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Catskin is an English fairy tale collected by Joseph Jacobs, in More English Fairy Tales. Marian Roalfe Cox, in her pioneering study of Cinderella, identified as one of the basic types, the Unnatural Father, contrasting with Cinderella itself and Cap O' Rushes.
Synopsis
There once was a lord who had many fine estates and who wished to leave them to a son. When a daughter is born to him instead, he is very unhappy and will not even look at her.
When she is fifteen, her father is willing to marry her off to the first man who offers. When she hates the first man who offers, she goes to a hen-wife, who advises her to demand a coat of silver cloth before the wedding. When her father and suitor provide that, the hen-wife advises a coat of beaten gold, and then a coat made from feathers of all the birds, and then a little coat of catskin.
The daughter puts on the Catskin coat and runs away, disguising herself as a peasant girl. She finds a place as a scullion at a castle and works in the kitchens.
When a ball is held at the castle, the daughter, called "Catskin" by the others in the kitchen, asks to be allowed to attend. The cook is amused at her request and throws a basin of water in her face, but Catskin bathes and dresses herself in the coat of silver cloth, and goes to the ball. The young lord falls in love with her, but when he asks where she came from, she only replies from the Sign of the Basin of Water.
The young lord holds another ball, in hopes she will attend. The cook breaks a ladle across Catskin's back when she says she would like to go, but Catskin goes in her coat of beaten gold, and when the lord again asks where she is from, Catskin replies that she came from the Sign of the Broken Ladle.
The young lord holds a third ball. The cook breaks a skimmer across Catskin's back when she asks permission to attend, but Catskin goes in her coat of feathers, and says she came from the Sign of the Broken Skimmer. The young lord follows her, and sees her change into her catskin coat.
The young lord goes to his mother and announces that he will marry Catskin. His mother is opposed, and the young lord, so distraught, takes ill. His mother then agrees to the marriage. When Catskin appears before her in the coat of gold, the mother says she is glad her daughter-in-law is so beautiful.
Soon, Catskin gives birth to a son. One day, a beggar woman appears with her child, and Catskin sends her son to give them money. The cook says that beggars' brats will get along, and Catskin goes to her husband and begs him to discover what happened to her parents.
Her husband finds her father, who never had another child and lost his wife, and asks him whether he had a daughter. Catskin's father tells the lord that he had a daughter, and says that he would give all that he owns to see her again. Catskin's husband takes her father to see his daughter and then brings him to stay with them at the castle.
In some versions of the tale, Catskin asks to simply see the ball or serve the food, and not actually attend it.
Analysis
Tale type
The tale is classified in the international Aarne-Thompson-Uther Index as type ATU 510B, "The Dress of Gold, of Silver, of Stars (Cap O' Rushes)". This type includes Little Cat Skin, Cap O' Rushes, Donkeyskin, Allerleirauh, The King who Wished to Marry His Daughter, The She-Bear, Mossycoat, Tattercoats, The Princess That Wore A Rabbit-Skin Dress, The Bear and The Princess in the Suit of Leather. Indeed, some translators of Allerleirauh titled that story Catskin despite the differences between the German and English tales.
Motifs
This is an unusual form of 510B, in which normally the threatened marriage is to the father as in Donkeyskin or Allerleirauh. The oldest documented version is in a Swedish MS c. 1600, Roalfe Cox no 98.
Tattercoats is a similar variant, in which a grandfather neglects his granddaughter because her mother died in childbirth.
Variants
Ireland
Patrick Kennedy collected an Irish variant titled The Princess in the Cat-Skins: a widowed queen decides to remarry, but her second husband mistreats her and she dies. Later, the man decides to marry his own step-daughter. She runs to cry to a filly. The animal answers she is a fairy who watched over the princess her entire life, and advises her to ask for dresses: one of silk and silver thread that can fit into a walnut shell, then one of silk and gold, and thirdly one made of thick silk thread and with diamonds and pearls. She gets a fourth dress made of catskins, places the three dresses into walnut shells, and rides the filly to the edge of a wood. She stops to rest, but, in the next morning, the filly has disappeared. The princess is found by a young king during a hunt and brought to his castle, where she works as a servant. Due to her outfit, she is mockingly named "Cat-skin". Some time later, a grand ball is held at the castle; Cat-skin is nudged by her helpful filly to attend the ball in one of the splendid dresses she got from her step-father, and to come to the ball riding the animal. Two more balls are held, which she also attends, and the young king falls in love with her. During the third ball, the king slips his ring on her finger, and promises they will meet again. After the ball, the king summons Cat-skin to his chambers, and declares he will marry her. The girl tries to deflect the subject, but the king points to the ring on her finger - thus proving she was the lady at the ball. Kennedy cited it as a variant of German tale Allerleirauh and Italian The She-Bear.
See also
Cinderella
Katie Woodencloak
The Child who came from an Egg
References
External links
The Wandering Young Gentlewoman; or, Catskin a ballad variant
The Story of Catskin another ballad variant
|
title
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Catskin is an English fairy tale collected by Joseph Jacobs, in More English Fairy Tales. Marian Roalfe Cox, in her pioneering study of Cinderella, identified as one of the basic types, the Unnatural Father, contrasting with Cinderella itself and Cap O' Rushes.
Synopsis
There once was a lord who had many fine estates and who wished to leave them to a son. When a daughter is born to him instead, he is very unhappy and will not even look at her.
When she is fifteen, her father is willing to marry her off to the first man who offers. When she hates the first man who offers, she goes to a hen-wife, who advises her to demand a coat of silver cloth before the wedding. When her father and suitor provide that, the hen-wife advises a coat of beaten gold, and then a coat made from feathers of all the birds, and then a little coat of catskin.
The daughter puts on the Catskin coat and runs away, disguising herself as a peasant girl. She finds a place as a scullion at a castle and works in the kitchens.
When a ball is held at the castle, the daughter, called "Catskin" by the others in the kitchen, asks to be allowed to attend. The cook is amused at her request and throws a basin of water in her face, but Catskin bathes and dresses herself in the coat of silver cloth, and goes to the ball. The young lord falls in love with her, but when he asks where she came from, she only replies from the Sign of the Basin of Water.
The young lord holds another ball, in hopes she will attend. The cook breaks a ladle across Catskin's back when she says she would like to go, but Catskin goes in her coat of beaten gold, and when the lord again asks where she is from, Catskin replies that she came from the Sign of the Broken Ladle.
The young lord holds a third ball. The cook breaks a skimmer across Catskin's back when she asks permission to attend, but Catskin goes in her coat of feathers, and says she came from the Sign of the Broken Skimmer. The young lord follows her, and sees her change into her catskin coat.
The young lord goes to his mother and announces that he will marry Catskin. His mother is opposed, and the young lord, so distraught, takes ill. His mother then agrees to the marriage. When Catskin appears before her in the coat of gold, the mother says she is glad her daughter-in-law is so beautiful.
Soon, Catskin gives birth to a son. One day, a beggar woman appears with her child, and Catskin sends her son to give them money. The cook says that beggars' brats will get along, and Catskin goes to her husband and begs him to discover what happened to her parents.
Her husband finds her father, who never had another child and lost his wife, and asks him whether he had a daughter. Catskin's father tells the lord that he had a daughter, and says that he would give all that he owns to see her again. Catskin's husband takes her father to see his daughter and then brings him to stay with them at the castle.
In some versions of the tale, Catskin asks to simply see the ball or serve the food, and not actually attend it.
Analysis
Tale type
The tale is classified in the international Aarne-Thompson-Uther Index as type ATU 510B, "The Dress of Gold, of Silver, of Stars (Cap O' Rushes)". This type includes Little Cat Skin, Cap O' Rushes, Donkeyskin, Allerleirauh, The King who Wished to Marry His Daughter, The She-Bear, Mossycoat, Tattercoats, The Princess That Wore A Rabbit-Skin Dress, The Bear and The Princess in the Suit of Leather. Indeed, some translators of Allerleirauh titled that story Catskin despite the differences between the German and English tales.
Motifs
This is an unusual form of 510B, in which normally the threatened marriage is to the father as in Donkeyskin or Allerleirauh. The oldest documented version is in a Swedish MS c. 1600, Roalfe Cox no 98.
Tattercoats is a similar variant, in which a grandfather neglects his granddaughter because her mother died in childbirth.
Variants
Ireland
Patrick Kennedy collected an Irish variant titled The Princess in the Cat-Skins: a widowed queen decides to remarry, but her second husband mistreats her and she dies. Later, the man decides to marry his own step-daughter. She runs to cry to a filly. The animal answers she is a fairy who watched over the princess her entire life, and advises her to ask for dresses: one of silk and silver thread that can fit into a walnut shell, then one of silk and gold, and thirdly one made of thick silk thread and with diamonds and pearls. She gets a fourth dress made of catskins, places the three dresses into walnut shells, and rides the filly to the edge of a wood. She stops to rest, but, in the next morning, the filly has disappeared. The princess is found by a young king during a hunt and brought to his castle, where she works as a servant. Due to her outfit, she is mockingly named "Cat-skin". Some time later, a grand ball is held at the castle; Cat-skin is nudged by her helpful filly to attend the ball in one of the splendid dresses she got from her step-father, and to come to the ball riding the animal. Two more balls are held, which she also attends, and the young king falls in love with her. During the third ball, the king slips his ring on her finger, and promises they will meet again. After the ball, the king summons Cat-skin to his chambers, and declares he will marry her. The girl tries to deflect the subject, but the king points to the ring on her finger - thus proving she was the lady at the ball. Kennedy cited it as a variant of German tale Allerleirauh and Italian The She-Bear.
See also
Cinderella
Katie Woodencloak
The Child who came from an Egg
References
External links
The Wandering Young Gentlewoman; or, Catskin a ballad variant
The Story of Catskin another ballad variant
|
Aarne–Thompson–Uther Tale Type Index
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EuroAtlantic Airways, legally EuroAtlantic Airways – Transportes Aéreos S.A., is a Portuguese airline specialized in leasing and air charter headquartered in Sintra and based at Lisbon Airport.
History
Founded as Air Zarco on 23 August 1993 by Tomaz Metello, the company adopted the trade name Air Madeira until 17 May 2000, when the memorandum of association was altered by deed, and the name of EuroAtlantic Airways – Transportes Aéreos S.A. was adopted. EuroAtlantic also took over the corporate design from Air Zarco which is still used today. The airline was founded by Portuguese businessman Tomaz Metello, who was the owner of the airline until 2019. It was sold to the Luxembourg group Imperial Jet, led by German-Lebanese pilot and businessman Abed El-Jaouni. EuroAtlantic also owns 38% of the national airline of São Tomé and Príncipe, STP Airways.
EuroAtlantic operated a direct flight from Lisbon to Dili's Presidente Nicolau Lobato International Airport in January 2008 using a Boeing 757-200 carrying 140 members of the Portuguese National Guard. It was the first aircraft larger than a Boeing 737 to ever land at the airport.
EuroAtlantic was known for operating the last Lockheed L-1011 TriStar in passenger service in Europe. It was phased out in March 2010 and is since stored at Amman Civil Airport.
Destinations
Charter and ACMI operations
EuroAtlantic Airways operates worldwide charter services as well as ACMI and other wet lease operations, mostly on behalf of other airlines. For example, EuroAtlantic operated two Boeing 777s on behalf of Biman Bangladesh Airlines in 2009 and two Boeing 767s for Air Canada in 2014. Among their usual customers are TAP Air Portugal, LOT Polish Airlines, FlyNAS (for Hajj flights), TACV Cabo Verde Airlines, and TUI fly Belgium. The company slogan is Anytime, Anywhere!
Scheduled operations
As of February 2021, EuroAtlantic Airways also serves the following scheduled destinations. This single route had been inaugurated after TAP Air Portugal ceased it for a short period and has been maintained since.
Guinea-Bissau
Bissau - Osvaldo Vieira International Airport Portugal
Lisbon - Lisbon Airport base
Fleet
Current fleet
As of May 2023, the EuroAtlantic Airways fleet consists of the following aircraft:
Former fleet
EuroAtlantic Airways has previously operated the following aircraft:
References
External links
Media related to Euro Atlantic Airways at Wikimedia Commons
Official website
|
country
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EuroAtlantic Airways, legally EuroAtlantic Airways – Transportes Aéreos S.A., is a Portuguese airline specialized in leasing and air charter headquartered in Sintra and based at Lisbon Airport.
History
Founded as Air Zarco on 23 August 1993 by Tomaz Metello, the company adopted the trade name Air Madeira until 17 May 2000, when the memorandum of association was altered by deed, and the name of EuroAtlantic Airways – Transportes Aéreos S.A. was adopted. EuroAtlantic also took over the corporate design from Air Zarco which is still used today. The airline was founded by Portuguese businessman Tomaz Metello, who was the owner of the airline until 2019. It was sold to the Luxembourg group Imperial Jet, led by German-Lebanese pilot and businessman Abed El-Jaouni. EuroAtlantic also owns 38% of the national airline of São Tomé and Príncipe, STP Airways.
EuroAtlantic operated a direct flight from Lisbon to Dili's Presidente Nicolau Lobato International Airport in January 2008 using a Boeing 757-200 carrying 140 members of the Portuguese National Guard. It was the first aircraft larger than a Boeing 737 to ever land at the airport.
EuroAtlantic was known for operating the last Lockheed L-1011 TriStar in passenger service in Europe. It was phased out in March 2010 and is since stored at Amman Civil Airport.
Destinations
Charter and ACMI operations
EuroAtlantic Airways operates worldwide charter services as well as ACMI and other wet lease operations, mostly on behalf of other airlines. For example, EuroAtlantic operated two Boeing 777s on behalf of Biman Bangladesh Airlines in 2009 and two Boeing 767s for Air Canada in 2014. Among their usual customers are TAP Air Portugal, LOT Polish Airlines, FlyNAS (for Hajj flights), TACV Cabo Verde Airlines, and TUI fly Belgium. The company slogan is Anytime, Anywhere!
Scheduled operations
As of February 2021, EuroAtlantic Airways also serves the following scheduled destinations. This single route had been inaugurated after TAP Air Portugal ceased it for a short period and has been maintained since.
Guinea-Bissau
Bissau - Osvaldo Vieira International Airport Portugal
Lisbon - Lisbon Airport base
Fleet
Current fleet
As of May 2023, the EuroAtlantic Airways fleet consists of the following aircraft:
Former fleet
EuroAtlantic Airways has previously operated the following aircraft:
References
External links
Media related to Euro Atlantic Airways at Wikimedia Commons
Official website
|
instance of
|
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94
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"airline"
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|
EuroAtlantic Airways, legally EuroAtlantic Airways – Transportes Aéreos S.A., is a Portuguese airline specialized in leasing and air charter headquartered in Sintra and based at Lisbon Airport.
History
Founded as Air Zarco on 23 August 1993 by Tomaz Metello, the company adopted the trade name Air Madeira until 17 May 2000, when the memorandum of association was altered by deed, and the name of EuroAtlantic Airways – Transportes Aéreos S.A. was adopted. EuroAtlantic also took over the corporate design from Air Zarco which is still used today. The airline was founded by Portuguese businessman Tomaz Metello, who was the owner of the airline until 2019. It was sold to the Luxembourg group Imperial Jet, led by German-Lebanese pilot and businessman Abed El-Jaouni. EuroAtlantic also owns 38% of the national airline of São Tomé and Príncipe, STP Airways.
EuroAtlantic operated a direct flight from Lisbon to Dili's Presidente Nicolau Lobato International Airport in January 2008 using a Boeing 757-200 carrying 140 members of the Portuguese National Guard. It was the first aircraft larger than a Boeing 737 to ever land at the airport.
EuroAtlantic was known for operating the last Lockheed L-1011 TriStar in passenger service in Europe. It was phased out in March 2010 and is since stored at Amman Civil Airport.
Destinations
Charter and ACMI operations
EuroAtlantic Airways operates worldwide charter services as well as ACMI and other wet lease operations, mostly on behalf of other airlines. For example, EuroAtlantic operated two Boeing 777s on behalf of Biman Bangladesh Airlines in 2009 and two Boeing 767s for Air Canada in 2014. Among their usual customers are TAP Air Portugal, LOT Polish Airlines, FlyNAS (for Hajj flights), TACV Cabo Verde Airlines, and TUI fly Belgium. The company slogan is Anytime, Anywhere!
Scheduled operations
As of February 2021, EuroAtlantic Airways also serves the following scheduled destinations. This single route had been inaugurated after TAP Air Portugal ceased it for a short period and has been maintained since.
Guinea-Bissau
Bissau - Osvaldo Vieira International Airport Portugal
Lisbon - Lisbon Airport base
Fleet
Current fleet
As of May 2023, the EuroAtlantic Airways fleet consists of the following aircraft:
Former fleet
EuroAtlantic Airways has previously operated the following aircraft:
References
External links
Media related to Euro Atlantic Airways at Wikimedia Commons
Official website
|
headquarters location
|
{
"answer_start": [
178
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"text": [
"Lisbon"
]
}
|
EuroAtlantic Airways, legally EuroAtlantic Airways – Transportes Aéreos S.A., is a Portuguese airline specialized in leasing and air charter headquartered in Sintra and based at Lisbon Airport.
History
Founded as Air Zarco on 23 August 1993 by Tomaz Metello, the company adopted the trade name Air Madeira until 17 May 2000, when the memorandum of association was altered by deed, and the name of EuroAtlantic Airways – Transportes Aéreos S.A. was adopted. EuroAtlantic also took over the corporate design from Air Zarco which is still used today. The airline was founded by Portuguese businessman Tomaz Metello, who was the owner of the airline until 2019. It was sold to the Luxembourg group Imperial Jet, led by German-Lebanese pilot and businessman Abed El-Jaouni. EuroAtlantic also owns 38% of the national airline of São Tomé and Príncipe, STP Airways.
EuroAtlantic operated a direct flight from Lisbon to Dili's Presidente Nicolau Lobato International Airport in January 2008 using a Boeing 757-200 carrying 140 members of the Portuguese National Guard. It was the first aircraft larger than a Boeing 737 to ever land at the airport.
EuroAtlantic was known for operating the last Lockheed L-1011 TriStar in passenger service in Europe. It was phased out in March 2010 and is since stored at Amman Civil Airport.
Destinations
Charter and ACMI operations
EuroAtlantic Airways operates worldwide charter services as well as ACMI and other wet lease operations, mostly on behalf of other airlines. For example, EuroAtlantic operated two Boeing 777s on behalf of Biman Bangladesh Airlines in 2009 and two Boeing 767s for Air Canada in 2014. Among their usual customers are TAP Air Portugal, LOT Polish Airlines, FlyNAS (for Hajj flights), TACV Cabo Verde Airlines, and TUI fly Belgium. The company slogan is Anytime, Anywhere!
Scheduled operations
As of February 2021, EuroAtlantic Airways also serves the following scheduled destinations. This single route had been inaugurated after TAP Air Portugal ceased it for a short period and has been maintained since.
Guinea-Bissau
Bissau - Osvaldo Vieira International Airport Portugal
Lisbon - Lisbon Airport base
Fleet
Current fleet
As of May 2023, the EuroAtlantic Airways fleet consists of the following aircraft:
Former fleet
EuroAtlantic Airways has previously operated the following aircraft:
References
External links
Media related to Euro Atlantic Airways at Wikimedia Commons
Official website
|
Commons category
|
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2400
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The Bluehorses (also known as The Blue Horses) were a Celtic rock band from Cardiff, Wales, blending a mixture of rock and electric folk, and notable for being fronted by two fiddle players. They built critical acclaim for their live performances and have been described by Allmusic as "one of the roots scene’s most exciting live acts."The band was formed in 1994 by singer and multi-instrumentalist Liz Prendergast, violinist Emily Grainger and drummer Nic Waulker. when they were students at the Welsh College of Music and Drama. Throughout its life from 1994 to 2007, Bluehorses core comprised Prendergast and Waulker, who wrote the bulk of the material. After building a live following and releasing several EPs, the band released their first full-length album, Cracking Leather, Skin and Bone in 1997. The group subsequently received an endorsement from Bridge Instruments, manufacturer of electric violins.
Members
Lizzie Prendergast (vocals, electric violin, Electric Celtic Harp, Mandocaster, synthesizer)
Nic Waulker (Drums, programming, arrangements, producer)
Discography
Cracking Leather, Skin and Bone
The Live Album
Dragons Milk and Coal
Ten Leagues Beyond the Wild Worlds End
Skyclad
Live at Saul Festival (DVD)
Thirteen Fires 2007
References
External links
Official Band Website
|
genre
|
{
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54
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"text": [
"Celtic rock"
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|
Leslie Aspin Jr. (July 21, 1938 – May 21, 1995) was an American Democratic Party politician who served as the U.S. representative for Wisconsin's 1st congressional district from 1971 to 1993 and as the 18th United States Secretary of Defense under President Bill Clinton from 1993 to 1994.In Congress, Aspin had a reputation as an intellectual who took a middle-of-the-road position on controversial issues. He supported the Reagan administration regarding the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras, but he opposed the B-2 bomber and the Strategic Defense Initiative. He played a major role in convincing the House to support the January 1991 resolution supporting the use of force by President George H. W. Bush against Iraq, after it invaded Kuwait.
He faced complex social issues, such as the roles of homosexuals in uniform, and of women in combat, as well as major decisions regarding the use of military force in Somalia, Bosnia, and Haiti. He proposed budget cuts and restructuring of forces as part of the downsizing of the military after the end of the Cold War. The deaths of U.S. soldiers in Somalia because of inadequate military support led to his resignation.
Early life and education
Aspin was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. He graduated from Shorewood High School. He attended Yale University, where he was admitted to the Zeta Psi fraternity, and graduated summa cum laude in 1960 with a Bachelor of Arts in history. Aspin then attended the University of Oxford, where he received his Master of Philosophy in economics in 1962 and his Doctor of Philosophy in economics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1966.
Aspin met his wife, Maureen Shea, in Saigon during the Vietnam War. Shea, a graduate of Hollins College, was working for a research firm interviewing Vietcong defectors when the two were introduced by a mutual acquaintance. After the project was completed she moved to Wisconsin to work on Aspin's unsuccessful bid for Wisconsin State Treasurer in 1968. The couple became engaged in October 1968 and married in January 1969 in Shea's hometown of Hillsdale, New York. The couple divorced in 1979 and had no children.
Aspin served a brief tenure as a congressional staff member for United States Senator William Proxmire. As an officer in the U.S. Army from 1966 to 1968, he served as a systems analyst in the Pentagon under Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, serving in the Office of Systems Analysis. Before his election as a Democrat to Congress in 1970, Aspin had been active in Wisconsin politics and had taught economics at Marquette University.
U.S. Congress
Aspin ran as a peace candidate in 1970, opposing the Vietnam War. In the Democratic primary he was opposed by Doug La Follette, who was endorsed by the party. Aspin lost the initial count by a few dozen votes, and initially refused to pay for a recount out of his own pocket. It was only after his Kenosha County campaign director, Edwin M. Andersen, was able to garner financial support from numerous supporters, however, that the legendarily thrifty Aspin then demanded a recount and won the primary, by a few dozen votes. In the general election he defeated the incumbent, Henry Schadeberg.
Aspin was elected as a Democrat to the 92nd and to the 11 succeeding Congresses and served from January 3, 1971, until his resignation January 20, 1993. Aspin began his career in the United States House of Representatives as an outsider but honed his particular interest and expertise in defense matters. Before and during his tenure in the House, he had opposed the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War.
In his early years in Congress, he often issued press releases critical of shortcomings he detected in the armed forces. In 1973, he criticized the Air Force for devising a plan to purchase 200 beagle puppies, tie the dogs' vocal cords, and conduct tests of poisonous gases. After Aspin began a publicity campaign against the Air Force's plan, an outraged public sent a record number of letters to the Defense Department, surpassing the amount ever sent about any other subject. In March 1974, Aspin told an audience at Brown University, including future 4-star General Wesley Clark and four West Point cadets: "You, the young officer and cadets sitting there - never in your lifetimes will you see us intervene abroad. We've learned that lesson."By 1985, when Aspin became chairman of the Armed Services Committee, he was recognized as a leading defense authority. His chairmanship caused controversy among some House Democrats, particularly because he supported the Reagan administration's policies on the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras. Although temporarily removed from his committee chair by his Democratic colleagues in January 1987, Aspin weathered the crisis and regained the chairmanship three weeks later. He again broke with many Democrats in January 1991 when he issued a paper supporting the Bush administration's intention to use military force to drive the Iraqis from Kuwait. The accuracy of his prediction that the United States could win a quick military victory with light casualties added to his reputation as a military expert.
Secretary of Defense
Nomination and confirmation
Aspin served as an adviser to Clinton on defense matters during the 1992 presidential campaign. Given Clinton's lack of military experience, appointment of a prominent and respected defense expert to head The Pentagon seemed desirable. Because of his leadership position in the House, Aspin's views on defense issues were well known. He was skeptical about the Strategic Defense Initiative, and favored a smaller Navy, a cut in U.S. troops in Europe, and further reduction of military personnel strength. These positions, along with the assumption that Aspin would work toward a substantial cut in the Defense budget, worried the military. Defense industry leaders applauded Aspin's selection because he favored maintaining a viable defense industrial base. Although questioned extensively, Aspin won easy confirmation in the Senate.
Agenda and early difficulties
"Shortly after he took office, Aspin discussed dangers that had emerged with the end of the Cold War: the uncertainty that reform could succeed in the former Soviet Union; the enhanced possibility that terrorists or terrorist states could acquire nuclear weapons; the likely proliferation of regional conflicts; and the failure to take adequate account of the impact of the state of the domestic economy on U.S. national security interests. Given these conditions and the end of the Cold War, it seemed clear that the Pentagon was entering a period of potentially profound change. Aspin looked like a sound choice to manage this change.
As it turned out, Aspin faced difficulties from the beginning. A serious heart ailment put him in the hospital for several days in February 1993, after barely a month in office. A month later he was back in the hospital for implantation of a heart pacemaker. Even so, he had to deal immediately with the highly charged question of homosexuals in the military, a controversy left over from his predecessor Dick Cheney's tenure. That had become an issue in the 1992 campaign, when Clinton had promised to end discrimination against homosexuals. During his confirmation hearings Aspin indicated that he would take action quickly, and on entering office he presented a plan to the president to discuss the matter with Congress and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and presented a timetable leading to an order dealing with the matter. This plan provoked widespread protest from all sides on the issue."
Gender and sexuality in the military
The fallout from the controversy wounded both Clinton and Aspin politically and dragged on until December 1993, when, after many months of equivocation, confusion, and more controversy, Aspin released new regulations, known as the "Don't ask, don't tell" policy on homosexual conduct in the armed forces: Applicants for the services would not be asked about their sexual orientation, and homosexual orientation would not disqualify anyone from service "unless manifested by homosexual conduct"; military personnel would be judged on suitability for service, not sexual orientation; separation from the service would be based on homosexual acts, same sex marriage, or statements by an individual that he or she was bisexual or homosexual, with the person accorded the opportunity to rebut the presumption of homosexual acts; DoD criminal investigation or law enforcement organizations would not investigate solely to determine a service member's sexual orientation, and sexual orientation questions would not be included in personnel security questionnaires; finally, service members would be informed of DoD policy on sexual conduct during their training. This compromise policy, issued after an agonizing and divisive public debate, did not completely satisfy any of the concerned parties.
Also on the social side, Aspin had to deal with the volatile question of service women in combat. In April 1993 he announced a revised policy on the assignment of women in the armed forces: The services were to allow women to compete for assignments in combat aircraft; the Navy was to open additional ships to women and draft a proposal for Congress to remove existing legislative barriers to the assignment of women to combat vessels; and the Army and Marine Corps were to look for opportunities for women to serve in such components as field artillery and air defense. (This was a response to recommendations made by an ad hoc committee chaired by Barbara S. Pope appointed in the wake of the Tailhook scandal.) Meanwhile, Secretary of the Air Force Sheila E. Widnall became the first woman service secretary.
Defense budget and "bottom-up review"
Development of the Defense budget for FY 1994, beginning on 1 October 1993, remained Aspin's biggest task. The budget process proved more complicated than usual, owing to Clinton's campaign pledge to reduce DoD funding and to a "bottom-up review" of the military structure ordered by Aspin shortly after he took office. The end of the Cold War and the consequent opportunity to cut military costs clearly called for the kind of reevaluation of ends and means that the bottom-up review might contribute. A Pentagon steering group chaired by Under Secretary of Defense (Acquisition and Technology) John M. Deutch and including representatives from various OSD offices, the Joint Staff, and the services conducted the review.
Because of the growing threat of regional conflicts, Aspin wanted to have a strong capability to carry out limited military operations, including peacekeeping, and to maintain "a strong peacetime presence of U.S. forces around the world". The bottom-up review report, which Aspin released in September 1993, took into account strategy formulation, force structure, weapon systems modernization, and Defense infrastructure. The report projected a reduced force structure still capable of fighting and winning two simultaneous major regional conflicts. Forces would include 10 active Army divisions; 11 carrier battle groups, 45 to 55 attack submarines, and about 345 ships; 5 active Marine brigades; and 13 active and 7 reserve Air Force fighter wings. The report also called for additional prepositioned equipment and airlift/sealift capacity, improved anti-armor and precision-guided munitions, and enhanced Army National Guard combat brigade readiness.
The conclusions of the bottom-up review influenced the development of the FY 1994 Defense budget, although detailed work on the budget had begun as soon as Aspin took office. In March 1993 Aspin introduced a FY 1994 budget proposal costing $263.4 billion, about $12 billion below current levels, and reflecting cuts in the military services similar to those later included in the bottom-up review. To some critics of high military spending, Aspin's budget plan differed little from that of the Bush administration.
In the fall of 1993 Aspin began to tell the White House that the five-year Defense budget, reflecting the results of the bottom-up review, would exceed the more than $1 trillion projected by the Clinton administration. In December 1993 he put the anticipated shortfall at no less than $50 billion, the consequence of inaccurate inflation estimates, a military pay raise, and failure to account for other Pentagon costs, including peacekeeping operations. The size of the force needed to meet the two regional wars scenario contributed to the projected budget shortfall. Furthermore, Aspin was on record as favoring the use of U.S. troops in regional conflicts, as opposed to other decisionmakers, including General Colin Powell, chairman of the JCS. Aspin's departure from office early in 1994 left further decisions on the Defense budget to his successor. The final FY 1994 budget amounted to a little under $252 billion in total obligational authority.
Like his predecessors Carlucci and Cheney, Aspin faced the perennial issue of base closures, which could also affect the Defense budget. In March 1993 he released a plan to close an additional 31 large military installations and to shrink or consolidate 134 other sites, projecting a savings of over $3 billion a year beginning in 2000. A new Defense Base Closure and Realignment Commission approved the proposal, which went into effect when Congress accepted it as a package.
The SDI program also held important budget implications. In May 1993 Aspin announced "the end of the Star Wars era," explaining that the collapse of the Soviet Union had determined the fate of SDI. He renamed the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization as the Ballistic Missile Defense Organization (BMDO) and established its priorities as theater and national missile defense and useful follow-on technologies. Aspin's assignment of responsibility for BMDO to the under secretary of defense (acquisition and technology) signified the downgrading of the program.
Global crises and initiatives
While seeking solutions to the complex budget and force structure issues, Aspin found himself beset with difficult regional problems and conflicts that demanded decisions and action. In NATO he pushed the U.S.-sponsored "Partnership for Peace" program to bring together NATO members and nonmembers for military activities, including training maneuvers, equipment sharing, search and rescue, antiterrorist efforts, environmental cleanup, and peacekeeping operations. At a meeting in Brussels in December 1993 the NATO defense ministers agreed to consider for future alliance membership those non-NATO nations that participated in the program. Russian President Boris Yeltsin warned that attempts to bring Eastern European nations into NATO would threaten his country's strategic interests and endanger hopes for the former Soviet bloc's reconciliation with the West. Yeltsin argued that enlarging NATO would reawaken old Russian concerns about encirclement and possibly weaken the cause of democratic reform.
The unstable situation in Haiti, where elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide had been ousted from office by the military in September 1991, presented another regional problem. The United States pressured the military government to restore Aristide. In July 1993, the Haitian military regime agreed to reinstate Aristide by October 30, 1993, but then refused to step down. In October, in an effort Clinton approved even though Aspin opposed it, the United States sent the USS Harlan County carrying 200 troops to Port-au-Prince, Haiti's capital. Met by a hostile mob of armed Haitians, the ship turned away without attempting to undertake its mission, which the Pentagon described as an effort to professionalize the Haitian military and undertake civil assistance projects. Some observers attacked Aspin for not taking a harder stand in the administration against an action he opposed and then aborting the effort in the face of local opposition.
During Aspin's term the U.S. was concerned that Communist North Korea might have underway a nuclear weapons development program. This gave way to alarm when that country refused to allow full inspection of nuclear sites. In November 1993 North Korea demanded that the United States and South Korea cancel a planned joint training exercise as a precondition during discussions on the nuclear issue. Aspin rejected this demand and announced that the United States would suspend plans to withdraw its troops gradually from the peninsula.
In the Persian Gulf area, Iraq remained a problem. In June 1993 two U.S. Navy ships fired Tomahawk missiles against the headquarters building of Iraq's intelligence service in Baghdad in response to evidence of a plot to assassinate former President Bush during a visit to Kuwait. Aspin described the attack as a "wake up call" for Saddam Hussein. Two months later Aspin received a report on the U.S. military performance during the 1991 Gulf War, the result of a study undertaken by the House Armed Services Committee when he chaired it. The report concluded that the U.S. Central Command had greatly exaggerated damage done to Iraqi military equipment, such as tanks and naval vessels, by air strikes. Aspin also had to consider the question of health problems of U.S. service personnel who participated in the action against Iraq. He announced that a preliminary review disclosed no connection between chemical weapon agents and the reported health problems. Nevertheless, he formed a panel of outside experts to examine the issue further.
The worsening crisis in Bosnia commanded attention and demanded some kind of U.S. response. Aspin did not favor using ground forces to intervene in the civil war involving the Bosnian Muslims, Serbs, and Croats, but thought that the use of sophisticated weapons was a more reasonable option. Eventually the administration decided on an airdrop of humanitarian aid, even though Aspin did not favor the plan.
Somalia turned out to be Aspin's biggest headache. A civil war involving various clans had engulfed the country since 1991. Direct U.S. involvement, begun in August 1992, provided food through a military airlift and other means to the people of Somalia. In December 1992, shortly before Aspin became secretary of defense, the United States joined a new Unified Task Force (UNITAF) to provide security as well as food relief. The United States sent 26,000 troops to Somalia to join about 13,000 others from more than 20 nations. UNITAF, operating until May 1993, restored order in Somalia and distributed food widely.
In March 1993, United Nations Operation in Somalia II began in an effort to create conditions to enable the Somalis to rebuild the country. The United States cut its troops in Somalia to some 4,000 and then added 400 Army Rangers in August 1993. At that time, confronting criticism at home that the United States was getting more deeply involved in the factional violence in Somalia without a clear rationale, Aspin explained that U.S. troops would remain until order had been restored in Mogadishu, Somalia's capital, progress had been made in disarming rival clans, and effective police forces were operating in the country's major cities. At the same time the United States increased its military efforts against a leading Somali warlord, Mohamed Farrah Aidid.
Criticism and final days in office
In September 1993, General Powell asked Aspin to approve the request of the U.S. commander in Somalia for tanks, armored vehicles and AC-130 Spectre gunships for his forces. Aspin turned down the request and did not take Powell's request seriously. At some point during a lunch meeting, Powell presented to Aspin on the need of additional tanks, armored vehicles, AC-130 Spectre gunships air-support to support the U.S. Troops that were about to be deployed for Battle of Mogadishu and, discussing the battle preparation instead of paying attention to Powell's recommendation, Aspin caused Powell to grow more irritated. This was believed to be the primary reason for Powell's early departure as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Shortly thereafter Aidid's forces in Mogadishu killed 18 U.S. soldiers and wounded more than 75 in attacks that also resulted in the shooting down of two U.S. helicopters and the capture of one pilot in the Battle of Mogadishu. In the face of severe congressional criticism, Aspin admitted that in view of what had happened he had made a mistake, but stated that the request for armored equipment had been made within the context of delivering humanitarian aid to Somalia rather than protecting troops. In an appearance before a congressional committee to answer questions about the Somalia disaster, Aspin made an unfavorable impression and appeared weak in response to the detailed probing and criticism of his performance. The president publicly defended Aspin but made clear that the White House was not involved in the decision not to send armor reinforcements to Somalia. Several members of Congress called on Clinton to ask for Aspin's resignation.
On 15 December 1993 President Clinton announced Aspin's resignation, for personal reasons. Given the problems that Aspin encountered during his short term, most obviously the losses in Mogadishu, observers assumed that the president had asked him to step down. Speculation in the media centered on the Somalia embarrassment and on Aspin's differences with the Office of Management and Budget over how much the Defense budget should be cut. The secretary's health problems may well have also been a factor. One news magazine stated that Aspin's major handicap was "neither his famously unmilitary bearing nor his inability to discipline himself or the enormous Pentagon bureaucracy; it is his politician's instinct for the middle ground on defense issues." Aspin continued to serve as Secretary of Defense until February 3, 1994, when William Perry took office.
After Aspin's resignation, a number of observers would come to his defense about his job performance. Including Newsweek, who said the real fault for the events in Somalia lay with the United Nations.
Final months and death
After leaving his position, Aspin joined the faculty of Marquette University's international affairs program in Washington and joined the board of directors of the Washington-based think-tank the Henry L. Stimson Center. In March, he became a member of the Commission on Roles and Missions, and in May Clinton chose him to be chairman of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. In March 1995, he began work as chairman of the study group on the Roles and Capabilities of the Intelligence Community.
Aspin had had increasing difficulty during the last years of his life with a congenital heart condition (asymmetric septal hypertrophy; hypertrophic cardiomyopathy/obstructive cardiomyopathy). It necessitated hospitalization during his tenure as Defense Secretary, with placement of a pacemaker. His cardiac disorder was complicated in May 1995 by a stroke, which resulted in his death on May 21, 1995, in Washington, D.C. He was interred at Brookfield's Wisconsin Memorial Park cemetery.
Marquette University named its Les Aspin Center for Government in his honor.
References
Further reading
Aspin, Les. Defense for a New Era: Lessons of the Persian Gulf War (US House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, 1992) online.
External links
Biography at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
Financial information (federal office) at the Federal Election Commission
Legislation sponsored at the Library of Congress
Profile at Vote Smart
Marquette University's Les Aspin Center for Government
Les Aspin's biography on DefenseLink.mil
Interview about the MX missile for the WGBH series, War and Peace in the Nuclear Age
Les Aspin at Find a Grave
Appearances on C-SPAN
|
place of birth
|
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Leslie Aspin Jr. (July 21, 1938 – May 21, 1995) was an American Democratic Party politician who served as the U.S. representative for Wisconsin's 1st congressional district from 1971 to 1993 and as the 18th United States Secretary of Defense under President Bill Clinton from 1993 to 1994.In Congress, Aspin had a reputation as an intellectual who took a middle-of-the-road position on controversial issues. He supported the Reagan administration regarding the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras, but he opposed the B-2 bomber and the Strategic Defense Initiative. He played a major role in convincing the House to support the January 1991 resolution supporting the use of force by President George H. W. Bush against Iraq, after it invaded Kuwait.
He faced complex social issues, such as the roles of homosexuals in uniform, and of women in combat, as well as major decisions regarding the use of military force in Somalia, Bosnia, and Haiti. He proposed budget cuts and restructuring of forces as part of the downsizing of the military after the end of the Cold War. The deaths of U.S. soldiers in Somalia because of inadequate military support led to his resignation.
Early life and education
Aspin was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. He graduated from Shorewood High School. He attended Yale University, where he was admitted to the Zeta Psi fraternity, and graduated summa cum laude in 1960 with a Bachelor of Arts in history. Aspin then attended the University of Oxford, where he received his Master of Philosophy in economics in 1962 and his Doctor of Philosophy in economics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1966.
Aspin met his wife, Maureen Shea, in Saigon during the Vietnam War. Shea, a graduate of Hollins College, was working for a research firm interviewing Vietcong defectors when the two were introduced by a mutual acquaintance. After the project was completed she moved to Wisconsin to work on Aspin's unsuccessful bid for Wisconsin State Treasurer in 1968. The couple became engaged in October 1968 and married in January 1969 in Shea's hometown of Hillsdale, New York. The couple divorced in 1979 and had no children.
Aspin served a brief tenure as a congressional staff member for United States Senator William Proxmire. As an officer in the U.S. Army from 1966 to 1968, he served as a systems analyst in the Pentagon under Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, serving in the Office of Systems Analysis. Before his election as a Democrat to Congress in 1970, Aspin had been active in Wisconsin politics and had taught economics at Marquette University.
U.S. Congress
Aspin ran as a peace candidate in 1970, opposing the Vietnam War. In the Democratic primary he was opposed by Doug La Follette, who was endorsed by the party. Aspin lost the initial count by a few dozen votes, and initially refused to pay for a recount out of his own pocket. It was only after his Kenosha County campaign director, Edwin M. Andersen, was able to garner financial support from numerous supporters, however, that the legendarily thrifty Aspin then demanded a recount and won the primary, by a few dozen votes. In the general election he defeated the incumbent, Henry Schadeberg.
Aspin was elected as a Democrat to the 92nd and to the 11 succeeding Congresses and served from January 3, 1971, until his resignation January 20, 1993. Aspin began his career in the United States House of Representatives as an outsider but honed his particular interest and expertise in defense matters. Before and during his tenure in the House, he had opposed the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War.
In his early years in Congress, he often issued press releases critical of shortcomings he detected in the armed forces. In 1973, he criticized the Air Force for devising a plan to purchase 200 beagle puppies, tie the dogs' vocal cords, and conduct tests of poisonous gases. After Aspin began a publicity campaign against the Air Force's plan, an outraged public sent a record number of letters to the Defense Department, surpassing the amount ever sent about any other subject. In March 1974, Aspin told an audience at Brown University, including future 4-star General Wesley Clark and four West Point cadets: "You, the young officer and cadets sitting there - never in your lifetimes will you see us intervene abroad. We've learned that lesson."By 1985, when Aspin became chairman of the Armed Services Committee, he was recognized as a leading defense authority. His chairmanship caused controversy among some House Democrats, particularly because he supported the Reagan administration's policies on the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras. Although temporarily removed from his committee chair by his Democratic colleagues in January 1987, Aspin weathered the crisis and regained the chairmanship three weeks later. He again broke with many Democrats in January 1991 when he issued a paper supporting the Bush administration's intention to use military force to drive the Iraqis from Kuwait. The accuracy of his prediction that the United States could win a quick military victory with light casualties added to his reputation as a military expert.
Secretary of Defense
Nomination and confirmation
Aspin served as an adviser to Clinton on defense matters during the 1992 presidential campaign. Given Clinton's lack of military experience, appointment of a prominent and respected defense expert to head The Pentagon seemed desirable. Because of his leadership position in the House, Aspin's views on defense issues were well known. He was skeptical about the Strategic Defense Initiative, and favored a smaller Navy, a cut in U.S. troops in Europe, and further reduction of military personnel strength. These positions, along with the assumption that Aspin would work toward a substantial cut in the Defense budget, worried the military. Defense industry leaders applauded Aspin's selection because he favored maintaining a viable defense industrial base. Although questioned extensively, Aspin won easy confirmation in the Senate.
Agenda and early difficulties
"Shortly after he took office, Aspin discussed dangers that had emerged with the end of the Cold War: the uncertainty that reform could succeed in the former Soviet Union; the enhanced possibility that terrorists or terrorist states could acquire nuclear weapons; the likely proliferation of regional conflicts; and the failure to take adequate account of the impact of the state of the domestic economy on U.S. national security interests. Given these conditions and the end of the Cold War, it seemed clear that the Pentagon was entering a period of potentially profound change. Aspin looked like a sound choice to manage this change.
As it turned out, Aspin faced difficulties from the beginning. A serious heart ailment put him in the hospital for several days in February 1993, after barely a month in office. A month later he was back in the hospital for implantation of a heart pacemaker. Even so, he had to deal immediately with the highly charged question of homosexuals in the military, a controversy left over from his predecessor Dick Cheney's tenure. That had become an issue in the 1992 campaign, when Clinton had promised to end discrimination against homosexuals. During his confirmation hearings Aspin indicated that he would take action quickly, and on entering office he presented a plan to the president to discuss the matter with Congress and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and presented a timetable leading to an order dealing with the matter. This plan provoked widespread protest from all sides on the issue."
Gender and sexuality in the military
The fallout from the controversy wounded both Clinton and Aspin politically and dragged on until December 1993, when, after many months of equivocation, confusion, and more controversy, Aspin released new regulations, known as the "Don't ask, don't tell" policy on homosexual conduct in the armed forces: Applicants for the services would not be asked about their sexual orientation, and homosexual orientation would not disqualify anyone from service "unless manifested by homosexual conduct"; military personnel would be judged on suitability for service, not sexual orientation; separation from the service would be based on homosexual acts, same sex marriage, or statements by an individual that he or she was bisexual or homosexual, with the person accorded the opportunity to rebut the presumption of homosexual acts; DoD criminal investigation or law enforcement organizations would not investigate solely to determine a service member's sexual orientation, and sexual orientation questions would not be included in personnel security questionnaires; finally, service members would be informed of DoD policy on sexual conduct during their training. This compromise policy, issued after an agonizing and divisive public debate, did not completely satisfy any of the concerned parties.
Also on the social side, Aspin had to deal with the volatile question of service women in combat. In April 1993 he announced a revised policy on the assignment of women in the armed forces: The services were to allow women to compete for assignments in combat aircraft; the Navy was to open additional ships to women and draft a proposal for Congress to remove existing legislative barriers to the assignment of women to combat vessels; and the Army and Marine Corps were to look for opportunities for women to serve in such components as field artillery and air defense. (This was a response to recommendations made by an ad hoc committee chaired by Barbara S. Pope appointed in the wake of the Tailhook scandal.) Meanwhile, Secretary of the Air Force Sheila E. Widnall became the first woman service secretary.
Defense budget and "bottom-up review"
Development of the Defense budget for FY 1994, beginning on 1 October 1993, remained Aspin's biggest task. The budget process proved more complicated than usual, owing to Clinton's campaign pledge to reduce DoD funding and to a "bottom-up review" of the military structure ordered by Aspin shortly after he took office. The end of the Cold War and the consequent opportunity to cut military costs clearly called for the kind of reevaluation of ends and means that the bottom-up review might contribute. A Pentagon steering group chaired by Under Secretary of Defense (Acquisition and Technology) John M. Deutch and including representatives from various OSD offices, the Joint Staff, and the services conducted the review.
Because of the growing threat of regional conflicts, Aspin wanted to have a strong capability to carry out limited military operations, including peacekeeping, and to maintain "a strong peacetime presence of U.S. forces around the world". The bottom-up review report, which Aspin released in September 1993, took into account strategy formulation, force structure, weapon systems modernization, and Defense infrastructure. The report projected a reduced force structure still capable of fighting and winning two simultaneous major regional conflicts. Forces would include 10 active Army divisions; 11 carrier battle groups, 45 to 55 attack submarines, and about 345 ships; 5 active Marine brigades; and 13 active and 7 reserve Air Force fighter wings. The report also called for additional prepositioned equipment and airlift/sealift capacity, improved anti-armor and precision-guided munitions, and enhanced Army National Guard combat brigade readiness.
The conclusions of the bottom-up review influenced the development of the FY 1994 Defense budget, although detailed work on the budget had begun as soon as Aspin took office. In March 1993 Aspin introduced a FY 1994 budget proposal costing $263.4 billion, about $12 billion below current levels, and reflecting cuts in the military services similar to those later included in the bottom-up review. To some critics of high military spending, Aspin's budget plan differed little from that of the Bush administration.
In the fall of 1993 Aspin began to tell the White House that the five-year Defense budget, reflecting the results of the bottom-up review, would exceed the more than $1 trillion projected by the Clinton administration. In December 1993 he put the anticipated shortfall at no less than $50 billion, the consequence of inaccurate inflation estimates, a military pay raise, and failure to account for other Pentagon costs, including peacekeeping operations. The size of the force needed to meet the two regional wars scenario contributed to the projected budget shortfall. Furthermore, Aspin was on record as favoring the use of U.S. troops in regional conflicts, as opposed to other decisionmakers, including General Colin Powell, chairman of the JCS. Aspin's departure from office early in 1994 left further decisions on the Defense budget to his successor. The final FY 1994 budget amounted to a little under $252 billion in total obligational authority.
Like his predecessors Carlucci and Cheney, Aspin faced the perennial issue of base closures, which could also affect the Defense budget. In March 1993 he released a plan to close an additional 31 large military installations and to shrink or consolidate 134 other sites, projecting a savings of over $3 billion a year beginning in 2000. A new Defense Base Closure and Realignment Commission approved the proposal, which went into effect when Congress accepted it as a package.
The SDI program also held important budget implications. In May 1993 Aspin announced "the end of the Star Wars era," explaining that the collapse of the Soviet Union had determined the fate of SDI. He renamed the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization as the Ballistic Missile Defense Organization (BMDO) and established its priorities as theater and national missile defense and useful follow-on technologies. Aspin's assignment of responsibility for BMDO to the under secretary of defense (acquisition and technology) signified the downgrading of the program.
Global crises and initiatives
While seeking solutions to the complex budget and force structure issues, Aspin found himself beset with difficult regional problems and conflicts that demanded decisions and action. In NATO he pushed the U.S.-sponsored "Partnership for Peace" program to bring together NATO members and nonmembers for military activities, including training maneuvers, equipment sharing, search and rescue, antiterrorist efforts, environmental cleanup, and peacekeeping operations. At a meeting in Brussels in December 1993 the NATO defense ministers agreed to consider for future alliance membership those non-NATO nations that participated in the program. Russian President Boris Yeltsin warned that attempts to bring Eastern European nations into NATO would threaten his country's strategic interests and endanger hopes for the former Soviet bloc's reconciliation with the West. Yeltsin argued that enlarging NATO would reawaken old Russian concerns about encirclement and possibly weaken the cause of democratic reform.
The unstable situation in Haiti, where elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide had been ousted from office by the military in September 1991, presented another regional problem. The United States pressured the military government to restore Aristide. In July 1993, the Haitian military regime agreed to reinstate Aristide by October 30, 1993, but then refused to step down. In October, in an effort Clinton approved even though Aspin opposed it, the United States sent the USS Harlan County carrying 200 troops to Port-au-Prince, Haiti's capital. Met by a hostile mob of armed Haitians, the ship turned away without attempting to undertake its mission, which the Pentagon described as an effort to professionalize the Haitian military and undertake civil assistance projects. Some observers attacked Aspin for not taking a harder stand in the administration against an action he opposed and then aborting the effort in the face of local opposition.
During Aspin's term the U.S. was concerned that Communist North Korea might have underway a nuclear weapons development program. This gave way to alarm when that country refused to allow full inspection of nuclear sites. In November 1993 North Korea demanded that the United States and South Korea cancel a planned joint training exercise as a precondition during discussions on the nuclear issue. Aspin rejected this demand and announced that the United States would suspend plans to withdraw its troops gradually from the peninsula.
In the Persian Gulf area, Iraq remained a problem. In June 1993 two U.S. Navy ships fired Tomahawk missiles against the headquarters building of Iraq's intelligence service in Baghdad in response to evidence of a plot to assassinate former President Bush during a visit to Kuwait. Aspin described the attack as a "wake up call" for Saddam Hussein. Two months later Aspin received a report on the U.S. military performance during the 1991 Gulf War, the result of a study undertaken by the House Armed Services Committee when he chaired it. The report concluded that the U.S. Central Command had greatly exaggerated damage done to Iraqi military equipment, such as tanks and naval vessels, by air strikes. Aspin also had to consider the question of health problems of U.S. service personnel who participated in the action against Iraq. He announced that a preliminary review disclosed no connection between chemical weapon agents and the reported health problems. Nevertheless, he formed a panel of outside experts to examine the issue further.
The worsening crisis in Bosnia commanded attention and demanded some kind of U.S. response. Aspin did not favor using ground forces to intervene in the civil war involving the Bosnian Muslims, Serbs, and Croats, but thought that the use of sophisticated weapons was a more reasonable option. Eventually the administration decided on an airdrop of humanitarian aid, even though Aspin did not favor the plan.
Somalia turned out to be Aspin's biggest headache. A civil war involving various clans had engulfed the country since 1991. Direct U.S. involvement, begun in August 1992, provided food through a military airlift and other means to the people of Somalia. In December 1992, shortly before Aspin became secretary of defense, the United States joined a new Unified Task Force (UNITAF) to provide security as well as food relief. The United States sent 26,000 troops to Somalia to join about 13,000 others from more than 20 nations. UNITAF, operating until May 1993, restored order in Somalia and distributed food widely.
In March 1993, United Nations Operation in Somalia II began in an effort to create conditions to enable the Somalis to rebuild the country. The United States cut its troops in Somalia to some 4,000 and then added 400 Army Rangers in August 1993. At that time, confronting criticism at home that the United States was getting more deeply involved in the factional violence in Somalia without a clear rationale, Aspin explained that U.S. troops would remain until order had been restored in Mogadishu, Somalia's capital, progress had been made in disarming rival clans, and effective police forces were operating in the country's major cities. At the same time the United States increased its military efforts against a leading Somali warlord, Mohamed Farrah Aidid.
Criticism and final days in office
In September 1993, General Powell asked Aspin to approve the request of the U.S. commander in Somalia for tanks, armored vehicles and AC-130 Spectre gunships for his forces. Aspin turned down the request and did not take Powell's request seriously. At some point during a lunch meeting, Powell presented to Aspin on the need of additional tanks, armored vehicles, AC-130 Spectre gunships air-support to support the U.S. Troops that were about to be deployed for Battle of Mogadishu and, discussing the battle preparation instead of paying attention to Powell's recommendation, Aspin caused Powell to grow more irritated. This was believed to be the primary reason for Powell's early departure as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Shortly thereafter Aidid's forces in Mogadishu killed 18 U.S. soldiers and wounded more than 75 in attacks that also resulted in the shooting down of two U.S. helicopters and the capture of one pilot in the Battle of Mogadishu. In the face of severe congressional criticism, Aspin admitted that in view of what had happened he had made a mistake, but stated that the request for armored equipment had been made within the context of delivering humanitarian aid to Somalia rather than protecting troops. In an appearance before a congressional committee to answer questions about the Somalia disaster, Aspin made an unfavorable impression and appeared weak in response to the detailed probing and criticism of his performance. The president publicly defended Aspin but made clear that the White House was not involved in the decision not to send armor reinforcements to Somalia. Several members of Congress called on Clinton to ask for Aspin's resignation.
On 15 December 1993 President Clinton announced Aspin's resignation, for personal reasons. Given the problems that Aspin encountered during his short term, most obviously the losses in Mogadishu, observers assumed that the president had asked him to step down. Speculation in the media centered on the Somalia embarrassment and on Aspin's differences with the Office of Management and Budget over how much the Defense budget should be cut. The secretary's health problems may well have also been a factor. One news magazine stated that Aspin's major handicap was "neither his famously unmilitary bearing nor his inability to discipline himself or the enormous Pentagon bureaucracy; it is his politician's instinct for the middle ground on defense issues." Aspin continued to serve as Secretary of Defense until February 3, 1994, when William Perry took office.
After Aspin's resignation, a number of observers would come to his defense about his job performance. Including Newsweek, who said the real fault for the events in Somalia lay with the United Nations.
Final months and death
After leaving his position, Aspin joined the faculty of Marquette University's international affairs program in Washington and joined the board of directors of the Washington-based think-tank the Henry L. Stimson Center. In March, he became a member of the Commission on Roles and Missions, and in May Clinton chose him to be chairman of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. In March 1995, he began work as chairman of the study group on the Roles and Capabilities of the Intelligence Community.
Aspin had had increasing difficulty during the last years of his life with a congenital heart condition (asymmetric septal hypertrophy; hypertrophic cardiomyopathy/obstructive cardiomyopathy). It necessitated hospitalization during his tenure as Defense Secretary, with placement of a pacemaker. His cardiac disorder was complicated in May 1995 by a stroke, which resulted in his death on May 21, 1995, in Washington, D.C. He was interred at Brookfield's Wisconsin Memorial Park cemetery.
Marquette University named its Les Aspin Center for Government in his honor.
References
Further reading
Aspin, Les. Defense for a New Era: Lessons of the Persian Gulf War (US House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, 1992) online.
External links
Biography at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
Financial information (federal office) at the Federal Election Commission
Legislation sponsored at the Library of Congress
Profile at Vote Smart
Marquette University's Les Aspin Center for Government
Les Aspin's biography on DefenseLink.mil
Interview about the MX missile for the WGBH series, War and Peace in the Nuclear Age
Les Aspin at Find a Grave
Appearances on C-SPAN
|
place of death
|
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Leslie Aspin Jr. (July 21, 1938 – May 21, 1995) was an American Democratic Party politician who served as the U.S. representative for Wisconsin's 1st congressional district from 1971 to 1993 and as the 18th United States Secretary of Defense under President Bill Clinton from 1993 to 1994.In Congress, Aspin had a reputation as an intellectual who took a middle-of-the-road position on controversial issues. He supported the Reagan administration regarding the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras, but he opposed the B-2 bomber and the Strategic Defense Initiative. He played a major role in convincing the House to support the January 1991 resolution supporting the use of force by President George H. W. Bush against Iraq, after it invaded Kuwait.
He faced complex social issues, such as the roles of homosexuals in uniform, and of women in combat, as well as major decisions regarding the use of military force in Somalia, Bosnia, and Haiti. He proposed budget cuts and restructuring of forces as part of the downsizing of the military after the end of the Cold War. The deaths of U.S. soldiers in Somalia because of inadequate military support led to his resignation.
Early life and education
Aspin was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. He graduated from Shorewood High School. He attended Yale University, where he was admitted to the Zeta Psi fraternity, and graduated summa cum laude in 1960 with a Bachelor of Arts in history. Aspin then attended the University of Oxford, where he received his Master of Philosophy in economics in 1962 and his Doctor of Philosophy in economics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1966.
Aspin met his wife, Maureen Shea, in Saigon during the Vietnam War. Shea, a graduate of Hollins College, was working for a research firm interviewing Vietcong defectors when the two were introduced by a mutual acquaintance. After the project was completed she moved to Wisconsin to work on Aspin's unsuccessful bid for Wisconsin State Treasurer in 1968. The couple became engaged in October 1968 and married in January 1969 in Shea's hometown of Hillsdale, New York. The couple divorced in 1979 and had no children.
Aspin served a brief tenure as a congressional staff member for United States Senator William Proxmire. As an officer in the U.S. Army from 1966 to 1968, he served as a systems analyst in the Pentagon under Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, serving in the Office of Systems Analysis. Before his election as a Democrat to Congress in 1970, Aspin had been active in Wisconsin politics and had taught economics at Marquette University.
U.S. Congress
Aspin ran as a peace candidate in 1970, opposing the Vietnam War. In the Democratic primary he was opposed by Doug La Follette, who was endorsed by the party. Aspin lost the initial count by a few dozen votes, and initially refused to pay for a recount out of his own pocket. It was only after his Kenosha County campaign director, Edwin M. Andersen, was able to garner financial support from numerous supporters, however, that the legendarily thrifty Aspin then demanded a recount and won the primary, by a few dozen votes. In the general election he defeated the incumbent, Henry Schadeberg.
Aspin was elected as a Democrat to the 92nd and to the 11 succeeding Congresses and served from January 3, 1971, until his resignation January 20, 1993. Aspin began his career in the United States House of Representatives as an outsider but honed his particular interest and expertise in defense matters. Before and during his tenure in the House, he had opposed the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War.
In his early years in Congress, he often issued press releases critical of shortcomings he detected in the armed forces. In 1973, he criticized the Air Force for devising a plan to purchase 200 beagle puppies, tie the dogs' vocal cords, and conduct tests of poisonous gases. After Aspin began a publicity campaign against the Air Force's plan, an outraged public sent a record number of letters to the Defense Department, surpassing the amount ever sent about any other subject. In March 1974, Aspin told an audience at Brown University, including future 4-star General Wesley Clark and four West Point cadets: "You, the young officer and cadets sitting there - never in your lifetimes will you see us intervene abroad. We've learned that lesson."By 1985, when Aspin became chairman of the Armed Services Committee, he was recognized as a leading defense authority. His chairmanship caused controversy among some House Democrats, particularly because he supported the Reagan administration's policies on the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras. Although temporarily removed from his committee chair by his Democratic colleagues in January 1987, Aspin weathered the crisis and regained the chairmanship three weeks later. He again broke with many Democrats in January 1991 when he issued a paper supporting the Bush administration's intention to use military force to drive the Iraqis from Kuwait. The accuracy of his prediction that the United States could win a quick military victory with light casualties added to his reputation as a military expert.
Secretary of Defense
Nomination and confirmation
Aspin served as an adviser to Clinton on defense matters during the 1992 presidential campaign. Given Clinton's lack of military experience, appointment of a prominent and respected defense expert to head The Pentagon seemed desirable. Because of his leadership position in the House, Aspin's views on defense issues were well known. He was skeptical about the Strategic Defense Initiative, and favored a smaller Navy, a cut in U.S. troops in Europe, and further reduction of military personnel strength. These positions, along with the assumption that Aspin would work toward a substantial cut in the Defense budget, worried the military. Defense industry leaders applauded Aspin's selection because he favored maintaining a viable defense industrial base. Although questioned extensively, Aspin won easy confirmation in the Senate.
Agenda and early difficulties
"Shortly after he took office, Aspin discussed dangers that had emerged with the end of the Cold War: the uncertainty that reform could succeed in the former Soviet Union; the enhanced possibility that terrorists or terrorist states could acquire nuclear weapons; the likely proliferation of regional conflicts; and the failure to take adequate account of the impact of the state of the domestic economy on U.S. national security interests. Given these conditions and the end of the Cold War, it seemed clear that the Pentagon was entering a period of potentially profound change. Aspin looked like a sound choice to manage this change.
As it turned out, Aspin faced difficulties from the beginning. A serious heart ailment put him in the hospital for several days in February 1993, after barely a month in office. A month later he was back in the hospital for implantation of a heart pacemaker. Even so, he had to deal immediately with the highly charged question of homosexuals in the military, a controversy left over from his predecessor Dick Cheney's tenure. That had become an issue in the 1992 campaign, when Clinton had promised to end discrimination against homosexuals. During his confirmation hearings Aspin indicated that he would take action quickly, and on entering office he presented a plan to the president to discuss the matter with Congress and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and presented a timetable leading to an order dealing with the matter. This plan provoked widespread protest from all sides on the issue."
Gender and sexuality in the military
The fallout from the controversy wounded both Clinton and Aspin politically and dragged on until December 1993, when, after many months of equivocation, confusion, and more controversy, Aspin released new regulations, known as the "Don't ask, don't tell" policy on homosexual conduct in the armed forces: Applicants for the services would not be asked about their sexual orientation, and homosexual orientation would not disqualify anyone from service "unless manifested by homosexual conduct"; military personnel would be judged on suitability for service, not sexual orientation; separation from the service would be based on homosexual acts, same sex marriage, or statements by an individual that he or she was bisexual or homosexual, with the person accorded the opportunity to rebut the presumption of homosexual acts; DoD criminal investigation or law enforcement organizations would not investigate solely to determine a service member's sexual orientation, and sexual orientation questions would not be included in personnel security questionnaires; finally, service members would be informed of DoD policy on sexual conduct during their training. This compromise policy, issued after an agonizing and divisive public debate, did not completely satisfy any of the concerned parties.
Also on the social side, Aspin had to deal with the volatile question of service women in combat. In April 1993 he announced a revised policy on the assignment of women in the armed forces: The services were to allow women to compete for assignments in combat aircraft; the Navy was to open additional ships to women and draft a proposal for Congress to remove existing legislative barriers to the assignment of women to combat vessels; and the Army and Marine Corps were to look for opportunities for women to serve in such components as field artillery and air defense. (This was a response to recommendations made by an ad hoc committee chaired by Barbara S. Pope appointed in the wake of the Tailhook scandal.) Meanwhile, Secretary of the Air Force Sheila E. Widnall became the first woman service secretary.
Defense budget and "bottom-up review"
Development of the Defense budget for FY 1994, beginning on 1 October 1993, remained Aspin's biggest task. The budget process proved more complicated than usual, owing to Clinton's campaign pledge to reduce DoD funding and to a "bottom-up review" of the military structure ordered by Aspin shortly after he took office. The end of the Cold War and the consequent opportunity to cut military costs clearly called for the kind of reevaluation of ends and means that the bottom-up review might contribute. A Pentagon steering group chaired by Under Secretary of Defense (Acquisition and Technology) John M. Deutch and including representatives from various OSD offices, the Joint Staff, and the services conducted the review.
Because of the growing threat of regional conflicts, Aspin wanted to have a strong capability to carry out limited military operations, including peacekeeping, and to maintain "a strong peacetime presence of U.S. forces around the world". The bottom-up review report, which Aspin released in September 1993, took into account strategy formulation, force structure, weapon systems modernization, and Defense infrastructure. The report projected a reduced force structure still capable of fighting and winning two simultaneous major regional conflicts. Forces would include 10 active Army divisions; 11 carrier battle groups, 45 to 55 attack submarines, and about 345 ships; 5 active Marine brigades; and 13 active and 7 reserve Air Force fighter wings. The report also called for additional prepositioned equipment and airlift/sealift capacity, improved anti-armor and precision-guided munitions, and enhanced Army National Guard combat brigade readiness.
The conclusions of the bottom-up review influenced the development of the FY 1994 Defense budget, although detailed work on the budget had begun as soon as Aspin took office. In March 1993 Aspin introduced a FY 1994 budget proposal costing $263.4 billion, about $12 billion below current levels, and reflecting cuts in the military services similar to those later included in the bottom-up review. To some critics of high military spending, Aspin's budget plan differed little from that of the Bush administration.
In the fall of 1993 Aspin began to tell the White House that the five-year Defense budget, reflecting the results of the bottom-up review, would exceed the more than $1 trillion projected by the Clinton administration. In December 1993 he put the anticipated shortfall at no less than $50 billion, the consequence of inaccurate inflation estimates, a military pay raise, and failure to account for other Pentagon costs, including peacekeeping operations. The size of the force needed to meet the two regional wars scenario contributed to the projected budget shortfall. Furthermore, Aspin was on record as favoring the use of U.S. troops in regional conflicts, as opposed to other decisionmakers, including General Colin Powell, chairman of the JCS. Aspin's departure from office early in 1994 left further decisions on the Defense budget to his successor. The final FY 1994 budget amounted to a little under $252 billion in total obligational authority.
Like his predecessors Carlucci and Cheney, Aspin faced the perennial issue of base closures, which could also affect the Defense budget. In March 1993 he released a plan to close an additional 31 large military installations and to shrink or consolidate 134 other sites, projecting a savings of over $3 billion a year beginning in 2000. A new Defense Base Closure and Realignment Commission approved the proposal, which went into effect when Congress accepted it as a package.
The SDI program also held important budget implications. In May 1993 Aspin announced "the end of the Star Wars era," explaining that the collapse of the Soviet Union had determined the fate of SDI. He renamed the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization as the Ballistic Missile Defense Organization (BMDO) and established its priorities as theater and national missile defense and useful follow-on technologies. Aspin's assignment of responsibility for BMDO to the under secretary of defense (acquisition and technology) signified the downgrading of the program.
Global crises and initiatives
While seeking solutions to the complex budget and force structure issues, Aspin found himself beset with difficult regional problems and conflicts that demanded decisions and action. In NATO he pushed the U.S.-sponsored "Partnership for Peace" program to bring together NATO members and nonmembers for military activities, including training maneuvers, equipment sharing, search and rescue, antiterrorist efforts, environmental cleanup, and peacekeeping operations. At a meeting in Brussels in December 1993 the NATO defense ministers agreed to consider for future alliance membership those non-NATO nations that participated in the program. Russian President Boris Yeltsin warned that attempts to bring Eastern European nations into NATO would threaten his country's strategic interests and endanger hopes for the former Soviet bloc's reconciliation with the West. Yeltsin argued that enlarging NATO would reawaken old Russian concerns about encirclement and possibly weaken the cause of democratic reform.
The unstable situation in Haiti, where elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide had been ousted from office by the military in September 1991, presented another regional problem. The United States pressured the military government to restore Aristide. In July 1993, the Haitian military regime agreed to reinstate Aristide by October 30, 1993, but then refused to step down. In October, in an effort Clinton approved even though Aspin opposed it, the United States sent the USS Harlan County carrying 200 troops to Port-au-Prince, Haiti's capital. Met by a hostile mob of armed Haitians, the ship turned away without attempting to undertake its mission, which the Pentagon described as an effort to professionalize the Haitian military and undertake civil assistance projects. Some observers attacked Aspin for not taking a harder stand in the administration against an action he opposed and then aborting the effort in the face of local opposition.
During Aspin's term the U.S. was concerned that Communist North Korea might have underway a nuclear weapons development program. This gave way to alarm when that country refused to allow full inspection of nuclear sites. In November 1993 North Korea demanded that the United States and South Korea cancel a planned joint training exercise as a precondition during discussions on the nuclear issue. Aspin rejected this demand and announced that the United States would suspend plans to withdraw its troops gradually from the peninsula.
In the Persian Gulf area, Iraq remained a problem. In June 1993 two U.S. Navy ships fired Tomahawk missiles against the headquarters building of Iraq's intelligence service in Baghdad in response to evidence of a plot to assassinate former President Bush during a visit to Kuwait. Aspin described the attack as a "wake up call" for Saddam Hussein. Two months later Aspin received a report on the U.S. military performance during the 1991 Gulf War, the result of a study undertaken by the House Armed Services Committee when he chaired it. The report concluded that the U.S. Central Command had greatly exaggerated damage done to Iraqi military equipment, such as tanks and naval vessels, by air strikes. Aspin also had to consider the question of health problems of U.S. service personnel who participated in the action against Iraq. He announced that a preliminary review disclosed no connection between chemical weapon agents and the reported health problems. Nevertheless, he formed a panel of outside experts to examine the issue further.
The worsening crisis in Bosnia commanded attention and demanded some kind of U.S. response. Aspin did not favor using ground forces to intervene in the civil war involving the Bosnian Muslims, Serbs, and Croats, but thought that the use of sophisticated weapons was a more reasonable option. Eventually the administration decided on an airdrop of humanitarian aid, even though Aspin did not favor the plan.
Somalia turned out to be Aspin's biggest headache. A civil war involving various clans had engulfed the country since 1991. Direct U.S. involvement, begun in August 1992, provided food through a military airlift and other means to the people of Somalia. In December 1992, shortly before Aspin became secretary of defense, the United States joined a new Unified Task Force (UNITAF) to provide security as well as food relief. The United States sent 26,000 troops to Somalia to join about 13,000 others from more than 20 nations. UNITAF, operating until May 1993, restored order in Somalia and distributed food widely.
In March 1993, United Nations Operation in Somalia II began in an effort to create conditions to enable the Somalis to rebuild the country. The United States cut its troops in Somalia to some 4,000 and then added 400 Army Rangers in August 1993. At that time, confronting criticism at home that the United States was getting more deeply involved in the factional violence in Somalia without a clear rationale, Aspin explained that U.S. troops would remain until order had been restored in Mogadishu, Somalia's capital, progress had been made in disarming rival clans, and effective police forces were operating in the country's major cities. At the same time the United States increased its military efforts against a leading Somali warlord, Mohamed Farrah Aidid.
Criticism and final days in office
In September 1993, General Powell asked Aspin to approve the request of the U.S. commander in Somalia for tanks, armored vehicles and AC-130 Spectre gunships for his forces. Aspin turned down the request and did not take Powell's request seriously. At some point during a lunch meeting, Powell presented to Aspin on the need of additional tanks, armored vehicles, AC-130 Spectre gunships air-support to support the U.S. Troops that were about to be deployed for Battle of Mogadishu and, discussing the battle preparation instead of paying attention to Powell's recommendation, Aspin caused Powell to grow more irritated. This was believed to be the primary reason for Powell's early departure as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Shortly thereafter Aidid's forces in Mogadishu killed 18 U.S. soldiers and wounded more than 75 in attacks that also resulted in the shooting down of two U.S. helicopters and the capture of one pilot in the Battle of Mogadishu. In the face of severe congressional criticism, Aspin admitted that in view of what had happened he had made a mistake, but stated that the request for armored equipment had been made within the context of delivering humanitarian aid to Somalia rather than protecting troops. In an appearance before a congressional committee to answer questions about the Somalia disaster, Aspin made an unfavorable impression and appeared weak in response to the detailed probing and criticism of his performance. The president publicly defended Aspin but made clear that the White House was not involved in the decision not to send armor reinforcements to Somalia. Several members of Congress called on Clinton to ask for Aspin's resignation.
On 15 December 1993 President Clinton announced Aspin's resignation, for personal reasons. Given the problems that Aspin encountered during his short term, most obviously the losses in Mogadishu, observers assumed that the president had asked him to step down. Speculation in the media centered on the Somalia embarrassment and on Aspin's differences with the Office of Management and Budget over how much the Defense budget should be cut. The secretary's health problems may well have also been a factor. One news magazine stated that Aspin's major handicap was "neither his famously unmilitary bearing nor his inability to discipline himself or the enormous Pentagon bureaucracy; it is his politician's instinct for the middle ground on defense issues." Aspin continued to serve as Secretary of Defense until February 3, 1994, when William Perry took office.
After Aspin's resignation, a number of observers would come to his defense about his job performance. Including Newsweek, who said the real fault for the events in Somalia lay with the United Nations.
Final months and death
After leaving his position, Aspin joined the faculty of Marquette University's international affairs program in Washington and joined the board of directors of the Washington-based think-tank the Henry L. Stimson Center. In March, he became a member of the Commission on Roles and Missions, and in May Clinton chose him to be chairman of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. In March 1995, he began work as chairman of the study group on the Roles and Capabilities of the Intelligence Community.
Aspin had had increasing difficulty during the last years of his life with a congenital heart condition (asymmetric septal hypertrophy; hypertrophic cardiomyopathy/obstructive cardiomyopathy). It necessitated hospitalization during his tenure as Defense Secretary, with placement of a pacemaker. His cardiac disorder was complicated in May 1995 by a stroke, which resulted in his death on May 21, 1995, in Washington, D.C. He was interred at Brookfield's Wisconsin Memorial Park cemetery.
Marquette University named its Les Aspin Center for Government in his honor.
References
Further reading
Aspin, Les. Defense for a New Era: Lessons of the Persian Gulf War (US House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, 1992) online.
External links
Biography at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
Financial information (federal office) at the Federal Election Commission
Legislation sponsored at the Library of Congress
Profile at Vote Smart
Marquette University's Les Aspin Center for Government
Les Aspin's biography on DefenseLink.mil
Interview about the MX missile for the WGBH series, War and Peace in the Nuclear Age
Les Aspin at Find a Grave
Appearances on C-SPAN
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Leslie Aspin Jr. (July 21, 1938 – May 21, 1995) was an American Democratic Party politician who served as the U.S. representative for Wisconsin's 1st congressional district from 1971 to 1993 and as the 18th United States Secretary of Defense under President Bill Clinton from 1993 to 1994.In Congress, Aspin had a reputation as an intellectual who took a middle-of-the-road position on controversial issues. He supported the Reagan administration regarding the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras, but he opposed the B-2 bomber and the Strategic Defense Initiative. He played a major role in convincing the House to support the January 1991 resolution supporting the use of force by President George H. W. Bush against Iraq, after it invaded Kuwait.
He faced complex social issues, such as the roles of homosexuals in uniform, and of women in combat, as well as major decisions regarding the use of military force in Somalia, Bosnia, and Haiti. He proposed budget cuts and restructuring of forces as part of the downsizing of the military after the end of the Cold War. The deaths of U.S. soldiers in Somalia because of inadequate military support led to his resignation.
Early life and education
Aspin was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. He graduated from Shorewood High School. He attended Yale University, where he was admitted to the Zeta Psi fraternity, and graduated summa cum laude in 1960 with a Bachelor of Arts in history. Aspin then attended the University of Oxford, where he received his Master of Philosophy in economics in 1962 and his Doctor of Philosophy in economics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1966.
Aspin met his wife, Maureen Shea, in Saigon during the Vietnam War. Shea, a graduate of Hollins College, was working for a research firm interviewing Vietcong defectors when the two were introduced by a mutual acquaintance. After the project was completed she moved to Wisconsin to work on Aspin's unsuccessful bid for Wisconsin State Treasurer in 1968. The couple became engaged in October 1968 and married in January 1969 in Shea's hometown of Hillsdale, New York. The couple divorced in 1979 and had no children.
Aspin served a brief tenure as a congressional staff member for United States Senator William Proxmire. As an officer in the U.S. Army from 1966 to 1968, he served as a systems analyst in the Pentagon under Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, serving in the Office of Systems Analysis. Before his election as a Democrat to Congress in 1970, Aspin had been active in Wisconsin politics and had taught economics at Marquette University.
U.S. Congress
Aspin ran as a peace candidate in 1970, opposing the Vietnam War. In the Democratic primary he was opposed by Doug La Follette, who was endorsed by the party. Aspin lost the initial count by a few dozen votes, and initially refused to pay for a recount out of his own pocket. It was only after his Kenosha County campaign director, Edwin M. Andersen, was able to garner financial support from numerous supporters, however, that the legendarily thrifty Aspin then demanded a recount and won the primary, by a few dozen votes. In the general election he defeated the incumbent, Henry Schadeberg.
Aspin was elected as a Democrat to the 92nd and to the 11 succeeding Congresses and served from January 3, 1971, until his resignation January 20, 1993. Aspin began his career in the United States House of Representatives as an outsider but honed his particular interest and expertise in defense matters. Before and during his tenure in the House, he had opposed the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War.
In his early years in Congress, he often issued press releases critical of shortcomings he detected in the armed forces. In 1973, he criticized the Air Force for devising a plan to purchase 200 beagle puppies, tie the dogs' vocal cords, and conduct tests of poisonous gases. After Aspin began a publicity campaign against the Air Force's plan, an outraged public sent a record number of letters to the Defense Department, surpassing the amount ever sent about any other subject. In March 1974, Aspin told an audience at Brown University, including future 4-star General Wesley Clark and four West Point cadets: "You, the young officer and cadets sitting there - never in your lifetimes will you see us intervene abroad. We've learned that lesson."By 1985, when Aspin became chairman of the Armed Services Committee, he was recognized as a leading defense authority. His chairmanship caused controversy among some House Democrats, particularly because he supported the Reagan administration's policies on the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras. Although temporarily removed from his committee chair by his Democratic colleagues in January 1987, Aspin weathered the crisis and regained the chairmanship three weeks later. He again broke with many Democrats in January 1991 when he issued a paper supporting the Bush administration's intention to use military force to drive the Iraqis from Kuwait. The accuracy of his prediction that the United States could win a quick military victory with light casualties added to his reputation as a military expert.
Secretary of Defense
Nomination and confirmation
Aspin served as an adviser to Clinton on defense matters during the 1992 presidential campaign. Given Clinton's lack of military experience, appointment of a prominent and respected defense expert to head The Pentagon seemed desirable. Because of his leadership position in the House, Aspin's views on defense issues were well known. He was skeptical about the Strategic Defense Initiative, and favored a smaller Navy, a cut in U.S. troops in Europe, and further reduction of military personnel strength. These positions, along with the assumption that Aspin would work toward a substantial cut in the Defense budget, worried the military. Defense industry leaders applauded Aspin's selection because he favored maintaining a viable defense industrial base. Although questioned extensively, Aspin won easy confirmation in the Senate.
Agenda and early difficulties
"Shortly after he took office, Aspin discussed dangers that had emerged with the end of the Cold War: the uncertainty that reform could succeed in the former Soviet Union; the enhanced possibility that terrorists or terrorist states could acquire nuclear weapons; the likely proliferation of regional conflicts; and the failure to take adequate account of the impact of the state of the domestic economy on U.S. national security interests. Given these conditions and the end of the Cold War, it seemed clear that the Pentagon was entering a period of potentially profound change. Aspin looked like a sound choice to manage this change.
As it turned out, Aspin faced difficulties from the beginning. A serious heart ailment put him in the hospital for several days in February 1993, after barely a month in office. A month later he was back in the hospital for implantation of a heart pacemaker. Even so, he had to deal immediately with the highly charged question of homosexuals in the military, a controversy left over from his predecessor Dick Cheney's tenure. That had become an issue in the 1992 campaign, when Clinton had promised to end discrimination against homosexuals. During his confirmation hearings Aspin indicated that he would take action quickly, and on entering office he presented a plan to the president to discuss the matter with Congress and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and presented a timetable leading to an order dealing with the matter. This plan provoked widespread protest from all sides on the issue."
Gender and sexuality in the military
The fallout from the controversy wounded both Clinton and Aspin politically and dragged on until December 1993, when, after many months of equivocation, confusion, and more controversy, Aspin released new regulations, known as the "Don't ask, don't tell" policy on homosexual conduct in the armed forces: Applicants for the services would not be asked about their sexual orientation, and homosexual orientation would not disqualify anyone from service "unless manifested by homosexual conduct"; military personnel would be judged on suitability for service, not sexual orientation; separation from the service would be based on homosexual acts, same sex marriage, or statements by an individual that he or she was bisexual or homosexual, with the person accorded the opportunity to rebut the presumption of homosexual acts; DoD criminal investigation or law enforcement organizations would not investigate solely to determine a service member's sexual orientation, and sexual orientation questions would not be included in personnel security questionnaires; finally, service members would be informed of DoD policy on sexual conduct during their training. This compromise policy, issued after an agonizing and divisive public debate, did not completely satisfy any of the concerned parties.
Also on the social side, Aspin had to deal with the volatile question of service women in combat. In April 1993 he announced a revised policy on the assignment of women in the armed forces: The services were to allow women to compete for assignments in combat aircraft; the Navy was to open additional ships to women and draft a proposal for Congress to remove existing legislative barriers to the assignment of women to combat vessels; and the Army and Marine Corps were to look for opportunities for women to serve in such components as field artillery and air defense. (This was a response to recommendations made by an ad hoc committee chaired by Barbara S. Pope appointed in the wake of the Tailhook scandal.) Meanwhile, Secretary of the Air Force Sheila E. Widnall became the first woman service secretary.
Defense budget and "bottom-up review"
Development of the Defense budget for FY 1994, beginning on 1 October 1993, remained Aspin's biggest task. The budget process proved more complicated than usual, owing to Clinton's campaign pledge to reduce DoD funding and to a "bottom-up review" of the military structure ordered by Aspin shortly after he took office. The end of the Cold War and the consequent opportunity to cut military costs clearly called for the kind of reevaluation of ends and means that the bottom-up review might contribute. A Pentagon steering group chaired by Under Secretary of Defense (Acquisition and Technology) John M. Deutch and including representatives from various OSD offices, the Joint Staff, and the services conducted the review.
Because of the growing threat of regional conflicts, Aspin wanted to have a strong capability to carry out limited military operations, including peacekeeping, and to maintain "a strong peacetime presence of U.S. forces around the world". The bottom-up review report, which Aspin released in September 1993, took into account strategy formulation, force structure, weapon systems modernization, and Defense infrastructure. The report projected a reduced force structure still capable of fighting and winning two simultaneous major regional conflicts. Forces would include 10 active Army divisions; 11 carrier battle groups, 45 to 55 attack submarines, and about 345 ships; 5 active Marine brigades; and 13 active and 7 reserve Air Force fighter wings. The report also called for additional prepositioned equipment and airlift/sealift capacity, improved anti-armor and precision-guided munitions, and enhanced Army National Guard combat brigade readiness.
The conclusions of the bottom-up review influenced the development of the FY 1994 Defense budget, although detailed work on the budget had begun as soon as Aspin took office. In March 1993 Aspin introduced a FY 1994 budget proposal costing $263.4 billion, about $12 billion below current levels, and reflecting cuts in the military services similar to those later included in the bottom-up review. To some critics of high military spending, Aspin's budget plan differed little from that of the Bush administration.
In the fall of 1993 Aspin began to tell the White House that the five-year Defense budget, reflecting the results of the bottom-up review, would exceed the more than $1 trillion projected by the Clinton administration. In December 1993 he put the anticipated shortfall at no less than $50 billion, the consequence of inaccurate inflation estimates, a military pay raise, and failure to account for other Pentagon costs, including peacekeeping operations. The size of the force needed to meet the two regional wars scenario contributed to the projected budget shortfall. Furthermore, Aspin was on record as favoring the use of U.S. troops in regional conflicts, as opposed to other decisionmakers, including General Colin Powell, chairman of the JCS. Aspin's departure from office early in 1994 left further decisions on the Defense budget to his successor. The final FY 1994 budget amounted to a little under $252 billion in total obligational authority.
Like his predecessors Carlucci and Cheney, Aspin faced the perennial issue of base closures, which could also affect the Defense budget. In March 1993 he released a plan to close an additional 31 large military installations and to shrink or consolidate 134 other sites, projecting a savings of over $3 billion a year beginning in 2000. A new Defense Base Closure and Realignment Commission approved the proposal, which went into effect when Congress accepted it as a package.
The SDI program also held important budget implications. In May 1993 Aspin announced "the end of the Star Wars era," explaining that the collapse of the Soviet Union had determined the fate of SDI. He renamed the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization as the Ballistic Missile Defense Organization (BMDO) and established its priorities as theater and national missile defense and useful follow-on technologies. Aspin's assignment of responsibility for BMDO to the under secretary of defense (acquisition and technology) signified the downgrading of the program.
Global crises and initiatives
While seeking solutions to the complex budget and force structure issues, Aspin found himself beset with difficult regional problems and conflicts that demanded decisions and action. In NATO he pushed the U.S.-sponsored "Partnership for Peace" program to bring together NATO members and nonmembers for military activities, including training maneuvers, equipment sharing, search and rescue, antiterrorist efforts, environmental cleanup, and peacekeeping operations. At a meeting in Brussels in December 1993 the NATO defense ministers agreed to consider for future alliance membership those non-NATO nations that participated in the program. Russian President Boris Yeltsin warned that attempts to bring Eastern European nations into NATO would threaten his country's strategic interests and endanger hopes for the former Soviet bloc's reconciliation with the West. Yeltsin argued that enlarging NATO would reawaken old Russian concerns about encirclement and possibly weaken the cause of democratic reform.
The unstable situation in Haiti, where elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide had been ousted from office by the military in September 1991, presented another regional problem. The United States pressured the military government to restore Aristide. In July 1993, the Haitian military regime agreed to reinstate Aristide by October 30, 1993, but then refused to step down. In October, in an effort Clinton approved even though Aspin opposed it, the United States sent the USS Harlan County carrying 200 troops to Port-au-Prince, Haiti's capital. Met by a hostile mob of armed Haitians, the ship turned away without attempting to undertake its mission, which the Pentagon described as an effort to professionalize the Haitian military and undertake civil assistance projects. Some observers attacked Aspin for not taking a harder stand in the administration against an action he opposed and then aborting the effort in the face of local opposition.
During Aspin's term the U.S. was concerned that Communist North Korea might have underway a nuclear weapons development program. This gave way to alarm when that country refused to allow full inspection of nuclear sites. In November 1993 North Korea demanded that the United States and South Korea cancel a planned joint training exercise as a precondition during discussions on the nuclear issue. Aspin rejected this demand and announced that the United States would suspend plans to withdraw its troops gradually from the peninsula.
In the Persian Gulf area, Iraq remained a problem. In June 1993 two U.S. Navy ships fired Tomahawk missiles against the headquarters building of Iraq's intelligence service in Baghdad in response to evidence of a plot to assassinate former President Bush during a visit to Kuwait. Aspin described the attack as a "wake up call" for Saddam Hussein. Two months later Aspin received a report on the U.S. military performance during the 1991 Gulf War, the result of a study undertaken by the House Armed Services Committee when he chaired it. The report concluded that the U.S. Central Command had greatly exaggerated damage done to Iraqi military equipment, such as tanks and naval vessels, by air strikes. Aspin also had to consider the question of health problems of U.S. service personnel who participated in the action against Iraq. He announced that a preliminary review disclosed no connection between chemical weapon agents and the reported health problems. Nevertheless, he formed a panel of outside experts to examine the issue further.
The worsening crisis in Bosnia commanded attention and demanded some kind of U.S. response. Aspin did not favor using ground forces to intervene in the civil war involving the Bosnian Muslims, Serbs, and Croats, but thought that the use of sophisticated weapons was a more reasonable option. Eventually the administration decided on an airdrop of humanitarian aid, even though Aspin did not favor the plan.
Somalia turned out to be Aspin's biggest headache. A civil war involving various clans had engulfed the country since 1991. Direct U.S. involvement, begun in August 1992, provided food through a military airlift and other means to the people of Somalia. In December 1992, shortly before Aspin became secretary of defense, the United States joined a new Unified Task Force (UNITAF) to provide security as well as food relief. The United States sent 26,000 troops to Somalia to join about 13,000 others from more than 20 nations. UNITAF, operating until May 1993, restored order in Somalia and distributed food widely.
In March 1993, United Nations Operation in Somalia II began in an effort to create conditions to enable the Somalis to rebuild the country. The United States cut its troops in Somalia to some 4,000 and then added 400 Army Rangers in August 1993. At that time, confronting criticism at home that the United States was getting more deeply involved in the factional violence in Somalia without a clear rationale, Aspin explained that U.S. troops would remain until order had been restored in Mogadishu, Somalia's capital, progress had been made in disarming rival clans, and effective police forces were operating in the country's major cities. At the same time the United States increased its military efforts against a leading Somali warlord, Mohamed Farrah Aidid.
Criticism and final days in office
In September 1993, General Powell asked Aspin to approve the request of the U.S. commander in Somalia for tanks, armored vehicles and AC-130 Spectre gunships for his forces. Aspin turned down the request and did not take Powell's request seriously. At some point during a lunch meeting, Powell presented to Aspin on the need of additional tanks, armored vehicles, AC-130 Spectre gunships air-support to support the U.S. Troops that were about to be deployed for Battle of Mogadishu and, discussing the battle preparation instead of paying attention to Powell's recommendation, Aspin caused Powell to grow more irritated. This was believed to be the primary reason for Powell's early departure as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Shortly thereafter Aidid's forces in Mogadishu killed 18 U.S. soldiers and wounded more than 75 in attacks that also resulted in the shooting down of two U.S. helicopters and the capture of one pilot in the Battle of Mogadishu. In the face of severe congressional criticism, Aspin admitted that in view of what had happened he had made a mistake, but stated that the request for armored equipment had been made within the context of delivering humanitarian aid to Somalia rather than protecting troops. In an appearance before a congressional committee to answer questions about the Somalia disaster, Aspin made an unfavorable impression and appeared weak in response to the detailed probing and criticism of his performance. The president publicly defended Aspin but made clear that the White House was not involved in the decision not to send armor reinforcements to Somalia. Several members of Congress called on Clinton to ask for Aspin's resignation.
On 15 December 1993 President Clinton announced Aspin's resignation, for personal reasons. Given the problems that Aspin encountered during his short term, most obviously the losses in Mogadishu, observers assumed that the president had asked him to step down. Speculation in the media centered on the Somalia embarrassment and on Aspin's differences with the Office of Management and Budget over how much the Defense budget should be cut. The secretary's health problems may well have also been a factor. One news magazine stated that Aspin's major handicap was "neither his famously unmilitary bearing nor his inability to discipline himself or the enormous Pentagon bureaucracy; it is his politician's instinct for the middle ground on defense issues." Aspin continued to serve as Secretary of Defense until February 3, 1994, when William Perry took office.
After Aspin's resignation, a number of observers would come to his defense about his job performance. Including Newsweek, who said the real fault for the events in Somalia lay with the United Nations.
Final months and death
After leaving his position, Aspin joined the faculty of Marquette University's international affairs program in Washington and joined the board of directors of the Washington-based think-tank the Henry L. Stimson Center. In March, he became a member of the Commission on Roles and Missions, and in May Clinton chose him to be chairman of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. In March 1995, he began work as chairman of the study group on the Roles and Capabilities of the Intelligence Community.
Aspin had had increasing difficulty during the last years of his life with a congenital heart condition (asymmetric septal hypertrophy; hypertrophic cardiomyopathy/obstructive cardiomyopathy). It necessitated hospitalization during his tenure as Defense Secretary, with placement of a pacemaker. His cardiac disorder was complicated in May 1995 by a stroke, which resulted in his death on May 21, 1995, in Washington, D.C. He was interred at Brookfield's Wisconsin Memorial Park cemetery.
Marquette University named its Les Aspin Center for Government in his honor.
References
Further reading
Aspin, Les. Defense for a New Era: Lessons of the Persian Gulf War (US House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, 1992) online.
External links
Biography at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
Financial information (federal office) at the Federal Election Commission
Legislation sponsored at the Library of Congress
Profile at Vote Smart
Marquette University's Les Aspin Center for Government
Les Aspin's biography on DefenseLink.mil
Interview about the MX missile for the WGBH series, War and Peace in the Nuclear Age
Les Aspin at Find a Grave
Appearances on C-SPAN
|
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Leslie Aspin Jr. (July 21, 1938 – May 21, 1995) was an American Democratic Party politician who served as the U.S. representative for Wisconsin's 1st congressional district from 1971 to 1993 and as the 18th United States Secretary of Defense under President Bill Clinton from 1993 to 1994.In Congress, Aspin had a reputation as an intellectual who took a middle-of-the-road position on controversial issues. He supported the Reagan administration regarding the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras, but he opposed the B-2 bomber and the Strategic Defense Initiative. He played a major role in convincing the House to support the January 1991 resolution supporting the use of force by President George H. W. Bush against Iraq, after it invaded Kuwait.
He faced complex social issues, such as the roles of homosexuals in uniform, and of women in combat, as well as major decisions regarding the use of military force in Somalia, Bosnia, and Haiti. He proposed budget cuts and restructuring of forces as part of the downsizing of the military after the end of the Cold War. The deaths of U.S. soldiers in Somalia because of inadequate military support led to his resignation.
Early life and education
Aspin was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. He graduated from Shorewood High School. He attended Yale University, where he was admitted to the Zeta Psi fraternity, and graduated summa cum laude in 1960 with a Bachelor of Arts in history. Aspin then attended the University of Oxford, where he received his Master of Philosophy in economics in 1962 and his Doctor of Philosophy in economics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1966.
Aspin met his wife, Maureen Shea, in Saigon during the Vietnam War. Shea, a graduate of Hollins College, was working for a research firm interviewing Vietcong defectors when the two were introduced by a mutual acquaintance. After the project was completed she moved to Wisconsin to work on Aspin's unsuccessful bid for Wisconsin State Treasurer in 1968. The couple became engaged in October 1968 and married in January 1969 in Shea's hometown of Hillsdale, New York. The couple divorced in 1979 and had no children.
Aspin served a brief tenure as a congressional staff member for United States Senator William Proxmire. As an officer in the U.S. Army from 1966 to 1968, he served as a systems analyst in the Pentagon under Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, serving in the Office of Systems Analysis. Before his election as a Democrat to Congress in 1970, Aspin had been active in Wisconsin politics and had taught economics at Marquette University.
U.S. Congress
Aspin ran as a peace candidate in 1970, opposing the Vietnam War. In the Democratic primary he was opposed by Doug La Follette, who was endorsed by the party. Aspin lost the initial count by a few dozen votes, and initially refused to pay for a recount out of his own pocket. It was only after his Kenosha County campaign director, Edwin M. Andersen, was able to garner financial support from numerous supporters, however, that the legendarily thrifty Aspin then demanded a recount and won the primary, by a few dozen votes. In the general election he defeated the incumbent, Henry Schadeberg.
Aspin was elected as a Democrat to the 92nd and to the 11 succeeding Congresses and served from January 3, 1971, until his resignation January 20, 1993. Aspin began his career in the United States House of Representatives as an outsider but honed his particular interest and expertise in defense matters. Before and during his tenure in the House, he had opposed the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War.
In his early years in Congress, he often issued press releases critical of shortcomings he detected in the armed forces. In 1973, he criticized the Air Force for devising a plan to purchase 200 beagle puppies, tie the dogs' vocal cords, and conduct tests of poisonous gases. After Aspin began a publicity campaign against the Air Force's plan, an outraged public sent a record number of letters to the Defense Department, surpassing the amount ever sent about any other subject. In March 1974, Aspin told an audience at Brown University, including future 4-star General Wesley Clark and four West Point cadets: "You, the young officer and cadets sitting there - never in your lifetimes will you see us intervene abroad. We've learned that lesson."By 1985, when Aspin became chairman of the Armed Services Committee, he was recognized as a leading defense authority. His chairmanship caused controversy among some House Democrats, particularly because he supported the Reagan administration's policies on the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras. Although temporarily removed from his committee chair by his Democratic colleagues in January 1987, Aspin weathered the crisis and regained the chairmanship three weeks later. He again broke with many Democrats in January 1991 when he issued a paper supporting the Bush administration's intention to use military force to drive the Iraqis from Kuwait. The accuracy of his prediction that the United States could win a quick military victory with light casualties added to his reputation as a military expert.
Secretary of Defense
Nomination and confirmation
Aspin served as an adviser to Clinton on defense matters during the 1992 presidential campaign. Given Clinton's lack of military experience, appointment of a prominent and respected defense expert to head The Pentagon seemed desirable. Because of his leadership position in the House, Aspin's views on defense issues were well known. He was skeptical about the Strategic Defense Initiative, and favored a smaller Navy, a cut in U.S. troops in Europe, and further reduction of military personnel strength. These positions, along with the assumption that Aspin would work toward a substantial cut in the Defense budget, worried the military. Defense industry leaders applauded Aspin's selection because he favored maintaining a viable defense industrial base. Although questioned extensively, Aspin won easy confirmation in the Senate.
Agenda and early difficulties
"Shortly after he took office, Aspin discussed dangers that had emerged with the end of the Cold War: the uncertainty that reform could succeed in the former Soviet Union; the enhanced possibility that terrorists or terrorist states could acquire nuclear weapons; the likely proliferation of regional conflicts; and the failure to take adequate account of the impact of the state of the domestic economy on U.S. national security interests. Given these conditions and the end of the Cold War, it seemed clear that the Pentagon was entering a period of potentially profound change. Aspin looked like a sound choice to manage this change.
As it turned out, Aspin faced difficulties from the beginning. A serious heart ailment put him in the hospital for several days in February 1993, after barely a month in office. A month later he was back in the hospital for implantation of a heart pacemaker. Even so, he had to deal immediately with the highly charged question of homosexuals in the military, a controversy left over from his predecessor Dick Cheney's tenure. That had become an issue in the 1992 campaign, when Clinton had promised to end discrimination against homosexuals. During his confirmation hearings Aspin indicated that he would take action quickly, and on entering office he presented a plan to the president to discuss the matter with Congress and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and presented a timetable leading to an order dealing with the matter. This plan provoked widespread protest from all sides on the issue."
Gender and sexuality in the military
The fallout from the controversy wounded both Clinton and Aspin politically and dragged on until December 1993, when, after many months of equivocation, confusion, and more controversy, Aspin released new regulations, known as the "Don't ask, don't tell" policy on homosexual conduct in the armed forces: Applicants for the services would not be asked about their sexual orientation, and homosexual orientation would not disqualify anyone from service "unless manifested by homosexual conduct"; military personnel would be judged on suitability for service, not sexual orientation; separation from the service would be based on homosexual acts, same sex marriage, or statements by an individual that he or she was bisexual or homosexual, with the person accorded the opportunity to rebut the presumption of homosexual acts; DoD criminal investigation or law enforcement organizations would not investigate solely to determine a service member's sexual orientation, and sexual orientation questions would not be included in personnel security questionnaires; finally, service members would be informed of DoD policy on sexual conduct during their training. This compromise policy, issued after an agonizing and divisive public debate, did not completely satisfy any of the concerned parties.
Also on the social side, Aspin had to deal with the volatile question of service women in combat. In April 1993 he announced a revised policy on the assignment of women in the armed forces: The services were to allow women to compete for assignments in combat aircraft; the Navy was to open additional ships to women and draft a proposal for Congress to remove existing legislative barriers to the assignment of women to combat vessels; and the Army and Marine Corps were to look for opportunities for women to serve in such components as field artillery and air defense. (This was a response to recommendations made by an ad hoc committee chaired by Barbara S. Pope appointed in the wake of the Tailhook scandal.) Meanwhile, Secretary of the Air Force Sheila E. Widnall became the first woman service secretary.
Defense budget and "bottom-up review"
Development of the Defense budget for FY 1994, beginning on 1 October 1993, remained Aspin's biggest task. The budget process proved more complicated than usual, owing to Clinton's campaign pledge to reduce DoD funding and to a "bottom-up review" of the military structure ordered by Aspin shortly after he took office. The end of the Cold War and the consequent opportunity to cut military costs clearly called for the kind of reevaluation of ends and means that the bottom-up review might contribute. A Pentagon steering group chaired by Under Secretary of Defense (Acquisition and Technology) John M. Deutch and including representatives from various OSD offices, the Joint Staff, and the services conducted the review.
Because of the growing threat of regional conflicts, Aspin wanted to have a strong capability to carry out limited military operations, including peacekeeping, and to maintain "a strong peacetime presence of U.S. forces around the world". The bottom-up review report, which Aspin released in September 1993, took into account strategy formulation, force structure, weapon systems modernization, and Defense infrastructure. The report projected a reduced force structure still capable of fighting and winning two simultaneous major regional conflicts. Forces would include 10 active Army divisions; 11 carrier battle groups, 45 to 55 attack submarines, and about 345 ships; 5 active Marine brigades; and 13 active and 7 reserve Air Force fighter wings. The report also called for additional prepositioned equipment and airlift/sealift capacity, improved anti-armor and precision-guided munitions, and enhanced Army National Guard combat brigade readiness.
The conclusions of the bottom-up review influenced the development of the FY 1994 Defense budget, although detailed work on the budget had begun as soon as Aspin took office. In March 1993 Aspin introduced a FY 1994 budget proposal costing $263.4 billion, about $12 billion below current levels, and reflecting cuts in the military services similar to those later included in the bottom-up review. To some critics of high military spending, Aspin's budget plan differed little from that of the Bush administration.
In the fall of 1993 Aspin began to tell the White House that the five-year Defense budget, reflecting the results of the bottom-up review, would exceed the more than $1 trillion projected by the Clinton administration. In December 1993 he put the anticipated shortfall at no less than $50 billion, the consequence of inaccurate inflation estimates, a military pay raise, and failure to account for other Pentagon costs, including peacekeeping operations. The size of the force needed to meet the two regional wars scenario contributed to the projected budget shortfall. Furthermore, Aspin was on record as favoring the use of U.S. troops in regional conflicts, as opposed to other decisionmakers, including General Colin Powell, chairman of the JCS. Aspin's departure from office early in 1994 left further decisions on the Defense budget to his successor. The final FY 1994 budget amounted to a little under $252 billion in total obligational authority.
Like his predecessors Carlucci and Cheney, Aspin faced the perennial issue of base closures, which could also affect the Defense budget. In March 1993 he released a plan to close an additional 31 large military installations and to shrink or consolidate 134 other sites, projecting a savings of over $3 billion a year beginning in 2000. A new Defense Base Closure and Realignment Commission approved the proposal, which went into effect when Congress accepted it as a package.
The SDI program also held important budget implications. In May 1993 Aspin announced "the end of the Star Wars era," explaining that the collapse of the Soviet Union had determined the fate of SDI. He renamed the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization as the Ballistic Missile Defense Organization (BMDO) and established its priorities as theater and national missile defense and useful follow-on technologies. Aspin's assignment of responsibility for BMDO to the under secretary of defense (acquisition and technology) signified the downgrading of the program.
Global crises and initiatives
While seeking solutions to the complex budget and force structure issues, Aspin found himself beset with difficult regional problems and conflicts that demanded decisions and action. In NATO he pushed the U.S.-sponsored "Partnership for Peace" program to bring together NATO members and nonmembers for military activities, including training maneuvers, equipment sharing, search and rescue, antiterrorist efforts, environmental cleanup, and peacekeeping operations. At a meeting in Brussels in December 1993 the NATO defense ministers agreed to consider for future alliance membership those non-NATO nations that participated in the program. Russian President Boris Yeltsin warned that attempts to bring Eastern European nations into NATO would threaten his country's strategic interests and endanger hopes for the former Soviet bloc's reconciliation with the West. Yeltsin argued that enlarging NATO would reawaken old Russian concerns about encirclement and possibly weaken the cause of democratic reform.
The unstable situation in Haiti, where elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide had been ousted from office by the military in September 1991, presented another regional problem. The United States pressured the military government to restore Aristide. In July 1993, the Haitian military regime agreed to reinstate Aristide by October 30, 1993, but then refused to step down. In October, in an effort Clinton approved even though Aspin opposed it, the United States sent the USS Harlan County carrying 200 troops to Port-au-Prince, Haiti's capital. Met by a hostile mob of armed Haitians, the ship turned away without attempting to undertake its mission, which the Pentagon described as an effort to professionalize the Haitian military and undertake civil assistance projects. Some observers attacked Aspin for not taking a harder stand in the administration against an action he opposed and then aborting the effort in the face of local opposition.
During Aspin's term the U.S. was concerned that Communist North Korea might have underway a nuclear weapons development program. This gave way to alarm when that country refused to allow full inspection of nuclear sites. In November 1993 North Korea demanded that the United States and South Korea cancel a planned joint training exercise as a precondition during discussions on the nuclear issue. Aspin rejected this demand and announced that the United States would suspend plans to withdraw its troops gradually from the peninsula.
In the Persian Gulf area, Iraq remained a problem. In June 1993 two U.S. Navy ships fired Tomahawk missiles against the headquarters building of Iraq's intelligence service in Baghdad in response to evidence of a plot to assassinate former President Bush during a visit to Kuwait. Aspin described the attack as a "wake up call" for Saddam Hussein. Two months later Aspin received a report on the U.S. military performance during the 1991 Gulf War, the result of a study undertaken by the House Armed Services Committee when he chaired it. The report concluded that the U.S. Central Command had greatly exaggerated damage done to Iraqi military equipment, such as tanks and naval vessels, by air strikes. Aspin also had to consider the question of health problems of U.S. service personnel who participated in the action against Iraq. He announced that a preliminary review disclosed no connection between chemical weapon agents and the reported health problems. Nevertheless, he formed a panel of outside experts to examine the issue further.
The worsening crisis in Bosnia commanded attention and demanded some kind of U.S. response. Aspin did not favor using ground forces to intervene in the civil war involving the Bosnian Muslims, Serbs, and Croats, but thought that the use of sophisticated weapons was a more reasonable option. Eventually the administration decided on an airdrop of humanitarian aid, even though Aspin did not favor the plan.
Somalia turned out to be Aspin's biggest headache. A civil war involving various clans had engulfed the country since 1991. Direct U.S. involvement, begun in August 1992, provided food through a military airlift and other means to the people of Somalia. In December 1992, shortly before Aspin became secretary of defense, the United States joined a new Unified Task Force (UNITAF) to provide security as well as food relief. The United States sent 26,000 troops to Somalia to join about 13,000 others from more than 20 nations. UNITAF, operating until May 1993, restored order in Somalia and distributed food widely.
In March 1993, United Nations Operation in Somalia II began in an effort to create conditions to enable the Somalis to rebuild the country. The United States cut its troops in Somalia to some 4,000 and then added 400 Army Rangers in August 1993. At that time, confronting criticism at home that the United States was getting more deeply involved in the factional violence in Somalia without a clear rationale, Aspin explained that U.S. troops would remain until order had been restored in Mogadishu, Somalia's capital, progress had been made in disarming rival clans, and effective police forces were operating in the country's major cities. At the same time the United States increased its military efforts against a leading Somali warlord, Mohamed Farrah Aidid.
Criticism and final days in office
In September 1993, General Powell asked Aspin to approve the request of the U.S. commander in Somalia for tanks, armored vehicles and AC-130 Spectre gunships for his forces. Aspin turned down the request and did not take Powell's request seriously. At some point during a lunch meeting, Powell presented to Aspin on the need of additional tanks, armored vehicles, AC-130 Spectre gunships air-support to support the U.S. Troops that were about to be deployed for Battle of Mogadishu and, discussing the battle preparation instead of paying attention to Powell's recommendation, Aspin caused Powell to grow more irritated. This was believed to be the primary reason for Powell's early departure as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Shortly thereafter Aidid's forces in Mogadishu killed 18 U.S. soldiers and wounded more than 75 in attacks that also resulted in the shooting down of two U.S. helicopters and the capture of one pilot in the Battle of Mogadishu. In the face of severe congressional criticism, Aspin admitted that in view of what had happened he had made a mistake, but stated that the request for armored equipment had been made within the context of delivering humanitarian aid to Somalia rather than protecting troops. In an appearance before a congressional committee to answer questions about the Somalia disaster, Aspin made an unfavorable impression and appeared weak in response to the detailed probing and criticism of his performance. The president publicly defended Aspin but made clear that the White House was not involved in the decision not to send armor reinforcements to Somalia. Several members of Congress called on Clinton to ask for Aspin's resignation.
On 15 December 1993 President Clinton announced Aspin's resignation, for personal reasons. Given the problems that Aspin encountered during his short term, most obviously the losses in Mogadishu, observers assumed that the president had asked him to step down. Speculation in the media centered on the Somalia embarrassment and on Aspin's differences with the Office of Management and Budget over how much the Defense budget should be cut. The secretary's health problems may well have also been a factor. One news magazine stated that Aspin's major handicap was "neither his famously unmilitary bearing nor his inability to discipline himself or the enormous Pentagon bureaucracy; it is his politician's instinct for the middle ground on defense issues." Aspin continued to serve as Secretary of Defense until February 3, 1994, when William Perry took office.
After Aspin's resignation, a number of observers would come to his defense about his job performance. Including Newsweek, who said the real fault for the events in Somalia lay with the United Nations.
Final months and death
After leaving his position, Aspin joined the faculty of Marquette University's international affairs program in Washington and joined the board of directors of the Washington-based think-tank the Henry L. Stimson Center. In March, he became a member of the Commission on Roles and Missions, and in May Clinton chose him to be chairman of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. In March 1995, he began work as chairman of the study group on the Roles and Capabilities of the Intelligence Community.
Aspin had had increasing difficulty during the last years of his life with a congenital heart condition (asymmetric septal hypertrophy; hypertrophic cardiomyopathy/obstructive cardiomyopathy). It necessitated hospitalization during his tenure as Defense Secretary, with placement of a pacemaker. His cardiac disorder was complicated in May 1995 by a stroke, which resulted in his death on May 21, 1995, in Washington, D.C. He was interred at Brookfield's Wisconsin Memorial Park cemetery.
Marquette University named its Les Aspin Center for Government in his honor.
References
Further reading
Aspin, Les. Defense for a New Era: Lessons of the Persian Gulf War (US House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, 1992) online.
External links
Biography at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
Financial information (federal office) at the Federal Election Commission
Legislation sponsored at the Library of Congress
Profile at Vote Smart
Marquette University's Les Aspin Center for Government
Les Aspin's biography on DefenseLink.mil
Interview about the MX missile for the WGBH series, War and Peace in the Nuclear Age
Les Aspin at Find a Grave
Appearances on C-SPAN
|
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Leslie Aspin Jr. (July 21, 1938 – May 21, 1995) was an American Democratic Party politician who served as the U.S. representative for Wisconsin's 1st congressional district from 1971 to 1993 and as the 18th United States Secretary of Defense under President Bill Clinton from 1993 to 1994.In Congress, Aspin had a reputation as an intellectual who took a middle-of-the-road position on controversial issues. He supported the Reagan administration regarding the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras, but he opposed the B-2 bomber and the Strategic Defense Initiative. He played a major role in convincing the House to support the January 1991 resolution supporting the use of force by President George H. W. Bush against Iraq, after it invaded Kuwait.
He faced complex social issues, such as the roles of homosexuals in uniform, and of women in combat, as well as major decisions regarding the use of military force in Somalia, Bosnia, and Haiti. He proposed budget cuts and restructuring of forces as part of the downsizing of the military after the end of the Cold War. The deaths of U.S. soldiers in Somalia because of inadequate military support led to his resignation.
Early life and education
Aspin was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. He graduated from Shorewood High School. He attended Yale University, where he was admitted to the Zeta Psi fraternity, and graduated summa cum laude in 1960 with a Bachelor of Arts in history. Aspin then attended the University of Oxford, where he received his Master of Philosophy in economics in 1962 and his Doctor of Philosophy in economics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1966.
Aspin met his wife, Maureen Shea, in Saigon during the Vietnam War. Shea, a graduate of Hollins College, was working for a research firm interviewing Vietcong defectors when the two were introduced by a mutual acquaintance. After the project was completed she moved to Wisconsin to work on Aspin's unsuccessful bid for Wisconsin State Treasurer in 1968. The couple became engaged in October 1968 and married in January 1969 in Shea's hometown of Hillsdale, New York. The couple divorced in 1979 and had no children.
Aspin served a brief tenure as a congressional staff member for United States Senator William Proxmire. As an officer in the U.S. Army from 1966 to 1968, he served as a systems analyst in the Pentagon under Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, serving in the Office of Systems Analysis. Before his election as a Democrat to Congress in 1970, Aspin had been active in Wisconsin politics and had taught economics at Marquette University.
U.S. Congress
Aspin ran as a peace candidate in 1970, opposing the Vietnam War. In the Democratic primary he was opposed by Doug La Follette, who was endorsed by the party. Aspin lost the initial count by a few dozen votes, and initially refused to pay for a recount out of his own pocket. It was only after his Kenosha County campaign director, Edwin M. Andersen, was able to garner financial support from numerous supporters, however, that the legendarily thrifty Aspin then demanded a recount and won the primary, by a few dozen votes. In the general election he defeated the incumbent, Henry Schadeberg.
Aspin was elected as a Democrat to the 92nd and to the 11 succeeding Congresses and served from January 3, 1971, until his resignation January 20, 1993. Aspin began his career in the United States House of Representatives as an outsider but honed his particular interest and expertise in defense matters. Before and during his tenure in the House, he had opposed the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War.
In his early years in Congress, he often issued press releases critical of shortcomings he detected in the armed forces. In 1973, he criticized the Air Force for devising a plan to purchase 200 beagle puppies, tie the dogs' vocal cords, and conduct tests of poisonous gases. After Aspin began a publicity campaign against the Air Force's plan, an outraged public sent a record number of letters to the Defense Department, surpassing the amount ever sent about any other subject. In March 1974, Aspin told an audience at Brown University, including future 4-star General Wesley Clark and four West Point cadets: "You, the young officer and cadets sitting there - never in your lifetimes will you see us intervene abroad. We've learned that lesson."By 1985, when Aspin became chairman of the Armed Services Committee, he was recognized as a leading defense authority. His chairmanship caused controversy among some House Democrats, particularly because he supported the Reagan administration's policies on the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras. Although temporarily removed from his committee chair by his Democratic colleagues in January 1987, Aspin weathered the crisis and regained the chairmanship three weeks later. He again broke with many Democrats in January 1991 when he issued a paper supporting the Bush administration's intention to use military force to drive the Iraqis from Kuwait. The accuracy of his prediction that the United States could win a quick military victory with light casualties added to his reputation as a military expert.
Secretary of Defense
Nomination and confirmation
Aspin served as an adviser to Clinton on defense matters during the 1992 presidential campaign. Given Clinton's lack of military experience, appointment of a prominent and respected defense expert to head The Pentagon seemed desirable. Because of his leadership position in the House, Aspin's views on defense issues were well known. He was skeptical about the Strategic Defense Initiative, and favored a smaller Navy, a cut in U.S. troops in Europe, and further reduction of military personnel strength. These positions, along with the assumption that Aspin would work toward a substantial cut in the Defense budget, worried the military. Defense industry leaders applauded Aspin's selection because he favored maintaining a viable defense industrial base. Although questioned extensively, Aspin won easy confirmation in the Senate.
Agenda and early difficulties
"Shortly after he took office, Aspin discussed dangers that had emerged with the end of the Cold War: the uncertainty that reform could succeed in the former Soviet Union; the enhanced possibility that terrorists or terrorist states could acquire nuclear weapons; the likely proliferation of regional conflicts; and the failure to take adequate account of the impact of the state of the domestic economy on U.S. national security interests. Given these conditions and the end of the Cold War, it seemed clear that the Pentagon was entering a period of potentially profound change. Aspin looked like a sound choice to manage this change.
As it turned out, Aspin faced difficulties from the beginning. A serious heart ailment put him in the hospital for several days in February 1993, after barely a month in office. A month later he was back in the hospital for implantation of a heart pacemaker. Even so, he had to deal immediately with the highly charged question of homosexuals in the military, a controversy left over from his predecessor Dick Cheney's tenure. That had become an issue in the 1992 campaign, when Clinton had promised to end discrimination against homosexuals. During his confirmation hearings Aspin indicated that he would take action quickly, and on entering office he presented a plan to the president to discuss the matter with Congress and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and presented a timetable leading to an order dealing with the matter. This plan provoked widespread protest from all sides on the issue."
Gender and sexuality in the military
The fallout from the controversy wounded both Clinton and Aspin politically and dragged on until December 1993, when, after many months of equivocation, confusion, and more controversy, Aspin released new regulations, known as the "Don't ask, don't tell" policy on homosexual conduct in the armed forces: Applicants for the services would not be asked about their sexual orientation, and homosexual orientation would not disqualify anyone from service "unless manifested by homosexual conduct"; military personnel would be judged on suitability for service, not sexual orientation; separation from the service would be based on homosexual acts, same sex marriage, or statements by an individual that he or she was bisexual or homosexual, with the person accorded the opportunity to rebut the presumption of homosexual acts; DoD criminal investigation or law enforcement organizations would not investigate solely to determine a service member's sexual orientation, and sexual orientation questions would not be included in personnel security questionnaires; finally, service members would be informed of DoD policy on sexual conduct during their training. This compromise policy, issued after an agonizing and divisive public debate, did not completely satisfy any of the concerned parties.
Also on the social side, Aspin had to deal with the volatile question of service women in combat. In April 1993 he announced a revised policy on the assignment of women in the armed forces: The services were to allow women to compete for assignments in combat aircraft; the Navy was to open additional ships to women and draft a proposal for Congress to remove existing legislative barriers to the assignment of women to combat vessels; and the Army and Marine Corps were to look for opportunities for women to serve in such components as field artillery and air defense. (This was a response to recommendations made by an ad hoc committee chaired by Barbara S. Pope appointed in the wake of the Tailhook scandal.) Meanwhile, Secretary of the Air Force Sheila E. Widnall became the first woman service secretary.
Defense budget and "bottom-up review"
Development of the Defense budget for FY 1994, beginning on 1 October 1993, remained Aspin's biggest task. The budget process proved more complicated than usual, owing to Clinton's campaign pledge to reduce DoD funding and to a "bottom-up review" of the military structure ordered by Aspin shortly after he took office. The end of the Cold War and the consequent opportunity to cut military costs clearly called for the kind of reevaluation of ends and means that the bottom-up review might contribute. A Pentagon steering group chaired by Under Secretary of Defense (Acquisition and Technology) John M. Deutch and including representatives from various OSD offices, the Joint Staff, and the services conducted the review.
Because of the growing threat of regional conflicts, Aspin wanted to have a strong capability to carry out limited military operations, including peacekeeping, and to maintain "a strong peacetime presence of U.S. forces around the world". The bottom-up review report, which Aspin released in September 1993, took into account strategy formulation, force structure, weapon systems modernization, and Defense infrastructure. The report projected a reduced force structure still capable of fighting and winning two simultaneous major regional conflicts. Forces would include 10 active Army divisions; 11 carrier battle groups, 45 to 55 attack submarines, and about 345 ships; 5 active Marine brigades; and 13 active and 7 reserve Air Force fighter wings. The report also called for additional prepositioned equipment and airlift/sealift capacity, improved anti-armor and precision-guided munitions, and enhanced Army National Guard combat brigade readiness.
The conclusions of the bottom-up review influenced the development of the FY 1994 Defense budget, although detailed work on the budget had begun as soon as Aspin took office. In March 1993 Aspin introduced a FY 1994 budget proposal costing $263.4 billion, about $12 billion below current levels, and reflecting cuts in the military services similar to those later included in the bottom-up review. To some critics of high military spending, Aspin's budget plan differed little from that of the Bush administration.
In the fall of 1993 Aspin began to tell the White House that the five-year Defense budget, reflecting the results of the bottom-up review, would exceed the more than $1 trillion projected by the Clinton administration. In December 1993 he put the anticipated shortfall at no less than $50 billion, the consequence of inaccurate inflation estimates, a military pay raise, and failure to account for other Pentagon costs, including peacekeeping operations. The size of the force needed to meet the two regional wars scenario contributed to the projected budget shortfall. Furthermore, Aspin was on record as favoring the use of U.S. troops in regional conflicts, as opposed to other decisionmakers, including General Colin Powell, chairman of the JCS. Aspin's departure from office early in 1994 left further decisions on the Defense budget to his successor. The final FY 1994 budget amounted to a little under $252 billion in total obligational authority.
Like his predecessors Carlucci and Cheney, Aspin faced the perennial issue of base closures, which could also affect the Defense budget. In March 1993 he released a plan to close an additional 31 large military installations and to shrink or consolidate 134 other sites, projecting a savings of over $3 billion a year beginning in 2000. A new Defense Base Closure and Realignment Commission approved the proposal, which went into effect when Congress accepted it as a package.
The SDI program also held important budget implications. In May 1993 Aspin announced "the end of the Star Wars era," explaining that the collapse of the Soviet Union had determined the fate of SDI. He renamed the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization as the Ballistic Missile Defense Organization (BMDO) and established its priorities as theater and national missile defense and useful follow-on technologies. Aspin's assignment of responsibility for BMDO to the under secretary of defense (acquisition and technology) signified the downgrading of the program.
Global crises and initiatives
While seeking solutions to the complex budget and force structure issues, Aspin found himself beset with difficult regional problems and conflicts that demanded decisions and action. In NATO he pushed the U.S.-sponsored "Partnership for Peace" program to bring together NATO members and nonmembers for military activities, including training maneuvers, equipment sharing, search and rescue, antiterrorist efforts, environmental cleanup, and peacekeeping operations. At a meeting in Brussels in December 1993 the NATO defense ministers agreed to consider for future alliance membership those non-NATO nations that participated in the program. Russian President Boris Yeltsin warned that attempts to bring Eastern European nations into NATO would threaten his country's strategic interests and endanger hopes for the former Soviet bloc's reconciliation with the West. Yeltsin argued that enlarging NATO would reawaken old Russian concerns about encirclement and possibly weaken the cause of democratic reform.
The unstable situation in Haiti, where elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide had been ousted from office by the military in September 1991, presented another regional problem. The United States pressured the military government to restore Aristide. In July 1993, the Haitian military regime agreed to reinstate Aristide by October 30, 1993, but then refused to step down. In October, in an effort Clinton approved even though Aspin opposed it, the United States sent the USS Harlan County carrying 200 troops to Port-au-Prince, Haiti's capital. Met by a hostile mob of armed Haitians, the ship turned away without attempting to undertake its mission, which the Pentagon described as an effort to professionalize the Haitian military and undertake civil assistance projects. Some observers attacked Aspin for not taking a harder stand in the administration against an action he opposed and then aborting the effort in the face of local opposition.
During Aspin's term the U.S. was concerned that Communist North Korea might have underway a nuclear weapons development program. This gave way to alarm when that country refused to allow full inspection of nuclear sites. In November 1993 North Korea demanded that the United States and South Korea cancel a planned joint training exercise as a precondition during discussions on the nuclear issue. Aspin rejected this demand and announced that the United States would suspend plans to withdraw its troops gradually from the peninsula.
In the Persian Gulf area, Iraq remained a problem. In June 1993 two U.S. Navy ships fired Tomahawk missiles against the headquarters building of Iraq's intelligence service in Baghdad in response to evidence of a plot to assassinate former President Bush during a visit to Kuwait. Aspin described the attack as a "wake up call" for Saddam Hussein. Two months later Aspin received a report on the U.S. military performance during the 1991 Gulf War, the result of a study undertaken by the House Armed Services Committee when he chaired it. The report concluded that the U.S. Central Command had greatly exaggerated damage done to Iraqi military equipment, such as tanks and naval vessels, by air strikes. Aspin also had to consider the question of health problems of U.S. service personnel who participated in the action against Iraq. He announced that a preliminary review disclosed no connection between chemical weapon agents and the reported health problems. Nevertheless, he formed a panel of outside experts to examine the issue further.
The worsening crisis in Bosnia commanded attention and demanded some kind of U.S. response. Aspin did not favor using ground forces to intervene in the civil war involving the Bosnian Muslims, Serbs, and Croats, but thought that the use of sophisticated weapons was a more reasonable option. Eventually the administration decided on an airdrop of humanitarian aid, even though Aspin did not favor the plan.
Somalia turned out to be Aspin's biggest headache. A civil war involving various clans had engulfed the country since 1991. Direct U.S. involvement, begun in August 1992, provided food through a military airlift and other means to the people of Somalia. In December 1992, shortly before Aspin became secretary of defense, the United States joined a new Unified Task Force (UNITAF) to provide security as well as food relief. The United States sent 26,000 troops to Somalia to join about 13,000 others from more than 20 nations. UNITAF, operating until May 1993, restored order in Somalia and distributed food widely.
In March 1993, United Nations Operation in Somalia II began in an effort to create conditions to enable the Somalis to rebuild the country. The United States cut its troops in Somalia to some 4,000 and then added 400 Army Rangers in August 1993. At that time, confronting criticism at home that the United States was getting more deeply involved in the factional violence in Somalia without a clear rationale, Aspin explained that U.S. troops would remain until order had been restored in Mogadishu, Somalia's capital, progress had been made in disarming rival clans, and effective police forces were operating in the country's major cities. At the same time the United States increased its military efforts against a leading Somali warlord, Mohamed Farrah Aidid.
Criticism and final days in office
In September 1993, General Powell asked Aspin to approve the request of the U.S. commander in Somalia for tanks, armored vehicles and AC-130 Spectre gunships for his forces. Aspin turned down the request and did not take Powell's request seriously. At some point during a lunch meeting, Powell presented to Aspin on the need of additional tanks, armored vehicles, AC-130 Spectre gunships air-support to support the U.S. Troops that were about to be deployed for Battle of Mogadishu and, discussing the battle preparation instead of paying attention to Powell's recommendation, Aspin caused Powell to grow more irritated. This was believed to be the primary reason for Powell's early departure as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Shortly thereafter Aidid's forces in Mogadishu killed 18 U.S. soldiers and wounded more than 75 in attacks that also resulted in the shooting down of two U.S. helicopters and the capture of one pilot in the Battle of Mogadishu. In the face of severe congressional criticism, Aspin admitted that in view of what had happened he had made a mistake, but stated that the request for armored equipment had been made within the context of delivering humanitarian aid to Somalia rather than protecting troops. In an appearance before a congressional committee to answer questions about the Somalia disaster, Aspin made an unfavorable impression and appeared weak in response to the detailed probing and criticism of his performance. The president publicly defended Aspin but made clear that the White House was not involved in the decision not to send armor reinforcements to Somalia. Several members of Congress called on Clinton to ask for Aspin's resignation.
On 15 December 1993 President Clinton announced Aspin's resignation, for personal reasons. Given the problems that Aspin encountered during his short term, most obviously the losses in Mogadishu, observers assumed that the president had asked him to step down. Speculation in the media centered on the Somalia embarrassment and on Aspin's differences with the Office of Management and Budget over how much the Defense budget should be cut. The secretary's health problems may well have also been a factor. One news magazine stated that Aspin's major handicap was "neither his famously unmilitary bearing nor his inability to discipline himself or the enormous Pentagon bureaucracy; it is his politician's instinct for the middle ground on defense issues." Aspin continued to serve as Secretary of Defense until February 3, 1994, when William Perry took office.
After Aspin's resignation, a number of observers would come to his defense about his job performance. Including Newsweek, who said the real fault for the events in Somalia lay with the United Nations.
Final months and death
After leaving his position, Aspin joined the faculty of Marquette University's international affairs program in Washington and joined the board of directors of the Washington-based think-tank the Henry L. Stimson Center. In March, he became a member of the Commission on Roles and Missions, and in May Clinton chose him to be chairman of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. In March 1995, he began work as chairman of the study group on the Roles and Capabilities of the Intelligence Community.
Aspin had had increasing difficulty during the last years of his life with a congenital heart condition (asymmetric septal hypertrophy; hypertrophic cardiomyopathy/obstructive cardiomyopathy). It necessitated hospitalization during his tenure as Defense Secretary, with placement of a pacemaker. His cardiac disorder was complicated in May 1995 by a stroke, which resulted in his death on May 21, 1995, in Washington, D.C. He was interred at Brookfield's Wisconsin Memorial Park cemetery.
Marquette University named its Les Aspin Center for Government in his honor.
References
Further reading
Aspin, Les. Defense for a New Era: Lessons of the Persian Gulf War (US House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, 1992) online.
External links
Biography at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
Financial information (federal office) at the Federal Election Commission
Legislation sponsored at the Library of Congress
Profile at Vote Smart
Marquette University's Les Aspin Center for Government
Les Aspin's biography on DefenseLink.mil
Interview about the MX missile for the WGBH series, War and Peace in the Nuclear Age
Les Aspin at Find a Grave
Appearances on C-SPAN
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Leslie Aspin Jr. (July 21, 1938 – May 21, 1995) was an American Democratic Party politician who served as the U.S. representative for Wisconsin's 1st congressional district from 1971 to 1993 and as the 18th United States Secretary of Defense under President Bill Clinton from 1993 to 1994.In Congress, Aspin had a reputation as an intellectual who took a middle-of-the-road position on controversial issues. He supported the Reagan administration regarding the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras, but he opposed the B-2 bomber and the Strategic Defense Initiative. He played a major role in convincing the House to support the January 1991 resolution supporting the use of force by President George H. W. Bush against Iraq, after it invaded Kuwait.
He faced complex social issues, such as the roles of homosexuals in uniform, and of women in combat, as well as major decisions regarding the use of military force in Somalia, Bosnia, and Haiti. He proposed budget cuts and restructuring of forces as part of the downsizing of the military after the end of the Cold War. The deaths of U.S. soldiers in Somalia because of inadequate military support led to his resignation.
Early life and education
Aspin was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. He graduated from Shorewood High School. He attended Yale University, where he was admitted to the Zeta Psi fraternity, and graduated summa cum laude in 1960 with a Bachelor of Arts in history. Aspin then attended the University of Oxford, where he received his Master of Philosophy in economics in 1962 and his Doctor of Philosophy in economics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1966.
Aspin met his wife, Maureen Shea, in Saigon during the Vietnam War. Shea, a graduate of Hollins College, was working for a research firm interviewing Vietcong defectors when the two were introduced by a mutual acquaintance. After the project was completed she moved to Wisconsin to work on Aspin's unsuccessful bid for Wisconsin State Treasurer in 1968. The couple became engaged in October 1968 and married in January 1969 in Shea's hometown of Hillsdale, New York. The couple divorced in 1979 and had no children.
Aspin served a brief tenure as a congressional staff member for United States Senator William Proxmire. As an officer in the U.S. Army from 1966 to 1968, he served as a systems analyst in the Pentagon under Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, serving in the Office of Systems Analysis. Before his election as a Democrat to Congress in 1970, Aspin had been active in Wisconsin politics and had taught economics at Marquette University.
U.S. Congress
Aspin ran as a peace candidate in 1970, opposing the Vietnam War. In the Democratic primary he was opposed by Doug La Follette, who was endorsed by the party. Aspin lost the initial count by a few dozen votes, and initially refused to pay for a recount out of his own pocket. It was only after his Kenosha County campaign director, Edwin M. Andersen, was able to garner financial support from numerous supporters, however, that the legendarily thrifty Aspin then demanded a recount and won the primary, by a few dozen votes. In the general election he defeated the incumbent, Henry Schadeberg.
Aspin was elected as a Democrat to the 92nd and to the 11 succeeding Congresses and served from January 3, 1971, until his resignation January 20, 1993. Aspin began his career in the United States House of Representatives as an outsider but honed his particular interest and expertise in defense matters. Before and during his tenure in the House, he had opposed the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War.
In his early years in Congress, he often issued press releases critical of shortcomings he detected in the armed forces. In 1973, he criticized the Air Force for devising a plan to purchase 200 beagle puppies, tie the dogs' vocal cords, and conduct tests of poisonous gases. After Aspin began a publicity campaign against the Air Force's plan, an outraged public sent a record number of letters to the Defense Department, surpassing the amount ever sent about any other subject. In March 1974, Aspin told an audience at Brown University, including future 4-star General Wesley Clark and four West Point cadets: "You, the young officer and cadets sitting there - never in your lifetimes will you see us intervene abroad. We've learned that lesson."By 1985, when Aspin became chairman of the Armed Services Committee, he was recognized as a leading defense authority. His chairmanship caused controversy among some House Democrats, particularly because he supported the Reagan administration's policies on the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras. Although temporarily removed from his committee chair by his Democratic colleagues in January 1987, Aspin weathered the crisis and regained the chairmanship three weeks later. He again broke with many Democrats in January 1991 when he issued a paper supporting the Bush administration's intention to use military force to drive the Iraqis from Kuwait. The accuracy of his prediction that the United States could win a quick military victory with light casualties added to his reputation as a military expert.
Secretary of Defense
Nomination and confirmation
Aspin served as an adviser to Clinton on defense matters during the 1992 presidential campaign. Given Clinton's lack of military experience, appointment of a prominent and respected defense expert to head The Pentagon seemed desirable. Because of his leadership position in the House, Aspin's views on defense issues were well known. He was skeptical about the Strategic Defense Initiative, and favored a smaller Navy, a cut in U.S. troops in Europe, and further reduction of military personnel strength. These positions, along with the assumption that Aspin would work toward a substantial cut in the Defense budget, worried the military. Defense industry leaders applauded Aspin's selection because he favored maintaining a viable defense industrial base. Although questioned extensively, Aspin won easy confirmation in the Senate.
Agenda and early difficulties
"Shortly after he took office, Aspin discussed dangers that had emerged with the end of the Cold War: the uncertainty that reform could succeed in the former Soviet Union; the enhanced possibility that terrorists or terrorist states could acquire nuclear weapons; the likely proliferation of regional conflicts; and the failure to take adequate account of the impact of the state of the domestic economy on U.S. national security interests. Given these conditions and the end of the Cold War, it seemed clear that the Pentagon was entering a period of potentially profound change. Aspin looked like a sound choice to manage this change.
As it turned out, Aspin faced difficulties from the beginning. A serious heart ailment put him in the hospital for several days in February 1993, after barely a month in office. A month later he was back in the hospital for implantation of a heart pacemaker. Even so, he had to deal immediately with the highly charged question of homosexuals in the military, a controversy left over from his predecessor Dick Cheney's tenure. That had become an issue in the 1992 campaign, when Clinton had promised to end discrimination against homosexuals. During his confirmation hearings Aspin indicated that he would take action quickly, and on entering office he presented a plan to the president to discuss the matter with Congress and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and presented a timetable leading to an order dealing with the matter. This plan provoked widespread protest from all sides on the issue."
Gender and sexuality in the military
The fallout from the controversy wounded both Clinton and Aspin politically and dragged on until December 1993, when, after many months of equivocation, confusion, and more controversy, Aspin released new regulations, known as the "Don't ask, don't tell" policy on homosexual conduct in the armed forces: Applicants for the services would not be asked about their sexual orientation, and homosexual orientation would not disqualify anyone from service "unless manifested by homosexual conduct"; military personnel would be judged on suitability for service, not sexual orientation; separation from the service would be based on homosexual acts, same sex marriage, or statements by an individual that he or she was bisexual or homosexual, with the person accorded the opportunity to rebut the presumption of homosexual acts; DoD criminal investigation or law enforcement organizations would not investigate solely to determine a service member's sexual orientation, and sexual orientation questions would not be included in personnel security questionnaires; finally, service members would be informed of DoD policy on sexual conduct during their training. This compromise policy, issued after an agonizing and divisive public debate, did not completely satisfy any of the concerned parties.
Also on the social side, Aspin had to deal with the volatile question of service women in combat. In April 1993 he announced a revised policy on the assignment of women in the armed forces: The services were to allow women to compete for assignments in combat aircraft; the Navy was to open additional ships to women and draft a proposal for Congress to remove existing legislative barriers to the assignment of women to combat vessels; and the Army and Marine Corps were to look for opportunities for women to serve in such components as field artillery and air defense. (This was a response to recommendations made by an ad hoc committee chaired by Barbara S. Pope appointed in the wake of the Tailhook scandal.) Meanwhile, Secretary of the Air Force Sheila E. Widnall became the first woman service secretary.
Defense budget and "bottom-up review"
Development of the Defense budget for FY 1994, beginning on 1 October 1993, remained Aspin's biggest task. The budget process proved more complicated than usual, owing to Clinton's campaign pledge to reduce DoD funding and to a "bottom-up review" of the military structure ordered by Aspin shortly after he took office. The end of the Cold War and the consequent opportunity to cut military costs clearly called for the kind of reevaluation of ends and means that the bottom-up review might contribute. A Pentagon steering group chaired by Under Secretary of Defense (Acquisition and Technology) John M. Deutch and including representatives from various OSD offices, the Joint Staff, and the services conducted the review.
Because of the growing threat of regional conflicts, Aspin wanted to have a strong capability to carry out limited military operations, including peacekeeping, and to maintain "a strong peacetime presence of U.S. forces around the world". The bottom-up review report, which Aspin released in September 1993, took into account strategy formulation, force structure, weapon systems modernization, and Defense infrastructure. The report projected a reduced force structure still capable of fighting and winning two simultaneous major regional conflicts. Forces would include 10 active Army divisions; 11 carrier battle groups, 45 to 55 attack submarines, and about 345 ships; 5 active Marine brigades; and 13 active and 7 reserve Air Force fighter wings. The report also called for additional prepositioned equipment and airlift/sealift capacity, improved anti-armor and precision-guided munitions, and enhanced Army National Guard combat brigade readiness.
The conclusions of the bottom-up review influenced the development of the FY 1994 Defense budget, although detailed work on the budget had begun as soon as Aspin took office. In March 1993 Aspin introduced a FY 1994 budget proposal costing $263.4 billion, about $12 billion below current levels, and reflecting cuts in the military services similar to those later included in the bottom-up review. To some critics of high military spending, Aspin's budget plan differed little from that of the Bush administration.
In the fall of 1993 Aspin began to tell the White House that the five-year Defense budget, reflecting the results of the bottom-up review, would exceed the more than $1 trillion projected by the Clinton administration. In December 1993 he put the anticipated shortfall at no less than $50 billion, the consequence of inaccurate inflation estimates, a military pay raise, and failure to account for other Pentagon costs, including peacekeeping operations. The size of the force needed to meet the two regional wars scenario contributed to the projected budget shortfall. Furthermore, Aspin was on record as favoring the use of U.S. troops in regional conflicts, as opposed to other decisionmakers, including General Colin Powell, chairman of the JCS. Aspin's departure from office early in 1994 left further decisions on the Defense budget to his successor. The final FY 1994 budget amounted to a little under $252 billion in total obligational authority.
Like his predecessors Carlucci and Cheney, Aspin faced the perennial issue of base closures, which could also affect the Defense budget. In March 1993 he released a plan to close an additional 31 large military installations and to shrink or consolidate 134 other sites, projecting a savings of over $3 billion a year beginning in 2000. A new Defense Base Closure and Realignment Commission approved the proposal, which went into effect when Congress accepted it as a package.
The SDI program also held important budget implications. In May 1993 Aspin announced "the end of the Star Wars era," explaining that the collapse of the Soviet Union had determined the fate of SDI. He renamed the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization as the Ballistic Missile Defense Organization (BMDO) and established its priorities as theater and national missile defense and useful follow-on technologies. Aspin's assignment of responsibility for BMDO to the under secretary of defense (acquisition and technology) signified the downgrading of the program.
Global crises and initiatives
While seeking solutions to the complex budget and force structure issues, Aspin found himself beset with difficult regional problems and conflicts that demanded decisions and action. In NATO he pushed the U.S.-sponsored "Partnership for Peace" program to bring together NATO members and nonmembers for military activities, including training maneuvers, equipment sharing, search and rescue, antiterrorist efforts, environmental cleanup, and peacekeeping operations. At a meeting in Brussels in December 1993 the NATO defense ministers agreed to consider for future alliance membership those non-NATO nations that participated in the program. Russian President Boris Yeltsin warned that attempts to bring Eastern European nations into NATO would threaten his country's strategic interests and endanger hopes for the former Soviet bloc's reconciliation with the West. Yeltsin argued that enlarging NATO would reawaken old Russian concerns about encirclement and possibly weaken the cause of democratic reform.
The unstable situation in Haiti, where elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide had been ousted from office by the military in September 1991, presented another regional problem. The United States pressured the military government to restore Aristide. In July 1993, the Haitian military regime agreed to reinstate Aristide by October 30, 1993, but then refused to step down. In October, in an effort Clinton approved even though Aspin opposed it, the United States sent the USS Harlan County carrying 200 troops to Port-au-Prince, Haiti's capital. Met by a hostile mob of armed Haitians, the ship turned away without attempting to undertake its mission, which the Pentagon described as an effort to professionalize the Haitian military and undertake civil assistance projects. Some observers attacked Aspin for not taking a harder stand in the administration against an action he opposed and then aborting the effort in the face of local opposition.
During Aspin's term the U.S. was concerned that Communist North Korea might have underway a nuclear weapons development program. This gave way to alarm when that country refused to allow full inspection of nuclear sites. In November 1993 North Korea demanded that the United States and South Korea cancel a planned joint training exercise as a precondition during discussions on the nuclear issue. Aspin rejected this demand and announced that the United States would suspend plans to withdraw its troops gradually from the peninsula.
In the Persian Gulf area, Iraq remained a problem. In June 1993 two U.S. Navy ships fired Tomahawk missiles against the headquarters building of Iraq's intelligence service in Baghdad in response to evidence of a plot to assassinate former President Bush during a visit to Kuwait. Aspin described the attack as a "wake up call" for Saddam Hussein. Two months later Aspin received a report on the U.S. military performance during the 1991 Gulf War, the result of a study undertaken by the House Armed Services Committee when he chaired it. The report concluded that the U.S. Central Command had greatly exaggerated damage done to Iraqi military equipment, such as tanks and naval vessels, by air strikes. Aspin also had to consider the question of health problems of U.S. service personnel who participated in the action against Iraq. He announced that a preliminary review disclosed no connection between chemical weapon agents and the reported health problems. Nevertheless, he formed a panel of outside experts to examine the issue further.
The worsening crisis in Bosnia commanded attention and demanded some kind of U.S. response. Aspin did not favor using ground forces to intervene in the civil war involving the Bosnian Muslims, Serbs, and Croats, but thought that the use of sophisticated weapons was a more reasonable option. Eventually the administration decided on an airdrop of humanitarian aid, even though Aspin did not favor the plan.
Somalia turned out to be Aspin's biggest headache. A civil war involving various clans had engulfed the country since 1991. Direct U.S. involvement, begun in August 1992, provided food through a military airlift and other means to the people of Somalia. In December 1992, shortly before Aspin became secretary of defense, the United States joined a new Unified Task Force (UNITAF) to provide security as well as food relief. The United States sent 26,000 troops to Somalia to join about 13,000 others from more than 20 nations. UNITAF, operating until May 1993, restored order in Somalia and distributed food widely.
In March 1993, United Nations Operation in Somalia II began in an effort to create conditions to enable the Somalis to rebuild the country. The United States cut its troops in Somalia to some 4,000 and then added 400 Army Rangers in August 1993. At that time, confronting criticism at home that the United States was getting more deeply involved in the factional violence in Somalia without a clear rationale, Aspin explained that U.S. troops would remain until order had been restored in Mogadishu, Somalia's capital, progress had been made in disarming rival clans, and effective police forces were operating in the country's major cities. At the same time the United States increased its military efforts against a leading Somali warlord, Mohamed Farrah Aidid.
Criticism and final days in office
In September 1993, General Powell asked Aspin to approve the request of the U.S. commander in Somalia for tanks, armored vehicles and AC-130 Spectre gunships for his forces. Aspin turned down the request and did not take Powell's request seriously. At some point during a lunch meeting, Powell presented to Aspin on the need of additional tanks, armored vehicles, AC-130 Spectre gunships air-support to support the U.S. Troops that were about to be deployed for Battle of Mogadishu and, discussing the battle preparation instead of paying attention to Powell's recommendation, Aspin caused Powell to grow more irritated. This was believed to be the primary reason for Powell's early departure as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Shortly thereafter Aidid's forces in Mogadishu killed 18 U.S. soldiers and wounded more than 75 in attacks that also resulted in the shooting down of two U.S. helicopters and the capture of one pilot in the Battle of Mogadishu. In the face of severe congressional criticism, Aspin admitted that in view of what had happened he had made a mistake, but stated that the request for armored equipment had been made within the context of delivering humanitarian aid to Somalia rather than protecting troops. In an appearance before a congressional committee to answer questions about the Somalia disaster, Aspin made an unfavorable impression and appeared weak in response to the detailed probing and criticism of his performance. The president publicly defended Aspin but made clear that the White House was not involved in the decision not to send armor reinforcements to Somalia. Several members of Congress called on Clinton to ask for Aspin's resignation.
On 15 December 1993 President Clinton announced Aspin's resignation, for personal reasons. Given the problems that Aspin encountered during his short term, most obviously the losses in Mogadishu, observers assumed that the president had asked him to step down. Speculation in the media centered on the Somalia embarrassment and on Aspin's differences with the Office of Management and Budget over how much the Defense budget should be cut. The secretary's health problems may well have also been a factor. One news magazine stated that Aspin's major handicap was "neither his famously unmilitary bearing nor his inability to discipline himself or the enormous Pentagon bureaucracy; it is his politician's instinct for the middle ground on defense issues." Aspin continued to serve as Secretary of Defense until February 3, 1994, when William Perry took office.
After Aspin's resignation, a number of observers would come to his defense about his job performance. Including Newsweek, who said the real fault for the events in Somalia lay with the United Nations.
Final months and death
After leaving his position, Aspin joined the faculty of Marquette University's international affairs program in Washington and joined the board of directors of the Washington-based think-tank the Henry L. Stimson Center. In March, he became a member of the Commission on Roles and Missions, and in May Clinton chose him to be chairman of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. In March 1995, he began work as chairman of the study group on the Roles and Capabilities of the Intelligence Community.
Aspin had had increasing difficulty during the last years of his life with a congenital heart condition (asymmetric septal hypertrophy; hypertrophic cardiomyopathy/obstructive cardiomyopathy). It necessitated hospitalization during his tenure as Defense Secretary, with placement of a pacemaker. His cardiac disorder was complicated in May 1995 by a stroke, which resulted in his death on May 21, 1995, in Washington, D.C. He was interred at Brookfield's Wisconsin Memorial Park cemetery.
Marquette University named its Les Aspin Center for Government in his honor.
References
Further reading
Aspin, Les. Defense for a New Era: Lessons of the Persian Gulf War (US House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, 1992) online.
External links
Biography at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
Financial information (federal office) at the Federal Election Commission
Legislation sponsored at the Library of Congress
Profile at Vote Smart
Marquette University's Les Aspin Center for Government
Les Aspin's biography on DefenseLink.mil
Interview about the MX missile for the WGBH series, War and Peace in the Nuclear Age
Les Aspin at Find a Grave
Appearances on C-SPAN
|
occupation
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Leslie Aspin Jr. (July 21, 1938 – May 21, 1995) was an American Democratic Party politician who served as the U.S. representative for Wisconsin's 1st congressional district from 1971 to 1993 and as the 18th United States Secretary of Defense under President Bill Clinton from 1993 to 1994.In Congress, Aspin had a reputation as an intellectual who took a middle-of-the-road position on controversial issues. He supported the Reagan administration regarding the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras, but he opposed the B-2 bomber and the Strategic Defense Initiative. He played a major role in convincing the House to support the January 1991 resolution supporting the use of force by President George H. W. Bush against Iraq, after it invaded Kuwait.
He faced complex social issues, such as the roles of homosexuals in uniform, and of women in combat, as well as major decisions regarding the use of military force in Somalia, Bosnia, and Haiti. He proposed budget cuts and restructuring of forces as part of the downsizing of the military after the end of the Cold War. The deaths of U.S. soldiers in Somalia because of inadequate military support led to his resignation.
Early life and education
Aspin was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. He graduated from Shorewood High School. He attended Yale University, where he was admitted to the Zeta Psi fraternity, and graduated summa cum laude in 1960 with a Bachelor of Arts in history. Aspin then attended the University of Oxford, where he received his Master of Philosophy in economics in 1962 and his Doctor of Philosophy in economics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1966.
Aspin met his wife, Maureen Shea, in Saigon during the Vietnam War. Shea, a graduate of Hollins College, was working for a research firm interviewing Vietcong defectors when the two were introduced by a mutual acquaintance. After the project was completed she moved to Wisconsin to work on Aspin's unsuccessful bid for Wisconsin State Treasurer in 1968. The couple became engaged in October 1968 and married in January 1969 in Shea's hometown of Hillsdale, New York. The couple divorced in 1979 and had no children.
Aspin served a brief tenure as a congressional staff member for United States Senator William Proxmire. As an officer in the U.S. Army from 1966 to 1968, he served as a systems analyst in the Pentagon under Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, serving in the Office of Systems Analysis. Before his election as a Democrat to Congress in 1970, Aspin had been active in Wisconsin politics and had taught economics at Marquette University.
U.S. Congress
Aspin ran as a peace candidate in 1970, opposing the Vietnam War. In the Democratic primary he was opposed by Doug La Follette, who was endorsed by the party. Aspin lost the initial count by a few dozen votes, and initially refused to pay for a recount out of his own pocket. It was only after his Kenosha County campaign director, Edwin M. Andersen, was able to garner financial support from numerous supporters, however, that the legendarily thrifty Aspin then demanded a recount and won the primary, by a few dozen votes. In the general election he defeated the incumbent, Henry Schadeberg.
Aspin was elected as a Democrat to the 92nd and to the 11 succeeding Congresses and served from January 3, 1971, until his resignation January 20, 1993. Aspin began his career in the United States House of Representatives as an outsider but honed his particular interest and expertise in defense matters. Before and during his tenure in the House, he had opposed the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War.
In his early years in Congress, he often issued press releases critical of shortcomings he detected in the armed forces. In 1973, he criticized the Air Force for devising a plan to purchase 200 beagle puppies, tie the dogs' vocal cords, and conduct tests of poisonous gases. After Aspin began a publicity campaign against the Air Force's plan, an outraged public sent a record number of letters to the Defense Department, surpassing the amount ever sent about any other subject. In March 1974, Aspin told an audience at Brown University, including future 4-star General Wesley Clark and four West Point cadets: "You, the young officer and cadets sitting there - never in your lifetimes will you see us intervene abroad. We've learned that lesson."By 1985, when Aspin became chairman of the Armed Services Committee, he was recognized as a leading defense authority. His chairmanship caused controversy among some House Democrats, particularly because he supported the Reagan administration's policies on the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras. Although temporarily removed from his committee chair by his Democratic colleagues in January 1987, Aspin weathered the crisis and regained the chairmanship three weeks later. He again broke with many Democrats in January 1991 when he issued a paper supporting the Bush administration's intention to use military force to drive the Iraqis from Kuwait. The accuracy of his prediction that the United States could win a quick military victory with light casualties added to his reputation as a military expert.
Secretary of Defense
Nomination and confirmation
Aspin served as an adviser to Clinton on defense matters during the 1992 presidential campaign. Given Clinton's lack of military experience, appointment of a prominent and respected defense expert to head The Pentagon seemed desirable. Because of his leadership position in the House, Aspin's views on defense issues were well known. He was skeptical about the Strategic Defense Initiative, and favored a smaller Navy, a cut in U.S. troops in Europe, and further reduction of military personnel strength. These positions, along with the assumption that Aspin would work toward a substantial cut in the Defense budget, worried the military. Defense industry leaders applauded Aspin's selection because he favored maintaining a viable defense industrial base. Although questioned extensively, Aspin won easy confirmation in the Senate.
Agenda and early difficulties
"Shortly after he took office, Aspin discussed dangers that had emerged with the end of the Cold War: the uncertainty that reform could succeed in the former Soviet Union; the enhanced possibility that terrorists or terrorist states could acquire nuclear weapons; the likely proliferation of regional conflicts; and the failure to take adequate account of the impact of the state of the domestic economy on U.S. national security interests. Given these conditions and the end of the Cold War, it seemed clear that the Pentagon was entering a period of potentially profound change. Aspin looked like a sound choice to manage this change.
As it turned out, Aspin faced difficulties from the beginning. A serious heart ailment put him in the hospital for several days in February 1993, after barely a month in office. A month later he was back in the hospital for implantation of a heart pacemaker. Even so, he had to deal immediately with the highly charged question of homosexuals in the military, a controversy left over from his predecessor Dick Cheney's tenure. That had become an issue in the 1992 campaign, when Clinton had promised to end discrimination against homosexuals. During his confirmation hearings Aspin indicated that he would take action quickly, and on entering office he presented a plan to the president to discuss the matter with Congress and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and presented a timetable leading to an order dealing with the matter. This plan provoked widespread protest from all sides on the issue."
Gender and sexuality in the military
The fallout from the controversy wounded both Clinton and Aspin politically and dragged on until December 1993, when, after many months of equivocation, confusion, and more controversy, Aspin released new regulations, known as the "Don't ask, don't tell" policy on homosexual conduct in the armed forces: Applicants for the services would not be asked about their sexual orientation, and homosexual orientation would not disqualify anyone from service "unless manifested by homosexual conduct"; military personnel would be judged on suitability for service, not sexual orientation; separation from the service would be based on homosexual acts, same sex marriage, or statements by an individual that he or she was bisexual or homosexual, with the person accorded the opportunity to rebut the presumption of homosexual acts; DoD criminal investigation or law enforcement organizations would not investigate solely to determine a service member's sexual orientation, and sexual orientation questions would not be included in personnel security questionnaires; finally, service members would be informed of DoD policy on sexual conduct during their training. This compromise policy, issued after an agonizing and divisive public debate, did not completely satisfy any of the concerned parties.
Also on the social side, Aspin had to deal with the volatile question of service women in combat. In April 1993 he announced a revised policy on the assignment of women in the armed forces: The services were to allow women to compete for assignments in combat aircraft; the Navy was to open additional ships to women and draft a proposal for Congress to remove existing legislative barriers to the assignment of women to combat vessels; and the Army and Marine Corps were to look for opportunities for women to serve in such components as field artillery and air defense. (This was a response to recommendations made by an ad hoc committee chaired by Barbara S. Pope appointed in the wake of the Tailhook scandal.) Meanwhile, Secretary of the Air Force Sheila E. Widnall became the first woman service secretary.
Defense budget and "bottom-up review"
Development of the Defense budget for FY 1994, beginning on 1 October 1993, remained Aspin's biggest task. The budget process proved more complicated than usual, owing to Clinton's campaign pledge to reduce DoD funding and to a "bottom-up review" of the military structure ordered by Aspin shortly after he took office. The end of the Cold War and the consequent opportunity to cut military costs clearly called for the kind of reevaluation of ends and means that the bottom-up review might contribute. A Pentagon steering group chaired by Under Secretary of Defense (Acquisition and Technology) John M. Deutch and including representatives from various OSD offices, the Joint Staff, and the services conducted the review.
Because of the growing threat of regional conflicts, Aspin wanted to have a strong capability to carry out limited military operations, including peacekeeping, and to maintain "a strong peacetime presence of U.S. forces around the world". The bottom-up review report, which Aspin released in September 1993, took into account strategy formulation, force structure, weapon systems modernization, and Defense infrastructure. The report projected a reduced force structure still capable of fighting and winning two simultaneous major regional conflicts. Forces would include 10 active Army divisions; 11 carrier battle groups, 45 to 55 attack submarines, and about 345 ships; 5 active Marine brigades; and 13 active and 7 reserve Air Force fighter wings. The report also called for additional prepositioned equipment and airlift/sealift capacity, improved anti-armor and precision-guided munitions, and enhanced Army National Guard combat brigade readiness.
The conclusions of the bottom-up review influenced the development of the FY 1994 Defense budget, although detailed work on the budget had begun as soon as Aspin took office. In March 1993 Aspin introduced a FY 1994 budget proposal costing $263.4 billion, about $12 billion below current levels, and reflecting cuts in the military services similar to those later included in the bottom-up review. To some critics of high military spending, Aspin's budget plan differed little from that of the Bush administration.
In the fall of 1993 Aspin began to tell the White House that the five-year Defense budget, reflecting the results of the bottom-up review, would exceed the more than $1 trillion projected by the Clinton administration. In December 1993 he put the anticipated shortfall at no less than $50 billion, the consequence of inaccurate inflation estimates, a military pay raise, and failure to account for other Pentagon costs, including peacekeeping operations. The size of the force needed to meet the two regional wars scenario contributed to the projected budget shortfall. Furthermore, Aspin was on record as favoring the use of U.S. troops in regional conflicts, as opposed to other decisionmakers, including General Colin Powell, chairman of the JCS. Aspin's departure from office early in 1994 left further decisions on the Defense budget to his successor. The final FY 1994 budget amounted to a little under $252 billion in total obligational authority.
Like his predecessors Carlucci and Cheney, Aspin faced the perennial issue of base closures, which could also affect the Defense budget. In March 1993 he released a plan to close an additional 31 large military installations and to shrink or consolidate 134 other sites, projecting a savings of over $3 billion a year beginning in 2000. A new Defense Base Closure and Realignment Commission approved the proposal, which went into effect when Congress accepted it as a package.
The SDI program also held important budget implications. In May 1993 Aspin announced "the end of the Star Wars era," explaining that the collapse of the Soviet Union had determined the fate of SDI. He renamed the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization as the Ballistic Missile Defense Organization (BMDO) and established its priorities as theater and national missile defense and useful follow-on technologies. Aspin's assignment of responsibility for BMDO to the under secretary of defense (acquisition and technology) signified the downgrading of the program.
Global crises and initiatives
While seeking solutions to the complex budget and force structure issues, Aspin found himself beset with difficult regional problems and conflicts that demanded decisions and action. In NATO he pushed the U.S.-sponsored "Partnership for Peace" program to bring together NATO members and nonmembers for military activities, including training maneuvers, equipment sharing, search and rescue, antiterrorist efforts, environmental cleanup, and peacekeeping operations. At a meeting in Brussels in December 1993 the NATO defense ministers agreed to consider for future alliance membership those non-NATO nations that participated in the program. Russian President Boris Yeltsin warned that attempts to bring Eastern European nations into NATO would threaten his country's strategic interests and endanger hopes for the former Soviet bloc's reconciliation with the West. Yeltsin argued that enlarging NATO would reawaken old Russian concerns about encirclement and possibly weaken the cause of democratic reform.
The unstable situation in Haiti, where elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide had been ousted from office by the military in September 1991, presented another regional problem. The United States pressured the military government to restore Aristide. In July 1993, the Haitian military regime agreed to reinstate Aristide by October 30, 1993, but then refused to step down. In October, in an effort Clinton approved even though Aspin opposed it, the United States sent the USS Harlan County carrying 200 troops to Port-au-Prince, Haiti's capital. Met by a hostile mob of armed Haitians, the ship turned away without attempting to undertake its mission, which the Pentagon described as an effort to professionalize the Haitian military and undertake civil assistance projects. Some observers attacked Aspin for not taking a harder stand in the administration against an action he opposed and then aborting the effort in the face of local opposition.
During Aspin's term the U.S. was concerned that Communist North Korea might have underway a nuclear weapons development program. This gave way to alarm when that country refused to allow full inspection of nuclear sites. In November 1993 North Korea demanded that the United States and South Korea cancel a planned joint training exercise as a precondition during discussions on the nuclear issue. Aspin rejected this demand and announced that the United States would suspend plans to withdraw its troops gradually from the peninsula.
In the Persian Gulf area, Iraq remained a problem. In June 1993 two U.S. Navy ships fired Tomahawk missiles against the headquarters building of Iraq's intelligence service in Baghdad in response to evidence of a plot to assassinate former President Bush during a visit to Kuwait. Aspin described the attack as a "wake up call" for Saddam Hussein. Two months later Aspin received a report on the U.S. military performance during the 1991 Gulf War, the result of a study undertaken by the House Armed Services Committee when he chaired it. The report concluded that the U.S. Central Command had greatly exaggerated damage done to Iraqi military equipment, such as tanks and naval vessels, by air strikes. Aspin also had to consider the question of health problems of U.S. service personnel who participated in the action against Iraq. He announced that a preliminary review disclosed no connection between chemical weapon agents and the reported health problems. Nevertheless, he formed a panel of outside experts to examine the issue further.
The worsening crisis in Bosnia commanded attention and demanded some kind of U.S. response. Aspin did not favor using ground forces to intervene in the civil war involving the Bosnian Muslims, Serbs, and Croats, but thought that the use of sophisticated weapons was a more reasonable option. Eventually the administration decided on an airdrop of humanitarian aid, even though Aspin did not favor the plan.
Somalia turned out to be Aspin's biggest headache. A civil war involving various clans had engulfed the country since 1991. Direct U.S. involvement, begun in August 1992, provided food through a military airlift and other means to the people of Somalia. In December 1992, shortly before Aspin became secretary of defense, the United States joined a new Unified Task Force (UNITAF) to provide security as well as food relief. The United States sent 26,000 troops to Somalia to join about 13,000 others from more than 20 nations. UNITAF, operating until May 1993, restored order in Somalia and distributed food widely.
In March 1993, United Nations Operation in Somalia II began in an effort to create conditions to enable the Somalis to rebuild the country. The United States cut its troops in Somalia to some 4,000 and then added 400 Army Rangers in August 1993. At that time, confronting criticism at home that the United States was getting more deeply involved in the factional violence in Somalia without a clear rationale, Aspin explained that U.S. troops would remain until order had been restored in Mogadishu, Somalia's capital, progress had been made in disarming rival clans, and effective police forces were operating in the country's major cities. At the same time the United States increased its military efforts against a leading Somali warlord, Mohamed Farrah Aidid.
Criticism and final days in office
In September 1993, General Powell asked Aspin to approve the request of the U.S. commander in Somalia for tanks, armored vehicles and AC-130 Spectre gunships for his forces. Aspin turned down the request and did not take Powell's request seriously. At some point during a lunch meeting, Powell presented to Aspin on the need of additional tanks, armored vehicles, AC-130 Spectre gunships air-support to support the U.S. Troops that were about to be deployed for Battle of Mogadishu and, discussing the battle preparation instead of paying attention to Powell's recommendation, Aspin caused Powell to grow more irritated. This was believed to be the primary reason for Powell's early departure as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Shortly thereafter Aidid's forces in Mogadishu killed 18 U.S. soldiers and wounded more than 75 in attacks that also resulted in the shooting down of two U.S. helicopters and the capture of one pilot in the Battle of Mogadishu. In the face of severe congressional criticism, Aspin admitted that in view of what had happened he had made a mistake, but stated that the request for armored equipment had been made within the context of delivering humanitarian aid to Somalia rather than protecting troops. In an appearance before a congressional committee to answer questions about the Somalia disaster, Aspin made an unfavorable impression and appeared weak in response to the detailed probing and criticism of his performance. The president publicly defended Aspin but made clear that the White House was not involved in the decision not to send armor reinforcements to Somalia. Several members of Congress called on Clinton to ask for Aspin's resignation.
On 15 December 1993 President Clinton announced Aspin's resignation, for personal reasons. Given the problems that Aspin encountered during his short term, most obviously the losses in Mogadishu, observers assumed that the president had asked him to step down. Speculation in the media centered on the Somalia embarrassment and on Aspin's differences with the Office of Management and Budget over how much the Defense budget should be cut. The secretary's health problems may well have also been a factor. One news magazine stated that Aspin's major handicap was "neither his famously unmilitary bearing nor his inability to discipline himself or the enormous Pentagon bureaucracy; it is his politician's instinct for the middle ground on defense issues." Aspin continued to serve as Secretary of Defense until February 3, 1994, when William Perry took office.
After Aspin's resignation, a number of observers would come to his defense about his job performance. Including Newsweek, who said the real fault for the events in Somalia lay with the United Nations.
Final months and death
After leaving his position, Aspin joined the faculty of Marquette University's international affairs program in Washington and joined the board of directors of the Washington-based think-tank the Henry L. Stimson Center. In March, he became a member of the Commission on Roles and Missions, and in May Clinton chose him to be chairman of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. In March 1995, he began work as chairman of the study group on the Roles and Capabilities of the Intelligence Community.
Aspin had had increasing difficulty during the last years of his life with a congenital heart condition (asymmetric septal hypertrophy; hypertrophic cardiomyopathy/obstructive cardiomyopathy). It necessitated hospitalization during his tenure as Defense Secretary, with placement of a pacemaker. His cardiac disorder was complicated in May 1995 by a stroke, which resulted in his death on May 21, 1995, in Washington, D.C. He was interred at Brookfield's Wisconsin Memorial Park cemetery.
Marquette University named its Les Aspin Center for Government in his honor.
References
Further reading
Aspin, Les. Defense for a New Era: Lessons of the Persian Gulf War (US House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, 1992) online.
External links
Biography at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
Financial information (federal office) at the Federal Election Commission
Legislation sponsored at the Library of Congress
Profile at Vote Smart
Marquette University's Les Aspin Center for Government
Les Aspin's biography on DefenseLink.mil
Interview about the MX missile for the WGBH series, War and Peace in the Nuclear Age
Les Aspin at Find a Grave
Appearances on C-SPAN
|
place of burial
|
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Leslie Aspin Jr. (July 21, 1938 – May 21, 1995) was an American Democratic Party politician who served as the U.S. representative for Wisconsin's 1st congressional district from 1971 to 1993 and as the 18th United States Secretary of Defense under President Bill Clinton from 1993 to 1994.In Congress, Aspin had a reputation as an intellectual who took a middle-of-the-road position on controversial issues. He supported the Reagan administration regarding the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras, but he opposed the B-2 bomber and the Strategic Defense Initiative. He played a major role in convincing the House to support the January 1991 resolution supporting the use of force by President George H. W. Bush against Iraq, after it invaded Kuwait.
He faced complex social issues, such as the roles of homosexuals in uniform, and of women in combat, as well as major decisions regarding the use of military force in Somalia, Bosnia, and Haiti. He proposed budget cuts and restructuring of forces as part of the downsizing of the military after the end of the Cold War. The deaths of U.S. soldiers in Somalia because of inadequate military support led to his resignation.
Early life and education
Aspin was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. He graduated from Shorewood High School. He attended Yale University, where he was admitted to the Zeta Psi fraternity, and graduated summa cum laude in 1960 with a Bachelor of Arts in history. Aspin then attended the University of Oxford, where he received his Master of Philosophy in economics in 1962 and his Doctor of Philosophy in economics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1966.
Aspin met his wife, Maureen Shea, in Saigon during the Vietnam War. Shea, a graduate of Hollins College, was working for a research firm interviewing Vietcong defectors when the two were introduced by a mutual acquaintance. After the project was completed she moved to Wisconsin to work on Aspin's unsuccessful bid for Wisconsin State Treasurer in 1968. The couple became engaged in October 1968 and married in January 1969 in Shea's hometown of Hillsdale, New York. The couple divorced in 1979 and had no children.
Aspin served a brief tenure as a congressional staff member for United States Senator William Proxmire. As an officer in the U.S. Army from 1966 to 1968, he served as a systems analyst in the Pentagon under Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, serving in the Office of Systems Analysis. Before his election as a Democrat to Congress in 1970, Aspin had been active in Wisconsin politics and had taught economics at Marquette University.
U.S. Congress
Aspin ran as a peace candidate in 1970, opposing the Vietnam War. In the Democratic primary he was opposed by Doug La Follette, who was endorsed by the party. Aspin lost the initial count by a few dozen votes, and initially refused to pay for a recount out of his own pocket. It was only after his Kenosha County campaign director, Edwin M. Andersen, was able to garner financial support from numerous supporters, however, that the legendarily thrifty Aspin then demanded a recount and won the primary, by a few dozen votes. In the general election he defeated the incumbent, Henry Schadeberg.
Aspin was elected as a Democrat to the 92nd and to the 11 succeeding Congresses and served from January 3, 1971, until his resignation January 20, 1993. Aspin began his career in the United States House of Representatives as an outsider but honed his particular interest and expertise in defense matters. Before and during his tenure in the House, he had opposed the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War.
In his early years in Congress, he often issued press releases critical of shortcomings he detected in the armed forces. In 1973, he criticized the Air Force for devising a plan to purchase 200 beagle puppies, tie the dogs' vocal cords, and conduct tests of poisonous gases. After Aspin began a publicity campaign against the Air Force's plan, an outraged public sent a record number of letters to the Defense Department, surpassing the amount ever sent about any other subject. In March 1974, Aspin told an audience at Brown University, including future 4-star General Wesley Clark and four West Point cadets: "You, the young officer and cadets sitting there - never in your lifetimes will you see us intervene abroad. We've learned that lesson."By 1985, when Aspin became chairman of the Armed Services Committee, he was recognized as a leading defense authority. His chairmanship caused controversy among some House Democrats, particularly because he supported the Reagan administration's policies on the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras. Although temporarily removed from his committee chair by his Democratic colleagues in January 1987, Aspin weathered the crisis and regained the chairmanship three weeks later. He again broke with many Democrats in January 1991 when he issued a paper supporting the Bush administration's intention to use military force to drive the Iraqis from Kuwait. The accuracy of his prediction that the United States could win a quick military victory with light casualties added to his reputation as a military expert.
Secretary of Defense
Nomination and confirmation
Aspin served as an adviser to Clinton on defense matters during the 1992 presidential campaign. Given Clinton's lack of military experience, appointment of a prominent and respected defense expert to head The Pentagon seemed desirable. Because of his leadership position in the House, Aspin's views on defense issues were well known. He was skeptical about the Strategic Defense Initiative, and favored a smaller Navy, a cut in U.S. troops in Europe, and further reduction of military personnel strength. These positions, along with the assumption that Aspin would work toward a substantial cut in the Defense budget, worried the military. Defense industry leaders applauded Aspin's selection because he favored maintaining a viable defense industrial base. Although questioned extensively, Aspin won easy confirmation in the Senate.
Agenda and early difficulties
"Shortly after he took office, Aspin discussed dangers that had emerged with the end of the Cold War: the uncertainty that reform could succeed in the former Soviet Union; the enhanced possibility that terrorists or terrorist states could acquire nuclear weapons; the likely proliferation of regional conflicts; and the failure to take adequate account of the impact of the state of the domestic economy on U.S. national security interests. Given these conditions and the end of the Cold War, it seemed clear that the Pentagon was entering a period of potentially profound change. Aspin looked like a sound choice to manage this change.
As it turned out, Aspin faced difficulties from the beginning. A serious heart ailment put him in the hospital for several days in February 1993, after barely a month in office. A month later he was back in the hospital for implantation of a heart pacemaker. Even so, he had to deal immediately with the highly charged question of homosexuals in the military, a controversy left over from his predecessor Dick Cheney's tenure. That had become an issue in the 1992 campaign, when Clinton had promised to end discrimination against homosexuals. During his confirmation hearings Aspin indicated that he would take action quickly, and on entering office he presented a plan to the president to discuss the matter with Congress and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and presented a timetable leading to an order dealing with the matter. This plan provoked widespread protest from all sides on the issue."
Gender and sexuality in the military
The fallout from the controversy wounded both Clinton and Aspin politically and dragged on until December 1993, when, after many months of equivocation, confusion, and more controversy, Aspin released new regulations, known as the "Don't ask, don't tell" policy on homosexual conduct in the armed forces: Applicants for the services would not be asked about their sexual orientation, and homosexual orientation would not disqualify anyone from service "unless manifested by homosexual conduct"; military personnel would be judged on suitability for service, not sexual orientation; separation from the service would be based on homosexual acts, same sex marriage, or statements by an individual that he or she was bisexual or homosexual, with the person accorded the opportunity to rebut the presumption of homosexual acts; DoD criminal investigation or law enforcement organizations would not investigate solely to determine a service member's sexual orientation, and sexual orientation questions would not be included in personnel security questionnaires; finally, service members would be informed of DoD policy on sexual conduct during their training. This compromise policy, issued after an agonizing and divisive public debate, did not completely satisfy any of the concerned parties.
Also on the social side, Aspin had to deal with the volatile question of service women in combat. In April 1993 he announced a revised policy on the assignment of women in the armed forces: The services were to allow women to compete for assignments in combat aircraft; the Navy was to open additional ships to women and draft a proposal for Congress to remove existing legislative barriers to the assignment of women to combat vessels; and the Army and Marine Corps were to look for opportunities for women to serve in such components as field artillery and air defense. (This was a response to recommendations made by an ad hoc committee chaired by Barbara S. Pope appointed in the wake of the Tailhook scandal.) Meanwhile, Secretary of the Air Force Sheila E. Widnall became the first woman service secretary.
Defense budget and "bottom-up review"
Development of the Defense budget for FY 1994, beginning on 1 October 1993, remained Aspin's biggest task. The budget process proved more complicated than usual, owing to Clinton's campaign pledge to reduce DoD funding and to a "bottom-up review" of the military structure ordered by Aspin shortly after he took office. The end of the Cold War and the consequent opportunity to cut military costs clearly called for the kind of reevaluation of ends and means that the bottom-up review might contribute. A Pentagon steering group chaired by Under Secretary of Defense (Acquisition and Technology) John M. Deutch and including representatives from various OSD offices, the Joint Staff, and the services conducted the review.
Because of the growing threat of regional conflicts, Aspin wanted to have a strong capability to carry out limited military operations, including peacekeeping, and to maintain "a strong peacetime presence of U.S. forces around the world". The bottom-up review report, which Aspin released in September 1993, took into account strategy formulation, force structure, weapon systems modernization, and Defense infrastructure. The report projected a reduced force structure still capable of fighting and winning two simultaneous major regional conflicts. Forces would include 10 active Army divisions; 11 carrier battle groups, 45 to 55 attack submarines, and about 345 ships; 5 active Marine brigades; and 13 active and 7 reserve Air Force fighter wings. The report also called for additional prepositioned equipment and airlift/sealift capacity, improved anti-armor and precision-guided munitions, and enhanced Army National Guard combat brigade readiness.
The conclusions of the bottom-up review influenced the development of the FY 1994 Defense budget, although detailed work on the budget had begun as soon as Aspin took office. In March 1993 Aspin introduced a FY 1994 budget proposal costing $263.4 billion, about $12 billion below current levels, and reflecting cuts in the military services similar to those later included in the bottom-up review. To some critics of high military spending, Aspin's budget plan differed little from that of the Bush administration.
In the fall of 1993 Aspin began to tell the White House that the five-year Defense budget, reflecting the results of the bottom-up review, would exceed the more than $1 trillion projected by the Clinton administration. In December 1993 he put the anticipated shortfall at no less than $50 billion, the consequence of inaccurate inflation estimates, a military pay raise, and failure to account for other Pentagon costs, including peacekeeping operations. The size of the force needed to meet the two regional wars scenario contributed to the projected budget shortfall. Furthermore, Aspin was on record as favoring the use of U.S. troops in regional conflicts, as opposed to other decisionmakers, including General Colin Powell, chairman of the JCS. Aspin's departure from office early in 1994 left further decisions on the Defense budget to his successor. The final FY 1994 budget amounted to a little under $252 billion in total obligational authority.
Like his predecessors Carlucci and Cheney, Aspin faced the perennial issue of base closures, which could also affect the Defense budget. In March 1993 he released a plan to close an additional 31 large military installations and to shrink or consolidate 134 other sites, projecting a savings of over $3 billion a year beginning in 2000. A new Defense Base Closure and Realignment Commission approved the proposal, which went into effect when Congress accepted it as a package.
The SDI program also held important budget implications. In May 1993 Aspin announced "the end of the Star Wars era," explaining that the collapse of the Soviet Union had determined the fate of SDI. He renamed the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization as the Ballistic Missile Defense Organization (BMDO) and established its priorities as theater and national missile defense and useful follow-on technologies. Aspin's assignment of responsibility for BMDO to the under secretary of defense (acquisition and technology) signified the downgrading of the program.
Global crises and initiatives
While seeking solutions to the complex budget and force structure issues, Aspin found himself beset with difficult regional problems and conflicts that demanded decisions and action. In NATO he pushed the U.S.-sponsored "Partnership for Peace" program to bring together NATO members and nonmembers for military activities, including training maneuvers, equipment sharing, search and rescue, antiterrorist efforts, environmental cleanup, and peacekeeping operations. At a meeting in Brussels in December 1993 the NATO defense ministers agreed to consider for future alliance membership those non-NATO nations that participated in the program. Russian President Boris Yeltsin warned that attempts to bring Eastern European nations into NATO would threaten his country's strategic interests and endanger hopes for the former Soviet bloc's reconciliation with the West. Yeltsin argued that enlarging NATO would reawaken old Russian concerns about encirclement and possibly weaken the cause of democratic reform.
The unstable situation in Haiti, where elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide had been ousted from office by the military in September 1991, presented another regional problem. The United States pressured the military government to restore Aristide. In July 1993, the Haitian military regime agreed to reinstate Aristide by October 30, 1993, but then refused to step down. In October, in an effort Clinton approved even though Aspin opposed it, the United States sent the USS Harlan County carrying 200 troops to Port-au-Prince, Haiti's capital. Met by a hostile mob of armed Haitians, the ship turned away without attempting to undertake its mission, which the Pentagon described as an effort to professionalize the Haitian military and undertake civil assistance projects. Some observers attacked Aspin for not taking a harder stand in the administration against an action he opposed and then aborting the effort in the face of local opposition.
During Aspin's term the U.S. was concerned that Communist North Korea might have underway a nuclear weapons development program. This gave way to alarm when that country refused to allow full inspection of nuclear sites. In November 1993 North Korea demanded that the United States and South Korea cancel a planned joint training exercise as a precondition during discussions on the nuclear issue. Aspin rejected this demand and announced that the United States would suspend plans to withdraw its troops gradually from the peninsula.
In the Persian Gulf area, Iraq remained a problem. In June 1993 two U.S. Navy ships fired Tomahawk missiles against the headquarters building of Iraq's intelligence service in Baghdad in response to evidence of a plot to assassinate former President Bush during a visit to Kuwait. Aspin described the attack as a "wake up call" for Saddam Hussein. Two months later Aspin received a report on the U.S. military performance during the 1991 Gulf War, the result of a study undertaken by the House Armed Services Committee when he chaired it. The report concluded that the U.S. Central Command had greatly exaggerated damage done to Iraqi military equipment, such as tanks and naval vessels, by air strikes. Aspin also had to consider the question of health problems of U.S. service personnel who participated in the action against Iraq. He announced that a preliminary review disclosed no connection between chemical weapon agents and the reported health problems. Nevertheless, he formed a panel of outside experts to examine the issue further.
The worsening crisis in Bosnia commanded attention and demanded some kind of U.S. response. Aspin did not favor using ground forces to intervene in the civil war involving the Bosnian Muslims, Serbs, and Croats, but thought that the use of sophisticated weapons was a more reasonable option. Eventually the administration decided on an airdrop of humanitarian aid, even though Aspin did not favor the plan.
Somalia turned out to be Aspin's biggest headache. A civil war involving various clans had engulfed the country since 1991. Direct U.S. involvement, begun in August 1992, provided food through a military airlift and other means to the people of Somalia. In December 1992, shortly before Aspin became secretary of defense, the United States joined a new Unified Task Force (UNITAF) to provide security as well as food relief. The United States sent 26,000 troops to Somalia to join about 13,000 others from more than 20 nations. UNITAF, operating until May 1993, restored order in Somalia and distributed food widely.
In March 1993, United Nations Operation in Somalia II began in an effort to create conditions to enable the Somalis to rebuild the country. The United States cut its troops in Somalia to some 4,000 and then added 400 Army Rangers in August 1993. At that time, confronting criticism at home that the United States was getting more deeply involved in the factional violence in Somalia without a clear rationale, Aspin explained that U.S. troops would remain until order had been restored in Mogadishu, Somalia's capital, progress had been made in disarming rival clans, and effective police forces were operating in the country's major cities. At the same time the United States increased its military efforts against a leading Somali warlord, Mohamed Farrah Aidid.
Criticism and final days in office
In September 1993, General Powell asked Aspin to approve the request of the U.S. commander in Somalia for tanks, armored vehicles and AC-130 Spectre gunships for his forces. Aspin turned down the request and did not take Powell's request seriously. At some point during a lunch meeting, Powell presented to Aspin on the need of additional tanks, armored vehicles, AC-130 Spectre gunships air-support to support the U.S. Troops that were about to be deployed for Battle of Mogadishu and, discussing the battle preparation instead of paying attention to Powell's recommendation, Aspin caused Powell to grow more irritated. This was believed to be the primary reason for Powell's early departure as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Shortly thereafter Aidid's forces in Mogadishu killed 18 U.S. soldiers and wounded more than 75 in attacks that also resulted in the shooting down of two U.S. helicopters and the capture of one pilot in the Battle of Mogadishu. In the face of severe congressional criticism, Aspin admitted that in view of what had happened he had made a mistake, but stated that the request for armored equipment had been made within the context of delivering humanitarian aid to Somalia rather than protecting troops. In an appearance before a congressional committee to answer questions about the Somalia disaster, Aspin made an unfavorable impression and appeared weak in response to the detailed probing and criticism of his performance. The president publicly defended Aspin but made clear that the White House was not involved in the decision not to send armor reinforcements to Somalia. Several members of Congress called on Clinton to ask for Aspin's resignation.
On 15 December 1993 President Clinton announced Aspin's resignation, for personal reasons. Given the problems that Aspin encountered during his short term, most obviously the losses in Mogadishu, observers assumed that the president had asked him to step down. Speculation in the media centered on the Somalia embarrassment and on Aspin's differences with the Office of Management and Budget over how much the Defense budget should be cut. The secretary's health problems may well have also been a factor. One news magazine stated that Aspin's major handicap was "neither his famously unmilitary bearing nor his inability to discipline himself or the enormous Pentagon bureaucracy; it is his politician's instinct for the middle ground on defense issues." Aspin continued to serve as Secretary of Defense until February 3, 1994, when William Perry took office.
After Aspin's resignation, a number of observers would come to his defense about his job performance. Including Newsweek, who said the real fault for the events in Somalia lay with the United Nations.
Final months and death
After leaving his position, Aspin joined the faculty of Marquette University's international affairs program in Washington and joined the board of directors of the Washington-based think-tank the Henry L. Stimson Center. In March, he became a member of the Commission on Roles and Missions, and in May Clinton chose him to be chairman of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. In March 1995, he began work as chairman of the study group on the Roles and Capabilities of the Intelligence Community.
Aspin had had increasing difficulty during the last years of his life with a congenital heart condition (asymmetric septal hypertrophy; hypertrophic cardiomyopathy/obstructive cardiomyopathy). It necessitated hospitalization during his tenure as Defense Secretary, with placement of a pacemaker. His cardiac disorder was complicated in May 1995 by a stroke, which resulted in his death on May 21, 1995, in Washington, D.C. He was interred at Brookfield's Wisconsin Memorial Park cemetery.
Marquette University named its Les Aspin Center for Government in his honor.
References
Further reading
Aspin, Les. Defense for a New Era: Lessons of the Persian Gulf War (US House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, 1992) online.
External links
Biography at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
Financial information (federal office) at the Federal Election Commission
Legislation sponsored at the Library of Congress
Profile at Vote Smart
Marquette University's Les Aspin Center for Government
Les Aspin's biography on DefenseLink.mil
Interview about the MX missile for the WGBH series, War and Peace in the Nuclear Age
Les Aspin at Find a Grave
Appearances on C-SPAN
|
Commons category
|
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Leslie Aspin Jr. (July 21, 1938 – May 21, 1995) was an American Democratic Party politician who served as the U.S. representative for Wisconsin's 1st congressional district from 1971 to 1993 and as the 18th United States Secretary of Defense under President Bill Clinton from 1993 to 1994.In Congress, Aspin had a reputation as an intellectual who took a middle-of-the-road position on controversial issues. He supported the Reagan administration regarding the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras, but he opposed the B-2 bomber and the Strategic Defense Initiative. He played a major role in convincing the House to support the January 1991 resolution supporting the use of force by President George H. W. Bush against Iraq, after it invaded Kuwait.
He faced complex social issues, such as the roles of homosexuals in uniform, and of women in combat, as well as major decisions regarding the use of military force in Somalia, Bosnia, and Haiti. He proposed budget cuts and restructuring of forces as part of the downsizing of the military after the end of the Cold War. The deaths of U.S. soldiers in Somalia because of inadequate military support led to his resignation.
Early life and education
Aspin was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. He graduated from Shorewood High School. He attended Yale University, where he was admitted to the Zeta Psi fraternity, and graduated summa cum laude in 1960 with a Bachelor of Arts in history. Aspin then attended the University of Oxford, where he received his Master of Philosophy in economics in 1962 and his Doctor of Philosophy in economics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1966.
Aspin met his wife, Maureen Shea, in Saigon during the Vietnam War. Shea, a graduate of Hollins College, was working for a research firm interviewing Vietcong defectors when the two were introduced by a mutual acquaintance. After the project was completed she moved to Wisconsin to work on Aspin's unsuccessful bid for Wisconsin State Treasurer in 1968. The couple became engaged in October 1968 and married in January 1969 in Shea's hometown of Hillsdale, New York. The couple divorced in 1979 and had no children.
Aspin served a brief tenure as a congressional staff member for United States Senator William Proxmire. As an officer in the U.S. Army from 1966 to 1968, he served as a systems analyst in the Pentagon under Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, serving in the Office of Systems Analysis. Before his election as a Democrat to Congress in 1970, Aspin had been active in Wisconsin politics and had taught economics at Marquette University.
U.S. Congress
Aspin ran as a peace candidate in 1970, opposing the Vietnam War. In the Democratic primary he was opposed by Doug La Follette, who was endorsed by the party. Aspin lost the initial count by a few dozen votes, and initially refused to pay for a recount out of his own pocket. It was only after his Kenosha County campaign director, Edwin M. Andersen, was able to garner financial support from numerous supporters, however, that the legendarily thrifty Aspin then demanded a recount and won the primary, by a few dozen votes. In the general election he defeated the incumbent, Henry Schadeberg.
Aspin was elected as a Democrat to the 92nd and to the 11 succeeding Congresses and served from January 3, 1971, until his resignation January 20, 1993. Aspin began his career in the United States House of Representatives as an outsider but honed his particular interest and expertise in defense matters. Before and during his tenure in the House, he had opposed the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War.
In his early years in Congress, he often issued press releases critical of shortcomings he detected in the armed forces. In 1973, he criticized the Air Force for devising a plan to purchase 200 beagle puppies, tie the dogs' vocal cords, and conduct tests of poisonous gases. After Aspin began a publicity campaign against the Air Force's plan, an outraged public sent a record number of letters to the Defense Department, surpassing the amount ever sent about any other subject. In March 1974, Aspin told an audience at Brown University, including future 4-star General Wesley Clark and four West Point cadets: "You, the young officer and cadets sitting there - never in your lifetimes will you see us intervene abroad. We've learned that lesson."By 1985, when Aspin became chairman of the Armed Services Committee, he was recognized as a leading defense authority. His chairmanship caused controversy among some House Democrats, particularly because he supported the Reagan administration's policies on the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras. Although temporarily removed from his committee chair by his Democratic colleagues in January 1987, Aspin weathered the crisis and regained the chairmanship three weeks later. He again broke with many Democrats in January 1991 when he issued a paper supporting the Bush administration's intention to use military force to drive the Iraqis from Kuwait. The accuracy of his prediction that the United States could win a quick military victory with light casualties added to his reputation as a military expert.
Secretary of Defense
Nomination and confirmation
Aspin served as an adviser to Clinton on defense matters during the 1992 presidential campaign. Given Clinton's lack of military experience, appointment of a prominent and respected defense expert to head The Pentagon seemed desirable. Because of his leadership position in the House, Aspin's views on defense issues were well known. He was skeptical about the Strategic Defense Initiative, and favored a smaller Navy, a cut in U.S. troops in Europe, and further reduction of military personnel strength. These positions, along with the assumption that Aspin would work toward a substantial cut in the Defense budget, worried the military. Defense industry leaders applauded Aspin's selection because he favored maintaining a viable defense industrial base. Although questioned extensively, Aspin won easy confirmation in the Senate.
Agenda and early difficulties
"Shortly after he took office, Aspin discussed dangers that had emerged with the end of the Cold War: the uncertainty that reform could succeed in the former Soviet Union; the enhanced possibility that terrorists or terrorist states could acquire nuclear weapons; the likely proliferation of regional conflicts; and the failure to take adequate account of the impact of the state of the domestic economy on U.S. national security interests. Given these conditions and the end of the Cold War, it seemed clear that the Pentagon was entering a period of potentially profound change. Aspin looked like a sound choice to manage this change.
As it turned out, Aspin faced difficulties from the beginning. A serious heart ailment put him in the hospital for several days in February 1993, after barely a month in office. A month later he was back in the hospital for implantation of a heart pacemaker. Even so, he had to deal immediately with the highly charged question of homosexuals in the military, a controversy left over from his predecessor Dick Cheney's tenure. That had become an issue in the 1992 campaign, when Clinton had promised to end discrimination against homosexuals. During his confirmation hearings Aspin indicated that he would take action quickly, and on entering office he presented a plan to the president to discuss the matter with Congress and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and presented a timetable leading to an order dealing with the matter. This plan provoked widespread protest from all sides on the issue."
Gender and sexuality in the military
The fallout from the controversy wounded both Clinton and Aspin politically and dragged on until December 1993, when, after many months of equivocation, confusion, and more controversy, Aspin released new regulations, known as the "Don't ask, don't tell" policy on homosexual conduct in the armed forces: Applicants for the services would not be asked about their sexual orientation, and homosexual orientation would not disqualify anyone from service "unless manifested by homosexual conduct"; military personnel would be judged on suitability for service, not sexual orientation; separation from the service would be based on homosexual acts, same sex marriage, or statements by an individual that he or she was bisexual or homosexual, with the person accorded the opportunity to rebut the presumption of homosexual acts; DoD criminal investigation or law enforcement organizations would not investigate solely to determine a service member's sexual orientation, and sexual orientation questions would not be included in personnel security questionnaires; finally, service members would be informed of DoD policy on sexual conduct during their training. This compromise policy, issued after an agonizing and divisive public debate, did not completely satisfy any of the concerned parties.
Also on the social side, Aspin had to deal with the volatile question of service women in combat. In April 1993 he announced a revised policy on the assignment of women in the armed forces: The services were to allow women to compete for assignments in combat aircraft; the Navy was to open additional ships to women and draft a proposal for Congress to remove existing legislative barriers to the assignment of women to combat vessels; and the Army and Marine Corps were to look for opportunities for women to serve in such components as field artillery and air defense. (This was a response to recommendations made by an ad hoc committee chaired by Barbara S. Pope appointed in the wake of the Tailhook scandal.) Meanwhile, Secretary of the Air Force Sheila E. Widnall became the first woman service secretary.
Defense budget and "bottom-up review"
Development of the Defense budget for FY 1994, beginning on 1 October 1993, remained Aspin's biggest task. The budget process proved more complicated than usual, owing to Clinton's campaign pledge to reduce DoD funding and to a "bottom-up review" of the military structure ordered by Aspin shortly after he took office. The end of the Cold War and the consequent opportunity to cut military costs clearly called for the kind of reevaluation of ends and means that the bottom-up review might contribute. A Pentagon steering group chaired by Under Secretary of Defense (Acquisition and Technology) John M. Deutch and including representatives from various OSD offices, the Joint Staff, and the services conducted the review.
Because of the growing threat of regional conflicts, Aspin wanted to have a strong capability to carry out limited military operations, including peacekeeping, and to maintain "a strong peacetime presence of U.S. forces around the world". The bottom-up review report, which Aspin released in September 1993, took into account strategy formulation, force structure, weapon systems modernization, and Defense infrastructure. The report projected a reduced force structure still capable of fighting and winning two simultaneous major regional conflicts. Forces would include 10 active Army divisions; 11 carrier battle groups, 45 to 55 attack submarines, and about 345 ships; 5 active Marine brigades; and 13 active and 7 reserve Air Force fighter wings. The report also called for additional prepositioned equipment and airlift/sealift capacity, improved anti-armor and precision-guided munitions, and enhanced Army National Guard combat brigade readiness.
The conclusions of the bottom-up review influenced the development of the FY 1994 Defense budget, although detailed work on the budget had begun as soon as Aspin took office. In March 1993 Aspin introduced a FY 1994 budget proposal costing $263.4 billion, about $12 billion below current levels, and reflecting cuts in the military services similar to those later included in the bottom-up review. To some critics of high military spending, Aspin's budget plan differed little from that of the Bush administration.
In the fall of 1993 Aspin began to tell the White House that the five-year Defense budget, reflecting the results of the bottom-up review, would exceed the more than $1 trillion projected by the Clinton administration. In December 1993 he put the anticipated shortfall at no less than $50 billion, the consequence of inaccurate inflation estimates, a military pay raise, and failure to account for other Pentagon costs, including peacekeeping operations. The size of the force needed to meet the two regional wars scenario contributed to the projected budget shortfall. Furthermore, Aspin was on record as favoring the use of U.S. troops in regional conflicts, as opposed to other decisionmakers, including General Colin Powell, chairman of the JCS. Aspin's departure from office early in 1994 left further decisions on the Defense budget to his successor. The final FY 1994 budget amounted to a little under $252 billion in total obligational authority.
Like his predecessors Carlucci and Cheney, Aspin faced the perennial issue of base closures, which could also affect the Defense budget. In March 1993 he released a plan to close an additional 31 large military installations and to shrink or consolidate 134 other sites, projecting a savings of over $3 billion a year beginning in 2000. A new Defense Base Closure and Realignment Commission approved the proposal, which went into effect when Congress accepted it as a package.
The SDI program also held important budget implications. In May 1993 Aspin announced "the end of the Star Wars era," explaining that the collapse of the Soviet Union had determined the fate of SDI. He renamed the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization as the Ballistic Missile Defense Organization (BMDO) and established its priorities as theater and national missile defense and useful follow-on technologies. Aspin's assignment of responsibility for BMDO to the under secretary of defense (acquisition and technology) signified the downgrading of the program.
Global crises and initiatives
While seeking solutions to the complex budget and force structure issues, Aspin found himself beset with difficult regional problems and conflicts that demanded decisions and action. In NATO he pushed the U.S.-sponsored "Partnership for Peace" program to bring together NATO members and nonmembers for military activities, including training maneuvers, equipment sharing, search and rescue, antiterrorist efforts, environmental cleanup, and peacekeeping operations. At a meeting in Brussels in December 1993 the NATO defense ministers agreed to consider for future alliance membership those non-NATO nations that participated in the program. Russian President Boris Yeltsin warned that attempts to bring Eastern European nations into NATO would threaten his country's strategic interests and endanger hopes for the former Soviet bloc's reconciliation with the West. Yeltsin argued that enlarging NATO would reawaken old Russian concerns about encirclement and possibly weaken the cause of democratic reform.
The unstable situation in Haiti, where elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide had been ousted from office by the military in September 1991, presented another regional problem. The United States pressured the military government to restore Aristide. In July 1993, the Haitian military regime agreed to reinstate Aristide by October 30, 1993, but then refused to step down. In October, in an effort Clinton approved even though Aspin opposed it, the United States sent the USS Harlan County carrying 200 troops to Port-au-Prince, Haiti's capital. Met by a hostile mob of armed Haitians, the ship turned away without attempting to undertake its mission, which the Pentagon described as an effort to professionalize the Haitian military and undertake civil assistance projects. Some observers attacked Aspin for not taking a harder stand in the administration against an action he opposed and then aborting the effort in the face of local opposition.
During Aspin's term the U.S. was concerned that Communist North Korea might have underway a nuclear weapons development program. This gave way to alarm when that country refused to allow full inspection of nuclear sites. In November 1993 North Korea demanded that the United States and South Korea cancel a planned joint training exercise as a precondition during discussions on the nuclear issue. Aspin rejected this demand and announced that the United States would suspend plans to withdraw its troops gradually from the peninsula.
In the Persian Gulf area, Iraq remained a problem. In June 1993 two U.S. Navy ships fired Tomahawk missiles against the headquarters building of Iraq's intelligence service in Baghdad in response to evidence of a plot to assassinate former President Bush during a visit to Kuwait. Aspin described the attack as a "wake up call" for Saddam Hussein. Two months later Aspin received a report on the U.S. military performance during the 1991 Gulf War, the result of a study undertaken by the House Armed Services Committee when he chaired it. The report concluded that the U.S. Central Command had greatly exaggerated damage done to Iraqi military equipment, such as tanks and naval vessels, by air strikes. Aspin also had to consider the question of health problems of U.S. service personnel who participated in the action against Iraq. He announced that a preliminary review disclosed no connection between chemical weapon agents and the reported health problems. Nevertheless, he formed a panel of outside experts to examine the issue further.
The worsening crisis in Bosnia commanded attention and demanded some kind of U.S. response. Aspin did not favor using ground forces to intervene in the civil war involving the Bosnian Muslims, Serbs, and Croats, but thought that the use of sophisticated weapons was a more reasonable option. Eventually the administration decided on an airdrop of humanitarian aid, even though Aspin did not favor the plan.
Somalia turned out to be Aspin's biggest headache. A civil war involving various clans had engulfed the country since 1991. Direct U.S. involvement, begun in August 1992, provided food through a military airlift and other means to the people of Somalia. In December 1992, shortly before Aspin became secretary of defense, the United States joined a new Unified Task Force (UNITAF) to provide security as well as food relief. The United States sent 26,000 troops to Somalia to join about 13,000 others from more than 20 nations. UNITAF, operating until May 1993, restored order in Somalia and distributed food widely.
In March 1993, United Nations Operation in Somalia II began in an effort to create conditions to enable the Somalis to rebuild the country. The United States cut its troops in Somalia to some 4,000 and then added 400 Army Rangers in August 1993. At that time, confronting criticism at home that the United States was getting more deeply involved in the factional violence in Somalia without a clear rationale, Aspin explained that U.S. troops would remain until order had been restored in Mogadishu, Somalia's capital, progress had been made in disarming rival clans, and effective police forces were operating in the country's major cities. At the same time the United States increased its military efforts against a leading Somali warlord, Mohamed Farrah Aidid.
Criticism and final days in office
In September 1993, General Powell asked Aspin to approve the request of the U.S. commander in Somalia for tanks, armored vehicles and AC-130 Spectre gunships for his forces. Aspin turned down the request and did not take Powell's request seriously. At some point during a lunch meeting, Powell presented to Aspin on the need of additional tanks, armored vehicles, AC-130 Spectre gunships air-support to support the U.S. Troops that were about to be deployed for Battle of Mogadishu and, discussing the battle preparation instead of paying attention to Powell's recommendation, Aspin caused Powell to grow more irritated. This was believed to be the primary reason for Powell's early departure as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Shortly thereafter Aidid's forces in Mogadishu killed 18 U.S. soldiers and wounded more than 75 in attacks that also resulted in the shooting down of two U.S. helicopters and the capture of one pilot in the Battle of Mogadishu. In the face of severe congressional criticism, Aspin admitted that in view of what had happened he had made a mistake, but stated that the request for armored equipment had been made within the context of delivering humanitarian aid to Somalia rather than protecting troops. In an appearance before a congressional committee to answer questions about the Somalia disaster, Aspin made an unfavorable impression and appeared weak in response to the detailed probing and criticism of his performance. The president publicly defended Aspin but made clear that the White House was not involved in the decision not to send armor reinforcements to Somalia. Several members of Congress called on Clinton to ask for Aspin's resignation.
On 15 December 1993 President Clinton announced Aspin's resignation, for personal reasons. Given the problems that Aspin encountered during his short term, most obviously the losses in Mogadishu, observers assumed that the president had asked him to step down. Speculation in the media centered on the Somalia embarrassment and on Aspin's differences with the Office of Management and Budget over how much the Defense budget should be cut. The secretary's health problems may well have also been a factor. One news magazine stated that Aspin's major handicap was "neither his famously unmilitary bearing nor his inability to discipline himself or the enormous Pentagon bureaucracy; it is his politician's instinct for the middle ground on defense issues." Aspin continued to serve as Secretary of Defense until February 3, 1994, when William Perry took office.
After Aspin's resignation, a number of observers would come to his defense about his job performance. Including Newsweek, who said the real fault for the events in Somalia lay with the United Nations.
Final months and death
After leaving his position, Aspin joined the faculty of Marquette University's international affairs program in Washington and joined the board of directors of the Washington-based think-tank the Henry L. Stimson Center. In March, he became a member of the Commission on Roles and Missions, and in May Clinton chose him to be chairman of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. In March 1995, he began work as chairman of the study group on the Roles and Capabilities of the Intelligence Community.
Aspin had had increasing difficulty during the last years of his life with a congenital heart condition (asymmetric septal hypertrophy; hypertrophic cardiomyopathy/obstructive cardiomyopathy). It necessitated hospitalization during his tenure as Defense Secretary, with placement of a pacemaker. His cardiac disorder was complicated in May 1995 by a stroke, which resulted in his death on May 21, 1995, in Washington, D.C. He was interred at Brookfield's Wisconsin Memorial Park cemetery.
Marquette University named its Les Aspin Center for Government in his honor.
References
Further reading
Aspin, Les. Defense for a New Era: Lessons of the Persian Gulf War (US House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, 1992) online.
External links
Biography at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
Financial information (federal office) at the Federal Election Commission
Legislation sponsored at the Library of Congress
Profile at Vote Smart
Marquette University's Les Aspin Center for Government
Les Aspin's biography on DefenseLink.mil
Interview about the MX missile for the WGBH series, War and Peace in the Nuclear Age
Les Aspin at Find a Grave
Appearances on C-SPAN
|
cause of death
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Leslie Aspin Jr. (July 21, 1938 – May 21, 1995) was an American Democratic Party politician who served as the U.S. representative for Wisconsin's 1st congressional district from 1971 to 1993 and as the 18th United States Secretary of Defense under President Bill Clinton from 1993 to 1994.In Congress, Aspin had a reputation as an intellectual who took a middle-of-the-road position on controversial issues. He supported the Reagan administration regarding the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras, but he opposed the B-2 bomber and the Strategic Defense Initiative. He played a major role in convincing the House to support the January 1991 resolution supporting the use of force by President George H. W. Bush against Iraq, after it invaded Kuwait.
He faced complex social issues, such as the roles of homosexuals in uniform, and of women in combat, as well as major decisions regarding the use of military force in Somalia, Bosnia, and Haiti. He proposed budget cuts and restructuring of forces as part of the downsizing of the military after the end of the Cold War. The deaths of U.S. soldiers in Somalia because of inadequate military support led to his resignation.
Early life and education
Aspin was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. He graduated from Shorewood High School. He attended Yale University, where he was admitted to the Zeta Psi fraternity, and graduated summa cum laude in 1960 with a Bachelor of Arts in history. Aspin then attended the University of Oxford, where he received his Master of Philosophy in economics in 1962 and his Doctor of Philosophy in economics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1966.
Aspin met his wife, Maureen Shea, in Saigon during the Vietnam War. Shea, a graduate of Hollins College, was working for a research firm interviewing Vietcong defectors when the two were introduced by a mutual acquaintance. After the project was completed she moved to Wisconsin to work on Aspin's unsuccessful bid for Wisconsin State Treasurer in 1968. The couple became engaged in October 1968 and married in January 1969 in Shea's hometown of Hillsdale, New York. The couple divorced in 1979 and had no children.
Aspin served a brief tenure as a congressional staff member for United States Senator William Proxmire. As an officer in the U.S. Army from 1966 to 1968, he served as a systems analyst in the Pentagon under Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, serving in the Office of Systems Analysis. Before his election as a Democrat to Congress in 1970, Aspin had been active in Wisconsin politics and had taught economics at Marquette University.
U.S. Congress
Aspin ran as a peace candidate in 1970, opposing the Vietnam War. In the Democratic primary he was opposed by Doug La Follette, who was endorsed by the party. Aspin lost the initial count by a few dozen votes, and initially refused to pay for a recount out of his own pocket. It was only after his Kenosha County campaign director, Edwin M. Andersen, was able to garner financial support from numerous supporters, however, that the legendarily thrifty Aspin then demanded a recount and won the primary, by a few dozen votes. In the general election he defeated the incumbent, Henry Schadeberg.
Aspin was elected as a Democrat to the 92nd and to the 11 succeeding Congresses and served from January 3, 1971, until his resignation January 20, 1993. Aspin began his career in the United States House of Representatives as an outsider but honed his particular interest and expertise in defense matters. Before and during his tenure in the House, he had opposed the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War.
In his early years in Congress, he often issued press releases critical of shortcomings he detected in the armed forces. In 1973, he criticized the Air Force for devising a plan to purchase 200 beagle puppies, tie the dogs' vocal cords, and conduct tests of poisonous gases. After Aspin began a publicity campaign against the Air Force's plan, an outraged public sent a record number of letters to the Defense Department, surpassing the amount ever sent about any other subject. In March 1974, Aspin told an audience at Brown University, including future 4-star General Wesley Clark and four West Point cadets: "You, the young officer and cadets sitting there - never in your lifetimes will you see us intervene abroad. We've learned that lesson."By 1985, when Aspin became chairman of the Armed Services Committee, he was recognized as a leading defense authority. His chairmanship caused controversy among some House Democrats, particularly because he supported the Reagan administration's policies on the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras. Although temporarily removed from his committee chair by his Democratic colleagues in January 1987, Aspin weathered the crisis and regained the chairmanship three weeks later. He again broke with many Democrats in January 1991 when he issued a paper supporting the Bush administration's intention to use military force to drive the Iraqis from Kuwait. The accuracy of his prediction that the United States could win a quick military victory with light casualties added to his reputation as a military expert.
Secretary of Defense
Nomination and confirmation
Aspin served as an adviser to Clinton on defense matters during the 1992 presidential campaign. Given Clinton's lack of military experience, appointment of a prominent and respected defense expert to head The Pentagon seemed desirable. Because of his leadership position in the House, Aspin's views on defense issues were well known. He was skeptical about the Strategic Defense Initiative, and favored a smaller Navy, a cut in U.S. troops in Europe, and further reduction of military personnel strength. These positions, along with the assumption that Aspin would work toward a substantial cut in the Defense budget, worried the military. Defense industry leaders applauded Aspin's selection because he favored maintaining a viable defense industrial base. Although questioned extensively, Aspin won easy confirmation in the Senate.
Agenda and early difficulties
"Shortly after he took office, Aspin discussed dangers that had emerged with the end of the Cold War: the uncertainty that reform could succeed in the former Soviet Union; the enhanced possibility that terrorists or terrorist states could acquire nuclear weapons; the likely proliferation of regional conflicts; and the failure to take adequate account of the impact of the state of the domestic economy on U.S. national security interests. Given these conditions and the end of the Cold War, it seemed clear that the Pentagon was entering a period of potentially profound change. Aspin looked like a sound choice to manage this change.
As it turned out, Aspin faced difficulties from the beginning. A serious heart ailment put him in the hospital for several days in February 1993, after barely a month in office. A month later he was back in the hospital for implantation of a heart pacemaker. Even so, he had to deal immediately with the highly charged question of homosexuals in the military, a controversy left over from his predecessor Dick Cheney's tenure. That had become an issue in the 1992 campaign, when Clinton had promised to end discrimination against homosexuals. During his confirmation hearings Aspin indicated that he would take action quickly, and on entering office he presented a plan to the president to discuss the matter with Congress and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and presented a timetable leading to an order dealing with the matter. This plan provoked widespread protest from all sides on the issue."
Gender and sexuality in the military
The fallout from the controversy wounded both Clinton and Aspin politically and dragged on until December 1993, when, after many months of equivocation, confusion, and more controversy, Aspin released new regulations, known as the "Don't ask, don't tell" policy on homosexual conduct in the armed forces: Applicants for the services would not be asked about their sexual orientation, and homosexual orientation would not disqualify anyone from service "unless manifested by homosexual conduct"; military personnel would be judged on suitability for service, not sexual orientation; separation from the service would be based on homosexual acts, same sex marriage, or statements by an individual that he or she was bisexual or homosexual, with the person accorded the opportunity to rebut the presumption of homosexual acts; DoD criminal investigation or law enforcement organizations would not investigate solely to determine a service member's sexual orientation, and sexual orientation questions would not be included in personnel security questionnaires; finally, service members would be informed of DoD policy on sexual conduct during their training. This compromise policy, issued after an agonizing and divisive public debate, did not completely satisfy any of the concerned parties.
Also on the social side, Aspin had to deal with the volatile question of service women in combat. In April 1993 he announced a revised policy on the assignment of women in the armed forces: The services were to allow women to compete for assignments in combat aircraft; the Navy was to open additional ships to women and draft a proposal for Congress to remove existing legislative barriers to the assignment of women to combat vessels; and the Army and Marine Corps were to look for opportunities for women to serve in such components as field artillery and air defense. (This was a response to recommendations made by an ad hoc committee chaired by Barbara S. Pope appointed in the wake of the Tailhook scandal.) Meanwhile, Secretary of the Air Force Sheila E. Widnall became the first woman service secretary.
Defense budget and "bottom-up review"
Development of the Defense budget for FY 1994, beginning on 1 October 1993, remained Aspin's biggest task. The budget process proved more complicated than usual, owing to Clinton's campaign pledge to reduce DoD funding and to a "bottom-up review" of the military structure ordered by Aspin shortly after he took office. The end of the Cold War and the consequent opportunity to cut military costs clearly called for the kind of reevaluation of ends and means that the bottom-up review might contribute. A Pentagon steering group chaired by Under Secretary of Defense (Acquisition and Technology) John M. Deutch and including representatives from various OSD offices, the Joint Staff, and the services conducted the review.
Because of the growing threat of regional conflicts, Aspin wanted to have a strong capability to carry out limited military operations, including peacekeeping, and to maintain "a strong peacetime presence of U.S. forces around the world". The bottom-up review report, which Aspin released in September 1993, took into account strategy formulation, force structure, weapon systems modernization, and Defense infrastructure. The report projected a reduced force structure still capable of fighting and winning two simultaneous major regional conflicts. Forces would include 10 active Army divisions; 11 carrier battle groups, 45 to 55 attack submarines, and about 345 ships; 5 active Marine brigades; and 13 active and 7 reserve Air Force fighter wings. The report also called for additional prepositioned equipment and airlift/sealift capacity, improved anti-armor and precision-guided munitions, and enhanced Army National Guard combat brigade readiness.
The conclusions of the bottom-up review influenced the development of the FY 1994 Defense budget, although detailed work on the budget had begun as soon as Aspin took office. In March 1993 Aspin introduced a FY 1994 budget proposal costing $263.4 billion, about $12 billion below current levels, and reflecting cuts in the military services similar to those later included in the bottom-up review. To some critics of high military spending, Aspin's budget plan differed little from that of the Bush administration.
In the fall of 1993 Aspin began to tell the White House that the five-year Defense budget, reflecting the results of the bottom-up review, would exceed the more than $1 trillion projected by the Clinton administration. In December 1993 he put the anticipated shortfall at no less than $50 billion, the consequence of inaccurate inflation estimates, a military pay raise, and failure to account for other Pentagon costs, including peacekeeping operations. The size of the force needed to meet the two regional wars scenario contributed to the projected budget shortfall. Furthermore, Aspin was on record as favoring the use of U.S. troops in regional conflicts, as opposed to other decisionmakers, including General Colin Powell, chairman of the JCS. Aspin's departure from office early in 1994 left further decisions on the Defense budget to his successor. The final FY 1994 budget amounted to a little under $252 billion in total obligational authority.
Like his predecessors Carlucci and Cheney, Aspin faced the perennial issue of base closures, which could also affect the Defense budget. In March 1993 he released a plan to close an additional 31 large military installations and to shrink or consolidate 134 other sites, projecting a savings of over $3 billion a year beginning in 2000. A new Defense Base Closure and Realignment Commission approved the proposal, which went into effect when Congress accepted it as a package.
The SDI program also held important budget implications. In May 1993 Aspin announced "the end of the Star Wars era," explaining that the collapse of the Soviet Union had determined the fate of SDI. He renamed the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization as the Ballistic Missile Defense Organization (BMDO) and established its priorities as theater and national missile defense and useful follow-on technologies. Aspin's assignment of responsibility for BMDO to the under secretary of defense (acquisition and technology) signified the downgrading of the program.
Global crises and initiatives
While seeking solutions to the complex budget and force structure issues, Aspin found himself beset with difficult regional problems and conflicts that demanded decisions and action. In NATO he pushed the U.S.-sponsored "Partnership for Peace" program to bring together NATO members and nonmembers for military activities, including training maneuvers, equipment sharing, search and rescue, antiterrorist efforts, environmental cleanup, and peacekeeping operations. At a meeting in Brussels in December 1993 the NATO defense ministers agreed to consider for future alliance membership those non-NATO nations that participated in the program. Russian President Boris Yeltsin warned that attempts to bring Eastern European nations into NATO would threaten his country's strategic interests and endanger hopes for the former Soviet bloc's reconciliation with the West. Yeltsin argued that enlarging NATO would reawaken old Russian concerns about encirclement and possibly weaken the cause of democratic reform.
The unstable situation in Haiti, where elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide had been ousted from office by the military in September 1991, presented another regional problem. The United States pressured the military government to restore Aristide. In July 1993, the Haitian military regime agreed to reinstate Aristide by October 30, 1993, but then refused to step down. In October, in an effort Clinton approved even though Aspin opposed it, the United States sent the USS Harlan County carrying 200 troops to Port-au-Prince, Haiti's capital. Met by a hostile mob of armed Haitians, the ship turned away without attempting to undertake its mission, which the Pentagon described as an effort to professionalize the Haitian military and undertake civil assistance projects. Some observers attacked Aspin for not taking a harder stand in the administration against an action he opposed and then aborting the effort in the face of local opposition.
During Aspin's term the U.S. was concerned that Communist North Korea might have underway a nuclear weapons development program. This gave way to alarm when that country refused to allow full inspection of nuclear sites. In November 1993 North Korea demanded that the United States and South Korea cancel a planned joint training exercise as a precondition during discussions on the nuclear issue. Aspin rejected this demand and announced that the United States would suspend plans to withdraw its troops gradually from the peninsula.
In the Persian Gulf area, Iraq remained a problem. In June 1993 two U.S. Navy ships fired Tomahawk missiles against the headquarters building of Iraq's intelligence service in Baghdad in response to evidence of a plot to assassinate former President Bush during a visit to Kuwait. Aspin described the attack as a "wake up call" for Saddam Hussein. Two months later Aspin received a report on the U.S. military performance during the 1991 Gulf War, the result of a study undertaken by the House Armed Services Committee when he chaired it. The report concluded that the U.S. Central Command had greatly exaggerated damage done to Iraqi military equipment, such as tanks and naval vessels, by air strikes. Aspin also had to consider the question of health problems of U.S. service personnel who participated in the action against Iraq. He announced that a preliminary review disclosed no connection between chemical weapon agents and the reported health problems. Nevertheless, he formed a panel of outside experts to examine the issue further.
The worsening crisis in Bosnia commanded attention and demanded some kind of U.S. response. Aspin did not favor using ground forces to intervene in the civil war involving the Bosnian Muslims, Serbs, and Croats, but thought that the use of sophisticated weapons was a more reasonable option. Eventually the administration decided on an airdrop of humanitarian aid, even though Aspin did not favor the plan.
Somalia turned out to be Aspin's biggest headache. A civil war involving various clans had engulfed the country since 1991. Direct U.S. involvement, begun in August 1992, provided food through a military airlift and other means to the people of Somalia. In December 1992, shortly before Aspin became secretary of defense, the United States joined a new Unified Task Force (UNITAF) to provide security as well as food relief. The United States sent 26,000 troops to Somalia to join about 13,000 others from more than 20 nations. UNITAF, operating until May 1993, restored order in Somalia and distributed food widely.
In March 1993, United Nations Operation in Somalia II began in an effort to create conditions to enable the Somalis to rebuild the country. The United States cut its troops in Somalia to some 4,000 and then added 400 Army Rangers in August 1993. At that time, confronting criticism at home that the United States was getting more deeply involved in the factional violence in Somalia without a clear rationale, Aspin explained that U.S. troops would remain until order had been restored in Mogadishu, Somalia's capital, progress had been made in disarming rival clans, and effective police forces were operating in the country's major cities. At the same time the United States increased its military efforts against a leading Somali warlord, Mohamed Farrah Aidid.
Criticism and final days in office
In September 1993, General Powell asked Aspin to approve the request of the U.S. commander in Somalia for tanks, armored vehicles and AC-130 Spectre gunships for his forces. Aspin turned down the request and did not take Powell's request seriously. At some point during a lunch meeting, Powell presented to Aspin on the need of additional tanks, armored vehicles, AC-130 Spectre gunships air-support to support the U.S. Troops that were about to be deployed for Battle of Mogadishu and, discussing the battle preparation instead of paying attention to Powell's recommendation, Aspin caused Powell to grow more irritated. This was believed to be the primary reason for Powell's early departure as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Shortly thereafter Aidid's forces in Mogadishu killed 18 U.S. soldiers and wounded more than 75 in attacks that also resulted in the shooting down of two U.S. helicopters and the capture of one pilot in the Battle of Mogadishu. In the face of severe congressional criticism, Aspin admitted that in view of what had happened he had made a mistake, but stated that the request for armored equipment had been made within the context of delivering humanitarian aid to Somalia rather than protecting troops. In an appearance before a congressional committee to answer questions about the Somalia disaster, Aspin made an unfavorable impression and appeared weak in response to the detailed probing and criticism of his performance. The president publicly defended Aspin but made clear that the White House was not involved in the decision not to send armor reinforcements to Somalia. Several members of Congress called on Clinton to ask for Aspin's resignation.
On 15 December 1993 President Clinton announced Aspin's resignation, for personal reasons. Given the problems that Aspin encountered during his short term, most obviously the losses in Mogadishu, observers assumed that the president had asked him to step down. Speculation in the media centered on the Somalia embarrassment and on Aspin's differences with the Office of Management and Budget over how much the Defense budget should be cut. The secretary's health problems may well have also been a factor. One news magazine stated that Aspin's major handicap was "neither his famously unmilitary bearing nor his inability to discipline himself or the enormous Pentagon bureaucracy; it is his politician's instinct for the middle ground on defense issues." Aspin continued to serve as Secretary of Defense until February 3, 1994, when William Perry took office.
After Aspin's resignation, a number of observers would come to his defense about his job performance. Including Newsweek, who said the real fault for the events in Somalia lay with the United Nations.
Final months and death
After leaving his position, Aspin joined the faculty of Marquette University's international affairs program in Washington and joined the board of directors of the Washington-based think-tank the Henry L. Stimson Center. In March, he became a member of the Commission on Roles and Missions, and in May Clinton chose him to be chairman of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. In March 1995, he began work as chairman of the study group on the Roles and Capabilities of the Intelligence Community.
Aspin had had increasing difficulty during the last years of his life with a congenital heart condition (asymmetric septal hypertrophy; hypertrophic cardiomyopathy/obstructive cardiomyopathy). It necessitated hospitalization during his tenure as Defense Secretary, with placement of a pacemaker. His cardiac disorder was complicated in May 1995 by a stroke, which resulted in his death on May 21, 1995, in Washington, D.C. He was interred at Brookfield's Wisconsin Memorial Park cemetery.
Marquette University named its Les Aspin Center for Government in his honor.
References
Further reading
Aspin, Les. Defense for a New Era: Lessons of the Persian Gulf War (US House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, 1992) online.
External links
Biography at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
Financial information (federal office) at the Federal Election Commission
Legislation sponsored at the Library of Congress
Profile at Vote Smart
Marquette University's Les Aspin Center for Government
Les Aspin's biography on DefenseLink.mil
Interview about the MX missile for the WGBH series, War and Peace in the Nuclear Age
Les Aspin at Find a Grave
Appearances on C-SPAN
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Leslie Aspin Jr. (July 21, 1938 – May 21, 1995) was an American Democratic Party politician who served as the U.S. representative for Wisconsin's 1st congressional district from 1971 to 1993 and as the 18th United States Secretary of Defense under President Bill Clinton from 1993 to 1994.In Congress, Aspin had a reputation as an intellectual who took a middle-of-the-road position on controversial issues. He supported the Reagan administration regarding the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras, but he opposed the B-2 bomber and the Strategic Defense Initiative. He played a major role in convincing the House to support the January 1991 resolution supporting the use of force by President George H. W. Bush against Iraq, after it invaded Kuwait.
He faced complex social issues, such as the roles of homosexuals in uniform, and of women in combat, as well as major decisions regarding the use of military force in Somalia, Bosnia, and Haiti. He proposed budget cuts and restructuring of forces as part of the downsizing of the military after the end of the Cold War. The deaths of U.S. soldiers in Somalia because of inadequate military support led to his resignation.
Early life and education
Aspin was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. He graduated from Shorewood High School. He attended Yale University, where he was admitted to the Zeta Psi fraternity, and graduated summa cum laude in 1960 with a Bachelor of Arts in history. Aspin then attended the University of Oxford, where he received his Master of Philosophy in economics in 1962 and his Doctor of Philosophy in economics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1966.
Aspin met his wife, Maureen Shea, in Saigon during the Vietnam War. Shea, a graduate of Hollins College, was working for a research firm interviewing Vietcong defectors when the two were introduced by a mutual acquaintance. After the project was completed she moved to Wisconsin to work on Aspin's unsuccessful bid for Wisconsin State Treasurer in 1968. The couple became engaged in October 1968 and married in January 1969 in Shea's hometown of Hillsdale, New York. The couple divorced in 1979 and had no children.
Aspin served a brief tenure as a congressional staff member for United States Senator William Proxmire. As an officer in the U.S. Army from 1966 to 1968, he served as a systems analyst in the Pentagon under Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, serving in the Office of Systems Analysis. Before his election as a Democrat to Congress in 1970, Aspin had been active in Wisconsin politics and had taught economics at Marquette University.
U.S. Congress
Aspin ran as a peace candidate in 1970, opposing the Vietnam War. In the Democratic primary he was opposed by Doug La Follette, who was endorsed by the party. Aspin lost the initial count by a few dozen votes, and initially refused to pay for a recount out of his own pocket. It was only after his Kenosha County campaign director, Edwin M. Andersen, was able to garner financial support from numerous supporters, however, that the legendarily thrifty Aspin then demanded a recount and won the primary, by a few dozen votes. In the general election he defeated the incumbent, Henry Schadeberg.
Aspin was elected as a Democrat to the 92nd and to the 11 succeeding Congresses and served from January 3, 1971, until his resignation January 20, 1993. Aspin began his career in the United States House of Representatives as an outsider but honed his particular interest and expertise in defense matters. Before and during his tenure in the House, he had opposed the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War.
In his early years in Congress, he often issued press releases critical of shortcomings he detected in the armed forces. In 1973, he criticized the Air Force for devising a plan to purchase 200 beagle puppies, tie the dogs' vocal cords, and conduct tests of poisonous gases. After Aspin began a publicity campaign against the Air Force's plan, an outraged public sent a record number of letters to the Defense Department, surpassing the amount ever sent about any other subject. In March 1974, Aspin told an audience at Brown University, including future 4-star General Wesley Clark and four West Point cadets: "You, the young officer and cadets sitting there - never in your lifetimes will you see us intervene abroad. We've learned that lesson."By 1985, when Aspin became chairman of the Armed Services Committee, he was recognized as a leading defense authority. His chairmanship caused controversy among some House Democrats, particularly because he supported the Reagan administration's policies on the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras. Although temporarily removed from his committee chair by his Democratic colleagues in January 1987, Aspin weathered the crisis and regained the chairmanship three weeks later. He again broke with many Democrats in January 1991 when he issued a paper supporting the Bush administration's intention to use military force to drive the Iraqis from Kuwait. The accuracy of his prediction that the United States could win a quick military victory with light casualties added to his reputation as a military expert.
Secretary of Defense
Nomination and confirmation
Aspin served as an adviser to Clinton on defense matters during the 1992 presidential campaign. Given Clinton's lack of military experience, appointment of a prominent and respected defense expert to head The Pentagon seemed desirable. Because of his leadership position in the House, Aspin's views on defense issues were well known. He was skeptical about the Strategic Defense Initiative, and favored a smaller Navy, a cut in U.S. troops in Europe, and further reduction of military personnel strength. These positions, along with the assumption that Aspin would work toward a substantial cut in the Defense budget, worried the military. Defense industry leaders applauded Aspin's selection because he favored maintaining a viable defense industrial base. Although questioned extensively, Aspin won easy confirmation in the Senate.
Agenda and early difficulties
"Shortly after he took office, Aspin discussed dangers that had emerged with the end of the Cold War: the uncertainty that reform could succeed in the former Soviet Union; the enhanced possibility that terrorists or terrorist states could acquire nuclear weapons; the likely proliferation of regional conflicts; and the failure to take adequate account of the impact of the state of the domestic economy on U.S. national security interests. Given these conditions and the end of the Cold War, it seemed clear that the Pentagon was entering a period of potentially profound change. Aspin looked like a sound choice to manage this change.
As it turned out, Aspin faced difficulties from the beginning. A serious heart ailment put him in the hospital for several days in February 1993, after barely a month in office. A month later he was back in the hospital for implantation of a heart pacemaker. Even so, he had to deal immediately with the highly charged question of homosexuals in the military, a controversy left over from his predecessor Dick Cheney's tenure. That had become an issue in the 1992 campaign, when Clinton had promised to end discrimination against homosexuals. During his confirmation hearings Aspin indicated that he would take action quickly, and on entering office he presented a plan to the president to discuss the matter with Congress and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and presented a timetable leading to an order dealing with the matter. This plan provoked widespread protest from all sides on the issue."
Gender and sexuality in the military
The fallout from the controversy wounded both Clinton and Aspin politically and dragged on until December 1993, when, after many months of equivocation, confusion, and more controversy, Aspin released new regulations, known as the "Don't ask, don't tell" policy on homosexual conduct in the armed forces: Applicants for the services would not be asked about their sexual orientation, and homosexual orientation would not disqualify anyone from service "unless manifested by homosexual conduct"; military personnel would be judged on suitability for service, not sexual orientation; separation from the service would be based on homosexual acts, same sex marriage, or statements by an individual that he or she was bisexual or homosexual, with the person accorded the opportunity to rebut the presumption of homosexual acts; DoD criminal investigation or law enforcement organizations would not investigate solely to determine a service member's sexual orientation, and sexual orientation questions would not be included in personnel security questionnaires; finally, service members would be informed of DoD policy on sexual conduct during their training. This compromise policy, issued after an agonizing and divisive public debate, did not completely satisfy any of the concerned parties.
Also on the social side, Aspin had to deal with the volatile question of service women in combat. In April 1993 he announced a revised policy on the assignment of women in the armed forces: The services were to allow women to compete for assignments in combat aircraft; the Navy was to open additional ships to women and draft a proposal for Congress to remove existing legislative barriers to the assignment of women to combat vessels; and the Army and Marine Corps were to look for opportunities for women to serve in such components as field artillery and air defense. (This was a response to recommendations made by an ad hoc committee chaired by Barbara S. Pope appointed in the wake of the Tailhook scandal.) Meanwhile, Secretary of the Air Force Sheila E. Widnall became the first woman service secretary.
Defense budget and "bottom-up review"
Development of the Defense budget for FY 1994, beginning on 1 October 1993, remained Aspin's biggest task. The budget process proved more complicated than usual, owing to Clinton's campaign pledge to reduce DoD funding and to a "bottom-up review" of the military structure ordered by Aspin shortly after he took office. The end of the Cold War and the consequent opportunity to cut military costs clearly called for the kind of reevaluation of ends and means that the bottom-up review might contribute. A Pentagon steering group chaired by Under Secretary of Defense (Acquisition and Technology) John M. Deutch and including representatives from various OSD offices, the Joint Staff, and the services conducted the review.
Because of the growing threat of regional conflicts, Aspin wanted to have a strong capability to carry out limited military operations, including peacekeeping, and to maintain "a strong peacetime presence of U.S. forces around the world". The bottom-up review report, which Aspin released in September 1993, took into account strategy formulation, force structure, weapon systems modernization, and Defense infrastructure. The report projected a reduced force structure still capable of fighting and winning two simultaneous major regional conflicts. Forces would include 10 active Army divisions; 11 carrier battle groups, 45 to 55 attack submarines, and about 345 ships; 5 active Marine brigades; and 13 active and 7 reserve Air Force fighter wings. The report also called for additional prepositioned equipment and airlift/sealift capacity, improved anti-armor and precision-guided munitions, and enhanced Army National Guard combat brigade readiness.
The conclusions of the bottom-up review influenced the development of the FY 1994 Defense budget, although detailed work on the budget had begun as soon as Aspin took office. In March 1993 Aspin introduced a FY 1994 budget proposal costing $263.4 billion, about $12 billion below current levels, and reflecting cuts in the military services similar to those later included in the bottom-up review. To some critics of high military spending, Aspin's budget plan differed little from that of the Bush administration.
In the fall of 1993 Aspin began to tell the White House that the five-year Defense budget, reflecting the results of the bottom-up review, would exceed the more than $1 trillion projected by the Clinton administration. In December 1993 he put the anticipated shortfall at no less than $50 billion, the consequence of inaccurate inflation estimates, a military pay raise, and failure to account for other Pentagon costs, including peacekeeping operations. The size of the force needed to meet the two regional wars scenario contributed to the projected budget shortfall. Furthermore, Aspin was on record as favoring the use of U.S. troops in regional conflicts, as opposed to other decisionmakers, including General Colin Powell, chairman of the JCS. Aspin's departure from office early in 1994 left further decisions on the Defense budget to his successor. The final FY 1994 budget amounted to a little under $252 billion in total obligational authority.
Like his predecessors Carlucci and Cheney, Aspin faced the perennial issue of base closures, which could also affect the Defense budget. In March 1993 he released a plan to close an additional 31 large military installations and to shrink or consolidate 134 other sites, projecting a savings of over $3 billion a year beginning in 2000. A new Defense Base Closure and Realignment Commission approved the proposal, which went into effect when Congress accepted it as a package.
The SDI program also held important budget implications. In May 1993 Aspin announced "the end of the Star Wars era," explaining that the collapse of the Soviet Union had determined the fate of SDI. He renamed the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization as the Ballistic Missile Defense Organization (BMDO) and established its priorities as theater and national missile defense and useful follow-on technologies. Aspin's assignment of responsibility for BMDO to the under secretary of defense (acquisition and technology) signified the downgrading of the program.
Global crises and initiatives
While seeking solutions to the complex budget and force structure issues, Aspin found himself beset with difficult regional problems and conflicts that demanded decisions and action. In NATO he pushed the U.S.-sponsored "Partnership for Peace" program to bring together NATO members and nonmembers for military activities, including training maneuvers, equipment sharing, search and rescue, antiterrorist efforts, environmental cleanup, and peacekeeping operations. At a meeting in Brussels in December 1993 the NATO defense ministers agreed to consider for future alliance membership those non-NATO nations that participated in the program. Russian President Boris Yeltsin warned that attempts to bring Eastern European nations into NATO would threaten his country's strategic interests and endanger hopes for the former Soviet bloc's reconciliation with the West. Yeltsin argued that enlarging NATO would reawaken old Russian concerns about encirclement and possibly weaken the cause of democratic reform.
The unstable situation in Haiti, where elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide had been ousted from office by the military in September 1991, presented another regional problem. The United States pressured the military government to restore Aristide. In July 1993, the Haitian military regime agreed to reinstate Aristide by October 30, 1993, but then refused to step down. In October, in an effort Clinton approved even though Aspin opposed it, the United States sent the USS Harlan County carrying 200 troops to Port-au-Prince, Haiti's capital. Met by a hostile mob of armed Haitians, the ship turned away without attempting to undertake its mission, which the Pentagon described as an effort to professionalize the Haitian military and undertake civil assistance projects. Some observers attacked Aspin for not taking a harder stand in the administration against an action he opposed and then aborting the effort in the face of local opposition.
During Aspin's term the U.S. was concerned that Communist North Korea might have underway a nuclear weapons development program. This gave way to alarm when that country refused to allow full inspection of nuclear sites. In November 1993 North Korea demanded that the United States and South Korea cancel a planned joint training exercise as a precondition during discussions on the nuclear issue. Aspin rejected this demand and announced that the United States would suspend plans to withdraw its troops gradually from the peninsula.
In the Persian Gulf area, Iraq remained a problem. In June 1993 two U.S. Navy ships fired Tomahawk missiles against the headquarters building of Iraq's intelligence service in Baghdad in response to evidence of a plot to assassinate former President Bush during a visit to Kuwait. Aspin described the attack as a "wake up call" for Saddam Hussein. Two months later Aspin received a report on the U.S. military performance during the 1991 Gulf War, the result of a study undertaken by the House Armed Services Committee when he chaired it. The report concluded that the U.S. Central Command had greatly exaggerated damage done to Iraqi military equipment, such as tanks and naval vessels, by air strikes. Aspin also had to consider the question of health problems of U.S. service personnel who participated in the action against Iraq. He announced that a preliminary review disclosed no connection between chemical weapon agents and the reported health problems. Nevertheless, he formed a panel of outside experts to examine the issue further.
The worsening crisis in Bosnia commanded attention and demanded some kind of U.S. response. Aspin did not favor using ground forces to intervene in the civil war involving the Bosnian Muslims, Serbs, and Croats, but thought that the use of sophisticated weapons was a more reasonable option. Eventually the administration decided on an airdrop of humanitarian aid, even though Aspin did not favor the plan.
Somalia turned out to be Aspin's biggest headache. A civil war involving various clans had engulfed the country since 1991. Direct U.S. involvement, begun in August 1992, provided food through a military airlift and other means to the people of Somalia. In December 1992, shortly before Aspin became secretary of defense, the United States joined a new Unified Task Force (UNITAF) to provide security as well as food relief. The United States sent 26,000 troops to Somalia to join about 13,000 others from more than 20 nations. UNITAF, operating until May 1993, restored order in Somalia and distributed food widely.
In March 1993, United Nations Operation in Somalia II began in an effort to create conditions to enable the Somalis to rebuild the country. The United States cut its troops in Somalia to some 4,000 and then added 400 Army Rangers in August 1993. At that time, confronting criticism at home that the United States was getting more deeply involved in the factional violence in Somalia without a clear rationale, Aspin explained that U.S. troops would remain until order had been restored in Mogadishu, Somalia's capital, progress had been made in disarming rival clans, and effective police forces were operating in the country's major cities. At the same time the United States increased its military efforts against a leading Somali warlord, Mohamed Farrah Aidid.
Criticism and final days in office
In September 1993, General Powell asked Aspin to approve the request of the U.S. commander in Somalia for tanks, armored vehicles and AC-130 Spectre gunships for his forces. Aspin turned down the request and did not take Powell's request seriously. At some point during a lunch meeting, Powell presented to Aspin on the need of additional tanks, armored vehicles, AC-130 Spectre gunships air-support to support the U.S. Troops that were about to be deployed for Battle of Mogadishu and, discussing the battle preparation instead of paying attention to Powell's recommendation, Aspin caused Powell to grow more irritated. This was believed to be the primary reason for Powell's early departure as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Shortly thereafter Aidid's forces in Mogadishu killed 18 U.S. soldiers and wounded more than 75 in attacks that also resulted in the shooting down of two U.S. helicopters and the capture of one pilot in the Battle of Mogadishu. In the face of severe congressional criticism, Aspin admitted that in view of what had happened he had made a mistake, but stated that the request for armored equipment had been made within the context of delivering humanitarian aid to Somalia rather than protecting troops. In an appearance before a congressional committee to answer questions about the Somalia disaster, Aspin made an unfavorable impression and appeared weak in response to the detailed probing and criticism of his performance. The president publicly defended Aspin but made clear that the White House was not involved in the decision not to send armor reinforcements to Somalia. Several members of Congress called on Clinton to ask for Aspin's resignation.
On 15 December 1993 President Clinton announced Aspin's resignation, for personal reasons. Given the problems that Aspin encountered during his short term, most obviously the losses in Mogadishu, observers assumed that the president had asked him to step down. Speculation in the media centered on the Somalia embarrassment and on Aspin's differences with the Office of Management and Budget over how much the Defense budget should be cut. The secretary's health problems may well have also been a factor. One news magazine stated that Aspin's major handicap was "neither his famously unmilitary bearing nor his inability to discipline himself or the enormous Pentagon bureaucracy; it is his politician's instinct for the middle ground on defense issues." Aspin continued to serve as Secretary of Defense until February 3, 1994, when William Perry took office.
After Aspin's resignation, a number of observers would come to his defense about his job performance. Including Newsweek, who said the real fault for the events in Somalia lay with the United Nations.
Final months and death
After leaving his position, Aspin joined the faculty of Marquette University's international affairs program in Washington and joined the board of directors of the Washington-based think-tank the Henry L. Stimson Center. In March, he became a member of the Commission on Roles and Missions, and in May Clinton chose him to be chairman of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. In March 1995, he began work as chairman of the study group on the Roles and Capabilities of the Intelligence Community.
Aspin had had increasing difficulty during the last years of his life with a congenital heart condition (asymmetric septal hypertrophy; hypertrophic cardiomyopathy/obstructive cardiomyopathy). It necessitated hospitalization during his tenure as Defense Secretary, with placement of a pacemaker. His cardiac disorder was complicated in May 1995 by a stroke, which resulted in his death on May 21, 1995, in Washington, D.C. He was interred at Brookfield's Wisconsin Memorial Park cemetery.
Marquette University named its Les Aspin Center for Government in his honor.
References
Further reading
Aspin, Les. Defense for a New Era: Lessons of the Persian Gulf War (US House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, 1992) online.
External links
Biography at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
Financial information (federal office) at the Federal Election Commission
Legislation sponsored at the Library of Congress
Profile at Vote Smart
Marquette University's Les Aspin Center for Government
Les Aspin's biography on DefenseLink.mil
Interview about the MX missile for the WGBH series, War and Peace in the Nuclear Age
Les Aspin at Find a Grave
Appearances on C-SPAN
|
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Leslie Aspin Jr. (July 21, 1938 – May 21, 1995) was an American Democratic Party politician who served as the U.S. representative for Wisconsin's 1st congressional district from 1971 to 1993 and as the 18th United States Secretary of Defense under President Bill Clinton from 1993 to 1994.In Congress, Aspin had a reputation as an intellectual who took a middle-of-the-road position on controversial issues. He supported the Reagan administration regarding the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras, but he opposed the B-2 bomber and the Strategic Defense Initiative. He played a major role in convincing the House to support the January 1991 resolution supporting the use of force by President George H. W. Bush against Iraq, after it invaded Kuwait.
He faced complex social issues, such as the roles of homosexuals in uniform, and of women in combat, as well as major decisions regarding the use of military force in Somalia, Bosnia, and Haiti. He proposed budget cuts and restructuring of forces as part of the downsizing of the military after the end of the Cold War. The deaths of U.S. soldiers in Somalia because of inadequate military support led to his resignation.
Early life and education
Aspin was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. He graduated from Shorewood High School. He attended Yale University, where he was admitted to the Zeta Psi fraternity, and graduated summa cum laude in 1960 with a Bachelor of Arts in history. Aspin then attended the University of Oxford, where he received his Master of Philosophy in economics in 1962 and his Doctor of Philosophy in economics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1966.
Aspin met his wife, Maureen Shea, in Saigon during the Vietnam War. Shea, a graduate of Hollins College, was working for a research firm interviewing Vietcong defectors when the two were introduced by a mutual acquaintance. After the project was completed she moved to Wisconsin to work on Aspin's unsuccessful bid for Wisconsin State Treasurer in 1968. The couple became engaged in October 1968 and married in January 1969 in Shea's hometown of Hillsdale, New York. The couple divorced in 1979 and had no children.
Aspin served a brief tenure as a congressional staff member for United States Senator William Proxmire. As an officer in the U.S. Army from 1966 to 1968, he served as a systems analyst in the Pentagon under Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, serving in the Office of Systems Analysis. Before his election as a Democrat to Congress in 1970, Aspin had been active in Wisconsin politics and had taught economics at Marquette University.
U.S. Congress
Aspin ran as a peace candidate in 1970, opposing the Vietnam War. In the Democratic primary he was opposed by Doug La Follette, who was endorsed by the party. Aspin lost the initial count by a few dozen votes, and initially refused to pay for a recount out of his own pocket. It was only after his Kenosha County campaign director, Edwin M. Andersen, was able to garner financial support from numerous supporters, however, that the legendarily thrifty Aspin then demanded a recount and won the primary, by a few dozen votes. In the general election he defeated the incumbent, Henry Schadeberg.
Aspin was elected as a Democrat to the 92nd and to the 11 succeeding Congresses and served from January 3, 1971, until his resignation January 20, 1993. Aspin began his career in the United States House of Representatives as an outsider but honed his particular interest and expertise in defense matters. Before and during his tenure in the House, he had opposed the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War.
In his early years in Congress, he often issued press releases critical of shortcomings he detected in the armed forces. In 1973, he criticized the Air Force for devising a plan to purchase 200 beagle puppies, tie the dogs' vocal cords, and conduct tests of poisonous gases. After Aspin began a publicity campaign against the Air Force's plan, an outraged public sent a record number of letters to the Defense Department, surpassing the amount ever sent about any other subject. In March 1974, Aspin told an audience at Brown University, including future 4-star General Wesley Clark and four West Point cadets: "You, the young officer and cadets sitting there - never in your lifetimes will you see us intervene abroad. We've learned that lesson."By 1985, when Aspin became chairman of the Armed Services Committee, he was recognized as a leading defense authority. His chairmanship caused controversy among some House Democrats, particularly because he supported the Reagan administration's policies on the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras. Although temporarily removed from his committee chair by his Democratic colleagues in January 1987, Aspin weathered the crisis and regained the chairmanship three weeks later. He again broke with many Democrats in January 1991 when he issued a paper supporting the Bush administration's intention to use military force to drive the Iraqis from Kuwait. The accuracy of his prediction that the United States could win a quick military victory with light casualties added to his reputation as a military expert.
Secretary of Defense
Nomination and confirmation
Aspin served as an adviser to Clinton on defense matters during the 1992 presidential campaign. Given Clinton's lack of military experience, appointment of a prominent and respected defense expert to head The Pentagon seemed desirable. Because of his leadership position in the House, Aspin's views on defense issues were well known. He was skeptical about the Strategic Defense Initiative, and favored a smaller Navy, a cut in U.S. troops in Europe, and further reduction of military personnel strength. These positions, along with the assumption that Aspin would work toward a substantial cut in the Defense budget, worried the military. Defense industry leaders applauded Aspin's selection because he favored maintaining a viable defense industrial base. Although questioned extensively, Aspin won easy confirmation in the Senate.
Agenda and early difficulties
"Shortly after he took office, Aspin discussed dangers that had emerged with the end of the Cold War: the uncertainty that reform could succeed in the former Soviet Union; the enhanced possibility that terrorists or terrorist states could acquire nuclear weapons; the likely proliferation of regional conflicts; and the failure to take adequate account of the impact of the state of the domestic economy on U.S. national security interests. Given these conditions and the end of the Cold War, it seemed clear that the Pentagon was entering a period of potentially profound change. Aspin looked like a sound choice to manage this change.
As it turned out, Aspin faced difficulties from the beginning. A serious heart ailment put him in the hospital for several days in February 1993, after barely a month in office. A month later he was back in the hospital for implantation of a heart pacemaker. Even so, he had to deal immediately with the highly charged question of homosexuals in the military, a controversy left over from his predecessor Dick Cheney's tenure. That had become an issue in the 1992 campaign, when Clinton had promised to end discrimination against homosexuals. During his confirmation hearings Aspin indicated that he would take action quickly, and on entering office he presented a plan to the president to discuss the matter with Congress and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and presented a timetable leading to an order dealing with the matter. This plan provoked widespread protest from all sides on the issue."
Gender and sexuality in the military
The fallout from the controversy wounded both Clinton and Aspin politically and dragged on until December 1993, when, after many months of equivocation, confusion, and more controversy, Aspin released new regulations, known as the "Don't ask, don't tell" policy on homosexual conduct in the armed forces: Applicants for the services would not be asked about their sexual orientation, and homosexual orientation would not disqualify anyone from service "unless manifested by homosexual conduct"; military personnel would be judged on suitability for service, not sexual orientation; separation from the service would be based on homosexual acts, same sex marriage, or statements by an individual that he or she was bisexual or homosexual, with the person accorded the opportunity to rebut the presumption of homosexual acts; DoD criminal investigation or law enforcement organizations would not investigate solely to determine a service member's sexual orientation, and sexual orientation questions would not be included in personnel security questionnaires; finally, service members would be informed of DoD policy on sexual conduct during their training. This compromise policy, issued after an agonizing and divisive public debate, did not completely satisfy any of the concerned parties.
Also on the social side, Aspin had to deal with the volatile question of service women in combat. In April 1993 he announced a revised policy on the assignment of women in the armed forces: The services were to allow women to compete for assignments in combat aircraft; the Navy was to open additional ships to women and draft a proposal for Congress to remove existing legislative barriers to the assignment of women to combat vessels; and the Army and Marine Corps were to look for opportunities for women to serve in such components as field artillery and air defense. (This was a response to recommendations made by an ad hoc committee chaired by Barbara S. Pope appointed in the wake of the Tailhook scandal.) Meanwhile, Secretary of the Air Force Sheila E. Widnall became the first woman service secretary.
Defense budget and "bottom-up review"
Development of the Defense budget for FY 1994, beginning on 1 October 1993, remained Aspin's biggest task. The budget process proved more complicated than usual, owing to Clinton's campaign pledge to reduce DoD funding and to a "bottom-up review" of the military structure ordered by Aspin shortly after he took office. The end of the Cold War and the consequent opportunity to cut military costs clearly called for the kind of reevaluation of ends and means that the bottom-up review might contribute. A Pentagon steering group chaired by Under Secretary of Defense (Acquisition and Technology) John M. Deutch and including representatives from various OSD offices, the Joint Staff, and the services conducted the review.
Because of the growing threat of regional conflicts, Aspin wanted to have a strong capability to carry out limited military operations, including peacekeeping, and to maintain "a strong peacetime presence of U.S. forces around the world". The bottom-up review report, which Aspin released in September 1993, took into account strategy formulation, force structure, weapon systems modernization, and Defense infrastructure. The report projected a reduced force structure still capable of fighting and winning two simultaneous major regional conflicts. Forces would include 10 active Army divisions; 11 carrier battle groups, 45 to 55 attack submarines, and about 345 ships; 5 active Marine brigades; and 13 active and 7 reserve Air Force fighter wings. The report also called for additional prepositioned equipment and airlift/sealift capacity, improved anti-armor and precision-guided munitions, and enhanced Army National Guard combat brigade readiness.
The conclusions of the bottom-up review influenced the development of the FY 1994 Defense budget, although detailed work on the budget had begun as soon as Aspin took office. In March 1993 Aspin introduced a FY 1994 budget proposal costing $263.4 billion, about $12 billion below current levels, and reflecting cuts in the military services similar to those later included in the bottom-up review. To some critics of high military spending, Aspin's budget plan differed little from that of the Bush administration.
In the fall of 1993 Aspin began to tell the White House that the five-year Defense budget, reflecting the results of the bottom-up review, would exceed the more than $1 trillion projected by the Clinton administration. In December 1993 he put the anticipated shortfall at no less than $50 billion, the consequence of inaccurate inflation estimates, a military pay raise, and failure to account for other Pentagon costs, including peacekeeping operations. The size of the force needed to meet the two regional wars scenario contributed to the projected budget shortfall. Furthermore, Aspin was on record as favoring the use of U.S. troops in regional conflicts, as opposed to other decisionmakers, including General Colin Powell, chairman of the JCS. Aspin's departure from office early in 1994 left further decisions on the Defense budget to his successor. The final FY 1994 budget amounted to a little under $252 billion in total obligational authority.
Like his predecessors Carlucci and Cheney, Aspin faced the perennial issue of base closures, which could also affect the Defense budget. In March 1993 he released a plan to close an additional 31 large military installations and to shrink or consolidate 134 other sites, projecting a savings of over $3 billion a year beginning in 2000. A new Defense Base Closure and Realignment Commission approved the proposal, which went into effect when Congress accepted it as a package.
The SDI program also held important budget implications. In May 1993 Aspin announced "the end of the Star Wars era," explaining that the collapse of the Soviet Union had determined the fate of SDI. He renamed the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization as the Ballistic Missile Defense Organization (BMDO) and established its priorities as theater and national missile defense and useful follow-on technologies. Aspin's assignment of responsibility for BMDO to the under secretary of defense (acquisition and technology) signified the downgrading of the program.
Global crises and initiatives
While seeking solutions to the complex budget and force structure issues, Aspin found himself beset with difficult regional problems and conflicts that demanded decisions and action. In NATO he pushed the U.S.-sponsored "Partnership for Peace" program to bring together NATO members and nonmembers for military activities, including training maneuvers, equipment sharing, search and rescue, antiterrorist efforts, environmental cleanup, and peacekeeping operations. At a meeting in Brussels in December 1993 the NATO defense ministers agreed to consider for future alliance membership those non-NATO nations that participated in the program. Russian President Boris Yeltsin warned that attempts to bring Eastern European nations into NATO would threaten his country's strategic interests and endanger hopes for the former Soviet bloc's reconciliation with the West. Yeltsin argued that enlarging NATO would reawaken old Russian concerns about encirclement and possibly weaken the cause of democratic reform.
The unstable situation in Haiti, where elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide had been ousted from office by the military in September 1991, presented another regional problem. The United States pressured the military government to restore Aristide. In July 1993, the Haitian military regime agreed to reinstate Aristide by October 30, 1993, but then refused to step down. In October, in an effort Clinton approved even though Aspin opposed it, the United States sent the USS Harlan County carrying 200 troops to Port-au-Prince, Haiti's capital. Met by a hostile mob of armed Haitians, the ship turned away without attempting to undertake its mission, which the Pentagon described as an effort to professionalize the Haitian military and undertake civil assistance projects. Some observers attacked Aspin for not taking a harder stand in the administration against an action he opposed and then aborting the effort in the face of local opposition.
During Aspin's term the U.S. was concerned that Communist North Korea might have underway a nuclear weapons development program. This gave way to alarm when that country refused to allow full inspection of nuclear sites. In November 1993 North Korea demanded that the United States and South Korea cancel a planned joint training exercise as a precondition during discussions on the nuclear issue. Aspin rejected this demand and announced that the United States would suspend plans to withdraw its troops gradually from the peninsula.
In the Persian Gulf area, Iraq remained a problem. In June 1993 two U.S. Navy ships fired Tomahawk missiles against the headquarters building of Iraq's intelligence service in Baghdad in response to evidence of a plot to assassinate former President Bush during a visit to Kuwait. Aspin described the attack as a "wake up call" for Saddam Hussein. Two months later Aspin received a report on the U.S. military performance during the 1991 Gulf War, the result of a study undertaken by the House Armed Services Committee when he chaired it. The report concluded that the U.S. Central Command had greatly exaggerated damage done to Iraqi military equipment, such as tanks and naval vessels, by air strikes. Aspin also had to consider the question of health problems of U.S. service personnel who participated in the action against Iraq. He announced that a preliminary review disclosed no connection between chemical weapon agents and the reported health problems. Nevertheless, he formed a panel of outside experts to examine the issue further.
The worsening crisis in Bosnia commanded attention and demanded some kind of U.S. response. Aspin did not favor using ground forces to intervene in the civil war involving the Bosnian Muslims, Serbs, and Croats, but thought that the use of sophisticated weapons was a more reasonable option. Eventually the administration decided on an airdrop of humanitarian aid, even though Aspin did not favor the plan.
Somalia turned out to be Aspin's biggest headache. A civil war involving various clans had engulfed the country since 1991. Direct U.S. involvement, begun in August 1992, provided food through a military airlift and other means to the people of Somalia. In December 1992, shortly before Aspin became secretary of defense, the United States joined a new Unified Task Force (UNITAF) to provide security as well as food relief. The United States sent 26,000 troops to Somalia to join about 13,000 others from more than 20 nations. UNITAF, operating until May 1993, restored order in Somalia and distributed food widely.
In March 1993, United Nations Operation in Somalia II began in an effort to create conditions to enable the Somalis to rebuild the country. The United States cut its troops in Somalia to some 4,000 and then added 400 Army Rangers in August 1993. At that time, confronting criticism at home that the United States was getting more deeply involved in the factional violence in Somalia without a clear rationale, Aspin explained that U.S. troops would remain until order had been restored in Mogadishu, Somalia's capital, progress had been made in disarming rival clans, and effective police forces were operating in the country's major cities. At the same time the United States increased its military efforts against a leading Somali warlord, Mohamed Farrah Aidid.
Criticism and final days in office
In September 1993, General Powell asked Aspin to approve the request of the U.S. commander in Somalia for tanks, armored vehicles and AC-130 Spectre gunships for his forces. Aspin turned down the request and did not take Powell's request seriously. At some point during a lunch meeting, Powell presented to Aspin on the need of additional tanks, armored vehicles, AC-130 Spectre gunships air-support to support the U.S. Troops that were about to be deployed for Battle of Mogadishu and, discussing the battle preparation instead of paying attention to Powell's recommendation, Aspin caused Powell to grow more irritated. This was believed to be the primary reason for Powell's early departure as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Shortly thereafter Aidid's forces in Mogadishu killed 18 U.S. soldiers and wounded more than 75 in attacks that also resulted in the shooting down of two U.S. helicopters and the capture of one pilot in the Battle of Mogadishu. In the face of severe congressional criticism, Aspin admitted that in view of what had happened he had made a mistake, but stated that the request for armored equipment had been made within the context of delivering humanitarian aid to Somalia rather than protecting troops. In an appearance before a congressional committee to answer questions about the Somalia disaster, Aspin made an unfavorable impression and appeared weak in response to the detailed probing and criticism of his performance. The president publicly defended Aspin but made clear that the White House was not involved in the decision not to send armor reinforcements to Somalia. Several members of Congress called on Clinton to ask for Aspin's resignation.
On 15 December 1993 President Clinton announced Aspin's resignation, for personal reasons. Given the problems that Aspin encountered during his short term, most obviously the losses in Mogadishu, observers assumed that the president had asked him to step down. Speculation in the media centered on the Somalia embarrassment and on Aspin's differences with the Office of Management and Budget over how much the Defense budget should be cut. The secretary's health problems may well have also been a factor. One news magazine stated that Aspin's major handicap was "neither his famously unmilitary bearing nor his inability to discipline himself or the enormous Pentagon bureaucracy; it is his politician's instinct for the middle ground on defense issues." Aspin continued to serve as Secretary of Defense until February 3, 1994, when William Perry took office.
After Aspin's resignation, a number of observers would come to his defense about his job performance. Including Newsweek, who said the real fault for the events in Somalia lay with the United Nations.
Final months and death
After leaving his position, Aspin joined the faculty of Marquette University's international affairs program in Washington and joined the board of directors of the Washington-based think-tank the Henry L. Stimson Center. In March, he became a member of the Commission on Roles and Missions, and in May Clinton chose him to be chairman of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. In March 1995, he began work as chairman of the study group on the Roles and Capabilities of the Intelligence Community.
Aspin had had increasing difficulty during the last years of his life with a congenital heart condition (asymmetric septal hypertrophy; hypertrophic cardiomyopathy/obstructive cardiomyopathy). It necessitated hospitalization during his tenure as Defense Secretary, with placement of a pacemaker. His cardiac disorder was complicated in May 1995 by a stroke, which resulted in his death on May 21, 1995, in Washington, D.C. He was interred at Brookfield's Wisconsin Memorial Park cemetery.
Marquette University named its Les Aspin Center for Government in his honor.
References
Further reading
Aspin, Les. Defense for a New Era: Lessons of the Persian Gulf War (US House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, 1992) online.
External links
Biography at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
Financial information (federal office) at the Federal Election Commission
Legislation sponsored at the Library of Congress
Profile at Vote Smart
Marquette University's Les Aspin Center for Government
Les Aspin's biography on DefenseLink.mil
Interview about the MX missile for the WGBH series, War and Peace in the Nuclear Age
Les Aspin at Find a Grave
Appearances on C-SPAN
|
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Leslie Aspin Jr. (July 21, 1938 – May 21, 1995) was an American Democratic Party politician who served as the U.S. representative for Wisconsin's 1st congressional district from 1971 to 1993 and as the 18th United States Secretary of Defense under President Bill Clinton from 1993 to 1994.In Congress, Aspin had a reputation as an intellectual who took a middle-of-the-road position on controversial issues. He supported the Reagan administration regarding the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras, but he opposed the B-2 bomber and the Strategic Defense Initiative. He played a major role in convincing the House to support the January 1991 resolution supporting the use of force by President George H. W. Bush against Iraq, after it invaded Kuwait.
He faced complex social issues, such as the roles of homosexuals in uniform, and of women in combat, as well as major decisions regarding the use of military force in Somalia, Bosnia, and Haiti. He proposed budget cuts and restructuring of forces as part of the downsizing of the military after the end of the Cold War. The deaths of U.S. soldiers in Somalia because of inadequate military support led to his resignation.
Early life and education
Aspin was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. He graduated from Shorewood High School. He attended Yale University, where he was admitted to the Zeta Psi fraternity, and graduated summa cum laude in 1960 with a Bachelor of Arts in history. Aspin then attended the University of Oxford, where he received his Master of Philosophy in economics in 1962 and his Doctor of Philosophy in economics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1966.
Aspin met his wife, Maureen Shea, in Saigon during the Vietnam War. Shea, a graduate of Hollins College, was working for a research firm interviewing Vietcong defectors when the two were introduced by a mutual acquaintance. After the project was completed she moved to Wisconsin to work on Aspin's unsuccessful bid for Wisconsin State Treasurer in 1968. The couple became engaged in October 1968 and married in January 1969 in Shea's hometown of Hillsdale, New York. The couple divorced in 1979 and had no children.
Aspin served a brief tenure as a congressional staff member for United States Senator William Proxmire. As an officer in the U.S. Army from 1966 to 1968, he served as a systems analyst in the Pentagon under Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, serving in the Office of Systems Analysis. Before his election as a Democrat to Congress in 1970, Aspin had been active in Wisconsin politics and had taught economics at Marquette University.
U.S. Congress
Aspin ran as a peace candidate in 1970, opposing the Vietnam War. In the Democratic primary he was opposed by Doug La Follette, who was endorsed by the party. Aspin lost the initial count by a few dozen votes, and initially refused to pay for a recount out of his own pocket. It was only after his Kenosha County campaign director, Edwin M. Andersen, was able to garner financial support from numerous supporters, however, that the legendarily thrifty Aspin then demanded a recount and won the primary, by a few dozen votes. In the general election he defeated the incumbent, Henry Schadeberg.
Aspin was elected as a Democrat to the 92nd and to the 11 succeeding Congresses and served from January 3, 1971, until his resignation January 20, 1993. Aspin began his career in the United States House of Representatives as an outsider but honed his particular interest and expertise in defense matters. Before and during his tenure in the House, he had opposed the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War.
In his early years in Congress, he often issued press releases critical of shortcomings he detected in the armed forces. In 1973, he criticized the Air Force for devising a plan to purchase 200 beagle puppies, tie the dogs' vocal cords, and conduct tests of poisonous gases. After Aspin began a publicity campaign against the Air Force's plan, an outraged public sent a record number of letters to the Defense Department, surpassing the amount ever sent about any other subject. In March 1974, Aspin told an audience at Brown University, including future 4-star General Wesley Clark and four West Point cadets: "You, the young officer and cadets sitting there - never in your lifetimes will you see us intervene abroad. We've learned that lesson."By 1985, when Aspin became chairman of the Armed Services Committee, he was recognized as a leading defense authority. His chairmanship caused controversy among some House Democrats, particularly because he supported the Reagan administration's policies on the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras. Although temporarily removed from his committee chair by his Democratic colleagues in January 1987, Aspin weathered the crisis and regained the chairmanship three weeks later. He again broke with many Democrats in January 1991 when he issued a paper supporting the Bush administration's intention to use military force to drive the Iraqis from Kuwait. The accuracy of his prediction that the United States could win a quick military victory with light casualties added to his reputation as a military expert.
Secretary of Defense
Nomination and confirmation
Aspin served as an adviser to Clinton on defense matters during the 1992 presidential campaign. Given Clinton's lack of military experience, appointment of a prominent and respected defense expert to head The Pentagon seemed desirable. Because of his leadership position in the House, Aspin's views on defense issues were well known. He was skeptical about the Strategic Defense Initiative, and favored a smaller Navy, a cut in U.S. troops in Europe, and further reduction of military personnel strength. These positions, along with the assumption that Aspin would work toward a substantial cut in the Defense budget, worried the military. Defense industry leaders applauded Aspin's selection because he favored maintaining a viable defense industrial base. Although questioned extensively, Aspin won easy confirmation in the Senate.
Agenda and early difficulties
"Shortly after he took office, Aspin discussed dangers that had emerged with the end of the Cold War: the uncertainty that reform could succeed in the former Soviet Union; the enhanced possibility that terrorists or terrorist states could acquire nuclear weapons; the likely proliferation of regional conflicts; and the failure to take adequate account of the impact of the state of the domestic economy on U.S. national security interests. Given these conditions and the end of the Cold War, it seemed clear that the Pentagon was entering a period of potentially profound change. Aspin looked like a sound choice to manage this change.
As it turned out, Aspin faced difficulties from the beginning. A serious heart ailment put him in the hospital for several days in February 1993, after barely a month in office. A month later he was back in the hospital for implantation of a heart pacemaker. Even so, he had to deal immediately with the highly charged question of homosexuals in the military, a controversy left over from his predecessor Dick Cheney's tenure. That had become an issue in the 1992 campaign, when Clinton had promised to end discrimination against homosexuals. During his confirmation hearings Aspin indicated that he would take action quickly, and on entering office he presented a plan to the president to discuss the matter with Congress and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and presented a timetable leading to an order dealing with the matter. This plan provoked widespread protest from all sides on the issue."
Gender and sexuality in the military
The fallout from the controversy wounded both Clinton and Aspin politically and dragged on until December 1993, when, after many months of equivocation, confusion, and more controversy, Aspin released new regulations, known as the "Don't ask, don't tell" policy on homosexual conduct in the armed forces: Applicants for the services would not be asked about their sexual orientation, and homosexual orientation would not disqualify anyone from service "unless manifested by homosexual conduct"; military personnel would be judged on suitability for service, not sexual orientation; separation from the service would be based on homosexual acts, same sex marriage, or statements by an individual that he or she was bisexual or homosexual, with the person accorded the opportunity to rebut the presumption of homosexual acts; DoD criminal investigation or law enforcement organizations would not investigate solely to determine a service member's sexual orientation, and sexual orientation questions would not be included in personnel security questionnaires; finally, service members would be informed of DoD policy on sexual conduct during their training. This compromise policy, issued after an agonizing and divisive public debate, did not completely satisfy any of the concerned parties.
Also on the social side, Aspin had to deal with the volatile question of service women in combat. In April 1993 he announced a revised policy on the assignment of women in the armed forces: The services were to allow women to compete for assignments in combat aircraft; the Navy was to open additional ships to women and draft a proposal for Congress to remove existing legislative barriers to the assignment of women to combat vessels; and the Army and Marine Corps were to look for opportunities for women to serve in such components as field artillery and air defense. (This was a response to recommendations made by an ad hoc committee chaired by Barbara S. Pope appointed in the wake of the Tailhook scandal.) Meanwhile, Secretary of the Air Force Sheila E. Widnall became the first woman service secretary.
Defense budget and "bottom-up review"
Development of the Defense budget for FY 1994, beginning on 1 October 1993, remained Aspin's biggest task. The budget process proved more complicated than usual, owing to Clinton's campaign pledge to reduce DoD funding and to a "bottom-up review" of the military structure ordered by Aspin shortly after he took office. The end of the Cold War and the consequent opportunity to cut military costs clearly called for the kind of reevaluation of ends and means that the bottom-up review might contribute. A Pentagon steering group chaired by Under Secretary of Defense (Acquisition and Technology) John M. Deutch and including representatives from various OSD offices, the Joint Staff, and the services conducted the review.
Because of the growing threat of regional conflicts, Aspin wanted to have a strong capability to carry out limited military operations, including peacekeeping, and to maintain "a strong peacetime presence of U.S. forces around the world". The bottom-up review report, which Aspin released in September 1993, took into account strategy formulation, force structure, weapon systems modernization, and Defense infrastructure. The report projected a reduced force structure still capable of fighting and winning two simultaneous major regional conflicts. Forces would include 10 active Army divisions; 11 carrier battle groups, 45 to 55 attack submarines, and about 345 ships; 5 active Marine brigades; and 13 active and 7 reserve Air Force fighter wings. The report also called for additional prepositioned equipment and airlift/sealift capacity, improved anti-armor and precision-guided munitions, and enhanced Army National Guard combat brigade readiness.
The conclusions of the bottom-up review influenced the development of the FY 1994 Defense budget, although detailed work on the budget had begun as soon as Aspin took office. In March 1993 Aspin introduced a FY 1994 budget proposal costing $263.4 billion, about $12 billion below current levels, and reflecting cuts in the military services similar to those later included in the bottom-up review. To some critics of high military spending, Aspin's budget plan differed little from that of the Bush administration.
In the fall of 1993 Aspin began to tell the White House that the five-year Defense budget, reflecting the results of the bottom-up review, would exceed the more than $1 trillion projected by the Clinton administration. In December 1993 he put the anticipated shortfall at no less than $50 billion, the consequence of inaccurate inflation estimates, a military pay raise, and failure to account for other Pentagon costs, including peacekeeping operations. The size of the force needed to meet the two regional wars scenario contributed to the projected budget shortfall. Furthermore, Aspin was on record as favoring the use of U.S. troops in regional conflicts, as opposed to other decisionmakers, including General Colin Powell, chairman of the JCS. Aspin's departure from office early in 1994 left further decisions on the Defense budget to his successor. The final FY 1994 budget amounted to a little under $252 billion in total obligational authority.
Like his predecessors Carlucci and Cheney, Aspin faced the perennial issue of base closures, which could also affect the Defense budget. In March 1993 he released a plan to close an additional 31 large military installations and to shrink or consolidate 134 other sites, projecting a savings of over $3 billion a year beginning in 2000. A new Defense Base Closure and Realignment Commission approved the proposal, which went into effect when Congress accepted it as a package.
The SDI program also held important budget implications. In May 1993 Aspin announced "the end of the Star Wars era," explaining that the collapse of the Soviet Union had determined the fate of SDI. He renamed the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization as the Ballistic Missile Defense Organization (BMDO) and established its priorities as theater and national missile defense and useful follow-on technologies. Aspin's assignment of responsibility for BMDO to the under secretary of defense (acquisition and technology) signified the downgrading of the program.
Global crises and initiatives
While seeking solutions to the complex budget and force structure issues, Aspin found himself beset with difficult regional problems and conflicts that demanded decisions and action. In NATO he pushed the U.S.-sponsored "Partnership for Peace" program to bring together NATO members and nonmembers for military activities, including training maneuvers, equipment sharing, search and rescue, antiterrorist efforts, environmental cleanup, and peacekeeping operations. At a meeting in Brussels in December 1993 the NATO defense ministers agreed to consider for future alliance membership those non-NATO nations that participated in the program. Russian President Boris Yeltsin warned that attempts to bring Eastern European nations into NATO would threaten his country's strategic interests and endanger hopes for the former Soviet bloc's reconciliation with the West. Yeltsin argued that enlarging NATO would reawaken old Russian concerns about encirclement and possibly weaken the cause of democratic reform.
The unstable situation in Haiti, where elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide had been ousted from office by the military in September 1991, presented another regional problem. The United States pressured the military government to restore Aristide. In July 1993, the Haitian military regime agreed to reinstate Aristide by October 30, 1993, but then refused to step down. In October, in an effort Clinton approved even though Aspin opposed it, the United States sent the USS Harlan County carrying 200 troops to Port-au-Prince, Haiti's capital. Met by a hostile mob of armed Haitians, the ship turned away without attempting to undertake its mission, which the Pentagon described as an effort to professionalize the Haitian military and undertake civil assistance projects. Some observers attacked Aspin for not taking a harder stand in the administration against an action he opposed and then aborting the effort in the face of local opposition.
During Aspin's term the U.S. was concerned that Communist North Korea might have underway a nuclear weapons development program. This gave way to alarm when that country refused to allow full inspection of nuclear sites. In November 1993 North Korea demanded that the United States and South Korea cancel a planned joint training exercise as a precondition during discussions on the nuclear issue. Aspin rejected this demand and announced that the United States would suspend plans to withdraw its troops gradually from the peninsula.
In the Persian Gulf area, Iraq remained a problem. In June 1993 two U.S. Navy ships fired Tomahawk missiles against the headquarters building of Iraq's intelligence service in Baghdad in response to evidence of a plot to assassinate former President Bush during a visit to Kuwait. Aspin described the attack as a "wake up call" for Saddam Hussein. Two months later Aspin received a report on the U.S. military performance during the 1991 Gulf War, the result of a study undertaken by the House Armed Services Committee when he chaired it. The report concluded that the U.S. Central Command had greatly exaggerated damage done to Iraqi military equipment, such as tanks and naval vessels, by air strikes. Aspin also had to consider the question of health problems of U.S. service personnel who participated in the action against Iraq. He announced that a preliminary review disclosed no connection between chemical weapon agents and the reported health problems. Nevertheless, he formed a panel of outside experts to examine the issue further.
The worsening crisis in Bosnia commanded attention and demanded some kind of U.S. response. Aspin did not favor using ground forces to intervene in the civil war involving the Bosnian Muslims, Serbs, and Croats, but thought that the use of sophisticated weapons was a more reasonable option. Eventually the administration decided on an airdrop of humanitarian aid, even though Aspin did not favor the plan.
Somalia turned out to be Aspin's biggest headache. A civil war involving various clans had engulfed the country since 1991. Direct U.S. involvement, begun in August 1992, provided food through a military airlift and other means to the people of Somalia. In December 1992, shortly before Aspin became secretary of defense, the United States joined a new Unified Task Force (UNITAF) to provide security as well as food relief. The United States sent 26,000 troops to Somalia to join about 13,000 others from more than 20 nations. UNITAF, operating until May 1993, restored order in Somalia and distributed food widely.
In March 1993, United Nations Operation in Somalia II began in an effort to create conditions to enable the Somalis to rebuild the country. The United States cut its troops in Somalia to some 4,000 and then added 400 Army Rangers in August 1993. At that time, confronting criticism at home that the United States was getting more deeply involved in the factional violence in Somalia without a clear rationale, Aspin explained that U.S. troops would remain until order had been restored in Mogadishu, Somalia's capital, progress had been made in disarming rival clans, and effective police forces were operating in the country's major cities. At the same time the United States increased its military efforts against a leading Somali warlord, Mohamed Farrah Aidid.
Criticism and final days in office
In September 1993, General Powell asked Aspin to approve the request of the U.S. commander in Somalia for tanks, armored vehicles and AC-130 Spectre gunships for his forces. Aspin turned down the request and did not take Powell's request seriously. At some point during a lunch meeting, Powell presented to Aspin on the need of additional tanks, armored vehicles, AC-130 Spectre gunships air-support to support the U.S. Troops that were about to be deployed for Battle of Mogadishu and, discussing the battle preparation instead of paying attention to Powell's recommendation, Aspin caused Powell to grow more irritated. This was believed to be the primary reason for Powell's early departure as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Shortly thereafter Aidid's forces in Mogadishu killed 18 U.S. soldiers and wounded more than 75 in attacks that also resulted in the shooting down of two U.S. helicopters and the capture of one pilot in the Battle of Mogadishu. In the face of severe congressional criticism, Aspin admitted that in view of what had happened he had made a mistake, but stated that the request for armored equipment had been made within the context of delivering humanitarian aid to Somalia rather than protecting troops. In an appearance before a congressional committee to answer questions about the Somalia disaster, Aspin made an unfavorable impression and appeared weak in response to the detailed probing and criticism of his performance. The president publicly defended Aspin but made clear that the White House was not involved in the decision not to send armor reinforcements to Somalia. Several members of Congress called on Clinton to ask for Aspin's resignation.
On 15 December 1993 President Clinton announced Aspin's resignation, for personal reasons. Given the problems that Aspin encountered during his short term, most obviously the losses in Mogadishu, observers assumed that the president had asked him to step down. Speculation in the media centered on the Somalia embarrassment and on Aspin's differences with the Office of Management and Budget over how much the Defense budget should be cut. The secretary's health problems may well have also been a factor. One news magazine stated that Aspin's major handicap was "neither his famously unmilitary bearing nor his inability to discipline himself or the enormous Pentagon bureaucracy; it is his politician's instinct for the middle ground on defense issues." Aspin continued to serve as Secretary of Defense until February 3, 1994, when William Perry took office.
After Aspin's resignation, a number of observers would come to his defense about his job performance. Including Newsweek, who said the real fault for the events in Somalia lay with the United Nations.
Final months and death
After leaving his position, Aspin joined the faculty of Marquette University's international affairs program in Washington and joined the board of directors of the Washington-based think-tank the Henry L. Stimson Center. In March, he became a member of the Commission on Roles and Missions, and in May Clinton chose him to be chairman of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. In March 1995, he began work as chairman of the study group on the Roles and Capabilities of the Intelligence Community.
Aspin had had increasing difficulty during the last years of his life with a congenital heart condition (asymmetric septal hypertrophy; hypertrophic cardiomyopathy/obstructive cardiomyopathy). It necessitated hospitalization during his tenure as Defense Secretary, with placement of a pacemaker. His cardiac disorder was complicated in May 1995 by a stroke, which resulted in his death on May 21, 1995, in Washington, D.C. He was interred at Brookfield's Wisconsin Memorial Park cemetery.
Marquette University named its Les Aspin Center for Government in his honor.
References
Further reading
Aspin, Les. Defense for a New Era: Lessons of the Persian Gulf War (US House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, 1992) online.
External links
Biography at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
Financial information (federal office) at the Federal Election Commission
Legislation sponsored at the Library of Congress
Profile at Vote Smart
Marquette University's Les Aspin Center for Government
Les Aspin's biography on DefenseLink.mil
Interview about the MX missile for the WGBH series, War and Peace in the Nuclear Age
Les Aspin at Find a Grave
Appearances on C-SPAN
|
name in native language
|
{
"answer_start": [
23203
],
"text": [
"Les Aspin"
]
}
|
Leslie Aspin Jr. (July 21, 1938 – May 21, 1995) was an American Democratic Party politician who served as the U.S. representative for Wisconsin's 1st congressional district from 1971 to 1993 and as the 18th United States Secretary of Defense under President Bill Clinton from 1993 to 1994.In Congress, Aspin had a reputation as an intellectual who took a middle-of-the-road position on controversial issues. He supported the Reagan administration regarding the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras, but he opposed the B-2 bomber and the Strategic Defense Initiative. He played a major role in convincing the House to support the January 1991 resolution supporting the use of force by President George H. W. Bush against Iraq, after it invaded Kuwait.
He faced complex social issues, such as the roles of homosexuals in uniform, and of women in combat, as well as major decisions regarding the use of military force in Somalia, Bosnia, and Haiti. He proposed budget cuts and restructuring of forces as part of the downsizing of the military after the end of the Cold War. The deaths of U.S. soldiers in Somalia because of inadequate military support led to his resignation.
Early life and education
Aspin was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. He graduated from Shorewood High School. He attended Yale University, where he was admitted to the Zeta Psi fraternity, and graduated summa cum laude in 1960 with a Bachelor of Arts in history. Aspin then attended the University of Oxford, where he received his Master of Philosophy in economics in 1962 and his Doctor of Philosophy in economics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1966.
Aspin met his wife, Maureen Shea, in Saigon during the Vietnam War. Shea, a graduate of Hollins College, was working for a research firm interviewing Vietcong defectors when the two were introduced by a mutual acquaintance. After the project was completed she moved to Wisconsin to work on Aspin's unsuccessful bid for Wisconsin State Treasurer in 1968. The couple became engaged in October 1968 and married in January 1969 in Shea's hometown of Hillsdale, New York. The couple divorced in 1979 and had no children.
Aspin served a brief tenure as a congressional staff member for United States Senator William Proxmire. As an officer in the U.S. Army from 1966 to 1968, he served as a systems analyst in the Pentagon under Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, serving in the Office of Systems Analysis. Before his election as a Democrat to Congress in 1970, Aspin had been active in Wisconsin politics and had taught economics at Marquette University.
U.S. Congress
Aspin ran as a peace candidate in 1970, opposing the Vietnam War. In the Democratic primary he was opposed by Doug La Follette, who was endorsed by the party. Aspin lost the initial count by a few dozen votes, and initially refused to pay for a recount out of his own pocket. It was only after his Kenosha County campaign director, Edwin M. Andersen, was able to garner financial support from numerous supporters, however, that the legendarily thrifty Aspin then demanded a recount and won the primary, by a few dozen votes. In the general election he defeated the incumbent, Henry Schadeberg.
Aspin was elected as a Democrat to the 92nd and to the 11 succeeding Congresses and served from January 3, 1971, until his resignation January 20, 1993. Aspin began his career in the United States House of Representatives as an outsider but honed his particular interest and expertise in defense matters. Before and during his tenure in the House, he had opposed the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War.
In his early years in Congress, he often issued press releases critical of shortcomings he detected in the armed forces. In 1973, he criticized the Air Force for devising a plan to purchase 200 beagle puppies, tie the dogs' vocal cords, and conduct tests of poisonous gases. After Aspin began a publicity campaign against the Air Force's plan, an outraged public sent a record number of letters to the Defense Department, surpassing the amount ever sent about any other subject. In March 1974, Aspin told an audience at Brown University, including future 4-star General Wesley Clark and four West Point cadets: "You, the young officer and cadets sitting there - never in your lifetimes will you see us intervene abroad. We've learned that lesson."By 1985, when Aspin became chairman of the Armed Services Committee, he was recognized as a leading defense authority. His chairmanship caused controversy among some House Democrats, particularly because he supported the Reagan administration's policies on the MX missile and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras. Although temporarily removed from his committee chair by his Democratic colleagues in January 1987, Aspin weathered the crisis and regained the chairmanship three weeks later. He again broke with many Democrats in January 1991 when he issued a paper supporting the Bush administration's intention to use military force to drive the Iraqis from Kuwait. The accuracy of his prediction that the United States could win a quick military victory with light casualties added to his reputation as a military expert.
Secretary of Defense
Nomination and confirmation
Aspin served as an adviser to Clinton on defense matters during the 1992 presidential campaign. Given Clinton's lack of military experience, appointment of a prominent and respected defense expert to head The Pentagon seemed desirable. Because of his leadership position in the House, Aspin's views on defense issues were well known. He was skeptical about the Strategic Defense Initiative, and favored a smaller Navy, a cut in U.S. troops in Europe, and further reduction of military personnel strength. These positions, along with the assumption that Aspin would work toward a substantial cut in the Defense budget, worried the military. Defense industry leaders applauded Aspin's selection because he favored maintaining a viable defense industrial base. Although questioned extensively, Aspin won easy confirmation in the Senate.
Agenda and early difficulties
"Shortly after he took office, Aspin discussed dangers that had emerged with the end of the Cold War: the uncertainty that reform could succeed in the former Soviet Union; the enhanced possibility that terrorists or terrorist states could acquire nuclear weapons; the likely proliferation of regional conflicts; and the failure to take adequate account of the impact of the state of the domestic economy on U.S. national security interests. Given these conditions and the end of the Cold War, it seemed clear that the Pentagon was entering a period of potentially profound change. Aspin looked like a sound choice to manage this change.
As it turned out, Aspin faced difficulties from the beginning. A serious heart ailment put him in the hospital for several days in February 1993, after barely a month in office. A month later he was back in the hospital for implantation of a heart pacemaker. Even so, he had to deal immediately with the highly charged question of homosexuals in the military, a controversy left over from his predecessor Dick Cheney's tenure. That had become an issue in the 1992 campaign, when Clinton had promised to end discrimination against homosexuals. During his confirmation hearings Aspin indicated that he would take action quickly, and on entering office he presented a plan to the president to discuss the matter with Congress and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and presented a timetable leading to an order dealing with the matter. This plan provoked widespread protest from all sides on the issue."
Gender and sexuality in the military
The fallout from the controversy wounded both Clinton and Aspin politically and dragged on until December 1993, when, after many months of equivocation, confusion, and more controversy, Aspin released new regulations, known as the "Don't ask, don't tell" policy on homosexual conduct in the armed forces: Applicants for the services would not be asked about their sexual orientation, and homosexual orientation would not disqualify anyone from service "unless manifested by homosexual conduct"; military personnel would be judged on suitability for service, not sexual orientation; separation from the service would be based on homosexual acts, same sex marriage, or statements by an individual that he or she was bisexual or homosexual, with the person accorded the opportunity to rebut the presumption of homosexual acts; DoD criminal investigation or law enforcement organizations would not investigate solely to determine a service member's sexual orientation, and sexual orientation questions would not be included in personnel security questionnaires; finally, service members would be informed of DoD policy on sexual conduct during their training. This compromise policy, issued after an agonizing and divisive public debate, did not completely satisfy any of the concerned parties.
Also on the social side, Aspin had to deal with the volatile question of service women in combat. In April 1993 he announced a revised policy on the assignment of women in the armed forces: The services were to allow women to compete for assignments in combat aircraft; the Navy was to open additional ships to women and draft a proposal for Congress to remove existing legislative barriers to the assignment of women to combat vessels; and the Army and Marine Corps were to look for opportunities for women to serve in such components as field artillery and air defense. (This was a response to recommendations made by an ad hoc committee chaired by Barbara S. Pope appointed in the wake of the Tailhook scandal.) Meanwhile, Secretary of the Air Force Sheila E. Widnall became the first woman service secretary.
Defense budget and "bottom-up review"
Development of the Defense budget for FY 1994, beginning on 1 October 1993, remained Aspin's biggest task. The budget process proved more complicated than usual, owing to Clinton's campaign pledge to reduce DoD funding and to a "bottom-up review" of the military structure ordered by Aspin shortly after he took office. The end of the Cold War and the consequent opportunity to cut military costs clearly called for the kind of reevaluation of ends and means that the bottom-up review might contribute. A Pentagon steering group chaired by Under Secretary of Defense (Acquisition and Technology) John M. Deutch and including representatives from various OSD offices, the Joint Staff, and the services conducted the review.
Because of the growing threat of regional conflicts, Aspin wanted to have a strong capability to carry out limited military operations, including peacekeeping, and to maintain "a strong peacetime presence of U.S. forces around the world". The bottom-up review report, which Aspin released in September 1993, took into account strategy formulation, force structure, weapon systems modernization, and Defense infrastructure. The report projected a reduced force structure still capable of fighting and winning two simultaneous major regional conflicts. Forces would include 10 active Army divisions; 11 carrier battle groups, 45 to 55 attack submarines, and about 345 ships; 5 active Marine brigades; and 13 active and 7 reserve Air Force fighter wings. The report also called for additional prepositioned equipment and airlift/sealift capacity, improved anti-armor and precision-guided munitions, and enhanced Army National Guard combat brigade readiness.
The conclusions of the bottom-up review influenced the development of the FY 1994 Defense budget, although detailed work on the budget had begun as soon as Aspin took office. In March 1993 Aspin introduced a FY 1994 budget proposal costing $263.4 billion, about $12 billion below current levels, and reflecting cuts in the military services similar to those later included in the bottom-up review. To some critics of high military spending, Aspin's budget plan differed little from that of the Bush administration.
In the fall of 1993 Aspin began to tell the White House that the five-year Defense budget, reflecting the results of the bottom-up review, would exceed the more than $1 trillion projected by the Clinton administration. In December 1993 he put the anticipated shortfall at no less than $50 billion, the consequence of inaccurate inflation estimates, a military pay raise, and failure to account for other Pentagon costs, including peacekeeping operations. The size of the force needed to meet the two regional wars scenario contributed to the projected budget shortfall. Furthermore, Aspin was on record as favoring the use of U.S. troops in regional conflicts, as opposed to other decisionmakers, including General Colin Powell, chairman of the JCS. Aspin's departure from office early in 1994 left further decisions on the Defense budget to his successor. The final FY 1994 budget amounted to a little under $252 billion in total obligational authority.
Like his predecessors Carlucci and Cheney, Aspin faced the perennial issue of base closures, which could also affect the Defense budget. In March 1993 he released a plan to close an additional 31 large military installations and to shrink or consolidate 134 other sites, projecting a savings of over $3 billion a year beginning in 2000. A new Defense Base Closure and Realignment Commission approved the proposal, which went into effect when Congress accepted it as a package.
The SDI program also held important budget implications. In May 1993 Aspin announced "the end of the Star Wars era," explaining that the collapse of the Soviet Union had determined the fate of SDI. He renamed the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization as the Ballistic Missile Defense Organization (BMDO) and established its priorities as theater and national missile defense and useful follow-on technologies. Aspin's assignment of responsibility for BMDO to the under secretary of defense (acquisition and technology) signified the downgrading of the program.
Global crises and initiatives
While seeking solutions to the complex budget and force structure issues, Aspin found himself beset with difficult regional problems and conflicts that demanded decisions and action. In NATO he pushed the U.S.-sponsored "Partnership for Peace" program to bring together NATO members and nonmembers for military activities, including training maneuvers, equipment sharing, search and rescue, antiterrorist efforts, environmental cleanup, and peacekeeping operations. At a meeting in Brussels in December 1993 the NATO defense ministers agreed to consider for future alliance membership those non-NATO nations that participated in the program. Russian President Boris Yeltsin warned that attempts to bring Eastern European nations into NATO would threaten his country's strategic interests and endanger hopes for the former Soviet bloc's reconciliation with the West. Yeltsin argued that enlarging NATO would reawaken old Russian concerns about encirclement and possibly weaken the cause of democratic reform.
The unstable situation in Haiti, where elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide had been ousted from office by the military in September 1991, presented another regional problem. The United States pressured the military government to restore Aristide. In July 1993, the Haitian military regime agreed to reinstate Aristide by October 30, 1993, but then refused to step down. In October, in an effort Clinton approved even though Aspin opposed it, the United States sent the USS Harlan County carrying 200 troops to Port-au-Prince, Haiti's capital. Met by a hostile mob of armed Haitians, the ship turned away without attempting to undertake its mission, which the Pentagon described as an effort to professionalize the Haitian military and undertake civil assistance projects. Some observers attacked Aspin for not taking a harder stand in the administration against an action he opposed and then aborting the effort in the face of local opposition.
During Aspin's term the U.S. was concerned that Communist North Korea might have underway a nuclear weapons development program. This gave way to alarm when that country refused to allow full inspection of nuclear sites. In November 1993 North Korea demanded that the United States and South Korea cancel a planned joint training exercise as a precondition during discussions on the nuclear issue. Aspin rejected this demand and announced that the United States would suspend plans to withdraw its troops gradually from the peninsula.
In the Persian Gulf area, Iraq remained a problem. In June 1993 two U.S. Navy ships fired Tomahawk missiles against the headquarters building of Iraq's intelligence service in Baghdad in response to evidence of a plot to assassinate former President Bush during a visit to Kuwait. Aspin described the attack as a "wake up call" for Saddam Hussein. Two months later Aspin received a report on the U.S. military performance during the 1991 Gulf War, the result of a study undertaken by the House Armed Services Committee when he chaired it. The report concluded that the U.S. Central Command had greatly exaggerated damage done to Iraqi military equipment, such as tanks and naval vessels, by air strikes. Aspin also had to consider the question of health problems of U.S. service personnel who participated in the action against Iraq. He announced that a preliminary review disclosed no connection between chemical weapon agents and the reported health problems. Nevertheless, he formed a panel of outside experts to examine the issue further.
The worsening crisis in Bosnia commanded attention and demanded some kind of U.S. response. Aspin did not favor using ground forces to intervene in the civil war involving the Bosnian Muslims, Serbs, and Croats, but thought that the use of sophisticated weapons was a more reasonable option. Eventually the administration decided on an airdrop of humanitarian aid, even though Aspin did not favor the plan.
Somalia turned out to be Aspin's biggest headache. A civil war involving various clans had engulfed the country since 1991. Direct U.S. involvement, begun in August 1992, provided food through a military airlift and other means to the people of Somalia. In December 1992, shortly before Aspin became secretary of defense, the United States joined a new Unified Task Force (UNITAF) to provide security as well as food relief. The United States sent 26,000 troops to Somalia to join about 13,000 others from more than 20 nations. UNITAF, operating until May 1993, restored order in Somalia and distributed food widely.
In March 1993, United Nations Operation in Somalia II began in an effort to create conditions to enable the Somalis to rebuild the country. The United States cut its troops in Somalia to some 4,000 and then added 400 Army Rangers in August 1993. At that time, confronting criticism at home that the United States was getting more deeply involved in the factional violence in Somalia without a clear rationale, Aspin explained that U.S. troops would remain until order had been restored in Mogadishu, Somalia's capital, progress had been made in disarming rival clans, and effective police forces were operating in the country's major cities. At the same time the United States increased its military efforts against a leading Somali warlord, Mohamed Farrah Aidid.
Criticism and final days in office
In September 1993, General Powell asked Aspin to approve the request of the U.S. commander in Somalia for tanks, armored vehicles and AC-130 Spectre gunships for his forces. Aspin turned down the request and did not take Powell's request seriously. At some point during a lunch meeting, Powell presented to Aspin on the need of additional tanks, armored vehicles, AC-130 Spectre gunships air-support to support the U.S. Troops that were about to be deployed for Battle of Mogadishu and, discussing the battle preparation instead of paying attention to Powell's recommendation, Aspin caused Powell to grow more irritated. This was believed to be the primary reason for Powell's early departure as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Shortly thereafter Aidid's forces in Mogadishu killed 18 U.S. soldiers and wounded more than 75 in attacks that also resulted in the shooting down of two U.S. helicopters and the capture of one pilot in the Battle of Mogadishu. In the face of severe congressional criticism, Aspin admitted that in view of what had happened he had made a mistake, but stated that the request for armored equipment had been made within the context of delivering humanitarian aid to Somalia rather than protecting troops. In an appearance before a congressional committee to answer questions about the Somalia disaster, Aspin made an unfavorable impression and appeared weak in response to the detailed probing and criticism of his performance. The president publicly defended Aspin but made clear that the White House was not involved in the decision not to send armor reinforcements to Somalia. Several members of Congress called on Clinton to ask for Aspin's resignation.
On 15 December 1993 President Clinton announced Aspin's resignation, for personal reasons. Given the problems that Aspin encountered during his short term, most obviously the losses in Mogadishu, observers assumed that the president had asked him to step down. Speculation in the media centered on the Somalia embarrassment and on Aspin's differences with the Office of Management and Budget over how much the Defense budget should be cut. The secretary's health problems may well have also been a factor. One news magazine stated that Aspin's major handicap was "neither his famously unmilitary bearing nor his inability to discipline himself or the enormous Pentagon bureaucracy; it is his politician's instinct for the middle ground on defense issues." Aspin continued to serve as Secretary of Defense until February 3, 1994, when William Perry took office.
After Aspin's resignation, a number of observers would come to his defense about his job performance. Including Newsweek, who said the real fault for the events in Somalia lay with the United Nations.
Final months and death
After leaving his position, Aspin joined the faculty of Marquette University's international affairs program in Washington and joined the board of directors of the Washington-based think-tank the Henry L. Stimson Center. In March, he became a member of the Commission on Roles and Missions, and in May Clinton chose him to be chairman of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. In March 1995, he began work as chairman of the study group on the Roles and Capabilities of the Intelligence Community.
Aspin had had increasing difficulty during the last years of his life with a congenital heart condition (asymmetric septal hypertrophy; hypertrophic cardiomyopathy/obstructive cardiomyopathy). It necessitated hospitalization during his tenure as Defense Secretary, with placement of a pacemaker. His cardiac disorder was complicated in May 1995 by a stroke, which resulted in his death on May 21, 1995, in Washington, D.C. He was interred at Brookfield's Wisconsin Memorial Park cemetery.
Marquette University named its Les Aspin Center for Government in his honor.
References
Further reading
Aspin, Les. Defense for a New Era: Lessons of the Persian Gulf War (US House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, 1992) online.
External links
Biography at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
Financial information (federal office) at the Federal Election Commission
Legislation sponsored at the Library of Congress
Profile at Vote Smart
Marquette University's Les Aspin Center for Government
Les Aspin's biography on DefenseLink.mil
Interview about the MX missile for the WGBH series, War and Peace in the Nuclear Age
Les Aspin at Find a Grave
Appearances on C-SPAN
|
C-SPAN person numeric ID
|
{
"answer_start": [
3270
],
"text": [
"11"
]
}
|
Kızılcık can refer to:
Kızılcık, Ardanuç
Kızılcık, Düzce
|
located in the administrative territorial entity
|
{
"answer_start": [
52
],
"text": [
"Düzce"
]
}
|
Kızılcık can refer to:
Kızılcık, Ardanuç
Kızılcık, Düzce
|
native label
|
{
"answer_start": [
0
],
"text": [
"Kızılcık"
]
}
|
Kulun Beg (Chinese: 白眉可汗; pinyin: Báiméi Kèhán) - was a Turkic (Göktürk) ruler who tried to sustain the Second Turkic Khaganate in vain.
Family
He succeeded Özmiş Khagan who was beheaded by the Ashina Shi. His relation to Özmiş Khagan is unclear. According to Taşağıl he was Özmiş Khagan's son and according to the family tree drawn by Gumilev he was Özmiş Khagan's brother.
Reign
He was enthroned in 744. When he was enthroned the Central Asian steppes were already conquered by the coalition of Uighur - Basmyl and Karluk. Chinese emperor Xuanzong decided to destroy the last traces of Turkic khaganate and he sent general Wang Zhongsi (王忠嗣) over Kulun Beg’s forces. Meanwhile Ashina Shi was deposed by Kutlug I Bilge Qaghan. Wang Zhongsi (王忠嗣) defeated the eastern flank of Turkic army headed by Apa Tarkhan. Although Kulun Beg tried to escape, he was arrested by the Uighurs and was beheaded just like his father in 745.
Aftermath
Most of the Turks fled to other Turkic tribes like Basmyl. However, a group including Po Beg, Bilge Khagan’s widow who was also Tonyukuk’s daughter, took refuge in China. Chinese emperor legitimised her as a princess and she was appointed as the ruler of her people. According to Taşağıl, Turks were mentioned in Chinese chronicles up to 941.
== References ==
|
father
|
{
"answer_start": [
158
],
"text": [
"Özmiş Khagan"
]
}
|
In 1921, the Toronto Transportation Commission (TTC) was created to integrate and operate the Toronto streetcar system. It inherited the infrastructure of two separate streetcar operators: the Toronto Railway Company (TRC) and Toronto Civic Railways (TCR). The TTC immediately embarked on a program to connect the TRC and TCR lines into one network. The TTC had to rebuild most of the track to provide a wider devilstrip so that the wider Peter Witt streetcars it was ordering could pass without sideswiping. Between 1938 and 1945, it placed five orders for air-electric PCC streetcars to replace the old, wooden streetcars of the TRC, and to address rising ridership. Between 1947 and 1951, the TTC placed three orders for all-electric PCC cars, with one order equipped with couplers for multiple-unit operation. Between 1950 and 1957, the TTC purchased PCCs from four American cities (Cincinnati, Cleveland, Birmingham and Kansas City). By 1957, the TTC (later renamed the Toronto Transit Commission in 1954, which uses the same acronym) had more PCCs than any other city in North America. After the opening of the Bloor–Danforth subway (today Line 2 Bloor–Danforth) in 1966, the TTC considered terminating all streetcar service in Toronto. However, in 1972, a citizens group led by Jane Jacobs and Steve Munro called "Streetcars for Toronto" persuaded the City to retain streetcar operation. This led to the development of the Canadian Light Rail Vehicle (CLRV) and its longer, articulated cousin, the Articulated Light Rail Vehicle (ALRV), to replace the aging PCC fleet. The Accessibility for Ontarians with Disabilities Act, 2005 (AODA) mandated that the next generation of streetcars be wheelchair-accessible. Thus, to replace the CLRVs and ALRVs, Bombardier adapted its low-floor Flexity Outlook model for the TTC to navigate the Toronto streetcar system's tight curves and single-point switches, characteristics set in the 1920s to accommodate Peter Witt streetcars.
Inherited streetcars
When the Toronto Transportation Commission was created in 1921, it inherited the facilities of its two predecessor companies: the Toronto Railway Company (TRC) and the Toronto Civic Railways (TCR).
Ex-TRC streetcars
The Toronto Transportation Commission inherited 830 streetcars from the Toronto Railway Company. However, the TTC found that only 351 of them were worth retaining; thus, the TTC disposed of the remaining 479 by 1924. (Two of the disposed cars were relics – horsecar 64, built in 1879, and streetcar 306, built in 1892. Both were ultimately sent to the Canada Science and Technology Museum in Ottawa.)The 351 streetcars the TTC chose to retain were single-ended streetcars built between 1906 and 1917 in the TRC's own shops. They were all even-numbered and retained their original TRC car numbers. The TTC modified these streetcars and reclassified them into four classes by sets of features.The A- and A1-class cars were operated from the mid-1920s as six-motor trains with an A1-class (four-motor) car leading a coupled A-class (two-motor) car. These trains required a crew of three, two for the lead car and another for the trailing car. Six-motor trains lasted until 1933 when the A-class cars were retired due to a decline of ridership during the Great Depression. After the retirement of the A-class cars, the A1-class cars would pull a Class N or Q trailer until 1934.The Class C cars had a Tomlinson coupler to pull a Class N or Q trailer, which in later years would be semi-permanently attached. The Class C cars were retired in 1949. The trailers were then reassigned. Class C-1 was a variation of Class C omitting the coupler. These cars required a two-man crew.The Class BB class was the largest group of ex-TRC cars. Twenty BB-class cars were transferred to other cities during World War II: 5 to Fort William, 10 to Ottawa and 5 to Quebec City. The Class BB cars were the last of the ex-TRC cars to be retired, the last forty being retired in 1951. Class BB car 1326 is preserved at the Halton County Radial Railway museum. These cars required a crew of one.Between 1923 and 1933, the TTC modified all of its ex-TRC cars, at least once, often twice and in one case (1328) three times, each time converting the car from one class to another. A common second conversion was from C or C1 (two-man operation) to BB class (1-man operation). All C1 cars and many C-class cars were converted to BB-class by 1933. The following tables reflect the classes of retained ex-TRC streetcars after the final modification. The table is in TRC class and year built sequence, and roughly in car number sequence.
Ex-TCR streetcars
The TTC inherited the TCR fleet in 1921, and renumbered the cars (using even numbers only) in May 1923. Many of the TRC stayed in passenger service in Toronto until 1948. All TCR cars were double-ended.The TTC initially used the four Class I double-truck streetcars (TCR 120–123, TTC 2120–2126) for temporary service on lines being converted from single to double-track. All were scrapped in 1936, with the exception of car 2120, which the TTC converted into a snow scraper and used on the North Yonge Railways until 1948.The TTC used the double-truck Class H cars (TCR 100–119, TTC 2128–2144 & 2148–2166) mainly on the Weston route and also on Spadina route until 1948. TCR car 109 (TTC 2146) was destroyed by fire in 1921.The Class J (TCR 200–212, TTC 2168–2192) double-truck streetcars, ran mainly on the Spadina route and also on the Weston route until 1948.The TTC used the Class F, single-truck streetcars (TCR 50–57, TTC 2200–2214) for rush-hour service until 1926 after which they were converted into snow scrapers. The only three survivors of the entire TCR fleet are from this class, and all three are preserved at the Halton County Radial Railway museum in Milton, Ontario. Preserved TCR car 55 (TTC 2210) was restored to its original TCR condition. The TTC had converted the other two surviving Class F cars into rail grinders and both are preserved as such at the museum. TCR 52 (TTC 2204) became subway rail grinder RT-7, and TCR 57 (TTC 2214) became streetcar system rail grinder W-28.Class G (TCR: 60–84, TTC 2216–2264) consisted of single-truck Birney cars, which were used on various TTC routes, such as Davenport and Coxwell, until 1940. The cars were sold in 1927, 1940 and 1941 to run in Cornwall and Halifax until 1949, after which they were scrapped.In May 1923, the TTC renumbered all the TCR streetcars with even numbers only. The year retired column refers to retirement from passenger service in Toronto; it excludes cars sold to other operators (Class G) or retirements from work car service after conversion.
Peter Witt streetcars
The Peter Witt streetcars were the first new vehicles ordered by the Toronto Transportation Commission; however, they required a major change in the trackwork before they could run. The new cars were wider than the older TRC cars, and the devilstrip between parallel tracks was too narrow at 3 feet 10 inches (1.17 m). The TTC had to relay track throughout the system to widen the devil strip to 5 feet 4 inches (1.63 m).The Peter Witt streetcars, the first all-steel streetcars in Toronto, came in two versions: large and small. The large Witts were 51 feet 10 inches (15.80 m) long and had 60 seats; the small Witts, 47 feet (14 m) long and 55 seats. The large Witts had a slow speed but the strength to pull a trailer. The small Witts were faster in operation, could move along better in traffic but could not pull a trailer. Trailer-trains were used on heavily travelled routes such as Yonge, Bloor, College and Dundas.A streetcar gets a "Peter Witt" designation if it was built using the Peter Witt fare payment design. With Peter Witt streetcars, passengers enter by the front doors and pay their fare as they walk past the conductor seated just before centre doors. Passengers must pay their fare when they pass the conductor either to exit the car by the centre doors or to access the rear of the car. This scheme was dubbed "pay-as-you-pass". Passengers could ride in the unpaid front portion of the car or in the paid rear portion. During the Great Depression, many Witt cars were converted to one-man operation, eliminating the conductor's position and relocating the fare box at the car's entrance.The "Peter Witt" trailers were not of the Peter Witt design because of their door arrangement. The Class N trailers had two narrow centre doors flanking the conductor's position, and were slow to load and unload. Thus, the three-door Class Q trailers (also known as Harvey trailers) were introduced with a double door on one side of the conductor's position and a single, narrow door on the other side. One of the doors had a gate so that it could be used as either an entry or exit.Originally, all but the class P small Witt vehicles had a fully enclosed operator cab. (This feature would not be repeated in Toronto until the introduction of the Flexity Outlook in 2014.) Around 1940, the cab walls were removed.The first major retirement came in 1938 with the introduction of PCC streetcars. All 60 class N trailers and 30 of the class Q trailers were withdrawn with PCCs replacing Peter Witt trailer-trains on the Bloor and Dundas streetcar routes. These were the first of the new cars purchased by the TTC to be scrapped after only 15–17 years of service. The next major retirement came in 1954 with the opening of the original subway (today a part of Line 1 Yonge–University). All the remaining trailers and all of the large Peter Witt cars were retired. The subway replaced the Yonge streetcar line, which heavily used Peter Witt trailer-trains. The final major retirement, this time of the remaining small Peter Witt cars, came in 1965 following the opening of the University subway in 1963 (also a part of Line 1 Yonge–University).Motor cars are even-numbered; trailers are odd-numbered:
The following is the list of preserved TTC Peter Witt cars:
PCC streetcars
The TTC was among the first transit agencies to buy the then-state-of-the-art PCC streetcars, which were designed by a committee of public transport operators in the 1930s but were modified to the TTC's specifications. The TTC bought these cars to replace the Peter Witt cars and older vehicles inherited from the Toronto Railway Company. The TTC's first purchase was in 1938, and by the end of the 1950s, they operated a larger fleet of PCCs than any other agency in the world with 744 cars in service.
The TTC purchased 745 PCC streetcars in all, 317 air-electric (with air-compressor) and 428 all-electric (no air-compressor), 540 new and 205 used (from several U.S. operators abandoning streetcar service). 175 PCCs had couplers for multiple-unit operation, and the TTC used them to assemble two-car PCC trains. (The TTC had only a maximum of 744 PCCs in service because PCC 4063 was scrapped after it derailed and crashed into a carhouse wall in 1947.)In 1963, with the opening of the University subway (part of today's Line 1 Yonge–University) and the closure of the Dupont streetcar route, the last of the Peter Witt streetcars were retired resulting in a 100 percent PCC streetcar fleet.
The first major retirement of PCCs occurred with the opening of the Bloor–Danforth subway (today Line 2 Bloor–Danforth) in 1966. The heavily used Bloor streetcar line (where two-car PCC trains ran) plus four intersecting streetcar routes (Coxwell, Harbord, Parliament, Fort) were abandoned. The all-electric PCCs from the Bloor route were moved elsewhere displacing the older air-electric cars, many of which were sold to a transit operator in Egypt.In the late 1980s, as CLRVs were replacing the ageing PCC fleet, the TTC started to create a new class of PCC cars (class A15) by rebuilding A8-class cars. By 1992, it had rebuilt 19 PCCs for use on the new 604 Harbourfront streetcar line (part of today's 509 Harbourfront service). However, in 1995, the A15 class PCCs were retired because the CLRV fleet could handle the ridership, which had declined by that time. The TTC retained A15-class PCCs 4500 and 4549 for excursions and special events.The following PCC streetcars made up the TTC fleet:
CLRVs and ALRVs
In the 1970s, the Urban Transportation Development Corporation (UTDC), an Ontario Crown corporation developed the Canadian Light Rail Vehicle (CLRV) which would replace the PCC in Toronto. The UTDC hoped to sell CLRVs, or variations of it, to other streetcar and light rail systems in North America. Subsequently, in the 1980s, the UTDC developed the Articulated Light Rail Vehicle (ALRV), the longer, articulated version of the CLRV.
The first six CLRVs (4000–4005, class L1) were built by Schweizerische Industrie Gesellschaft (Swiss Industrial Company, SIG), and were tested in Switzerland serving as prototypes. The remaining 190 CLRVs (4010–4199, class L2) were built by Hawker Siddeley Canada Limited in Thunder Bay. The CLRVs went into revenue service on route 507 Long Branch on September 30, 1979. The vehicles were originally equipped with couplers, but these were removed between 1984 and 1988, and shields were placed over the empty coupler pockets to protect pedestrians.In August 1982, the UTDC delivered an ALRV prototype, number 4900, which the TTC operated in revenue service for several months. Prototype 4900 had features that were not implemented on either CLRVs or production ALRVs such as hand controls instead of foot controls, and electronic destination signs instead of linen rollsigns. The prototype had couplers while subsequent production units did not. After sitting in storage at the St. Clair Carhouse since early 1983, prototype 4900 was returned to the UTDC's Kingston facility in 1987 where, a year later, it was damaged in a test track collision. It was scrapped in 1997.ALRV 4200, the first of the 52 production ALRVs (4200–4251, class L3), arrived in Toronto on June 11, 1987; ALRV 4204 began revenue service on route 507 Long Branch on January 19, 1988. Unlike the CLRVs, none of the production ALRVs was equipped with couplers, and shields covered their coupler pockets.In 2006, CLRV 4041 was modified for air conditioning with a visibly distinctive air conditioning unit installed on its roof. It was a prototype for a proposed refurbishment project that was shelved.The passage of Accessibility for Ontarians with Disabilities Act in 2005 affected the high-floor CLRV/ALRV fleet because the act mandated all public transport to be fully accessible by 2025. In 2006, TTC staff explored ways to make the old fleet wheelchair-accessible, including constructing installing wheelchair lifts and attaching wheelchair-accessible trailers, but concluded that these options were impractical, and recommended replacing the old fleet with new low-floor streetcars.As the CLRV/ALRV fleet aged, its reliability declined. In later years, the propulsion control system became unreliable and difficult to maintain as obsolete electronic and electrical parts became difficult to source. By 2014, the old fleet became vulnerable to extreme cold snaps. On January 3, 2014, this resulted in a breakdown of 50 out of the 195 streetcars required for rush hour service; water vapour had frozen in the pneumatic air lines, preventing brakes and doors from functioning.During an extreme cold snap between January 20 and 21, 2019, the TTC withdrew all CLRV/ALRV streetcars from service due to the high risk of breakdowns in the cold weather. Streetcar service during this period was provided by the Flexity Outlook streetcars and supplemented by buses.Starting in 2015, the TTC rebuilt 30 CLRVs and 20 ALRVs to extend their service life because of delays in delivery of the new Flexity Outlook streetcars. The TTC had expected to use some CLRVs and ALRVs to supplement the Flexity Outlook streetcars until 2024 to address increased ridership. However, by November 2018, the ALRV fleet had so deteriorated that only two or three of the 20 refurbished ALRVs were available for service on any one day. The TTC decommissioned all ALRVs by September 2, 2019, and followed suit with the CLRVs on December 29, 2019.The TTC sold CLRV 4187 to a railway enthusiast in an auction; the vehicle is being displayed in Priceville in Grey Highlands in Grey County, Ontario.
Flexity Outlook
By 2007, as the CLRV/ALRV fleet was nearing the end of its service life and becoming less reliable, the TTC began looking for a manufacturer to build new streetcars. In 2009, the TTC announced that it had chosen a customized version of the Bombardier Flexity Outlook as the model to replace the old fleet. The TTC had required Bombardier to modify its Flexity Outlook design to handle the legacy system's trackwork, the standards for which mainly date back to the Peter Witt era of the 1920s. Specifically, Toronto's new streetcar had to navigate single-point switches, a minimum curve radius of 11 metres (36 ft), and a maximum 8 percent grade. Light rail vehicles typically require double-point switches, a 25-metre (82 ft) radius and a maximum 5 percent grade. The minimum radius requirement was the most challenging for Bombardier. The TTC estimated that it would have taken ten years to widen the curve radius throughout the system.Unlike the CLRV/ALRV, the new vehicles feature a low-floor design, a loading ramp for wheelchair access, air-conditioning (only one CLRV had air-conditioning), a doubling of the passenger capacity, an interior bicycle area, a separated enclosed driver/operator cab walled off from the passenger area, on-board automatic fare vending machines, and electronic destination signs at the front, side and rear of the vehicle (as opposed to roll signs). They were also the first streetcars that had two audible warning signals, featuring both an electronic gong and a horn, as opposed to the CLRVs and ALRVs, which were originally delivered with physical gongs only but had been retrofitted with horns in the late 1990s. The first two Flexity Outlook streetcars entered revenue service on August 31, 2014, on route 510 Spadina.
Each Flexity Outlook streetcar is equipped with both a trolley pole and a pantograph for electrical pickup. (All older streetcars use a trolley pole.) Flexity Outlook streetcars operate with pantographs on routes where the electrical overhead has been converted for pantograph use. The introduction of Flexity Outlook streetcars is leading to the gradual phase-out of the trolley pole on the Toronto streetcar system.
During the manufacture of the Flexity Outlook streetcars, Bombardier experienced manufacturing and quality control problems mainly with welding at one of its plants. This resulted in major delivery delays, in that by the end of 2017, only 59 streetcars were delivered when about 150 were expected. In addition, in 2018, Bombardier requested the gradual recall of 67 vehicles to correct welding problems. With the delivery problems, and the retirement of many CLRV/ALRV streetcars too worn out to repair, a streetcar shortage occurred resulting in temporary bus replacements along some streetcar routes. Bombardier expects to return all recalled Flexity Outlook streetcars by 2023. On October 31, 2018, Bombardier was expected to deliver the remainder of the 204-vehicle order by the end of 2019.On January 24, 2020, the TTC took delivery of the last of 204 Flexity Outlook streetcars ordered from Bombardier. Streetcar 4603 was delivered by rail to the Hillcrest Complex from Bombardier's Thunder Bay plant. The last streetcar was a little over three weeks late, as Bombardier had promised to deliver the last car by the end of 2019.
Work cars
Excluding rubber-tire vehicles with extendable rail wheels, the Toronto streetcar system no longer has any rail-based work vehicles after the 1990s. The last such vehicles, rail grinding cars W-30 and W-31, were retired in 2002, their last assignment being in 1999. Except for rail grinders, all other types of work vehicles were retired before 1980. CLRVs 4089 and 4124, retired in 2019, are being reserved for future role as work cars.
Work cars had specialized duties. Besides rail grinding, there were work vehicles for snow clearing, construction (cranes, dump cars and flat cars) and deliveries for carhouses (e.g. sand cars, fare box cars). All these cars were self-propelled, taking power from the streetcar overhead wire. Some work cars—such as dump cars, track plows and snow sweepers—were purchased from outside rail equipment manufacturers. In some cases, the TTC inherited a car built in the shops of its predecessor, the Toronto Railway Company—for example, crane C-1 and the fare box car (for hauling tickets and fare boxes between carhouses and head office). In many cases, cars such as rail grinders and snow scrapers were former passenger streetcars that the TTC converted to work cars. Old cars used for such conversions were usually inherited from the Toronto Railway Company and the Toronto Civic Railways. However, in one case, the TTC used a pair of PCCs to create rail grinding cars W-30 and W-31.Rail-based, snow-clearing cars were retired in the 1970s when City of Toronto Public Works department trucks took over that function. To clear light snow, the TTC purchased 12 snow sweepers in 1940 from the Third Avenue Railway System (TARS) of New York City and numbered them S-30 to S-41. These cars were built by Russell Car Company in 1920–1921 and were double-truck, double-end vehicles. The TTC scrapped two of the sweepers in 1966; the remainder remained active until 1971 and were retired in 1972. After retirement, one sweeper was sold to a transit operator in New Jersey. For heavier snowfall, the TTC acquired two snow plows, TP-10 and TP-11, from National Steel Car. Both cars are preserved at museums.
The following table lists work cars preserved at museums, a few of which are pictured above:
See also
Toronto-gauge railways
Flexity Freedom, another light rail vehicle model used in Toronto
References
Bromley, John F.; May, Jack (1978) [1973]. Fifty Years of Progressive Transit: A History of the Toronto Transit Commission (2 ed.). New York: Electric Railroaders' Association. LCCN 73-84892.
Partridge, Larry (1982). The Witts – An Affectionate Look At Toronto's Original Red Rockets. Erin, Ontario: The Boston Mills Press. ISBN 0-919822-74-6.
Partridge, Larry (1983). Mind the Doors, Please! The Story of Toronto and Its Streetcars. Erin, Ontario: The Boston Mills Press. ISBN 0-919822-62-2.
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country
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2567
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Marianna Brummer (born 24 November 1949) is a South African former professional tennis player.Brummer, who comes from Pretoria, reached the third round at Wimbledon twice, including in 1969 when she was eliminated by Billie Jean King.At the 1970 French Open she made the women's doubles quarter-finals (with Laura Rossouw) and lost in the singles first round to Eva Lundqvist, after having won a marathon first set 15–13, causing the tournament to fall behind schedule.Brummer appeared in the Federation Cup for South Africa in 1970, for a World Group quarter-final against the United States in Freiburg, where she was beaten in a singles rubber by Peaches Bartkowicz.
See also
List of South Africa Federation Cup team representatives
References
External links
Marianna Brummer at the Billie Jean King Cup
Marianna Brummer at the International Tennis Federation
|
country of citizenship
|
{
"answer_start": [
46
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"South Africa"
]
}
|
Marianna Brummer (born 24 November 1949) is a South African former professional tennis player.Brummer, who comes from Pretoria, reached the third round at Wimbledon twice, including in 1969 when she was eliminated by Billie Jean King.At the 1970 French Open she made the women's doubles quarter-finals (with Laura Rossouw) and lost in the singles first round to Eva Lundqvist, after having won a marathon first set 15–13, causing the tournament to fall behind schedule.Brummer appeared in the Federation Cup for South Africa in 1970, for a World Group quarter-final against the United States in Freiburg, where she was beaten in a singles rubber by Peaches Bartkowicz.
See also
List of South Africa Federation Cup team representatives
References
External links
Marianna Brummer at the Billie Jean King Cup
Marianna Brummer at the International Tennis Federation
|
occupation
|
{
"answer_start": [
80
],
"text": [
"tennis player"
]
}
|
Marianna Brummer (born 24 November 1949) is a South African former professional tennis player.Brummer, who comes from Pretoria, reached the third round at Wimbledon twice, including in 1969 when she was eliminated by Billie Jean King.At the 1970 French Open she made the women's doubles quarter-finals (with Laura Rossouw) and lost in the singles first round to Eva Lundqvist, after having won a marathon first set 15–13, causing the tournament to fall behind schedule.Brummer appeared in the Federation Cup for South Africa in 1970, for a World Group quarter-final against the United States in Freiburg, where she was beaten in a singles rubber by Peaches Bartkowicz.
See also
List of South Africa Federation Cup team representatives
References
External links
Marianna Brummer at the Billie Jean King Cup
Marianna Brummer at the International Tennis Federation
|
sport
|
{
"answer_start": [
80
],
"text": [
"tennis"
]
}
|
Marianna Brummer (born 24 November 1949) is a South African former professional tennis player.Brummer, who comes from Pretoria, reached the third round at Wimbledon twice, including in 1969 when she was eliminated by Billie Jean King.At the 1970 French Open she made the women's doubles quarter-finals (with Laura Rossouw) and lost in the singles first round to Eva Lundqvist, after having won a marathon first set 15–13, causing the tournament to fall behind schedule.Brummer appeared in the Federation Cup for South Africa in 1970, for a World Group quarter-final against the United States in Freiburg, where she was beaten in a singles rubber by Peaches Bartkowicz.
See also
List of South Africa Federation Cup team representatives
References
External links
Marianna Brummer at the Billie Jean King Cup
Marianna Brummer at the International Tennis Federation
|
given name
|
{
"answer_start": [
0
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"Marianna"
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|
Al-Shuhadaa Sport Club (Arabic: نادي الشهداء الرياضي), is an Iraqi football team based in Wasit, that plays in Iraq Division Three.
Managerial history
Emad Omran
Thaer Jassim
Haider Hadi
See also
2021–22 Iraq Division Three
References
External links
Iraq Clubs- Foundation Dates
|
country
|
{
"answer_start": [
61
],
"text": [
"Iraq"
]
}
|
Al-Shuhadaa Sport Club (Arabic: نادي الشهداء الرياضي), is an Iraqi football team based in Wasit, that plays in Iraq Division Three.
Managerial history
Emad Omran
Thaer Jassim
Haider Hadi
See also
2021–22 Iraq Division Three
References
External links
Iraq Clubs- Foundation Dates
|
league
|
{
"answer_start": [
111
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"text": [
"Iraq Division Three"
]
}
|
Katherine Inocencio (Tagalog pronunciation: [ɪˈnɔʔsɛnʃo]; born September 15, 1960) is a broadcast journalist, child rights advocate, television producer and host in the Philippines. She was a candidate for Senator in the 2010 national elections under the Bangon Pilipinas Party of Bro. Eddie Villanueva.
Early life
A graduate of the University of the Philippines, Inocencio joined television network ABS-CBN in 1986. She covered President Corazon Aquino as a Malacanang Correspondent. She also anchored ABS-CBN's flagship newscast, TV Patrol with Noli de Castro and Frankie Evangelista from 1995 to 1996. Aside from ABS-CBN News, Inocencio was involved with ABS-CBN Foundation and produced and hosted its television program, Bantay Bata 163, a docu-drama program that campaigned against child abuse.
In August 2001, Inocencio left ABS-CBN to join a ministry that blessed Israel. She joined the Christian Broadcasting Network (CBN) as Vice President for Production in 2006. She hosted The 700 Club Asia on GMA3 with Peter Kairuz, Coney Reyes, Maricel Laxa-Pangilinan, Mari Kaimo, Maja Salvador and Felici Pangilinan-Buizon. As Executive Producer of the 700 Club Asia, Kata produced several stories focusing on the plight of Overseas Filipino Workers2.
Inocencio also hosted the talk show Diyos at Bayan with Bro. Eddie Villanueva, aired on GMA News TV and GMA Network, from 2004 to 2014.
Political life
On November 30, 2009, Inocencio filed her Certificate of Candidacy as Senator at the Commission on Elections (Comelec)4 under Bangon Pilipinas Party. Her platform focuses on the welfare of women and children, as well as fighting corruption.5 6
Personal life
Her maternal great-grandfather, Lope K. Santos, was a senator during the Quezon Administration, and governor of Rizal Province and Nueva Vizcaya.
See also
2010 Philippine Senate election
ABS-CBN News and Current Affairs
References
1. Bangon Pilipinas Candidates file respective candidacies
2. 700 Club Asia on QTV
3. 700 Club Hosts
4. Eddie Villanueva files candidacy
5. Inocencio for Women and Children
6. Bangon Pilipinas gives genuine change a face
|
country of citizenship
|
{
"answer_start": [
169
],
"text": [
"Philippines"
]
}
|
Katherine Inocencio (Tagalog pronunciation: [ɪˈnɔʔsɛnʃo]; born September 15, 1960) is a broadcast journalist, child rights advocate, television producer and host in the Philippines. She was a candidate for Senator in the 2010 national elections under the Bangon Pilipinas Party of Bro. Eddie Villanueva.
Early life
A graduate of the University of the Philippines, Inocencio joined television network ABS-CBN in 1986. She covered President Corazon Aquino as a Malacanang Correspondent. She also anchored ABS-CBN's flagship newscast, TV Patrol with Noli de Castro and Frankie Evangelista from 1995 to 1996. Aside from ABS-CBN News, Inocencio was involved with ABS-CBN Foundation and produced and hosted its television program, Bantay Bata 163, a docu-drama program that campaigned against child abuse.
In August 2001, Inocencio left ABS-CBN to join a ministry that blessed Israel. She joined the Christian Broadcasting Network (CBN) as Vice President for Production in 2006. She hosted The 700 Club Asia on GMA3 with Peter Kairuz, Coney Reyes, Maricel Laxa-Pangilinan, Mari Kaimo, Maja Salvador and Felici Pangilinan-Buizon. As Executive Producer of the 700 Club Asia, Kata produced several stories focusing on the plight of Overseas Filipino Workers2.
Inocencio also hosted the talk show Diyos at Bayan with Bro. Eddie Villanueva, aired on GMA News TV and GMA Network, from 2004 to 2014.
Political life
On November 30, 2009, Inocencio filed her Certificate of Candidacy as Senator at the Commission on Elections (Comelec)4 under Bangon Pilipinas Party. Her platform focuses on the welfare of women and children, as well as fighting corruption.5 6
Personal life
Her maternal great-grandfather, Lope K. Santos, was a senator during the Quezon Administration, and governor of Rizal Province and Nueva Vizcaya.
See also
2010 Philippine Senate election
ABS-CBN News and Current Affairs
References
1. Bangon Pilipinas Candidates file respective candidacies
2. 700 Club Asia on QTV
3. 700 Club Hosts
4. Eddie Villanueva files candidacy
5. Inocencio for Women and Children
6. Bangon Pilipinas gives genuine change a face
|
family name
|
{
"answer_start": [
10
],
"text": [
"Inocencio"
]
}
|
Katherine Inocencio (Tagalog pronunciation: [ɪˈnɔʔsɛnʃo]; born September 15, 1960) is a broadcast journalist, child rights advocate, television producer and host in the Philippines. She was a candidate for Senator in the 2010 national elections under the Bangon Pilipinas Party of Bro. Eddie Villanueva.
Early life
A graduate of the University of the Philippines, Inocencio joined television network ABS-CBN in 1986. She covered President Corazon Aquino as a Malacanang Correspondent. She also anchored ABS-CBN's flagship newscast, TV Patrol with Noli de Castro and Frankie Evangelista from 1995 to 1996. Aside from ABS-CBN News, Inocencio was involved with ABS-CBN Foundation and produced and hosted its television program, Bantay Bata 163, a docu-drama program that campaigned against child abuse.
In August 2001, Inocencio left ABS-CBN to join a ministry that blessed Israel. She joined the Christian Broadcasting Network (CBN) as Vice President for Production in 2006. She hosted The 700 Club Asia on GMA3 with Peter Kairuz, Coney Reyes, Maricel Laxa-Pangilinan, Mari Kaimo, Maja Salvador and Felici Pangilinan-Buizon. As Executive Producer of the 700 Club Asia, Kata produced several stories focusing on the plight of Overseas Filipino Workers2.
Inocencio also hosted the talk show Diyos at Bayan with Bro. Eddie Villanueva, aired on GMA News TV and GMA Network, from 2004 to 2014.
Political life
On November 30, 2009, Inocencio filed her Certificate of Candidacy as Senator at the Commission on Elections (Comelec)4 under Bangon Pilipinas Party. Her platform focuses on the welfare of women and children, as well as fighting corruption.5 6
Personal life
Her maternal great-grandfather, Lope K. Santos, was a senator during the Quezon Administration, and governor of Rizal Province and Nueva Vizcaya.
See also
2010 Philippine Senate election
ABS-CBN News and Current Affairs
References
1. Bangon Pilipinas Candidates file respective candidacies
2. 700 Club Asia on QTV
3. 700 Club Hosts
4. Eddie Villanueva files candidacy
5. Inocencio for Women and Children
6. Bangon Pilipinas gives genuine change a face
|
given name
|
{
"answer_start": [
1168
],
"text": [
"Kata"
]
}
|
The bluebarred pygmy sunfish, Elassoma okatie, is a species of pygmy sunfish endemic to South Carolina, United States, where it prefers waters with dense vegetation growth in the Edisto and Savannah River drainages. This species can reach 3.4 cm (1.3 in) in total length.
== References ==
|
taxon rank
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{
"answer_start": [
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}
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The bluebarred pygmy sunfish, Elassoma okatie, is a species of pygmy sunfish endemic to South Carolina, United States, where it prefers waters with dense vegetation growth in the Edisto and Savannah River drainages. This species can reach 3.4 cm (1.3 in) in total length.
== References ==
|
parent taxon
|
{
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30
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"text": [
"Elassoma"
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}
|
The bluebarred pygmy sunfish, Elassoma okatie, is a species of pygmy sunfish endemic to South Carolina, United States, where it prefers waters with dense vegetation growth in the Edisto and Savannah River drainages. This species can reach 3.4 cm (1.3 in) in total length.
== References ==
|
taxon name
|
{
"answer_start": [
30
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"text": [
"Elassoma okatie"
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}
|
Entertainment Earth is an online retailer and wholesaler of licensed collectibles, including action figures, clothing, statues, prop replicas, games, vinyl figures, dolls, and toys.
History
The company was founded in the San Fernando Valley of Los Angeles in 1995 by brothers Aaron and Jason Labowitz. They initially offered Star Wars action figures with the aim of attracting customers who were collectors who sought mint-condition items, as well as rarer items that might be difficult to find in stores. On April 1, 1996, the company launched its e-commerce site.Over the years it has become one of the Internet's largest collectibles retailers, and it also sells general interest toys. It offers over 31,000 licensed products, including toys, gift items, collectibles, and memorabilia. In addition, Entertainment Earth designs and manufactures its own branded lines of merchandise. From 2008 through 2011, Inc.com named it one of the 5,000 fastest growing private retail companies in the United States.Entertainment Earth has both a retail and a wholesale division, as well as an affiliate program. Its print catalog is produced quarterly. Through its wholesale division, EE Distribution, the company sells to smaller retailers and distributors throughout the world in bulk. It is a Premier Hasbro Distributor in the United States and the exclusive distributor of toys manufactured by Bif Bang Pow!
References
External links
Official website for Entertainment Earth
Official website for EE Distribution
|
product or material produced
|
{
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"text": [
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The 1986 Michigan State Spartans football team represented Michigan State University in the 1986 NCAA Division I-A football season. In their fourth season under head coach George Perles, the Spartans compiled a 6–5 overall record (4–4 against Big Ten opponents) and finished in fifth place in the Big Ten Conference.Six Spartans were recognized by the Associated Press (AP) and/or the United Press International (UPI) on the 1984 All-Big Ten Conference football team: receivers Andre Rison (AP-1; UPI-1) and Mark Ingram Sr. (AP-2); defensive linemen John Budde (AP-2) and Mark Nichols (AP-2); linebacker Shane Bullough (AP-2; UPI-1); and punter Greg Montgomery (AP-1; UPI-1).
Schedule
Personnel
Season summary
At Arizona State
Notre Dame
Western Michigan
Iowa
At Michigan
At Illinois
Purdue
Lorenzo White rushed for 79 yards on 19 carries in part-time duty in return from injury while the Spartans' defense intercepted four passes. White ran for first half touchdowns of three and one yards, respectively.
At Minnesota
Indiana
At Northwestern
Wisconsin
== References ==
|
head coach
|
{
"answer_start": [
172
],
"text": [
"George Perles"
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}
|
The 1986 Michigan State Spartans football team represented Michigan State University in the 1986 NCAA Division I-A football season. In their fourth season under head coach George Perles, the Spartans compiled a 6–5 overall record (4–4 against Big Ten opponents) and finished in fifth place in the Big Ten Conference.Six Spartans were recognized by the Associated Press (AP) and/or the United Press International (UPI) on the 1984 All-Big Ten Conference football team: receivers Andre Rison (AP-1; UPI-1) and Mark Ingram Sr. (AP-2); defensive linemen John Budde (AP-2) and Mark Nichols (AP-2); linebacker Shane Bullough (AP-2; UPI-1); and punter Greg Montgomery (AP-1; UPI-1).
Schedule
Personnel
Season summary
At Arizona State
Notre Dame
Western Michigan
Iowa
At Michigan
At Illinois
Purdue
Lorenzo White rushed for 79 yards on 19 carries in part-time duty in return from injury while the Spartans' defense intercepted four passes. White ran for first half touchdowns of three and one yards, respectively.
At Minnesota
Indiana
At Northwestern
Wisconsin
== References ==
|
season of club or team
|
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9
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Eucalyptus erythrocorys, commonly known as illyarrie, red-capped gum or helmet nut gum, is a species of tree or mallee from Western Australia. It has smooth bark, sickle-shaped to curved adult leaves, characteristically large flower buds in groups of three with a bright red operculum, bright yellow to yellowish green flowers and sculptured, bell-shaped fruit.
Description
Eucalyptus erythrocorys is a small tree or a mallee, with an open spreading habit and typically grows to a height of 3–10 m (9.8–32.8 ft) and a width of 3–6 m (9.8–19.7 ft). The bark is smooth with a creamy colour but can have a few rough brown coloured patches where it persists on the trunk instead of being shed. The smooth bark sheds in short ribbons or small polygonal flakes. Young plants and coppice regrowth have hairy stems, broadly lance-shaped to egg-shaped or heart-shaped leaves 50–130 mm (2.0–5.1 in) long and 30–60 mm (1.2–2.4 in) wide. The adult leaves are arranged in opposite pairs, sickle-shaped, lance-shaped or curved, 90–200 mm (3.5–7.9 in) and 12–30 mm (0.47–1.18 in) wide on a flattened or channelled petiole 15–30 mm (0.59–1.18 in) long. They are thick, the same glossy green colour on both sides.The flower buds are arranged in leaf axils in groups of three on a peduncle 12–26 mm (0.47–1.02 in) long, the individual buds on a pedicel 2–10 mm (0.079–0.394 in) long. Mature buds are oval, 20–25 mm (0.79–0.98 in) long and 20–26 mm (0.79–1.02 in) wide with a flattened, bright red operculum that has four lobes. The flowers are bright yellow to greenish and appear between February and April and have the stamens arranged in four bundles. The fruit is a woody, broadly bell-shaped capsule 28–40 mm (1.1–1.6 in) long and 30–55 mm (1.2–2.2 in) wide. Sometimes the fruit are so numerous that they weigh the tree down, giving it a weeping habit.
Taxonomy
Eucalyptus erythrocorys was first formally described by Ferdinand von Mueller in 1860 in Fragmenta Phytographiae Australiae. The type specimen was collected by Augustus Frederick Oldfield in 1858 from along the Murchison River and is cited as Ad flumen Murchison et sinum squalorum versus in planitibus petraeis.The species is a member of the sub-genus Eudesmia, a group that has stamens in four bundles each at the corner of the squarish flower. It is in a sub-group that includes E. pleurocarpa.The species name erythrocorys is taken from the Greek words erythro meaning "red" and korys meaning "helmet" in reference to the bright red operculum. The common name Illyarrie, is the Noongar peoples' name for the plant.
Distribution
The species has a limited distribution north of Perth where it is found on undulating limestone ridges and outcrops growing in sandy alkaline soils near Dongara as well as north of Kalbarri National Park. It is also found on sandy plains, particularly the Geraldton Sandplains between Shark Bay and Jurien.
Conservation status
Illyarie is classified as "not threatened" by the Western Australian Government Department of Parks and Wildlife.
Cultivation
The plant is sold commercially in seed form or as tube stock and is a popular species throughout Australia. The seeds germinate readily.
It can become untidy but is easily kept in shape with a light pruning. The colourful flowers make it appealing to nectar loving birds. The trees are known to shed limbs as a result of the weight of the fruit they carry. It is reasonably fast growing and both drought and smog resistant but can be frost tender. It prefers a position in full sun, in well-drained soils and can be grown in containers and in coastal locations. The flowers are used in wreaths.
See also
List of Eucalyptus species
References
Article with Pictures from the Winter 2002 edition of the Mildred E. Mathias Botanical Garden newsletter
Further reading
Holliday, I. A field guide to Australian trees (3rd edition), Reed New Holland, 2002
|
Flora of Australia ID (new)
|
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Eucalyptus erythrocorys, commonly known as illyarrie, red-capped gum or helmet nut gum, is a species of tree or mallee from Western Australia. It has smooth bark, sickle-shaped to curved adult leaves, characteristically large flower buds in groups of three with a bright red operculum, bright yellow to yellowish green flowers and sculptured, bell-shaped fruit.
Description
Eucalyptus erythrocorys is a small tree or a mallee, with an open spreading habit and typically grows to a height of 3–10 m (9.8–32.8 ft) and a width of 3–6 m (9.8–19.7 ft). The bark is smooth with a creamy colour but can have a few rough brown coloured patches where it persists on the trunk instead of being shed. The smooth bark sheds in short ribbons or small polygonal flakes. Young plants and coppice regrowth have hairy stems, broadly lance-shaped to egg-shaped or heart-shaped leaves 50–130 mm (2.0–5.1 in) long and 30–60 mm (1.2–2.4 in) wide. The adult leaves are arranged in opposite pairs, sickle-shaped, lance-shaped or curved, 90–200 mm (3.5–7.9 in) and 12–30 mm (0.47–1.18 in) wide on a flattened or channelled petiole 15–30 mm (0.59–1.18 in) long. They are thick, the same glossy green colour on both sides.The flower buds are arranged in leaf axils in groups of three on a peduncle 12–26 mm (0.47–1.02 in) long, the individual buds on a pedicel 2–10 mm (0.079–0.394 in) long. Mature buds are oval, 20–25 mm (0.79–0.98 in) long and 20–26 mm (0.79–1.02 in) wide with a flattened, bright red operculum that has four lobes. The flowers are bright yellow to greenish and appear between February and April and have the stamens arranged in four bundles. The fruit is a woody, broadly bell-shaped capsule 28–40 mm (1.1–1.6 in) long and 30–55 mm (1.2–2.2 in) wide. Sometimes the fruit are so numerous that they weigh the tree down, giving it a weeping habit.
Taxonomy
Eucalyptus erythrocorys was first formally described by Ferdinand von Mueller in 1860 in Fragmenta Phytographiae Australiae. The type specimen was collected by Augustus Frederick Oldfield in 1858 from along the Murchison River and is cited as Ad flumen Murchison et sinum squalorum versus in planitibus petraeis.The species is a member of the sub-genus Eudesmia, a group that has stamens in four bundles each at the corner of the squarish flower. It is in a sub-group that includes E. pleurocarpa.The species name erythrocorys is taken from the Greek words erythro meaning "red" and korys meaning "helmet" in reference to the bright red operculum. The common name Illyarrie, is the Noongar peoples' name for the plant.
Distribution
The species has a limited distribution north of Perth where it is found on undulating limestone ridges and outcrops growing in sandy alkaline soils near Dongara as well as north of Kalbarri National Park. It is also found on sandy plains, particularly the Geraldton Sandplains between Shark Bay and Jurien.
Conservation status
Illyarie is classified as "not threatened" by the Western Australian Government Department of Parks and Wildlife.
Cultivation
The plant is sold commercially in seed form or as tube stock and is a popular species throughout Australia. The seeds germinate readily.
It can become untidy but is easily kept in shape with a light pruning. The colourful flowers make it appealing to nectar loving birds. The trees are known to shed limbs as a result of the weight of the fruit they carry. It is reasonably fast growing and both drought and smog resistant but can be frost tender. It prefers a position in full sun, in well-drained soils and can be grown in containers and in coastal locations. The flowers are used in wreaths.
See also
List of Eucalyptus species
References
Article with Pictures from the Winter 2002 edition of the Mildred E. Mathias Botanical Garden newsletter
Further reading
Holliday, I. A field guide to Australian trees (3rd edition), Reed New Holland, 2002
|
taxon rank
|
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Eucalyptus erythrocorys, commonly known as illyarrie, red-capped gum or helmet nut gum, is a species of tree or mallee from Western Australia. It has smooth bark, sickle-shaped to curved adult leaves, characteristically large flower buds in groups of three with a bright red operculum, bright yellow to yellowish green flowers and sculptured, bell-shaped fruit.
Description
Eucalyptus erythrocorys is a small tree or a mallee, with an open spreading habit and typically grows to a height of 3–10 m (9.8–32.8 ft) and a width of 3–6 m (9.8–19.7 ft). The bark is smooth with a creamy colour but can have a few rough brown coloured patches where it persists on the trunk instead of being shed. The smooth bark sheds in short ribbons or small polygonal flakes. Young plants and coppice regrowth have hairy stems, broadly lance-shaped to egg-shaped or heart-shaped leaves 50–130 mm (2.0–5.1 in) long and 30–60 mm (1.2–2.4 in) wide. The adult leaves are arranged in opposite pairs, sickle-shaped, lance-shaped or curved, 90–200 mm (3.5–7.9 in) and 12–30 mm (0.47–1.18 in) wide on a flattened or channelled petiole 15–30 mm (0.59–1.18 in) long. They are thick, the same glossy green colour on both sides.The flower buds are arranged in leaf axils in groups of three on a peduncle 12–26 mm (0.47–1.02 in) long, the individual buds on a pedicel 2–10 mm (0.079–0.394 in) long. Mature buds are oval, 20–25 mm (0.79–0.98 in) long and 20–26 mm (0.79–1.02 in) wide with a flattened, bright red operculum that has four lobes. The flowers are bright yellow to greenish and appear between February and April and have the stamens arranged in four bundles. The fruit is a woody, broadly bell-shaped capsule 28–40 mm (1.1–1.6 in) long and 30–55 mm (1.2–2.2 in) wide. Sometimes the fruit are so numerous that they weigh the tree down, giving it a weeping habit.
Taxonomy
Eucalyptus erythrocorys was first formally described by Ferdinand von Mueller in 1860 in Fragmenta Phytographiae Australiae. The type specimen was collected by Augustus Frederick Oldfield in 1858 from along the Murchison River and is cited as Ad flumen Murchison et sinum squalorum versus in planitibus petraeis.The species is a member of the sub-genus Eudesmia, a group that has stamens in four bundles each at the corner of the squarish flower. It is in a sub-group that includes E. pleurocarpa.The species name erythrocorys is taken from the Greek words erythro meaning "red" and korys meaning "helmet" in reference to the bright red operculum. The common name Illyarrie, is the Noongar peoples' name for the plant.
Distribution
The species has a limited distribution north of Perth where it is found on undulating limestone ridges and outcrops growing in sandy alkaline soils near Dongara as well as north of Kalbarri National Park. It is also found on sandy plains, particularly the Geraldton Sandplains between Shark Bay and Jurien.
Conservation status
Illyarie is classified as "not threatened" by the Western Australian Government Department of Parks and Wildlife.
Cultivation
The plant is sold commercially in seed form or as tube stock and is a popular species throughout Australia. The seeds germinate readily.
It can become untidy but is easily kept in shape with a light pruning. The colourful flowers make it appealing to nectar loving birds. The trees are known to shed limbs as a result of the weight of the fruit they carry. It is reasonably fast growing and both drought and smog resistant but can be frost tender. It prefers a position in full sun, in well-drained soils and can be grown in containers and in coastal locations. The flowers are used in wreaths.
See also
List of Eucalyptus species
References
Article with Pictures from the Winter 2002 edition of the Mildred E. Mathias Botanical Garden newsletter
Further reading
Holliday, I. A field guide to Australian trees (3rd edition), Reed New Holland, 2002
|
parent taxon
|
{
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0
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"text": [
"Eucalyptus"
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Eucalyptus erythrocorys, commonly known as illyarrie, red-capped gum or helmet nut gum, is a species of tree or mallee from Western Australia. It has smooth bark, sickle-shaped to curved adult leaves, characteristically large flower buds in groups of three with a bright red operculum, bright yellow to yellowish green flowers and sculptured, bell-shaped fruit.
Description
Eucalyptus erythrocorys is a small tree or a mallee, with an open spreading habit and typically grows to a height of 3–10 m (9.8–32.8 ft) and a width of 3–6 m (9.8–19.7 ft). The bark is smooth with a creamy colour but can have a few rough brown coloured patches where it persists on the trunk instead of being shed. The smooth bark sheds in short ribbons or small polygonal flakes. Young plants and coppice regrowth have hairy stems, broadly lance-shaped to egg-shaped or heart-shaped leaves 50–130 mm (2.0–5.1 in) long and 30–60 mm (1.2–2.4 in) wide. The adult leaves are arranged in opposite pairs, sickle-shaped, lance-shaped or curved, 90–200 mm (3.5–7.9 in) and 12–30 mm (0.47–1.18 in) wide on a flattened or channelled petiole 15–30 mm (0.59–1.18 in) long. They are thick, the same glossy green colour on both sides.The flower buds are arranged in leaf axils in groups of three on a peduncle 12–26 mm (0.47–1.02 in) long, the individual buds on a pedicel 2–10 mm (0.079–0.394 in) long. Mature buds are oval, 20–25 mm (0.79–0.98 in) long and 20–26 mm (0.79–1.02 in) wide with a flattened, bright red operculum that has four lobes. The flowers are bright yellow to greenish and appear between February and April and have the stamens arranged in four bundles. The fruit is a woody, broadly bell-shaped capsule 28–40 mm (1.1–1.6 in) long and 30–55 mm (1.2–2.2 in) wide. Sometimes the fruit are so numerous that they weigh the tree down, giving it a weeping habit.
Taxonomy
Eucalyptus erythrocorys was first formally described by Ferdinand von Mueller in 1860 in Fragmenta Phytographiae Australiae. The type specimen was collected by Augustus Frederick Oldfield in 1858 from along the Murchison River and is cited as Ad flumen Murchison et sinum squalorum versus in planitibus petraeis.The species is a member of the sub-genus Eudesmia, a group that has stamens in four bundles each at the corner of the squarish flower. It is in a sub-group that includes E. pleurocarpa.The species name erythrocorys is taken from the Greek words erythro meaning "red" and korys meaning "helmet" in reference to the bright red operculum. The common name Illyarrie, is the Noongar peoples' name for the plant.
Distribution
The species has a limited distribution north of Perth where it is found on undulating limestone ridges and outcrops growing in sandy alkaline soils near Dongara as well as north of Kalbarri National Park. It is also found on sandy plains, particularly the Geraldton Sandplains between Shark Bay and Jurien.
Conservation status
Illyarie is classified as "not threatened" by the Western Australian Government Department of Parks and Wildlife.
Cultivation
The plant is sold commercially in seed form or as tube stock and is a popular species throughout Australia. The seeds germinate readily.
It can become untidy but is easily kept in shape with a light pruning. The colourful flowers make it appealing to nectar loving birds. The trees are known to shed limbs as a result of the weight of the fruit they carry. It is reasonably fast growing and both drought and smog resistant but can be frost tender. It prefers a position in full sun, in well-drained soils and can be grown in containers and in coastal locations. The flowers are used in wreaths.
See also
List of Eucalyptus species
References
Article with Pictures from the Winter 2002 edition of the Mildred E. Mathias Botanical Garden newsletter
Further reading
Holliday, I. A field guide to Australian trees (3rd edition), Reed New Holland, 2002
|
endemic to
|
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Eucalyptus erythrocorys, commonly known as illyarrie, red-capped gum or helmet nut gum, is a species of tree or mallee from Western Australia. It has smooth bark, sickle-shaped to curved adult leaves, characteristically large flower buds in groups of three with a bright red operculum, bright yellow to yellowish green flowers and sculptured, bell-shaped fruit.
Description
Eucalyptus erythrocorys is a small tree or a mallee, with an open spreading habit and typically grows to a height of 3–10 m (9.8–32.8 ft) and a width of 3–6 m (9.8–19.7 ft). The bark is smooth with a creamy colour but can have a few rough brown coloured patches where it persists on the trunk instead of being shed. The smooth bark sheds in short ribbons or small polygonal flakes. Young plants and coppice regrowth have hairy stems, broadly lance-shaped to egg-shaped or heart-shaped leaves 50–130 mm (2.0–5.1 in) long and 30–60 mm (1.2–2.4 in) wide. The adult leaves are arranged in opposite pairs, sickle-shaped, lance-shaped or curved, 90–200 mm (3.5–7.9 in) and 12–30 mm (0.47–1.18 in) wide on a flattened or channelled petiole 15–30 mm (0.59–1.18 in) long. They are thick, the same glossy green colour on both sides.The flower buds are arranged in leaf axils in groups of three on a peduncle 12–26 mm (0.47–1.02 in) long, the individual buds on a pedicel 2–10 mm (0.079–0.394 in) long. Mature buds are oval, 20–25 mm (0.79–0.98 in) long and 20–26 mm (0.79–1.02 in) wide with a flattened, bright red operculum that has four lobes. The flowers are bright yellow to greenish and appear between February and April and have the stamens arranged in four bundles. The fruit is a woody, broadly bell-shaped capsule 28–40 mm (1.1–1.6 in) long and 30–55 mm (1.2–2.2 in) wide. Sometimes the fruit are so numerous that they weigh the tree down, giving it a weeping habit.
Taxonomy
Eucalyptus erythrocorys was first formally described by Ferdinand von Mueller in 1860 in Fragmenta Phytographiae Australiae. The type specimen was collected by Augustus Frederick Oldfield in 1858 from along the Murchison River and is cited as Ad flumen Murchison et sinum squalorum versus in planitibus petraeis.The species is a member of the sub-genus Eudesmia, a group that has stamens in four bundles each at the corner of the squarish flower. It is in a sub-group that includes E. pleurocarpa.The species name erythrocorys is taken from the Greek words erythro meaning "red" and korys meaning "helmet" in reference to the bright red operculum. The common name Illyarrie, is the Noongar peoples' name for the plant.
Distribution
The species has a limited distribution north of Perth where it is found on undulating limestone ridges and outcrops growing in sandy alkaline soils near Dongara as well as north of Kalbarri National Park. It is also found on sandy plains, particularly the Geraldton Sandplains between Shark Bay and Jurien.
Conservation status
Illyarie is classified as "not threatened" by the Western Australian Government Department of Parks and Wildlife.
Cultivation
The plant is sold commercially in seed form or as tube stock and is a popular species throughout Australia. The seeds germinate readily.
It can become untidy but is easily kept in shape with a light pruning. The colourful flowers make it appealing to nectar loving birds. The trees are known to shed limbs as a result of the weight of the fruit they carry. It is reasonably fast growing and both drought and smog resistant but can be frost tender. It prefers a position in full sun, in well-drained soils and can be grown in containers and in coastal locations. The flowers are used in wreaths.
See also
List of Eucalyptus species
References
Article with Pictures from the Winter 2002 edition of the Mildred E. Mathias Botanical Garden newsletter
Further reading
Holliday, I. A field guide to Australian trees (3rd edition), Reed New Holland, 2002
|
taxon name
|
{
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0
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Eucalyptus erythrocorys, commonly known as illyarrie, red-capped gum or helmet nut gum, is a species of tree or mallee from Western Australia. It has smooth bark, sickle-shaped to curved adult leaves, characteristically large flower buds in groups of three with a bright red operculum, bright yellow to yellowish green flowers and sculptured, bell-shaped fruit.
Description
Eucalyptus erythrocorys is a small tree or a mallee, with an open spreading habit and typically grows to a height of 3–10 m (9.8–32.8 ft) and a width of 3–6 m (9.8–19.7 ft). The bark is smooth with a creamy colour but can have a few rough brown coloured patches where it persists on the trunk instead of being shed. The smooth bark sheds in short ribbons or small polygonal flakes. Young plants and coppice regrowth have hairy stems, broadly lance-shaped to egg-shaped or heart-shaped leaves 50–130 mm (2.0–5.1 in) long and 30–60 mm (1.2–2.4 in) wide. The adult leaves are arranged in opposite pairs, sickle-shaped, lance-shaped or curved, 90–200 mm (3.5–7.9 in) and 12–30 mm (0.47–1.18 in) wide on a flattened or channelled petiole 15–30 mm (0.59–1.18 in) long. They are thick, the same glossy green colour on both sides.The flower buds are arranged in leaf axils in groups of three on a peduncle 12–26 mm (0.47–1.02 in) long, the individual buds on a pedicel 2–10 mm (0.079–0.394 in) long. Mature buds are oval, 20–25 mm (0.79–0.98 in) long and 20–26 mm (0.79–1.02 in) wide with a flattened, bright red operculum that has four lobes. The flowers are bright yellow to greenish and appear between February and April and have the stamens arranged in four bundles. The fruit is a woody, broadly bell-shaped capsule 28–40 mm (1.1–1.6 in) long and 30–55 mm (1.2–2.2 in) wide. Sometimes the fruit are so numerous that they weigh the tree down, giving it a weeping habit.
Taxonomy
Eucalyptus erythrocorys was first formally described by Ferdinand von Mueller in 1860 in Fragmenta Phytographiae Australiae. The type specimen was collected by Augustus Frederick Oldfield in 1858 from along the Murchison River and is cited as Ad flumen Murchison et sinum squalorum versus in planitibus petraeis.The species is a member of the sub-genus Eudesmia, a group that has stamens in four bundles each at the corner of the squarish flower. It is in a sub-group that includes E. pleurocarpa.The species name erythrocorys is taken from the Greek words erythro meaning "red" and korys meaning "helmet" in reference to the bright red operculum. The common name Illyarrie, is the Noongar peoples' name for the plant.
Distribution
The species has a limited distribution north of Perth where it is found on undulating limestone ridges and outcrops growing in sandy alkaline soils near Dongara as well as north of Kalbarri National Park. It is also found on sandy plains, particularly the Geraldton Sandplains between Shark Bay and Jurien.
Conservation status
Illyarie is classified as "not threatened" by the Western Australian Government Department of Parks and Wildlife.
Cultivation
The plant is sold commercially in seed form or as tube stock and is a popular species throughout Australia. The seeds germinate readily.
It can become untidy but is easily kept in shape with a light pruning. The colourful flowers make it appealing to nectar loving birds. The trees are known to shed limbs as a result of the weight of the fruit they carry. It is reasonably fast growing and both drought and smog resistant but can be frost tender. It prefers a position in full sun, in well-drained soils and can be grown in containers and in coastal locations. The flowers are used in wreaths.
See also
List of Eucalyptus species
References
Article with Pictures from the Winter 2002 edition of the Mildred E. Mathias Botanical Garden newsletter
Further reading
Holliday, I. A field guide to Australian trees (3rd edition), Reed New Holland, 2002
|
Commons category
|
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Eucalyptus erythrocorys, commonly known as illyarrie, red-capped gum or helmet nut gum, is a species of tree or mallee from Western Australia. It has smooth bark, sickle-shaped to curved adult leaves, characteristically large flower buds in groups of three with a bright red operculum, bright yellow to yellowish green flowers and sculptured, bell-shaped fruit.
Description
Eucalyptus erythrocorys is a small tree or a mallee, with an open spreading habit and typically grows to a height of 3–10 m (9.8–32.8 ft) and a width of 3–6 m (9.8–19.7 ft). The bark is smooth with a creamy colour but can have a few rough brown coloured patches where it persists on the trunk instead of being shed. The smooth bark sheds in short ribbons or small polygonal flakes. Young plants and coppice regrowth have hairy stems, broadly lance-shaped to egg-shaped or heart-shaped leaves 50–130 mm (2.0–5.1 in) long and 30–60 mm (1.2–2.4 in) wide. The adult leaves are arranged in opposite pairs, sickle-shaped, lance-shaped or curved, 90–200 mm (3.5–7.9 in) and 12–30 mm (0.47–1.18 in) wide on a flattened or channelled petiole 15–30 mm (0.59–1.18 in) long. They are thick, the same glossy green colour on both sides.The flower buds are arranged in leaf axils in groups of three on a peduncle 12–26 mm (0.47–1.02 in) long, the individual buds on a pedicel 2–10 mm (0.079–0.394 in) long. Mature buds are oval, 20–25 mm (0.79–0.98 in) long and 20–26 mm (0.79–1.02 in) wide with a flattened, bright red operculum that has four lobes. The flowers are bright yellow to greenish and appear between February and April and have the stamens arranged in four bundles. The fruit is a woody, broadly bell-shaped capsule 28–40 mm (1.1–1.6 in) long and 30–55 mm (1.2–2.2 in) wide. Sometimes the fruit are so numerous that they weigh the tree down, giving it a weeping habit.
Taxonomy
Eucalyptus erythrocorys was first formally described by Ferdinand von Mueller in 1860 in Fragmenta Phytographiae Australiae. The type specimen was collected by Augustus Frederick Oldfield in 1858 from along the Murchison River and is cited as Ad flumen Murchison et sinum squalorum versus in planitibus petraeis.The species is a member of the sub-genus Eudesmia, a group that has stamens in four bundles each at the corner of the squarish flower. It is in a sub-group that includes E. pleurocarpa.The species name erythrocorys is taken from the Greek words erythro meaning "red" and korys meaning "helmet" in reference to the bright red operculum. The common name Illyarrie, is the Noongar peoples' name for the plant.
Distribution
The species has a limited distribution north of Perth where it is found on undulating limestone ridges and outcrops growing in sandy alkaline soils near Dongara as well as north of Kalbarri National Park. It is also found on sandy plains, particularly the Geraldton Sandplains between Shark Bay and Jurien.
Conservation status
Illyarie is classified as "not threatened" by the Western Australian Government Department of Parks and Wildlife.
Cultivation
The plant is sold commercially in seed form or as tube stock and is a popular species throughout Australia. The seeds germinate readily.
It can become untidy but is easily kept in shape with a light pruning. The colourful flowers make it appealing to nectar loving birds. The trees are known to shed limbs as a result of the weight of the fruit they carry. It is reasonably fast growing and both drought and smog resistant but can be frost tender. It prefers a position in full sun, in well-drained soils and can be grown in containers and in coastal locations. The flowers are used in wreaths.
See also
List of Eucalyptus species
References
Article with Pictures from the Winter 2002 edition of the Mildred E. Mathias Botanical Garden newsletter
Further reading
Holliday, I. A field guide to Australian trees (3rd edition), Reed New Holland, 2002
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Commons gallery
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Bulolo Airport (IATA: BUL, ICAO: AYBU) is an airfield serving Bulolo, in the Morobe Province of Papua New Guinea.
Airlines and destinations
References
External links
Accident history for BUL at Aviation Safety Network
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country
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Bulolo Airport (IATA: BUL, ICAO: AYBU) is an airfield serving Bulolo, in the Morobe Province of Papua New Guinea.
Airlines and destinations
References
External links
Accident history for BUL at Aviation Safety Network
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located in the administrative territorial entity
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Bulolo Airport (IATA: BUL, ICAO: AYBU) is an airfield serving Bulolo, in the Morobe Province of Papua New Guinea.
Airlines and destinations
References
External links
Accident history for BUL at Aviation Safety Network
|
IATA airport code
|
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Bulolo Airport (IATA: BUL, ICAO: AYBU) is an airfield serving Bulolo, in the Morobe Province of Papua New Guinea.
Airlines and destinations
References
External links
Accident history for BUL at Aviation Safety Network
|
ICAO airport code
|
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The 1970 New Hampshire Wildcats football team was an American football team that represented the University of New Hampshire as a member of the Yankee Conference during the 1970 NCAA College Division football season. In its third year under head coach Jim Root, the team compiled a 5–3 record (3–2 against conference opponents) and tied for third place in the Yankee Conference.
Schedule
== References ==
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head coach
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"Jim Root"
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The South Devon Railway 0-4-0 locomotives were small 0-4-0 broad gauge locomotives operated on the South Devon Railway, Cornwall Railway, mainly on the dockside lines around Plymouth.
On 1 February 1876 the South Devon Railway was amalgamated with the Great Western Railway, the locomotives were given numbers by their new owners but continued to carry their names too.
Tiny
Tiny (1868 – 1883) GWR no. 2180Tiny was built by Sara and Company. It has a vertical boiler and was similar to four locomotives that later worked in the docks at Falmouth in Cornwall.After withdrawal it was used at Newton Abbot where it was used to power machinery in the workshops there. In 1927, no longer required for this purpose, it was displayed on the platform at the station opposite the workshops. It has since been moved to Buckfastleigh railway station where it is displayed in the museum of the South Devon Railway Trust.
Owl class
The three Owl class locomotives had well tanks and were built by the Avonside Engine Company.
Owl (1873 – 1889) GWR no. 2172The locomotive was named after the bird Owl.Goat (1873 – 1885) GWR no. 2174The locomotive was named after the animal Goat.Owl and Goat were withdrawn and stored. In 1890 they were sold to Pearson and Son, engineers contracted to work on the railway near Ivybridge. Once this work was finished in 1893 they were sold back to the Great Western Railway, then converted to standard gauge and worked until 1913.Weasel (1873 – 1882) GWR no. 2173The locomotive was named after the animal Weasel. It was withdrawn in 1882 and scrapped.
Raven class
The seven Raven class were saddle tank locomotives and were again built by the Avonside Engine Company. They were highly unusual for broad gauge locomotives in having outside cylinders.
Crow (1874 – 1892) GWR no. 2177After gauge conversion in 1892 Crow was rebuilt as a standard gauge locomotive and ran in this form as no. 1331 until sold to Powesland and Mason for work at Swansea harbour.
The locomotive was named after the bird Crow, a member of the crow family.Jay (1875 – 1892) GWR no. 2179After gauge conversion in 1892 Jay was rebuilt as a standard gauge locomotive and ran in this form as no. 1333 until sold to Powesland and Mason for work at Swansea harbour.
The locomotive was named after the bird Jay, a member of the crow family.Lark (1874 – 1892) GWR no. 2178After gauge conversion in 1892 Lark was rebuilt as a standard gauge locomotive and ran in this form as no. 1332 until sold to Powisland and Mason for work at Swansea harbour.
The locomotive was named after the bird Lark.Raven (1874 – 1892) GWR no. 2175Raven was sold to the Torbay and Brixham Railway in 1877. In 1883 this railway was sold to the Great Western Railway. After gauge conversion in 1892 it was rebuilt as a standard gauge locomotive and ran in this form as no. 1329, eventually finding it way to the Wantage Tramway where it was withdrawn in 1919 following an accident.
The locomotive was named after the bird Raven, a member of the crow family.Rook (1874 – 1891) GWR no. 2176After gauge conversion in 1892 Rook was rebuilt as a standard gauge locomotive and ran in this form as no. 1330 and until 1906 when it was sold to Powesland and Mason for work at Swansea harbour and they gave it number 7. On 1 January 1924 it was one of nine Powesland and Mason locomotives that returned to the Great Western Railway. It was given new GWR number 925 and was finally withdrawn in 1929.
The locomotive was named after the bird rook, a member of the crow family.
References
The Locomotives of the Great Western Railway, Part 2: Broad Gauge. The Railway Correspondence and Travel Society. ISBN 0-901115-32-0.
Beck, Keith; Copsey, John (1990). The Great Western in South Devon. Didcot: Wild Swan Publications. ISBN 0-906867-90-8.
Gregory, R H (1982). The South Devon Railway. Salisbury: The Oakwood Press. ISBN 0-85361-286-2.
Sheppard, Geof (2008). Broad Gauge Locomotives. Noodle Books / Broad Gauge Society. ISBN 978-1-906-419-09-7.
Waters, Laurence (1999). The Great Western Broad Gauge. Hersham: Ian Allan Publishing. ISBN 0-7110-2634-3.
Tiny, Broadsheet 13 & 14, Broad Gauge Society, 1985
Railway company records at The National Archives
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subclass of
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Sybille Steinbacher is a German historian. Since May 2017 she has been Professor of Holocaust Studies at Goethe University Frankfurt.Steinbacher is the author of several works on the Holocaust, including Musterstadt Auschwitz: Germanisierungspolitik und Judenmord in Ostoberschlesien (2010) and Auschwitz: A History (2005). She was a residential fellow of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum from October 2012 to June 2013, and has served as Professor of Dictatorship, Violence and Genocide Comparative Studies at the University of Vienna. Her appointment by Goethe University Frankfurt in December 2016 made her Germany's first Professor of Holocaust Studies. She also became director of the university's Fritz Bauer Institute.
Publications
Monographs
Dachau: Die Stadt und das Konzentrationslager in der NS-Zeit, Untersuchung einer Nachbarschaft. (Münchner Studien zur neueren und neuesten Geschichte. vol. 5). Frankfurt: Fritz Lang, 1993, ISBN 3-631-46682-X. (M.A. Thesis, University of Munich)
„Musterstadt“ Auschwitz: Germanisierungspolitik und Judenmord in Ostoberschlesien (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. Bd. 2). Saur, Munich 2000, ISBN 3-598-24031-7 (Ph.D., Bochum University, 1998).
with Saul Friedländer, Norbert Frei, Trutz Rendtorff and Reinhard Wittmann: Bertelsmann im Dritten Reich. Munich: Bertelsmann, 2002, ISBN 3-570-00711-1.
Auschwitz: Geschichte und Nachgeschichte (Beck’sche Reihe. 2333). Munich: Beck, 2004, ISBN 3-406-50833-2.
Wie der Sex nach Deutschland kam: Der Kampf um Sittlichkeit und Anstand in der frühen Bundesrepublik. Munich: Siedler, 2011, ISBN 978-3-88680-977-6 (Jena University, Habilitation, 2009).
with Norbert Frei, Saul Friedländer and Dan Diner: Ein Verbrechen ohne Namen: Anmerkung zum neuen Streit über den Holocaust. Munich: C.H. Beck, 2022, ISBN 978-3-406-78449-1.
Editor
with Norbert Frei, Thomas Grotum, Jan Parcer and Bernd C. Wagner: Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz. 1940–1945 (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. vol. 1). Munich: Saur, 2000, ISBN 3-598-24030-9.
with Norbert Frei and Bernd C. Wagner: Ausbeutung, Vernichtung, Öffentlichkeit. Neue Studien zur nationalsozialistischen Lagerpolitik (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. vol. 4). Munich: Saur, 2000, ISBN 3-598-24033-3.
with Norbert Frei: Beschweigen und Bekennen: Die deutsche Nachkriegsgesellschaft und der Holocaust (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte, vol. 1). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2001, ISBN 3-89244-493-5.
Volksgenossinnen. Frauen in der NS-Volksgemeinschaft (Beiträge zur Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus. vol. 23). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2007, ISBN 978-3-8353-0188-7.
Transit US-Zone. Überlebende des Holocaust im Bayern der Nachkriegszeit (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte, vol. 13). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2013, ISBN 978-3-8353-1344-6.
with Nikolaus Wachsmann: Die Linke im Visier. Zur Errichtung der Konzentrationslager 1933. Göttingen: Wallstein, 2014, ISBN 978-3-8353-1494-8.
with Frank Bajohr: „... Zeugnis ablegen bis zum letzten“. Tagebücher und persönliche Zeugnisse aus der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus und des Holocaust (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte. vol. 15). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2015, ISBN 3-8353-1742-3.
References
External links
"Steinbacher, Sybille, Dr. – Einzelansicht". Goethe University Frankfurt.
|
place of birth
|
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Sybille Steinbacher is a German historian. Since May 2017 she has been Professor of Holocaust Studies at Goethe University Frankfurt.Steinbacher is the author of several works on the Holocaust, including Musterstadt Auschwitz: Germanisierungspolitik und Judenmord in Ostoberschlesien (2010) and Auschwitz: A History (2005). She was a residential fellow of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum from October 2012 to June 2013, and has served as Professor of Dictatorship, Violence and Genocide Comparative Studies at the University of Vienna. Her appointment by Goethe University Frankfurt in December 2016 made her Germany's first Professor of Holocaust Studies. She also became director of the university's Fritz Bauer Institute.
Publications
Monographs
Dachau: Die Stadt und das Konzentrationslager in der NS-Zeit, Untersuchung einer Nachbarschaft. (Münchner Studien zur neueren und neuesten Geschichte. vol. 5). Frankfurt: Fritz Lang, 1993, ISBN 3-631-46682-X. (M.A. Thesis, University of Munich)
„Musterstadt“ Auschwitz: Germanisierungspolitik und Judenmord in Ostoberschlesien (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. Bd. 2). Saur, Munich 2000, ISBN 3-598-24031-7 (Ph.D., Bochum University, 1998).
with Saul Friedländer, Norbert Frei, Trutz Rendtorff and Reinhard Wittmann: Bertelsmann im Dritten Reich. Munich: Bertelsmann, 2002, ISBN 3-570-00711-1.
Auschwitz: Geschichte und Nachgeschichte (Beck’sche Reihe. 2333). Munich: Beck, 2004, ISBN 3-406-50833-2.
Wie der Sex nach Deutschland kam: Der Kampf um Sittlichkeit und Anstand in der frühen Bundesrepublik. Munich: Siedler, 2011, ISBN 978-3-88680-977-6 (Jena University, Habilitation, 2009).
with Norbert Frei, Saul Friedländer and Dan Diner: Ein Verbrechen ohne Namen: Anmerkung zum neuen Streit über den Holocaust. Munich: C.H. Beck, 2022, ISBN 978-3-406-78449-1.
Editor
with Norbert Frei, Thomas Grotum, Jan Parcer and Bernd C. Wagner: Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz. 1940–1945 (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. vol. 1). Munich: Saur, 2000, ISBN 3-598-24030-9.
with Norbert Frei and Bernd C. Wagner: Ausbeutung, Vernichtung, Öffentlichkeit. Neue Studien zur nationalsozialistischen Lagerpolitik (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. vol. 4). Munich: Saur, 2000, ISBN 3-598-24033-3.
with Norbert Frei: Beschweigen und Bekennen: Die deutsche Nachkriegsgesellschaft und der Holocaust (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte, vol. 1). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2001, ISBN 3-89244-493-5.
Volksgenossinnen. Frauen in der NS-Volksgemeinschaft (Beiträge zur Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus. vol. 23). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2007, ISBN 978-3-8353-0188-7.
Transit US-Zone. Überlebende des Holocaust im Bayern der Nachkriegszeit (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte, vol. 13). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2013, ISBN 978-3-8353-1344-6.
with Nikolaus Wachsmann: Die Linke im Visier. Zur Errichtung der Konzentrationslager 1933. Göttingen: Wallstein, 2014, ISBN 978-3-8353-1494-8.
with Frank Bajohr: „... Zeugnis ablegen bis zum letzten“. Tagebücher und persönliche Zeugnisse aus der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus und des Holocaust (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte. vol. 15). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2015, ISBN 3-8353-1742-3.
References
External links
"Steinbacher, Sybille, Dr. – Einzelansicht". Goethe University Frankfurt.
|
country of citizenship
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Sybille Steinbacher is a German historian. Since May 2017 she has been Professor of Holocaust Studies at Goethe University Frankfurt.Steinbacher is the author of several works on the Holocaust, including Musterstadt Auschwitz: Germanisierungspolitik und Judenmord in Ostoberschlesien (2010) and Auschwitz: A History (2005). She was a residential fellow of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum from October 2012 to June 2013, and has served as Professor of Dictatorship, Violence and Genocide Comparative Studies at the University of Vienna. Her appointment by Goethe University Frankfurt in December 2016 made her Germany's first Professor of Holocaust Studies. She also became director of the university's Fritz Bauer Institute.
Publications
Monographs
Dachau: Die Stadt und das Konzentrationslager in der NS-Zeit, Untersuchung einer Nachbarschaft. (Münchner Studien zur neueren und neuesten Geschichte. vol. 5). Frankfurt: Fritz Lang, 1993, ISBN 3-631-46682-X. (M.A. Thesis, University of Munich)
„Musterstadt“ Auschwitz: Germanisierungspolitik und Judenmord in Ostoberschlesien (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. Bd. 2). Saur, Munich 2000, ISBN 3-598-24031-7 (Ph.D., Bochum University, 1998).
with Saul Friedländer, Norbert Frei, Trutz Rendtorff and Reinhard Wittmann: Bertelsmann im Dritten Reich. Munich: Bertelsmann, 2002, ISBN 3-570-00711-1.
Auschwitz: Geschichte und Nachgeschichte (Beck’sche Reihe. 2333). Munich: Beck, 2004, ISBN 3-406-50833-2.
Wie der Sex nach Deutschland kam: Der Kampf um Sittlichkeit und Anstand in der frühen Bundesrepublik. Munich: Siedler, 2011, ISBN 978-3-88680-977-6 (Jena University, Habilitation, 2009).
with Norbert Frei, Saul Friedländer and Dan Diner: Ein Verbrechen ohne Namen: Anmerkung zum neuen Streit über den Holocaust. Munich: C.H. Beck, 2022, ISBN 978-3-406-78449-1.
Editor
with Norbert Frei, Thomas Grotum, Jan Parcer and Bernd C. Wagner: Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz. 1940–1945 (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. vol. 1). Munich: Saur, 2000, ISBN 3-598-24030-9.
with Norbert Frei and Bernd C. Wagner: Ausbeutung, Vernichtung, Öffentlichkeit. Neue Studien zur nationalsozialistischen Lagerpolitik (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. vol. 4). Munich: Saur, 2000, ISBN 3-598-24033-3.
with Norbert Frei: Beschweigen und Bekennen: Die deutsche Nachkriegsgesellschaft und der Holocaust (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte, vol. 1). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2001, ISBN 3-89244-493-5.
Volksgenossinnen. Frauen in der NS-Volksgemeinschaft (Beiträge zur Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus. vol. 23). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2007, ISBN 978-3-8353-0188-7.
Transit US-Zone. Überlebende des Holocaust im Bayern der Nachkriegszeit (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte, vol. 13). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2013, ISBN 978-3-8353-1344-6.
with Nikolaus Wachsmann: Die Linke im Visier. Zur Errichtung der Konzentrationslager 1933. Göttingen: Wallstein, 2014, ISBN 978-3-8353-1494-8.
with Frank Bajohr: „... Zeugnis ablegen bis zum letzten“. Tagebücher und persönliche Zeugnisse aus der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus und des Holocaust (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte. vol. 15). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2015, ISBN 3-8353-1742-3.
References
External links
"Steinbacher, Sybille, Dr. – Einzelansicht". Goethe University Frankfurt.
|
employer
|
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Sybille Steinbacher is a German historian. Since May 2017 she has been Professor of Holocaust Studies at Goethe University Frankfurt.Steinbacher is the author of several works on the Holocaust, including Musterstadt Auschwitz: Germanisierungspolitik und Judenmord in Ostoberschlesien (2010) and Auschwitz: A History (2005). She was a residential fellow of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum from October 2012 to June 2013, and has served as Professor of Dictatorship, Violence and Genocide Comparative Studies at the University of Vienna. Her appointment by Goethe University Frankfurt in December 2016 made her Germany's first Professor of Holocaust Studies. She also became director of the university's Fritz Bauer Institute.
Publications
Monographs
Dachau: Die Stadt und das Konzentrationslager in der NS-Zeit, Untersuchung einer Nachbarschaft. (Münchner Studien zur neueren und neuesten Geschichte. vol. 5). Frankfurt: Fritz Lang, 1993, ISBN 3-631-46682-X. (M.A. Thesis, University of Munich)
„Musterstadt“ Auschwitz: Germanisierungspolitik und Judenmord in Ostoberschlesien (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. Bd. 2). Saur, Munich 2000, ISBN 3-598-24031-7 (Ph.D., Bochum University, 1998).
with Saul Friedländer, Norbert Frei, Trutz Rendtorff and Reinhard Wittmann: Bertelsmann im Dritten Reich. Munich: Bertelsmann, 2002, ISBN 3-570-00711-1.
Auschwitz: Geschichte und Nachgeschichte (Beck’sche Reihe. 2333). Munich: Beck, 2004, ISBN 3-406-50833-2.
Wie der Sex nach Deutschland kam: Der Kampf um Sittlichkeit und Anstand in der frühen Bundesrepublik. Munich: Siedler, 2011, ISBN 978-3-88680-977-6 (Jena University, Habilitation, 2009).
with Norbert Frei, Saul Friedländer and Dan Diner: Ein Verbrechen ohne Namen: Anmerkung zum neuen Streit über den Holocaust. Munich: C.H. Beck, 2022, ISBN 978-3-406-78449-1.
Editor
with Norbert Frei, Thomas Grotum, Jan Parcer and Bernd C. Wagner: Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz. 1940–1945 (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. vol. 1). Munich: Saur, 2000, ISBN 3-598-24030-9.
with Norbert Frei and Bernd C. Wagner: Ausbeutung, Vernichtung, Öffentlichkeit. Neue Studien zur nationalsozialistischen Lagerpolitik (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. vol. 4). Munich: Saur, 2000, ISBN 3-598-24033-3.
with Norbert Frei: Beschweigen und Bekennen: Die deutsche Nachkriegsgesellschaft und der Holocaust (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte, vol. 1). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2001, ISBN 3-89244-493-5.
Volksgenossinnen. Frauen in der NS-Volksgemeinschaft (Beiträge zur Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus. vol. 23). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2007, ISBN 978-3-8353-0188-7.
Transit US-Zone. Überlebende des Holocaust im Bayern der Nachkriegszeit (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte, vol. 13). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2013, ISBN 978-3-8353-1344-6.
with Nikolaus Wachsmann: Die Linke im Visier. Zur Errichtung der Konzentrationslager 1933. Göttingen: Wallstein, 2014, ISBN 978-3-8353-1494-8.
with Frank Bajohr: „... Zeugnis ablegen bis zum letzten“. Tagebücher und persönliche Zeugnisse aus der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus und des Holocaust (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte. vol. 15). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2015, ISBN 3-8353-1742-3.
References
External links
"Steinbacher, Sybille, Dr. – Einzelansicht". Goethe University Frankfurt.
|
family name
|
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8
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Sybille Steinbacher is a German historian. Since May 2017 she has been Professor of Holocaust Studies at Goethe University Frankfurt.Steinbacher is the author of several works on the Holocaust, including Musterstadt Auschwitz: Germanisierungspolitik und Judenmord in Ostoberschlesien (2010) and Auschwitz: A History (2005). She was a residential fellow of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum from October 2012 to June 2013, and has served as Professor of Dictatorship, Violence and Genocide Comparative Studies at the University of Vienna. Her appointment by Goethe University Frankfurt in December 2016 made her Germany's first Professor of Holocaust Studies. She also became director of the university's Fritz Bauer Institute.
Publications
Monographs
Dachau: Die Stadt und das Konzentrationslager in der NS-Zeit, Untersuchung einer Nachbarschaft. (Münchner Studien zur neueren und neuesten Geschichte. vol. 5). Frankfurt: Fritz Lang, 1993, ISBN 3-631-46682-X. (M.A. Thesis, University of Munich)
„Musterstadt“ Auschwitz: Germanisierungspolitik und Judenmord in Ostoberschlesien (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. Bd. 2). Saur, Munich 2000, ISBN 3-598-24031-7 (Ph.D., Bochum University, 1998).
with Saul Friedländer, Norbert Frei, Trutz Rendtorff and Reinhard Wittmann: Bertelsmann im Dritten Reich. Munich: Bertelsmann, 2002, ISBN 3-570-00711-1.
Auschwitz: Geschichte und Nachgeschichte (Beck’sche Reihe. 2333). Munich: Beck, 2004, ISBN 3-406-50833-2.
Wie der Sex nach Deutschland kam: Der Kampf um Sittlichkeit und Anstand in der frühen Bundesrepublik. Munich: Siedler, 2011, ISBN 978-3-88680-977-6 (Jena University, Habilitation, 2009).
with Norbert Frei, Saul Friedländer and Dan Diner: Ein Verbrechen ohne Namen: Anmerkung zum neuen Streit über den Holocaust. Munich: C.H. Beck, 2022, ISBN 978-3-406-78449-1.
Editor
with Norbert Frei, Thomas Grotum, Jan Parcer and Bernd C. Wagner: Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz. 1940–1945 (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. vol. 1). Munich: Saur, 2000, ISBN 3-598-24030-9.
with Norbert Frei and Bernd C. Wagner: Ausbeutung, Vernichtung, Öffentlichkeit. Neue Studien zur nationalsozialistischen Lagerpolitik (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. vol. 4). Munich: Saur, 2000, ISBN 3-598-24033-3.
with Norbert Frei: Beschweigen und Bekennen: Die deutsche Nachkriegsgesellschaft und der Holocaust (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte, vol. 1). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2001, ISBN 3-89244-493-5.
Volksgenossinnen. Frauen in der NS-Volksgemeinschaft (Beiträge zur Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus. vol. 23). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2007, ISBN 978-3-8353-0188-7.
Transit US-Zone. Überlebende des Holocaust im Bayern der Nachkriegszeit (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte, vol. 13). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2013, ISBN 978-3-8353-1344-6.
with Nikolaus Wachsmann: Die Linke im Visier. Zur Errichtung der Konzentrationslager 1933. Göttingen: Wallstein, 2014, ISBN 978-3-8353-1494-8.
with Frank Bajohr: „... Zeugnis ablegen bis zum letzten“. Tagebücher und persönliche Zeugnisse aus der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus und des Holocaust (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte. vol. 15). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2015, ISBN 3-8353-1742-3.
References
External links
"Steinbacher, Sybille, Dr. – Einzelansicht". Goethe University Frankfurt.
|
given name
|
{
"answer_start": [
0
],
"text": [
"Sybille"
]
}
|
Sybille Steinbacher is a German historian. Since May 2017 she has been Professor of Holocaust Studies at Goethe University Frankfurt.Steinbacher is the author of several works on the Holocaust, including Musterstadt Auschwitz: Germanisierungspolitik und Judenmord in Ostoberschlesien (2010) and Auschwitz: A History (2005). She was a residential fellow of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum from October 2012 to June 2013, and has served as Professor of Dictatorship, Violence and Genocide Comparative Studies at the University of Vienna. Her appointment by Goethe University Frankfurt in December 2016 made her Germany's first Professor of Holocaust Studies. She also became director of the university's Fritz Bauer Institute.
Publications
Monographs
Dachau: Die Stadt und das Konzentrationslager in der NS-Zeit, Untersuchung einer Nachbarschaft. (Münchner Studien zur neueren und neuesten Geschichte. vol. 5). Frankfurt: Fritz Lang, 1993, ISBN 3-631-46682-X. (M.A. Thesis, University of Munich)
„Musterstadt“ Auschwitz: Germanisierungspolitik und Judenmord in Ostoberschlesien (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. Bd. 2). Saur, Munich 2000, ISBN 3-598-24031-7 (Ph.D., Bochum University, 1998).
with Saul Friedländer, Norbert Frei, Trutz Rendtorff and Reinhard Wittmann: Bertelsmann im Dritten Reich. Munich: Bertelsmann, 2002, ISBN 3-570-00711-1.
Auschwitz: Geschichte und Nachgeschichte (Beck’sche Reihe. 2333). Munich: Beck, 2004, ISBN 3-406-50833-2.
Wie der Sex nach Deutschland kam: Der Kampf um Sittlichkeit und Anstand in der frühen Bundesrepublik. Munich: Siedler, 2011, ISBN 978-3-88680-977-6 (Jena University, Habilitation, 2009).
with Norbert Frei, Saul Friedländer and Dan Diner: Ein Verbrechen ohne Namen: Anmerkung zum neuen Streit über den Holocaust. Munich: C.H. Beck, 2022, ISBN 978-3-406-78449-1.
Editor
with Norbert Frei, Thomas Grotum, Jan Parcer and Bernd C. Wagner: Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz. 1940–1945 (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. vol. 1). Munich: Saur, 2000, ISBN 3-598-24030-9.
with Norbert Frei and Bernd C. Wagner: Ausbeutung, Vernichtung, Öffentlichkeit. Neue Studien zur nationalsozialistischen Lagerpolitik (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. vol. 4). Munich: Saur, 2000, ISBN 3-598-24033-3.
with Norbert Frei: Beschweigen und Bekennen: Die deutsche Nachkriegsgesellschaft und der Holocaust (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte, vol. 1). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2001, ISBN 3-89244-493-5.
Volksgenossinnen. Frauen in der NS-Volksgemeinschaft (Beiträge zur Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus. vol. 23). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2007, ISBN 978-3-8353-0188-7.
Transit US-Zone. Überlebende des Holocaust im Bayern der Nachkriegszeit (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte, vol. 13). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2013, ISBN 978-3-8353-1344-6.
with Nikolaus Wachsmann: Die Linke im Visier. Zur Errichtung der Konzentrationslager 1933. Göttingen: Wallstein, 2014, ISBN 978-3-8353-1494-8.
with Frank Bajohr: „... Zeugnis ablegen bis zum letzten“. Tagebücher und persönliche Zeugnisse aus der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus und des Holocaust (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte. vol. 15). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2015, ISBN 3-8353-1742-3.
References
External links
"Steinbacher, Sybille, Dr. – Einzelansicht". Goethe University Frankfurt.
|
languages spoken, written or signed
|
{
"answer_start": [
25
],
"text": [
"German"
]
}
|
Sybille Steinbacher is a German historian. Since May 2017 she has been Professor of Holocaust Studies at Goethe University Frankfurt.Steinbacher is the author of several works on the Holocaust, including Musterstadt Auschwitz: Germanisierungspolitik und Judenmord in Ostoberschlesien (2010) and Auschwitz: A History (2005). She was a residential fellow of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum from October 2012 to June 2013, and has served as Professor of Dictatorship, Violence and Genocide Comparative Studies at the University of Vienna. Her appointment by Goethe University Frankfurt in December 2016 made her Germany's first Professor of Holocaust Studies. She also became director of the university's Fritz Bauer Institute.
Publications
Monographs
Dachau: Die Stadt und das Konzentrationslager in der NS-Zeit, Untersuchung einer Nachbarschaft. (Münchner Studien zur neueren und neuesten Geschichte. vol. 5). Frankfurt: Fritz Lang, 1993, ISBN 3-631-46682-X. (M.A. Thesis, University of Munich)
„Musterstadt“ Auschwitz: Germanisierungspolitik und Judenmord in Ostoberschlesien (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. Bd. 2). Saur, Munich 2000, ISBN 3-598-24031-7 (Ph.D., Bochum University, 1998).
with Saul Friedländer, Norbert Frei, Trutz Rendtorff and Reinhard Wittmann: Bertelsmann im Dritten Reich. Munich: Bertelsmann, 2002, ISBN 3-570-00711-1.
Auschwitz: Geschichte und Nachgeschichte (Beck’sche Reihe. 2333). Munich: Beck, 2004, ISBN 3-406-50833-2.
Wie der Sex nach Deutschland kam: Der Kampf um Sittlichkeit und Anstand in der frühen Bundesrepublik. Munich: Siedler, 2011, ISBN 978-3-88680-977-6 (Jena University, Habilitation, 2009).
with Norbert Frei, Saul Friedländer and Dan Diner: Ein Verbrechen ohne Namen: Anmerkung zum neuen Streit über den Holocaust. Munich: C.H. Beck, 2022, ISBN 978-3-406-78449-1.
Editor
with Norbert Frei, Thomas Grotum, Jan Parcer and Bernd C. Wagner: Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz. 1940–1945 (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. vol. 1). Munich: Saur, 2000, ISBN 3-598-24030-9.
with Norbert Frei and Bernd C. Wagner: Ausbeutung, Vernichtung, Öffentlichkeit. Neue Studien zur nationalsozialistischen Lagerpolitik (Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte von Auschwitz. vol. 4). Munich: Saur, 2000, ISBN 3-598-24033-3.
with Norbert Frei: Beschweigen und Bekennen: Die deutsche Nachkriegsgesellschaft und der Holocaust (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte, vol. 1). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2001, ISBN 3-89244-493-5.
Volksgenossinnen. Frauen in der NS-Volksgemeinschaft (Beiträge zur Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus. vol. 23). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2007, ISBN 978-3-8353-0188-7.
Transit US-Zone. Überlebende des Holocaust im Bayern der Nachkriegszeit (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte, vol. 13). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2013, ISBN 978-3-8353-1344-6.
with Nikolaus Wachsmann: Die Linke im Visier. Zur Errichtung der Konzentrationslager 1933. Göttingen: Wallstein, 2014, ISBN 978-3-8353-1494-8.
with Frank Bajohr: „... Zeugnis ablegen bis zum letzten“. Tagebücher und persönliche Zeugnisse aus der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus und des Holocaust (Dachauer Symposien zur Zeitgeschichte. vol. 15). Göttingen: Wallstein, 2015, ISBN 3-8353-1742-3.
References
External links
"Steinbacher, Sybille, Dr. – Einzelansicht". Goethe University Frankfurt.
|
name in native language
|
{
"answer_start": [
0
],
"text": [
"Sybille Steinbacher"
]
}
|
Minuscule 310 (in the Gregory-Aland numbering), Nμ21 (Soden), is a Greek minuscule manuscript of the New Testament, on parchment. Palaeographically it has been assigned to the 12th century.
Description
The codex contains the text of the Gospel of Matthew 1:7-12:37; 16:4 on 378 parchment leaves (31 cm by 20.5 cm) with lacunae. The text is written in one column per page, in 27 lines per page. The biblical text is surrounded by a catena.
Text
The Greek text of the codex is a representative of the Byzantine text-type. Aland placed it in Category V.
History
The manuscript was presented by Provost Arsenius to St. Saba's monastery. It was added to the list of New Testament manuscripts by Scholz (1794-1852).
It was examined and described by Paulin Martin. C. R. Gregory saw the manuscript in 1885.The manuscript is currently housed at the Bibliothèque nationale de France (Gr. 202) at Paris.
See also
List of New Testament minuscules
Biblical manuscript
Textual criticism
References
Further reading
Gregory, Caspar René (1900). Textkritik des Neuen Testaments. Vol. 1. Leipzig: Hinrichs. p. 178.
|
country
|
{
"answer_start": [
870
],
"text": [
"France"
]
}
|
Minuscule 310 (in the Gregory-Aland numbering), Nμ21 (Soden), is a Greek minuscule manuscript of the New Testament, on parchment. Palaeographically it has been assigned to the 12th century.
Description
The codex contains the text of the Gospel of Matthew 1:7-12:37; 16:4 on 378 parchment leaves (31 cm by 20.5 cm) with lacunae. The text is written in one column per page, in 27 lines per page. The biblical text is surrounded by a catena.
Text
The Greek text of the codex is a representative of the Byzantine text-type. Aland placed it in Category V.
History
The manuscript was presented by Provost Arsenius to St. Saba's monastery. It was added to the list of New Testament manuscripts by Scholz (1794-1852).
It was examined and described by Paulin Martin. C. R. Gregory saw the manuscript in 1885.The manuscript is currently housed at the Bibliothèque nationale de France (Gr. 202) at Paris.
See also
List of New Testament minuscules
Biblical manuscript
Textual criticism
References
Further reading
Gregory, Caspar René (1900). Textkritik des Neuen Testaments. Vol. 1. Leipzig: Hinrichs. p. 178.
|
instance of
|
{
"answer_start": [
83
],
"text": [
"manuscript"
]
}
|
Minuscule 310 (in the Gregory-Aland numbering), Nμ21 (Soden), is a Greek minuscule manuscript of the New Testament, on parchment. Palaeographically it has been assigned to the 12th century.
Description
The codex contains the text of the Gospel of Matthew 1:7-12:37; 16:4 on 378 parchment leaves (31 cm by 20.5 cm) with lacunae. The text is written in one column per page, in 27 lines per page. The biblical text is surrounded by a catena.
Text
The Greek text of the codex is a representative of the Byzantine text-type. Aland placed it in Category V.
History
The manuscript was presented by Provost Arsenius to St. Saba's monastery. It was added to the list of New Testament manuscripts by Scholz (1794-1852).
It was examined and described by Paulin Martin. C. R. Gregory saw the manuscript in 1885.The manuscript is currently housed at the Bibliothèque nationale de France (Gr. 202) at Paris.
See also
List of New Testament minuscules
Biblical manuscript
Textual criticism
References
Further reading
Gregory, Caspar René (1900). Textkritik des Neuen Testaments. Vol. 1. Leipzig: Hinrichs. p. 178.
|
Gregory-Aland-Number
|
{
"answer_start": [
10
],
"text": [
"310"
]
}
|
The Coalition of Urban and Metropolitan Universities (CUMU) is an organization mostly of U.S. universities located in metropolitan areas. CUMU was founded in 1989 by 10 university presidents gathered at Wright State University. CUMU is headquartered at Towson University in Towson, Maryland.The organization publishes Metropolitan Universities journal, a scholarly publication addressing the issues facing urban and metropolitan-serving institutions, such as civic engagement, leadership, and shared academic spaces. As of 2016, the journal is published entirely online on a quarterly basis.
Governance
The CUMU Executive Committee is composed of presidents and chancellors of member institutions. Executive Committee members are elected to two-year terms during the annual Presidents meeting at the CUMU Annual Conference in October. In 2012, the President was Wendell Pritchett, former Chancellor of Rutgers University–Camden, Interim Dean and Presidential Professor at the University of Pennsylvania Law School, and Provost of the University of Pennsylvania. The current CUMU president is Tom George, Chancellor of University of Missouri–St. Louis.CUMU Standing Committees are chaired by a member President who serves on the Executive Committee and are elected at the annual CUMU conference to serve two-year terms. Membership on the standing committees is open to member Presidents and Administrators.
Membership
United States
- University of Arkansas at Little Rock
- Campuses of the California State University (Dominguez Hills, Fullerton, Los Angeles, California State University, Northridge, San Bernardino, and San Marcos)
- Metropolitan State University of Denver, University of Colorado Denver, University of Colorado Colorado Springs, University of Denver*
- American University*, Georgetown University*, University of the District of Columbia
- Florida Atlantic University, Florida International University, Miami Dade College, University of North Florida
- Northeastern Illinois University, Southern Illinois University Edwardsville
- Indiana University Northwest, Indiana University – Purdue University Indianapolis, Purdue University Fort Wayne, University of Southern Indiana
- University of Louisville
- Louisiana State University in Shreveport
- University of Southern Maine
- University System of Maryland, Coppin State University, Morgan State University, Towson University, University of Baltimore
- University of Massachusetts Boston, University of Massachusetts Lowell, Worcester State University
- Oakland University, University of Michigan-Dearborn, University of Michigan-Flint, Wayne State University
- Augsburg University*, Metropolitan State University, University of Minnesota
- Jackson State University
- Missouri State University, University of Missouri-Kansas City, University of Missouri-St. Louis - University of Missouri Extension
- University of Nebraska at Omaha
- University of Nevada, Las Vegas
- Rutgers–Camden, Rutgers–Newark, Rutgers University – New Brunswick
- Buffalo State College, College of Staten Island, Manhattanville College*, Medgar Evers College, Pace University*, Syracuse University*, Wagner College*
- University of North Carolina at Charlotte, University of North Carolina at Greensboro, UNC Wilmington
- Ohio State University, Wright State University
- University of Central Oklahoma
- Portland State University
- Cabrini University*, Gannon University*, Temple University, Widener University*
- Rhode Island College
- University of South Carolina Upstate
- University of Tennessee at Chattanooga
- University of Houston–Downtown, University of North Texas at Dallas, Texas State University
- Weber State University
- Old Dominion University, Virginia Commonwealth University, Virginia Wesleyan University*
- Washington State University Tri-Cities, Washington State University Vancouver
- Marquette University*, University of Wisconsin–Green Bay, University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee*=private
Canada
- MacEwan University
- York University
=private
References
External links
Coalition of Urban and Metropolitan Universities—Official web site
Metropolitan Universities journal — Official web site
|
instance of
|
{
"answer_start": [
66
],
"text": [
"organization"
]
}
|
The Coalition of Urban and Metropolitan Universities (CUMU) is an organization mostly of U.S. universities located in metropolitan areas. CUMU was founded in 1989 by 10 university presidents gathered at Wright State University. CUMU is headquartered at Towson University in Towson, Maryland.The organization publishes Metropolitan Universities journal, a scholarly publication addressing the issues facing urban and metropolitan-serving institutions, such as civic engagement, leadership, and shared academic spaces. As of 2016, the journal is published entirely online on a quarterly basis.
Governance
The CUMU Executive Committee is composed of presidents and chancellors of member institutions. Executive Committee members are elected to two-year terms during the annual Presidents meeting at the CUMU Annual Conference in October. In 2012, the President was Wendell Pritchett, former Chancellor of Rutgers University–Camden, Interim Dean and Presidential Professor at the University of Pennsylvania Law School, and Provost of the University of Pennsylvania. The current CUMU president is Tom George, Chancellor of University of Missouri–St. Louis.CUMU Standing Committees are chaired by a member President who serves on the Executive Committee and are elected at the annual CUMU conference to serve two-year terms. Membership on the standing committees is open to member Presidents and Administrators.
Membership
United States
- University of Arkansas at Little Rock
- Campuses of the California State University (Dominguez Hills, Fullerton, Los Angeles, California State University, Northridge, San Bernardino, and San Marcos)
- Metropolitan State University of Denver, University of Colorado Denver, University of Colorado Colorado Springs, University of Denver*
- American University*, Georgetown University*, University of the District of Columbia
- Florida Atlantic University, Florida International University, Miami Dade College, University of North Florida
- Northeastern Illinois University, Southern Illinois University Edwardsville
- Indiana University Northwest, Indiana University – Purdue University Indianapolis, Purdue University Fort Wayne, University of Southern Indiana
- University of Louisville
- Louisiana State University in Shreveport
- University of Southern Maine
- University System of Maryland, Coppin State University, Morgan State University, Towson University, University of Baltimore
- University of Massachusetts Boston, University of Massachusetts Lowell, Worcester State University
- Oakland University, University of Michigan-Dearborn, University of Michigan-Flint, Wayne State University
- Augsburg University*, Metropolitan State University, University of Minnesota
- Jackson State University
- Missouri State University, University of Missouri-Kansas City, University of Missouri-St. Louis - University of Missouri Extension
- University of Nebraska at Omaha
- University of Nevada, Las Vegas
- Rutgers–Camden, Rutgers–Newark, Rutgers University – New Brunswick
- Buffalo State College, College of Staten Island, Manhattanville College*, Medgar Evers College, Pace University*, Syracuse University*, Wagner College*
- University of North Carolina at Charlotte, University of North Carolina at Greensboro, UNC Wilmington
- Ohio State University, Wright State University
- University of Central Oklahoma
- Portland State University
- Cabrini University*, Gannon University*, Temple University, Widener University*
- Rhode Island College
- University of South Carolina Upstate
- University of Tennessee at Chattanooga
- University of Houston–Downtown, University of North Texas at Dallas, Texas State University
- Weber State University
- Old Dominion University, Virginia Commonwealth University, Virginia Wesleyan University*
- Washington State University Tri-Cities, Washington State University Vancouver
- Marquette University*, University of Wisconsin–Green Bay, University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee*=private
Canada
- MacEwan University
- York University
=private
References
External links
Coalition of Urban and Metropolitan Universities—Official web site
Metropolitan Universities journal — Official web site
|
located in the administrative territorial entity
|
{
"answer_start": [
253
],
"text": [
"Towson"
]
}
|
The Zweibel Farmstead is a historic estate with a farm house and several outbuildings in Papillion, Nebraska. It was established by George Zweibel and his wife Sophia. The house was built with limestone in 1867, followed by a barn, also built with limestone, in 1871. The property was inherited by their descendants, who lived in the house until the 1960s. It has been listed on the National Register of Historic Places since November 30, 2000.
== References ==
|
instance of
|
{
"answer_start": [
50
],
"text": [
"farm"
]
}
|
Changsha South railway station (simplified Chinese: 长沙南站; traditional Chinese: 長沙南站; pinyin: Chángshānán zhàn) is a metro station and a railway station of Wuguang Passenger Railway and Hukun Passenger Railway. The station is located in Lituo Subdistrict, Yuhua District, Changsha, Hunan, China. It is a hub and the connecting point of Beijing–Guangzhou–Shenzhen–Hong Kong High-Speed Railway, Shanghai–Kunming High-Speed Railway and the proposed Xiamen-Changsha-Chongqing High-Speed Railway. The station was opened on 26 December 2009.
It is a transportation center of high-speed railways, metro lines 2 & 4, maglev, buses and coaches, which seamlessly connect downtown, Changsha Huanghua Airport and nearby cities.
Design
The designer of the station building is from the 3rd department of Central South Architectural Design Institute, INC. The roof features the waves and ripples of water. It has a total construction area of 273,000 square meters and the depot area is 137,000 square meters.
History
The station opened on 26 December 2009.When the station was first open, the surrounded area—which is away from Changsha's city center—was mostly industrial. Since then, however, high-rise residential and office development has taken place around the station. The passenger volume has also increased greatly.
Gallery
Rail services
China Railway
The station is served by the Wuhan–Guangzhou and Shanghai–Kunming high-speed railways.
Changsha Metro
Line 2 and Line 4 of Changsha Metro connects Changsha South Railway Station with the city.
For Line 2, Changsha South Railway Station is the second station from the east (after Guangda).
All other stops are in the west and the terminal is Wangchengpo to which the ride takes about 40 minutes.
Layout
Changsha Maglev
The medium-low speed Changsha Maglev Express between Changsha South Railway Station and Changsha Huanghua International Airport started services on 6 May 2016. The Maglev line is 18.5 km long and trains run at a speed of 120 km/h to finish the journey in just over ten minutes.
Local transport
City Bus
Many buses serve Changsha South Railway Station:
16, 124, 135, 159, 160, 348, 503, 63 (express), 66The tickets for all buses cost about ￥2. Check the timetables and routes at the bus terminal.
Taxi
The distance to city center is approximately 10 kilometers and the charging standards are as following.
05:00-21:00 Initial price: ￥6 for first 2 km, then ￥1.8/km and finally ￥2.7/km after 10 km
21:00-05:00 Initial price: ￥7 for first 2 km, then ￥2.2/km and finally ￥2.7/km after 10 km
Airport Coach
The service is to Changsha Huanghua International Airport. It takes about half an hour.
Line 3: South Bus Station via Changsha South Railway Station (Price: 21.5CNY single)
See also
Changsha railway station
Changsha Metro
References
External links
Changsha Metro Group website
|
instance of
|
{
"answer_start": [
15
],
"text": [
"railway station"
]
}
|
Changsha South railway station (simplified Chinese: 长沙南站; traditional Chinese: 長沙南站; pinyin: Chángshānán zhàn) is a metro station and a railway station of Wuguang Passenger Railway and Hukun Passenger Railway. The station is located in Lituo Subdistrict, Yuhua District, Changsha, Hunan, China. It is a hub and the connecting point of Beijing–Guangzhou–Shenzhen–Hong Kong High-Speed Railway, Shanghai–Kunming High-Speed Railway and the proposed Xiamen-Changsha-Chongqing High-Speed Railway. The station was opened on 26 December 2009.
It is a transportation center of high-speed railways, metro lines 2 & 4, maglev, buses and coaches, which seamlessly connect downtown, Changsha Huanghua Airport and nearby cities.
Design
The designer of the station building is from the 3rd department of Central South Architectural Design Institute, INC. The roof features the waves and ripples of water. It has a total construction area of 273,000 square meters and the depot area is 137,000 square meters.
History
The station opened on 26 December 2009.When the station was first open, the surrounded area—which is away from Changsha's city center—was mostly industrial. Since then, however, high-rise residential and office development has taken place around the station. The passenger volume has also increased greatly.
Gallery
Rail services
China Railway
The station is served by the Wuhan–Guangzhou and Shanghai–Kunming high-speed railways.
Changsha Metro
Line 2 and Line 4 of Changsha Metro connects Changsha South Railway Station with the city.
For Line 2, Changsha South Railway Station is the second station from the east (after Guangda).
All other stops are in the west and the terminal is Wangchengpo to which the ride takes about 40 minutes.
Layout
Changsha Maglev
The medium-low speed Changsha Maglev Express between Changsha South Railway Station and Changsha Huanghua International Airport started services on 6 May 2016. The Maglev line is 18.5 km long and trains run at a speed of 120 km/h to finish the journey in just over ten minutes.
Local transport
City Bus
Many buses serve Changsha South Railway Station:
16, 124, 135, 159, 160, 348, 503, 63 (express), 66The tickets for all buses cost about ￥2. Check the timetables and routes at the bus terminal.
Taxi
The distance to city center is approximately 10 kilometers and the charging standards are as following.
05:00-21:00 Initial price: ￥6 for first 2 km, then ￥1.8/km and finally ￥2.7/km after 10 km
21:00-05:00 Initial price: ￥7 for first 2 km, then ￥2.2/km and finally ￥2.7/km after 10 km
Airport Coach
The service is to Changsha Huanghua International Airport. It takes about half an hour.
Line 3: South Bus Station via Changsha South Railway Station (Price: 21.5CNY single)
See also
Changsha railway station
Changsha Metro
References
External links
Changsha Metro Group website
|
connecting line
|
{
"answer_start": [
1397
],
"text": [
"Shanghai–Kunming high-speed railway"
]
}
|
Changsha South railway station (simplified Chinese: 长沙南站; traditional Chinese: 長沙南站; pinyin: Chángshānán zhàn) is a metro station and a railway station of Wuguang Passenger Railway and Hukun Passenger Railway. The station is located in Lituo Subdistrict, Yuhua District, Changsha, Hunan, China. It is a hub and the connecting point of Beijing–Guangzhou–Shenzhen–Hong Kong High-Speed Railway, Shanghai–Kunming High-Speed Railway and the proposed Xiamen-Changsha-Chongqing High-Speed Railway. The station was opened on 26 December 2009.
It is a transportation center of high-speed railways, metro lines 2 & 4, maglev, buses and coaches, which seamlessly connect downtown, Changsha Huanghua Airport and nearby cities.
Design
The designer of the station building is from the 3rd department of Central South Architectural Design Institute, INC. The roof features the waves and ripples of water. It has a total construction area of 273,000 square meters and the depot area is 137,000 square meters.
History
The station opened on 26 December 2009.When the station was first open, the surrounded area—which is away from Changsha's city center—was mostly industrial. Since then, however, high-rise residential and office development has taken place around the station. The passenger volume has also increased greatly.
Gallery
Rail services
China Railway
The station is served by the Wuhan–Guangzhou and Shanghai–Kunming high-speed railways.
Changsha Metro
Line 2 and Line 4 of Changsha Metro connects Changsha South Railway Station with the city.
For Line 2, Changsha South Railway Station is the second station from the east (after Guangda).
All other stops are in the west and the terminal is Wangchengpo to which the ride takes about 40 minutes.
Layout
Changsha Maglev
The medium-low speed Changsha Maglev Express between Changsha South Railway Station and Changsha Huanghua International Airport started services on 6 May 2016. The Maglev line is 18.5 km long and trains run at a speed of 120 km/h to finish the journey in just over ten minutes.
Local transport
City Bus
Many buses serve Changsha South Railway Station:
16, 124, 135, 159, 160, 348, 503, 63 (express), 66The tickets for all buses cost about ￥2. Check the timetables and routes at the bus terminal.
Taxi
The distance to city center is approximately 10 kilometers and the charging standards are as following.
05:00-21:00 Initial price: ￥6 for first 2 km, then ￥1.8/km and finally ￥2.7/km after 10 km
21:00-05:00 Initial price: ￥7 for first 2 km, then ￥2.2/km and finally ￥2.7/km after 10 km
Airport Coach
The service is to Changsha Huanghua International Airport. It takes about half an hour.
Line 3: South Bus Station via Changsha South Railway Station (Price: 21.5CNY single)
See also
Changsha railway station
Changsha Metro
References
External links
Changsha Metro Group website
|
number of platform tracks
|
{
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971
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"13"
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|
The McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area (MCNCA) is a 123,400-acre (499 km2) National Conservation Area located in Mesa County, west of Grand Junction, Colorado. The MCNCA has rugged sandstone canyons, natural arches, spires, and alcoves carved into the Colorado Plateau, through which runs a 24-mile (39 km) stretch of the Colorado River. Included in the MCNCA is the 75,500-acre (306 km2) Black Ridge Canyons Wilderness (BRCW) with 5,200 acres (21 km2) extending into eastern Grand County, Utah at the MCNCA's western boundary.
The MCNCA is managed by the Bureau of Land Management as part of the National Landscape Conservation System, and was officially designated on October 24, 2000, when the Colorado Canyons National Conservation Area and Black Ridge Canyons Wilderness Act of 2000 became Public Law 106-353. The NCA was renamed after Congressman Scott McInnis on January 1, 2005.
McInnis Canyons NCA has a variety of resources and recreation opportunities resulting in users with diverse interests, including hiking, biking, float boating, off-highway vehicle (OHV) use, horseback riding, hunting, wildlife watching, backpacking, camping, and grazing resources; as well as geological, paleontological and scientific sites.
McInnis Canyons NCA is also home to the Rattlesnake Arches. This area houses the highest concentration of naturally occurring arches in Colorado, and even the second most in the world, behind Arches National Park. It is located in the Black Ridge Canyons Wilderness and comprises sandstone formations, and is not able to be reached by vehicle.
Management
McInnis Canyons is located within the Bureau of Land Management's Grand Junction Field Office. A Resource Management Plan (RMP) was written and approved for the NCA in 2004. Four alternatives were proposed and open to public review. The BLM's preferred alternative, adaptive management, was approved and enacted under the RMP. The plan states:
this alternative's emphasis is on maintaining the current level of experience and enjoyment of the area's recreational opportunities and unique characteristics while recognizing that increased future use would trigger the need for increased levels of management.
Monitoring for land health and visitors' experiences would determine when adjustments to management would be required. Objectives for this alternative include preserving the character of the area and enhancing traditional recreation, while maintaining land health and improving priority
areas of concern.
Notes
External links
Media related to McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area at Wikimedia Commons
"McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area". Bureau of Land Management.
|
instance of
|
{
"answer_start": [
21
],
"text": [
"National Conservation Area"
]
}
|
The McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area (MCNCA) is a 123,400-acre (499 km2) National Conservation Area located in Mesa County, west of Grand Junction, Colorado. The MCNCA has rugged sandstone canyons, natural arches, spires, and alcoves carved into the Colorado Plateau, through which runs a 24-mile (39 km) stretch of the Colorado River. Included in the MCNCA is the 75,500-acre (306 km2) Black Ridge Canyons Wilderness (BRCW) with 5,200 acres (21 km2) extending into eastern Grand County, Utah at the MCNCA's western boundary.
The MCNCA is managed by the Bureau of Land Management as part of the National Landscape Conservation System, and was officially designated on October 24, 2000, when the Colorado Canyons National Conservation Area and Black Ridge Canyons Wilderness Act of 2000 became Public Law 106-353. The NCA was renamed after Congressman Scott McInnis on January 1, 2005.
McInnis Canyons NCA has a variety of resources and recreation opportunities resulting in users with diverse interests, including hiking, biking, float boating, off-highway vehicle (OHV) use, horseback riding, hunting, wildlife watching, backpacking, camping, and grazing resources; as well as geological, paleontological and scientific sites.
McInnis Canyons NCA is also home to the Rattlesnake Arches. This area houses the highest concentration of naturally occurring arches in Colorado, and even the second most in the world, behind Arches National Park. It is located in the Black Ridge Canyons Wilderness and comprises sandstone formations, and is not able to be reached by vehicle.
Management
McInnis Canyons is located within the Bureau of Land Management's Grand Junction Field Office. A Resource Management Plan (RMP) was written and approved for the NCA in 2004. Four alternatives were proposed and open to public review. The BLM's preferred alternative, adaptive management, was approved and enacted under the RMP. The plan states:
this alternative's emphasis is on maintaining the current level of experience and enjoyment of the area's recreational opportunities and unique characteristics while recognizing that increased future use would trigger the need for increased levels of management.
Monitoring for land health and visitors' experiences would determine when adjustments to management would be required. Objectives for this alternative include preserving the character of the area and enhancing traditional recreation, while maintaining land health and improving priority
areas of concern.
Notes
External links
Media related to McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area at Wikimedia Commons
"McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area". Bureau of Land Management.
|
located in the administrative territorial entity
|
{
"answer_start": [
485
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"text": [
"Grand County"
]
}
|
The McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area (MCNCA) is a 123,400-acre (499 km2) National Conservation Area located in Mesa County, west of Grand Junction, Colorado. The MCNCA has rugged sandstone canyons, natural arches, spires, and alcoves carved into the Colorado Plateau, through which runs a 24-mile (39 km) stretch of the Colorado River. Included in the MCNCA is the 75,500-acre (306 km2) Black Ridge Canyons Wilderness (BRCW) with 5,200 acres (21 km2) extending into eastern Grand County, Utah at the MCNCA's western boundary.
The MCNCA is managed by the Bureau of Land Management as part of the National Landscape Conservation System, and was officially designated on October 24, 2000, when the Colorado Canyons National Conservation Area and Black Ridge Canyons Wilderness Act of 2000 became Public Law 106-353. The NCA was renamed after Congressman Scott McInnis on January 1, 2005.
McInnis Canyons NCA has a variety of resources and recreation opportunities resulting in users with diverse interests, including hiking, biking, float boating, off-highway vehicle (OHV) use, horseback riding, hunting, wildlife watching, backpacking, camping, and grazing resources; as well as geological, paleontological and scientific sites.
McInnis Canyons NCA is also home to the Rattlesnake Arches. This area houses the highest concentration of naturally occurring arches in Colorado, and even the second most in the world, behind Arches National Park. It is located in the Black Ridge Canyons Wilderness and comprises sandstone formations, and is not able to be reached by vehicle.
Management
McInnis Canyons is located within the Bureau of Land Management's Grand Junction Field Office. A Resource Management Plan (RMP) was written and approved for the NCA in 2004. Four alternatives were proposed and open to public review. The BLM's preferred alternative, adaptive management, was approved and enacted under the RMP. The plan states:
this alternative's emphasis is on maintaining the current level of experience and enjoyment of the area's recreational opportunities and unique characteristics while recognizing that increased future use would trigger the need for increased levels of management.
Monitoring for land health and visitors' experiences would determine when adjustments to management would be required. Objectives for this alternative include preserving the character of the area and enhancing traditional recreation, while maintaining land health and improving priority
areas of concern.
Notes
External links
Media related to McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area at Wikimedia Commons
"McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area". Bureau of Land Management.
|
operator
|
{
"answer_start": [
566
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"text": [
"Bureau of Land Management"
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|
The McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area (MCNCA) is a 123,400-acre (499 km2) National Conservation Area located in Mesa County, west of Grand Junction, Colorado. The MCNCA has rugged sandstone canyons, natural arches, spires, and alcoves carved into the Colorado Plateau, through which runs a 24-mile (39 km) stretch of the Colorado River. Included in the MCNCA is the 75,500-acre (306 km2) Black Ridge Canyons Wilderness (BRCW) with 5,200 acres (21 km2) extending into eastern Grand County, Utah at the MCNCA's western boundary.
The MCNCA is managed by the Bureau of Land Management as part of the National Landscape Conservation System, and was officially designated on October 24, 2000, when the Colorado Canyons National Conservation Area and Black Ridge Canyons Wilderness Act of 2000 became Public Law 106-353. The NCA was renamed after Congressman Scott McInnis on January 1, 2005.
McInnis Canyons NCA has a variety of resources and recreation opportunities resulting in users with diverse interests, including hiking, biking, float boating, off-highway vehicle (OHV) use, horseback riding, hunting, wildlife watching, backpacking, camping, and grazing resources; as well as geological, paleontological and scientific sites.
McInnis Canyons NCA is also home to the Rattlesnake Arches. This area houses the highest concentration of naturally occurring arches in Colorado, and even the second most in the world, behind Arches National Park. It is located in the Black Ridge Canyons Wilderness and comprises sandstone formations, and is not able to be reached by vehicle.
Management
McInnis Canyons is located within the Bureau of Land Management's Grand Junction Field Office. A Resource Management Plan (RMP) was written and approved for the NCA in 2004. Four alternatives were proposed and open to public review. The BLM's preferred alternative, adaptive management, was approved and enacted under the RMP. The plan states:
this alternative's emphasis is on maintaining the current level of experience and enjoyment of the area's recreational opportunities and unique characteristics while recognizing that increased future use would trigger the need for increased levels of management.
Monitoring for land health and visitors' experiences would determine when adjustments to management would be required. Objectives for this alternative include preserving the character of the area and enhancing traditional recreation, while maintaining land health and improving priority
areas of concern.
Notes
External links
Media related to McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area at Wikimedia Commons
"McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area". Bureau of Land Management.
|
Commons category
|
{
"answer_start": [
5
],
"text": [
"McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area"
]
}
|
The McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area (MCNCA) is a 123,400-acre (499 km2) National Conservation Area located in Mesa County, west of Grand Junction, Colorado. The MCNCA has rugged sandstone canyons, natural arches, spires, and alcoves carved into the Colorado Plateau, through which runs a 24-mile (39 km) stretch of the Colorado River. Included in the MCNCA is the 75,500-acre (306 km2) Black Ridge Canyons Wilderness (BRCW) with 5,200 acres (21 km2) extending into eastern Grand County, Utah at the MCNCA's western boundary.
The MCNCA is managed by the Bureau of Land Management as part of the National Landscape Conservation System, and was officially designated on October 24, 2000, when the Colorado Canyons National Conservation Area and Black Ridge Canyons Wilderness Act of 2000 became Public Law 106-353. The NCA was renamed after Congressman Scott McInnis on January 1, 2005.
McInnis Canyons NCA has a variety of resources and recreation opportunities resulting in users with diverse interests, including hiking, biking, float boating, off-highway vehicle (OHV) use, horseback riding, hunting, wildlife watching, backpacking, camping, and grazing resources; as well as geological, paleontological and scientific sites.
McInnis Canyons NCA is also home to the Rattlesnake Arches. This area houses the highest concentration of naturally occurring arches in Colorado, and even the second most in the world, behind Arches National Park. It is located in the Black Ridge Canyons Wilderness and comprises sandstone formations, and is not able to be reached by vehicle.
Management
McInnis Canyons is located within the Bureau of Land Management's Grand Junction Field Office. A Resource Management Plan (RMP) was written and approved for the NCA in 2004. Four alternatives were proposed and open to public review. The BLM's preferred alternative, adaptive management, was approved and enacted under the RMP. The plan states:
this alternative's emphasis is on maintaining the current level of experience and enjoyment of the area's recreational opportunities and unique characteristics while recognizing that increased future use would trigger the need for increased levels of management.
Monitoring for land health and visitors' experiences would determine when adjustments to management would be required. Objectives for this alternative include preserving the character of the area and enhancing traditional recreation, while maintaining land health and improving priority
areas of concern.
Notes
External links
Media related to McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area at Wikimedia Commons
"McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area". Bureau of Land Management.
|
native label
|
{
"answer_start": [
5
],
"text": [
"McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area"
]
}
|
The McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area (MCNCA) is a 123,400-acre (499 km2) National Conservation Area located in Mesa County, west of Grand Junction, Colorado. The MCNCA has rugged sandstone canyons, natural arches, spires, and alcoves carved into the Colorado Plateau, through which runs a 24-mile (39 km) stretch of the Colorado River. Included in the MCNCA is the 75,500-acre (306 km2) Black Ridge Canyons Wilderness (BRCW) with 5,200 acres (21 km2) extending into eastern Grand County, Utah at the MCNCA's western boundary.
The MCNCA is managed by the Bureau of Land Management as part of the National Landscape Conservation System, and was officially designated on October 24, 2000, when the Colorado Canyons National Conservation Area and Black Ridge Canyons Wilderness Act of 2000 became Public Law 106-353. The NCA was renamed after Congressman Scott McInnis on January 1, 2005.
McInnis Canyons NCA has a variety of resources and recreation opportunities resulting in users with diverse interests, including hiking, biking, float boating, off-highway vehicle (OHV) use, horseback riding, hunting, wildlife watching, backpacking, camping, and grazing resources; as well as geological, paleontological and scientific sites.
McInnis Canyons NCA is also home to the Rattlesnake Arches. This area houses the highest concentration of naturally occurring arches in Colorado, and even the second most in the world, behind Arches National Park. It is located in the Black Ridge Canyons Wilderness and comprises sandstone formations, and is not able to be reached by vehicle.
Management
McInnis Canyons is located within the Bureau of Land Management's Grand Junction Field Office. A Resource Management Plan (RMP) was written and approved for the NCA in 2004. Four alternatives were proposed and open to public review. The BLM's preferred alternative, adaptive management, was approved and enacted under the RMP. The plan states:
this alternative's emphasis is on maintaining the current level of experience and enjoyment of the area's recreational opportunities and unique characteristics while recognizing that increased future use would trigger the need for increased levels of management.
Monitoring for land health and visitors' experiences would determine when adjustments to management would be required. Objectives for this alternative include preserving the character of the area and enhancing traditional recreation, while maintaining land health and improving priority
areas of concern.
Notes
External links
Media related to McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area at Wikimedia Commons
"McInnis Canyons National Conservation Area". Bureau of Land Management.
|
significant place
|
{
"answer_start": [
143
],
"text": [
"Grand Junction"
]
}
|
The 2013 ITF Men's Circuit was the 2013 edition of the entry level tour for men's professional tennis, and the third tier tennis tour below the Association of Tennis Professionals, World Tour and Challenger Tour. It was organised by the International Tennis Federation (ITF) which also organizes the ITF Women's Circuit, an entry level tour for women's professional tennis. Later tournaments were organized to offer either $10,000 or $15,000 in prize money and tournaments which offered hospitality to players competing in the main draw to give additional ranking points which are valid under the ATP ranking system, and were organized by a national association or approved by the ITF Men's Circuit Committee.The tournaments were played on a rectangular flat surface, commonly called a tennis court. The dimensions of a tennis court are defined and regulated by the ITF and the court is 23.78 meters (78.0 feet) long, 10.97 meters (36.0 feet) wide. Its width is 8.23 meters (27.0 feet) for singles matches and 10.97 meters (36.0 feet) for doubles matches. Tennis is played on a variety of surfaces and each surface has its own characteristics which affect playing style. The four main types of courts, depending on the materials used for the surface, are clay, hard, grass and carpet courts, with the ITF classifying five different pace settings ranging from slow to fast.
Point distribution
Key
Month
April
May
June
References
External links
International Tennis Federation official website
ITF Futures tournaments
ITF Futures results archive
|
sport
|
{
"answer_start": [
95
],
"text": [
"tennis"
]
}
|
The 2013 ITF Men's Circuit was the 2013 edition of the entry level tour for men's professional tennis, and the third tier tennis tour below the Association of Tennis Professionals, World Tour and Challenger Tour. It was organised by the International Tennis Federation (ITF) which also organizes the ITF Women's Circuit, an entry level tour for women's professional tennis. Later tournaments were organized to offer either $10,000 or $15,000 in prize money and tournaments which offered hospitality to players competing in the main draw to give additional ranking points which are valid under the ATP ranking system, and were organized by a national association or approved by the ITF Men's Circuit Committee.The tournaments were played on a rectangular flat surface, commonly called a tennis court. The dimensions of a tennis court are defined and regulated by the ITF and the court is 23.78 meters (78.0 feet) long, 10.97 meters (36.0 feet) wide. Its width is 8.23 meters (27.0 feet) for singles matches and 10.97 meters (36.0 feet) for doubles matches. Tennis is played on a variety of surfaces and each surface has its own characteristics which affect playing style. The four main types of courts, depending on the materials used for the surface, are clay, hard, grass and carpet courts, with the ITF classifying five different pace settings ranging from slow to fast.
Point distribution
Key
Month
April
May
June
References
External links
International Tennis Federation official website
ITF Futures tournaments
ITF Futures results archive
|
facet of
|
{
"answer_start": [
4
],
"text": [
"2013 ITF Men's Circuit"
]
}
|
Salticus coronatus is a species of spider in the family Salticidae endemic to Madagascar.
== References ==
|
taxon rank
|
{
"answer_start": [
24
],
"text": [
"species"
]
}
|
Salticus coronatus is a species of spider in the family Salticidae endemic to Madagascar.
== References ==
|
parent taxon
|
{
"answer_start": [
0
],
"text": [
"Salticus"
]
}
|
Salticus coronatus is a species of spider in the family Salticidae endemic to Madagascar.
== References ==
|
taxon name
|
{
"answer_start": [
0
],
"text": [
"Salticus coronatus"
]
}
|
Two vessels that have served the British Royal Navy have borne the name HMS Duchess of York or Dutchess of York, in honour of the Duchess of York:
Duchess of York was a hired armed cutter that served under contract between 9 March 1795 and 2 January 1799. She was of 54 tons (bm), and was armed with six 4-pounder guns. The ending date of the contract may be incorrect. On 5 March 1799 she captured the French ship Thomas. She may also have been the cutter Duchess of York that together with the cutter Fly brought into Portsmouth in February 1800, the French privateer schooners Dorade and Honfleur.
HMS Duchess of York was launched at Calcutta in 1801. She served in the expedition to the Red Sea in 1802 and was then sold into mercantile trade. She made some voyages to Port Jackson, New South Wales, and was wrecked in February 1811 off the coast of Madagascar.
Citations
References
Winfield, Rif (2008). British Warships in the Age of Sail 1793–1817: Design, Construction, Careers and Fates. Seaforth Publishing. ISBN 978-1-86176-246-7.
|
instance of
|
{
"answer_start": [
411
],
"text": [
"ship"
]
}
|
Two vessels that have served the British Royal Navy have borne the name HMS Duchess of York or Dutchess of York, in honour of the Duchess of York:
Duchess of York was a hired armed cutter that served under contract between 9 March 1795 and 2 January 1799. She was of 54 tons (bm), and was armed with six 4-pounder guns. The ending date of the contract may be incorrect. On 5 March 1799 she captured the French ship Thomas. She may also have been the cutter Duchess of York that together with the cutter Fly brought into Portsmouth in February 1800, the French privateer schooners Dorade and Honfleur.
HMS Duchess of York was launched at Calcutta in 1801. She served in the expedition to the Red Sea in 1802 and was then sold into mercantile trade. She made some voyages to Port Jackson, New South Wales, and was wrecked in February 1811 off the coast of Madagascar.
Citations
References
Winfield, Rif (2008). British Warships in the Age of Sail 1793–1817: Design, Construction, Careers and Fates. Seaforth Publishing. ISBN 978-1-86176-246-7.
|
operator
|
{
"answer_start": [
41
],
"text": [
"Royal Navy"
]
}
|
Mimoceroplesis coussementi is a species of beetle in the family Cerambycidae, and the only species in the genus Mimoceroplesis. It was described by Breuning in 1967.
== References ==
|
taxon rank
|
{
"answer_start": [
106
],
"text": [
"genus"
]
}
|
Mimoceroplesis coussementi is a species of beetle in the family Cerambycidae, and the only species in the genus Mimoceroplesis. It was described by Breuning in 1967.
== References ==
|
parent taxon
|
{
"answer_start": [
64
],
"text": [
"Cerambycidae"
]
}
|
Mimoceroplesis coussementi is a species of beetle in the family Cerambycidae, and the only species in the genus Mimoceroplesis. It was described by Breuning in 1967.
== References ==
|
taxon name
|
{
"answer_start": [
0
],
"text": [
"Mimoceroplesis"
]
}
|
Turcoaia is a commune in Tulcea County, Northern Dobruja, Romania. It is composed of a single village, Turcoaia.
A village called Iglița used to exist in the area; after being destroyed, its territory was folded into that of Turcoaia.
== References ==
|
country
|
{
"answer_start": [
58
],
"text": [
"Romania"
]
}
|
Turcoaia is a commune in Tulcea County, Northern Dobruja, Romania. It is composed of a single village, Turcoaia.
A village called Iglița used to exist in the area; after being destroyed, its territory was folded into that of Turcoaia.
== References ==
|
instance of
|
{
"answer_start": [
94
],
"text": [
"village"
]
}
|
Turcoaia is a commune in Tulcea County, Northern Dobruja, Romania. It is composed of a single village, Turcoaia.
A village called Iglița used to exist in the area; after being destroyed, its territory was folded into that of Turcoaia.
== References ==
|
located in the administrative territorial entity
|
{
"answer_start": [
0
],
"text": [
"Turcoaia"
]
}
|
Turcoaia is a commune in Tulcea County, Northern Dobruja, Romania. It is composed of a single village, Turcoaia.
A village called Iglița used to exist in the area; after being destroyed, its territory was folded into that of Turcoaia.
== References ==
|
located in/on physical feature
|
{
"answer_start": [
49
],
"text": [
"Dobruja"
]
}
|
Turcoaia is a commune in Tulcea County, Northern Dobruja, Romania. It is composed of a single village, Turcoaia.
A village called Iglița used to exist in the area; after being destroyed, its territory was folded into that of Turcoaia.
== References ==
|
capital of
|
{
"answer_start": [
0
],
"text": [
"Turcoaia"
]
}
|
Turcoaia is a commune in Tulcea County, Northern Dobruja, Romania. It is composed of a single village, Turcoaia.
A village called Iglița used to exist in the area; after being destroyed, its territory was folded into that of Turcoaia.
== References ==
|
native label
|
{
"answer_start": [
0
],
"text": [
"Turcoaia"
]
}
|
Turcoaia is a commune in Tulcea County, Northern Dobruja, Romania. It is composed of a single village, Turcoaia.
A village called Iglița used to exist in the area; after being destroyed, its territory was folded into that of Turcoaia.
== References ==
|
capital
|
{
"answer_start": [
0
],
"text": [
"Turcoaia"
]
}
|
Turcoaia is a commune in Tulcea County, Northern Dobruja, Romania. It is composed of a single village, Turcoaia.
A village called Iglița used to exist in the area; after being destroyed, its territory was folded into that of Turcoaia.
== References ==
|
contains settlement
|
{
"answer_start": [
0
],
"text": [
"Turcoaia"
]
}
|
Elvis istuu oikealla is the fifth studio album by the Finnish singer and songwriter Olavi Uusivirta. Released on 14 March 2012 (2012-03-14), the album peaked at number seven on the Finnish albums chart.
Track listing
Charts
Release history
== References ==
|
instance of
|
{
"answer_start": [
41
],
"text": [
"album"
]
}
|
Elvis istuu oikealla is the fifth studio album by the Finnish singer and songwriter Olavi Uusivirta. Released on 14 March 2012 (2012-03-14), the album peaked at number seven on the Finnish albums chart.
Track listing
Charts
Release history
== References ==
|
performer
|
{
"answer_start": [
84
],
"text": [
"Olavi Uusivirta"
]
}
|
Elvis istuu oikealla is the fifth studio album by the Finnish singer and songwriter Olavi Uusivirta. Released on 14 March 2012 (2012-03-14), the album peaked at number seven on the Finnish albums chart.
Track listing
Charts
Release history
== References ==
|
language of work or name
|
{
"answer_start": [
54
],
"text": [
"Finnish"
]
}
|
Elvis istuu oikealla is the fifth studio album by the Finnish singer and songwriter Olavi Uusivirta. Released on 14 March 2012 (2012-03-14), the album peaked at number seven on the Finnish albums chart.
Track listing
Charts
Release history
== References ==
|
title
|
{
"answer_start": [
0
],
"text": [
"Elvis istuu oikealla"
]
}
|
Elvis istuu oikealla is the fifth studio album by the Finnish singer and songwriter Olavi Uusivirta. Released on 14 March 2012 (2012-03-14), the album peaked at number seven on the Finnish albums chart.
Track listing
Charts
Release history
== References ==
|
form of creative work
|
{
"answer_start": [
34
],
"text": [
"studio album"
]
}
|
Rev. Henry J. Ripley (January 28, 1798 – May 21, 1875) was an American Baptist clergyman and biblical scholar.
Biography
Henry J. Ripley was born on January 28, 1798, in Boston, Massachusetts. He graduated from Harvard University in 1816, after having first graduated from the Boston Latin School. In 1819, he graduated from Andover Theological Seminary to prepare for the ministry. He was ordained this same year at Baldwin Place Church in Boston.During much of the 1820s, Rev. Ripley was in Georgia evangelizing predominately African-Americans. However, in 1826 the Newton Theological Institution, which had been open for only a year, named Rev. Ripley as chair of Biblical Literature and Pastoral Duties. This he held until 1832, when he devoted his time to biblical interpretation. In 1839, he became chair of Sacred Rhetoric and Pastoral Duties, which he held until 1857. After this, he taught biblical literature and interpretation until his retirement in 1860.Rev. Ripley continued to write on biblical topics during retirement. In 1866, bored with retirement, he returned to the Institution as a librarian. He died in Newton, Massachusetts, on May 21, 1875.
Works
Memoir of Thomas Sumner Winn, late Pastor of the Newport Baptist Church, Ga : who died January 27, 1819, in the twenty-seventh year of his age (Philadelphia: Baptist General Tract Society, 1819).
Christian Baptism: An Examination of Professor Stuart's Essay in the Biblical Repository, April, 1833, on "The Mode of Baptism" (Boston: Lincoln, Edmonds & Co, 1833).
The Acts of the Apostles: With Notes, Chiefly Explanatory; Designed for Teachers in Sabbath Schools and Bible Classes, and as an Aid to Family Instruction (Boston: Gould, Kendall, and Lincoln, 1843)
The Four Gospels: With Notes, Chiefly Explanatory; Designed for Teachers in Sabbath Schools and Bible Classes, and as an Aid to Family Instruction (Boston: Gould, Kendall, and Lincoln, 1844).
Sacred Rhetoric: Or, Composition and Delivery of Sermons(Boston: Gould, Kendall and Lincoln, 1849)
Exclusiveness of the Baptists: A Review of the Rev. Albert Barnes's Pamphlet on 'Exclusivism' (Boston: Gould and Lincoln, 1857).
The Epistle of the Apostle Paul to the Romans: With Notes, Chiefly Explanatory. Designed as an Accompaniment to the Author's Notes on the Gospels and the Acts (Boston: Gould and Lincoln, 1859).
Church Polity: A Treatise on Christian Churches and the Christian Ministry (Boston: Graves & Young, 1867).
The Epistle to the Hebrews, with Explanatory Notes: To which are Added a Condensed View of the Priesthood of Christ, and a Translation of the Epistle, Prepared for this Work (Boston: Gould and Lincoln, 1868)
Further reading
A Tribute to the Memory of Rev. Henry J. Ripley, D.D. (Boston: Franklin Press, 1875).
== References ==
|
educated at
|
{
"answer_start": [
212
],
"text": [
"Harvard University"
]
}
|
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