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Parsis
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis and Bangalore (Karnataka, India). There is a sizeable Parsee population in Pune as well in Hyderabad. A few Parsee families also reside in Kolkata and Chennai. Although they are not, strictly speaking, a caste, since they are not Hindus, they form a well-defined community. The exact date of the Parsi migration is unknown. According to tradition, the Parsis initially settled at Hormuz on the Persian Gulf but finding themselves still persecuted they set sail for India, arriving in the 8th century. The migration may, in fact, have taken place as late as the 10th century, or in both. They settled first at Diu in Kathiawar but soon moved to South Gujarāt, where they remained for about 800 years as
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis a small agricultural community. The term "Pārsi", which in the Persian language is a demonym meaning "inhabitant of Pārs" and hence "ethnic Persian", is not attested in Indian Zoroastrian texts until the 17th century. Until that time, such texts consistently use the Persian-origin terms "Zartoshti" "Zoroastrian" or "Vehdin" "[of] the good religion". The 12th-century "Sixteen Shlokas", a Sanskrit text in praise of the Parsis, is the earliest attested use of the term as an identifier for Indian Zoroastrians. The first reference to the Parsis in a European language is from 1322, when a French monk, Jordanus, briefly refers to their presence in Thane and Bharuch. Subsequently, the term appears
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Parsis
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis in the journals of many European travelers, first French and Portuguese, later English, all of whom used a Europeanized version of an apparently local language term. For example, Portuguese physician Garcia de Orta observed in 1563 that "there are merchants ... in the kingdom of Cambaia ... known as Esparcis. We Portuguese call them Jews, but they are not so. They are Gentios." In an early 20th-century legal ruling (see self-perceptions, below), Justices Davar and Beaman asserted (1909:540) that "Parsi" was also a term used in Iran to refer to Zoroastrians. notes that in much the same way as the word "Hindu" was used by Iranians to refer to anyone from the Indian subcontinent, "Parsi" was used
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Parsis
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis by the Indians to refer to anyone from Greater Iran, irrespective of whether they were actually ethnic Persian people. In any case, the term "Parsi" itself is "not necessarily an indication of their Iranian or 'Persian' origin, but rather as indicator – manifest as several properties – of ethnic identity". Moreover, if heredity were the only factor in a determination of ethnicity, the Parsis would count as Parthians according to the "Qissa-i Sanjan". The term "Parseeism" or "Parsiism" is attributed to Abraham Hyacinthe Anquetil-Duperron, who in the 1750s, when the word "Zoroastrianism" had yet to be coined, made the first detailed report of the Parsis and of Zoroastrianism, therein mistakenly
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Parsis
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis assuming that the Parsis were the only remaining followers of the religion. In addition to above, the Parsi identity was well truly an identity even before they moved to India: - The earliest reference to the Parsis is found in the Assyrian inscription of Shalmaneser III (circa 854-824 BC). - Darius the Great (521-486 BC) establishes this fact when he records his Parsi ancestry for posterity, “parsa parsahya puthra ariya ariyachitra”, meaning, “a Parsi, the son of a Parsi, an Aryan, of Aryan family (Inscription at Naqsh-i-Rustam, near Persepolis, Iran). - In Outlines of Parsi History, Dasturji Hormazdyar Dastur Kayoji Mirza, Bombay 1987, pp. 3-4 writes, “According to the Pahlavi text of
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis Karnamak i Artakhshir i Papakan, the Indian astrologer refers to Artakhshir (Sasanian king, and the founder of the Empire) as khvatay parsikan ‘the king of the Parsis’. - Herodotus and Xenophon, the two great historians who lived in the third and fourth centuries BC referred to Iranians as Parsis. # Origins. In ancient Persia, Zoroaster taught that good (Ohrmazd) and evil (Angra Mainyu) were opposite forces and the battle between them is more or less evenly matched. A person should always be vigilant to align with forces of light. According to the "asha" or the righteousness and "druj" or the wickedness, the person has chosen in his life they will be judged at the Chinvat bridge to grant
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Parsis
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis passage to Paradise, Hammistagan (A limbo area) or Hell by a sword. A personified form of the soul that represents the person’s deeds takes the adjudged to their destination and they will abide there until the final apocalypse. After the final battle between good and evil, every soul’s walk through a river of fire ordeal for burning of their dross and together they receive a post resurrection paradise. The Zoroastrian holy book, called the "Avesta", was written in the Avestan language, which is closely related to Vedic Sanskrit. The "Qissa-i Sanjan" is a tale of the journey of the Parsis to India from Iran. It says they fled for reasons of religious freedom and they were allowed to settle in
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis India thanks to the goodwill of a local prince. However, the Parsi community had to abide by three rules: they had to speak the local language, follow local marriage customs, and not carry any weapons. After showing the many similarities between their faith and local beliefs, the early community was granted a plot of land on which to build a fire temple. ## As an ethnic community. Over the centuries since the first Zoroastrians arrived in India, the Parsis have integrated themselves into Indian society while simultaneously maintaining or developing their own distinct customs and traditions (and thus ethnic identity). This in turn has given the Parsi community a rather peculiar standing: they
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis are Indians in terms of national affiliation, language and history, but not typically Indian in terms of consanguinity or ethnicity, cultural, behavioural and religious practices. Genealogical DNA tests to determine purity of lineage have brought mixed results. One study supports the Parsi contention that they have maintained their Persian roots by avoiding intermarriage with local populations. In that 2002 study of the Y-chromosome (patrilineal) DNA of the Parsis of Pakistan, it was determined that Parsis are genetically closer to Iranians than to their neighbours. A 2004 study in which Parsi mitochondrial DNA (matrilineal) was compared with that of the Iranians and Gujaratis determined that
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis Parsis are genetically closer to Gujaratis than to Iranians. Taking the 2002 study into account, the authors of the 2004 study suggested "a male-mediated migration of the ancestors of the present-day Parsi population, where they admixed with local females [...] leading ultimately to the loss of mtDNA of Iranian origin". To put all the doubts to rest a deeper study was conducted in 2017 “Like sugar in milk”: reconstructing the genetic history of the Parsi population which confirms that Parsis are genetically closer to Neolithic Iranians than to modern Iranians, who have witnessed a more recent wave of admixture from the Near East. ## Self-perceptions. The definition of who is, and is not, a
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis Parsi is a matter of great contention within the Zoroastrian community in India. It is generally accepted that a Parsi is a person who: In this sense, "Parsi" is an ethno-religious designator, whose definition is of contention among its members, similar to the contention over who is a Jew in the West. Some members of the community additionally contend that a child must have a Parsi father to be eligible for introduction into the faith, but this assertion is considered by most to be a violation of the Zoroastrian tenets of gender equality and may be a remnant of an old legal definition of the term Parsi. An oft-quoted legal definition of Parsi is based on a 1909 ruling (since nullified) that
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Parsis not only stipulated that a person could not become a Parsi by converting to the Zoroastrian faith but also noted: This definition was overturned several times. The equality principles of the Indian Constitution void the patrilineal restrictions expressed in the third clause. The second clause was contested and overturned in 1948. On appeal in 1950, the 1948 ruling was upheld and the entire 1909 definition was deemed an obiter dictum – a collateral opinion and not legally binding (re-affirmed in 1966).) There is a growing voice within the community that if indeed equality must be re-established then the only acceptable solution is to only allow a child to be initiated into the faith if both
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis parents are Parsi. Nonetheless, the opinion that the 1909 ruling is legally binding continues to persist, even among the better-read and moderate Parsis. # Population. According to the 2011 Census of India, there are 57,264 Parsis in India. According to the National Commission for Minorities, there are a "variety of causes that are responsible for this steady decline in the population of the community", the most significant of which were childlessness and migration- Demographic trends project that by the year 2020 the Parsis will number only 23,000. The Parsis will then cease to be called a community and will be labeled a 'tribe'. One-fifth of the decrease in population is attributed to
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis migration. A slower birthrate than deathrate accounts for the rest: as of 2001, Parsis over the age of 60 make up for 31% of the community. Only 4.7% of the Parsi community are under 6 years of age, which translates to 7 births per year per 1000 individuals. Concerns have been raised in recent years over the rapidly declining population of the Parsi community in India. ## Other demographic statistics. The gender ratio among Parsis is unusual: as of 2001, the ratio of males to females was 1000 males to 1050 females (up from 1024 in 1991), due primarily to the high median age of the population (elderly women are more common than elderly men). As of 2001 the national average in India was 1000
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis males to 933 females. Parsis have a high literacy rate; as of 2001, the literacy rate is 97.9%, the highest of any Indian community (the national average was 64.8%). 96.1% of Parsis reside in urban areas (the national average is 27.8%). In the Greater Mumbai area, where the density of Parsis is highest, about 10% of Parsi females and about 20% of Parsi males do not marry. # History. ## Arrival in the Indian sub-continent. According to the Qissa-i Sanjan, the only existing account of the early years of Zoroastrian refugees in India composed at least six centuries after their tentative date of arrival, the first group of immigrants originated from Greater Khorasan. This historical region
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Parsis
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis of Central Asia is in part in northeastern Iran, where it constitutes modern Khorasan Province, part of western/northern Afghanistan, and in part in three Central-Asian republics namely Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. According to the "Qissa", the immigrants were granted permission to stay by the local ruler, Jadi Rana, on the condition that they adopt the local language (Gujarati) and that their women adopt local dress (the "sari"). The refugees accepted the conditions and founded the settlement of Sanjan, which is said to have been named after the city of their origin (Sanjan, near Merv, modern Turkmenistan). This first group was followed by a second group from Greater Khorasan within
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Parsis five years of the first, and this time having religious implements with them (the "alat"). In addition to these "Khorasani"s or "Kohistani"s "mountain folk", as the two initial groups are said to have been initially called, at least one other group is said to have come overland from Sari, Iran. Although the Sanjan group are believed to have been the first permanent settlers, the precise date of their arrival is a matter of conjecture. All estimates are based on the "Qissa", which is vague or contradictory with respect to some elapsed periods. Consequently, three possible dates – 716, 765, and 936 – have been proposed as the year of landing, and the disagreement has been the cause of "many an
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Parsis intense battle ... amongst Parsis". Since dates are not specifically mentioned in Parsi texts prior to the 18th century, any date of arrival is perforce a matter of speculation. The importance of the "Qissa" lies in any case not so much in its reconstruction of events than in its depiction of the Parsis – in the way they have come to view themselves – and in their relationship to the dominant culture. As such, the text plays a crucial role in shaping Parsi identity. But, "even if one comes to the conclusion that the chronicle based on verbal transmission is not more than a legend, it still remains without doubt an extremely informative document for Parsee historiography." The Sanjan Zoroastrians
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis were certainly not the first Zoroastrians on the subcontinent. Sindh touching Balochistan, the easternmost periphery of the Iranian world, too had once been under coastal administration of the Sasanian Empire (226-651), which consequently maintained outposts there. Even following the loss of Sindh, the Iranians continued to play a major role in the trade links between the east and west. The 9th-century Arab historiographer Al-Masudi briefly notes Zoroastrians with fire temples in al-Hind and in al-Sindh. There is evidence of individual Parsis residing in Sindh in the tenth and twelfth centuries, but the current modern community is thought to date from British arrival in Sindh. Moreover, for
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Parsis the Iranians, the harbours of Gujarat lay on the maritime routes that complemented the overland Silk Road and there were extensive trade relations between the two regions. The contact between Iranians and Indians was already well established even prior to the Common Era, and both the Puranas and the "Mahabharata" use the term "Parasikas" to refer to the peoples west of the Indus River. "Parsi legends regarding their ancestors' migration to India depict a beleaguered band of religious refugees escaping the new rule post the Muslim conquests in order to preserve their ancient faith." However, while Parsi settlements definitely arose along the western coast of the Indian subcontinent following
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Parsis the Arab conquest of Iran, it is not possible to state with certainty that these migrations occurred as a result of religious persecution against Zoroastrians. If the "traditional" 8th century date (as deduced from the "Qissa") is considered valid, it must be assumed "that the migration began while Zoroastrianism was still the predominant religion in Iran [and] economic factors predominated the initial decision to migrate." This would have been particularly the case if – as the "Qissa" suggests – the first Parsis originally came from the north-east (i.e. Central Asia) and had previously been dependent on Silk Road trade. Even so, in the 17th century, Henry Lord, a chaplain with the British East
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Parsis India Company, noted that the Parsis came to India seeking "liberty of conscience" but simultaneously arrived as "merchantmen bound for the shores of India, in course of trade and merchandise." The fact that Muslims charged non-Muslims higher duties when trading from Muslim-held ports may be interpreted to be a form of religious persecution, but this being the only reason to migrate appears unlikely. ## Early years. The "Qissa" has little to say about the events that followed the establishment of Sanjan, and restricts itself to a brief note on the establishment of the "Fire of Victory" (Middle Persian: "Atash Bahram") at Sanjan and its subsequent move to Navsari. According to Dhalla, the next
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Parsis several centuries were "full of hardships" ("sic") before Zoroastrianism "gained a real foothold in India and secured for its adherents some means of livelihood in this new country of their adoption". Two centuries after their landing, the Parsis began to settle in other parts of Gujarat, which led to "difficulties in defining the limits of priestly jurisdiction." These problems were resolved by 1290 through the division of Gujarat into five "panthak"s (districts), each under the jurisdiction of one priestly family and their descendants. (Continuing disputes regarding jurisdiction over the "Atash Bahram" led to the fire being moved to Udvada in 1742, where today jurisdiction is shared in rotation
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Parsis among the five "panthak" families.) Inscriptions at the Kanheri Caves near Mumbai suggest that at least until the early 11th century, Middle Persian was still the literary language of the hereditary Zoroastrian priesthood. Nonetheless, aside from the "Qissa" and the Kanheri inscriptions, there is little evidence of the Parsis until the 12th and 13th century, when "masterly" Sanskrit translations and transcriptions of the Avesta and its commentaries began to be prepared. From these translations Dhalla infers that "religious studies were prosecuted with great zeal at this period" and that the command of Middle Persian and Sanskrit among the clerics "was of a superior order". From the 13th century
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Parsis to the late 16th century, the Zoroastrian priests of Gujarat sent (in all) twenty-two requests for religious guidance to their co-religionists in Iran, presumably because they considered the Iranian Zoroastrians "better informed on religious matters than themselves, and must have preserved the old-time tradition more faithfully than they themselves did". These transmissions and their replies – assiduously preserved by the community as the "rivayat"s (epistles) – span the years 1478–1766 and deal with both religious and social subjects. From a superficial 21st century point of view, some of these "ithoter" ("questions") are remarkably trivial – for instance, "Rivayat" 376: whether ink prepared
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Parsis by a non-Zoroastrian is suitable for copying Avestan language texts – but they provide a discerning insight into the fears and anxieties of the early modern Zoroastrians. Thus, the question of the ink is symptomatic of the fear of assimilation and the loss of identity, a theme that dominates the questions posed and continues to be an issue into the 21st century. So also the question of conversion of "Juddin"s (non-Zoroastrians) to Zoroastrianism, to which the reply (R237, R238) was: acceptable, even meritorious. Nonetheless, "the precarious condition in which they lived for a considerable period made it impracticable for them to keep up their former proselytizing zeal. The instinctive fear
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Parsis of disintegration and absorption in the vast multitudes among whom they lived created in them a spirit of exclusiveness and a strong desire to preserve the racial characteristics and distinctive features of their community. Living in an atmosphere surcharged with the Hindu caste system, they felt that their own safety lay in encircling their fold by rigid caste barriers". Even so, at some point (possibly shortly after their arrival in India), the Zoroastrians – perhaps determining that the social stratification that they had brought with them was unsustainable in the small community – did away with all but the hereditary priesthood (called the "asronih" in Sassanid Iran). The remaining estates
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Parsis
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis – the "(r)atheshtarih" (nobility, soldiers, and civil servants), "vastaryoshih" (farmers and herdsmen), "hutokshih" (artisans and labourers) – were folded into an all-comprehensive class today known as the "behdini" ("followers of "daena"", for which "good religion" is one translation). This change would have far reaching consequences. For one, it opened the gene pool to some extent since until that time inter-class marriages were exceedingly rare (this would continue to be a problem for the priesthood until the 20th century). For another, it did away with the boundaries along occupational lines, a factor that would endear the Parsis to the 18th- and 19th-century British colonial authorities
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis who had little patience for the unpredictable complications of the Hindu caste system (such as when a clerk from one caste would not deal with a clerk from another). ## Age of opportunity. Following the commercial treaty in the early 17th century between Mughal emperor Jahangir and James I of England, the East India Company obtained the exclusive rights to reside and build factories in Surat and other areas. Many Parsis, who until then had been living in farming communities throughout Gujarat, moved to the English-run settlements to take the new jobs offered. In 1668 the English East India Company leased the Seven Islands of Bombay from Charles II of England. The company found the deep harbour
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Parsis on the east coast of the islands to be ideal for setting up their first port in the sub-continent, and in 1687 they transferred their headquarters from Surat to the fledgling settlement. The Parsis followed and soon began to occupy posts of trust in connection with government and public works. Where literacy had previously been the exclusive domain of the priesthood, in the era of the British Raj the British schools in India provided the new Parsi youth with the means not only to learn to read and write but also to be educated in the greater sense of the term and become familiar with the quirks of the British establishment. These capabilities were enormously useful to Parsis since they allowed
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Parsis them to "represent themselves as being like the British," which they did "more diligently and effectively than perhaps any other South Asian community". While the British saw the other Indians "as passive, ignorant, irrational, outwardly submissive but inwardly guileful", the Parsis were seen to have the traits that the colonial authorities tended to ascribe to themselves. Johan Albrecht de Mandelslo (1638) saw them as "diligent", "conscientious", and "skillful" in their mercantile pursuits. Similar observations would be made by James Mackintosh, Recorder of Bombay from 1804 to 1811, who noted that "the Parsees are a small remnant of one of the mightiest nations of the ancient world, who, flying
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis from persecution into India, were for many ages lost in obscurity and poverty, till at length they met a just government under which they speedily rose to be one of the most popular mercantile bodies in Asia". One of these was an enterprising agent named Rustom Maneck. In 1702, Maneck, who had probably already amassed a fortune under the Dutch and Portuguese, was appointed the first broker to the East India Company (acquiring the name "Seth" in the process), and in the following years "he and his Parsi associates widened the occupational and financial horizons of the larger Parsi community". Thus, by the mid-18th century, the brokerage houses of the Bombay Presidency were almost all in Parsi
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Parsis hands. As James Forbes, the Collector of Broach (now Bharuch), would note in his "Oriental Memoirs" (1770): "many of the principal merchants and owners of ships at Bombay and Surat are Parsees." "Active, robust, prudent and persevering, they now form a very valuable part of the Company's subjects on the western shores of Hindustan where they are highly esteemed".In the 18th century, Parsis with their skills in ship building and trade greatly benefited with trade between India and China.The trade was mainly in timber, silk, cotton and opium. For example Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy acquired most of his wealth through trade in cotton and opium Gradually certain families "acquired wealth and prominence
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis (Sorabji, Modi, Cama, Wadia, Jeejeebhoy, Readymoney, Dadyseth, Petit, Patel, Mehta, Allbless, Tata, etc.), many of which would be noted for their participation in the public life of the city, and for their various educational, industrial, and charitable enterprises."). Through his largesse, Maneck helped establish the infrastructure that was necessary for the Parsis to set themselves up in Bombay and in doing so "established Bombay as the primary centre of Parsi habitation and work in the 1720s". Following the political and economic isolation of Surat in the 1720s and 1730s that resulted from troubles between the (remnant) Mughal authorities and the increasingly dominant Marathas, a number
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Parsis of Parsi families from Surat migrated to the new city. While in 1700 "fewer than a handful of individuals appear as merchants in any records; by mid-century, Parsis engaged in commerce constituted one of important commercial groups in Bombay". Maneck's generosity is incidentally also the first documented instance of Parsi philanthropy. In 1689, Anglican chaplain John Ovington reported that in Surat the family "assist the poor and are ready to provide for the sustenance and comfort of such as want it. Their universal kindness, either employing such as are ready and able to work, or bestowing a seasonable bounteous charity to such as are infirm and miserable, leave no man destitute of relief,
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Parsis nor suffer a beggar in all their tribe". In 1728 Rustom's eldest son Naoroz (later Naorojee) founded the "Bombay Parsi Panchayat" (in the sense of an instrument for self-governance and not in the sense of the trust it is today) to assist newly arriving Parsis in religious, social, legal and financial matters. Using their vast resources, the Maneck Seth family gave their time, energy and not inconsiderable financial resources to the Parsi community, with the result that by the mid-18th century, the Panchayat was the accepted means for Parsis to cope with the exigencies of urban life and the recognized instrument for regulating the affairs of the community. Nonetheless, by 1838 the Panchayat
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Parsis was under attack for impropriety and nepotism. In 1855 the "Bombay Times" noted that the Panchayat was utterly without the moral or legal authority to enforce its statutes (the "Bundobusts" or codes of conduct) and the council soon ceased to be considered representative of the community. In the wake of a July 1856 ruling by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council that it had no jurisdiction over the Parsis in matters of marriage and divorce, the Panchayat was reduced to little more than a Government-recognized "Parsi Matrimonial Court". Although the Panchayat would eventually be reestablished as the administrator of community property, it ultimately ceased to be an instrument for self-governance. At
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Parsis about the same time as the role of the Panchayat was declining, a number of other institutions arose that would replace the Panchayat's role in contributing to the sense of social cohesiveness that the community desperately sought. By the mid-19th century, the Parsis were keenly aware that their numbers were declining and saw education as a possible solution to the problem. In 1842 Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy established the Parsi Benevolent Fund with the aim of improving, through education, the condition of the impoverished Parsis still living in Surat and its environs. In 1849 the Parsis established their first school (co-educational, which was a novelty at the time, but would soon be split into separate
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Parsis schools for boys and girls) and the education movement quickened. The number of Parsi schools multiplied, but other schools and colleges were also freely attended. Accompanied by better education and social cohesiveness, the community's sense of distinctiveness grew, and in 1854 Dinshaw Maneckji Petit founded the Persian Zoroastrian Amelioration Fund with the aim of improving conditions for his less fortunate co-religionists in Iran. The fund succeeded in convincing a number of Iranian Zoroastrians to emigrate to India (where they are known today as Iranis) and the efforts of its emissary Maneckji Limji Hataria may have been instrumental in obtaining a remission of the jizya for their co-religionists
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Parsis in 1882. In the 18th and 19th centuries, the Parsis had emerged as "the foremost people in India in matters educational, industrial, and social. They came in the vanguard of progress, amassed vast fortunes, and munificently gave away large sums in charity". By the close of the 19th century, the total number of Parsis in colonial India was 85,397, of which 48,507 lived in Bombay, constituting 6% of the total population of the city (Census, 1881). This would be the last time that the Parsis would be considered a numerically significant minority in the city. Nonetheless, the legacy of the 19th century was a sense of self-awareness as a community. The typically Parsi cultural symbols of the 17th
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Parsis and 18th centuries such as language (a Parsi variant of Gujarati), arts, crafts, and sartorial habits developed into Parsi theatre, literature, newspapers, magazines, and schools. The Parsis now ran community medical centres, ambulance corps, Scouting troops, clubs, and Masonic Lodges. They had their own charitable foundations, housing estates, legal institutions, courts, and governance. They were no longer weavers and petty merchants, but now were established and ran banks, mills, heavy industry, shipyards, and shipping companies. Moreover, even while maintaining their own cultural identity they did not fail to recognize themselves as nationally Indian, as Dadabhai Naoroji, the first Asian
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis to occupy a seat in the British Parliament would note: "Whether I am a Hindu, a Mohammedan, a Parsi, a Christian, or of any other creed, I am above all an Indian. Our country is India; our nationality is Indian". # Religious practices. The main components of Zoroastrianism as practiced by the Parsi community are the concepts of purity and pollution (nasu), initiation (navjot), daily prayers, worship at Fire Temples, marriage, funerals, and general worship. ## Purity and pollution. The balance between good and evil is correlated to the idea of purity and pollution. Purity is held to be of the very essence of godliness. Pollution's very point is to destroy purity through the death of a human.
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Parsis In order to adhere to purity it is the duty of Parsis to continue to preserve purity within their body as God created them. A Zoroastrian priest spends his entire life dedicated to following a holy life. ## Navjote. Zoroastrians are not initiated by infant baptism. A child is initiated into the faith when he or she is old enough to enter into the faith as the child requires to recite some prayers along with the priest at the time of Navjote ceremony ideally before they hit puberty. Though there is no actual age before which a child must be initiated into the faith (preferably after 7 years), Navjote cannot be performed on an adult. The initiation begins with a ritual bath, then a spiritual
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Parsis cleansing prayer; the child changes into white pajama pants, a shawl, and a small cap. Following introductory prayers, the child is given the sacred items that are associated with Zoroastrianism: a sacred shirt and cord, sudre, and kusti. The child then faces the main priest and fire is brought in to represent God. Once the priest finishes with the prayers, the child’s initiation is complete and he or she is now a part of the community and religion. ## Marriage. Marriage is very important to the members of the Parsi community, believing that, in order to continue the expansion of God’s kingdom, they must procreate. Up until the mid-19th century child marriages were common even though the idea
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Parsis of child marriage was not part of the religious doctrine. Consequently, when social reform started happening in India, the Parsi community discontinued the practice. There are, however, rising problems over the availability of brides. More and more women in the Parsi community are becoming well educated and are therefore either delaying marriage or not partaking at all. Women within the Parsi community in India are ninety-seven percent literate; forty-two percent have completed high school or college and twenty-nine percent have an occupation in which they earn a substantial amount of money. The wedding ceremony begins much like the initiation with a cleansing bath. The bride and groom then
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Parsis travel to the wedding in florally decorated cars. The priests from both families facilitate the wedding. The couple begins by facing one another with a sheet to block their view of one another. Wool is passed over the two seven times to bind them together. The two are then supposed to throw rice to their partner symbolizing dominance. The religious element comes in next when the two sit side by side to face the priest. ## Funerals. The pollution that is associated with death has to be handled carefully. A separate part of the home is designated to house the corpse for funeral proceedings before being taken away. The priest comes to say prayers that are for the cleansing of sins and to affirm
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Parsis the faith of the deceased. Fire is brought to the room and prayers are begun. The body is washed and inserted clean within a sudre and kusti. The ceremony then begins, and a circle is drawn around the body into which only the bearers may enter. As they proceed to the cemetery they walk in pairs and are connected by white fabric. A dog is essential in the funeral process because it is able to see death. The body is taken to the tower of death where the vultures feed on it. Once the bones are bleached by the sun they are pushed into the circular opening in the center. The mourning process is four days long, and rather than creating graves for the dead, charities are established in honor of the
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Parsis person. ## Temples. Zoroastrian festivals were originally held outside in the open air; temples were not common until later. Most of the temples were built by wealthy Parsis who needed centers that housed purity. As stated before, fire is considered to represent the presence of Ahura Mazda, and there are two distinct differences for the types of fire for the different temples. The first type of temple is the Atash Behram, which is the highest level of fire. The fire is prepared for an entire year before it can be installed, and once it is, it is cared for to the highest possible degree. There are only eight such temples located within India. The second type of fire temple is called a Dar-i
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Parsis Mihr, and the preparation process is not as intense. There are about 160 of these located throughout India. # Factions within the community. ## Calendrical differences. "This section contains information specific to the Parsi calendar. For information on the calendar used by the Zoroastrians for religious purposes, including details on its history and its variations, see Zoroastrian calendar." Until about the 12th century, all Zoroastrians followed the same 365-day religious calendar, which had remained largely unmodified since the calendar reforms of Ardashir I ("r." 226-241 AD). Since that calendar did not compensate for the fractional days that go to make up a full solar year, with time
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Parsis it was no longer accordant with the seasons. Sometime between 1125 and 1250 ("cf." ), the Parsis inserted an embolismic month to level out the accumulating fractional days. However, the Parsis were the only Zoroastrians to do so (and did it only once), with the result that, from then on, the calendar in use by the Parsis and the calendar in use by Zoroastrians elsewhere diverged by a matter of thirty days. The calendars still had the same name, "Shahenshahi" (imperial), presumably because none were aware that the calendars were no longer the same. In 1745 the Parsis in and around Surat switched to the "Kadmi" or "Kadimi" calendar on the recommendation of their priests who were convinced that
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Parsis the calendar in use in the ancient homeland must be correct. Moreover, they denigrated the "Shahenshahi" calendar as being "royalist". In 1906 attempts to bring the two factions together resulted in the introduction of a third calendar based on an 11th-century Seljuk model: the "Fasili", or "Fasli", calendar had leap days intercalated every four years and it had a New Year's day that fell on the day of the vernal equinox. Although it was the only calendar always in harmony with the seasons, most members of the Parsi community rejected it on the grounds that it was not in accord with the injunctions expressed in Zoroastrian tradition ("Dēnkard" 3.419). Today the majority of Parsis are adherents
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis of the Parsi version of the "Shahenshahi" calendar although the "Kadmi" calendar does have its adherents among the Parsi communities of Surat and Bharuch. The "Fasli" calendar does not have a significant following among Parsis, but, by virtue of being compatible with the "Bastani" calendar (an Iranian development with the same salient features as the "Fasli" calendar), it is predominant among the Zoroastrians of Iran. ### Effect of the calendar disputes. Since some of the Avesta prayers contain references to the names of the months, and some other prayers are used only at specific times of the year, the issue of which calendar is "correct" also has theological ramifications. To further complicate
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Parsis matters, in the late 18th century (or early 19th century) a highly influential head-priest and staunch proponent of the "Kadmi" calendar, Phiroze Kaus Dastur of the Dadyseth Atash-Behram in Bombay, became convinced that the pronunciation of prayers as recited by visitors from Iran was correct, while the pronunciation as used by the Parsis was not. He accordingly went on to alter some (but not all) of the prayers, which in due course came to be accepted by all adherents of the "Kadmi" calendar as the more ancient (and thus presumably correct). However, scholars of Avestan language and linguistics attribute the difference in pronunciation to a vowel-shift that occurred only in Iran and that the
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis Iranian pronunciation as adopted by the "Kadmi"s is actually more recent than the pronunciation used by the non-"Kadmi" Parsis. The calendar disputes were not always purely academic, either. In the 1780s, emotions over the controversy ran so high that violence occasionally erupted. In 1783 a "Shahenshahi" resident of Bharuch named Homaji Jamshedji was sentenced to death for kicking a young "Kadmi" woman and so causing her to miscarry. Of the eight Atash-Behrams (the highest grade of fire temple) in India, three follow the "Kadmi" pronunciation and calendar, the other five are "Shahenshahi". The "Fassali"s do not have their own Atash-Behram. ## Ilm-e-Kshnoom. The "Ilm-e-Kshnoom" ('science
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Parsis
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis of ecstasy', or 'science of bliss') is a school of Parsi-Zoroastrian philosophy based on a mystic and esoteric, rather than literal, interpretation of religious texts. According to adherents of the sect, they are followers of the Zoroastrian faith as preserved by a clan of 2000 individuals called the "Saheb-e-Dilan" ('Masters of the Heart') who are said to live in complete isolation in the mountainous recesses of the Caucasus (alternatively, in the Alborz range, around Mount Damavand). There are few obvious indications that a Parsi might be a follower of the Kshnoom. Although their "Kusti" prayers are very similar to those used by the "Fassali"s, like the rest of the Parsi community the followers
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Parsis
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis of Kshnoom are divided with respect to which calendar they observe. There are also other minor differences in their recitation of the liturgy, such as repetition of some sections of the longer prayers. Nonetheless, the Kshnoom are extremely conservative in their ideology and prefer isolation even with respect to other Parsis. The largest community of followers of the Kshnoom lives in Jogeshwari, a suburb of Bombay, where they have their own fire temple (Behramshah Nowroji Shroff Daremeher), their own housing colony (Behram Baug) and their own newspaper ("Parsi Pukar"). There is a smaller concentration of adherents in Surat, where the sect was founded in the last decades of the 19th century. ##
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis Issues relating to the deceased. It has been traditional, in Mumbai and Karachi at least, for dead Parsis to be taken to the Towers of Silence where the corpses are quickly eaten by the city's vultures. The reason given for this practice is that earth, fire, and water are considered sacred elements which should not be defiled by the dead. Therefore, burial and cremation have always been prohibited in Parsi culture. However, in modern day Mumbai and Karachi the population of vultures has drastically reduced due to extensive urbanization and the unintended consequence of treating humans and livestock with antibiotics, and the anti-inflammatory diclofenac, both of which harm vultures. This issue
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis led to the Indian vulture crisis, which led to the ban of the drug diclofenac. As a result, the bodies of the deceased are taking much longer to decompose. Solar panels have been installed in the Towers of Silence to speed up the decomposition process, but this has been only partially successful especially during monsoons. In Peshawar a Parsi graveyard was established in the late 19th century, which still exists; this cemetery is unique as there is no Tower of Silence. Nevertheless, the majority of Parsis still use the traditional method of disposing of their loved ones and consider this as the last act of charity by the deceased on earth. The Tower of Silence in Mumbai is located at Malabar
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis Hill. In Karachi, the Tower of Silence is located in Parsi Colony, near the Chanesar Goth and Mehmoodabad localities. # Archaeogenetics. The genetic studies of Parsis of Pakistan show sharp contrast between genetic data obtained from mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) and Y-chromosome DNA (Y-DNA), different from most populations. Historical records suggests that they had moved from Iran to Gujarat, India and then to Mumbai and Karachi, Pakistan. According to Y-DNA, they resemble the Iranian population, which supports historical records. When the mtDNA pool is compared to Iranians and Gujaratis (their putative parental populations), it contrasted Y-DNA data. About 60% of their maternal gene pool originates
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis from South Asian haplogroups, which is just 7% in Iranians. Parsis have a high frequency of haplogroup M (55%), similar to Indians, which is just 1.7% in combined Iranian sample. The studies suggest sharp contrast between the maternal and paternal component of Parsis. Due to high diversity in Y-DNA and mtDNA lineages, the strong drift effect is unlikely even though they had a small population. The studies suggest a male-mediated migration of Parsi ancestors from Iran to Gujarat where they admixed with the local female population during initial settlements, which ultimately resulted in loss of Iranian mtDNA. A study published in "Genome Biology" based on high density SNP data has shown that
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis the Parsis are genetically closer to Iranian and Caucasus populations than to their South Asian neighbours. They also share the highest number of haplotypes with present-day Iranians; the admixture of the Parsis with Indian populations was estimated have occurred approximately 1,200 years ago. It is also found that Parsis are genetically closer to Neolithic Iranians than to modern Iranians who had recently received the genes from the Near East. Parsis have been shown to have unusually high rates of breast cancer bladder cancer, glucose-6-phosphate dehydrogenase deficiency and Parkinson's disease. # Prominent Parsis. The Parsis have made considerable contributions to the history and development
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Parsis of India, all the more remarkable considering their small numbers. As the maxim "Parsi, thy name is charity" alludes to, their most prominent contribution is their philanthropy. Although their people's name Parsi comes from the Persian-language word for a Persian person, in Sanskrit the term means "one who gives alms". Mahatma Gandhi would note in a much misquoted statement, "I am proud of my country, India, for having produced the splendid Zoroastrian stock, in numbers beneath contempt, but in charity and philanthropy perhaps unequaled and certainly unsurpassed." Several landmarks in Mumbai are named after Parsis, including Nariman Point. The Malabar Hill in Mumbai, is a home to several prominent
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Parsis Parsis. Parsis prominent in the Indian independence movement include Pherozeshah Mehta, Dadabhai Naoroji, and Bhikaiji Cama. Particularly notable Parsis in the fields of science and industry include physicist Homi J. Bhabha, Homi N. Sethna, J. R. D. Tata and Jamsetji Tata, regarded as the "Father of Indian Industry". Karachi-based businessman Byram Dinshawji Avari is the founder of Avari Group of companies, and is a twice Asian Games gold medalist. The families Godrej, Tata, Petit, Cowasjee and Wadia are important industrial Parsi families. Other Parsi businessmen are Ratanji Dadabhoy Tata, J. R. D. Tata, Dinshaw Maneckji Petit, Ness Wadia, Neville Wadia, Jehangir Wadia and Nusli Wadiaall
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Parsis of them related through marriage to Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan. Mohammad Ali Jinnah's wife Rattanbai Petit, was born into two of the Parsi PetitTata families, and their daughter Dina Jinnah was married to Parsi industrialist Neville Wadia, the scion of the Wadia family. The husband of Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and son-in-law of Jawaharlal Nehru, Feroze Gandhi, was a Parsi with ancestral roots in Bharuch. The Parsi community has given India several distinguished military officers. Field Marshal Sam Hormusji Framji Jamshedji Manekshaw, Military Cross, the architect of India's victory in the 1971 war, was the first officer of the Indian Army to be appointed a Field
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Parsis Marshal. Admiral Jal Cursetji was the first Parsi to be appointed Chief of the Naval Staff of the Indian Navy. Air Marshal Aspy Engineer served as India's second Chief of Air Staff, post-independence, and Air Chief Marshal. Fali Homi Major served as the 18th Chief of Air Staff. Vice Admiral RF Contractor served as the 17th Chief of the Indian Coast Guard. Lieutenant Colonel Ardeshir Burjorji Tarapore was killed in action in the 1965 Indo-Pakistan war and was posthumously awarded the Param Vir Chakra, India's highest military award for gallantry in action. Lieutenant General FN Bilimoria was a senior officer of the Indian Army and the father of Lord Karan Bilimoria, founder of the Cobra Beer
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Parsis company. Particularly notable Parsis in other areas of achievement include cricketers Farokh Engineer and Polly Umrigar, rock star Freddie Mercury, composer Kaikhosru Shapurji Sorabji and conductor Zubin Mehta; cultural studies theorist Homi K. Bhabha; screenwriter and photographer Sooni Taraporevala; authors Rohinton Mistry, Firdaus Kanga, Bapsi Sidhwa, Ardashir Vakil and Pakistani investigative journalist Ardeshir Cowasjee; actor Boman Irani; educator Jamshed Bharucha, India's first woman photo-journalist Homai Vyarawalla; Actresses Nina Wadia, Sanaya Irani and Persis Khambatta are Parsi who appear primarily in Bollywood films and television serials. Naxalite leader and intellectual Kobad
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Parsis Ghandy is a Parsi. Dorab Patel was Pakistan's first Parsi Supreme Court Justice. Fali S Nariman is a constitutional expert and noted jurist. Rattana Pestonji was a Parsi living in Thailand who helped develop Thai cinema. Firdaus Kharas is a Parsi humanitarian and activist who has helped pioneer the use of animation in social entrepreneurship. Another famous Parsi is the Indian-born American actor Erick Avari, best known for his roles in science-fiction films and television. # Further reading. - Haug, Martin. (1878) "Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings, and Religion of the Parsis" # External links. - "Parsis – a photographic journey"—online book - "Falling Indian minority hopes romance
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parsis
Parsis eme Court Justice. Fali S Nariman is a constitutional expert and noted jurist. Rattana Pestonji was a Parsi living in Thailand who helped develop Thai cinema. Firdaus Kharas is a Parsi humanitarian and activist who has helped pioneer the use of animation in social entrepreneurship. Another famous Parsi is the Indian-born American actor Erick Avari, best known for his roles in science-fiction films and television. # Further reading. - Haug, Martin. (1878) "Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings, and Religion of the Parsis" # External links. - "Parsis – a photographic journey"—online book - "Falling Indian minority hopes romance can stop decline"—BBC News - The Story of Parsi Enterprise
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Reus
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Reus Reus Reus () is the capital of Baix Camp, in the province of Tarragona, in Catalonia, Spain. The area has always been an important producer of wines and spirits, and gained continental importance at the time of the Phylloxera plague. Nowadays it is known for its commercial activity, for being a centre for rock-climbing and as the birthplace of architect Antoni Gaudí. # Name. The origin of the name is a source of discussion. One of the theories is that Reus comes from the Latin word used to describe convict prisoners ("reus"), and as such, it would be a Roman penitentiary. Currently, the most accepted theory is that the name has Celtic roots, from the root "red" that originated the name "redis"
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https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Reus
Reus (or "reddis"), that would approximately mean "place in the way" / "place in the roads", or said alternatively, an inhabited place in a cross-road. And the namesake from The German Footballer Marco Reus # History. ## Foundation and early history. Around 1150 Robert d'Aguiló repopulated the region of Reus, after receiving it on 3 June 1154. On 5 June 1154 the archbishop of Tarragona gave two-thirds of Reus to Bertran de Castellet, as a castellan, with the order to build a church. On 29 June 1159, the distribution of income from ecclesiastical goods, the third of its Reus parish of Santa Maria was awarded to the camerlengo, starting the duplicity of governing the town. The camerlengo has the
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Reus
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Reus third of Reus parish. At this time the city was known as Redis or Reddis. The castellan Bernat de Bell-lloc gave the title of town to Reus on 3 August 1183, giving the ownership of houses and gardens, establishing a census to pay for farmland and reserving justice, but recognizing its vassalage towards the archbishopric of Tarragona. On 2 June 1186 the camerlengo Joan de Santboi confirmed the rights given by the castellan Bernard de Bell-lloc. ## Camerlengo, Popes and Archbishops of Tarragona. In 1305 Reus revolted against the Archbishop Rodrigo Tello, who wanted that the citizens of Reus pay for rebuilding the walls of Tarragona. In 1309 the king of Aragon gave to Reus the right to do market
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Reus on Mondays. The dynasty of Bell-lloc castellans became extinct in 1327 and then Bernard de Cabrera became the new castellan, but in 1335 the castellan was sold to Pere Mulet, who lost it on 1345. Pere Mulet heirs sold their rights to Bernat d'Olzinelles in 1349. The camerlengo Pere Roger de Belfort disputed domain to the Archbishop López de Ayerbe, which sent an army that decimated the town. A second attack was repulsed. A third attack led military occupation of the town and Reus was sacked. The camerlengo Pere Roger de Belfort, nephew of Pope Clement VI, who was living in Avignon with his uncle, he persuaded the Pope to call the archbishop of Tarragona and the Pope received a commitment for
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Reus peace. Pere Roger de Belfort gave the roses of his coat to coat of arms of the town and later he became Pope Gregory XI, keeping it as a camerlengo of Reus, so the coat of arms was crowned with adorned with papal tiara and keys of St. Peter. ## Catalan Revolt war and the Archduke Charles. At the beginning of the Catalan Revolt war the town had 1200 houses, but reduced to 800 by the end of the war. On 16 December 1640 was declared an enemy of the fatherland by the Parliament and confiscated the goods of the inhabitants, as a response to the inactive participation in the war. In 1641 it was occupied by the French general La Mothe. Reus was loyal to Philip V until 1705, but this year, under
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Reus the direction of Joan Nebot, revolted in favor of the Archduke Charles. On 3 July 1706 the Archduke Charles came to the town. In 1707 fell shortly to the Bourbons, but in 1709 Reus surrendered to the Spanish and French Bourbons. In 1710 Reus returned again to the field of Archduke Charles. On 5 June 1712 the wife of the Archduke, Elisabeth Christine, gave the title of imperial city to Reus. In 1713 Reus was occupied finally by the Bourbon. ## Growth in the eighteenth century. In the eighteenth century Reus had phenomenal growth and became the second city of the principality of Catalonia. The walls were completely demolished in 1766. The town developed the textile trade and the liquor trade.
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Reus In this last contribution was the first center, the others were London and Paris. From this time it’s the popular sentence "Reus, Paris and London”, because Reus was one of the centers of the liquor marquet. The construction of a canal between Reus and Salou, proposed by Pere Sunyer was granted in 1805, but it was stopped because of the French War. At this time Reus had consulates in the United States, Liguria, England, Holland, Sweden, Ragusa, Denmark, Sicily, the Papal States, France, Portugal, Naples and Prussia. ## 19th and 20th centuries. In 1854 the Reus Gas Company was founded. In 1856 the railway between Reus and Tarragona was built. In 1884 the Catalan Association of Reus was founded
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Reus and in 1893 was celebrated the Assembly of the Unió Catalana. In 1886 Pau Font de Rubinat founded the Catalan newspaper "Lo Somatent". In 1895 the phylloxera killed big areas of vineyards in the region of Reus and many of this areas were changed to hazelnuts. In 1931 Reus voted for the republic. In 1936 Francisco Franco bombed the city until his rebel army occupied the city on 15 January 1939, starting with the dictatorship of Franco until his death in 1975. The first democratic mayor after Franco was Carles Martí Massagué, lawyer of Reus. In 1983 Anton Borrell Marcó was the new mayor of the city, but he died in a car accident on the road from Reus to Cambrils, then his successor was Juan
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Reus Maria Roig. After him, Josep Abelló Padró was the mayor until 1999, replaced by Lluís Miquel Pérez Segura, who occupied the position until 2011, when the current mayor, Carles Pellicer i Punyed, started. # Demography. Reus was for long the second city of Catalonia with a population of 14,440 in 1787 and 27,257 in 1860. It was overtaken by Tarragona and Lleida between 1900 and 1930. The population barely grew between 1920 and 1930, with 30,266 and 35,950 inhabitants, respectively. From then, the population growth has been substantial, from 41,014 inhabitants in 1960 to 108,100 inhabitants that the city has as of the end of 2008. Immigration, mostly from Marrakesh,has been a portion of that
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Reus increase. About 6% are Muslim and 8% from other religions. According to the 2006 official Spanish census (source: Instituto Nacional de Estadística), Reus is the 9th most populous city in Catalonia and the 59th in Spain. # Climate. The Köppen Climate Classification subtype for this climate is "Csa " (Mediterranean Climate). # Festivities. The principal Reus festivity is "Sant Pere" on June 29, declared of National Touristic Interest. One of the most characteristic and popular acts of these festivities is the so-called "tronada", which is a series of 29 little mortars "masclets" with bangers interleaved, arranged linearly around the "Mercadal" square (where the city hall is located), united
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Reus by a hand craft gunpowder line. This line ends in a square shape in front of the city hall, with more bangers and 9 more "masclets". Also, on September 25, the "Mare de Déu de la Misericòrdia" is held. Other noteworthy festivities are the Carnival and the "Anada a l'Antiga" towards Salou. Most of the neighborhoods have their own festivities. Besides the major festivities, Reus holds many festivals, for example "Cos", a festival dedicated to mime, or "El Trapezi", a festival with circus spectacles. In every odd numbered year the Reus Institut Municipal d’Accio Cultural presents the "Biennals Internacionals de Fotografia Medalla Gaudi". This bi-annual exhibition features fine art photographers
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Reus from around the world working in Alternative Photographic Processes (such as Platinum Printing, Gum Dichromate, Etc.). At each Biennal they award the Medalla Gaudi award to a select few artists and purchase their work for the Institut Municipal d’Accio Cultural's permanent collection. # Main sights. ## Catalan Modernist edifices. The city of Reus has many Catalan modernist buildings. Although Antoni Gaudí was born in Reus, there are no buildings designed by him; there are, however, numerous modernist buildings from his colleagues as Lluís Domènech i Montaner, Pere Caselles i Tarrats and Pere Domènech Roura. - Casa Navàs, Lluís Domènech i Montaner (1901–1908) - Casa Rull, Lluís Domènech
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Reus i Montaner (1901) - Casa Gasull, Lluís Domènech i Montaner (1910–1912) - Institut Pere Mata, Lluís Domènech i Montaner (1899–1919) - Casa Pinyol, Pere Caselles i Tarrats (1910) - Escoles Prat de la Riba, Pere Caselles i Tarrats (1911) - Escorxador, Pere Caselles i Tarrats (1899) - Estació Enològica, Pere Caselles i Tarrats (1906–1910) - Casa Munné, Pere Caselles i Tarrats (1904) - Casa Sardà, Pere Caselles i Tarrats (1896) - Casa Marco, Pere Domènech Roura (1926) - Xalet Serra, Joan Rubió i Bellver (1911) ## Other sights. - Castell del Cambrer - Campanar de Reus - Town Hall - Palau Bofarull - Centre de Lectura - Museu Salvador Vila-seca - Teatre Fortuny - Gaudí Centre # Sport. The
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Reus
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Reus
Reus city has a roller hockey team Reus Deportiu, one of the most important in Spain, and dispute the main league OK Liga. The association football team is CF Reus Deportiu . # Tourism. In recent years, tourism in Reus has expanded as more and more people come to the Costa Daurada region for their summer holidays or some winter sun. Nowadays, the largest group of tourists comes from Russia, followed by France and Holland. Reus is close to the resort town of Salou and one of Europe's biggest theme resort at PortAventura World. Tour companies and buses operate services to Reus from tourist destinations in the region such as Salou, La Pineda and Cambrils. The accommodation in Reus consists of small
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Reus
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Reus
Reus hotels, hostels, and major chained hotels owned by NH Hoteles and Hotusa Group. Recently Reus Airport has started to receive low cost flights from Ryanair that fly to Reus from many different European locations and North Africa. The airport also receives major charter flights from the United Kingdom. Barcelona Airport is another airport which serves the area for those destinations not served by Reus Airport. # Flag of Reus. The first flag of Reus was in use from 1774 to 1943. The flag was dark red with the city arms in the centre. In 1943 the flag was changed because the color red seemed to be associated with the left, defeated in the civil war (1936–39). As the historic city arms were argent
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Reus
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Reus
Reus with a heraldic rose the new flag was white with a heraldic rose in the center. Minor changes to the rose in the flag were made after 1943. Currently the rose has a new version, taken from the city emblem. The emblem itself has official status. This presumably also applies to the flag, but this has not been confirmed by the local government. # Notable people. - Ramon Bosc ((1300's–1416), Catalan priest and writer in Latin - José Brocá (1805–1882), guitarist and composer - Joan Prim i Prats (1814–1870), military general and politician - Michael Domenec (1816–1878), bishop - Baldomer Galofre (1849–1902), painter - Roseta Mauri i Segura (1849–1923), ballerina and dance teacher - Antoni
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Reus
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Reus
Reus Gaudí (1852-1926), architect - Ceferí Olivé (1907–1995), painter - François Tosquelles (1912–1994), psychiatrist - Alejandro Cao de Benós (born 1974), President of the Korean Friendship Association - Isaac Cuenca (born 1991), football player - Sergi Roberto (born 1992), football player # Twin cities. Reus is twinned with: - Bahía Blanca, Argentina, since 1994 - Hadžići, Bosnia and Herzegovina, since 1995 - Astorga, Spain, since 1998 - Amgala, Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, since 2000 - Boyeros, Cuba, since 2000 - Gandia, Spain, since 2008 # References. - This article incorporates information from the revision as of 19 August 2010 of the equivalent article on the Catalan Wikipedia. -
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Reus
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Reus
Reus orn 1992), football player # Twin cities. Reus is twinned with: - Bahía Blanca, Argentina, since 1994 - Hadžići, Bosnia and Herzegovina, since 1995 - Astorga, Spain, since 1998 - Amgala, Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, since 2000 - Boyeros, Cuba, since 2000 - Gandia, Spain, since 2008 # References. - This article incorporates information from the revision as of 19 August 2010 of the equivalent article on the Catalan Wikipedia. - Panareda Clopés, Josep Maria; Rios Calvet, Jaume; Rabella Vives, Josep Maria (1989). "Guia de Catalunya", Barcelona:Caixa de Catalunya. (Spanish). (Catalan). # External links. - Official website - Official Reus Tourist Website - Government data pages
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Bydgoszcz
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bydgoszcz
Bydgoszcz Bydgoszcz Bydgoszcz (; ; ) is a city in northern Poland, on the Brda and Vistula rivers. With a city population of 350,178 (December 2018), and an urban agglomeration with more than 470,000 inhabitants, Bydgoszcz is the eighth-largest city in Poland. It has been the seat of Bydgoszcz County and the co-capital, with Toruń, of the Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship since 1999. Prior to this, between 1947 and 1998, it was the capital of the Bydgoszcz Voivodeship, and before that, of the Pomeranian Voivodeship between 1945 and 1947. The city is part of the Bydgoszcz–Toruń metropolitan area, which totals over 850,000 inhabitants. Bydgoszcz is the seat of Casimir the Great University, University of
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Bydgoszcz
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bydgoszcz
Bydgoszcz Technology and Life Sciences and a conservatory, as well as the Medical College of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń. It also hosts the Pomeranian Philharmonic concert hall, the Opera Nova opera house, and Bydgoszcz Airport. Due to its location between the Vistula and Oder rivers, and the water course of the Bydgoszcz Canal, the city forms part of a water system connected via the Noteć, Warta and Elbe with the Rhine and Rotterdam. Bydgoszcz is an architecturally rich city, with neo-gothic, neo-baroque, neoclassicist, modernist and Art Nouveau styles present, for which it earned a nickname "Little Berlin". The notable granaries on Mill Island and along the riverside belong to one of the
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Bydgoszcz
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bydgoszcz
Bydgoszcz most recognized timber-framed landmarks in Poland. # Etymology. Bydgoszcz, originally Bydgoszcza (feminine), is a pronoun name the second part of which – 'goszcz' comes from 'gost-jь' possibly or 'gost-ja' an old Slavic root which refers to an urban or suburban trading settlement. There are also a number of other Polish place-names which make use of the 'goszcz' suffix: i.e. Małogoszcz and Skorogoszcz. Bydgoszcz, however, has a long, rich history of etymological change: in 1239 known as Bidgosciam, in 1242 as "castrum quod Budegosta vulgariter nuncupatur" (castle, which is colloquially called Bydgoszcza), in 1279 as Bidgoscha, since 1558 as Bydgoszcz, that is, until the 16th century, and as
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Bydgoszcz
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bydgoszcz
Bydgoszcz Bydgoszcza "fishing village or campsite belonging to Bydgosta". The name 'Byd-gost' contains archaic elements of the Proto-Slavonic root 'byd' which existed as a variant of the verb 'to raise' (Ancient Russian 'vъzbydati' = stimulating, Proto-Slavonic 'bъděti' / 'bъd 'ǫ' = no sleep, to watch), and the common Slavic root 'Goszcz' (fireplace). Some people identify the name of the town as 'Budorgis', a name from the 2nd century which is listed as being next to the village Calisia on the amber route. The etymology of the German name of the town developed later and derives from the river "Brahe" (Brda in Polish), on whose banks the city is located, and "berg", elevation, mount(ain), combined to
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Bydgoszcz
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bydgoszcz
Bydgoszcz 'Brahenberg', with 'a' pronounced in East Pomeranian Low German rather like 'å', later contracted to "Bromberg", dropping the weak 'h', with the 'n' assimilated as 'm' to the following labial sound 'b'. # History. During the early Slavic times a fishing settlement called "Bydgozcya" ("Bydgostia" in Latin), became a stronghold on the Vistula trade routes. In the 13th century it was the site of a castellany, mentioned in 1238. The city was occupied by the Teutonic Knights in 1331, and incorporated into the monastic state of Teutonic Prussia as Bromberg. The city was relinquished by the Knights in 1343 with their signing of the Treaty of Kalisz along with Dobrzyń and the remainder of Kuyavia.
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Bydgoszcz
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bydgoszcz
Bydgoszcz King Casimir III of Poland, granted Bydgoszcz city rights (charter) on 19 April 1346. The city increasingly saw an influx of Jews after that date. In 1555, however, due to pressure by the clergy, the Jews were expelled and came back only with the annexion to Prussia in 1772. In the 15th and 16th centuries Bydgoszcz was a significant site for wheat trading. During 1629, near the end of the Polish-Swedish War of 1626–29, the town was conquered by Swedish troops led by king Gustav II Adolph of Sweden personally. During the events of war the town suffered demolitions. The town was conquered a second and third time by Sweden in 1656 and 1657 during the Second Northern War. On the latter occasion
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Bydgoszcz
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bydgoszcz
Bydgoszcz the castle was destroyed completely and has since then remained a ruin. After the war only 94 houses were inhabited, 103 stood empty and 35 were burned down. Also the suburbs had been damaged considerably. [[File:Bydgoszcz016.jpg|thumb|280px|[[Theatre square in Bydgoszcz|Theater Square in Brombergn (1911)]] The [[Treaty of Bromberg]], agreed in 1657 by King [[John II Casimir Vasa]] of [[Crown of the Kingdom of Poland|Poland]] and Elector [[Frederick William II of Prussia|Frederick William II]] of [[Brandenburg-Prussia]], created a military alliance between Poland and Prussia while marking the withdrawal of Prussia from its alliance with Sweden. In 1772, in the [[First Partition of Poland]],
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Bydgoszcz
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bydgoszcz
Bydgoszcz the town was acquired by the [[Kingdom of Prussia]] as Bromberg, and incorporated into the [[Netze District]] in [[West Prussia]]. At the time, the town was seriously depressed and semi-derelict. Under [[Frederick the Great]] the town revived, notably with construction of a canal from Bromberg to [[Nakło nad Notecią|Nakel]] (Nakło) which connected the north-flowing Vistula River via the Brda to the west-flowing [[Noteć|Netze]], which in turn flowed to the [[Oder River|Oder]] via the [[Warta]]. In 1807, after the defeat of Prussia by Napoleon and the signing of the [[Treaty of Tilsit]], Bromberg became part of his short-lived [[Duchy of Warsaw]]. With Napoleon's defeat at the [[Battle of Nations]]
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Bydgoszcz
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bydgoszcz
Bydgoszcz in 1815, the town was returned to Prussia as part of the [[Grand Duchy of Posen]] (Poznań), becoming the capital of the [[Bromberg (region)|Bromberg Region]]. In 1871 the Province of Posen, along with the rest of the Kingdom of Prussia, became part of the newly formed [[German Empire]]. In the mid-19th century, the arrival of the [[Prussian Eastern Railway]] ("[[Preußische Ostbahn]]") contributed greatly to the development of Bromberg. The first stretch, from [[Schneidemühl]] ([[Piła]]) to Bromberg, was opened in July 1851. The city grew from 12,900 in 1852 to 57,700 in 1910 – of whom 84 percent were ethnic Germans and 16 percent ethnic Poles ([[Poles in Germany#History|Polish minority in Germany]]),
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Bydgoszcz
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bydgoszcz
Bydgoszcz all holding German citizenships. After [[World War I]], despite the town's German majority, Bromberg was assigned to the recreated Polish state by the 1919 [[Versailles Treaty]]. Now officially Bydgoszcz again, the city belonged to the [[Poznań Voivodeship (1921–1939)|Poznań Voivodeship]]. The local populace was required to acquire Polish citizenship or leave the country. This led to a drastic decline in ethnically German residents ([[German minority in Poland#History of Germans in Poland|German minority in Poland]]), whose number within the town decreased to 11,016 in 1926. In 1938, it was made part of the Polish [[Territorial changes of Polish Voivodeships on April 1, 1938|Greater Pomerania]]. [[File:Public
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Bydgoszcz
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bydgoszcz
Bydgoszcz execution of Polish hostages in Bydgoszcz (1939).jpg|thumb|Public execution of civilians caught in a street roundup on 9 September 1939.]] With the start of [[World War II]] on Sept. 1, 1939, Bydgoszcz was occupied by [[Nazi Germany]] and annexed to the [[Reichsgau Danzig-West Prussia]] as the [[seat (legal entity)|seat]] of the district or county ("kreis") of Bromberg. However, the annexation was not recognised in international law. Both ethnically German and Polish residents of the region died during the fighting, and Nazi propaganda used the deaths of ethnic Germans as a pretext for lethal reprisals against ethnic Poles. The execution of hundreds of residents, known as the [[Bloody Sunday
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Bydgoszcz
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bydgoszcz
Bydgoszcz (1939)|Bloody Sunday]] massacre, occurred on 3 September 1939. The history of [[History of the Jews in Poland|Jews]] in Bydgoszcz ended with the [[German invasion of Poland]] and the [[Holocaust]]. The city's Jewish citizens, many of whom spoke German, were sent to Nazi death camps or murdered in the town itself. Bromberg was the site of [[Bromberg-Ost]], a women's subcamp of [[Stutthof concentration camp]] near Danzig (Gdańsk). A deportation camp was situated in Smukała village, now part of Bydgoszcz. An estimated 3,700 citizens of Bydgoszcz – Jews and non-Jews – died during the Nazi occupation. In spring 1945 Bromberg was occupied by the advancing [[Red Army]]. Those German residents who
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Bydgoszcz
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bydgoszcz
Bydgoszcz had survived were [[Flight and expulsion of Germans (1944–1950)|expelled]] and the city was returned to Poland as Bydgoszcz. In the same year it was made the seat of the [[Pomeranian Voivodship]], the northern part of which was soon separated to form [[Gdańsk Voivodship]]. The remaining part of the Pomeranian Voivodship was renamed [[Bydgoszcz Voivodeship]] in 1950. In March 1981, [[Solidarity (Polish trade union)|Solidarity]]'s activists [[Bydgoszcz events|were violently suppressed in Bydgoszcz]]. # Population. [[File:Stary Rynek płn pierzeja panorama 1.jpg|thumb|240px|"Stare Miasto" (Old Town) in Bydgoszcz]][[File:Bdg PocztaGl bok 3 07-2013.jpg|right|thumb|240px|Main Post Office building
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Bydgoszcz
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bydgoszcz
Bydgoszcz in Bydgoszcz.]] [[File:Hotel „Pod Orłem”, 1893-1896, Bydgoszcz by AW.jpg|thumb|240px|Hotel "Pod Orlem" (Eagle Hotel), Bydgoszcz.]] # Main sights. The oldest building in the city is the Church of St Martin and Nicolaus, commonly known as Fara Church. It is a three-aisle late Gothic church, erected between 1466 and 1502, which boasts a late-Gothic painting entitled "Madonna with a Rose" or "the Holy Virgin of Beautiful Love" from the 16th century. The colourful 20th-century polychrome is also worth noticing. [[File:Bdg wiezacisnien 2 07-2013.jpg|thumb|upright|19th-century water tower]] The [[Poor Clares' Church, Bydgoszcz|Church of the Assumption of the Holy Virgin]], commonly referred to
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