is nearly double the current ratio and would make the country a leaderin green energy manufacturing and use.
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Reuters 10 (Aizhu and Bai, 8/27/2010 Reuters U.S. Edition “Analysis: China clean energy plan hinges on coal price” http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE67Q0Y520100827)
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China's $736-billion pushto harness nuclear, wind, solar and biomass energy hinges on making the cleaner fuels competitive with coal without derailing surging industrial growth. Beijing must upgrade its rickety electricity grid, open up the network to alternative energy and raise tariffs to make new energy sources competitive All that while retaining investor confidence Beijing aims to cut carbon intensity as much as 45 percent from 2005 levels by 2020 and increase the share of renewables to 15 percent of primary energy consumption. That is nearly double the current ratio and would make the country a leaderin green energy manufacturing and use.
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Chinese economy key to solve warming
| 1,258 | 36 | 652 | 193 | 6 | 101 | 0.031088 | 0.523316 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
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Case Negatives
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2013
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5,384 |
China's continued economic growthand integration into the world economy offer the best hope for the development of a more pluralisticsocial and political system in China. As was true in Taiwan, South Korea, Thailand and Chile, a rapidly modernizing economy is likely to generate effective pressure for political change toward democracy.
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Glaser 2 (Bonnie S. Glaser, Senior Associate of the Pacific Forum, Center for Strategic and International Studies, Atlanta Journal-Constitution, March 10, 2002)
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China's continued economic growth offer the best hope for the development of a more pluralistic political system in China As was true in Taiwan, South Korea rapidly modernizing economy is likely to generate effective pressure for political change toward democracy
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Chinese growth is key to Chinese democracy
| 336 | 43 | 263 | 50 | 7 | 40 | 0.14 | 0.8 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
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Case Negatives
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2013
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5,385 |
Mexican central bank Governor Agustin Carstens said the country’s policy makers will keep buying dollars in the market as China’s refusal to let the yuan strengthen limits their ability to allow the peso to move more freely.¶ Policy makers have no plans to make any changes to their monthly auctions of $600 million in options, Carstens said in an April 16 interview in Washington. The peso has strengthened 5 percent this year, the second-best performance among major Latin American currencies, and last week reached its strongest level since October 2008.¶ “Certainly if the yuan were more appreciated, we would feel more comfortable allowing the peso to go wherever it needs to go,” Carstens, 52, said while attending a meeting of the International Monetary Fund, where he served as deputy managing director from 2003 to 2006. “Even though we have a pretty flexible exchange rate regime, we still have been intervening in the markets. So needless to say, it’s an issue we need to take into account.”¶ Carstens’ comments signal that by continuing to buy dollars in the market, Mexico may be anticipating that continued capital inflows could further pressure the peso and damp economic growth, said Gabriel Casillas, chief economist for JPMorgan Chase & Co. in Mexico City.¶ U.S. Treasury Secretary Timothy F. Geithner on April 16 said that the world’s major economies need greater flexibility in exchange rates to avoid putting pressure on countries with market-driven exchange rates.¶ ‘Flexibility’¶ Geithner’s comments, while not identifying China, are part of the U.S.’s efforts to get the country to allow the yuan to rise further.¶ “It certainly would be very important to have more flexibility, especially in some Asian currencies,” Carstens said.¶ Mexico auctions $600 million in dollar options per month, a system that aims to bolster foreign reserves. The policy, along with a $73 billion flexible credit line from the IMF, aims to protect Mexico in case of rapid capital outflows. It can also act to stem a strengthening peso by taking dollars out of the market.¶ Any decision to change the amount of options that Mexico auctions would be months away, Carstens said. Mexico’s “currency commission,” a body comprised of Central Bank and Finance Ministry officials, oversees the options program.¶ Trade Competition¶ Carstens’s “comments are directed at the trade competition that has existed between Mexico and China over the last several years,” said Chris Rupkey, chief financial economist at Bank of Tokyo-Mitsubishi UFJ Ltd. in New York. “If China appreciates their currency, Mexico would obviously gain some new producers from the U.S. seeking a cheaper cost base for their factory output.”¶ China’s capital controls, weak currency and high inflation are limiting global economic growth, which encourages lax monetary policy in developed nations, Casillas said. That is fueling rapid capital inflows and strengthening currencies in emerging markets, he said.¶ “Carstens is saying that maybe in the future we could have more problems, more volatility,” Casillas said. “China’s exchange rate policy is causing difficult monetary policy management around the world, and Mexico isn’t an exception.”¶ The peso fell 0.8 percent to 11.7514 per U.S. dollar. Among Latin America’s seven major currencies, only the Colombian peso -- which is up 6 percent against the dollar in 2011 -- has outgained Mexico’s peso this year.
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Christie and Gould 11 (Rebecca Christie and Jens Erik Gould, Bloomberg News. "Mexico Will Keep Buying Dollars as Weak Yuan Pressures Peso, Carstens Says" April 18, 2011. www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-04-17/mexico-to-keep-buying-dollars-as-weak-yuan-leaves-carstens-uncomfortable.html) VP
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Mexican central bank Governor said China’s refusal to let the yuan strengthen limits their ability to allow the peso to move more freely we still have been intervening in the markets. So it’s an issue we need to take into account.” Mexico may be anticipating that continued capital inflows could further pressure the peso and damp economic growth the world’s major economies need greater flexibility in exchange rates to avoid putting pressure on countries with market-driven exchange rates a $73 billion flexible credit line from the IMF, aims to protect Mexico in case of rapid capital outflows If China appreciates their currency, Mexico would gain some new producers from the U.S. seeking a cheaper cost base for their factory output. China’s capital controls, weak currency and high inflation are limiting global economic growth, which encourages lax monetary policy in developed nations, Casillas said That is fueling rapid capital inflows and strengthening currencies in emerging markets, in the future we could have more volatility China’s exchange rate policy is causing difficult monetary policy management Mexico isn’t an exception.
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Devalued yuan limits peso flexibility and hurts Mexican competitiveness
| 3,428 | 71 | 1,143 | 541 | 9 | 177 | 0.016636 | 0.327172 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
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Case Negatives
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2013
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5,386 |
SEOUL, June 24 (Xinhua) -- South Korea and Japan said Monday that they decided not to extend their currency swap deal that was scheduled to expire in early July. "Authorities of Korea and Japan have concluded to end the bilateral won-yen currency swap arrangement of equivalent to 3 billion U.S. dollars between the two central banks, which is due to expire on July 3, 2013," the Bank of Korea (BOK) said in a joint press release with Japan.¶The currency swap line between the two countries expanded to 70 billion dollars in October 2011 before reducing to 13 billion dollars a year later amid worsening bilateral relations following the former President Lee Myung-bak's visit to Dokdo islets.
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Xinhua 13 (Chinese news service. “S.Korea not to extend currency swap deal with Japan” June 24, 2013. http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/world/2013-06/24/c_132482118.htm) VP
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-- South Korea and Japan said Monday that they decided not to extend their currency swap deal equivalent to 3 billion U.S. dollars between the two central banks, The currency swap line between the two countries expanded to 70 billion dollars in October 2011 before reducing to 13 billion dollars a year later amid worsening bilateral relations
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South Korea is shedding currency swap agreements (makes US agreement more important?)
| 693 | 85 | 343 | 116 | 12 | 57 | 0.103448 | 0.491379 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
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Case Negatives
|
2013
|
5,387 |
Throughout Obama's first term, Geithner has been constantly criticized as looking out for the interests of Wall Street over Main Street, particularly for what some critics say was his opposition to mortgage relief for underwater homeowners out of concern for bank profits. Lew seems likely to be less of a lightning rod than Geithner, who is the protege of bank-deregulator Robert Rubin. Lew is widely seen as a smart, tough negotiator and an able public servant.¶ But his professed lack of expertise in financial regulation, along with his own tenure at Rubin's old firm, the original too-big-to-fail bank, Citigroup, has raised warning flags among critics. They fear a Lew Treasury might not aggressively push back financial industry efforts to water down the Dodd-Frank financial-reform law or keep an eye out for the next financial crisis.¶ "He is very bright and has the capacity to be an honest broker," said University of Maryland law professor Michael Greenberger. "But I think it would be better to have more than an honest broker. [We need] someone intimately familiar with what went wrong in 2008 and what's gone wrong since then. Those are, for the American economy, life-or-death issues."¶ Lew, who previously ran Obama's Office of Management and Budget, is known in Washington as a top-notch negotiator who understands federal spending like few others and who can make difficult decisions in order to cut a bipartisan deal. Lew's reputation was forged in the Clinton administration, where he played a pivotal role in the negotiations that resulted in Clinton's historic 1997 Balanced Budget Act.¶ To Beltway insiders, Lew's appointment as Treasury Secretary would be taken as a sign that Obama intends to prioritize budget and tax policy negotiations in his second term, in spite of a fiercely divided Congress.¶ "Jack has experience negotiating balanced budgets with a Republican Congress, and he'd bring that to bear on anything he worked on," said Michael Barr, a former assistant secretary of the Treasury for Financial Institutions under Obama who worked with Lew in the Clinton administration.
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(Gongloff 12, Mark Gongloff, chief financial writer at Huffington Post, “Jack Lew, Tim Geithner's Possible Replacement As Treasury Secretary, Could Disappoint”, 11/08/2012, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/11/08/jack-lew-tim-geithner-treasury-secretary_n_2095125.html)
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Geithner has been constantly criticized as looking out for the interests of Wall Street . Lew seems likely to be less of a lightning rod than Geithner Lew, who previously ran Obama's Office of Management and Budget, is known in Washington as a top-notch negotiator who understands federal spending like few others he played a pivotal role in the negotiations that resulted in Clinton's historic 1997 Balanced Budget Act
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Lew not lightning rod
| 2,113 | 22 | 419 | 338 | 4 | 69 | 0.011834 | 0.204142 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
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Case Negatives
|
2013
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5,388 |
All this was occurring at the very moment when the most trite cliché about Mexico and the United States had never been more true: When Uncle Sam sneezes, Mexico gets pneumonia. In this case, however, it appeared that Tío Sam had a very serious disease and that Mexico was sliding toward its deathbed. In the end, U.S. GDP slumped in 2009 by 2.4% (on an annual average basis), while Mexico’s fell by an estimated 6.5% (in inflation-adjusted terms).1 When Calderón asserts, as he often does, that the crisis was caused by “external” forces and factors, he is dead wrong: As the great recession of 2009 showed so clearly, Mexico has become an appendage of the U.S. economy. This state of profound economic dependency was consciously constructed by the Mexican business elite, which—through the workings of the powerful Business Coordinating Council (CCE)—orchestrated the details of Mexico’s asymmetrical economic integration with U.S. capital through the NAFTA negotiations of the early 1990s. The old idea of the “external” and the “internal” makes no sense when we analyze the new relation of dependency that Mexico chose because of its faith in neoliberal salvation by way of a so-called free trade agreement. In reality the mumbo jumbo about increasing trade was really a smokescreen to open up Mexico as completely as possible to U.S. foreign investment. The pillar of this neoliberal model of economic development is the export-oriented, cheap-labor assembly operations run primarily by U.S.-owned transnational corporations. In 2009, 81% of Mexico’s exports went to the United States. U.S. demand has for decades been crucial to Mexico’s economy, since the U.S. manufacturing sector has been hollowed out and now relies on imports for crucial parts and components. Mexico is the number one foreign supplier of auto parts to the United States. Even more important than the shipping of parts and components to U.S.-based factories (that will then incorporate them into U.S.-sited assembly plants) is the export of finished consumer goods—the mainstay of Mexico’s export-led economy
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Cypher ’10 [6/27/10, James Martin Cypher. “Mexico’s Economic Collapse,” https://nacla.org/news/mexico%E2%80%99s-economic-collapse]
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When Uncle Sam sneezes, Mexico gets pneumonia U.S. GDP slumped in 2009 by 2.4% while Mexico’s fell by an estimated 6.5% ( Calderón asserts that the crisis was caused by “external” forces he is dead wrong Mexico has become an appendage of the U.S. economy. This state of profound dependency was consciously constructed by the Mexican business elite, which orchestrated the details of Mexico’s asymmetrical economic integration with U.S. capital through the NAFTA negotiations The old idea of the “external” and the “internal” makes no sense when we analyze the new relation of dependency that Mexico chose because of its faith in neoliberal salvation by way of a so-called free trade agreement increasing trade was really a smokescreen to open up Mexico as completely as possible to U.S. foreign investment. The pillar of this neoliberal model of economic development is the export-oriented, cheap-labor assembly operations run primarily by U.S.-owned transnational corporations 81% of Mexico’s exports went to the United States. U.S. demand has been crucial to Mexico’s economy
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Neolib link for mexico
| 2,084 | 22 | 1,077 | 330 | 4 | 168 | 0.012121 | 0.509091 |
Mexico Currency Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
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Case Negatives
|
2013
|
5,389 |
Cuba ¶ Following the taking over of the Cuban Government by Fidel Castro ¶ at the beginning of 1959, American property in Cuba was rapidly subjected to "intervention" (a term used to denote the taking over by ¶ the Cuban Government of the management of an enterprise), harassment, expropriation, and confiscation. Eventually all but a relatively small amount of U.S.-owned property was taken. Official estimates of the total value of U.S. property lost now stand at $1% billion.40 ¶ As far as is known by the Department of State, no compensation was ¶ made in any instance and the government bonds by which compensation was to be made under some of the Cuban laws have not even ¶ been printed. ¶ Intervention of U.S.-owned firms began with the Cuban Telephone ¶ Co. on March 4,1959, and interference of various kinds with Americanowned property steadily increased. On May 17, 1959, on agrarian ¶ reform law was enacted which provided for the taking of agricultural ¶ properties with payment to be made in 20-year bonds at 4}£ percent ¶ interest. Soon after the passage of the agrarian reform law, the ¶ United States expressed its concern over the adequacy of the provisions for compensation, although it also stated that it recognized ¶ the right of a state to expropriate property for public purposes,coupled with the obligation to make prompt, adequate, and effective ¶ compensation.41 ¶ On October 26,1959, the Cuban Government passed a law imposing ¶ confiscatory taxes upon the nickel plant owned by the United States, ¶ and other restrictive or harassing measures were applied to U.S. ¶ enterprises, such as requiring the reregistration of all mining concessions. ¶ The pace of interventions quickened and sugar owners began to ¶ lose their properties. On January 11, 1960, the United States protested, against actions of Cuba which it contended were violating the ¶ basic rights of ownership of U.S. citizens. It said land and buildings ¶ of U.S. citizens were being seized and occupied without court orders or ¶ written authorizations, that equipment and cattle were being seized or ¶ moved, timber was being cut, and pastures plowed under, often without taking inventories or giving receipts or any indication that payment of compensation would be offered.42 Cuba replied on February ¶ 14,1960, that where property had been occupied steps were being taken ¶ for its appraisal, and that if the United States considered that Cuban ¶ laws had been violated, U.S. nationals had the right to appeal through ¶ appropriate channels. ¶ Next the oil companies were hit. On May 17, 1960, the National ¶ Bank of Cuba informed the U.S. oil companies in Cuba that each of ¶ them would be required to purchase 300,000 tons of Russian petroleum ¶ during the balance of 1960. Later the oil refineries were seized on the ¶ grounds that they had violated the law in refusing to refine Soviet ¶ petroleum. This action was protested by the United States on July 5. ¶ 1960, in a note which stated that the actions were "arbitrary and ¶ inequitable, without authority under Cuban law, and contrary to ¶ commitments made to these companies."43 ¶ On July 6, 1960t¶ the Cuban Government passed a law which ¶ authorized the nationalization of U.S.-owned property generally. ¶ The law authorized payment to be made from a fund to be derived ¶ from the receipts from annual purchases of Cuban sugar by the ¶ United States over 3 million tons, at the price of at least 5.75 cents a ¶ pound, payment to be in 30-year bonds at 2 percent interest. On ¶ the same day, the United States reduced the Cuban sugar quota by ¶ 700,000 tons, President Eisenhower stating that the United States ¶ would fail in its obligations to its own people if it did not take steps ¶ to reduce its "reliance for a major food product upon a nation which ¶ has embarked upon a deliberate policy of hostility toward the United ¶ States." « ¶ The nationalization law was protested by the United States on ¶ July 16, 1960, as discriminatory (because it was specifically limited ¶ to property owned by U.S. nationals), arbitrary (because it was ¶ admittedly enacted in retaliation to actions taken by the United ¶ States to assure its sugar supply), and confiscatory (because it failed ¶ to meet minimum criteria necessary to assure prompt, adequate, and ¶ effective compensation, and prohibited any form of judicial or administrative appeal from the decisions of the expropriating authorities).45 When the Castro government sought to justify its actions on the ¶ grounds that the United States had committed economic aggression in ¶ reducing Cuba's sugar quota, the United States said that about onehalf of the investments had been seized before any change in the ¶ quota was made. ¶ On September 17,1960, three American-owned banks were nationalized, against which the United States protested on September 29, ¶ I960.48 Next the nickel plant owned by the U.S. Government was ¶ intervened, and on October 24, 1960, it was among 166 properties ¶ which were nationalized. This was protested by the United States on ¶ November 19, 1960. Meanwhile, Cuba was taking additional ¶ hostile actions toward the United States while establishing closer ¶ relations with the Communist bloc and on January 3, 1961, after a ¶ demand that the U.S. Embassy be reduced to 11 officials, the United ¶ States terminated diplomatic and consular relations with Cuba. ¶ Thus far some 90 documented statements of claims have been filed ¶ •jrith the State Department, which are being retained until an opportune tune to submit them. ¶ On July 8, 1963, the United States froze all Cuban assets in the ¶ United States, estimated to total some $30 million. This includes ¶ assets owned by the Cuban Government and individual Cubans ¶ residing on the island but not the property of Cuban exiles residing ¶ abroad. Part of these assets are already under litigation, being ¶ claimed as compensation by some of the Americans who had property ¶ taken by the Castro government.
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House of Representatives 1963 – (Reproduced from a committee print dated July 19, 1963, of the ¶ Committee on Foreign Affairs of the United States House of Representatives, 88th Congress, 1st Session. The report was prepared ¶ by Mrs. Ellen C. Collier, .Foreign Affairs Division, Legislative ¶ Reference Service, Library of Congress, at the request of Thomas E. ¶ Morgan, Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs. The report does ¶ not necessarily represent the views of the Committee on Foreign ¶ Affairs, the Library of Congress, or any agency of the United ¶ States Government, available online @ http://www.devkrishan.com/resources/USExpropriationPolicy/0E-House-of-Rep-Report-on-Expropriation-of-US-business-19-Jul-1963.pdf)
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¶ Following the taking over of the Cuban Government American property in Cuba was rapidly subjected to expropriation Eventually all but a relatively small amount of U.S.-owned property was taken land and buildings ¶ of U.S. citizens were being seized and occupied without court orders equipment and cattle were being seized or ¶ moved timber was being cut, pastures plowed under, often without taking inventories or giving receipts or any indication that payment of compensation would be offered the oil companies were hit oil refineries were seized This action was protested by the United States
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Unlimited amount of debt-relief projects possible, opens a whole new literature base
| 5,994 | 84 | 596 | 1,018 | 12 | 95 | 0.011788 | 0.09332 |
Cuba Bananas Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
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Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
5,390 |
A cursory examination of U.S. policy on expropriation could give ¶ the misleading impression that the United States is interested only in ¶ compensation for its businessmen, or that it is unsympathetic to the ¶ economic problems and aspirations of underdeveloped countries. At ¶ international conferences on the subject the Soviet Union has sought ¶ to sharpen this impression. ' ¶ Ironically, however, it is largely because the United States has ¶ wanted to assist in the economic development of underdeveloped ¶ countries that active measures have been taken to discourage expropriation. The protective measures which the United States has ¶ initiated have been designed primarily to encourage private investment which has been deemed an important method of helping the ¶ less developed countries attain their goals. ¶ If the United States was not seeking to encourage private investment and economic development, it could be content with taking ¶ legal measures to secure compensation for nationals after they had ¶ suffered losses through expropriation. The expropriation problem ¶ would then eventually take care of itself because American nationals ¶ would probably cease to make investments in those countries where ¶ losses had been suffered for this reason. Even as late as 1952, many ¶ years after the Mexican expropriation had been settled, a Department of Commerce survey found that many business executives ¶ expressed fear about investing in Mexico because of expropriation.119 ¶ Because the United States does seek to encourage private investment ¶ in underdeveloped countries, however, a more active policy against ¶ expropriation has developed. In the formulation of this policy the ¶ views of American business have necessarily been weighed along with ¶ other factors, since it was their capital and skill which were being ¶ sought. _ One of the prevailing views of American business was expressed in this fashion: ¶ Businessmen from the United States are willing to' take the risks involved in ¶ the transactions of commerce and industry, but they are not willing to run undue ¶ risk or loss through expropriation, devaluation, and other nonbusiness hazards.120 ¶ It was in order to minimize the nonbusiness hazards that programs ¶ such as the investment guarantee program and the bilateral treaty ¶ program have been devised. ¶ The foreign aid program has added to the complexity of the problem. On the one hand, it has been, asked why foreign aid should be ¶ continued to countries which appear unwilling to make the efforts ¶ necessary to attract private capital. On the other hand, it has been ¶ asked whether the threat of cutting off aid, if the procedures for making compensation after an expropriation did not satisfy the United ¶ States, was compatible with tine "broad perspectives and far-seeing ¶ objectives which made bilateral cooperation in aid possible."¶ m Furin Barlow, E. R., and Ira T. Wender, "Foreign Investment and Taxation," Englewood Cliffs, PrenticeHall, 1956, p. 210. ¶ •*> Statement by Richard Wagner, board chairman of tbe U.S. Chamber of Commerce, quoted in "Editorial Research Report," July iL 1962, p. 500. ¶ "i Letter to editor from First Secretary of Ceylon, op. cit. ¶ HeinOnline -- 2 I.L.M. 1109 1963
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House of Representatives 1963 – (Reproduced from a committee print dated July 19, 1963, of the ¶ Committee on Foreign Affairs of the United States House of Representatives, 88th Congress, 1st Session. The report was prepared ¶ by Mrs. Ellen C. Collier, .Foreign Affairs Division, Legislative ¶ Reference Service, Library of Congress, at the request of Thomas E. ¶ Morgan, Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs. The report does ¶ not necessarily represent the views of the Committee on Foreign ¶ Affairs, the Library of Congress, or any agency of the United ¶ States Government, available online @ http://www.devkrishan.com/resources/USExpropriationPolicy/0E-House-of-Rep-Report-on-Expropriation-of-US-business-19-Jul-1963.pdf)
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it is because the U S want to assist in economic development of countries that active measures have been taken to discourage expropriation The protective measures have been designed primarily to encourage private investment which has been deemed an important method of helpin countries attain their goals If the United States was not seeking to encourage private investment and economic development, it could be content with taking ¶ legal measures to secure compensation for nationals after they had ¶ suffered losses through expropriation The expropriation problem ¶ would then eventually take care of itself because American nationals ¶ would probably cease to make investments in those countries where ¶ losses had been suffered for this reason a Department of Commerce survey found many business executives ¶ express fear about investing in Mexico because of expropriation Because the United States does seek to encourage private investment ¶ in underdeveloped countries , a more active policy against ¶ expropriation has developed. American business are not willing to run undue ¶ risk or loss through expropriation
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Turn – A blind eye to Expropriation destroys investor confidence
| 3,255 | 64 | 1,121 | 526 | 10 | 173 | 0.019011 | 0.328897 |
Cuba Bananas Negative - Northwestern 2013 6WeekSeniors.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
5,391 |
(S. Paul; Associate professor in the Department of National Security Affairs at the Naval Postgraduate School, The Long Shadow: Nuclear Weapons and Security in 21st Century Asia. pg. 32)
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Kapur ‘8
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The Long Shadow: Nuclear Weapons and Security in 21st Century Asia.
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( ) No nuclear terror – counter to the goals of terror groups.
| 186 | 62 | 67 | 29 | 13 | 11 | 0.448276 | 0.37931 |
Cuba Oil Negative - HSS 2013 Starter.html5
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Hoya-Spartan Scholars
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Case Negatives
|
2013
|
5,392 |
The embargo not only deprives Cuba of access to U.S. markets and goods, but interferes in its trade with third countries; prohibits U.S. dollar transactions, even with banks and trade partners in third countries; prohibits most travel to Cuba by U.S. citizens; interferes in Cuba's internet access and roaming agreements for cell phones; denies Cuba access to global financial institutions; prohibits the sale of equipment to Cuban research scientists by U.S. companies or their foreign subsidiaries; prevents Cubans from visiting family members in the United States; and often blocks scientific and cultural exchanges. Other embargoes, such as the Security Council sanctions imposed on Iraq in the 1990s, have caused greater humanitarian harm than the U.S. embargo against Cuba. Yet, in some regards the U.S. measures against Cuba are far more extensive, affecting every aspect of commerce, travel, economic development, and even humanitarian contributions. Overall, Cuba estimate the total damages from the U.S. embargo to be in excess of $100 billion.'
|
Gordon 12 (Joy, “The U.S. Embargo against Cuba and the Diplomatic Challenges to Extraterritoriality,” THE FLETCHER FORUM OF WORLD AFFAIRS, VOL.36:1 WINTER 2012, AK)
|
The embargo not only deprives Cuba of access to U.S. markets and goods, but interferes in its trade with third countries; prohibits U.S. dollar transactions, even with banks and trade partners in third countries; prohibits most travel to Cuba by U.S. citizens; interferes in Cuba's internet access and roaming agreements for cell phones; denies Cuba access to global financial institutions; prohibits the sale of equipment to Cuban research scientists by U.S. companies or their foreign subsidiaries; prevents Cubans from visiting family members in the United States; and often blocks scientific and cultural exchanges. the U.S. measures against Cuba are far more extensive, affecting every aspect of commerce, travel, economic development, and even humanitarian contributions. Overall, Cuba estimate the total damages from the U.S. embargo to be in excess of $100 billion.'
|
First, the embargo is the single greatest barrier to Cuban economic development
| 1,055 | 79 | 874 | 160 | 12 | 131 | 0.075 | 0.81875 |
Cuba Aff - SCDI 2013.html5
|
Sun Country (SCDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,393 |
"I think having a secretary of state and secretary of defense who understand and are willing to speak publicly that isolation is counterproductive is a very good start," said Tomas Bilbao, executive director of the nonpartisan Cuba Study Group, which advocates using engagement to spur democratic change. "I'm optimistic about the opportunity." Carlos Alzugaray, an ex-Cuban ambassador to the European Union and the author of several studies about Cuba-US relations, said that if both men are confirmed, no Cabinet since the Carter administration would have such high-level voices in favor of rapprochement. At the same time, the composition of Cuban-Americans in Florida is evolving, with younger voters less emotionally attached to the issue than their parents and grandparents. Exit polls showed 49 percent of Cuban-Americans in the state voted for Obama, roughly the same percentage as four years ago, an indication the group no longer plays the make-or-break role it once did in presidential politics. The atmosphere is changing in Cuba as well. Alzugaray noted that the island has taken many steps that would normally be welcomed by Washington such as freeing dozens of political prisoners, opening the economy to limited capitalism, hosting peace talks for war-torn Colombia and eliminating most restrictions on travel for its own citizens. "Cuba is changing, and it is changing in the direction that the United States says Cuba must change," Alzugaray told The Associated Press in an interview in his Havana apartment
|
Haven 1/26/13 (Paul Haven, Associated Press bureau chief in Havana, “Kerry, Hagel On Cuba: Cabinet Nominees Could Help Ease Relations, Lift Trade Embargo”, Huff Post World, 1/26/13, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/01/26/kerry-hagel-cuba-us-trade-embargo_n_2559023.html, AD: 7/12/13, AK)
|
Florida is evolving, with younger voters less attached to the issue 49 percent of Cuban-Americans in the state voted for Obama , an indication the group no longer plays the make-or-break role it once did in presidential politics Cuba has taken many steps such as freeing dozens of political prisoners, opening the economy to limited capitalism, hosting peace talks for war-torn Colombia and eliminating most restrictions on travel for its own citizens. "Cuba is changing, and it is changing in the direction that the United States says Cuba must change," Alzugaray told The Associated Press
|
And, now is key – Cuba has been gradually moving toward policies more favorable to the US
| 1,525 | 89 | 590 | 238 | 17 | 95 | 0.071429 | 0.39916 |
Cuba Aff - SCDI 2013.html5
|
Sun Country (SCDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,394 |
Is U.S. influence in Latin America on the wane? It depends how you look at it. As President Obama travels to Mexico and Costa Rica, it’s likely the pundits will once again underscore what some perceive to be the eroding influence of the United States in the Western Hemisphere. Some will point to the decline in foreign aid or the absence of an overarching policy with an inspiring moniker like “Alliance for Progress” or “Enterprise Area of the Americas” as evidence that the United States is failing to embrace the opportunities of a region that is more important to this country than ever. The reality is a lot more complicated. Forty-two percent of all U.S. exports flow to the Western Hemisphere. In many ways, U.S. engagement in the Americas is more pervasive than ever, even if more diffused. That is in part because the peoples of the Western Hemisphere are not waiting for governments to choreograph their interactions. A more-nuanced assessment inevitably will highlight the complex, multidimensional ties between the United States and the rest of the hemisphere. In fact, it may be that we need to change the way we think and talk about the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. We also need to resist the temptation to embrace overly reductive yardsticks for judging our standing in the hemisphere. As Moises Naim notes in his recent book, The End of Power, there has been an important change in power distribution in the world away from states toward an expanding and increasingly mobile set of actors that are dramatically shaping the nature and scope of global relationships. In Latin America, many of the most substantive and dynamic forms of engagement are occurring in a web of cross-national relationships involving small and large companies, people-to-people contact through student exchanges and social media, travel and migration.
|
Duddy & Mora 13 (Patrick Duddy served as U.S. ambassador to Venezuela from 2007 until 2010 and is currently visiting senior lecturer at Duke University. Frank O. Mora is incoming director of the Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University, 05.01.2013 “Latin America: Is U.S. influence waning?” 5/1/13 http://www.miamiherald.com/2013/05/01/3375160/latin-america-is-us-influence.html, AD 7/11/13, AK)
|
U.S. influence in Latin America some perceive the eroding influence of the United States in the Western Hemisphere the decline in foreign aid the absence of an overarching policy he United States is failing to embrace the opportunities of a region that is more important to this country than ever the complex, multidimensional ties between the United States and the rest of the hemisphere we need to change the way we think and talk about the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean increasingly mobile set of actors that are dramatically shaping the nature and scope of global relationships. In Latin America, cross-national relationships involving companies, people-to-people contact through student exchanges and social media, travel and migration.
|
ADVANTAGE ___ : LEADERSHIP
| 1,860 | 26 | 756 | 306 | 4 | 117 | 0.013072 | 0.382353 |
Cuba Aff - SCDI 2013.html5
|
Sun Country (SCDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,395 |
For its part, by ending the embargo, the US simultaneously gains security through stability in Cuba. More important, by investing in the future prototype for emerging markets – a 42,803-square-mile green energy and technology lab called Cuba – America gains a dedicated partner in the search for energy independence. Finally, a key component of renewing relations is ending illicit emigration. At issue is the 1966 Cuban Adjustment Act, amended in 1995. It encourages disaffected Cubans to risk their lives for the reward of an expedited path to US citizenship upon reaching American soil. They also receive immediate access to a work permit and the ability to acquire residency in one year. A 2002 article from The Miami Herald reported that 1 in 20 Cubans being smuggled to the shores of the United States dies in the attempt. Meanwhile, smugglers collect up to $10,000 a person. Retiring the "wet-foot, dry-foot" policy and normalizing immigration laws could stop the Cuban brain drain, end charges of a US immigration double standard, and save hundreds of millions of dollars for the US taxpayers who must fund four different agencies to implement this policy. Supporters of the embargo say it serves as an important symbolic protest of Cuba's deplorable human rights record and its lack of political, civil, and economic freedoms. Yet constructive engagement with the reform-ready regime of Mr. Castro – utilizing a framework based on mutual economic interests similar to US-China relations – could give observers more cause for optimism. Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao's willingness to speak openly with Newsweek/CNN journalist Fareed Zakaria last month about democratization is evidence of progress. While phasing out the Cuban embargo won't render a quick solution to fractured US-Cuba relations or end the evaporation of esteem the US is suffering throughout Latin America, it would mark a significant achievement of hemispheric leadership on a divisive issue. By ending the embargo, the US may learn that under the right circumstances, the soft power of diplomacy proves more effective in reshaping America's perception in Latin America than the hard power of economic isolation ever did.
|
Gerz-Escandon 8 (Jennifer Gerz-Escandon, independent scholar and former professor of political science based in Atlanta, “End the US-Cuba embargo: It’s a win-win”, Christian Science Monitor, October 9, 2008, http://www.csmonitor.com/Commentary/Opinion/2008/1009/p09s02-coop.html, AD: 6/30/13, AK)
|
by ending the embargo, the US gains security through stability in Cuba a key component of renewing relations is ending illicit emigration. Retiring the "wet-foot, dry-foot" policy and normalizing immigration laws could stop the Cuban brain drain, and save hundreds of millions of dollars While phasing out the Cuban embargo would mark a significant achievement of hemispheric leadership on a divisive issue
|
Removing the embargo is a show of leadership that makes soft power credible
| 2,194 | 75 | 406 | 346 | 13 | 62 | 0.037572 | 0.179191 |
Cuba Aff - SCDI 2013.html5
|
Sun Country (SCDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,396 |
Still, the United States should guard against taking its soft-power resources for granted, as modern challenges to its leadership and security are of a different sort than they used to be. The contemporary information revolution and its attendant brand of globalisation are transforming and shrinking the world. At the beginning of this new century, these two forces combined to increase American power. But with time, technology will spread to other countries and peoples, and America’s relative pre-eminence will diminish. For example, at the beginning of this century, the American twentieth of the global population represented more than half of the world’s Internet users. Today that share has already declined. At some point in the future, the Asian cyber-community and economy will loom larger than their American counterparts. Even more important, the information revolution is creating virtual communities and networks that cut across national borders. Transnational corporations and non-governmental actors (terrorists included) will play larger roles in world affairs. Many of these organisations will have soft power of their own as they attract citizens into mixed coalitions that cut across national boundaries. It is worth noting that a coalition based on nongovernmental organisations created a land-mine treaty over the opposition of the strongest bureaucracy in the world’s strongest country. And a surprise attack by a transnational, non-governmental organisation killed more Americans in September 2001 than the government of Japan did in its surprise attack in 1941. The events of 11 September were a symptom of the deeper changes occurring in the world. Technology has been diffusing power away from governments and empowering individuals and groups to play roles in world politics, including wreaking massive destruction, that were once reserved to governments. Privatisation has been increasing, and terrorism is the privatisation of war. Globalisation is shrinking the distance between peoples, and events in faraway places like Afghanistan can have great impact on American lives. The problem for American leadership in the twenty-first century is that there are ever more things outside the control of states, even the most powerful one. Although the United States does well on the traditional measures of power resources, every year there is more going on in the world that those resources cannot address. Under the influence of the information revolution and globalisation, world politics is changing in a way that means Americans cannot achieve all their international goals alone. For example, international financial stability is vital to the prosperity of Americans, but the United States needs the cooperation of others to attain it. Likewise, global climate change will affect Americans’ quality of life, but the United States cannot manage the problem by itself. Last year China, which adds two new coal-fired generating plants each week, may have overtaken the United States as the largest emitter of greenhouse gases. And in a world where borders are becoming more porous than ever to everything from drugs to infectious diseases to terrorism, Washington must work with others and mobilise international coalitions to address these new security threats.
|
Nye ‘8 Joseph Nye, former Assistant Secretary of Defense, former Dean of Harvard’s John F. Kennedy School of Government, “Recovering American Leadership,” Survival, March 2008
|
the United States should guard against taking its soft-power resources for granted The events of 11 September were a symptom of the deeper changes occurring in the world. Technology has been diffusing power away from governments and empowering individuals and groups to play roles in world politics, including wreaking massive destruction, that were once reserved to governments The problem for American leadership in the twenty-first century is that there are ever more things outside the control of states, even the most powerful one international financial stability is vital to the prosperity of Americans, but the United States needs the cooperation of others to attain it. Likewise, global climate change will affect Americans’ quality of life, but the United States cannot manage the problem by itself. Last year China, which adds two new coal-fired generating plants each week, may have overtaken the United States as the largest emitter of greenhouse gases. And in a world where borders are becoming more porous than ever to everything from drugs to infectious diseases to terrorism, Washington must work with others and mobilise international coalitions to address these new security threats
|
Soft power is key to solve global issues including disease, climate change, and terrorism
| 3,291 | 89 | 1,201 | 497 | 14 | 186 | 0.028169 | 0.374245 |
Cuba Aff - SCDI 2013.html5
|
Sun Country (SCDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,397 |
The moral imperative during World War II has been replaced by the quest to gain control of resources and influence. Increasingly, countries declaring war have done so for political reasons. In the absence of moral reasoning, soldiers and society find it even more difficult to embrace the idea of putting young lives at risk in war. And then there is the massive financial cost. A 2013 Harvard study notes that the combined cost of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars could end up costing the U.S. between 4 and 6 trillion dollars including the medical care of veterans, leading to an enormous negative impact on the global economy. No doubt war is hell -- but for reasons far beyond what we traditionally thought. War not only tears apart the people that partake in it, emotionally as well as physically, but also their families, communities, societies and even their countries. It is extremely expensive, not only in money, but also in human capital and potential. These costs are simply too great to bear. Now more than ever, the time is ripe to explore the paradigm-shifting potential of 'soft power', brilliantly articulated by Professor Joseph Nye, one of the world's leading thinkers and intellectuals. Nye describes soft power as "the ability to get what you want through attraction rather than through coercion." He sees strong relations with allies, economic assistance programs, and vital cultural exchanges as examples of soft power. By using this soft power, it may be possible to stop internal conflicts in fragile states before they even begin. Soft power will allow countries to influence the world and achieve their goals through non-violent means. Even with overwhelming might, we are seeing wars aren't won any longer. Mahatma Gandhi said "victory attained by violence is tantamount to a defeat, for it is momentary." If the world cannot find a way out of war, then we may well be defeated as a civilization.
|
Chatterjee ’13 Siddharth Chatterjee, Chief Diplomat and Head of Strategic Partnerships at the IFRC HQ, “The Spoils of War,” Huffington Post, 7/12/2013, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/siddharth-chatterjee/the-spoils-of-war_b_3586601.html
|
The moral imperative during World War II has been replaced by the quest to gain control of resources and influence. Increasingly, countries declaring war have done so for political reasons the time is ripe to explore the paradigm-shifting potential of 'soft power', Nye describes soft power as "the ability to get what you want through attraction rather than through coercion He sees strong relations with allies, economic assistance programs, and vital cultural exchanges as examples By using soft power it may be possible to stop internal conflicts in fragile states before they even begin Soft power will allow countries to influence the world and achieve their goals through non-violent means. wars aren't won any longer victory attained by violence is tantamount to a defeat If the world cannot find a way out of war, then we may be defeated as a civilization.
|
Soft power’s key to conflict prevention – global integration checks escalation to all-out war which threatens civilization itself
| 1,921 | 129 | 865 | 320 | 18 | 142 | 0.05625 | 0.44375 |
Cuba Aff - SCDI 2013.html5
|
Sun Country (SCDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,398 |
This month Europe celebrated the twentieth anniversary of the collapse of the iron curtain. Tribute was paid the role the US played in helping to speed the demise of totalitarian regimes. But just 90 miles off the coast of Florida, the Cuban government continues to ruthlessly suppress any sign of dissent - and the US administration's misguided embargo merely strengthens the dictatorship's hand. Now Human Rights Watch (HRW), the New York-based NGO, has called for the US to scrap its failed policy in favour of "more effective forms of pressure". HRW's new report, New Castro, Same Cuba, proves that Raul Castro shares his brother's extreme distaste for opposition. Since taking the reins of power from his ailing sibling in 2006, Raul has deepened the repression of his opponents, particularly through the vigorous use of a provision in the criminal code which allows people to be jailed if it is suspected that they might commit a crime in the future. The catch-all pre-criminal state of "dangerousness" is defined as any behaviour that contradicts socialist norms. HRW's report states that more than 40 people have been jailed for "dangerousness", including handing out copies of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, staging rallies, and attempting to form independent trade unions. HRW has called for the embargo to be scrapped and replaced by a multi-lateral coalition comprised of the US, the EU, Canada, and Latin American to pressure Cuba to immediately and unconditionally release its political prisoners. The coalition, HRW says, should give the Cuban government six months to meet this demand or face sanctions, travel bans and asset freezes. The report was published in a week which saw the 64-year-old Cuban dissident Martha Beatriz Roque end her hunger strike over fears for her health. Roque and five other dissidents staged a sit-in protest 40 days ago, complaining that government agents stole a camera from her. A statement issued by the protesters explained: "The camera we want back is not the final purpose of this protest, it is a symbol of our rights and the rights of the people, which day after day are violated by government actions." And this weekend the husband of the dissident blogger Yoani Sanchez said he was attacked by government supporters as he waited to confront state security agents accused of detaining and beating his wife two weeks ago. The intimidation, persecution and incarceration of the Castro government's opponents is ignored by those who like to believe that Cuba is a plucky little island standing up to the might of Uncle Sam. This ignorant and patronising view allows the dictatorship to manipulate the policies of foreign governments in its favour. When North Korea and Burma ruthlessly extinguish any dissent they are rightly castigated as pariah states. When Cuba does the same, the world looks away. The co-called Cuban exiles in Miami and New Jersey need to drop their noisy support for the US policy of regime change - it serves only to shore up the government they despise. Anyone who cares about human rights should encourage their governments to take up HRW's call for a new unified approach to Cuba's human rights failures. The Cuban government will change its ways only if it is forced to. Cuba ratified the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment in 1995. It has been allowed to flout that convention with impunity.
|
Guardian 9 (“Cuba’s embargo must go”, theguardian, November 24 2009, http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2009/nov/23/embargo-cuba-human-rights, AD 7/11/13, AK)
|
the Cuban government continues to ruthlessly suppress any sign of dissent and the US embargo strengthens the dictatorship' Human Rights Watch has called for the US to scrap its failed policy in favour of "more effective forms of pressure". Raul has deepened the repression of his opponents through the vigorous use of a provision in the criminal code which allows people to be jailed if it is suspected that they might commit a crime in the future people have been jailed for handing out copies of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights HRW has called for the embargo to be scrapped When North Korea and Burma ruthlessly extinguish any dissent they are rightly castigated as pariah states. When Cuba does the same, the world looks away. Anyone who cares about human rights should encourage their governments to take up HRW's call for a new unified approach to Cuba's human rights failures. The Cuban government will change its ways only if it is forced to
|
ADVANTAGE ___ : DEMOCRACY
| 3,438 | 25 | 958 | 564 | 4 | 164 | 0.007092 | 0.29078 |
Cuba Aff - SCDI 2013.html5
|
Sun Country (SCDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
5,399 |
Critics argue free markets do not promote democracy. However, free trade and open markets do promote open economies and societies with greater freedom for their people, with better opportunities and less poverty. Less poverty equals stability. Charles William Maynes, President of the Eurasia Foundation and a leading political scientist in the United States calls this idea of free markets promoting democracy “Liberal Internationalism.” He argues open markets lead to the formation of a middle class; the middle class then brings pressure on non-democratic governments to open the political process; once that opening occurs, democracy develops. With Cuba’s proximity to the United States, democracy is inevitable. It will be a slow process. Nevertheless, it will happen, as it has in countless other countries like the Dominican Republic, Chile, Argentina, El Salvador and the other thirty-one out of thirtytwo countries in the Latin American region. The first step before any real change happens in Cuba must be engagement within our own borders with the Cuban American National Foundation (CANF). The CANF is without question the center of gravity for this issue. The CANF is single handedly preventing progress in the Cuba policy. Clausewitz defines a center of gravity as “the hub of all power and movement, on which everything else depends. That is the point against which all our energies should be directed.” The United States should focus its energy on encouraging the CANF to reform its uncompromising stance against Castro. Several actions, or decisive points, must occur for the CANF to compromise and ultimately create change in Cuba; beginning with the review of the Torricelli Bill and the Helms-Burton Act, followed by the opening of economic trade, and the lifting of restrictions on the travel ban and the sale of food and medicine. The CANF will not allow any of this to happen without the unconditional removal of Castro and anyone associated with the Castro family. This is an unrealistic goal that the embargo alone cannot accomplish. The CANF, as the source of all power in this issue, should be part of the solution by seeking ways to promote change in the Cuba policy, instead of seeking ways to prevent change in a failed policy. The CANF’s power and influence is becoming less relevant each day with the shift in public opinion that is even transcending cultural lines to Cuban Americans in Miami who believe the embargo is a failed policy. Since 1993, the Florida International University in Miami has polled Cuban Americans on their position with regard to the Cuba Policy. In 1993, forty two percent of Cuban Americans believed better relations with Cuba were needed. The most recent poll in 2002 indicates that number has grown to sixty-two percent who believe better relations are needed. However, the CANF’s influence is still significant enough to prevent better relations and progress. The U.S. strategic goal for Cuba should be a peaceful transition to a post embargo environment by gradually lifting the embargo with the implementation of the full spectrum of the Diplomatic Instruments of Power illustrated below. Fidel Castro should be inconsequential to the transition: Diplomatic. Open dialogue with the government of Cuba. Fidel Castro says he wants to open negotiations with the U.S. The U.S. should capitalize on this new stance of openness and use it to its advantage. The U.S. has open dialogue with China; Cuba should be no different. This idea will also open doors to establish relationships with the progressive Cuban leadership willing to consider change. The Bush Administration should also consider supporting the Cuba Working Group’s 9-Point Plan as a tool to initiate reform. Information. Reform TV and Radio Marti by taking it out of the Cuban American National Foundation’s span of influence. Place it under the control of a non-partisan government organization that can develop a robust and meaningful information campaign targeted towards the Cuban people and reform. Conduct an information campaign within our own borders to educate the American public on the costs and benefits of helping the Cuban people. Military. Militarily engage Cuba by including it in one of the Unified Commands. Develop long term bilateral cooperation with the Cuban military and incorporate their armed forces in multilateral cooperation throughout the Caribbean region. Economic. Incrementally lift the embargo beginning with the lifting of the travel ban and the restrictions on the sale of food and medicine, followed by reforming the Torricelli Bill and the Helms-Burton Act.
|
Arzeno 12 (Mario A. Arzeno, M.B.A. of military art and science strategy, University of Miami. She is also a member of the Inter American Defense board, “THE U.S. EMBARGO ON CUBA: A TIME FOR CHANGE?” 9/18/12, Page 51)
|
free trade and open markets do promote open economies and societies with greater freedom for their people, with better opportunities and less poverty. Less poverty equals stability President of the Eurasia Foundation calls this idea of free markets promoting democracy “Liberal Internationalism open markets lead to the formation of a middle class; the middle class then brings pressure on non-democratic governments to open the political process; once that opening occurs, democracy develops Several actions beginning with the review of the Torricelli Bill and the Helms-Burton Act, followed by the opening of economic trade, and the lifting of restrictions on the travel ban and the sale of food and medicine. The CANF should be part of the solution CANF’s power and influence is becoming less relevant each day with the shift in public opinion who believe the embargo is a failed policy poll in 2002 indicates sixty-two percent who believe better relations are needed. The U.S. strategic goal for Cuba should be a peaceful transition to a post embargo environment by gradually lifting the embargo Open dialogue with the government of Cuba This will open doors to establish relationships Reform TV and Radio Marti by taking it out of the Cuban American National Foundation’s span of influence Militarily engage Cuba by including it in one of the Unified Commands . Incrementally lift the embargo beginning with the lifting of the travel ban and the restrictions on the sale of food and medicine, followed by reforming the Torricelli Bill and the Helms-Burton Act.
|
Lifting embargo causes a domino effect that normalizes relations and causes democratic transitioning
| 4,618 | 100 | 1,565 | 733 | 13 | 251 | 0.017735 | 0.342428 |
Cuba Aff - SCDI 2013.html5
|
Sun Country (SCDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
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