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s role and one's specific situation. Thus Penelope's role permits, or perhaps even requires, her to deceive the suitors. Similarly, Odysseus' role requires that he do everything and anything within his power to protect his men and return them safely to Ithaca. The standards that apply to them in their
respective roles do not necessarily apply to Odysseus in his. There is nothing of the Golden Rule, the Kantian categorical imperative, or the principle of universalizability in Homeric ethics. Odysseus has no scruples about ordering his men to plug their ears and lash him to the mast so that he can listen to and be tempted by the Sirens' song. Nor does he entertain any doubts about the appropriateness of deceiving the drunken Cyclops Polyphemus, and blinding him into the bargain. Nor, for that matter, does Odysseus, in his role as returning husband, hesitate to disguise himself as a beggar, the better to survey the scene, to test Penelope's loyalty, and to deceive her suitors before killing them. Such means are, in the Homeric view, justified by the ends they serve. And the ends one seeks (telei) are themselves set by—and are indeed constitutive of— the role one occupies. Arete is the ability to discharge one's role-related functions. To display one's arete in a particularly ingenious or cunning way is to enhance one's glory (kudos) or fame (kleos); to fail to exhibit these role-specific qualities is to tarnish this most precious of human possessions.25 If Machiavellian virtu has little if anything in common with either Christian virtue or Ciceronian-humanist virtus, it does appear to have considerable conceptual affinity with the archaic notion of arete ,26 For Machiavelli's virtuoso prince displays his virtu in doing whatever his role and the necessity of his situation (necessita) require. If necessity requires that he act in devious and duplicitous ways, then he is, qua prince, morally required to act in those ways. Should he experience a failure of nerve, he will fail to fulfil his role; he will find himself unable to discharge his primary duty, which is to preserve and maintain his state, status, and station (mantenere lo stato—the word stato not yet meaning 'state' in our modern sense).27 To seize the day, to act boldly and even ruthlessly, is 25 Cf. W. Jaeger, Paideia (New York, 1945), i, ch. i; L. Pearson, Popular Ethics in Ancient Greece (Stanford, Calif., 1962), ch. 2; and Maclntyre, After Virtue, ch. 10. 26 For a different view, see H. Arendt, Between Past and Future (New York, 1969), 137. 27 Cf. J. H. Hexter, The Vision of Politics on the Eve of the Reformation (New York, 1973), ch. 3; Q. Skinner, 'The State', in T. Ball, J. Farr, and R. L. Hanson (eds.), Political Innovation and Conceptual Change (Cambridge, 1989), ch. 5.
the only way in which fickle fortune (fortuna) can be tamed, and genuine glory (gloria) and lasting fame (fama) secured. Machiavelli's metaphor is instructive. 'Fortune', he says in a now-notorious aside, 'is a woman, and it is necessary, if you wish to master her, to conquer her by force; [for] . . . she lets herself be overcome by the bold rather than by those who proceed coldly.'28 Virtu is to politics what virility is to sex: it is the congeries of qualities that make for success in the activities in which the manly man, the virile vir—and the virtuoso prince—are respectively engaged. Princely virtu is, in effect, Machiavelli's .updated and politicized rendering of the archaic arete. 3.4 OBJECTIONS AND REPLIES Two objections will at once be raised. The first is that Machiavelli's models, examples, and illustr
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ations are almost invariably drawn, not from Homeric Greece but from Rome; hence my 'Homeric' reading of Machiavelli's meaning must be mistaken. To this objection I can offer three replies. First, while it is true that Machiavelli's stock of examples and illustrations comes from Roman history, it does not follow that his categorial framework—his most basic concepts, categories, and criteria—is itself Roman. Clearly it is not, for the virtues praised by Cicero and other humanist writers—including, preeminently, the virtue of justice—are apt, in Machiavelli's view, to be vices leading to political ruin. Secondly, the copious use of Roman examples of political success and failure by an ardent Italian patriot and proto-nationalist is scarcely surprising: not only were such examples likely to be more familiar to his readers; they might also serve to remind them that Italy had once been the unified centre of the civilized world. For Machiavelli, who confesses that 'I love my native city more than my own soul',29 this is not a neutral historical fact but a pertinent political reminder. Not for nothing does The Prince conclude with a call to arms and an exhortation to cast the 28 29
Machiavelli, Prince, 94. Letter to Vettori, 16 Apr. 1527, in A. Gilbert (ed.), The Letters of Machiavelli (New York, 1961), 248-9.
barbarians out of Italy. The instrument of this exorcism is to be the man of heroic vision and virtu. That man is, of course, the prince. And because unarmed princes do not succeed in this world, the virtuoso prince must resort to armed force to gain his ends and thereby exhibit his virtu for all to see. This consideration brings me to my third reply to the initial objection. It is surely significant that Machiavelli singles out for special mention one of the heroes of the Iliad. Achilles was (so Machiavelli tells us) imitated by Alexander the Great, who was in turn imitated by Caesar.30 Thus the arete of this Homeric hero had once served—and might again serve—as a model and inspiration for a virtuoso Italian warrior-prince. Machiavelli's moral code is, in a word, heroic; it rests upon an archaic ethic of emulation, not upon reasoned reflection on the right, the just, and the good.31 The second objection one might raise against my 'Homeric' reading of Machiavelli is that his prince, unlike Homer's heroes—Achilles, for example, or Odysseus—is entirely selfserving. His prince seeks, not the good of others, but his own 'fame' and 'glory'. Thus Machiavelli appeals solely to the vanity of the upstart and usurper. This second objection is more easily answered than the first. Homer's heroes, it will be recalled, won honour, fame, and glory by excelling in their respective roles. The memorableness of their deeds is attested to by the fact that they are remembered; their stories are celebrated in song and verse, told and retold; they are held up as models worthy of imitation; and in this way they live on long after their deaths, thereby enjoying the only measure of immortality of which human beings in this world are capable. To begin a story which, so to speak, continues to unfold and be retold after one's death is the highest human achievement. True fame or greatness is imperishable; it is, in Thucydides' words, not the creature of a day but a possession forever.32 It is just this sort of fame to which Machiavelli's model prince aspires. Pure self-aggrandizement, unconnected to the founding of cities, princedoms, and republics, is mere notori30
Machiavelli, Prince, 55. Cf. Plamenatz, 'In Search of Machiavellian virtu'. Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, trans. R. Crawley (New York, 1951), 15. 31
ety; it is not genuine glory or true fame. As an example of the former, Machiavelli cites the case of Agathocles, the
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CommonCrawl
| 1.948887 | 1.557985 | 0.367729 | 0.828242 |
tyrant of Syracuse. At first sight Agathocles looks like the model Machiavellian prince. Through trickery and treachery of the basest sort he defeated his enemies, betrayed his friends, and concentrated all power in his own hands. And yet Machiavelli denies that Agathocles exhibited princely virtu. Why? Because, he tells us, Agathocles is remembered not with the awe and affection accorded to founders but with the disgust and loathing reserved for wanton destroyers and tyrants. 'It cannot be called virtu to kill one's fellow citizens, betray one's friends, be without faith, without pity, and without religion; by these methods one may indeed gain power but not glory [gloria].' Despite his military virtu, the fact remains that, as a prince, Agathocles' 'barbarous cruelty and inhumanity, together with his countless atrocities, do not permit his being named among the most famous men'.33 Not that Machiavelli has anything against atrocities or acts of princely cruelty; but such deeds are for him morally and politically permissible only when they are dictated by necessity, directed against the even-crueller vicissitudes of fortuna, and— most importantly—meant to create or maintain a viable body politic. This body is, as the Greeks would have said, a civil kosmos created out of a corrupt, pre-political chaos by a solitary law-giver, a Solon, a Lycurgus, or (closer to Machiavelli's heart, perhaps) a Draco. The draconian measures to which the prince has recourse are not freely chosen but are, on the contrary, dictated by necessity and are required of anyone who chooses to play that particular role. And that peculiarly ruthless role is in turn called into being by time and circumstance.34 A lone virtuoso in a world without civic virtu, the prince makes his appearance in a society so thoroughly corrupt that its inhabitants long ago ceased to be citizens. A people possessing and exhibiting civic virtu would hardly have need of such a prince. But a people conquered and despoiled, sunk in dissension, depravity, and corruption, stand in dire need of his harsh but transforming touch.35 If this transformation is to be 33 34 35
Machiavelli, Prince, 32. See Pocock, Machiavellian Moment, ch. 6. Compare Fielding's view of the England of his day: 'Do you not know . . .
more than temporary, the prince must also be a law-giver. For this task the lone virtuoso is peculiarly and uniquely suited. A lasting legal and political order can be created only by a singular man of princely virtu and vision. 'Nothing does so much honour to a newly-risen man', Machiavelli writes, 'than the new laws and measures which he introduces. These measures, when they are well based and have greatness in them, render him revered and admired . . .'36 Although Agathocles was not such a man, Romulus was. Agathocles had no objective other than keeping himself in power; all his dastardly deeds were directed to this end. Romulus, though he murdered Remus and acquiesced in the death of Titus Tatius, should not be censured or criticized as Agathocles deservedly is. For we must, as Machiavelli says in The Discourses, 'take into consideration the object which Romulus had in view in committing that homicide'. Romulus, unlike Agathocles, acted not out of a selfish regard for his own good but from a solicitous regard for the public good. A 'wise mind', he continues, will never censure anyone for having employed any extraordinary means for the purpose of establishing a kingdom or constituting a republic. It is well that, when the act accuses him, the result should excuse him; when the result is good, as in the case of Romulus, it will always absolve him from blame. For he is to be reprehended who commits violence for the purpose of destroying, and not he who employs it for beneficient purposes.37
And for Machiavelli the most beneficient purpose of which any man is capable is that of founding a free republic which will outlive him. This, he insists,
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CommonCrawl
| 1.560347 | 1.469736 | 0.089555 | 0.661278 |
is the source of true glory and greatness. The glory and greatness of an act depends upon its being remembered long after the mortal actor has left the world's stage. To found a republic is to create the conditions for such remembrance and, thus, for earthly immortality. It is, I think, a mistake to see such an act of founding as an egregiously that this is as corrupt a nation as ever existed under the sun? And w ld you think of governing such a people by the strict principles of honesty and morality?' (Henry Fielding, Amelia (1751; New York, 1930), ii. 228). 36 Machiavelli, Prince, 96. 37 Machiavelli, Discourses, bk. I, ch. 9, 138-9.
egoistic act of self-stroking on the part of the virtuoso princely founder. This is to miss Machiavelli's point, which is that the citizen's shared remembrance of their polity's founding is a central component of civic (as distinguished from princely) virtue. Civic virtu is that collection of qualities required to fill the role of the free citizen of a republic. To discuss this second variety of virtu, as Machiavelli elaborates upon it in The Discourses, would take me too far afield. Here it is enough to suggest that one of the components of civic virtu is civic memory—that is, the stock of common memories which bind citizens together, giving them a common sense of who they are, where they have come from, and what they are collectively capable of achieving.38 For the Romans, this sensus communis came in large part from the Aeneid of Virgil, which told the story of Rome's founding; its heroes are Aeneas, Romulus, and Numa. For the Greeks, this common sense and shared sensiblity stemmed from Homeric tales and traditions; its heroes are Achilles, Odysseus, and other exemplary figures. What we now lack, Machiavelli says in effect, is a shared civic memory; because it—and the civic virtu of which it is a part— does not now exist, it must be created ex nihilo; creation requires a creator, and to create something from nothing is bound to be a violent process. Machiavelli's virtuoso prince is just such a creator. The end of this process is the glory and fame he enjoys in the minds and memories of succeeding generations of virtuosi citizens. Fama is not notoriety, nor is virtu another name for wanton violence. If I am right, then, there is moral method in what might otherwise look like so much Machiavellian madness. 3.5 R E M E M B R A N C E — N O T R E C O V E R Y — O F THINGS PAST
Why then do I consider Machiavelli's prince to be a comic character on a quixotic quest? For two reasons. The first is that his prince would have to think and act within the con38 Cf. B. J. Smith, Politics and Remembrance (Princeton, NJ, 1985), chs. I, 2; R. Dagger, 'Metropolis, Memory and Citizenship', AJPS 25 (1981), 7I5-37-
fines of a framework that is utterly foreign, not to say unintelligible, to his subjects; little wonder that their relations should be so strained and violent. Little wonder, too, that he thinks it better for a prince to be feared than loved.39 Secondly, he is, in effect, trying to turn back the clock, to resurrect an archaic and long-lost moral framework. Despite his copious use of historical examples, Machiavelli is not a historically minded thinker. He sees the world as having its cycles, its ups and downs, its fallings-away and returns; but, because human nature remains essentially unchanged, the maxims applicable in one age are applicable in another.40 Machiavelli's archaic ethic of emulation is, in the end, profoundly ahistorical. For it fails to recognize that the concepts constitutive of our moral codes and practices have historically mutable meanings. The mutability of moral codes and concepts is, as I noted earlier, a pervas
|
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CommonCrawl
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ive theme in much of modern literature, if not in moral philosophy. It might, therefore, be instructive to conclude by contrasting Machiavelli's ahistorical ethic of emulation with the more modern view that there is nothing deader than the ethic of a bygone era, and nothing deadlier, more dangerous—or more futile—than the hope of reviving the dead and reliving the past. My central contention here—that meaningful moral change cannot, pace Machiavelli and Don Quixote, be a matter of recovering a past moral system—can be underscored by considering the contrast between Machiavelli's moral sensibility and that of Thomas Hardy. To compare the views of a sixteenth-century Florentine and a late-nineteenth-century Englishman is not so absurd as it might first appear. The comparison is made possible by a point that these writers have in common—namely, that Hardy's England and Machiavelli's Italy are alike in having a Roman past: Casterbridge announced old Rome in every street, alley, and precinct. It looked Roman, bespoke the art of Rome, concealed the dead men of Rome. It was impossible to dig more than a foot or two deep about the town fields and gardens without coming upon some tall soldier or other of the Empire, who had lain there in his silent unobtrusive rest for a space of fifteen hundred years. He was mostly found 39 40
Machiavelli, Prince, chs. 17, 18. Machiavelli, Discourses, bk. Ill, ch. 43, 530.
lying on his side, in an oval scoop in the chalk, like a chicken in its shell; his knees drawn up to his chest; sometimes with the remains of his spear against his arm; a fibula or brooch of bronze on his breast or forehead; an urn at his knees, a jar at his throat, a bottle at his mouth; and mystified conjecture pouring down upon him from the eyes of Casterbridge street boys and men, who had turned a moment to gaze at the familiar spectacle as they passed by. Imaginative inhabitants, who would have felt an unpleasantness at the discovery of a comparatively modern skeleton in their gardens, were quite unmoved by these hoary shapes. They had lived so long ago, their time was so unlike the present, their hopes and motives were so widely removed from ours, that between them and the living there seemed to stretch a gulf too wide for even a spirit to pass.41
Machiavelli denies this. The gulf betwen past and present is not, in his view, impassable. The spirit can pass if the flesh is willing; past practices can be revived and exemplary actions emulated. The agent of this revival is to be the virtuoso prince. Thus the (re)introduction of civic virtue requires only a heroic act of princely will, supplemented, to be sure, by armed force. But the hope of forcefully turning back the clock in this way goes far beyond the most feverish dreams of the alchemists, who, after all, hoped only to turn lead into gold. Machiavelli's prince aspires to the doubly difficult, if not indeed impossible, feat of resurrecting the dead and turning the vinegar of violence into the wine of civic harmony. Nor is Machiavelli alone in believing that such political alchemy is indeed possible. Robespierre's attempt to inaugurate a reign of 'Roman' virtue by initiating a reign of terror; Mussolini's vision of a resurrected Roman empire; Pol Pot's attempt to regain a rural paradise lost; the late Yukio Mishima's attempt to revive the Samurai code of Bushido; the late Ayatollah Khomeni's vision of an ideal Islamic order; the Moral Majority's attempt to revive patriotic and patriarchal 'moral values'—all share something with Machiavelli's quixotic hope of reviving the past and resurrecting the dead. All are alike in their failure to understand that, if indeed history repeats itself, it does so the first time as tragedy and the second time as farce.42 41 42
T. Hardy, The Mayor of Casterbridge (London, 1960), 73-4. K. Marx, 'Eigh
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CommonCrawl
| 2.01953 | 1.365913 | 0.460079 | 0.666337 |
teenth Brumaire', MESW'97.
4 HOBBES'S LINGUISTIC TURN The elementary political process is the action of mind upon mind through speech .. . Even as people belong to the same culture by the use of the same language, so they belong to the same society by the understanding of the same moral language. As this common moral language extends, so does society; as it breaks up, so does society. Bertrand de Jouvenel
4.1 INTRODUCTION The history of momentous contests and movements is almost invariably written by the winners rather than by the losers and also-rans, and this is as true of philosophical as of political movements. Certainly it is, or was until quite recently, true of positivism. Those who wrote the history of the social sciences, and of political science in particular, were as often as not either proponents or foes of a positivistically conceived science of society. But, friend or no, they read the history of political thought through 'scientific' spectacles. And, as one might expect, their interpretations contain several significant omissions. Looking at Thucydides, ostensibly the first 'scientific' historian, or Hobbes, the first self-consciously 'scientific' political theorist, or Hume, or Marx, or Mill, we find that certain aspects of their thinking are systematically neglected or ignored because they cannot be grasped by the canons of comprehension available to the methodological naturalist (or 'positivist', if you prefer). The positivists were inclined to take as much of Thucydides and Hobbes as would fit their particular methodological mould, and to discard the rest as irrelevant. Our predecessors were thereby shown to have been proto-positivists (or, alternatively, anti-scientific or, worse, hopelessly muddled and 'metaphysical'). This procrustean
Hobbes's Linguistic Turn
process of reinterpretation is not necessarily illegitimate. We do often interpret and understand our forebears not wholly in their terms, but at least partially in our own. In this sense all history is present history, and interpretation amounts (in Gadamer's phrase) to a fusion of horizons—our own and that of our predecessors. Positivism has fallen on hard times of late. As a philosophy of science it is now quite dead. But its ghost continues to haunt our readings even now. The ghost can be exorcized only by bringing in other, alternative perspectives. My aim here is to re-examine several aspects of Hobbes's political philosophy from a perspective that may be called conceptual or linguistic. Used as a lens through which to view our predecessors and our relation to them, it enables us to restore previously ignored or discarded aspects of our intellectual ancestry. To reconsider our past is also to consider our present predicaments and future possibilities in a new light. My argument begins with a brief account of what the linguistic turn does, and does not, imply. I then go on to suggest that this turn was taken in political theory long before it was taken in philosophy and that one of the first to take it in political theory was none other than the first self-consciously scientific thinker, Thomas Hobbes, who in turn grounds his science of politics at least partly upon the conceptual-cum-political insights of the first supposedly scientific historian, Thucydides. Viewed in this way, Hobbes emerges as a richer, more interesting—and methodologically more ambivalent—thinker than the protopositivist precursor of a naturalistic political science that he is generally presumed to be. I conclude by considering some of the political implications of Hobbes's linguistically grounded science of politics. 4.2 THE LINGUISTIC TURN
When we say that modern philosophy generally, and political philosophy in particular, has taken a linguistic turn,1 we do not mean merely that philosophers are nowadays interested in 1
See R. Rorty (ed.), The Linguistic Turn (Chicago, 1967).
investigating the nature and functions of language, for that has been a perennial concern (see Plato's Cratylus). Roughly, we might say that the linguistic turn began with the realization that our language does not merely mirror the world but is instead partially constitutive of it. Our concepts and categories are not ultimately reducible to names or labels to be affixed to independently existing phen
|
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| 1.219356 | 1.438589 | -0.219552 | 1.210234 |
omena or forms of life. On the contrary, reality—particularly political reality—is to a very considerable degree linguistically or conceptually constructed.2 The materials out of which our common world is constructed are the concepts, categories, discriminations, divisions, designations, and differentiations made available to us by the language we speak. More than the lens through which we view the world, language is the medium through which we continually constitute and reconstitute our common world. And this we do by acting with, upon, and through our language. With language we perform actions and create worlds. In hindsight, the linguistic turn appears almost as an instance of uncoordinated simultaneous discovery. Philosophers as different as Dewey and Wittgenstein, Peirce and Heidegger, argued—albeit in markedly different idioms—that our world is conceptually and communicatively constituted. Perhaps Heidegger put the point most strongly (and with uncharacteristic clarity) when he suggested that we do not have our language so much as it has us.3 Not only philosophers, but linguists and anthropologists—Whorf and Sapir perhaps most notably—advanced and illustrated the claim that the social world is conceptually and communicatively constituted. As Dewey put it: Society not only continues to exist . . . by communication, but it may be fairly said to exist in ... communication. There is more than a verbal tie between the words common, community, and communication. Men live in a community in virtue of the things which they have in common; and communication is the way in which they come to possess things in common.4 2 See e.g. M. J. Shapiro, Language and Political Understanding (New Haven, Conn., 1981); W. E. Connolly, The Terms of Political Discourse (Princeton, NJ, 1983); F. Dallmayr, Language and Politics (Notre Dame, Ind., 1984). 3 M. Heidegger, The Piety of Thinking (Bloomington, Ind., 1976), 28. 4 J. Dewey, Democracy and Education (New York, 1916), 4.
This, as we shall see, is a claim that Thucydides and Hobbes could have accepted. 4.3 HOBBES'S NEW SCIENCE OF POLITICS Among Thomas Hobbes's many boasts, none was prouder than his claim to be the first truly scientific political thinker. Placing himself in some very impressive company, he compared his achievement with those of Galileo and Harvey. Physical science or 'natural philosophy', he continues, 'is therefore but young; but Civil Philosophy is yet much younger, as being no older than my own book De Cive'.5 Hobbes's own assessment of his achievement has been widely accepted at face value. Mill's remark that Hobbes was the first to view 'the methods of physical science as the proper models for the political' anticipates the claims of later commentators.6 According to this view, Hobbes attempted to apply the methodological canons and criteria of the natural sciences to the study of social and political phenomena. And being both a materialist and a determinist, Hobbes conceived human actions to be ultimately describable as physical matter in motion, and explainable via general laws governing the motion of all matter. Although there is no shortage of evidence to support such an interpretation, almost all of it comes from his boasts and his programmatic pronouncements and little, if any, from his actual practice. As if to underscore his contention that humans are apt to use language to mislead their unwary fellows, Hobbes often says one thing while doing something else entirely. On the one hand, he compares his science to Galileo's; but, on the other, he avers that it is the use and abuse of speech that characterizes the sentient subject-matter of civil philosophy, and this makes his science quite unlike that of Galileo or Harvey. Yet this tension goes almost wholly unrecognized and unremarked because of our penchant for 5
EW i, p. viii. J. S. Mill, Autobiography, ed. J. Stillinger (Oxford, 1971), 99-100. Cf. R. S. Peters, Hobbes (Harmondsworth, 1967); J. W. N. Watkins, Hobbes's System of Ide
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CommonCrawl
| 1.345699 | 1.609897 | 0.106815 | 1.174818 |
as (London, 1965); and M. M. Goldsmith, Hobbes's Science of Politics (New York, 1966). 6
ransacking the past in search of like-minded predecessors and precursors. This results in textbook history of the simplest sort. The history of political science is supposedly the story of the forward march of science, as it progressively discards the excess baggage of philosophy and assumes a surer scientific aspect. Thus, for example, Plato's 'preference for imaginative and somewhat rigid theoretical notions drawn from brilliant fancy rather than hard fact' gives way to the 'solid good sense' of Aristotle, 'the first great behavioural scientist'.7 In Hobbes's case this 'progressive' move is effected by dividing his life and work into two stages. The divide is marked by Hobbes's discovery of geometry. As Aubrey relates the story: He was . . . 40 yeares old before he looked on geometry; which happened accidently. Being in a gentleman's library . .. Euclid's Elements lay open, and 'twas the 47 El libri I. He read the proposition. 'By G—', sayd he (He would now and then sweare, by way of emphasis), 'this is impossible!' So he reads the demonstration of it, which referred him back to such a proposition; which proposition he read. That referred him back to another, which he also read. Et sic deinceps, that at last was demonstrably convinced of that trueth. This made him in love with geometry.8 After discovering Euclid, Hobbes discarded Thucydides; he ceased being the historically minded humanist who translated Thucydides and became the mathematically minded social scientist who wrote the Leviathan.9 Against the two-Hobbeses thesis I shall suggest that he incorporated a central Thucydidean theme into his science, and that his science thereby fails to prefigure later positivist conceptions.10 Hobbes's translation of Thucydides' History in 1629 (his first published work) contains an illuminating preface in which he calls special attention to the constitutive role of speech in political affairs. It is through the medium of language that 7 R. A. Dahl, Modem Political Analysis (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1963), 24; B. Berelson and G. Steiner, Human Behavior (New York, 1964), 13. 8 J. Aubrey, Brief Lives, ed. O. L. Dick (Harmondsworth, 1972), 230. 9 See, inter alia, Peters, Hobbes, ch. i; Watkins, Hobbes's System, ch. 2; Goldsmith, Hobbes's Science, esp. ch. 7. 10 Cf. R. Schlatter, 'Thomas Hobbes and Thucydides', JHI 6 (1945), 358-60; G. Klosko and D. Rice, 'Thucydides and Hobbes's State of Natu ', HPT 4 (1985), 405-9.
societies exist and through their speech that men reason, rule, lie, command, calculate, dissimulate, deceive, justify, persuade and dissuade, accuse and excuse, commend and condemn. It is, therefore, no accident that a series of speeches should occupy pride of place in Thucydides' History. These speeches were not verbatim reports but were instead imaginative reconstructions in which he 'make[s] the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions'.11 This practice has been dismissed or downplayed by some modern critics as so much window-dressing, mere literary interruptions in an ongoing causal narrative.12 Not so Hobbes. Thucydides' use of 'deliberative orations' is not peripheral but is in fact essential to his account. For it is through their speech that the actors reveal, and occasionally conceal, their real reasons for acting: The grounds and motives of every action [Thucydides] setteth down before the action itself, either narratively, or else contriveth them into the form of deliberative orations . . . Digress
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CommonCrawl
| 0.686812 | 1.469736 | 0.341727 | 1.04833 |
ions for instruction's cause, and other such conveyance of precepts, (which is the philosopher's part), he never useth; as having so clearly set before men's eyes the ways and events of good and evil counsels, that the narration itself doth secretly instruct the reader, and more effectually than can possibly be done by precept.
'In sum,' Hobbes concludes, 'if the truth of history did ever appear in the manner of relating, it doth so in this history: so coherent, perspicuous and persuasive is the whole narration, and every part thereof.'13 As we shall see, Hobbes's method and style are similarly inseparable; he too seeks to instruct without having recourse to explicit precepts—the political prescriptions being built, as it were, into the very structure and style of 'scientific' argumentation. From the conventional positivist perspective, Hobbes's admiration for Thucydides is at least partially clear if not wholly transparent. For Thucydides, like his translator, allegedly 11 Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, trans. R. Crawley (New York, 1951), 14. For Hobbes's translation, see EW, viii. 25. 12 See e.g. C. N. Cochrane, Thucydides and the Science of History (London, 1929), 25-6; W. T. Bluhm, Theories of the Political System (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1965), ch. 2. is EW\iii, p. xxi.
aspired to supply scientific explanations of political phenomena. Taking Hippocratic medicine as his model, Thucydides was in effect the Dr Harvey of Hellenic politics. Distinguishing symptoms from causes, he traces the natural course of the political disease which, like the plague at Athens, has afflicted his countrymen and must now run its natural course. Thucydides' history accordingly takes the form of a naturalistic narrative in which causes precede effects in accordance with general laws.14 In this narrative talk is cheap; words are irrelevant; and reasons are apt to be mere rationalizations masking underlying causal processes of which the agents are unaware and over which they have little or no control. Thus the speeches of the actors are irrelevant distractions, inserted to provide literary relief from an otherwise relentless causal narrative. Thucydides' aim is supposedly to supply nomological knowledge of the appropriate causal connections, so as to enable the reader to recognize in future the symptoms of political disorder, the better to stem the most grievous excesses of the disease as it runs its natural, necessary, and inevitable course. This interpretation relies, I believe, upon a particularly deep—possibly a too-deep—reading of Thucydides' account of the plague that afflicted Athens in the second year of the war.15 Perhaps his description of the plague is better understood as a dramatic device rather than a scientific model of a natural process. We find in Thucydides' History a foreshadowing of a theme and a tension that has, in our day, become a matter for theoretical reflection. On the one side he appears to offer a straightforwardly naturalistic account of the etiology of one war, subsumed under a more general schema for analysing other subsequent conflicts. By understanding the causes of human conflict, we can in principle predict and perhaps 14 Cochrane, Thucydides, chs. 3, 9; Bluhm, Theories, ch. 2. In The Idea of History (Oxford, 1946), 29, R. G. Collingwood—that most astute critic of 'scientific' history—nevertheless accepts uncritically Cochrane's 'scientific' reading of Thucydides' intentions. 15 Thucydides, History, bk. II, ch. 7, 110-15; EW viii. 201-12. Cochrane (Thucydides, 27-32), Collingwood (Idea of History, 29-30), and Bluhm (Theories, 26-30) agree that Thucydides' description of the plague reveals
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CommonCrawl
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his deep methodological debt to the Hippocratic school. For a critique, see my 'When Words Lose their Meaning', Ethics, 97 (1986), 620-31.
Hobbes 's Linguistic Turn
control its course. Theoretical knowledge answers to the technical interest in prediction and control. This is the 'scientific' Thucydides who is much admired by writers in the 'realist' tradition. Yet Thucydides can be read in a different and arguably more illuminating light. What might at first appear to be natural and inevitable processes and events are themselves revealed, upon closer inspection, to be the creations—or, rather, the miscreations—of men talking past one another, failing, because of unperceived though potentially remediable distortions and misunderstandings, to communicate and thus to speak in the fraternal 'tone of expostulation' that Pericles believed to be the proper mode of address between equals and allies.16 The appropriate contrast here is between the Athenians' earlier eloquence and the spare monotone of the later speeches, and of the Melian dialogue in particular. The speech of the Athenians—formerly so eloquent and reasonable—is, in the sixteenth year of the war, reduced to the terse formulas and ritual banalities not only of their Spartan enemies but of their earlier 'barbaric' Persian foes. All the arguments of the ill-fated Melians fall on deaf ears. Appeals to justice, and to the memory of past alliances against the Persian invaders, are summarily shrugged off. In this world, says the Athenian envoy, 'the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must'.17 The Melian men are slaughtered and their women and children sold into slavery. Even more pertinent is Thucydides' account of the revolution at Corcyra, in which the conceptual and communicative basis of political order is most fully and dramatically exemplified. When words lose their meaning, communication—and therefore community—is impossible. Conceptual confusion and political chaos are one and the same: Words had to change their ordinary meaning and to take that which was now given them. Reckless audacity came to be considered the courage of a loyal ally; prudent hesitation, specious cowardice; moderation was held to be a cloak for unmanliness; ability to see all sides of a question inaptness to act on any. Frantic violence became the attribute of manliness; cautious plotting, a justifiable means of 16 17
Thucydides, History, bk. I, ch. 5, 79; EW viii. 145. Thucydides, History, bk. V, ch. 17, 331; EW'w.. 99.
self-defence. . . . To succeed in a plot was to have a shrewd head, to divine a plot a still shrewder [one] . . . Oaths of reconciliation, being only proffered on either side to meet an immediate difficulty, only held good so long as no other weapon was at hand; but when opportunity offered, he who first ventured to seize it and to take his enemy off his guard, thought this perfidious vengeance sweeter than an open one, since .. . success by treachery won him the palm of superior intelligence . . . The cause of all these evils was the lust for power arising from greed and ambition; and from these passions proceeded the violence of the parties .. . [T]he use of fair phrases to arrive at guilty ends was in high reputation. . . . The ancient simplicity into which honour so largely entered was laughed down and disappeared; and society became divided into camps in which no man trusted his fellow. To put an end to this, there was neither promise to be depended upon, nor oath that could command respect; but all parties dwelling rather in their calculation upon the hopelessness of a permanent state of things, were more intent upon self-defence than capable of confidence.18 Point for point, feature for feature, Hobbes's state of nature parallels Thucydides' description of the Corcyraian revolution. More striking still, Hobbes follows Thucydides' account of the essentially conceptual character of political conflict. Both Hobbes and Thucydides are in effect agreed that polities are the collective
|
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CommonCrawl
| 1.052256 | 1.360722 | 0.032396 | 0.544909 |
communicative creations of their members. The role of Thucydides' theory is to expose, criticize, and attempt to remove the sources of blocked or systematically distorted communication. Political theory therefore answers to a 'practical' interest in human understanding rather than to a 'technical' interest in control. This is, of course, to speak in the idiom of Habermas and not of Thucydides and Hobbes, who say nothing at all about distorted communication, technical and practical knowledgeconstitutive interests, and the like. And yet the hermeneutical risk seems worth taking. For it enables us to see features of their thought that are systematically obscured by an interpretation which assumes that any science worthy of the name must necessarily yield nomological knowledge and answer to a technical interest in prediction and control. An alternative reading of Hobbes suggests that the choice need not be 18 Thucydides, History, bk. Ill, ch. 10, 189-91; EW viii. 348-9. Cf. J. B. White, When Words Lose their Meaning (Chicago, 1984), ch. 3.
between science and non-science but between two differently grounded conceptions of science. Hobbes is hardly a closet critical theorist, nor does he reject the standard proto-positivist account of explanation via general laws. But if he sometimes seems to profess one thing while actually practising another, that is because he does not distinguish between different levels of description. Although trying his hardest to remain a reductionist, he fails miserably and magnificently. His account, like Thucydides', is too richly suggestive, too pregnant with multiple possibilities, to be confined within any austerely reductionist framework. And this is because the linguistic turn, once taken, will not permit Hobbes to take the reductionist route that he apparently wished to follow. Once viewed as speaking subjects, and not merely as material objects, human beings become self-defining creatures of convention, not of nature. If man qua body is an object amenable to natural-scientific explanation, man qua citizen is not: 'What is to be understood about men in so far as they are men, is not applicable in so far as they are citizens.''19 Man in the state of nature is scarcely more than a body bent upon preserving itself from annihilation; the instinct for self-preservation is natural, and shared with all other animals. 'Every man', says Hobbes, 'is desirous of what is good for him and shuns what is evil, but chiefly the chiefest of natural evils, which is death; and this he doth by a certain impulsion of nature no less than that whereby a stone moves downward.'20 Falling stones and man qua body are both subject to the laws governing matter in motion. To explain a particular instance of either is merely to subsume a description of it under the appropriate general law. In this respect Hobbes does indeed appear to be the protopositivist that he is reputed to be. Yet this apparently clear picture is quickly clouded by several further considerations. For one, Hobbes is amply aware that there are numerous and frequent counter-instances to the ostensibly general law that people act always to preserve themselves. Although their fear of violent death 'encline[s] men to Peace', they repeatedly risk 19 20
Hobbes, De homine in LW ii, ch. 13, 116; MC 68. Hobbes, De cive, in EW ii. 8.
Hobbes 's Linguistic Turn 21
death for the sake of 'honour' and other 'trifles'. Thus the natural instinct of self-preservation is occasionally overridden by vain and prideful men. At the very least it would seem that this general law would have to be restricted to the explanation of rational behaviour. The difficulty • with this move is, however, immediately apparent. For to be rational, Hobbes avers, is to have the use of speech: 'in reasoning, a man must take heed of words . . .' Since without language there is no reason, only humans can be said to be fully rational.22 But ironically it is language—the medium of reason itself—which feeds vanity and inflames the passions. To reason with loose and imprecisely defined concepts just is to act in inflammatory, irrational, and selfdestructive ways. That we are language-using and abusing creatures makes us, unlike stones, ill-su
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CommonCrawl
| 1.068559 | 1.511265 | -0.442584 | 0.658748 |
ited to be subjects of a natural science. And this difference in subject-matter dictates a difference in method. The 'most notable and profitable invention of all other', Hobbes says, 'was that of SPEECH . . . without which, there had been amongst men, neither Commonwealth, nor Society, nor Contract, nor Peace, no more than amongst Lyons, Bears, and Wolves'.23 Language is a blessing, in that it is the medium that makes reason and science possible; but also a bane, because of our penchant for using words loosely and according to our own momentary appetites and inclinations. For every good use of language there is a corresponding abuse; and it is our penchant for abusing language—for making false statements, lying, making insincere promises, speaking metaphorically, boasting, insulting our fellows, and the like—that makes us wary and distrustful and that puts us, in short, in that 'state of Warre' that is the state of nature. The state of nature is for Hobbes both a description of dire political possibility and an ingenious methodological device according to which 'we feign the world to be annihilated'. The world thus methodologically dissolved is the common world of mutual meanings and shared significations. The state of 21
Lev., ch. 13, 188; cf. also ch. n, 164. Ibid., ch. 4, 109 and ch. 5 passim', cf. De homine, ch. 10, sect. I, LW \\. 88-9; MC 37-8. 23 Lev., ch. 4, 100. 22
nature is a condition of complete communicative breakdown, a veritable Babel of mutually incomprehensible voices and tongues. Or, to speak in a more modern idiom, the tragedy of the state of nature is that, although its inhabitants are linguistically competent (in Chomsky's sense), they are not yet communicatively competent (in Habermas's sense). They have the capacity to speak, to construct and utter well-formed sentences, but still are apt to speak insincerely, self-interestedly, untruthfully, and the like.24 Each attempts the impossible feat of speaking a private language; each tries, in Humpty-Dumpty fashion, to make words mean whatever he wishes them to mean. The upshot is that the concepts constitutive of civil order—'right' and 'justice', for example—are meaningless sounds, signifying nothing. 'To this warre of every man against every man, this also is consequent; that nothing can be Unjust. The notions of Right and Wrong, Justice and Injustice have there no place.' In this natural state there is 'no Propriety, no Dominion, no Mine and Thine distinct; but onely that to be every mans that he can get; and for so long, as he can keep it'.25 The natural state of humankind is, however, quite unlike the natural condition in which the other animals find themselves. And this difference is again due to our being languageusing creatures. 'It is true', Hobbes acknowledges, that certain living creatures, as Bees and Ants, live sociably with one another . . . and yet have no other direction, than their particular judgements and appetites; nor speech, whereby one of them can signifie to another, what he thinks expedient for the common benefit: and therefore some men may perhaps desire to know, why Mankind cannot do the same.
Hobbes has several answers. For one, the concepts of honour, dignity, and envy are not available to ants and bees; for another, 'they want that art of words, by which some men can represent to others, that which is Good, in the likenesse of Evill; and Evill, in the likenesse of Good'.26 Because we can 24 See J. Habermas, 'Toward a Theory of Communicative Competence', Inquiry, 13 (1970), 360-75; Communication and the Evolution of Society (Boston, 1979), ch. i. 25 26 Hobbes, Lev., ch. 13, 188. Ibid., ch. 17, 225-6.
speak, we can communicate our false beliefs, thereby deceiving
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CommonCrawl
| 1.16909 | 1.293237 | -0.550402 | 0.630921 |
others and, no less often, ourselves: 'man, alone among the animals . . . can devise errors and pass them on for the use of others. Therefore man errs more widely and dangerously than can other animals.' Moreover, 'because of the ease of speech, the man who truly doth not think, speaks; and since what he says, he believes to be true, he, unlike a beast, can deceive himself. Therefore by speech man is not made better but merely given greater possibilities.'27 Thus the task of the zoologist, and indeed the natural philosopher generally, is easier and more straightforward than that of the civil philosopher or political scientist. The former need not concern himself with the linguistic and conceptual preconstitution of his science's object-domain; his subjects cannot lie, dissimulate, and mislead, for they lack the use of language altogether. The civil philosopher, by contrast, deals with a wily subject made the more canny by his capacity to acquire, to use—and above all to abuse—language. Thus civil philosophy necessarily takes a sharp turn—a linguistic turn—away from natural philosophy. Hobbes's civil philosophy differs from natural philosophy in several significant respects. Natural philosophy deals in probabilities, civil philosophy in certainties; natural philosophy studies nature—the art of God—while civil philosophy studies 'the art of man'.28 'Since the causes of natural things are not in our power, but in [God's] . . . we ... cannot deduce their qualities from their causes.' We can only 'demonstrate that such and such could have been their causes. This kind of demonstration is called a posteriori, and its science physics.' By contrast, 'politics and ethics (that is, the sciences of just and unjust, of equity and inequity) can be demonstrated a priori; because we ourselves make the principles—that is, the causes of justice (namely laws and covenants)—whereby it is known what justice and equity and their opposites injustice and inequity, are'.29 Civil philosophy, in other words, deals with the commonwealth, that most human of creations. Our knowledge of matters political is more certain than our knowledge of natural phenomena, for we have made the for27 28
LW\\. 90-1; MC 40-1 (I have slightly altered the English translation). 29 Lev., Intro., 81. LWu. 93-4; MC, 42-3.
mer but not the latter. The creator's knowledge of his own creation is unique and privileged. And just as God has perfect knowledge of his own creation, so may man have perfect and certain knowledge of his. It is ironic that Hobbes, who was so keenly critical of his medieval forebears, relies so heavily upon their doctrine that knowledge and creation are one. Hobbes, however, gives the medieval doctrine of verum et factum convertuntur a distinctly conventionalist twist.30 Unlike (say) Aquinas, who applies the doctrine to God's creation of the material world, Hobbes the self-proclaimed materialist applies it exclusively to the nonmaterial 'artificial' world of concepts and ideas. The language devised by Adam was lost after Babel and must now be created anew.31 Words and concepts are our inventions and have only such meaning as we give to them. Because the world of mutual meanings and shared significations—our world—is our own creation, we can know it in a way that we can never know the world of nature.32 Hobbes's new science of politics takes geometry as its model, not out of a Cartesian conviction that mathematics mirrors the underlying structure of the natural world, but because it does not. The civil philosopher's knowledge of matters political is every bit as certain as the geometer's, and for precisely the same reason: geometry is, in Hobbes's view, the product—indeed, the very paradigm—of human art and artifice. 'Geometry, therefore is demonstrable, for the lines and figures from which we reason, are drawn and described by ourselves; and civil philosophy is demonstrable because we make the commonwealth ourselves.'33 Because the commonwealth is created by its members, they alone can have perfect knowledge of its structure and operation. Any science worthy of the name, Hobbes suggests, must 30
For Vice's version of the doctrine, see Ch. 9 below. Lev., ch. 4, 101. Hobbes's 'brisk wit'
|
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is especially evident in his amusing and logically astute analysis of Adam's language. 'How', he asks, 'could Adam have understood the serpent speaking of "death", whereof he, the first mortal, could have had no acquaintance and therefore no idea?' (LW ii. 95; MC 38-9 (again I have altered the translation slightly)). 32 In this respect, at least, Hobbes's new science resembles Vico's (see Ch. 9 below). 33 EWvii. 184. 31
yield perfect, and not merely provisional or contingent knowledge.34 Until civil philosophy was bestowed upon mankind by Hobbes, geometry was 'the only Science that it hath pleased God hitherto to bestow on mankind . . ,'.35 The striking oddity of this claim is lessened somewhat by attending to Hobbes's distinction between two kinds of knowledge— roughly, that which we acquire through observation of 'fact' and that which we gain through deduction. And this distinction is in turn tied to the claim that we have a special sort of knowledge of what we ourselves have made: There are of knowledge two kinds; whereof one is Knowledge of Fact; the other Knowledge of the Consequence of one Affirmation to another. The former is nothing else, but Sense and Memory, and is Absolute Knowledge; as when we see a Fact doing, or remember it done: And this is the Knowledge required in a Witnesse. The latter is called Science; and is Conditionall; as when we know, that, if the figure showne be a circle, then any straight line through the Centre shall divide it into two equal parts. And this is the Knowledge required in a Philosopher; that is to say, of him that pretends to Reasoning.36
Thus natural philosophy and civil philosophy are both scientific, but in different senses. For civil philosophy can follow, as physics cannot, the lead of the geometer. True philosophy consists of reasoning, which Hobbes contrasts with empirical observation: Reason is not as Sense, and Memory, borne with us; nor gotten by Experience onely; as Prudence is; but attayned by Industry; first in apt imposing of Names; and secondly by getting a good and orderly Method in proceeding from the Elements, which are Names, to Assertions made by Connexion of one of them to another; and so to Syllogismes, which are the Connexions of one Assertion to another, till we come to a knowledge of all the Consequences of names appertaining to the subject in hand; and that is it, men call SCIENCE.37
What has heretofore passed for moral or civil philosophy has not, however, been genuinely scientific. 'What hath hitherto been written by moral philosophers, hath not made any progress in the knowledge of the truth,' says Hobbes, because 34 36
LWii. 92; MC 41. Ibid., ch. 9, 147-8.
Lev., ch. 4, 105. Ibid., ch. 5, 115.
they have not defined their terms precisely and deduced their conclusions accordingly. For were the nature of human actions as distinctly known, as the nature of quantity in geometrical figures, the strength of avarice and ambition, which is sustained by the erroneous opinions of the vulgar, as touching the nature of right and wrong, would presently faint and languish; and mankind should enjoy such an immortal peace, that . . . there would hardly be left any pretence for war.38 But the pretence for civil war stems less from the crude views of the vulgar than from the pretentious and ostensibly learned opinions of the philosophers. And it is their failure to be 'scientific' that is, in Hobbes's view, the root of almost all political evils. Loose concepts, imprecisely defined terms, metaphors, tropes, and figurative speech of all sorts are the sources of sedition. And these are all the more pernicious because they purportedly derive their authority from philosophy itself. Man alone, says Hobbes, has the privilege of Absurdity . . . And of men, those are of all most subject to it, that professe Philosophy. For .. . there can be nothing so absurd, but may be found in the books of Philosophers. And the reason is manifest. For there is not one
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of them that begins his ratiocination from the Definitions, or Explications of the names they are to use; which is a method that hath been used only in Geometry; whose Conclusions have thereby been made indisputable.39 Hobbes's complaint is not merely a methodological but a political one. The concepts bandied about by earlier philosophers—'law', 'justice', 'right'—pose a political danger of the first magnitude. In the conceptual confusions, contentions, and disagreements of the philosophers we find the first stirrings of sedition and discord. Philosophers have heretofore lived in a world of words whose meanings they refuse to define; 'and as men abound in copiousnesse of language, so they become more wise, or more mad than ordinary'.40 Such learned madness must sooner or later affect the multitude of the vulgar who further fuel and legitimi/e their private appetites by appealing to ill-defined notions of justice and right. Anyone doing this 'will find himselfe entangled in 38 39
Hobbes, De cive, Epistle Dedicatory, EW ii. 3-4. 40 Lev., ch. 5, 113-14. Ibid., ch. 4, 106.
words, as a bird in lime-twiggs; the more he struggles, the more belimed'. Traditional or unscientific philosophy is not the solution but is, politically speaking, the problem itself. Hence modern men are well advised not to 'spend time in fluttering over their bookes; as birds that entring by the chimney, and finding themselves inclosed in a chamber, flutter at the false light of a glasse window, for want of wit to consider which way they came in'. Abandon Aristotle, and Cicero, and all previous philosophers so-called, counsels Hobbes, and take the rigorous road of science. For 'in the right Definition of Names, lyes the first use of Speech; which is the Acquisition of Science: And in wrong, or no Definitions, lyes the first abuse; from which proceed all false and senseless tenets'.41 From conceptual confusion comes political chaos. Hobbes's fulmination against earlier philosophers pre-dates and rather resembles Keynes's oft-quoted complaint that 'madmen in authority, who hear voices in the air,' are more than likely 'distilling their frenzy from some academic scribbler of a few years back'.42 The England of Hobbes's day, like his hypothetical state of nature, was populated by madmen, each hearing his own particular voice distilled from one or another academic scribbler. The only cure for conceptualcum-political chaos was to be found, Hobbes thought, in civil philosophy of a more surely scientific stripe. A veritable conceptual purge, amounting to nothing less than the complete scientization of the political vocabulary, seemed the only solution. Just as geometers could not calculate without first agreeing on definitions, so citizens cannot live together without sharing a common vocabulary of concepts whose meanings are fixed in advance. To the civil philosopher, and to the sovereign who follows his lead, falls the task of purging the political and moral vocabulary of the citizenry. By fixing once and for all the meanings of the concepts constitutive of the commonwealth itself, he dampens political conflict. By linguistic art and artifice is created the great Leviathan. The first step to be taken by Hobbes's 'mortall God' is to 41
Ibid., ch. 4, 105-6. J. M. Keynes, General Theory, in Collected Writings (London, 1973), ii. 383. For Hobbes's version, see Lev., chs. 21 (esp. 267-8), 26 (esp. 315-17), and 29 (369-70); and LW ii. 91-2; MC 40-1. 42
ioo
undo the damage done at Babel, when the immortal God decreed that 'every man [be] stricken for his rebellion, with an oblivion of his former language'.43 The damage is to be undone by creating a new language, its concepts strictly and 'scientifically' defined. Thus the sovereign must
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CommonCrawl
| 1.133768 | 1.708528 | 0.059518 | 0.582856 |
purge the philosophically tainted vocabulary of his subjects: 'the Common-peoples minds, unlesse they be tainted with dependance on the Potent, or scribbled over with the opinions of their Doctors [i.e. philosophers], are like clean paper, fit to receive whatsoever by Publique Authority shall be imprinted in them.'44 The conceptual contests fomented by all previous philosophers must be terminated by sovereign fiat, and true philosophy or 'civil science' sent to rule Leviathan-like over the children of pride. But this conceptual-cum-political purge does not end here. Besides ridding our vocabulary of the last vestiges of philosophy, Hobbes would purge it of poetry and literature as well. Hobbes, no mean poet himself (he composed his autobiography in Latin verse), vents his wrath upon metaphor and other 'abuses of speech'.45 Into the fire go 'obscure, confused, and ambiguous Expressions, also all metaphoricall Speeches, tending to the stirring up of Passion . . ,'.46 Political science or civil philosophy offers nothing less than a political purgative. This purge cannot be politically neutral, for science itself has an intrinsic interest in social stability and political pacification. There is indeed a symbiotic relationship between Hobbes's science of politics and the pacific polity envisioned in Leviathan. There can be no science, Hobbes avers, where there is no safety, and conversely no lasting security, without the aid of science, rightly understood and applied. Science promotes, and is itself part of, 'commodious living'.47 Without a thorough cleansing of the Augean stables of philosophy men cannot live commodiously. Hobbes's claim that we must first agree upon definitions before we can come to agreement in moral and political judgements might at first sight seem, if not normatively neutral, then at least politically innocuous. But there are several reasons for thinking otherwise. It is not only Hobbes's explic43 46
Lev., ch. 4, 101. Ibid., ch. 25, 307.
Ibid., ch. 30, 379. EW i. 7-8.
Ibid., ch. 4, 102.
itly stated premisses and his often painstakingly precise show of definitional rigour that are themselves politically charged; it is, more fundamentally, the 'scientific' mode of argument itself that, like Thucydides' exquisitely crafted narrative, 'doth secretly instruct the reader, and more effectually than can possibly be done by precept'.48 Hobbes appeals, after all, to precision: and who but an obscurantist can doubt that precision is a virtue? Yet this virtue is not its own reward. To constrain language, to purge it of tropes and metaphors, to define its constitutive concepts tightly and precisely, just is to contain conflict. A sober language for a sober citizenry. Hobbes's defence of linguistic austerity must be viewed against the background of an older rhetorical tradition in which the aim of political speech is to kindle the passions and direct the interests of the audience. Hobbes is as critical as Plato of appeals to the passions and mere 'opinions' of the masses.49 But of course Hobbes's approach and his appeals are no less 'rhetorical'. He relies upon—indeed he virtually invents—a new rhetorical form. Hobbes appeals not to the panoply of the passions but to our fear of death and our corresponding interest in physical safety and self-preservation. This rhetoric of sobriety is not so much a result of Hobbes's civil philosophy as it is a requirement for it. For it is only by assuming certain sorts of interests to be 'natural' that his science acquires its intelligibility. It is by first assuming and then appealing to these natural interests that Hobbes is able to cast his arguments in ostensibly scientific form. But Hobbes's explicit epistemological and methodological presuppositions matter less than his own covertly rhetorical strategy. The persuasiveness of Hobbes's science relies a good deal less upon his definitions and deductions than upon his metaphors. What, after all, is his state of nature if not an extended metaphor in which
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men are beasts, life is war, war is hell, and so on? And who is the sovereign if not a secular saviour, a 'mortall god' sent not from heaven but sprung, Athena-like, from the head of the civil philosopher himself? Hobbes was always more adept at detecting the mote of metaphor in another's eye than the beam in his own.50 48 50
49 EWviii, p. xxii. Lev., ch. 7, 131. See S. Wolin, Hobbes and the Epic Tradition in Political Theory (Los
Leaving aside Hobbes's reliance upon metaphor, analogy, allegory, and other rhetorical stratagems, there are still other reasons for viewing his science with a sceptical eye. Consider again his contention that political science must proceed by defining the concepts constitutive of political discourse. These will characteristically be what we would nowadays call operational definitions. Consider, for example, his definitions of 'law' and allied concepts like 'justice'. 'Law in generall', Hobbes says, 'is not Counsel!, but Command; nor a Command of any man to any man; but only of him whose Command is addressed to one formerly obliged to obey him.'51 Thus no law, provided that it has been duly promulgated and pronounced by the sovereign, can ever be w«just. To speak of an 'unjust law' would be to contradict oneself. For sovereigns, says Hobbes, 'make the things they command just, by commanding them, and those which they forbid, unjust, by forbidding them'.52 'By a good law', he says elsewhere, I mean not a Just Law: for no Law can be Unjust. The Law is made by the Sovereign Power, and all that is done by such a Power, is warranted, and owned by every one of the people; and that which every man will have so, no man can say is unjust. It is in the Lawes of a Commonwealth, as in the Lawes of Gaming: whatsoever the Gamesters all agree on, is Injustice to none of them.53
From this it follows that the only operation or test by which we can determine whether a particular command is indeed a law, and therefore just, is to see whether it in fact issues from the sovereign. If it does, it is. QED This kind of conceptual clarification through operational definition is not, needless to say, merely a verbal or semantic move having no substantive political import. By implication and inclination, Hobbes's science of politics allies itself with, and serves to legitimize, the alignment of power in the society Angeles, 1970); N. Jacobson, Pride and Solace (Berkeley, Calif., 1978), ch. 3; and F. G. Whelan, 'Language and its Abuses in Hobbes's Political Philosophy', APSR 75 (1981), 59-75. 51 Lev., ch. 26, 312. 52 EW ii. 151. Hobbes devises a 'command theory' not only of law but, more remarkably, of justice as well. See LW\\. 117-18; MC 69. 53 Lev., ch. 30, 388.
within which it is institutionally embedded. His science is not a neutral broom for sweeping semantic rubbish into the dustbin, but is, on the contrary, clearly prescriptive, and pregnant with a peculiar vision of the good society. 4.4 OBJECTIONS AND REPLIES
A critic might object that I am wrong in suggesting that Hobbes took a linguistic turn three centuries ago. One of the key features of the linguistic turn in modern philosophy resides in its recognition that languages (or, at any rate, natural languages) enable speakers to perform such speech-acts as making promises, excuses, agreements, and so on. But Hobbes did not take, and could not have taken, anything like a linguistic turn in our modern sense, for two very good reasons. The first is that he was the crudest kind of nominalist. He subscribed, that is, to a word-and-object conception of language and meaning, according to which words are names or labels that we, by convention, attach to independently existing objects.54 'All other
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CommonCrawl
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Names, are but insignificant sounds.'55 And, secondly, Hobbes was a metaethical emotivist who held that moral and political concepts—e.g. 'good' or 'right'—are, strictly speaking, meaningless; they serve, at most, to signal to others the speaker's state of mind. Thus to say that something is good means merely that one approves of it; conversely, to call something bad means only that one dislikes or disapproves of it. These are important objections. If they are valid, then much of my argument is undercut if not defeated outright. Consider first the claim that Hobbes was a thoroughgoing nominalist for whom words were but names and who was, in consequence, blind to the 'performative' functions of language. This objection requires that we take at full face value Hobbes's own pronouncements about language, truth, and meaning. This we cannot do. In his actual practice Hobbes implicitly but clearly recognizes that language is the medium 54 See J. W. Danford, Wittgenstein and Political Philosophy (Chicago, 1976), 43-8. 55 Lev., ch. 4, 108.
through which human beings conceive, communicate, and perform any number of linguistic actions—swearing oaths, boasting, insulting, authorizing, accusing, excusing, recalling, inciting, lying, and so on ad infinitum.56 Although obscured by his earlier nominalist pronouncements, this 'performative' perspective comes clearly to the fore in De homine (1658). The ostensibly 'scientific' Hobbes of 1658 rather resembles the 'historical' Hobbes of 1629. His discussion of speech in the tenth chapter of De homine marks a turn—or rather a return—to an earlier Thucydidian theme. There Hobbes virtually abandons the crude label-and-object theory of meaning in favour of a richer and more variegated view about the ways in which language actually functions. That view, roughly speaking, focuses less upon language as a system of signs than upon speech, understood as the medium through which we do things with words. Or, to borrow a distinction from Saussure, we might say that Hobbes became progressively less interested in langue and more in parole, or language-in-use. Three uses of speech are, Hobbes thinks, especially noteworthy. The first is that, since speech enables men to measure, count, and number, it makes navigation, time-keeping, and architecture possible. Secondly, 'one may teach another, that is, communicate his knowledge . . . he can warn, he can advise, all these he hath from speech also; so that a good, great in itself, through communication becomes even greater'. Thirdly, and most importantly, 'that we can command and understand commands is a benefit of speech, and truly the greatest. For without this there would be no society among men, no peace, and consequently no disciplines; but first savagery, then solitude, and for dwellings, caves.'57 These three benefits derive directly from the performative character of human speech. An unalloyed nominalist he was not. Consider next the objection that Hobbes was a crude metaethical emotivist for whom moral and political terms had no meaning other than to signify the feelings of the speaker. This 56 See G. Parry, 'Performative Utterances and Obligation in Hobbes', Philosophical Quarterly, 17 (1967), 246-53; and the critique by D. R. Bell, 'What Hobbes does with Words', ibid., 19 (1969), 155-8. Unfortunately, both focus upon the Leviathan and take no notice of the later De homine (1658). 57 LW'ii. 90-1; MC 39-40 (emphasis added).
objection rests upon a misunderstanding. In the Babel of the state of nature, the emotive theory of meaning is indeed valid—and this is precisely what Hobbes thinks is wrong with the state of nature. In that pre-civil state words like 'good' and 'evil', 'just' and 'unjust', have no agreed-upon meaning, other than that of signalling approval or disapproval: But whatsoever is the object of any mans Appetite or Desire; that is it,
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CommonCrawl
| 1.190826 | 1.537221 | -0.147375 | 0.810533 |
which he for his part calleth Good: And the object of his Hate, and Aversion, Evill; And of his Contempt, Vile, and Inconsiderable. For these words of Good, Evill, and Contemptible, are ever used with relation to the person that useth them: There being nothing simply and absolutely so; nor any common Rule of Good and Evill, to be taken from the nature of the objects themselves; but from the Person of the man (where there is no Commonwealth).,58
Where there is a commonwealth, by contrast, moral concepts do have a single fixed, agreed-upon meaning. 'What the legislator commands, must be held for good, and what he forbids for evil.'59 In the commonwealth, therefore, the emotivist theory no longer holds true; each moral agent speaks the same moral language. By definitional fiat the sovereign ensures communication, secures consent, and guarantees conceptual continuity of meaning from person to person and from generation to generation. The sovereign supplies nothing less than the common coin of political communication, the conceptual currency that makes civil society possible. His primary function is to create and preserve order. And this he does by creating and maintaining meanings. Or, in a more Thucydidian idiom, his function is to ensure that words have meanings that they do not lose. Word and sword are two sides of the coin of civility. Without both there can be no lasting peace. But civil peace comes at a price. There can in Hobbes's commonwealth be no fundamental dissent. There can be no criticism to the effect that, for example, the sovereign is acting illegally or that the laws he has enacted are unjust, because there is no vocabulary in which dissent is intelligible and criticism communicable. Hobbes's model commonwealth is a conceptually closed society. Reason having been defined in terms of discourse duly scientized, political dissent (as distinguished 58
Lev., ch. 6, 120 (emphasis added).
EW\\. 150.
from complaints about individual injury) is perforce indicative of irrationality or insanity. His is a vision, not of an imaginary nightmare world but of a technocratic dream capable of coming all too true in our own time. The precursor of a conceptually sanitized and scientized society largely immune from internal criticism and deaf to dissent, Hobbes has proved to be a prescient prophet. The scientistic appropriation of the linguistic turn was, for Hobbes, an act of hope.60 For us it stands as a warning. 60 Compare Hobbes's high hopes for linguistic austerity with another Englishman's worst fears: 'Don't you see that the whole aim of Newspeak is to narrow the range of thought? In the end we shall make thoughtcrime literally impossible, because there will be no words in which to express it. Every concept . . . will be expressed by exactly one word, with its meaning rigidly defined and all its subsidiary meanings rubbed out and forgotten' (George Orwell, 1984 (New York, 1981), 46).
ROUSSEAU'S CIVIL RELIGION RECONSIDERED With what a salutary shock did the paradoxes of Rousseau explode like bombshells . . . J. S. Mill
5.1 INTRODUCTION To say that a good deal of controversy continues to surround the interpretation of Rousseau's political philosophy is merely to restate the obvious. Of all its many troubling features, however, surely none is more problematic than his scheme for a civil religion. That proposal has been controversial from the beginning. It earned for Rousseau the wrath of the authorities at Geneva, who condemned the Contrat social in 1762, and it has incurred its share of censure ever since. The grounds for such censure have, to be sure, changed over time and according to circumstance. In Rousseau's own day Calvinists and Catholics alike condemned it for its impiety j and atheists for its religiosity. Many modern critics claim to have exposed its 'totalitarian' implications. And so, not surprisingly, Rousseau's short chapter has been something of a burden for his latter-day defenders and admirers, and a continuing source of scholarly controversy. I want here to suggest a new way of understanding Rousseau's religion civile
|
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CommonCrawl
| 1.35385 | 1.433398 | -0.513052 | 0.585385 |
. This I propose to do by asking and attempting to answer three questions. The first is, what place does his scheme for a civil religion occupy in his political theory? Second, what were Rousseau's intentions in formulating the idea of a civil religion; that is, what was he doing in devising it? And finally, how are we to account for that scheme's
Rousseau's Civil Religion Reconsidered
placement in the text of the Social Contract—namely, at the very end? My argument proceeds in the following way. I shall begin by recapitulating Rousseau's argument in favour of a civil religion in book IV, chapter 8, of the Social Contract. I shall then canvass arguments advanced in support of the claim that Rousseau's religion civile is part of the 'totalitarian' teaching of the Social Contract. After assaying the answers given by Rousseau's critics to the three questions I posed at the outset, I examine the answers available to his defenders. As it happens, his defenders have for the most part either confessed their perplexity or have conceded the critics' claim that Rousseau's plan for a civil religion is illiberal at best and implicitly totalitarian at worst. I conclude by offering a new reading of Rousseau's Social Contract which, if plausible, suggests that his scheme for a civil religion may have been badly misunderstood by critics and admirers alike. A 'revisionist' reading of this aspect of Rousseau's political philosophy may, moreover, be of more than purely historical or antiquarian interest, inasmuch as the idea of a civil religion has recently resurfaced in American political discourse.1 And, more recently still, Michel Foucault has revived the spectre of the 'totalitarian' Rousseau by pointing to the 'panoptic' aspects of his political philosophy. 5.2 THE 'TOTALITARIAN' INTERPRETATION Rousseau's critics, particularly those who view him as a precursor of totalitarianism, have brought their bill of indictment by focusing upon four features to be found in the Social Contract. The first is the idea of a General Will which is 'always right' and 'cannot err'. The second is the frequency with which such sinister-sounding phrases as people being 'forced to be free' recur throughout the text. The third is the ominous figure of the omniscient god-like legislator. Finally, and most sinister of all, is Rousseau's religion civile, with its dogmas, oaths, religious tests, and its provisions for punishing 1 See e.g. R. Bellah and P. E. Hammond (eds.), Varieties of Civil Religion (San Francisco, 1980).
unbelievers. Taken together, these four features of Rousseau's political philosophy, these critics contend, amount to a convincing case for the prosecution. Those who have defended Rousseau against the charge that he is a proto-totalitarian, however, have had some success in showing that the General Will is not necessarily totalitarian in either its suppositions or its implications.2 Nor do such phrases as 'forced to be free' have, when considered in context, the ominous overtones detected by Rousseau's detractors and critics.3 But Rousseau's defenders have had much more difficulty in dealing with his account of the role of the legislator and the civil religion, and more particularly with the charge that the latter is, in the hands of the former, an instrument of political indoctrination and totalitarian rule. As a recent commentator remarks, 'Critics are apt to see in Rousseau's arguments concerning the need for a civil religion a very clear display of the totalitarian elements in his thinking.'4 It is easy to see why. Rousseau's religion civile does appear to modern—or at any rate to liberal and secular—eyes as an aberrant attempt to combine religion and politics, Church and State, in a kind of holy alliance that is almost always dangerous to individual liberties. To see just where this danger lies, let us look briefly at the arguments advanced by Rousseau in support of a civil religion. In making his case for a civil religion Rousseau proceeds by attacking two very different targets. Against Bayle, who in his Pensees sur la comete (1682) had (as Rousseau rather polemically puts it) held that 'religion is
|
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CommonCrawl
| 1.065842 | 1.651426 | -0.168613 | 1.012914 |
of no use to a body politic', Rousseau rejoins that 'no state has ever been founded without religion as its basis'. And against Warburton's assertion that Christianity is the only firm foundation of any state, 2 See, inter alia, W. G. Runciman and A. K. Sen, 'Games, Justice, and the General Will', Mind, 74 (1965), 554-62; V. Held, The Public Interest and Individual Interests (New York, 1970), ch. 4; R. Dagger, 'Understanding the General Will', WPQ 34 (1981), 359-71. 3 J. Plamenatz, 'Ce qui ne signifie autre chose sinon qu'on le forcera d'etre libre', in M. Cranston and R. S. Peters (eds.), Hobbes and Rousseau (Garden City, NY, 1972). 4 N. J. H. Dent, A Rousseau Dictionary (Oxford, 1992), 203.
Rousseau replies that 'Christian law is at bottom more injurious than useful to the strong constitution of the state'.5 Christianity comes in two variants, the first being institutional 'Roman Christianity', the second the 'pure' or 'true' Christianity of the Gospels. The first undermines civic allegiance and unity, and alienates 'man' from 'citizen'. Roman Christianity provides its adherents with 'two codes of law, two rulers, two fatherlands, places them under contradictory duties, and prevents their being both believers and citizens'. But 'from a political point of view', the 'holy, sublime, and true religion' of the Gospels is no less defective. It holds that all mankind are the children of the same God and envisions a universal brotherhood composed of men of all nations, past and present, living and dead. Thus, 'this religion, having no particular connection with the body politic', Rousseau complains, 'leaves the law with no other force than its own' and thereby deprives it of an additional spiritual dimension. Worse still, 'instead of attaching the hearts of the citizens to the state', this religion distracts them from all worldly concerns, including civic ones. 'Christianity is a religion that is entirely spiritual', Rousseau asserts, and 'the fatherland of the Christian is not of this world'. Worst of all, however, is that the terms 'republic' and 'Christianity' are incompatible; 'each term excludes the other. Christianity preaches only servitude and dependence. Its spirit is too favourable to tyranny . . . True Christians are moulded to be slaves'—that is, passive subjects rather than robust and active citizens. Rousseau then looks for a religion fit for republicans and citizens, and finds it in 'une profession de foi purement civile', whose articles are to be arranged by the sovereign 'not exactly as dogmas of religion, but as sentiments of sociability without which it is impossible to be a good citizen or a faithful subject'. The sovereign, he says, 'cannot compel men to believe' these sentiments, but 'it can banish from the state anyone who does not believe them'. The unbeliever is banished not so much for impiety as for unsociability, having shown himself incapable of sincerely loving the laws and justice, and if need be to 5 This and the following quotations are from SC, bk. IV, ch. 8. I rely here and throughout on OC; for the Control Social, see OC iii.
sacrifice his life to his duty. But if anyone, after having publicly agreed to these dogmas, shall behave as if he did not believe them, he is to be punished by death, for he has committed the greatest of all crimes: he has lied in the face of the law.
Rousseau's critics have been quick to seize upon several apparently slippery statements. He says, for instance, that the 'sentiments of sociability' are not exactly 'dogmas'; but then he proceeds to call them dogmas ('he does use that word, after all', notes one critic).6 The dogmas of the civil religion ought to be simple, few in number, precisely fixed, and without explanation or comment. The existence of a powerful, wise, and benevolent Deity who foresees and
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CommonCrawl
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provides; the life to come; the happiness of the just; the punishment of the wicked; the sanctity of the social contract and the laws—these are its positive dogmas. And while the sovereign cannot compel people to believe in these dogmas, it can none the less banish those who do not, and—worse yet—condemn to death anyone who, having sworn to uphold the civil religion, even acts as if he does not believe its dogmas (leaving it to the state, apparently, to inspect or examine the dissident's heart and mind). 'In other words', a modern critic complains, the State has a right to conclude from a person's action—or, implicitly, from his non-action—what his real beliefs or opinions are, to accuse him of perjury, and to put him to death. What is this, if not the doctrine of arrest on suspicion of wrong thinking? We need take only one further step to punish people for lack of enthusiasm. The effect of such a state of affairs on people's conduct can easily be imagined from similar situations in later history.7
On this reading of Rousseau the civil religion is an indispensable cog in the totalitarian machinery. Without it the juggernaut could not function for long, if at all. Rousseau's modern critics have accordingly had little difficulty in arriving at answers to the three questions I asked at the outset. To the first—what place does the plan for a civil religion occupy in Rousseau's political philosophy?—they 6 7
L. G. Crocker, Rousseau's Social Contract (Cleveland, 1968), 98. Ibid. 99.
answer that it necessarily occupies a central place. For some sort of civil religion, they argue, would be indispensable to the continued functioning and legitimation of the totalitarian society envisioned in the Social Contract* As to what Rousseau was doing, these critics answer that he was advocating a conformitarian theocracy in which all debate, dissent, and disagreement are prohibited, ostensibly on religious (though really on political) grounds.9 Rousseau's reason for placing the chapter on the civil religion at the end of the Social Contract is accordingly quite clear. His concept of the General Will, his remarks about forcing people to be free, and the rest, lead logically and inexorably to just that kind of conclusion and that kind of institution. Sir Ernest Barker contends that 'It is significant that the Contrat social ends with the suggestion of religious persecution.' There can be no clearer proof that 'In effect, and in the last resort, Rousseau is a totalitarian.'10 While I agree with Barker that its placement in the text is significant, I disagree that it is important for the reason to which he refers. 5.3 FROM CHARITY TO PERPLEXITY According to the principle of interpetive charity, an author is to be assumed to be coherent and consistent until proven otherwise. Yet even the most charitable among Rousseau's readers and commentators have found it difficult if not impossible to square his scheme for a civil religion with the rest of his writings. As Alfred Cobban observes: The object of Rousseau was to free the individual from the tyranny of a caste of priests and subject him only to those religious principles which were dictated by the nature and necessities of the state itself. But, in the end, one cannot pretend to regard the chapter on the Civil Religion as other than unfortunate: though so short, more than 8 See J. L. Talmon, Origins of Totalitarian Democracy (New York, 1952); Crocker, Rousseau's Social Contract, ch. 2; R. Derathe, 'La Religion civile selon Rousseau', ASJJR 25 (1962), 161-80. 9 S. Cotta, 'La Position du probleme de la politique chez Rousseau', in Etudes sur le Contrat social (Paris, 1964), 177-90; Derathe, 'La Religion civile'; Crocker, Rousseau's Social Contract, 97-101. 10 E. Barker, Essays on Government (Oxford, 1951), 115.
any other section of his political writings it helps us to understand why its author should have been so often regarded as the apost
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CommonCrawl
| 1.166373 | 1.641044 | -0.231208 | 0.600564 |
le of tyranny and an enemy to liberty in the state.11
F. C. Green goes even further: 'That a noble creation like the Contrat social should have been disfigured by such a monstrous appendage is one of the most baffling enigmas recorded in literature.'12 Applying the principle of charity, Ramon Lemos concludes that 'Perhaps the most charitable thing that can be said about [the civil religion] is that it leaves something to be desired.'13 R.-A. Leigh observes that 'la religion civile . . . a toujours constitue le grand scandale du Contrat social'.14 Maurizio Viroli notes that 'the final chapter of the Contrat social, on "civil religion", casts a particularly sinister shadow over the image of the well-ordered republic'.15 And Rousseau's most recent and very sympathetic biographer calls the chapter on the civil religion 'the most astonishing chapter in the whole book' and a 'pessimistic conclusion' to the Contrat social.16 Faced with such interpretive difficulties, Rousseau's defenders have resorted to a variety of strategies. The most common of these is simply to concede that the critics are right on this single score. 'If there is anything illiberal in Rousseau,' Asher Horowitz acknowledges, 'it is his plan for a civil religion . . ,'17 This strategy, however, opens up a further difficulty. Unlike his critics, who see Rousseau as a perfectly consistent proto-totalitarian, his defenders are left with the task of explaining the inconsistency, not to say the rank contradiction, represented by the contrast between the chapter on the civil religion and the rest of his work. Some have, accordingly, 11
A. Cobban, Rousseau and the Modern State (London, 1964), 56. F. C. Green, Jean-Jacques Rousseau: A Critical Study (Cambridge, 1955), 30413 R. M. Lemos, Rousseau's Political Philosophy (Athens, Ga., 1977), 212. 14 R.-A. Leigh, 'Liberte et autorite dans le Contrat social', in Jean-Jacques Rousseau et son (Euvre (Paris, 1964), 258. 15 M. Viroli, 'The Concept of ordre and the Language of Classical Republicanism in Jean-Jacques Rousseau', in A. Pagden (ed.), The Languages of Political Theory in Early-Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1987), 17316 M. Cranston, The Noble Savage: Jean-Jacques Rousseau (London, 1991), 3io, 312. 17 A. Horowitz, Rousseau, Nature, and History (Toronto, 1987), 15. 12
advanced the thesis that there are two Rousseaus, one the champion of individual freedom and autonomy, and the other an unwitting forerunner of twentieth-century totalitarian theory and practice.18 Frederick Watkins describes Rousseau as torn between 'liberal' and 'totalitarian' tendencies, with the latter predominating. When all is said and done, Rousseau is a 'totalitarian' or, worse, a 'totalitarian pessimist'.19 All the offices and institutions he describes—the legislator, the general will, the civil religion—are 'strictly totalitarian in character'.20 Invoking the liberal/totalitarian dichotomy and the distinction between means and ends, John Chapman holds that Rousseau 'is trying to achieve liberal ideas by totalitarian means'.21 According to Ronald Grimsley, the chapter on the civil religion represented a change of mind. 'Rousseau's first intention in the Contrat social', Grimsley speculates, 'may have been to discuss the question of political right in purely human and secular terms, but on further reflection he was perhaps led to see that this could not be done satisfactorily without recourse to religious principles as the ultimate sanction of political laws.'22 Grimsley's conjecture echoes those advanced earlier by P. M. Masson and Albert Schinz.23 John Noone, by contrast, contends that the chapter on the civil religion amounts not to a change of mind but to
|
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an admission of failure—a secular republic that is both virtuous and free cannot be brought into existence, after all.24 And John McManners attempts to explain Rousseau's apparent inconsistency by invoking an essentially psychological explanation.25 Noone's and McManners's interpretations are worth exploring in greater detail for at least two reasons. The first is that they attempt to answer the three questions I posed at the 18 M. Berman, The Politics of Authenticity (New York, 1970); Horowitz, Rousseau, 15-16. 19 F. Watkins (ed.), Rousseau: Political Writings (New York, 1953), pp. xxx—xxxi. 20 Ibid., p. xxx. 21 J. Chapman, Rousseau, Totalitarian or Liberal ? (New York, 1956), 139. 22 R. Grimsley (ed.), Rousseau: Religious Writings (Oxford, 1970), 201. 23 P. M. Masson, La Religion de Jean-Jacques Rousseau (Paris, 1916), ii, ch. 5; A. Schinz, La Pensee de Jean-Jacques Rousseau (Paris, 1929), 364-75. 24 J. B. Noone, Rousseau's Social Contract (Athens, Ga., 1980). 25 J. McManners, The Social Contract and Rousseau's Revolt against Society (Leicester, 1968).
beginning. And, second, their very different interpretive strategies—Noone adopting a textual approach and McManners a psychological one—are, besides being compatible and mutually reinforcing, both subtle and suggestive, even if arguably mistaken. Viewing the text of the Social Contract as a unified, dialectically unfolding drama, Noone attempts to account for the appearance and the placement of Rousseau's civil religion. Its sudden and unexpected appearance at the end of the Social Contract marks a dramatically contrived moment of embarrassment, signalling that something has gone badly wrong with Rousseau's argument up to that point. 'The Civil Creed is an embarrassment', Noone maintains, 'not because of its purported illiberally but because it undermines Rousseau's original attempt to establish the conditions of a purely secular morality.'26 Rousseau's civil creed, on Noone's reading, 'is not simply an afterthought; it is a counterthought', an author's dramatic confession of failure: Viewed dramatically, there is something very sad about the civil creed. Up to its appearance the reader has been offered a novel theory of political obligation that is grounded in a very special type of convention. This convention celebrates the sovereignty of man; it is a convention that coerces man only to the extent that he voluntarily accepts this coercion. Suddenly and without any prior indication, Rousseau undermines the most essential principles of his theory: consent once given is now irrevocable, and it is God, not man, that sanctifies the contract. This is total surrender and he admits as much. Its author having surrendered, 'there is no sense going on, and the Social Contract comes abruptly to an end'.27 Having begun with such high hopes for establishing the principles of political right, the Social Contract thus ends in a confessional mode with an admission of failure. In a penetrating examination of Rousseau's 'revolt against society', John McManners contends that the Social Contract 'does not fit comfortably with the rest of Rousseau's writings'. And yet, 'In his own mind, at least, the Social Contract was part of his general system of ideas.'28 Taken as a whole, that 26 28
Noone, Rousseau's Social Contract, 152. McManners, Social Contract, 3-4.
Ibid. 154.
system amounts to an elaboration and defence of human freedom and autonomy. Yet the Social Contract abounds with 'totalitarian oddities', not the least of which is 'the Civil Religion, [which] has the totalitarian bias that has caused so
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much controversy'.29 This of course poses a particularly difficult problem of interpretation: which is the real Rousseau— the lover of liberty or the anticipator of and apologist for totalitarian rule? 'His "totalitarian" passages', McManners writes, are so grim, and by contrast, his love of freedom was so intense, that I cannot be satisfied that the paradox has been explained [by other commentators]. The debate so far has fitted the Social Contract into the pattern of Rousseau's thought at the expense of pushing it out of the pattern of his genius. The full explanation is to be found, I would maintain, in the context of his passionate, intensely personal revolt against society.
To account for the totalitarian oddities, and 'the social-cement religion of the Social Contract' in particular, we must look more closely at the 'strange, tragic and attractive personality' of Rousseau himself.30 After examining the evidence to be found in Rousseau's corpus, and particularly in his private correspondence, McManners concludes that 'the writer of the Social Contract himself is not a totalitarian, though his book advocates totalitarian machinery', the most menacing piece of which is the civil religion. He suggests 'that we stop trying to explain away one or both of these facts, or to harmonize them, and that we simply assume that Rousseau himself had no illusions. He knew that the Social Contract had its sinister side: he was telling us that this must be so.'31 In the end McManners opts for his own version of the two-Rousseaus thesis. On the one hand, we have 'the revolutionary Rousseau', the bold legislator laying down the law for a republic of virtue, and, on the other, the 'lonely Jean-Jacques', who, in revealing the 'totalitarian implications' of the institutions required to sustain it, in effect admits that he himself would have been psychologically unfit for life in such a society.32 'Like a bishop drawing up a 29 31
McManners, Social Contract, 5, 13. Ibid. 13.
Ibid. 5-6. Ibid. 17.
constitution for a colony of atheists, Rousseau, who has chosen another ideal from ours, writes in harsh terms to make us aware of the price we must pay.'33 Returning to the three questions posed at the outset, we can now see how Rousseau's latter-day defenders might answer them. To the first of these—what place does the civil religion occupy in Rousseau's political thought?—the answer is indeterminate, inasmuch as it seems so much at odds with the rest of his system. It is, in Green's phrase, a 'monstrous appendage' or, in McManners's term, an 'oddity', and a 'totalitarian' one at that. For Noone and McManners the chapter on the civil religion is something like a tocsin, serving to signal something to the attentive reader. To see exactly what signal is being sent, we need to turn to the second question: what was Rousseau doing in devising his scheme for a civil religion? Many commentators, Noone and McManners excepted, readily confess their puzzlement. Rousseau's intentions are in this instance unclear or puzzling, they say, and one might as well admit it. Advocating a closer examination of the text as a piece of political drama, Noone ventures to suggest another answer to our second question: Rousseau was admitting the failure of his, or indeed perhaps anyone's, attempt to provide a purely secular foundation for political obligation. McManners offers a rather different answer: Rousseau was warning his reader that a virtuous republic exacts an almost impossibly high price from those who would live in it. As I shall suggest in a moment, I believe that this is half right: Rousseau is indeed posting a warning, though not the one that McManners thinks he is posting. And finally, to the third query—how might we account for the placement of the plan for a civil religion at the very end of the Social Contract?— Noone's and McManners's answers are readily apparent. If Noone is right in claiming that Rousseau is admitting failure, it then follows that such an admission could come only at the
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CommonCrawl
| 1.193543 | 1.428207 | -0.253623 | 0.666337 |
end, after the attempt has already been made. And if McManners is correct in claiming that Rousseau is issuing a warning, he must first have described in some detail the thing against which he was warning. 33
Ibid. 15.
It might appear, then, that, in accounting for the function and placement of Rousseau's religion civile, his critics have so far, and on the whole, had the better of the argument. Whatever one might think of their way of answering the three questions, they at least have answers to offer. Many, perhaps most, of Rousseau's would-be defenders readily admit their perplexity and, not infrequently, their utter bafflement as to what Rousseau's reasons might have been for introducing his scheme for a civil religion. Lacking any satisfactory alternative, they have little choice but to concede, however reluctantly, that Rousseau's critics are probably correct in their assessment of the ominous character and totalitarian implications of the civil religion. Sympathetic as they are, even Noone and McManners concede as much. I turn now to my reasons for thinking this concession unnecessary and misleading, not to say mistaken. 5.4 A BOOK AND ITS CONTEXT The revisionist account of Rousseau's religion civile that I propose here rests both upon external or 'contextual' and internal or 'textual' considerations. The former considers the circumstances in which the Social Contract was written and rewritten; the latter concerns the relationship that Rousseau attempts to establish with the reader and the internal dialectic of the argument itself. Neither, taken alone, could possibly suffice to establish beyond reasonable doubt the validity of my, or any other, interpretation; but both, considered together, can at any rate enhance or diminish the plausibility of any particular interpretation. Lacking direct evidence of authorial intent, any conclusions to be reached must of necessity be conjectural ones inferred from reading and reflecting upon the text itself, in the light of what we know about its context and the circumstances of its composition. If this method needs a name, I suggest that we call it conjectural hermeneutics. We know very little about the exact circumstances surrounding the composition of the Social Contract, save that it was originally a part of a larger work to be titled Institutions
politiques on which Rousseau worked through the 17503. This work, which he came to believe 'beyond my strength to complete', he finally abandoned and destroyed, except for the small portion comprising the first draft of what we now know as the Social Contract.34 The latter in turn went through several drafts, none but the last of which included the chapter on the civil religion. That controversial chapter was apparently an afterthought, written with evident haste, added to the penultimate draft (the so-called 'Geneva manuscript') after it went to press in 1761, and subsequently revised.35 This, in itself, proves nothing, of course; but it does serve to cast some doubt on his critics' claim that the chapter on the civil religion had from the beginning an integral, not to say indispensable, relation to the rest of the text—that it functions, for example, as a kind of logical conclusion to an argument whose premisses the previous chapters are meant to articulate, or as the dramatic conclusion at which the author was aiming all along. But if Rousseau's scheme for a civil religion was indeed an afterthought, why was it added? And what purpose was it intended to serve? Another piece of external evidence is sketchy but suggestive, especially in so far as it appears to link the role of Rousseau's ideal legislator to his scheme for a civil religion. The chapter on the civil religion was scribbled in some haste, not at the end of the manuscript but on the back of the sheets of the chapter on the legislator.36 It therefore 'appears certain', says Derathe in his notes to the authoritative Pleiade edition, that, 'if Rousseau wrote the chapter on the back of the chapter on the legislator, it is because one naturally complements the other. The end of the chapter on the legislator broaches the problem of the relation between religion and politics, a problem to which the civil religion supplies a solution.'37 I shall suggest in a moment that Derathe is, in this respect, at least half right: there is indeed a relation 34
Rousseau, Confessions in OC i. 404-5, 516; Contrat social in OC
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iii.
Political Writings of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, ed. C. E. Vaughan (Cambridge, 1915), i. 434-5; OCiii. 1498. 36 SC, bk. II, ch. 7. 37 R. Derathe, 'Notes et variantes du Contrat social', OC iii. 1498.
between the two chapters, though not the one that he claims to detect. 5.5 AN ALTERNATIVE ACCOUNT Any text—political, philosophical, poetical, legal, or literary— is an action or, rather, a series of actions. It is a species of communicative action attempted by an author and joined (or not) by a reader. Instead of asking abstractly what the text, or a particular passage within it, 'means', we should ask what action(s) an author is attempting to perform with and through it, and what sort of vocabulary was available to him or her in making this attempt.38 As James Boyd White remarks, 'The basic question [to] ask of the texts we read, and of the particular performances within them [is], What kind of action with words is this?' And this question can in turn be 'broken down into two others: What kind of relationship does this writer establish with his language? and What kind of relationship does he establish with his audience or reader?'39 Few authors have been more acutely and even painfully aware than Rousseau was of the problematic character of the relation between author and audience, or more given to tracing these difficulties to the shortcomings of language itself. Again and again Rousseau complains of the imprecision and poverty of language, which should serve as a medium or bridge between people but more often functions as a barrier to communication and, hence, to communion and community.40 And yet, as he announces at the beginning of the Social Contract, he is a political writer whose only medium is language. He cannot do anything by force or fiat but only by persuading with his pen. 'If asked whether I am a prince or a legislator to write about politics, I reply that I am neither; that is why I write about politics. If I were a prince or a legis38 See Q. Skinner's methodological essays in J. Tully (ed.), Meaning and Context: Quentin Skinner and his Critics (Princeton, NJ, 1988), pt. II. 39 J. B. White, When Words Lose their Meaning (Chicago, 1984), 6. 40 In the Second Discourse (OC iii. 146-53) Rousseau alludes in passing to the linguistic constitution of human society, his own distinctive version of which he develops in his Essai sur I'origine des langues (OC v).
lator I would not waste my time saying what has to be done. I would do it or stay silent.' Having chosen to write rather than to remain silent, however, he cannot count on making himself understood, since language is at best an opaque medium.41 In attempting to render his message more persuasive and his medium more transparent, Rousseau has recourse to rhetorical strategies of several sorts. One of these is to draw distinctions between concepts whose meanings his readers are accustomed to confusing or conflating. Another is to alert the reader to the phenomenon of conceptual change (or more often, in his view, conceptual degeneration or corruption). Both strategies are evident, for example, in Rousseau's remark that the true meaning of the word 'city' [cite] has been almost completely lost among modem men, most of whom mistake a town for a city and a town-dweller [bourgeois] for a citizen [citoyen]. They are unaware that houses make a town but that citizens make a city. . . . Only the French use the name citizens with complete familiarity, because they have no true idea of its meaning.42
Similarly, Rousseau warns repeatedly that the language he is forced to use is inadequate for his purposes. When, for example, he speaks of the necessity of 'drawing a clear distinction between the rights of the citizens and the sovereign', he addresses the reader in a footnote: 'Attentive readers, do not hasten to accuse me of contradicting myself here. I have been unable to avoid [the appearance of contradiction] in expressing myself, given the poverty of language; but
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wait.'43 This combination of plea and warning recurs throughout the Social Contract.44 Thus, for example, he begins the chapter 'On 41 How one makes one's meaning, and perhaps oneself, 'transparent' through the opaque medium of language is both a persistent problem addressed by and a leitmotif running through all of Rousseau's writings. See J. Starobinski, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, la transparence et I'obstacle (Paris, 1957). It is just this Rousseauian ideal of 'transparency' that Foucault finds so objectionable: see Ch. 5.6 below. 42 SC bk. I, ch. 6; OC iii. 361-2. See, further, C. Eisenmann, 'La Cite de Jean-Jacques Rousseau', in Etudes sur le Contrat social, 191-201; and G. Burdeau, 'Le Citoyen selon Rousseau', in ibid. 219-26. 43 SC bk. II, ch. 4; OC iii. 373. 44 Rousseau also issues similar warnings in Emile (OC iv. 345 n.) and elsewhere. In the Jugement sur la polysynodie, for example, he remarks rather
Government in General' by noting that the 'precise meaning of the word [government] has not heretofore been very well explained' and reminding the reader of his responsibility: 'I warn the reader that this chapter should be read carefully, and that I do not know the art of being clear for those who are unwilling to be attentive.'45 Rousseau's frequent lamentations about the inadequacy of the language available to him (and to the reader), his adverting to explicit definitions, his oft-times painstaking drawing of distinctions, and his repeated asides admonishing the reader represent nothing less than his attempt to construct—and to teach his reader to speak—a new political language.46 If I read him aright, Rousseau was not simply some sort of an elitist attempting to reach an already existing audience of attentive readers.47 He aimed instead to create it by teaching whoever reads him attentively to be that audience, and to do so for the reasons elaborated at the end of the present chapter. From this perspective, then, Rousseau's strictures on the poverty and imprecision of language are not merely terminological or semantic complaints. He, like Hobbes, is instead reminding the reader that polities are communicatively constituted.48 Language is the medium through which the range of testily that 'there are many more readers who should learn to read than there are authors who should learn to be consistent' (Political Writings, ed. Vaughan, i. 422 n. 4). 45 SC bk. Ill, ch. i; OC iii. 395. On Rousseau's use of the term gouvernement, see J.-J. Chevallier, 'Le Mot et la notion de gouvernement chez Rousseau', in Etudes sur le Contrat social, 291-313. 46 On attempts to reconstruct moral and political languages, see White, When Words Lose their Meaning', Pagden (ed.), The Languages of Political Theory; T. Ball, J. Farr, and R. L. Hanson (eds.), Political Innovation and Conceptual Change (Cambridge, 1989); and my Transforming Political Discourse (Oxford, 1988). 47 Contra R. D. Masters, The Political Philosophy of Rousseau (Princeton, NJ, 1968), who suggests that Rousseau's asides to his 'attentive readers' indicate that the Social Contract 'is directed to a highly select audience, and not the general public' (306 n. 23). The audience that Rousseau is attempting to reach and influence consists, on Masters's reading, of 'ambitious politicians' and 'statesmen or potential statesmen' (pp. 309-13). For more 'democratic' or 'republican' readings of Rousseau's intentions, see J. Miller, Rousseau: Dreamer of Democracy (New Haven, Conn., 1984); and M. V
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CommonCrawl
| 0.832174 | 1.329575 | -0.724344 | 0.405773 |
iroli, JeanJacques Rousseau and the 'well-ordered society' (Cambridge, 1988), esp. ch. 4. 48 See Ch. 4 below.
political possibilities is constructed. To the degree that a people's language is impoverished or otherwise inadequate, so too is their communication, and hence their community. Conversely, to the extent that their language is rich in its range of communicative possibilities, so will their common life be enriched and made more meaningful.49 This may serve to explain why Rousseau, apprenticed as a child to a Swiss watchmaker, remained throughout his life a careful and conscientious craftsman of words if not of watches. It is just here that the relation between the chapter on the civil religion and that on the legislator begins to come into clearer view. Rousseau's professed difficulty in communicating with his reader parallels precisely that of the legislator in constituting a new political community: Sages who wish to speak their own language to the common people [vulgaire] cannot make themselves understood. There are a thousand sorts of ideas which it is impossible to translate into the language of ordinary folk. . . . Being unable to use either force or reasoned argument, he must therefore have recourse to authority of another order, which can motivate without violence and persuade without convincing.
The lack of a common moral and political language, Rousseau continues, 'is what has traditionally forced the fathers of nations to have recourse to the intervention of heaven and to attribute to the gods a wisdom that is actually their own'.50 Citing Machiavelli's similar observation in the Discourses,51 Rousseau agrees that legislators have heretofore had no other way of 'carrying along those who cannot be convinced by human prudence'.52 Rousseau's evident indebtedness to Machiavelli has often 49
This theme, implicit throughout the Social Contract, is rendered explicit at the end of the Essay on the Origin of Languages in the chapter titled 'The Relation of Languages to Governments' (OC v, ch. 20). See, further, J. P. Dobel, 'The Role of Language in Rousseau's Political Thought', Polity, 18 (1986), 638-58. 50 SC, bk. II, ch. 7; OC iii. 383. 51 Machiavelli, Discourses, bk. I, ch. u. 52 SC bk. II, ch. r, OC iii. 383-4. Cf. C. Kelly, 'To Persuade without Convincing: The Language of Rousseau's Legislator', AJPS 31 (1987), 321-35; S. A. Hadari, ' "Persuader sans convaincre" ', WPQ 39 (1986), 504-19.
been noted, of course, and some commentators have contended that the remarks about religion in the chapter on the legislator and the very idea of a civil religion is scarcely more than an extension and elaboration of Machiavelli's discussion of the central role of religion in the founding of Rome.53 That Rousseau both admires and borrows from Machiavelli is undeniable. But we need to ask what Rousseau is doing in relying on Machiavelli and how what he is doing affects and shapes his relation with the reader, particularly as regards the status and point of the civil religion. In relying on Machiavelli Rousseau appears to be attempting to do at least three things—in addition, that is, to attacking the royal author of Anti-Machiavel, Frederick the Great.54 The first is to show the reader that appearances—and reputations—can be misleading. The second is to suggest several affinities between himself and 'this profound political thinker' and 'lover of liberty'.55 And the third is once again to remind the reader of the importance of reading attentively and carefully. Machiavelli has heretofore had 'only superficial or corrupt readers'. Read aright, even 'The Prince is a book of republicans.'56 Rousseau quotes the following remark from Machiavelli's Discourses: Truly there never was a legislator who, in introducing extraordinary laws into a country, did not have recourse to God, lest
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his system be rejected outright; for the knowledge of the wise man may not suffice to persuade others.'57 Rousseau, as we saw earlier, gives a linguistic twist to Machiavelli's remark: legislators have heretofore had recourse to the trappings of religion—miracles, dogmas, revelations, and the rest—because their subjects are unable to understand the language in which the legislator himself thinks and acts. But Rousseau then goes on to suggest that this subterfuge will no longer suffice. 'Illusions can form only a temporary bond; wisdom alone can make it endure.'58 No new Numa can expect to found a long-lived republic by establishing a 53 54 55 56
Derathe, 'La Religion civile', 164-5. Masters, Political Philosophy of Rousseau, 306-7. SC bk. Ill, ch. 6; OC iii. 409, 1480 n. 57 SC bk. Ill, ch. 6; OC iii. 409. SC bk. II, ch. 7; OC iii. 384. Ibid.
religion. And yet, in the last chapter of the Social Contract, Rousseau himself has recourse to the trappings of a religion, including oaths, dogmas, and the rest. Why? The answer is, I believe, to be found in the relationship that Rousseau is attempting to establish with the reader.59 My conjecture is that the chapter on the civil religion serves as a test—a final examination, as it were—for the reader. Its purpose is to determine whether the reader has learnt to speak the language of the legislator, so as not to need (and indeed to be immune from) the conjuring tricks and illusions on which earlier founders had to rely. He asks, in effect: Attentive reader, do you still need this? If you do, you have not understood what has gone before. You have not yet learnt the language of the legislator. If you do not understand and speak this language, however, you are unequipped to legislate for yourself. And if you cannot legislate for yourself, you cannot be truly free, as only a citizen and member of the sovereign can be. After all, Rousseau defines freedom as 'obedience to a law which one has prescribed for oneself. To be truly free means to be 'master of oneself'.60 This is a far cry from the proto-totalitarian thinker whose scheme for a civil religion proposes an 'examination [inspection] that bears a terrible resemblance to an inquisition'.61 If I am right, the chapter is itself intended to function as an inspection in which the reader is invited, in effect, to examine him or herself to see what, if anything, has been learnt. The practice of having the reader periodically examine him or herself was not a wholly novel one. It was, in fact, a fairly common eighteenth-century literary device adopted by writers as different as Swift, Johnson, and Jane Austen.62 That Rousseau should have adopted such a device comes as no surprise. For he saw himself as an educator and his Social Contract 59 See R. J. Ellrich, Rousseau and his Reader (Chapel Hill, NC, 1969). Unfortunately, Ellrich's analysis of the Social Contract (pp. 35-8) is sketchy and superficial. Much more useful are M. Launay, 'L'Art de Pecrivain dans le Contrat social', in Etudes sur le Control social, 351-78; Le Vocabulaire politique de J.-J. Rousseau (Geneva, 1977); and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, ecrivain politique (Geneva, 1989), esp. 402-52. 60 SC, bk. I, ch. 8; OC iii. 365. 61 Derathe, 'La Religion civile', 167. 62 White, When Words Lose their Meaning, ch. 7.
and Emile (both published in the same year and meant to form a pair) as educational treatises.63 Moreover, Rousseau's remarks on religion at the end of the chapter on the legislator is immediately followed by that 'On the People', which begins by stressing the
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importance of an 'examination' preparatory to legislation: 'Just as an architect, before erecting a great building, observes and tests the soil to see if it can bear the load, so does the founding sage not begin by drafting laws that are intrinsically good, but examines beforehand [examine auparavant] whether the people for whom they are meant are able to support them.'64 My conjecture is that the chapter on the civil religion serves as an examen de soi, a self-examination by means of which the reader may determine whether he or she is able to legislate for him or herself and is therefore capable of supporting the full weight of self-government. Its point, in short, is pedagogical.65 If I am right, then, Rousseau's Social Contract, considered as an educational treatise (as its companion work Emile assuredly is), attempts to educate and examine the reader, and in a way that might astonish us but which would scarcely have surprised an attentive eighteenthcentury reader. The evidence in support of this conjecture is, at best, circumstantial. But it does at least allow us to clear up a number of puzzles and to answer the three key questions that I posed at the outset. Before considering those questions in the light 63
J. J. Rousseau, Correspondence complete (Geneva, 1969), ix. 345. SC, bk. II, ch. 8; OC iii. 384-5. 65 A very different version of this claim is defended by Glum, who— addressing an issue of considerable importance in post-Second World War West Germany—views Rousseau's religion civile as an attempt to lay the groundwork for a system of democratic civic education. See F. Glum, JeanJacques Rousseau: Religion und Staat (Munich, 1956). In a similar spirit Levine suggests that, since 'the moral and intellectual capacities of the people, even of citizens of a de jure state, are not fully developed . . . what Rousseau is proposing is a kind of transitional institution for the blind multitude emerging from the state of nature. The dogmas of civil religion, then, might just be a golden lie, a legitimating myth' (A. Levine, The Politics of Autonomy (Amherst, 1976), 184). Both, I believe, are right to suggest that the purpose of the civil religion is essentially educative, but wrong in claiming that Rousseau was actually proposing that it be put into practice as an agency or instrument of civic education or political socialization. The educative moves in Rousseau's argument are made in the text itself, not outside it, with the reader as active participant and dialogical partner. 64
of the interpretation advanced here, consider several pieces of evidence drawn from other of Rousseau's works. Towards the end of Emile Rousseau offers a synopsis of the Contrat social which, rather intriguingly, makes no mention whatever of the civil religion.66 This could, of course, be an oversight on Rousseau's part; or it could be that he thought the civil religion insufficiently important to include in his summary. Neither of these strikes me as a satisfactory explanation. More satisfactory, perhaps—and more in line with the interpretation advanced here—is that Emile, having been educated aright, has no need of the civil religion or of the sort of self-examination that the chapter on the civil religion is supposed to provide. He already knows what he needs to know in order to lead a life of virtue and so, presumably, does the reader. Consider next two further pieces of evidence. Two of Rousseau's other, later works—Considerations on the Government of Poland (written in 1772) and the Constitutional Project for Corsica (drafted in 1765)—refer repeatedly to the principles and precepts of the Contrat social but—again and perhaps significantly—neither makes any mention at all of any scheme for a civil religion. If Rousseau believed that some sort of civil religion was necessary for a well-ordered polity, why did he not make provision for one in the Polish and Corsican cases? One possibility immediately suggests itself: the scheme for the civil religion in the Social Contract is not to be taken literally, as a political prescription or constitutional requirement, but is instead meant to serve a different function altogether; it is, in effect, a means
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CommonCrawl
| 1.535893 | 1.661808 | -0.218207 | 1.503686 |
whereby the reader might examine himself to see whether he has learnt to think in the language of the legislator, so as to be able to legislate for himself. I conclude by returning to the three questions I posed at the outset. First, what place does the civil religion occupy in Rousseau's political philosophy? It would appear to occupy a peripheral place, not because it is unimportant but because it is a literary device, a rhetorical and argumentative stratagem of a certain sort. It enables the reader to examine himself, so as to see whether, or to what extent, he has learnt the lessons 66
See Emile, bk. V; OC iv. 842-8.
that the Social Contract has to teach. This, in turn, takes us to our second question: what were Rousseau's intentions in devising and deploying such a stratagem? We cannot say for certain, of course; but it is at least plausible to infer, on the basis of textual evidence and in the light of the admittedly scanty contextual evidence available to us, that Rousseau may have intended to supply the reader with a way of determining whether, or to what extent, he or she had learnt the language of the legislator, so as not to need a Numa to provide a chimerical foundation for the state and the loyalty of its citizens. In so doing he was posting a warning: those who have not learnt this language cannot be free, for they will lack the linguistic resources required to make, to understand, and to obey the laws under which free and sovereign citizens must live, if they are to remain both free and sovereign. And finally, why does the chapter on the civil religion come at the end of the Social Contract rather than, say, at the end of or immediately after the chapter on the legislator? Although arguably mistaken, my answer is at any rate simple and straightforward: where else does an examination belong, if not at the end of the course? Such an examination allows the reader to determine whether he or she has learnt the meaning and use of the concepts constitutive of free and sovereign citizenship that it is the aim of the Social Contract to teach. 5.6 CODA:ROUSSEAU AND FOUCAULT The history of political thought is written, and problems posed and (sometimes) resolved, with present-day problems and perspectives in mind. It might therefore be argued that the spectre of the 'totalitarian' Rousseau (or Plato, or Hegel, or Marx, for that matter) was an artefact of the Communist spectre and the Cold War, and, with their passing, all such interpretations are now therefore passe. One could of course construct a number of arguments to the contrary. For one, interpretations, or rather lines of interpretation, are historically situated but need not be that tightly tied to specific historical contexts. That is, I believe, a plausible objection, and one on which I have relied repeatedly
throughout the present volume. But another, and I believe a better, counter-argument would, in this particular instance, take something like the form that Michel Foucault sketched toward the end of his life. From his work on Bentham and panopticism to his last lectures, on a topic that he called 'governmentality', Foucault in effect revived the spectre of the 'totalitarian' Rousseau.67 Rousseau, on Foucault's retelling, advanced a nightmarish vision of virtuous citizens 'normalized' and subjugated through the power of all over each. The society described in the Social Contract is the completes! and most perfect despotism yet devised, precisely because each member wills for all, and all for each, and all think themselves free and autonomous. Everyone is constantly under the gaze of everyone else; each is subjected, as Rousseau says repeatedly, to 'examinations' and 'inspections' of the most invasive sort. Rousseau's republic of virtue is, on Foucault's reading, the forerunner of the 'carceral society' or the 'panoptic machine' in which we now largely live.68 Rousseau, in short, paves the way for Bentham and the Panopticon: Bentham was the complement to Rousseau. What in fact was the Rousseauist dream? . . . It was the dream of a transparent society, visible and legible in each of its parts, the dream of there no longer existing any zones of darkness [or]
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CommonCrawl
| 1.655444 | 1.682573 | -0.165083 | 1.212764 |
of disorder. It was the dream that each individual, whatever position he occupied, might be able to see the whole of society, that men's hearts should communicate, their vision be unobstructed by obstacles.69
Rousseau's dream of transparency was Foucault's worst nightmare.70 Foucault's reasons for linking Rousseau to Bentham's Panopticon and the modern mania for 'governmentality' are sketchy but suggestive. One is the idea of the general will or conception of the common good that all are obligated to seek and to uphold. This in turn requires the exercise of the sort of 'confessional' or 'pastoral power' that constitutes the thera57 M. Foucault, Power/Knowledge (New York, 1980), ch. 8; 'Governmentality', in G. Burchell, C. Gordon, and P. Miller (eds.), The Foucault Effect (Chicago, 1991), ch. 4. 68 69 See Ch. 7 below. Foucault, Power/Knowledge, 152. 70 J. Miller, The Passion of Michel Foucault (New York, 1993), 311.
peutic relationship—and that characterizes Rousseau's religion civile. By making statecraft into soulcraft, this ersatz religion regulates conduct by policing one's innermost thoughts and beliefs, so that nothing remains private or hidden from public view. Foucault reads Rousseau, as he readily acknowledges, through the interpretation advanced by Jean Staobinski in JeanJacques Rousseau: La Transparence et I'obstacle.71 'Transparency'—the public visibility of self and soul—is 'the great Rousseauist theme' to which Bentham gives actual architectural expression in the panopticon.72 Foucault thus provides, in effect, a post-Cold War revival of the 'totalitarian' interpretation of Rousseau's political thought, and of the Contrat social in particular. In this interpretation—now redubbed the 'governmentalist' view— Rousseau's civil religion resumes its central role and regains its totalitarian aura and implications. This, as we have seen, is a powerful and oft-stated criticism, and ought not be dismissed lightly—especially when advanced by a philosopher of Foucault's stature. But, suggestive as it is, Foucault's interpretation seems to me to miss much of the power—and quite possibly the intent—of Rousseau's Social Contract, and the role of his religion civile in particular. I have tried to offer an alternative interpretation of the role and site of the self-examinations and inspections that Rousseau requires. If I am right—and I am the first to admit that I may not be—then these 'inspections' are exercises through which the reader remakes himself in ways that enhance rather than diminish his autonomy. They belong, one might say, to that set of practices that Foucault elsewhere terms le souci de soi, 'the care of the self',73 but with an important political difference. Rousseau is concerned, in effect, with le souci de soi civique, with educating his readers in ways that will enable them to cultivate their civic selves. His much-maligned scheme for a civil religion may be understood as a means to that end. 71
Foucault, Power/Knowledge, 152. Ibid., ch. 8; M. Foucault, Discipline and Punish (New York, 1977). M. Foucault, The History of Sexuality, iii. The Care of the Self (New York, 1986). 72
THE SURVIVOR AND THE SAVANT: TWO SCHEMES FOR CIVIL RELIGION COMPARED We know, and what is better we feel inwardly, that religion is the basis of civil society, and the source of all good and of all comfort. Edmund Burke
6.1 INTRODUCTION In the preceding chapter I examined Rousseau's scheme for a civil religion. Here I want to compare and contrast two later and very different versions of civil religion, as advanced by James Mill and Auguste Comte. Like Rousseau's, Mill's civil religion is supposed to serve an
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CommonCrawl
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essentially educative function, sharpening the citizens' critical faculties and civic capacities. Comte, by contrast, views religion rather differently. The comparison can, I think, help us to see each thinker in a new light, and to show something of the several shapes, sources, and uses to which the idea of a civil religion has been put. It might seem odd, at first sight, to attempt to draw any parallels between two thinkers as different as James Mill and Comte. One was a Scottish protestant turned Utilitarian sceptic, the other a French Catholic turned Saint-Simonian system-builder. Their educations and political milieux differed markedly, Mill having been educated for the ministry at the University of Edinburgh at the end of the eighteenth century and Comte in medicine and mathematics at the Ecole Polytechnique early in the nineteenth. Their theoretical vocabularies were vastly different, Mill's being associationist and Utilitarian and Comte's Positivist and Saint-Simonian. Yet
The Survivor and the Savant
despite these differences there are, as John Stuart Mill remarked, several important affinities if not similarities between his father's views and Comte's. My aim here is less to recount the similarities that the younger Mill purported to see, than to point to one that he did not detect—namely, that his father, like Comte, advanced a scheme for what might best be termed a civil religion. Although J. S. Mill later denounced Comte's scheme, he did not see fit to notice, much less criticize, his father's. Just why this should be so is one of the many minor mysteries of that eminent thinker's career, and one on which I shall attempt, along the way, to shed a little light. My main purpose, however, is to make good my claim that the elder Mill did indeed describe and defend such a scheme, and to trace it to its probable source in Adam Smith and the social thought of the Scottish Enlightenment. 6.2 J. S. MILL ON COMTE AND RELIGION In his correspondence with Comte in the early 18405 John Stuart Mill noticed several similarities between the Scottish and the French systems of education, between the thought of the Scottish Enlightenment and Positivism, and, more particularly, between his father's philosophy and Comte's systematic sociology. An educated Scotsman had, he thought, more in common with an educated Frenchman than with any Englishman, and the two could in many respects be compared, to the distinct detriment of the English. Scotsmen and Frenchmen, for example, were fortunately free of the atheoretical and 'too exclusively practical' character of the English, among whom 'the true scientific spirit is very rare'—'save perhaps amongst the Scots, whose public education has a character more French than English'.1 This might then serve to explain why Comtian positivism could expect to find more adherents in Scotland than in England.2 1 J. S. Mill to Auguste Comte, 28 Jan. 1843, in F. E. Mineka (ed.), The Earlier Letters of John Stuart Mill, in Mill, CWxiii. 566 (my trans.). For an incisive account of 'the system of the North', see S. Collini, D. Winch, and J. Burrow, That Noble Science of Politics (Cambridge, 1983), ch. I. 2 Mill to Comte, 5 Oct. 1844, CW xiii. 638-9. Mill's prediction proved to be rather wide of the mark. Comtian Positivism was to find fewer adherents
The theoretical temper of the Scots is especially evident, the younger Mill remarked, in the great figures of the Scottish Enlightenment 'from Kaimes and Ferguson up to and including my father who died in 1836, being the last survivor of this great school'.3 The Scottish survivor and the French savant had, he averred, quite a lot in common. Both, after all, claimed to have constructed a systematic science of society; both advanced a rudimentary version of the covering-law model of explanation; both subscribed to a 'stage' theory of human history; and both believed that religion belonged to an earlier, more primitive stage of moral and mental development and was soon to be superseded by a more enlightened scientific outlook. The favourable comparisons drawn between
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CommonCrawl
| 1.633707 | 1.44378 | 0.265515 | 1.296246 |
his father and Comte ceased, however, when in the 18505 Comte proceeded to elaborate his grandiose scheme for a Religion of Humanity. To recount in any detail the features of this ersatz religion is not my purpose here. It must suffice to recall that Comte attempted to establish a system of social worship, or 'sociolatry', with its own rituals, saints, sacred texts, prayers, and other paraphernalia, all to be presided over by a priestly caste with himself as Pope.4 In several respects the turn taken by Comte's later thought seems very strange indeed, especially in light of the 'law' which divides human history into three stages—the theological, the metaphysical, and the positive— with the first further subdivided into the fetishistic, polytheistic, and monotheistic phases. The Religion of Humanity that caps the Positivist stage looks in some respects like a retreat to the first, or theological stage, in that it combines fetishism with the worship of 'The Great Being' (Le Grand £tre), now amongst the Scots than amongst the English. Comte's English disciples— Richard Congreve, G. H. Lewes, Harriet Martineau, et al.—also tended to be rather less critical of the master's systeme than were such Scottish admirers as Edward Caird, Professor of Moral Philosophy at Glasgow. See E. Caird, The Social Philosophy and Religion of Comte (Glasgow, 1885). On the diffusion and reception of Comtian Positivism, see W. M. Simon, European Positivism in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca, NY, 1963). 3 Mill to Comte, 28 Jan. 1843, in CfFxiii. 566. 4 See, inter alia, Auguste Comte, System of Positive Polity (1854; trans. R. Congreve, London, 1877), iv passim, and his more popular A General View of Positivism (1857); trans. J. H. Bridges (New York, 1957), esp. ch. 6, and The Catechism of Positive Religion, trans. R. Congreve, 3rd edn. (London, 1891).
identified as Humanity itself. The critical intellect is to be subordinated to sentimental feelings of social solidarity. This scheme the younger Mill denounced as 'the completest system of spiritual and temporal despotism, which ever yet emanated from a human brain, unless possibly that of Ignatius Loyola'. Comte, he continues, put[s] to an end the notion that no effectual moral authority can be maintained over society without the aid of religious belief; for Comte's work recognizes no religion except that of Humanity, yet it leaves an irresistible conviction that any moral beliefs, concurred in by the community generally, may be brought to bear upon the whole conduct and lives of its individual members with an energy and potency truly alarming to think of. The book [Comte's Systeme de politique positive] stands as a monumental warning to thinkers on society and politics, of what happens when once men lose sight, in their speculations, of the value of Liberty and of Individuality.5
Comte's Religion of Humanity, he concludes, is nothing less than 'an elaborate system for the total suppression of all independent thought'.6 The younger Mill's animus towards Comte was in due course generalized to include not only French philosophers but Frenchmen generally. Their love of 'universal systematizing, systematizing, systematizing' was part and parcel of 'the mania for regulation by which Frenchmen are distinguished among Europeans, and M. Comte among Frenchmen'.7 The earlier comparisons between the French and the Scots, and between Comte and the 'last survivor' of the Scottish school, are notable by their absence in Mill's Autobiography and elsewhere. And yet, I want to suggest, there is at least one further respect in which he might have compared his father's later speculations with those of Comte. For, like Comte, Mill in his last years elaborated his own scheme for a civil religion. 5
J. S. Mill, Autobiography, ed. J. Stillinger (Oxford, 1971), 127-8. C
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CommonCrawl
| 1.141919 | 1.661808 | 0.041362 | 0.313437 |
f. also On Liberty (Everyman edn., 1951), 101. 6 J. S. Mill, Auguste Comte and Positivism (1865, Ann Arbor; Mich., 1961), 169. 7 Ibid. 141, 153. 'The fans errorum in M. Comte's later speculations is this inordinate demand for "unity" and "systematization" ' (p. 141). By contrast, 'If I am asked what system of political philosophy I substituted for that which, as a philosophy, I had abandoned, I answer, no system . . .' (Autobiography, 97).
Before describing the main features of that scheme, however, we need to take note of several pertinent biographical details. 6.3 THE 'SURVIVOR' Of James Mill's early years in Scotland, we know very little save the following.8 He was born in 1773, the eldest son of James Mill (or Milne), a cobbler of Northwater Bridge in the Parish of Logie Pert in the county of Forfar. His socially ambitious mother was determined that her son should rise in the world. One of the few routes then open to young Scotsmen of a middling station was the ministry, for which the young James Mill was educated, first at Montrose Academy and later at the University of Edinburgh, thanks in part to the patronage of Sir John and Lady Jane Stuart of Fettercairn. Mill enrolled in Edinburgh in 1790, studying classics and moral philosophy (the latter with Dugald Stewart) before specializing in more narrowly theological studies. In 1797 he completed his studies in Divinity and was ordained as a minister in the Church of Scotland. Mill's career in the Kirk proved to be short-lived. Unable to secure a parish of his own, he rode the circuit as an itinerant preacher, his saddlebags stuffed with sermons said to be learned but largely unintelligible to his simple flock. After this there followed a period of several years during which Mill made his living as a tutor before leaving for London in 1802 to make his name as an author and journalist. Mill's first published writings show him to be both religiously orthodox and rather to the right of centre. He wrote for the conservative Anti-Jacobin Review and from 1802 to 1806 edited the Literary Review. Mill also translated Villers's history of the Reformation (1805), his notes to which are of interest for what they reveal about the religious views that Mill then held. He makes the observation—more sociological than theological—that atheism is most commonly found in Catholic countries like France and that its presence in Protestant countries can be explained as a fashionable affectation 8
A. Bain, James Mill: A Biography (London, 1882).
amongst intellectual francophiles. The two most celebrated infidels we had had in this country, Hume and Gibbon, had spent a great part of their youth in France, and were intoxicated with the vanity of imitating Frenchmen.'9 And elsewhere Mill denounced the 'monstrous reasonings' of those 'infidels', Hobbes and Hume.10 For a time after his marriage in 1804 Mill went to church, and all of his children—including the eldest, John Stuart—were baptized and were while young taken to church every Sunday. One visitor to the Mill household recalls the precocious John Stuart saying that 'the two greatest books were Homer and the Bible'.11 It may be worth noting the difficulty of reconciling the foregoing with at least two of the younger Mill's later recollections. The first is that his father 'rejected] all that is called religious belief'.12 The second is his no less startling assertion that he was 'one of the very few examples, in this country, of one who has, not thrown off religious belief, but never had it: I grew up in a negative state with regard to it'.13 That these two statements may reflect the later religious views of the two Mills would be difficult to deny; but there is reason to doubt their reliability as regards the earlier religious views of the elder Mill. Alexander Bain maintains that '[James] Mill's views on Religion took their final shape between 1808 and 1810', the former being the year in which Mill met
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CommonCrawl
| 0.783267 | 1.070018 | 0.495944 | 0.653689 |
Bentham for the first time. 'His acquaintance with Bentham', Bain continues, must have hastened his course towards infidelity . . . Bentham never in so many words publicly avowed himself an atheist, but he was so in substance . . . It is quite certain, however, that the whole tone of conversation in Bentham's more select circle, was atheistic. In Mill's own family, 9
Mill's notes to Charles Villers, An Essay on the Spirit and Influence of The Reformation, trans. J. Mill (London, 1805), as quoted in Bain, James Mill, 89-90. 10 James Mill, An Essay on the Impolicy of a Bounty on the Exportation of Grain (1804), in James Mill: Selected Economic Writings, ed. D. Winch (Chicago, 1966), 47. 1 ' Quoted in Bain, James Mill, 90. 12 J. S. Mill, Autobiography, 25-6. 13 Ibid. 27-8. On the unreliability of Mill's Autobiography, see W. Thomas, 'John Stuart Mill and the Uses of Autobiography', History, 56 (1971), 341-59-
there is a vague tradition that his breaking with the church and religion followed his introduction to Bentham.14 Yet this attractively simple account of an anti-religious conversion may be rather wide of the mark in several respects. Bain, like many later commentators, credits Bentham with more intellectual influence over Mill than he actually possessed. Mill's mind had a shape of its own well before he met Bentham. Mill himself said that he 'took no man for a master' and that 'the sympathy of common opinions' first drew him to Bentham.15 Likewise John Mill maintained that his father 'was anything but Bentham's mere follower or disciple . . . His mind and Bentham's were essentially of different construction.'16 And, contrary to the claim that Mill became an atheist as a result of his acquaintance with Bentham, we have his son's testimony that, despite his father's scepticism, 'dogmatic atheism he looked upon as absurd'.17 Although clearly circumstantial, such evidence casts some doubt upon the claim that Mill was in any simple sense an unbeliever. Infidel or no, the elder Mill retained throughout his life a Scottish Protestant's hostility towards 'priestly' religions of every description. His earliest published writings contain enthusiastic endorsements of Villers's criticisms of Catholicism, along with a defence of Luther and the Reformation. His History of British India, begun in 1806 and completed in 1817, which is exceedingly critical of Hindu religious beliefs and practices, often reads like a thinly veiled critique of established religions and orthodoxies of any sort. Mill became increasingly critical of the Church of England, and towards the end of his life quite outspoken in opposing it.18 Between 14 Bain, James Mill, 88-9. Given his story of Mill's purported conversion to atheism, Bain is rather at a loss to explain why 'Mill never lost his interest in theology' (p. 206). 15 James Mill, Fragment on Mackintosh (1835; 2nd edn. London, 1870), 124. 16 17 J. S. Mill, Autobiography, 122. Ibid. 25. 18 Such criticism still took some courage. The first quarter of the nineteenth century saw several well-publicized trials in which free-thinkers were prosecuted and convicted. In 1822 Richard Carlile, editor of the radical Black Dwarf, had with his wife and sister been prosecuted for 'publications hostile to Christianity'. For fear of prosecution, Bentham had been dissuaded from publishing his Church-of-Englandism and in 1823 the Morning Chronicle prudently declined to publish two pseudonymous letters by
1812 and 1835 the elder Mill wrote several articles critical of established religion, and the Church of England in particular. But his piece de resistance was published in the year preceding his death. 'The Church, and its Reform', which appeared
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in the first number of the London Review in 1835, consisted of an assortment of arguments, several but by no means all of which can be construed as Benthamite. But the most notable feature of this article, for my present purposes, is that Mill in it advances his own Utopian scheme for a civil religion. 6.4 RELIGION U N R E F O R M E D Upon its publication in 1835 Mill's 'The Church, and its Reform' caused a minor furore. 'The immediate effect of such an outspoken criticism of the Church', writes Bain, 'was to damage the circulation of the Review', whose apologetic editors never succeeded in effacing 'the suspicion of its irreligious tendency'.19 Mill's article was indeed doubly offensive to orthodox Anglicans. For besides presuming to criticize the creeds and practices of the Church he also proposed to 'reform' it in several remarkably radical ways. Mill's first move was not so novel as his second. The Church had often been criticized, circumspectly if not openly, by Bentham and the other philosophic radicals. Simplifying somewhat, their criticisms—as found, for example, in Bentham's Church-ofEnglandism and its Catechism Examined (1818) and Not Paul but Jesus (1823), and in George Grote's pseudonymous Analysis of the Influence of Natural Religion on the Temporal Happiness of Mankind (1829)—consist, in the main, of enumerating the many ways in which organized religion fails to promote, much less to maximize, human happiness. Several of Mill's criticisms of the English Church amount to little more than variations on and reiterations of the standard Utilitarian refrain, to which Mill adds a Dissenter's disdain for creeds and rituals. 'The present ecclesiastical establishment J. S. Mill favouring 'free publication of all opinions on religion' (J. S. Mill, Autobiography, 54). 19 Bain, James Mill, 389.
in England', Mill writes, 'is a perfect nullity in respect to good, but an active and powerful agent in the production of evil.'20 Mill then proceeds to advance and defend two propositions. The first is 'that the only services which are obligatory upon the Church of England clergy . . . are ceremonies from which no advantages can be derived'. The second is 'that the services" they might render, in raising the moral and intellectual character of the people, are not obligatory'.21 As instances of the first Mill mentions meaningless sermons and the mind-numbing 'repetition of creeds'. None of the sermons he has ever heard (and preached?) was 'good for anything. They may be characterized as a parcel of vapid commonplaces, delivered in vague and vapouring phrases . . ,'22 As for the recital of creeds, they are at best 'purely ceremonial' and at worst 'a forced declaration of belief'.23 Even more insidious is the idea that one ought to be rewarded for believing one way and punished for believing in other, unacceptable ways. 'To hold out rewards' for believing one way, punishment for believing another way, is', says Mill, 'to suborn belief; to create ... a habit of forcing a belief; that is, of dealing dishonestly with their own convictions'. Moreover, as soon as a man is broken in to this mental habit, not only is the power of sound judgment destroyed within him, but the moral character does not escape uninjured. The man in whose breast this habit is created, never sees anything in an opinion, but whether it is agreeable to his interest or not. Whether it has been founded on evidence or not, he has been trained to neglect, Truth or falsehood in matters of opinion is no longer with him the first consideration.24 The Church's practice of punishing morally meritorious conduct, and of rewarding mindless obedience, 'poison[s] morality in the very fountain of life. The fine feeling of moral obligation is gone in a mind wherein the habit of insincerity is engendered.'25 Not only does the Church reward those who should be punished and punish those who should be rewarded; its system of rewards and punishments is doubly defective, being at 20 James Mill, 'The Church, and its
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CommonCrawl
| 1.073993 | 1.329575 | -0.141099 | 0.714403 |
Reform', London Review, i (1835), 257-95, at 259. 21 22 23 Ibid. 260. Ibid. 269. Ibid. 261. 24 25 Ibid. 266-7. Ibid. 261.
once cruel and inefficient. It is cruel in that the ultimate punishment is eternal hell-fire; and it is inefficient in that punishment is neither proportional nor proximate. To use the threat of eternal damnation as a punishment for a wide variety of offenses is not to fit the punishment to the crime. Moreover, the prospect of so distant a punishment, however dire, is not sufficient to deter would-be offenders.26 In analysing the irrational and inefficient system of religious rewards and punishment, it might appear that Mill is merely echoing Bentham. To these Benthamite strictures, however, Mill adds a Platonic supplement. I have argued elsewhere that Mill's theory of punishment and his plans for prison reform reveal a deeper debt to Plato than to Bentham.27 The claim can, I believe, be extended to Mill's arguments in favour of religious reform. Just as Plato had criticized the poets for making the gods appear to be stupid, silly, and vain, so Mill criticizes the Church and its clergy for making God seem cruel and capricious. For example, God is said to be omniscient. And yet to tell Him 'unceasingly of our wants, implies that He needs to be told of them'. God is made, moreover, to appear 'imperfect both in wisdom and in goodness'. To ask Him 'continually to do things for us, implies our belief that he would not do them for us'. That is, we believe 'either that God will not do what is right, if he be not begged and entreated to do so—or that, by being begged and entreated, he can be induced to do what is wrong'.28 The rituals prescribed by the Church also make God appear to be vain. Why else should we sing His praises to please Him? What after all, Mill asks, is the point of 'our telling the Divine Being that he has such and such qualities; as if he was like[ly] to mistake his own qualities, by some imperfection in his knowledge, which we supply?'29 Worse still, says Mill, the Church and its clergy make God appear to be cruel. A God who metes out 'punishments in atrocious excess' would appear to act 'in the spirit of revenge, and to vindicate his dignity'. Thus does the Church ascribe to the Almighty 'the character . . . of an atrocious savage'. To maintain that 'the apprehen26 27 28
James Mill, 'The Church, and its Reform', 267-8. See my Introduction to Mill, PW; also Ch. 7 below. James Mill, 'The Church, and its Reform', 262.
sion of these punishments is a restraint on men during their lives . . . is only another mode of ascribing imperfection, both intellectual and moral, to the Supreme Being'.30 Such a God is no more worthy of being worshipped than were the gods of the Greek poets whom Plato would banish from his republic.31 Here, as throughout Mill's writings, we can detect more than a trace of Platonism. To offer any adequate defence of my contention that Mill is a Platonist, albeit a rather peculiar one, is well beyond the bounds of the present chapter.32 Even so, it may be worth taking note in passing of some pieces of circumstantial evidence. Although Mill denied ever having taken any man as a master, he happily acknowledged his debt to Plato. As his son recalled, 'There is no author to whom my father thought himself more indebted for his own mental culture, than Plato, or whom he more frequently recommended to young students.'33 The younger Mill also confessed that 'I have ever felt myself, beyond any modern that I know of except my father . . . a pupil of Plato, and cast in the mould of his dialectics.'34 Indeed, he adds, 'the title of Platonist belongs by ... right to those who have been nourished in, and have endeavoured to practise Plato's mode of investigation . . ,'.35 His father's own title was acquired early
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CommonCrawl
| 0.677302 | 1.111547 | -0.689377 | 0.152797 |
on, at Edinburgh University, where, as Bain says, his studies already showed 'a dead set at Plato'.36 Mill's early published writings include several commentaries on Plato and critiques of modern English translations of his dialogues.37 The five volumes of his Commonplace Books contain copious extracts from, and comments on, the works of 30 31
Cf. Mill's similar strictures against the Hindu gods and goddesses in his History of British India (London, 1818; 3rd edn., 1826), i. 291. Cf. Plato, Republic, 378-86, 595-600. 32 33 See Ch. 7 below. J. S. Mill, Autobiography, 14. 34 J. S. Mill, The Early Draft of John Stuart Mitt's 'Autobiography', ed. J. Stillinger, (Urbana, 111., 1961), 48. 35 36 J. S. Mill, Autobiography, 15. Bain, James Mill, 19. 37 James Mill, 'Taylor's Translation of Plato', Literary Journal, 3 (May 1804), 449-6i, (June 1804), 577-89; 'Taylor's Plato', Edinburgh Review, 14 (Apr. 1809), 187-211. Cf. Mill's fulsome praises of Plato in Analysis of the Phenomena of the Human Mind (1829; London, 1878), i. 271; Fragment on Mackintosh, 25; and the numerous references and excerpts in his Commonplace Book (see n. 38 below). See also Ch. 7 below.
The Survivor and the Savant 38
Plato. As these and other sources show, it was not Plato's metaphysics but his method—or 'mode of investigation' as his son terms it—to which Mill was attracted and which he attempted to practise. In the case of religious reform, however, Mill's Platonism takes not only a critical but a constructive or Utopian turn as well. 6.5 RELIGION REFORMED
If the critical portion of Mill's article on Church reform was radical, his constructive proposals for reform were more radical still. Even his normally sympathetic biographer Bain remarks that Mill's scheme 'with all its ingenuity' and 'constructive suggestions' must, like Plato's Republic, be 'remanded to the list of Utopias'.39 That Mill in his last years should call for a state-supported church and a civil religion is at first sight surprising. He had earlier decried the connection between Church and State, believing it to be a mutually corrupting alliance, and had gone so far as to advocate their complete separation.40 Although the Church of England 'exists for no good purpose', Mill says, it nevertheless exists for a bad purpose. It is 'a state engine; a ready and ever-willing instrument in the hands of those who desire to monopolize the powers of government'.41 It is so structured that 'the interest of [its] clergy . . . is in direct opposition to their duty, and makes them sworn enemies of the good of their fellow creatures'. Above all, they are 'enemies of the improvement of the human mind'.42 In the end, however, Mill aims not to destroy this Augean stable but to clean and rebuild it. If it cannot be disestab38 Four volumes of Mill's Commonplace Book are in the London Library, and a fifth in the Mill-Taylor Collection at the library of the London School of Economics. 39 Bain, James Mill, 389. 40 James Mill, 'Schools for All' (1812), repr. in W. H. Burston (ed.), James Mill on Education (Cambridge, 1969), 141-9, 185-7. See also 'Southey's Book of the Church', Westminster Review, 3 (Jan. 1825), 167-212, at 192; and 'Ecclesiastical Establishments', Westminster Review,
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| 1.025086 | 1.277664 | 0.194682 | 0.838361 |
5 (Apr. 1826), 504-48, esp. 505-6. 41 James Mill, 'The Church, and its Reform', 272. 42 Ibid. 373-4.
lished, the Church of England might be re-established and thereby 'be converted from an instrument of evil into an instrument of much good'.43 To this end Mill calls for the creation of 'a State religion' in which 'the whole population' is united and which is to be supported not by tithes but by taxes.44 This church would be no less a 'state engine'; but the state it serves might thereby be made into an altogether different, and better, one than that served by the Church as presently established. Mill describes the features of his state religion down to the minutest detail. A Minister of Public Instruction would oversee the selection and training of the clergy, who are to be recruited from 'the middle rank'.45 Their work would in turn be scrutinized by 'inspectors' who would report directly to the Ministry of Public Instruction. It is important, Mill adds, 'not [to] over-pay' the clergy or the inspectors, who should be seen to be 'hard working' and hence morally exemplary members of the middle rank.46 It is, of course, no accident that Mill's model state church should be headed by a Minister of Public Instruction. His church is to be, above all, an agency of civic and moral instruction. The chief aim of a rationally redesigned religious establishment should be to build the moral character of its members. Even the Sunday sermon, earlier dismissed by Mill as so much useless ceremony, could be usefully revamped. 'We do not dispute that a discourse of the proper kind delivered . . . on the day of rest, would have happy effects.' Such a sermon would 'establish in their [the members'] minds pure ideas of the moral character of God'. This would require nothing less than undoing the damage done by earlier ecclesiastical practices. 'It is unavailing . . . to call the Almighty benevolent, when you ascribe to him lines of action which are entirely the reverse. It is vain to call him wise, when you represent him as moved by considerations [e.g. vanity] which 43 45
44 Ibid. 274. Ibid. 288, 279-80. Ibid. 275. By 'middle rank' Mill does not mean what we nowadays mean by 'middle class', inasmuch as 'rank' is not synonymous with 'class'. Rather, Mill uses 'rank' in the sense employed by John Millar in The Origin and Distinction of Ranks (London, 1806). See James Mill, 'Millar on Ranks', Literary Journal, I (1806), 624-9. 46 James Mill, 'The Church, and its Reform', 278.
have weight only with the weakest of men.' And it is useless to call the Almighty a loving God when you attribute to him a propensity to punish offenders out of all proportion to the gravity of their offences.47 Their theological import aside, such sermons should have a socially valuable end in view: the object of discourses, calculated to be of real utility to the majority of those who compose congregations, would be, to make . . . as deeply as possible, all the impressions which lead to good conduct; to give strength and constancy to the kindly and generous feelings; to stimulate the desire of doing good, by showing the value of it ... to make understood and felt the value of a good name; how much the happiness of each individual depends upon the good-will of those among whom he lives . . . Such sermons should, in sum, 'lead us to rejoice in being the instruments of happiness to others'.48 This lesson should be taught to parents, to spouses, to children, and—not least—to citizens. In the setting supplied by the Sunday service 'the opportunity would be favourable for doing something to add to [the congregation's] education'. Mill is at his most schoolmasterish in drawing detailed plans for religious instruction in which social-cum-practical themes predominate. This begins with the member's manner of dress. It is 'of great importance, that all the families of a parish should be got to assemble on the Sunday—clean, and
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CommonCrawl
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so dressed, as to make a favourable appearance in the eyes of one another. This alone is ameliorating.'49 Once the parishioners are washed, dressed, and assembled, 'useful lectures on various branches of art and science might be delivered to them'. Thus 'workmen who make use of tools [would be] acquainted, in a general way, with the mechanical powers'. The congregation would also witness 'chemical experiments'; acquire a 'knowledge of the composition and decomposition of bodies'; and learn something of 'the sciencefs] of botany [and astronomy]'. All of this would, he says, 'afford a great source of interest and delight'. To these delights would be added practical 'lectures on the art of preserving the health, pointing out the mistakes which igno47 48
James Mill, 'The Church, and its Reform', 267. 49 Ibid. 269. Ibid. 289.
rant people commit in the physical management, both of themselves and their children'. In these ways the parishioners would be 'deeply impressed with the importance to themselves of habits of industry and frugality'.50 Yet, important as they are, these lessons in natural science and personal hygiene are far from sufficient. Because parishioners are not only parents but labourers and citizens as well, they therefore require civic or political instruction. It is here that the political import of Mill's scheme for a civil religion comes into clearer view. Mill maintains that 'there is no branch of political knowledge which ought not to be carefully taught to the people in their parochial assemblies on their day of rest'.51 They should receive instruction in 'political science' and 'political economy'. In this way they can be made to understand the laws which determine the rate of wages— from ignorance of which rise most of their contention with their masters . . . Indeed, a knowledge of the laws of nature, by which the annual produce of the labours of the community is distributed, is the best of all modes of reconciling them to that inequality of distribution which they see takes place, and which there are people ignorant or wicked enough to tell them, is a violation of their rights.52 There is in Mill's model church a marriage of political economy and Platonism. From the former Mill derives the notion that political communities are first and foremost economic entities based upon a division of labour and governed by 'laws' determining production and distribution. From the latter Mill gets the idea that a just political community is one in which the members of each order or 'rank' fulfil their respective roles or perform their particular functions. As an educative institution, Mill's state church would promote justice (in the Platonic sense) by reconciling its members to the performance of those functions peculiar to their rank. In Mill's model church—as in the Lancasterian schools and in the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in which he played an active part—members of the middle rank were to be apprised of their calling, and common labourers reconciled to theirs. Anticipating the objection that such lessons will likely be 50
resisted by those at whom they are aimed, Mill replies that such resistance is indicative of the presence of 'sinister interests' and that minds suitably sanitized will be persuaded by 'evidence'. The elements of polities', he says, 'are not abstruse.' Nor, he adds, are 'the elements of jurisprudence', which 'might be taught with great advantage'.53 This would of course assume, in addition to ostensibly open minds, the availability of texts suitable for such didactic purposes. As it happens, Mill was the author not only of an elementary textbook on political economy, but of essays on 'Government' and 'Jurisprudence' which first appeared in the Encyclopaedia Britannica and were later published together in a single volume under Mill's name.54 These may well have been the texts that Mill had in mind for Sunday sermons in his model state church. Lest Mill's day of rest look like the most strenuous day of the week, he sounds a lighter note—although, as always, for a serious purpose. 'So much', he says, 'for the serious matters with which the minds of the people might be usefully engaged . . . on the day of rest.' The serious lessons taught on that day will, he says, sink in even more deeply if combined with certain 'amusements'. These 'social amusements . . . should be of a gentle character;
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CommonCrawl
| 1.383738 | 1.308811 | 0.270894 | 1.66559 |
harmonizing rather with the moderate, than the violent emotions; promoting cheerfulness, not profuse merriment'. Competitive games and sports, not being 'favourable to the feelings of brotherly love', should be forbidden. Mill is, however, prepared to permit 'music and dancing', but only if 'regulated'. Since dancing is a 'mimetic art', dances 'might be so contrived as to represent all the social affections, which we most desire to implant in the breasts of the people, and to call up the trains of ideas by which they are nourished'. This might be done, for example, by means of dances representing 'the parental and filial affections' and 'the fraternal affections'. Mill is quite insistent that the 'marital affections' not be represented mimetically: 'dances to represent that affection would be so apt to slide into lasciviousness, that we should be afraid to trust them.'55 53 54 55
James Mill, 'The Church, and its Reform', 291. James Mill, Essays on Government, Jurisprudence, etc. (London, 1825). James Mill, 'The Church, and its Reform', 293.
Having spent the better part of their day of rest in listening to lectures on political economy and other sundry subjects, and having engaged in earnest dancing, Mill's model parishioners conclude the day's activities with a common meal. This they do not so much because they would by now be famished but because 'the conjunct meal' is 'a promoter of union'. These 'friendship meals' would be eminently sober affairs. Only through 'the total interdiction of intoxicating liquors' and the ready availability of large quantities of 'tea and coffee' can these friendship-meals promote social solidarity and affection.56 Thus ends the day of rest. The sceptical reader might be forgiven for wondering what could persuade people to attend a church such as Mill describes. To this Mill has a ready answer: once they have tried it, they will like it and prefer this to their previous forms of worship. Although some might wish to retain their membership in one or another sect, all would be required by law to belong to the state church. What the law prescribes would soon become second nature. 'Men could not long attend a worship' in this church without acquiring attachment to it, and learning by degrees that it is the one thing needful. All would belong to this church; and after a short time would belong to no other. Familiarized with the true worship of the Divine Being, they would throw off the pseudo worship, dogmas, and ceremonies. This is the true plan for converting Dissenters. There would be no schism, if men had nothing to scind about.57
In this way would Mill's model church become an even more efficient 'state engine' than the Church of England had been heretofore. Its members' minds having been scientifically formed, or at any rate re-formed, by instruction received on the seventh day, Mill's state church results in a better state and a more sober citizenry. But how are we to know whether these various lessons are being learnt and applied? Mill answers by proposing a system of incentives, negative and positive. The negative incentive is that the sermons and activities of the clergy are to be scrutinized by inspectors who report to the Ministry of Public 56
Instruction. This punitive stick is to be supplemented by a pecuniary carrot. Believing that the hardest-working and most successful clergymen deserve to be rewarded for their efforts, Mill proposes a system of merit pay. The state should 'give annual premiums to those ministers in whose parishes certain favourable results were manifested'. Cast in quantitative terms, these favourable results would include such things as the 'smallest number of crimes committed within the year', 'the smallest number of law-suits', 'the smallest number of paupers', 'the smallest number of uneducated children', 'the reading-rooms best attended', and so on. 'In this manner, would pretty decisive evidence be obtained of the comparative prevalence of good conduct in the different parishes, and a motive . . . applied to the obtaining of it.'58 Mill's scheme for a civil religion is nothing if not thorough. 6.6 MILL AND COMTE COMPARED My aim in offering the foregoing
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CommonCrawl
| 1.323962 | 1.005129 | -0.073404 | 1.144461 |
account of Mill's Utopian proposal for a radically reformed religious establishment is to suggest that it appears to constitute an additional and heretofore unnoticed affinity between Mill and Comte. I do not, of course, mean to suggest that their schemes are indistinguishable, for clearly there are differences of design, detail, and emphasis. With its icons, its imagery, and its elaborate rituals, Comte's is clearly the more 'Catholic', while the relative simplicity and moral earnestness of Mill's marks his as the more 'protestant' system of social worship. Important as they are, however, these and other differences should not blind us to several genuine similarities between their schemes. Both, after all, aim at promoting social solidarity; both prescribe particular orders of worship; and both are backed by supposedly scientific arguments. One can also argue that both are paternalistic at best, and authoritarian at worst. Comte and Mill are alike not only in outlining new systems of social relations, but in proposing a religious rationale for reconciling people to it. Although Comte's is more Catholic and hierarchical, and 58
James Mill, 'The Church, and its Reform', 289.
Mill's more protestant and ostensibly democratic, both schemes prescribe a certain social hierarchy. Comte is meticulous in prescribing a place for everyone—intellectuals, industrialists, proletarians, priests, women59—but so too, after his own fashion, is Mill. If his system has no high priest or pope, it does have 'the middle rank', which, as he says elsewhere, 'gives to science, to art, and to legislation itself their most distinguished ornament, and is the chief source of all that has exalted and refined human nature'.60 It is from this rank that the clergy and the inspectorate are to be recruited; and its ideals of cleanliness, thrift, frugality, sobriety, and industriousness are the ones that the common people are to internalize through instruction received from the clergy. At this point it is worth pausing to ask why, even as John Stuart Mill condemned Comte's scheme of social worship, he failed to mention, much less condemn, his father's scheme. Several explanations are possible, if perhaps not equally plausible. A psychohistorian, for example, might construct a 'deep' account in which Comte figures as a 'dispacement object' towards whom the younger Mill directed the subconscious hostility he felt for his father. His breaking with Comte might therefore be said to mark a symbolic break with his father.61 The supporting evidence might include, among other things, the favourable comparison that J. S. Mill had drawn between his father and Comte, followed by his unusually vehement denunciation of the latter's 'despotism'. A less deep, and perhaps more plausible, explanation might invoke 'that filial piety which makes Mill's Autobiography so unreliable'.62 Thus his failure to notice the otherwise obvious parallels between his father's and Comte's schemes for a civil religion was merely one of many instances in which the younger Mill dutifully omitted or soft-pedalled criticisms of his father's more illiberal and less defensible views. A third, and to my mind more plausible, explanation is that J. S. Mill's mysterious omission is neither mysterious nor an omission. He never likened his father's schemes for a civil 59 60 61 62
See Comte, General View of Positivism, chs. 2-4. James Mill, Essay on Government, in PW 41. See B. Mazlish, James and John Stuart Mill (New York, 1975), 251-62. See W. Thomas, The Philosophical Radicals (Oxford, 1979), 115.
religion to Comte's because he had no reason to do so. Moreover, had he drawn any such comparison, it would almost certainly have been in his father's favour. For one thing, Mill's scheme is devoid of the dogmas, rituals, miracles, and mysteries with which Comte's abounds. Moreover, the elder Mill's model church is meant to serve as a school in which the critical, analytical, and practical skills of the parishioners are sharpened on Sund
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CommonCrawl
| 1.413625 | 1.516456 | 0.130799 | 0.805474 |
ays. He had, after all, complained that the Anglican Church and its clergy were 'enemies of the improvement of the human mind'.63 Mill's civil religion is, accordingly, austerely cerebral and critical. By contrast, Comte's Religion of Humanity requires that its adherents not only cultivate the unreflective 'altruistic' social feelings but that they resist the 'egoistic' temptation to think critically. The 'critical spirit', he says, 'is directly contrary to that which ought to reign in scientific politics'.64 One can scarcely imagine either of the Mills ever endorsing such a view. Indeed, one of James Mill's main criticisms of organized religion was that its rituals tended to numb the mind even as they stirred the passions.65 And although his son did not object to having one's passions stirred by poetry, to have them aroused and manipulated by priests of any sort was an altogether different and more dangerous matter. The single idea of M. Comte, on this subject', he noted, 'is that the intellect should be wholly subordinated to the feelings . . ,'66 'The Pontiff of Positivism' requires the faithful to engage in daily 'devotional practices . . . not because his feelings require them, but for the premeditated purpose of getting his feelings up'.67 This single-minded subordination of the critical intellect to the social feelings is the foundation on which 'the Grand Pontiff of Humanity . . . organizes an elaborate system for the total suppression of all independent thought'.68 Not least, both Mills shared an abiding aversion to Roman Catholicism, which for them represented every conceivable 63 64
James Mill, 'The Church, and its Reform', 274. A. Comte, 'Plan of the Scientific Operations Necessary for Reorganising Society' (1822); repr. as an appendix to System of Positive Polity, iv. 574. 65 James Mill, Commonplace Book, v, fo. 132. 66 J. S. Mill, Auguste Comte and Positivism, 169. 67 6S Ibid. 153. Ibid. 169.
vice and defect of organized religion. In James Mill's case, this aversion was articulated early on, and was in due course extended to all priestly religions, East and West. He held fast to the Dissenter's distrust of doctrinal complexity and priestcraft. The 'quakerly plainness' that Macaulay had detected in Mill's prose was not an affectation but a central feature of his thinking not only about politics, economics, and psychology, but about religion as well.69 Mill surely spoke the truth when he confessed to being a Quaker in all but name.70 Much the same might also be said of his son. One of the mainstays of John Stuart Mill's case against Comte consisted of pointing out the affinities between the Religion of Humanity and Roman Catholicism. In casting about for someone sufficiently despotic with whom to compare Comte, J. S. Mill invokes only one name, that of Ignatius Loyola. Moreover, he complains that 'M. Comte is accustomed to draw most of his ideas of moral cultivation from the discipline of the Catholic Church', although Comte, he adds, outdoes even the Church in that he attempts to transform everyone into a saint.71 'M. Comte is fond of borrowing the consecrated expressions of Catholicism to denote the nearest equivalents which his own system affords.'72 Whatever other similarities it might be said to share with Comte's Religion of Humanity, James Mill's scheme for a civil religion at least owed nothing to Roman Catholicism. More to the point, perhaps, is that James Mill's model church owed nothing to Saint-Simon, as Comte's clearly did. Despite what the younger Mill suggested, Comte's religious turn can scarcely be said to represent 'the signal anomaly in M. Comte's intellectual career'.73 On the contrary, and as Comte himself rightly noted, the Religion of Humanity marks the culmination and completion of his own version of the system that Saint-Simon claimed (wrongly, in Comte's view) to have been the first to outline.74 Saint-Simon's and Comte's 69 T. B. Macaulay, 'Mill on
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CommonCrawl
| 1.022369 | 1.386678 | -0.291281 | 0.32735 |
Government', Edinburgh Review, 1929; repr. as appendix to PW 271-303, at 272. 70 'You are half a Quaker, and I am all but a whole one' (Mill to Henry Brougham, 15 Sept. 1831, Brougham Collection, University College, London, fo. 10764). 71 72 J. S. Mill, Auguste Comte and Positivism, 144. Ibid. 158. 73 74 Ibid. 5. Cf. Comte's Preface to his Catechism, 1-26.
claims to originality notwithstanding, there was in nineteenthcentury France an already well-established tradition of discourse in which to talk about this or that scheme for a religion civile. This in turn served as a backdrop against which the civil-religious schemes of various French CounterEnlightenment thinkers gained and enjoyed a degree of intelligibility if not plausibility or persuasiveness.75 It is only a slight exaggeration to suggest that Voltaire's scheme represented the rationalist, and Rousseau's the romantic, variations on a single theme.76 What Saint-Simon and Comte added, as J. S. Mill rightly said of the latter, was an unprecedented degree of rigour and systematization, or at any rate the appearance of it. At all events, Comte's systeme was never really the purely secular and scientific edifice that the younger Mill at first believed it to be. One might more plausibly argue that the elder Mill's civil religion represents rather more of an anomaly in his intellectual career than it does in Comte's—at least if we accept the account of his father's religious views offered in the Autobiography. Even so, in the final analysis it is, I think, fair to say that, although both Mill and Comte advocated a civil religion, their schemes were—despite several striking similarities between them—quite different in structure, intent, and inspiration. To the younger Mill, if not to us, these differences would doubtless have been paramount. Therefore, it is perhaps unfair to expect John Stuart Mill to have compared, much less condemned, them as though they had been cut from the same cloth. It is, however, fair to ask another question: to what degree, if any, was the younger Mill justified in claiming to see similarities between eighteenth-century Scotsmen and nineteenth-century Frenchmen, and more particularly between the eminent progenitors and the unsung 'last survivor' of the Scottish school and the Positivist school of the self-annointed French savant? At the very least, the comparison seems, in retrospect, to have been strained, not to say oversimplified, overdrawn, and overdramatized. 75 See I. Berlin, 'The Counter-Enlightenment', in Against the Current (London, 1979), ch. i. 76 P. Gay, Voltaire's Politics (New York, 1965), 259-72.
6.7 MILL'S SCOTTISH SOURCE After considering the affinities and differences between Mill's and Comte's schemes for a civil religion, a larger and more intractable question remains. To what tradition of discourse does James Mill's scheme belong? I want to conclude by suggesting that besides being a curious mixture of Benthamism and Platonism, Mill's plan for a reformed church and a civil religion also belongs in some part to the Scottish 'school of the north' in which he was initially nurtured. Like Hume's and Smith's, Mill's approach to religion was less theological than sociological. If Hume was, in John Dunn's apt phrase, a 'practical atheist', James Mill was a practical theist, in that he believed misguided or mistaken theological views to have pernicious political consequences.77 Such views stood, accordingly, in need of correction through education—precisely the sort of education that Mill's model church was supposed to supply. Without claiming any kind of direct influence or causal connection between them, I want in conclusion to suggest that there are several striking affinities between Mill's scheme for a civil religion and the account of 'public works' to be found in Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations. Public works, in
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CommonCrawl
| 1.071276 | 1.44378 | -0.007952 | 0.493049 |
Smith's sense, are enterprises which serve the public good but do not come about inadvertently through the operations of the 'invisible hand'. Rather, they require the more visible hand of the state for their support. Although 'they may be in the highest degree advantageous to a great society', such public works are neither profitable nor self-supporting and must therefore be supported by the public at large. Besides 'the publick institutions and publick works necessary for the defence of the society, and for the administration of justice' and 'for facilitating the commerce of society', these public works would also include those institutions 'for promoting the instruction of the people'. Public works of this latter sort include not only 77 J. Dunn, 'From Applied Theology to Social Analysis: The Break between John Locke and the Scottish Enlightenment', in I. Hont and M. Ignatieff (eds.), Wealth and Virtue (Cambridge, 1983), ch. 5.
schools for educating the young but the churches which oversee 'the instruction of people of all ages'.78 Like Mill, Smith sees the church as an educational institution. Its function is to inculcate the morals and manners promoting sociability, harmony, and commerce. Like Mill, Smith views sectarianism and enthusiasm as subversive of these ends. 'There are two very easy and effectual remedies, however, by whose joint operation the state might, without violence, correct whatever was unsocial or disagreeably rigorous in the morals of all the little sects into which the country was divided.' The first is to diffuse philosophical and scientific knowledge 'among all people of middling or more than middling rank and fortune' so that common labourers might be immunized against sectarian vices. 'Science', says Smith, 'is the great antidote to the poison of enthusiasm and superstition; and where all the superior ranks of people were secured from it, the inferior ranks could not be much exposed to it.'79 Smith, like Mill, entrusts the 'publick work' of moral education to the enlightened and scientifically minded 'middle rank'. But what of those gentle amusements with which Mill would leaven the rigours of the Sunday service? The second of Smith's antisectarian remedies is the frequency and gaiety of publick diversions. The state, by encouraging . . . those who . .. would attempt, without scandal or indecency, to amuse and divert the people by painting, poetry, musick, dancing; by all sorts of dramatic representations and exhibitions, would easily dissipate, in the greater part of them, that melancholy and gloomy humour which is almost always the nurse of popular superstition and enthusiasm. Publick diversions have always been the objects of dread and hatred, to all the fanatical promoters of those popular frenzies. The gaiety and good humour which those diversions inspire were altogether inconsistent with that temper of mind, which was fittest for their purpose, or which they could best work upon.80
Mill might have had his reservations about carrying 'gaiety and good humour' too far; but there is little doubt that his model Sunday regimen agrees in essentials with Smith's 'publick diversions'. 78 80
A. Smith, Wealth of Nations (Oxford, 1979), ii. 723. Ibid. 796-7.
Smith, like Mill, is as effusive in his praise of Luther as he is unsparing in his criticism of Roman Catholicism and, to a lesser degree, of the Church of England, both of which Smith compares unfavourably with the Presbyterian Church of Scotland. In the former, the clergy are overpaid and are too much given to pleasing—and not infrequently to imitating— their morally lax social superiors. 'Such a clergy,' says Smith, 'while they pay their court in this manner to the higher ranks of life, are very apt to neglect altogether the means of maintaining their influence and authority with the lower.' The Scottish Presbyterian clergy, by contrast, are models of moral rectitude. 'In all the presbyterian churches . . . it is by nobler and better arts that the established clergy in general endeavour to gain the favour of their superiors [and the respect of their inferiors]; by their learning, by the irreproachable regularity of their life, and by
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CommonCrawl
| 1.427211 | 1.012916 | -0.001451 | 1.028092 |
the faithful and diligent discharge of their duty.'81 This they do partly out of character and moral conviction but also—and no less importantly—because their 'pay or recompense' is 'proportioned to the nature of the service' they perform: If any service is very much under-paid, it is very apt to suffer by the meanness and incapacity of the greater part of those who are employed in it. If it is very much over-paid, it is apt to suffer, perhaps, still more by their negligence and idleness. A man of large revenue, whatever may be his profession, thinks he ought to live like other men of large revenues; and to spend a great part of his time in festivity, in vanity, and in dissipation. But in a clergyman this train of life not only consumes the time which ought to be employed in the duties of his function, but in the eyes of the common people destroys almost entirely that sanctity of character which can alone enable him to perform those duties with proper weight and authority.82
Mill's justification for having the state support a modestly paid clergy seems to be scarcely more than a paraphrase of Smith's arguments in support of 'publick works' and 'publick diversions'. There are, however, at least three noteworthy dissimilarities. First, Smith—unlike Mill in his last years—remained 81
Ibid. 808-9.
Ibid. 813-14.
adamantly opposed to an established state church, favouring instead a competition among creeds and sects. Second, where Smith's account is detached and descriptive, Mill's is engaged and Utopian. And, third, Mill's scheme for a civil religion has several 'Platonic' features that are wholly absent from Smith's discussion. These differences aside, there remain several striking similarities between Mill's plan for a radically reformed state church and Smith's analysis of religious instruction as a 'publick work'. Without wishing to claim a direct, much less a causal, connection between Smith's views and Mill's, I do want to suggest the possibility of an indirect connection. Not only had Mill read and reread Smith's The Wealth of Nations, first as a student and later as an aspiring political economist, but both came out of that larger eighteenth-century 'system of the north' whose members tended to view religion less from a theological than from a sociological vantage-point. Mill's scheme for a civil religion may well mark a partial return to that 'great school' of which he was indeed the last survivor. 6.8 CONCLUSION It is, of course, altogether too easy to find Mill's and others' schemes for some sort of civil religion risible, or worse. But the problem to which they point is surely no laughing matter. The problem is, how is a society to socialize its members and legitimize its institutions? How are its less reasonable and reflective members to be led to behave in minimally decent and civil ways? By what means might a fraying social fabric be mended?83 Such questions were never asked in the abstract by armchair philosophers. They have always been, and still remain— now perhaps more than ever—pressing practical questions in search of some practical answer. One answer is supplied by the institution of a civil religion. Whether understood in Rousseau's or Comte's or Mill's terms may matter less, in the final analysis, than that such schemes have been proposed as a 83 For a modern sociologist's restatement of the problem in eighteenthcentury 'Scottish' terms, see J. Q. Wilson, The Moral Sense (New York, 1993)-
solution to a persistent problem arising in connection with living a commodious common life.84 Against this more traditional way of posing the problem, one can of course invoke the names of Nietzsche and, more recently, of Foucault. Both invert the traditional order of discourse. For Foucault and Nietzsche, the very idea of a wellordered society is itself the problem, and any means to that end—moral, religious, or educative—is to be regarded with suspicion and scorn. Morality masks and legitimizes power and privilege. Transparency is a trap and all attempts to tame the beast within every human breast are assaults to be resisted.85 All forms of discipline—moral, religious, pedagogical, penal—must accordingly be
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CommonCrawl
| 1.541327 | 1.365913 | -0.372312 | 0.977497 |
unmasked, upended, and shown for what they are. I turn now to a consideration of Foucault's attempt to write a 'genealogical' account and critique of modern punitive practices. 84 See M. Goldie, 'The Civil Religion of James Harrington', in A. Pagden (ed.), The Languages of Political Theory in Early-Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1987), 197-222. 85 See Ch. 5.6 above.
BENTHAMITE DISCIPLINE AND PUNISHMENT; OR, WHAT FOUCAULT MISSED Nous sommes bien moms grecs que nous ne le croyons. Michel Foucault 7.1 I N T R O D U C T I O N There are, as we have seen, many ways of thinking and writing about the history of social and political thought. One of the most common of these, the traditional—or, if you like, the old-fashioned textbook—approach stresses continuity. On this view, the history of political thought is a story of change within a continuity of concerns. These 'perennial ideas' are the stuff of an ongoing conversation from one age and thinker to another. Thus, for example, Rawls's theory of justice represents the continuation of a conversation begun by earlier thinkers, including Plato and Aristotle and anyone who has since thought and written about 'justice'. Each theorist contributes a building-block to the edifice that is Western political thought. Another, and arguably newer, view stresses discontinuity—'breaks' or 'ruptures' or radical conceptual innovation and theoretical incommensurability between theories or 'paradigms' of political thinking or discursive practices. This second story-line is borrowed from a way of thinking about the history of the natural sciences popularized by Thomas Kuhn in The Structure of Scientific Revolutions.1 On this view, Newtonian physics, for example, is not a continuation and refinement of Aristotelian physics, but rather repre1
T. S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago, 1963; rev. edn., 1974).
Benthamite Discipline and Punishment
sents a radically new way of looking at and understanding nature. And although the two share certain concepts—e.g. 'force' and 'motion'—each understands these in very different or even incommensurable ways. The worlds thus represented—or perhaps one should say constructed—are very different indeed. Michel Foucault's seminal studies of madness, of prisons, hospitals, asylums, sexuality, and power, proceed from the historiographical premisses of this second view. Foucault follows the historian of science Gaston Bachelard (by whom Kuhn was also much influenced), who emphasizes cataclysmic change, radical breaks, ruptures, or revolutionary discontinuities between bounded and historically specific systems of scientific thought. Foucault applies this schema to the writing of the history of social and political thought. That 'genealogical' history he writes as a story of discontinuous change from one discrete system of 'discursive practices' or 'epistemes' to another. Between the pre-classical and modern epistemes there yawns a discursive divide (although Foucault is none too clear about where this is to be found). The languages or assumptions of the two are too different to be commensurable. Or, to put the point differently, each is too exclusive and selfcontained to allow for any easy translation of the categories and concepts constitutive of the one into the categories and concepts of the other. Our world, the world of the 'panoptic machine' or the modern surveillance society, is constituted by a system of concepts, classifications, and discursive practices that is radically at odds with those of the Greeks, from whom we wish, misguidedly and mistakenly, to claim descent. 'We are much less Greek than we believe', if indeed we are 'Greek' at all. This genealogical approach is brilliantly and dramatically applied in Discipline and Punish, in which Foucault traces the origins of our own 'carceral society' to various late-eighteenthand early nineteenth-century humanitarians and reformers. The main villain of the piece is Jeremy Bentham, whose plan for a 'panopticon' prison provides Foucault with his central metaphor
|
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CommonCrawl
| 1.277772 | 1.67219 | -0.042023 | 1.025562 |
. The panopticon (from the Greek pan-optes, 'allseeing') permitted a single guard in a central tower to observe all prisoners in the surrounding circle of cells at all hours of
the day or night. Aware of the constant presence of 'the gaze' (le regard), prisoners would quickly come to internalize its presence, and begin policing themselves. While Bentham's own panopticon project was a non-starter, it nevertheless represents, for Foucault, a particularly clear-cut case—a paradigm case, as it were—with which to illustrate and sum up the unintended but nevertheless real thrust of all well-meant attempts to reform or improve human society along less cruel and more 'humane' lines. In Foucault's hands prison reform, once regarded as a humanitarian movement, comes to be seen for what it 'really' is—a veritable model and starting-point for more subtle, and markedly more efficient and economical, means by which modern society subjugates or 'normalizes' its own subjects.2 It is an interesting story which, in one version or another, Foucault never tired of telling. But several characters, and some important parts of the plot, are missing. Bentham is, no doubt, a central figure. Indeed he is, for Foucault, both bete noire and eminence grise. But other, ostensibly minor characters are notable by their absence from Foucault's drama. Bentham's own hero and inspiration, the crusading prison inspector and muckraking author John Howard (1726-90), is mentioned only once, and Nield and other penal reformers of the day not at all. Howard's influential State of the Prisons (1777), which was instrumental in exposing the evils of the English prison system, does not even merit an entry in Foucault's rather spotty bibliography.3 These are surprising omissions for a writer who claims, as a matter of methodological principle, to eschew the pivotal role played by the Big Names in the history of Western social and political thought, preferring instead to write history 'from the bottom up' by concentrating on work done by anonymous officials, petty bureaucrats, functionaries, writers of official reports, and other ostensibly minor figures inside the system of 'capillaries' through which power circulates. But, for all his purported focus on such minor figures, Foucault fails to note the key 2
M. Foucault, Discipline and Punish (New York, 1977). See J. Semple, Bentham's Prison (Oxford, 1993); 'Foucault and Bentham: A Defence of Panopticism', Utilitas, 4 (1992), 105-20. 3
role played by lesser lights, including Bentham's 'lieutenant and propagandist-in-chief', James Mill.4 My aim here is to insert this particular character into Foucault's tale in order to flesh it out and thereby to transform it in several important respects. My claim is that much of the shape and character of what we take to be 'Benthamite' schemes for prison reform are importantly informed not only by Bentham but also by James Mill and, more surprisingly still, by a thinker by whom Mill was much influenced—Plato. The thrust of my argument, if correct, is that a number of the 'new' developments that Foucault purports to trace may, in fact, represent recycled versions of much older theories (in this instance, of justice and punishment). Like the cat, 'classical' thinkers have many lives. So, simply put, the moral of my tale amounts to this: to ignore or downplay the importance of authors and texts conventionally characterized (and often dismissed) as belonging to 'the canon' of classical texts written by 'dead white European males'—in this instance Plato and his Republic—is not to be free of their influence, but is merely one particularly pernicious way of being under their spell without knowing it. Pace Foucault, we may well be more 'Greek' than we believe. My route to this destination includes the following stops. I begin by considering the conventional estimate of James Mill and his relation to Bentham. I then go on to examine the elder Mill's views on punishment and penal reform, arguing that they are predicated on a decidedly Platonic theory of punishment. I contend that, so far as his premisses
|
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CommonCrawl
| 1.245168 | 1.776013 | 0.761341 | 0.921842 |
are concerned, James Mill is rather more of a Platonist than a pure and unalloyed Benthamite. Finally, I conclude by connecting this single story to a larger concern about the way in which we ought not to write the history of political thought. 7.2 BENTHAM AND JAMES MILL James Mill has had the misfortune to stand under doubly obscuring shadows. The first is cast by his supposed mentor, 4 E. Halevy, 'James Mill', in Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (New York, 1930), x. 450-1.
Jeremy Bentham, and the second by his more famous son, John.Stuart Mill. The elder Mill is today remembered mainly for having been Bentham's chief propagandist and the stern teacher against whom his son later rebelled. According to the conventional account, 'Bentham gave Mill a doctrine, and Mill gave Bentham a school.'5 On this view, Mill emerges as a minor Benthamite whose mind remained essentially empty and unformed until his meeting with the master. This did not occur until 1808—some fifteen years after Mill had graduated from the University of Edinburgh and seven years after he had left his native Scotland for London and a 'career in authorship'.6 At the rather advanced age of 35 Mill's mind finally acquired its shape. Scratch the elder Mill wherever you wish and there you will find Bentham. This conventional view is a caricature; and, like any memorable caricature, it contains a grain of truth. But it also obscures more than it illuminates and is misleading and mistaken in several important respects. The master-disciple view of the Bentham-Mill relationship is overdue for revising. If indeed the elder Mill was simply an unreconstructed Benthamite, we might be better advised to go straight to the source and read the works of the master rather than those of his disciple. But this is no easy matter. As anyone who has ever tried to read Bentham knows, his prose is opaque, and dense to the point of impenetrability. He sometimes seems to speak his own private language, and his writings abound with neologisms of his own invention. And nowhere are these tendencies more evident than in his writings on prison reform. Bentham's Panopticon; or, the Inspection-House (1791) runs to 539 pages, 122 of which describe his 'simple idea in architecture' and the remainder are devoted to two 'postscripts' covering everything from the type of shoes to be worn by prisoners (wooden clogs) to the weight and texture of bed-linens (light and coarse). Bentham seemed almost constitutionally incapable of writing plainly and to the point. The contemporary critic Hazlitt was more accurate than arch when he, upon hearing that 5 6
E. Halevy, The Growth of Philosophic Radicalism (London, 1929), 251. A. Bain, James Mill: A Biography (London, 1882), chs. I, 2; and my 'Introduction' to PW.
Dumont had translated Bentham into French, asked when someone would translate Bentham into English. And that, in effect, is just what James Mill did. Where Bentham is opaque and well-nigh inaccessible, Mill is both clear and readable. He describes, much more clearly than Bentham ever did, the plan for a panopticon prison: An idea of the contrivance may be conveyed in a few words. It is a circular building, of the width of a cell, and of any height; carried round a space, which remains vacant in the middle. The cells are all open inwards, having an iron grating instead of a wall, and, of course, are visible in every part to an eye properly placed in the vacant space. A narrow tower rises in the middle of that space, called the inspection tower, which serves for the residence of the keepers, and in which, by means of windows and blinds, they can see without being seen; the cells, by lights properly disposed, being capable of being rendered as visible by night as by day.7 If Mill's prose is not beautiful, it is at least clear and succinct. But in fact Mill does much more than merely redescribe Bentham's scheme in plain prose. He supplies, as it were, a language of legitimation or justification for Bentham's plans for prison reform. And—more important still—he does
|
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CommonCrawl
| 1.288641 | 1.474927 | 0.431927 | 1.060979 |
so less in Benthamite than in Platonic terms. That is, Mill's language, his key concepts and justificatory arguments, are less beholden to Bentham than to Plato. Yet most of Mill's modern readers have attended almost exclusively to Mill's ostensibly Benthamite conclusions, paying little heed to the route he followed in reaching and justifying them. Were they to do so, however, they might well be surprised. Beneath Mill's Benthamite exterior there beats, I believe, the heart of a rather peculiar Platonist. Although often cast in Bentham's idiom, Mill's major premisses, his most basic concepts and first principles, derive directly or indirectly from Plato, or, at any rate, from his interpretation of Plato. Indeed, as we shall see, James Mill often deduces apparently Benthamite conclusions from decidedly Platonic premisses. That he does so is not, upon reflection, wholly surprising. For in the 'quarrel between ancients and moderns', Mill tried to have it both ways. To the wisdom of the former 7
Mill, 'Prisons and Prison Discipline', PW 199.
he hoped to add the scientific insights of the latter. Bentham, by contrast, was clearly a 'modern', and much more dismissive of the ancients. The only ancient worth his salt was Epicurus. But if Bentham was an Epicurean, Mill was rather more of a Stoic, of the stern Scots Calvinist variety. Bentham really did believe that pushpin is as good as poetry and that a pleasure is a pleasure, whatever the source and whomever the recipient. Although Mill makes much ado about happiness, he does not equate happiness with pleasure or with pleasurable sensations of just any sort and from any source. On the contrary, Mill maintained that pleasure is not a univocal concept and that there is a hierarchy of the pleasures. The lowliest of these are the physical or bodily pleasures having to do (as his son later said) with 'the animal appetites'.8 The highest pleasures—and the only ones connected with true happiness—are those associated with the exercise of the intellect. If Mill's elevation of the intellectual pleasures of reason and reflection can scarcely be squared with Bentham's less discriminating hedonism, it does nevertheless conform quite closely with Plato's conception of happiness, or eudaimonia. In this as in many other respects, James Mill was more Plato's kinsman than Bentham's. To demonstrate this in any detail is too tall an order to fill here. I shall, therefore, focus upon a single facet of James Mill's thinking that is said to show quite clearly how deeply indebted he was to Bentham. As one commentator puts it, Mill's views on crime and punishment are 'simply those of Bentham'.9 Against this bit of conventional wisdom I shall argue that Mill's views on punishment, and more particularly his defence of Bentham's plans for penal reform, actually reveal the extent of his indebtedness to Plato. This debt is especially evident in his essays on penology and punishment, most of which were written between 1810 and 1820. As we shall see, his defence of Bentham's proposals for prison reform incorporate insights not only from psychology and 8
J. S. Mill, The Early Draft of John Stuart Mill's 'Autobiography', ed. J. Stillinger (Urbana, 111., 1961), 171. 9 L. W. Sumner, 'Mill and the Death Penalty: Some Addenda', Mill Newsletter, 13 (1978), 13.
political economy, but, as I shall argue, from the philosophy of Plato. It is indeed Mill's use of distinctly Platonic themes and arguments which sets apart and distinguishes his views from those of Bentham and other reformers. In attempting to substantiate this claim I shall begin by briefly adverting to Mill's profuse praise of Plato. I shall then recapitulate Plato's theory of justice and just punishment and compare his theory of punishment with Mill's, showing how the former informs and undergirds the latter. 7.3 JAMES MILL'S PLATONISM If not a thoroughgoing Platonist, James Mill was at least an ardent admirer of Plato. A formidable classicist in his own right
|
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CommonCrawl
| 1.726087 | 1.801969 | 0.197372 | 1.038211 |
, Mill regarded Plato as unquestionably the greatest of the Greek philosophers. There was, he admitted, 'no author more difficult to translate' than Plato, and none more commonly misunderstood.10 Yet understanding the thinking of 'the philosopher of the most brilliant imagination' was, he averred, an absolutely necessary part of one's education. Although Plato's dialogues should 'become a general and favourite object of perusal' by men and women of all ages, it is best to begin early; for reading Plato is surely 'the most improving exercise which can engage a juvenile mind'.11 Putting this aspect of his educational theory into immediate practice, James Mill taught his son John, at the tender and impressionable age of 3, to read Greek, for the express (though scarcely sole) purpose of reading Plato's dialogues. For it was from Plato, more than from any other single author, that the elder Mill had acquired his own 'mental culture'. As his son later remarked, 'There is no author to whom my father thought himself more indebted for his own mental 10
James Mill, Literary Journal, 3/10 (i June 1804), 578. James Mill, Commonplace Book (see Ch. 6 n. 38), v, fo. 49; Edinburgh Review, 14/27 (Apr. 1809). Elsewhere Mill writes of 'the sagacious mind of Plato' being 'far more philosophical than that of any who succeeded him' (Analysis of the Phenomena of the Human Mind, 2nd edn. (London, 1878), i. 271). Cf. also his Fragment on Mackintosh, 25, and the repeated references to Plato in his Commonplace Book. 11
culture, than Plato, or whom he more frequently recommended to young students.'12 Even so, the impression left by his son's Autobiography is that James Mill's debt to Plato was almost exclusively a methodological one. What remained with James Mill, on his son's telling, was an abiding respect for the utility of Plato's dialectical method of question and answer, conjecture and refutation. The 'title of Platonist', wrote John Stuart Mill, most rightfully 'belongs to those who have been nourished, and have endeavoured to practise Plato's mode of investigation'—namely, 'the Socratic method, of which the Platonic dialogues are the chief example . . ,'.13 Indeed, he confesses elsewhere, 'I have ever felt myself, beyond any modern that I know of except my father . . . a pupil of Plato, and cast in the mould of his dialectics.'14 On this retelling, his father emerges as something of a methodological Platonist whose substantive doctrines owe little, if anything, to the substance of Plato's teachings. This impression I believe to be misleading. Certainly Mill owed a large methodological debt to Plato. But, I shall argue, Mill's own substantive doctrines are also decidedly Platonic. His arguments in support of Bentham's views on discipline and punishment provide a case in point. After briefly reviewing Plato's views on these matters I shall turn to James Mill's startlingly similar arguments and conclusions. 7.4 PLATO ON PUNISHMENT Plato drew a sharp distinction between punishing someone and harming him. To punish a wrongdoer promotes justice while harming him merely answers one unjust act with another, thereby adding to the sum of injustice. Of course by 'justice' (dike) Plato means each person's performing the function for which he or she is 'naturally' suited.15 A 'just' (dikaios) cobbler will stick to his last, a 'just' pilot to navigation, and so on. More generally, every person, and indeed every thing, has its own specific virtue or 'particular excellence' (arete}. Thus 12 14
13 J. S. Mill, Autobiography (London, 1971), 14. Ibid. 14-15. 15 J. S. Mill, Early Draft, 48. Plato, Republic, 335b-e,352d-354.
the virtue of a carving-knife is its sharpness, the virtue of a racehor
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CommonCrawl
| 1.704351 | 1.521647 | 0.497737 | 1.711126 |
se its speed, and the virtue of an artisan the practical knowledge and skill in pursuing his craft. To perform one's function badly—or to attempt to fill a role for which one is ill-suited—is, according to Plato, unjust. From this it follows that actions, laws, or policies which promote the performance of another's proper function are just, and those which impair or impede such functions are unjust. To harm a person is to impair his ability to perform his functionally specific role. Harm is therefore necessarily unjust. One harms—that is, acts unjustly towards—a craftsman, for example, by doing something that renders him less adept at pursuing his craft. From this Plato concludes that just punishment differs from harm, inasmuch as it is applied for the purpose of making the recipient more 'just'—that is, better able to perform his proper function. Hence, it follows that criminals from different classes should receive different punishments. For example, a craftsman afflicted with the vice characteristic of his class— namely, appetitive excess—should be made to acquire the specific excellence of his class—namely, 'temperance'.16 A 'just' punishment thus literally 're-forms' his soul or character. 7.5 FROM BENTHAM TO PLATO These Platonic themes and arguments re-emerge, quite clearly and distinctly, in James Mill's views on punishment, and his defence of Bentham's panopticon prison in particular. There is more than a little of the spirit of Plato in Mill's aversion to punishments which break a person's spirit and his health, thereby rendering him less able to perform his proper role in the community. If a criminal in a prison is ever to be let out again, and to mix in society . . . nothing should be done . . . to make him a worse member of society than when he went in. There cannot be a worse quality of a punishment, than that it has a tendency to corrupt and deteriorate the individual on whom it is inflicted . . , 17 16 17
Ibid. 431, and Gorgias, 476d~48ob. James Mill, 'Prisons and Prison Discipline', PW 204.
Punishment, properly understood, is pain inflicted upon the wrongdoer, not to harm but to help him and the community to which he belongs. The public is protected by the criminal's being kept for a time in 'safe-custody'. And the inmate is helped by being reformed, that is, fitted to fulfil his function in society. Of course 'reform' would be quite unnecessary, if there had been no moral malformation to begin with. The individual, Mill stresses repeatedly, is not responsible for forming his own character; that task rests solely with the community.18 Like Plato, Mill thinks it the community's duty to attend to the moral education of its members. Any community which fails to do so is itself morally defective. By this light Plato condemned Thessaly and Mill criticizes England.19 In the best society no physical punishments would ever be needed. There would be no police, no prisons, no gaols or gallows; the internalized fear of moral censure would suffice. In punishing an offender the community is in effect making a public admission of failure; it is acknowledging that the moral education it offers its members is in some way defective. By resorting to coercive physical punishment, the community is trying to make up for two past wrongs—not merely the wrong committed by the offender, but the wrong committed by the community against the offender in having provided him with a defective moral education. For Mill, as for Plato, punishment must be purely prospective. Intentionally to inflict pain upon someone for some offence already committed, and for which they are not exclusively responsible, is in Mill's view 'rude' and 'barbaric'; it is mere 'vengeance'.20 But to inflict pain upon someone for the sake of 'instruction', and with an eye to improving his future conduct, is quite a different matter: only then, he believes, is punishment fully justified. This is Mill's pedagogical rendering of Plato's distinction between harming and punishing. 'Punishment' is a kind of 'instruction' oriented towards a per18
James Mill, Philanthropist, 3/10 (1813),
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CommonCrawl
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113, 116; 4/14 (1814), 136. Plato, Crito, 53d; James Mill, 'State of the Nation', Westminster Review, Oct. 1826. 20 James Mill, History of British India (London, 1818; 3rd edn., 1826), i. 217. 19
son's future conduct and meant to correct deficiencies in his earlier 'education' (or, in the idiom of modern social science, his 'socialization'). In Mill's view, 'punishment of the vicious when the vice has consummated itself in crime' is a pedagogical patch-job, and greatly inferior to the strategy of 'forming good characters, and letting no vicious ones be formed'. Instead of 'looking continually at punishment as its great instrument of good', government should pay more attention to 'the circumstances by which punishment may be superseded'. 'If one 40th of part of the pains which have been taken to punish crimes, were now bestowed upon the formation of [good character], how speedily, and to what an extent, would the condition of society be altered.'21 Until society is radically reformed, however, we will have to re-form its more dangerous and depraved members. In a quite literal sense, then, Mill regards punishment as a kind of remedial moral education. He describes Bentham's model prison as a 'school', a 'reformatory', and even—in a particularly chilling 'Foucauldian' phrase—a 'hospital for the mind'.22 The human mind is a store of 'associations' which constitute the beliefs upon which one acts. If these associations are properly formed by a good education (in Mill's and Plato's broad sense of the term), one will act wisely and well; if not, one will act in ways that are untoward, immoral, or criminal. Behaviour of the latter sort calls for correction—that is, the re-education of the offender. This is to be accomplished not merely by changing one's behaviour but, more fundamentally, by altering one's beliefs. 'Reform' involves nothing less than the re-forming of a twisted and misguided mind. The worst sort of moral education is inflicted upon members of the working class or, as Mill, speaking in the idiom of his day sometimes calls them, the 'lower orders'.23 It is not surprising, therefore, that a disproportionate number of criminals come from this class. The role of the labourer is to 21
James Mill, Philanthropist, 3/10 (1813), 116-17. James Mill, 'Prisons', PW; History, v. 532; 'Schools for All', in W. H. Burston (ed.), James Mill on Education (Cambridge, 1969), 139-40. 23 Mill to William Allen, the Quaker reformer and editor of The Philanthropist, 17 Jan. 1811, Brougham Collection, University College, London, fo. 10,775. 22
labour; labour is unpleasant, not to say painful; hence, if the labourer is to fulfil his function in society, he must learn to accept his lot, to tolerate the pain of labouring, to defer present pleasures for the sake of future reward, to avoid the temptations of vice. If these lessons are not learnt naturally, they must be imposed from without. This was, of course, the aim of the Lancasterian system of education, of which Mill was a fervent supporter. 'In the streets and in the fields,' Mill laments, the children of labourers 'have implanted in them the seeds of vice and profligacy. In the Lancasterian schools they are trained in all those habits which are the foundations of virtue and worth.'24 The best education for labourers is one that instils in them 'habits of discipline, order, and subordination'.25 Too many labourers develop, in their early years, habits of indiscipline, disorder, and insubordination; it is these profligate proletarians who fill our prisons. They are there, says Mill, 'because they have hated labour, and have had recourse to other means than
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CommonCrawl
| 0.446352 | 1.256899 | 0.011325 | 0.830771 |
their [own] industry of attaining the supply of their wants and the gratification of their desires. People of industry, people who love labour, seldom become the criminal inmates of a prison.'26 The object of reformatory discipline must then be to teach labourers to 'love labour'. The point of punishing a labourer is, as Plato says, to develop in him the sorts of habits and attitudes needed to make him a better labourer. Here again Mill follows Plato's lead. The persons on whom reformatory discipline is intended to operate', writes Mill, 'belong to the class of those who depend upon their industry for their support,' namely, the working class. 'The grand object . . . of reformatory discipline is, to create habits of useful industry.'27 The Platonic strain in Mill's thinking is never more pronounced than it is here. Like Plato, Mill holds that each class in society performs a certain function and that the 'particular virtue' or 'specific excellence' of each is that which contributes to the performance of its specific function. Just as speed and endurance are the 'virtues' of the runner and sharpness the 24 25 26 27
James Mill, 'Schools for All', 139. James Mill, Philanthropist, i/u (1811), 75. James Mill, 'Prisons', P W 204. Ibid. 215; Philanthropist, i/i (1811), 75.
virtue of the carving-knife, so 'industry' and 'love of labour' are the virtues of the labourer.28 Once these virtues become behaviourally imprinted 'habits', they enable the labourer to do what he does best, and thereby to contribute to his own well-being and to that of the community as well. But, if prisons are pedagogical institutions, they are not at present, Mill maintains, very useful or effective ones. They are scarcely more than 'universities' in which criminals merely learn how to be better criminals.29 As proponents of 'scientific' penology, Mill and Bentham believed it possible to turn prisons into reformatories for misguided minds and misshapen characters. Labourer-inmates should somehow be made, as Mill put it, to love labour. This lesson is not, at present, one that inmates learn; on the contrary, in unreformed prisons they learn to despise it all the more. For this unhappy and unproductive situation Mill proposes a diagnosis and a cure. According to the conventional view, punishments should consist of something that the prisoner finds painful. Since criminals find labour especially painful, why not use hard labour as a punishment? This answer, says Mill, is simple, obvious—and utterly mistaken. It reflects an inadequate understanding of associationist psychology: One thing . . . is pretty certain, that men seldom become in love with their punishments. If the grand cause of the crimes which have brought a man to punishment is his having not a love but [rather a] hatred of labour; [then] to make labour his punishment, is only to make him hate it the more. If the more a man hates labour, the more he is likely to act as a bad member of society; to punish a man with labour, and then to turn him out upon society . . . savours not of the highest wisdom.30
Not only does the labour-hating inmate come to despise labour even more: the honest workingman outside the prison walls, seeing labour like his own being employed as a means of punishment, comes to think less of his honest toil. 'In treating labour as an instrument of punishment,' Mill asks, 'what sort of lesson do you teach to the industrious and laborious 28 29 30
James Mill, 'Prisons', PW 204; cf. 'Education', PW 185. James Mill, Philanthropist, 2/8 (1812), 360. James Mill, 'Prisons', PW 204.
class, who form the great body of your people? to those whose lot is labour . . . harder than any which it is in your power to impose?' He concludes that, as 'an instrument of punishment, hardly any thing can be conceived more exceptionable [than labour]. That which is the source of all that mankind enjoy,
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that which is the foundation of every virtue in the most numerous class of the community, would you stamp with ignominy and dishonour, by inflicting it as a punishment upon the worst and basest of your people?' And finally, Mill adds, labour is ill-suited as a means of punishment for still another reason. If punishment is to be fair, it must be meted out equitably; two criminals imprisoned for the same offence should, ideally, be made to suffer equally. But labour 'operates with more inequality than almost any other instrument of punishment . . . The same degree of labour would kill one man, that to another would be only a pastime.'31 These considerations lead Mill to doubt the value of labour as a source of pain and an instrument of punishment. Yet Mill is not prepared to abandon labour as an instrument of reform. On the contrary, he thinks that labour, properly used, might prove a most valuable instrument. His solution is one of which some modern behaviourists might well approve. An inmate is in prison in the first place, Mill avers, because he despises labour. He hates labour, moreover, because he 'associates' the idea of labour with the 'painful sensations'. If his mind is to be re-formed, some way must be found to make him associate labour with the pleasurable sensations. 'What is desired', Mill writes, is 'to create a habit of doing useful acts, break the habit of doing hurtful acts.' These habits are created (or destroyed, as the case may be) by 'making the individual in question perform certain acts, [and] abstain from the performance of certain other acts'. This can be accomplished either by punishment or by reward. But, since we wish to instil a 'love of labour' in the inmate, we cannot use labour as a source of pain to him, lest he come to despise it all the more. 'Labour', says Mill, should 'be regarded as the foundation of all reformatory discipline. But as the object of this discipline is to train the man to love, not to hate labour, we 31
James Mill, 'Prisons', PW 204.
must not render the labour any part of his punishment. The labour must, for this important purpose, be a source of pleasure, not of pain.' Labour produces pleasurable consequences in prison in exactly the same way as it produces pleasure outside: 'Advantages must accrue from the performing of it.' And in the closed society of the prison it is especially 'easy to prevent the attaining of any pleasure, except through the medium of labour'.32 There one can withhold the amenities of life— soap, sweets, tobacco, and the like—from those who will not work for them. By rewarding his labours with these 'indulgences' one can establish in the inmate's mind the 'association' between present pain and future pleasure, i.e. between labour and reward. When that association is firmly established, the inmate is then said to be reformed. Now equipped with the particular virtue of the labourer—'industry' or 'love of labour'—he is at last fit to re-enter society and to perform his proper function. Thus does Mill, in effect, advocate the application of associationist means for the achievement of Platonic ends. But why Plato? Why would Mill turn to this ancient author to lend legitimacy to schemes for penal reform advanced by a distinctly modern (and decidedly anti-Platonic) political thinker? There are, I believe, two possible (and interconnected) reasons. The first is that Mill was by education and inclination wont to redescribe many modern problems and phenomena in 'Platonic' terms. Such platonizing came quite naturally to him.33 But this penchant was by no means unique to Mill. A ready recourse to Plato and the ancients was instead part of the culture of political argument in nineteenthcentury Britain. The Tories and the Whigs each had 'their' Plato, and the Philosophic Radicals theirs; but the important point to note is that they argued against each other 'in Greek', as it were, with Platonic and other arguments always available and at the ready.34 Little wonder, then, that Mill should have turned so easily and so readily to Plato in order 32 33
Ibid. 210-11. On Mill's Platonist leanings, see W. Thomas, The Philosophical Radicals (Oxford, 1979), ch. 3. 34
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| 1.41906 | 1.407442 | -0.148496 | 1.159639 |
See F. M. Turner, The Greek Heritage in Victorian Britain (New Haven, Conn., 1981).
to redescribe and legitimize what might otherwise appear to be too-radical—not to say hare-brained—Benthamite schemes for penal reform. To redescribe such schemes in familiar and perhaps even comfortable 'classical' terms was, in the discourse of the day, to present them in a more favourable and legitimate light. 7.6 WHAT FOUCAULT MISSED My interpretation, if correct, should cast some doubt upon the conventional view of James Mill as Bentham's mere mouthpiece and disciple. Taking one small corner of his social and political thought—his views on punishment—I have tried to show that Mill's ideas are not simply borrowed from Bentham. To be sure, there is, on the surface, a considerable and effusively acknowledged debt to Bentham's thinking on these matters.35 But, looking beneath the surface to the structure of the arguments he employed to 'translate' and legitimate Bentham's schemes, we detect the brooding presence, not only of Bentham, but of Plato as well. It thus appears that John Stuart Mill was quite correct on at least two counts. First, his father was indeed 'a pupil of Plato, and cast in the mould of his dialectics'. And, secondly, James Mill was, as his son rightly remarked, 'anything but Bentham's mere follower or disciple . . . His mind and Bentham's were of essentially different construction.'36 A closer look at James Mill's supposedly Benthamite theory of punishment appears to bear this out. What then is the upshot of this discovery? Just this: Mill, 35 For example, Mill concludes 'Prisons' with this too-modest disclaimer: There is not, we believe, an idea [in this essay] -which did not originate with Mr. Bentham, whose work ought to be the manual of all those who are concerned in this material department of public administration' (PW 224). Bentham expected such praise from his followers, and perhaps especially from Mill, whose meagre livelihood was supplemented by Bentham's largesse. In his private correspondence Mill complains repeatedly of the testiness and garrulousness of 'the old philosopher' and of their frequent quarrels. After the literary and financial success of his History of British India (1818), Mill ceased to sing Bentham's praises and the two soon parted with some bitterness on both sides. 36 J. S. Mill, Autobiography, 122.
like Plato and Bentham, believed that expert knowledge, rightly applied by experts, would render society safer, saner, and more just. All believed that the good society could only come about through the therapeutic interventions and ministrations of an elite corps of selfless and dedicated doctors of the sick society. It is against this backdrop that Mill's 'Platonic' theory of punishment comes into clearer view. However noble his intentions, there should be no mistaking their essentially manipulatory character: by 'reform' Mill quite literally meant the re-forming of men's minds and characters. Like Bentham, Mill averred that manipulative penal practices ought not be confined solely to prisons. In Mill's scheme of social reformation, the efficient and well-run prison emerges as a microcosm or model of the good society itself. It is within prison walls that men's characters can be most readily and expertly reformed. Such enlightened expertise should also be applied, Mill believed, not only to the reformation of criminals but to the initial formation of all men's and women's minds and characters. Their minds being formed to know the good, they would have no choice except to do good. Fitted to perform their proper function, they would perform it without disagreement or dissent. A society whose members were thus properly educated would have no use for prisons. This, at least, was Mill's ideal. But in the final analysis his ideal may admit of a different and more frightening Foucauldian description: only when society itself has become a prison would prisons become superfluous. That, at any rate, is how Foucault might have deepened and strengthened his story, had he included James Mill in the telling. But to include Mill would perforce require him to recognize the part played by Plato in Mill's thinking about discipline and
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CommonCrawl
| 1.247885 | 1.547603 | 0.281654 | 0.876307 |
punishment. It would require bringing the 'Greeks' back in, and giving Plato his due. 7.7 TEXTBOOK VS. GENEALOGICAL HISTORIES What larger lessons might lurk in the revisionist tale I have told here? If that tale is true—or at any rate plausible—we can, I believe, learn at least two things from this episode. The
first and most general of these is that we should be wary of traditional intellectual historians who retrospectively construct monolithic 'traditions' and seamless 'schools' of thought into which supposedly similar thinkers can be forced, Procrusteslike, against their will and against readily available evidence to the contrary. Whatever its attractions, the textbook picture of the history of political thought as an ongoing intergenerational conversation about perennial ideas and timeless truths is deceptively simple and sometimes simply wrong. Nor should we succumb to the temptation to think of that history as a cumulative process, with each thinker adding a building block to a growing and ever more magnificent edifice. We should, as Foucault rightly reminds us, be sensitive to the possible presence of discontinuities, of conceptual revolutions and radical innovations, in social and political thinking.37 The second moral of my tale is that we should be no less wary of modern genealogists who purport to find discontinuities or breaks between early or 'classical' and modern 'epistemes' or discursive 'grids' or 'systems of thought'.38 Important features of what Foucault believes to be distinctively and discontinuously modern ideas are actually arguments that modern thinkers (in this case Mill) have reworked or recycled from distant forerunners (in this instance Plato). And in this crucial respect the history of political thought is not at all like the history of the natural sciences, as Bachelard and Kuhn would have us write it. It is unlikely, not to say inconceivable, that bits of (say) Aristotelian physics could be borrowed and put to use by a modern theoretical physicist. But it is just here that the natural sciences depart, quite dramatically and in principle, from political theory. Old arguments from earlier political thinkers can be, and often are, adapted or retrofitted for use by later political thinkers. Foucault's borrowing of the Bachelardian model for writing histories of the human sciences blinds him to this ever-present possibility. Of course, to criticize Foucault is not to deny his power as 37
M. Foucault, 'Nietzsche, Genealogy, History', in Language, CounterMemory, Practice (Ithaca, NY, 1977), 139-64. 38 It may bear mentioning that Foucault's formal title at the College de France was Professor of the History of Systems of Thought.
a political theorist or a historian of the human sciences. From its grisly opening scene through its detailed descriptions of the mechanisms of surveillance to its deeply disturbing conclusion, Discipline and Punish is a most remarkable book. In Foucault's hands, the panopticon becomes a powerful and memorable metaphor. One can only marvel at what Bentham, that curmudgeonly critic of all metaphor, might have made of the panopticon's passage from stone and steel into something as airy and insubstantial as a metaphor for the modern surveillance society. Yet the view from any tower, be it of stone or ivory, is necessarily partial and incomplete. Foucault, overseernemesis of guards and guardians, missed or misinterpreted much of what came under his powerful gaze. There is, as Norwood Russell Hanson liked to say, 'more to seeing than meets the eyball'.39 All observations, including those made by historians of social and political thought, are in some sense 'theory-laden'. In Foucault's case, the theory is a historiographical one that stresses discontinuities, 'breaks', and 'ruptures' between discrete epistemes. I have argued that such a theory, when put into interpretive practice, and perhaps particularly in political theory, yields results that are more apt to be dramatic than historically accurate. 39
See N. R. Hanson, Patterns of Discovery (Cambridge, 1965), 7.
UTILITARIANISM, FEMINISM,
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AND THE FRANCHISE In the government of the physical world it is observable that the female in point of strength is, in general, inferior to the male. This is the law of Nature . . . But not content with this natural preeminence, men endeavour to sink us still lower, merely to render us alluring objects for a moment. Mary Wollstonecraft 8.1 INTRODUCTION
If nothing else, the preceding studies have shown something of the variety of interpretive standpoints from which one may reread and reappraise the works of earlier political theorists. One of the newest and most suggestive of these standpoints is supplied by feminist theory. And yet to reread the history of political thought from a feminist perspective is to be struck by the extent to which the legal and political status of women was long considered to be a subject unfit for theoretical treatment. The neglect of women in the history of Western political thought is (to speak French) an 'absence' or 'silence' that, to modern ears, is deafening. To this dismal rule there are, however, several apparent (though arguably anachronistic) exceptions: Plato challenged the complacent view (reiterated by Aristotle) that women are unfit to rule or even to take part in public life; Locke challenged Filmer's patriarchal doctrine;1 Mary Wollstonecraft extended Paine's views on the rights of man to include women as well; and, not least, 'the majority of 1 For two sharply contrasting views of Locke and women, see M. Butler, 'Early Liberal Roots of Feminism: John Locke and the Attack on Patriarchy', APSR 72 (1978), 135-50; and C. Pateman, The Sexual Contract (Stanford, Calif., 1988), esp. ch. 2.
Utilitarianism, Feminism, and the Franchise
the Utilitarian Radicals, with Bentham at their head', were 'feminists'.2 Bentham, indeed, was 'the father of feminism',3 and John Stuart Mill its 'patron saint'.4 The odd man out was James Mill. For it was he who, in the course of the debate preceding the 1832 Reform Act, contended that women can 'without inconvenience' be denied the right to vote, inasmuch as their interests are 'included in' those of their husbands and fathers. In the annals of political thought there is surely no more blatant expression of sexist sentiment, and James Mill has been duly classified and condemned as an ardent antifeminist from whose views his son somehow escaped. That, at any rate, is the conventional view. Matters are not, however, so simple; the case of the Philosophic Radicals, and of the two Mills in particular, is rather more complex, convoluted, and interesting than anyone has heretofore supposed. My aim here is to challenge the conventional view from several different angles. My initial point of entry is provided by James Mill's proposed exclusion of women from the franchise. I begin by showing how James Mill's ostensible opposition to women's suffrage is inconsistent with his view of women in his History of British India. By comparing his History with his Essay on Government we can see that the former has 'feminist' implications denied by the latter. Considered in the round, Mill's view of women's roles and rights is not so straightforwardly male-supremacist as has been supposed. I next examine the oft-heard claim that Bentham was a feminist and, indeed, the main source of J. S. Mill's enlightened view of women. A close analysis of Bentham's writings suggests that he is not the feminist he is widely believed to be; on the contrary, his views on the roles and rights of women are every bit as benighted as James Mill's are reputed to be, and possibly more so. This in turn casts doubt upon the conventional view that J. S. Mill's feminist views are traceable to Bentham's. I then go on to consider the claim that J. S. Mill's feminist convictions owe a good deal to his wife, Harriet Taylor Mill, or, alternatively, to T. B. Macaulay. I conclude by arguing that 2
E. Halevy, The Growth of Philosophic Radicalism (London, 1929), 20. L
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. C. Boralevi, Bentham and the Oppressed (Berlin, 1984), 22-6. M. Williford, 'Bentham on the Rights of Women', JHI 36 (1975), 167-76. 3
the younger Mill's feminism owes little, if anything, to these thinkers, and rather a lot to two previously unsuspected sources. By means of this critique I hope to undermine the conventional interpretation of the Philosophic Radicals' relation to modern feminism, the two Mills' relation to each other and to modern feminism, and to lay the groundwork for a new interpretation. 8.2 JAMES MILL'S TWO POSITIONS In the midst of writing his article on 'Government' for the Encyclopaedia Britannica, James Mill attempted to reassure his nervous editor: 'You need be under no alarm about my article Government. I shall say nothing capable of alarming even a whig . . .'5 As it turned out, Mill was quite mistaken. His Essay on Government alarmed almost everyone, Whigs, Tories, and those among his fellow Philosophic Radicals who (like his son) regarded themselves as feminists. For the latter, the most alarming statement in that controversial essay was this: One thing is pretty clear, that all those individuals whose interests are indisputably included in those of other individuals, may be struck off without inconvenience. In this light may be viewed all children, up to a certain age, whose interests are involved in those of their parents. In this light, also, women may be regarded, the interest of almost all of whom is involved either in that of their fathers or in that of their husbands.6 Abandoning his penchant for understatement, J. S. Mill later termed this paragraph from his father's Essay 'the worst . . . he ever wrote'.7 Mill's other critics, as we shall see, were no less aghast. The antifeminist tone and implications of this paragraph are patent: politically speaking, a woman is like a 5 James Mill to Macvey Napier (10 Sept. 1819), BL Add. MSS 34612, fos. 287-8. 6 James Mill, 'Government', PW 27. 7 J. S. Mill, The Early Draft of John Stuart Mill's Autobiography, ed. J. Stillinger (Urbana, 111., 1961), 98. This remark was, however, excised from the final draft of the Autobiography. (Note: I have referred throughout the present chapter to the more complete Early Draft, noting, as here, any differences between the early and the final versions.)
child, but with this difference—children (or at least male children) grow up to assume the mantle of citizenship, while women do not. Mill's position vis-d-vis women is clearly a condescending and paternalistic one. If Mill's Essay represented his first and last words on the subject, he would doubtless deserve the contempt that feminist critics have heaped upon him. Yet their harsh judgement may be mitigated somewhat if we turn from the Essay to the work of which he was proudest, his massive History of British India. The position taken in the latter differs markedly from—and arguably contradicts—that taken in the former. A comparison of these two works reveals an ambivalent and clearly contradictory region in an ostensibly rigorous and generally consistent political philosophy.8 Mill's multi-volume History stands in stark contrast to the brief Essay. The Essay, he remarked, was nothing more than a 'comprehensive outline', a sketch or 'skeleton map' in which 'the principles of human nature' and their political implications were briefly and boldly exhibited.9 His History, by contrast, was meant to portray in copious detail the operation of these principles.10 For this reason his History, Mill boasted, 'makes no bad introduction to the study of civil society in general'.11 India was for Mill and his fellow Utilitarians a laboratory in which to conduct reformist experiments. His is accordingly a 'critical' or 'judging history' in which India's past and present were judged by Utilitarian criteria and found wanting.12 If Mill criticized and condemned Indian customs and practices, that was only because he believed it necessary to pave a path towards a more 'progressive
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CommonCrawl
| 0.563185 | 1.288046 | 0.021636 | 0.716932 |
' future.13 Significantly, Mill's criticism and condemnation of Hindu 8 For a brief overview of James Mill's political philosophy, see my Introduction to PW. 9 James Mill to Napier (11 May 1820), BL Add. MSS 34612, fo. 354; James Mill to Dumont (8 June 1821), MSS Dumont, Bibliotheque Publique et Universitaire (Geneva), MS 76, fo. 21. 10 James Mill, History of British India (London, 1818), i. x-xii. 11 James Mill to Ricardo (19 Oct. 1817), in David Ricardo, Works and Correspondence, ed. P. Sraffa (Cambridge, 1962), vii. 195-6. 12 James Mill, History, i, p. x. 13 See D. Forbes, 'James Mill and India', Cambridge Journal, 5 (1951), 19-33; E. Stokes, The English Utilitarians and India (Oxford, 1959), 48-57.
practices includes an implicit, and even impassioned, defence of the rights of women. The history of India, Mill told Ricardo, 'afforded an opportunity of laying open the principles and laws of the social order in almost all its more remarkable states, from the most rude to the most perfect . . .'.14 In the History Mill takes 'the condition of women' to be one of the most decisive criterions [sic] of the stage of society at which [a nation has] arrived. Among rude people, the women are generally degraded; among civilized people, they are exalted . . . The history of uncultivated nations uniformly represents the women as in a state of abject slavery, from which they slowly emerge, as civilization advances.15
Following John Millar and the Scottish school, Mill explains this moral and social advancement partly in 'materialist' terms.16 The moral 'state of society' depends, in Mill's view, upon economic and technological conditions. In backward or 'rude' societies, a premium is placed upon sheer physical strength; the strong are exalted over the weak because their physical strength is the society's means of wresting a living from a recalcitrant nature. Women being in general physically weaker than men, they are subservient to them. Once this subsistence stage is transcended, however, physical strength comes to count for less; other qualities—'qualities of mind'—begin to be recognized and developed. In proportion as society .. . advances into that state of civilization, in which .. . the qualities of the mind are ranked above the qualities of the body [says Mill], the condition of the weaker sex is gradually improved, till they associate at last on equal terms with the men, and fill the place of voluntary and useful copartners.17
Taking the 'condition of women' as a 'decisive criterion'— the same criterion, incidentally, later used by J. S. Mill in The Subjection of Women1*—Mill passes a harsh judgement on Hindu society. There is, in his view, no more primitive or rude society than that of the Hindus, if we are to judge by 14 16
15 Ricardo, Works, vii. 195. James Mill, History, i. 293. J. Millar, Inquiry into the Distinction of Ranks (Edinburgh, 1806); J. Mill, 'Millar on Ranks', Literary Journal (June 1806), 624-9. 17 ls James Mill, History, i. 293-4. See Ch. 8.4 below.
their treatment of women: 'A state of dependence more strict and humiliating than that which is ordained for the weaker sex among the Hindus cannot easily be conceived.'19 With the arrival of the British and the introduction of advanced Western technology, this mistreatment of women loses whatever material-productive basis and justification it might once have had. The continued supremacy of men and subservience of women is wholly lacking in rational economic justification, and its sole source now resides only in archaic Hindu religious beliefs
|
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and practices. By way of illustration Mill cites several passages from the Institutes of Menu, the Hindu holy book: 'Day and night', says Menu, 'must women be held by their protectors in a state of dependence'. Who is meant by their protectors is immediately explained: 'Their fathers protect them in childhood; their husbands protect them in their youth, their sons protect them in old age: a woman', it is added, 'is never fit for independence . . . In childhood must a female be dependant [sic] on her father; in youth, on her husband; her lord being dead, on her sons: a woman must never seek independence'.20
Another Hindu holy text, the Hetopadesa, contains a similar commandment: 'In infancy the father should guard her, in youth her husband should guard her, and in old age her children should guard her; for at no time is a woman fit to be treated with liberty.'21 Such commandments, Mill maintains, are outmoded relics of a bygone era, and ought now be discarded. 'Nothing', he says, 'can exceed the habitual contempt which the Hindus entertain for their women. Hardly are they ever mentioned in their laws, or other books, but as wretches of the most base and vicious inclinations, on whose nature no virtue or useful qualities may be grafted.'22 Worse still, Mill adds, is the Hindu's failure to recognize, much less develop, the moral and religious 'qualities of mind' that women share with men—witness, for example, their practice of excluding unmarried women from religious observances. Mill thinks it a mark of 'extreme degradation' that women 'are not accounted worthy to partake of religious rites but in conjunction with their husbands'.23 19 21
James Mill, History, i. 294. Ibid. 295.
Quoted in ibid. 294. Ibid. 295.
Ironically, the trap that Mill sets to catch the Hindu seems to ensnare Mill as well. The 'decisive criterion' that he applies to Indian society is not applied to English society. It is curious that Mill, who in his History thought it a sign of 'extreme degradation' that Hindu women 'are not accounted worthy to partake of religious rites but in conjunction with their husbands', was nevertheless prepared to exclude English women from that pre-eminently political rite—voting—on the ground that their husbands may speak in their stead.24 Is the latter position, as advocated in his Essay, not tantamount to keeping women 'in a state of dependence'? In identifying a girl's interest with her father's, and a woman's with her husband's, is Mill not in effect endorsing the Hindu maxim that 'Their fathers protect them in childhood; their husbands protect them in their youth . . .'? And is this not in turn tantamount to saying, with Menu, that 'a woman must never seek independence . . . at no time is a woman fit to be trusted with liberty'? In short: is not Mill's exclusion of women from the franchise merely an anglicized and politicized version of the very practices for which he condemns the Hindus? We must, I think, answer all these questions in the affirmative. Mill does indeed appear to stake out and defend two mutually contradictory positions. When prescribing for the Hindu, Mill assumes one position—his missionary position, as it were—but when prescribing for his countrymen, he appears to adopt quite another. The first has profeminist implications overlooked by his critics; the second has antifeminist implications which his critics have been quick to seize upon. It is this latter position for which Mill is today remembered and roundly condemned. Yet this condemnation may be less than just, if we take the former or 'feminist' passages of his History into account. To the question, which of these represents Mill's 'real' position?, I can give no satisfactory answer—nor, I suspect, could Mill himself. He appears never to have seen the contradiction between the Essay and the History.25 For a thinker less logical 24 25
James Mill, 'Government,' PW 27. James Mill left unchanged his discussion of women in the second edition of his History (1820), which appeared in the same year
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as the Essay on Government.
than Mill, such a contradiction might occasion little surprise; but in Mill's case the presence of such a contradiction is, to say the least, perplexing. The perplexity might be mitigated somewhat, if we accept the view taken by J. S. Mill and, more recently, by William Thomas, that the Essay on Government was less a logically rigorous 'scientific treatise on polities' than a partisan political 'argument for parliamentary reform'.26 James Mill spoke truthfully when he told his editor that he did not want to alarm even a whig. And one of the surest ways to offend a great many readers would be to propose the enfranchisement of women. Thus Mill, for political reasons, pulled his punches and played down the radical implications of reform along the lines favoured by the Philosophic Radicals. Hence the contradictions and logical lacunae in his Essay on Government. And it bears mentioning, in support of such an interpretation, that—as the younger Mill himself notes—James Mill says only that women 'may be' excluded from the franchise, and not that they must or should be 'struck off'. 27 But this exculpatory interpretation may well carry the principle of interpretive charity too far. For, in the first place, James Mill did not draw a distinction between a 'scientific treatise on polities' and a coherent and compelling political argument in favour of 'parliamentary reform'. Nor, secondly, could he do so, since he held that the best political arguments just are scientific and that any reforms that were workable and worth having could only be based on an adequate scientific theory of society. The Essay on Government was meant to be both, if only in brief outline, and his History was also, although at much greater length. Yet, all the talk about 'science' and the show of logical rigour notwithstanding, there does appear to be a tension, if not a contradiction, between the view of women advanced in these works. When all is said and done, we must, I think, recognize that Mill was a man of his time whose views regarding the role and rights of women, 26
J. S. Mill, Early Draft, 134; see further, W. Thomas, 'James Mill's Politics: The Essay on Government and the Movement for Reform', Historical Journal, 12 (1969), 249-84; and 'James Mill's Politics: A Rejoinder', ibid. 14 (1971), 735-50. 27 James Mill, 'Government', PW 27; J. S. Mill, Early Draft, 98.
although clearly quite advanced in certain respects, are in the final analysis ambivalent at best. But James Mill's views are no less ambivalent, as we shall see, than those of Jeremy Bentham. 8.3 BENTHAM'S AMBIVALENT ANTIFEMINISM Jeremy Bentham has long been regarded as an ardent defender of women's rights. No less an authority than Halevy maintains that 'the majority of the Utilitarian Radicals, with Bentham at their head,' were 'feminists'.28 A modern feminist historian agrees that 'Bentham was a feminist' with a marked 'enthusiasm for women's rights'.29 Another suggests that Bentham was a 'feminist', albeit a 'covert' one.30 And more recently Lea Campos Boralevi has called Bentham the 'father of feminism'.31 But was Bentham really a feminist, or even, for that matter, a distant forerunner or 'father' of modern feminism? After briefly examining the reasons most commonly advanced for supposing Bentham to be a feminist, I shall argue that he almost certainly cannot be so described in any simple or straightforward way. Bentham's reputation as a feminist derives from several sources. He was, for example, an outspoken critic of laws pertaining to marriage, going so far as to advocate divorce, inasmuch as a union from which there is no possibility of escape constitutes a kind of 'slavery'.32 But Bentham's privileged position in the feminist pantheon is usually traced to two other considerations. The first is his supposed defence of women's suffrage, developed in part in his dissent from the antifeminist stance taken in James Mill's Essay,
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the second has to do with his supposed influence upon the younger Mill's feminist views, particularly as expounded in The Subjection of Women. Both considerations are, however, chimerical. According to his biographer, Bowring, Bentham counted 28 29 30 31 32
Halevy, Growth of Philosophic Radicalism, 20. Williford, 'Bentham on the Rights of Women', 168. M. P. Mack, Jeremy Bentham (London, 1962), 112. Boralevi, Bentham and the Oppressed, 22-6. Bentham, Works, i. 352-5.
among the elder Mill's 'heresies' his 'abominable opinion' of women.33 Bentham, moreover, took strong exception to Mill's proposed exclusion of women from the franchise. In a set of unpublished notes he criticized Mill's Essay for its exclusionist 'position, the object of which is to place all females under the absolute dominion of all males . . . Reasons for the exclusion none.'34 Bentham develops this objection at greater length in his Constitutional Code: 'If a man who calls for the right of suffrage to be given to any one human being, calls for its being refused to any other human being, it lies upon him to give a particular reason for such refusal.' If we are to exclude anyone from the franchise, we must enumerate those 'disqualifying circumstances' which, taken together, would tip the balance against the presumption of their being eligible to vote.35 In the case of children, the balance is easily tipped; they are excluded only temporarily, on the ground that they are 'not yet competent to the management of [their] own affairs . . .'. But, adds Bentham, 'the exclusion thus put on the ground of age, is not like the exclusion put on the ground of sex', because gender, unlike age, does not change. 'Why', Bentham asks, 'exclude the whole female sex from all participation in the constitutive [i.e. electoral] power?' For, he continues, 'On the ground of the greatest happiness principle, the claim of this sex is ... at least . . . as good as that of the other. The happiness and interest of a person of the female sex, constitutes as large a portion of the universal happiness and interest, as does that of a person of the male sex.' There is, Bentham maintains, 'no reason . . . why a person of the one sex should as such have less happiness than a person of the other sex'. Warming to his subject, Bentham goes further still: since women are subject to physiological pains unique to their sex—'such as pains of gestation, of parturition, labour of nurturition, periodical and casual weaknesses, [and] inferiority in 33 Bentham, Works, x. 450. The veracity of this, and other, remarks attributed to Bentham by Bowring, was questioned by J. S. Mill: see A. Bain, James Mill: A Biography (London, 1882), 461-3. 34 Bentham MSS, UCL, box 34, folder 12, fos. 302-3. 35 Bentham, Works, ix. 108. Bentham subscribed to the 'presumptivist' view that people are to be treated alike unless a 'relevant difference' between them can be established: cf. I. Berlin, 'Equality', in Concepts and Categories (London, 1978), 81-102.
all physical contests with the male sex'—their claim to happiness from other, non-physiological sources is greater than men's. It can, therefore, be argued that women should have a correspondingly greater share of electoral or 'constitutive' power. In this regard, 'the principle of equality affords another reason, not merely for admitting the female sex to an equal share in the constitutive, but even to a greater share than in the case of the male'. No less important is women's need to make up in political power what they lack in physical power. For example, 'in domestic concerns, males derive greater power from physical force: here, then, is a means of injury: for security against it, if in respect of political power, there should be a difference, it should rather be in
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CommonCrawl
| 0.597148 | 1.184223 | 0.014464 | 0.446249 |
their favour than in the favour of males'.36 Bentham's case for giving women the vote comes to this: everyone has an equal interest in happiness. But it does not follow from this that women's interests are wholly included in those of their husbands or fathers. On the contrary, since happiness is nothing more than the sum of its elements, and the composition and nature of those elements is in part sexually determined and gender-specific, then men and women may have very different interests. Indeed, their respective interests may not only be different, but antithetical. For example, if a man's interest in happiness is served by his regularly beating his wife, it does not follow that her interest in happiness is 'included in' that of her husband; on the contrary, her pain being the source of his pleasure, her interest is diametrically opposed to his. Women are, moreover, subject to certain kinds of pain—e.g. the physical and psychic pain of rape—to which men are not similarly subject. If women are to have a say in the passage of legislation affecting their happiness, it follows, Bentham argues, that they must have a hand in electing legislators. Their enfranchisement is consistent with— indeed, required by—the Utilitarians' greatest-happiness principle.37 Granted that the principle is sound, he asks: 'Can [any] practical good . . . [come] from admitting the female sex into a participation of the supreme constitutive power [i.e. the electorate]?' He answers: 'Yes. The affording increased proba36
Bentham, Works, ix. 108.
bility of the adoption of legislative arrangements, placing sexual intercourse upon a footing less disadvantageous than the present to the weaker sex.'38 The enfranchisement of women is thus justified in principle as well as in practice.39 From the foregoing it would appear that Bentham is indeed the feminist that he is reputed to be. The appearance may, however, be misleading. What Bentham gives with one hand he sometimes takes away with the other. After a lengthy consideration of the reasons for enfranchising women, Bentham nevertheless concludes that they should, after all, be denied the right to vote. He justifies this rather surprising conclusion on grounds of practicality and of principle, and on both counts contradicts himself. Bentham's 'practical' argument for exclusion runs as follows. He does not 'think it at present expedient to propose a set of legislative arrangements directed to this end' because 'the contest and confusion produced by the proposal of this improvement would entirely engross the public mind, and throw improvement, in all other shapes, to a distance'.40 Returning, then, to his original question—'Why exclude the whole female sex from all participation in the constitutive power?'—he answers: 'Because the prepossession against their admission is at present too general, and too intense, to afford any chance in favour of a proposal for their admission.'41 Taking this 'practical' objection as decisive, Bentham 38
Ibid. 109. In a model constitution drafted for (but ignored by) the French revolutionaries, Bentham asks, 'Why admit women to the right of suffrage?' He answers: 'Why exclude them?' To the objection that their political duties would 'call them oft from their domestic duties', he replies: 'The men have their domestic duties as well as the women . . . It is not more necessary that women should cook the victuals, clean the house, and nurse the children than it is that the greater part of the male sex should employ an equal share of their time in the labours of the workshop or the field' (Bentham MSS, UCL, box 170, folder 7, fos. 144-5). Before concluding that Bentham was an ardent feminist one should consult 'L'Essai sur la representation', written for the French National Assembly in 1788. There Bentham says that, although everyone has an equal desire for happiness, some people—namely 'minors, the insane, and women'—are 'utterly lacking in the capacity of judging' what is, or is not, conducive to their happiness: extracted in E. Halevy, La Formation du radicalisme philosophique (Paris, 1904), i, app. IV, 429-430 (my trans.). This and other important appendices are unfortunately omitted from the English translation. 40
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41 Bentham, Works, ix. 109. Ibid. 108. 39
proceeded to draw up a less-than-radical Radical Reform Bill in which women were pointedly excluded from the franchise. In that proposal he stipulates that the suffrage, if it is to be at all meaningful, must be both universal and equal. But then he adds: 'Universality we say for shortness, instead of Virtual Universality. No man means that children that can but just speak, should vote [nor] that females should vote.'42 What then of equality? 'By equality of suffrage', Bentham explains, 'is meant equality . . . between the suffrage of one man and the suffrage of another.'43 Nor does Bentham mean 'man' in the generic sense. The electors comprise 'every male person' who meets residence, literacy, and other requirements.44 Bentham's 'practical' argument for exclusion is remarkable in two respects. In the first place, he reaches—albeit by a different route—the exclusionist position enunciated in Mill's Essay on Government. Considered in this light, Bentham's purportedly profeminist critique of Mill loses much of its force and, indeed, its credibility. Secondly, the very mode of argument by which Bentham reaches his 'practical' conclusion is— by his own standards—an illegitimate one, inasmuch as he commits two of the 'fallacies of Delay' enumerated in his Book of Fallacies. The first fallacy of delay is to be found in 'The Procrastinator's Argument', to the effect that proponents of reform should 'wait a little, this is not the time'. This 'instrument of deception', he says, is 'employed by those who, being in wish and endeavour hostile to a measure, are afraid or ashamed of being seen to be so. They pretend, perhaps, to approve of the measure—they only differ as to the proper time of bringing it forward.' In this 'practical' ploy is concealed their 'wish . . . that it should remain excluded for ever'.45 Bentham then hoists himself on his own petard: 'Which is the properest day to do good?—which is the properest day to remove a nuisance? Answer: The very first day that a man can be found to propose the removal of it; and whoso44 Bentham, Works, iii. 559. 43 Ibid. 561. Ibid. 564. Ibid. ii. 432. Bentham does, however, leave himself an escape hatch: 'True it is, that, the measure being a measure of reform or improvement, an observation to this effect may be brought forward by a friend of the measure: and in this case, it is not an instrument of deception, but an expedient of unhappily necessary prudence.' 42
ever opposes the removal of it on that day will, if he dare, oppose the removal on every other.'46 Bentham's practical objection relies, moreover, upon a second fallacious argument—the 'snail's-pace argument'—which admonishes, 'One thing at a time! Not too fast! Slow and sure!'47 Both forms of argument, he holds, are fallacious. And yet, with respect to the enfranchisement of women, Bentham's 'practical' argument for their exclusion relies implicitly upon the two aforementioned fallacies of delay. Bentham's objections to women's suffrage are not, however, exclusively 'practical' ones resting upon political expediency.48 Some of his objections are based explicitly or implicitly upon 'principle'. Of his scheme for 'virtual universality' of suffrage—in which all women are excluded—Bentham says that it is 'defensible on principle'.49 Now, whenever Bentham speaks of 'principle', he invariably means the principle of Utility, or at least to some lesser principle subsumable under it. The enfranchisement of women must then somehow contravene the principle of Utility. But how, in the light of his arguments in the Constitutional Code, is such a view even conceivable, much less defensible? For the answer to that question we must turn to Bentham's Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation. There Bentham draws a distinction between learnt and
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innate differences between the sexes—or, as we would say nowadays, between 'nurture' and 'nature'. Differences of the first sort stem from education and environment; differences of the second from 'primitive modifications of the corporeal frame', i.e. anatomical differences. The former can be eliminated, or at least modified, through education; the latter, being innate, cannot. To which category, then, do the politically relevant differences between the sexes belong? Bentham answers that they belong, in the main, to unchangeable nature. A woman's nature, he maintains, is so constituted as to render her 46 48
47 Bentham, Works, ii. 432. Ibid. 433. Pace Mack, Jeremy Bentham, 323, 416; Williford, 'Bentham on the Rights of Women', 169-70; Boralevi, Bentham and the Oppressed, 25; and D. Baumgardt, Bentham and the Ethics of Today (Princeton, NJ, 1966), 467, all of whom hold that Bentham's objections are based solely on 'practical' considerations. 49 Bentham, Works, iii. 599.
virtually unable to make rational political judgements—that is, decisions based upon the principle of Utility. This is so, he declares, because 'the female is rather more inclined than the male to superstition; that is, to observances not dictated by the principle of utility . . .'. This difference between the sexes, he adds, 'may be pretty well accounted for' by innate inclinations, that is, by 'the primitive modifications of the corporeal frame' that 'influence the quantum and bias of sensibility'.50 A woman's 'sympathetic biases', Bentham continues, are in many respects different: for her own offspring . . . her affection is commonly stronger than that of the male. Her affections are apt to be less enlarged: seldom expanding themselves so much as to take in the welfare of her country in general, much less that of mankind, or the whole sensitive creation: seldom embracing any extensive class or division, even of her own countrymen, unless it be in virtue of her sympathy for some particular individuals that belong to it.
Women, in other words, are scarcely capable of thinking about, much less promoting, the greatest happiness of the greatest number; their 'sympathetic biases' rarely, if ever, extend beyond an immediate and intimate circle comprised of family and friends. 'In general', Bentham concludes, a woman's 'antipathetic, as well as sympathetic biases, are apt to be less conformable to the principle of utility than those of the male . . .'51 The political implications are both clear and astounding: A Utilitarian polity could not enfranchise women without subverting itself. To permit women to vote would be to open the door to 'superstition' and other forces hostile to the principle of Utility.52 Considered in this light, Bentham's justification of 'virtual universality' of suffrage as 'defensible on principle' comes into clearer view. Politically speaking, biology—'primi50 J. Bentham, Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation (1789), in Bentham, CW\. 64. 51 Ibid. 64-5. 52 Contrast the analysis of sexual differences in Bentham's Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation (1789), and in his model French constitution, written in the same year. Apparently Bentham, like Mill, was not above assuming his own 'missionary' position when dealing with the affairs of other nations. In any event, the Introduction's account of sexual differences was retained unchanged in the 1823 edition, and so presumably reflects Bentham's final considered opinion.
tive modifications of the corporeal frame'—is destiny, and women are destined to be excluded from participation in Utilitarian politics. Their exclusion is predicated upon the principle of Utility itself. To the degree that biology is destiny, education is, if not superfluous, of strictly limited value. This view is implicit in Bentham's Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation, and explicit
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CommonCrawl
| 1.285924 | 1.53203 | -0.101424 | 0.911723 |
in his treatise on education, the Chrestomathia. Although 'female children' are to be admitted to Bentham's model Chrestomathic School, they—unlike the boys—are to receive instruction in 'needle-work' and other aspects of 'domestic economy'.53 In any event, to instruct young women in the political arts would be to waste precious pedagogical resources. For, Bentham holds, not only should women be excluded from the franchise; they should also be excluded from serving on juries, holding public office, and even from attending parliamentary debates.54 The two latter exclusions provide important clues to Bentham's thinking, and bear closer examination. Considering that Bentham would in the end exclude women from voting, it is hardly surprising that he would likewise bar them from holding public office. But if this conclusion is not surprising, his reasons for reaching it are: 'The reciprocal seduction that would ensue in the case of a mixture of the sexes in the composition of a legislative or executive body, seems a conclusive reason against admitting the weaker sex into a share in those branches of power: it would lead to nothing but confusion and ridicule.' Bentham does not necessarily mean 'seduction' in a sexual or physical sense. He refers, rather, to the tendency of each sex's tendency to flatter and please the other in order to have its way—an art in which women are much more skilled than men. Their natural seductiveness, combined with 'the comparative inaptitude of the female sex, with reference to the legislative and executive functions,' is, Bentham believes, sufficient reason for barring women from public office. This apparent 'infringement on equality', he concludes, is 'necessary'.55 Thus only men may hold political office.56 53 56
Bentham, Works, viii. 56. Ibid. iii. 566.
Ibid. ii. 127.
Ibid. ix. 108.
Still it might be objected, Bentham acknowledges, that women have, after all, sat on the throne of England: why, then, should they not hold lesser public office? This 'practice of vesting political power in the softer sex', Bentham replies, is merely an artefact of a hereditary system of monarchy which will in due course disappear with the advancement of democracy.57 To the further objection that women have served with distinction on the Directory of the East India Company, Bentham replies that the Company governs in an 'aristocratic', not a democratic, manner.58 True, but irrelevant: Bentham, it will be observed, shifts the ground of his argument away from the 'reciprocal seduction' view previously advanced. If he were consistent, he would presumably be committed to the view that such mutual seductions have occurred between male and female directors of the East India Company. But he does not. Here Bentham's logic appears to be less impeccable than his decorum. To the foregoing list of exclusions Bentham adds yet another: women ought not be allowed to attend parliamentary debates. In support of this exclusion Bentham argues as follows. The 'sinister interest' of the few is served by secrecy; the public interest of the many is served by 'publicity'—that is, by the public airing and critical examination of political positions and issues. A free press serves this critical function; so, too, does the practice of admitting visitors to parliamentary debates. Yet there must, Bentham adds, be some restrictions placed upon who is to be admitted. Clearly, anyone whose presence would disrupt the proceedings should be denied admission. Thus rowdies, drunks, and madmen ought to be excluded. But, Bentham asks, Ought females to be admitted? No. I have hesitated, I have weighed the reasons for and against. I would repudiate a separation, which appears an act of injustice and contempt. But to fear [women] is not to despise them. Removing them from an assembly where tranquil and cool reason ought alone to reign, is avowing their influence, and it ought not to wound their pride.
Bentham does not say why this would leave women's pride intact. On the contrary, he goes on to add insult to injury by 57
Bentham, Works, viii. 463.
arguing that their influence upon political debate and deliberation
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is wholly deleterious: The seductions of eloquence and ridicule are most dangerous instruments in a political assembly. Admit females—you add a new force to these seductions .. . All the passions touch and enkindle each other reciprocally. The right of speaking would often be employed only as a means of pleasing; but the direct method of pleasing female sensibility consists in showing a mind susceptible of emotion and enthusiasm. Everything would take an exalted tone, brilliant or tragical—excitement and tropes would be scattered everywhere; it would be necessary to speak of liberty in lyric strains, and to be poetic with regard to those great events which require the greatest calmness. Bentham concludes by praising the English House of Commons for showing rare good judgement in banishing women from parliamentary debates: Among the English, where females have so little influence on political affairs—where they seek so little to meddle with them—where the two sexes are accustomed to separate for a time, even after familiar repasts—females are not permitted to be present at the parliamentary debates. They have been excluded from the House of Commons, after the experiment has been tried, and for weighty reasons. It has been found, that their presence gave a particular turn to the deliberations—that self-love played too conspicuous a part—that personalities were more lively—and that too much was sacrificed to vanity and wit.59 Bentham never considers the possibility that his 'weighty reasons' might have rather more to do with the silliness of men than the seductiveness of women. In his proposals for depriving women of any distinctively political rights and roles, Bentham considerably outdistances James Mill. Mill, after all, merely suggested that women could be excluded from the franchise. Bentham would deprive them not only of the right to vote, but to serve on juries, hold public office, and attend parliamentary debates. Women are consigned by Bentham to a kind of permanent political unemployment. Women's natural sphere of operation, he suggests, is centred on home and hearth. And yet, when we enquire 59
into his views concerning the familial microcosm, we find that women fare little better than they do in the wider political macrocosm. There is, says Bentham, a 'fundamental law, which subjects the wife to the authority of the husband'.60 This fundamental law, upon inspection, turns out to be the law of the strongest: Between the wishes of two persons who pass their life together, there may at every moment be a contradiction. The benefit of peace renders it desirable that a pre-eminence should be established, which should prevent or terminate these contests. But why is the man to be the governor? Because he is the stronger. In his hands power sustains itself. Place the authority in the hands of the wife, every moment will be marked by revolt on the part of the husband.61
It is worth noting, in this connection, yet another difference between Bentham and James Mill. Bentham conceives this 'fundamental law'—that the weaker sex should be subordinated to the stronger—as a 'general law' valid for all times and places. The elder Mill, by contrast, links this law to the early stages of social and economic development, when such 'qualities of the body' as physical strength count for more than those 'qualities of the mind' shared by men and women alike. As these latter qualities are developed, men and women 'associate at last on equal terms' and become 'voluntary and useful copartners'.62 In other words, Mill's analysis of sexual inequality has a historical dimension that is wholly absent in Bentham's analysis. Sexual equality is, for Mill, a historical possibility. If Mill believes that husband and wife might one day be equals, Bentham does not. 'Master of the wife as to what regards his own interests,' the husband, Bentham says, 'ought to be guardian of the wife as to what regards her interests'.63 The husband alone has the 'aptitude' for judging his wife's interests, and the 'authority' to enforce his judgements. This being the case, it is manifest', says Bentham, 'that the legal relation which the husband will bear to the wife will be a complex one: compounded of that of master and that of guardian.' Therefore, 'the condition of a husband', he adds, 60 62
Bentham, Works, viii. 356. James Mill, History, i. 29
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CommonCrawl
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4.
Ibid. 355. Bentham, Works, i. 355.
'stands upon the same footing as that of a parent', but with one difference: a husband is empowered to command 'certain reciprocal services' of a sexual nature which a parent may not command from a child.64 Between husband and wife 'there subsists a legal obligation for the purpose of ... a sexual intercourse to be carried on between them', in addition to 'the indiscriminate train of services at large which the husband in his character of master is impowered [sic] to exact . . .'.65 Even so, Bentham admonishes, 'it is not proper to make the man a tyrant, and to reduce to a state of passive slavery the sex which, by its weakness and gentleness, has the greatest need of protection. The interests of females have too often been neglected.' From this dismal history of neglect Bentham derives a moral: men should not cease to be masters but should strive to be better masters. One should at all costs avoid the 'dangerous snare' of 'absolute equality' between the sexes: those who, from some vague notion of justice and of generosity, would bestow upon females an absolute equality, would only spread a dangerous snare for them. To set them free, as much as it is possible for the laws so to do, from the necessity of pleasing their husbands, would be, in a moral point of view, to weaken instead of strengthen their empire.66
These arguments against 'women's liberation' have, to modern ears, an oddly familiar ring. Bentham's reputation as a feminist, or even as 'the father of feminism', is, to say the least, somewhat exaggerated. But old myths die hard. This particular myth got an early start and has gained credence over time. Bentham's enlightened views of women were contrasted, in his own day as in ours, with the benighted views of his two eminent followers, James Mill and Etienne Dumont. Exactly why Mill and Dumont should agree with Bentham about everything except women's rights has never been satisfactorily explained. I should like to suggest that there is nothing to explain, inasmuch as there is no gap to be bridged: Bentham is every bit as benighted as his two 64 66
Bentham, Introduction, in Bentham, CW\. 255. Bentham, Works, i. 355.
disciples, and is, indeed, the most likely source of some of the views for which they have received all the blame. The idea that Bentham differed from his two chief disciples over the political rights of women goes back a long way and has a number of sources. One of these was Bentham himself. After a serious falling-out with Mill in 1818 or so, Bentham scarcely had a good word to say for, or about, his former follower. Although their differences were personal rather than political, they coloured Bentham's assessment of Mill's subsequent work, and the Essay on Government in particular.67 In his spite Bentham was not always consistent. Thus, in his notes on Mill's Essay, he criticized Mill for taking a position—that women may be excluded from the franchise—that Bentham himself took.68 Much of Bentham's work remained unpublished in his own lifetime. Critics and admirers had little to criticize or to admire, and had in the main to rely on Dumont's French translations of Bentham's few finished works. Curiously, however, Bentham's antifeminist views passed unnoticed even by feminists. William Thompson provides a case in point. Thompson was among the first to detect a rift between Bentham's enlightened view of women and the allegedly antifeminist views of Mill and Dumont. Indeed, Thompson wrote an entire book to refute a single paragraph in Mill's Essay on Government. After quoting the 'infamous paragraph' in Mill's Essay, Thompson comments: Thus cavalierly are dealt with by this philosopher of humanity, the interests of one half the human species! Not so Mr. Bentham, whose disciple he is: the philosophy of that enlightened and benevolent man, embraces in its grasp every sentient human being, and acknowledges the claim of every rational adult, without distinction of sex or colour, to equal political rights. Is the authority of the dis
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CommonCrawl
| 0.785984 | 1.12193 | -0.196913 | 0.322291 |
ciple a ve that of the master?69 He is no less critical of Dumont: Mr. Mill is not the only one of the new school of Utility who has misapplied the principle to the degradation of one half the human 67 68 69
See Bain, James Mill, 461-3. Bentham MSS, UCL, box 34, folder 12, fos. 302-3. W. Thompson, Appeal of One Half the Human Race (London, 1825),
i ace. Another philosopher of the new school, Mr. Dumont of Geneva, another retrograde disciple of the great master of Legislation, though the collator and editor in French of Mr. Bentham's manuscripts, unites with the author of the 'Article on Government' in his contemptuous exclusion of women. In the 'Tactiques des Assemblies Legislatives' . . . this lover of equal justice recommends, with great sorrow, the exclusion of women from even listening to legislative debates; as is sagely done by ... British Legislators . . . lest female blandishments should distract the young orators! Such is the wisdom of Mr. Dumont on the subject of women. Does Mr. Bentham approve of such puerilities?—He laughs at them.70
In both cases, however, Thompson is quite mistaken. In the first place, Thompson errs in opposing Mill's exclusionist position to Bentham's; for, as we have seen, they both approve of excluding women from the franchise. Indeed Bentham goes even further than Mill by excluding women from all aspects of political life, including attending parliamentary debates. In the second place, Bentham does not 'laugh at'—he agrees with—Mill's and Dumont's antifeminist views. In fact, in Dumont's case, Bentham is the source of these 'puerilities'. After all, Dumont's Tactique des assemblies legislatives is not his own work but Bentham's Essay on Political Tactics, faithfully rendered into French.71 It was Bentham, not Dumont, who first proposed excluding women from legislative debates. Thus Thompson is quite mistaken, on both counts. Bentham could not laugh at Mill and Dumont without laughing at himself (which, on other occasions, he did, albeit rarely). Thompson's Manichaean view of Bentham's relation to his foremost disciples rests upon a misunderstanding that subsequently became widespread. Even John Stuart Mill himself contributed to the myth that Bentham was a feminist. In his Autobiography the younger Mill wrote 'that every reason which exists for giving the suffrage to anybody, imperatively requires that it be given to women. This was also the general opinion of the younger proselytes: and it is pleasant to be able 70
Ibid., pp. viii-ix. One can see just how faithful the translation is by comparing E. Dumont, Tactiques des assemblies legislatives (Geneva, 1816), i, 258-9, and Bentham, Works, ii. 327. 71
to say that Bentham, on this most important point, was wholly with us.'72 But here, as so often in his Autobiography, his recollection is faulty.73 Bentham, as we have seen, considers the reasons for and against enfranchising women, and concludes, on grounds of both practicality and principle, that women should not be granted the right to vote—nor, indeed, any other political or civil rights. If on some occasions Bentham was an ambivalent feminist, he was, on many more, an ardent antifeminist, at least by modern lights. There can be little doubt that, by the standards of the day, both Bentham and James Mill were well ahead of their time as regards the rights of women. But by contemporary criteria they not only fail to meet but fall, quite unsurprisingly, far short of even the most minimal standard of anything like a 'feminist' sensibility. Bentham's reputation as a feminist, or at any rate a forerunner of modern feminism, rests upon the oft-heard claim that he dissented from the antifeminist position staked out in Mill's Essay. That claim, as we have seen, is mistaken; it rests upon a too-hasty and partial reading of Bentham's political writings,
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and cannot withstand close critical examination. That being so, we are now in a position to look critically at a second claim: that John Stuart Mill's feminist views were formed under Bentham's influence. 'Perhaps the most significant contribution of Bentham to the women's movement', writes Miriam Williford, 'was his influence on John Stuart Mill.' This 'patron saint of the women's movement' was led by 'Bentham's influence . . . to his initial interest in the condition of women'. John Stuart Mill 'took issue with [his father's] Essay on Government [and] accepted Bentham's view of women . . ,'.74 Having already examined 'Bentham's view of women', we can see how profoundly it differs from that advanced and defended in The Subjection of Women. But if Bentham was not the source of J. S. Mill's feminist views, who was? Alice Rossi suggests one possibility. Mill's 72 73
J. S. Mill, Autobiography, 99. For the points on which J. S. Mill's Autobiography serves as an unreliable guide, see W. Thomas, 'John Stuart Mill and the Uses of Autobiography', History, 56 (1971), 341-59. 74 Williford, 'Bentham on the Rights of Women', 174-5.
feminist sensibilities, she claims, originated in and were deepened by his association with and subsequent marriage to Harriet Taylor. Harriet Taylor Mill was quite clearly 'a central figure in Mill's intellectual and personal life', and can be credited with Mill's conversion to feminism. 'It is doubtful', Rossi contends, 'that The Subjection of Women would ever have been written if it were not for Mill's twenty-eight-year relationship with Harriet Taylor.'75 Certainly it is true that John Stuart Mill set great store by his wife's views and opinions on this and many other matters. And certainly he was often extravagent in his praise, crediting her with inspiring and influencing much of his later work, especially his Principles of Political Economy (1848) and On Liberty (1859). But Mill explicitly denied that his feminist convictions were the product of his relationship with Harriet Taylor. Rossi notes Mill's denial, but dismisses it as 'curious'.76 There is, in fact, nothing curious about it, as all the available evidence clearly attests. In the first place, as Mill notes at the beginning of The Subjection of Women, his view that women are men's moral and political equals is 'an opinion which I have held from the very earliest period when I had formed any opinions at all on social or political matters'.77 And, as he tells us in his Autobiography, this and other opinions were formed very early indeed. By the age of 12 his most fundamental opinions were already moulded, and at the age of 18 he was writing articles and essays on political subjects, several of them touching on the status of women. At the age of 19 he was arrested for making information about birth control available to married women. The younger Mill was quite clearly committed to the emancipation of women well before he met Harriet Taylor. They did not meet until 1830, when he was 25 (and unmarried) and she 23 (and married). As he remarks in his Autobiography, he was initially attracted to Harriet Taylor, and she to him, because both had already arrived at similar convictions on several subjects, including the rights of 75 A. Rossi, 'Introduction' to J. S. Mill and H. T. Mill, Essays on Sex Equality (Chicago, 1970), 6. 76 Ibid. 20. 77 J. S. Mill, The Subjection of Women (London, 1869), I.
Utilitarianism, Feminism, and the Franchise 78
women. It would be 'curious' to the point of inexplicability if Mill had claimed otherwise. Having now canvassed the conventional views about the origins of John Stuart Mill's feminism, we can see that none appears able to withstand close critical scrutiny. Against the foregoing interpretations I should like to offer, by way of conjecture and educated guess, two rather surprising possibilities. John Stuart Mill's en
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lightened view of women may be traced, in the first instance, to the influence of his father—not simply by way of his negative reaction to James Mill's Essay on Government but, more positively, to the profound impact that his father's History of British India had on his thinking. My second conjecture is that the younger Mill's feminist impulse was quickened by, but did not originate with, William Thompson's critique of the elder Mill's Essay. The first possibility I shall discuss straightaway, leaving the second for the section following. 8.4 THE FEMINIST AND HIS FATHER I have tried to show that the elder Mill was not quite the unabashed antifeminist that he is reputed to be. His unsavoury reputation rests entirely upon a single short paragraph in his Essay on Government, and is belied by his much more extensive discussion of women in his History of British India. My analysis, if correct, should cast some doubt upon the validity of Packe's contention that John Stuart Mill's interest in women's rights was 'independently acquired as his father cared nothing for it'.79 Packe and Williford are surely correct in suggesting that the younger Mill's feminist outlook was to some degree grounded in his reaction against his father's Essay on Government. Both, however, overlook the possibility that the son's feminist perspective might owe something to his father's other works, and more particularly to his History of British India. No one, so far as I am aware, has recognized or appreciated the extent to which J. S. Mill's defence of 78 79
J. S. Mill, Early Draft, 196-7. M. St J. Packe, Life of John Stuart Mill (London 1954), 63.
women's rights may be traced in part to his father's influence. A reconsideration of their relationship is long overdue.80 In The Subjection of Women John Stuart Mill maintains that the principle which regulates the existing social relations between the two sexes—the legal subordination of one sex to the other—is wrong in itself, and now one of the chief hindrances to human improvement; and that it ought to be replaced by a principle of perfect equality, admitting no power or privilege on the one side, nor disability on the other. This, he adds, is 'an opinion which I have held from the very earliest period when I had formed any opinions at all on social or political matters . . .'.81 And, as readers of his Autobiography will recall, his opinions on social and political matters were formed at a remarkably early age, and under his father's stern tutelage. J. S. Mill and the History of British India were conceived in the same year (1806) and quite literally grew up together. 'Almost as soon as I could hold a pen', he writes, 'I [wanted to] write a history of India too.'82 For twelve years James Mill toiled over his History, as his son, seated beside him, laboured over lessons in Latin, Greek, and political economy. That experience, and the end result—The History of British India— had a profound and formative influence upon the younger Mill: A book which contributed very much to my education was my father's History of India . . . During the year [preceding its publication] I used to read . . . the manuscript to him while he corrected the proofs. The number of new ideas which I received from this remarkable book, and the impulse and stimulus as well as guidance given to my thoughts by its criticisms and disquisitions on society and civilization in the Hindoo part . . . made my early familiarity with this book eminently useful to my subsequent progress. And though I can perceive deficiencies in it now as compared with a perfect standard, I still think it the most instructive history ever yet written, and one of 80 On J. S. Mill's intellectual debt to his father, see J. C. Rees, John Stuart Mill's 'On Liberty' (Oxford, 1985), chs. i, 2. 81 82 J. S. Mill, Subjection, I. J. S. Mill, Early Draft, 43.
the books from which most benefit may be derived by a mind in the course of making up its opinions.83
Unfortunately John Stuart Mill does not tell us exactly how his mind 'benefited] . . . in the course of making
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CommonCrawl
| 1.791297 | 1.526838 | 0.34352 | 1.534043 |
up its opinions'. But one possibility immediately suggests itself. Among his father's 'criticisms and disquisitions on society and civilization in the Hindoo part' was—as I noted earlier—a historical explanation and moral critique of the debasement of women.84 In particular, James Mill takes a society's treatment of women as a 'decisive criterion' for judging its level of material and moral development.85 Turning to The Subjection of Women we find his son likewise taking the 'elevation or debasement [of women] as on the whole the surest and most correct measure of the civilization of a people or an age'.86 The elder Mill envisions sexual equality not merely as an ideal but as a genuine historical possibility.87 So, too, does the younger Mill: Through all the progressive period of human history, the condition of women has been approaching nearer to equality with men. This does not of itself prove that the assimilation must go on to complete equality; but it assuredly affords some presumption that such is the case.'88 No less striking is James Mill's stress upon the 'qualities of mind', shared by men and women alike, that come to the fore and are developed in 'advanced' societies.89 This emphasis is equally apparent throughout his son's Subjection of Women.90 Moreover, just as the elder Mill criticizes the Hindus' debasement of women as a historical anachronism, so the son likewise contends that 'The social subordination of women . . . stands out as an isolated fact in modern social institutions; a solitary breach of what has become their fundamental law; a single relic of an old world of thought and practice exploded in everything else, but retained in the one thing of most universal interest . . .'91 Finally, James Mill's criticism of exclusionist religious practices is extended by his son in a distinctly political direction. The elder Mill thought it a sign of 'extreme 83 85 87 89 91
J. S. Mill, Early Drafts, 50. Ibid. 293. James Mill, History, i. 293-4. James Mill, History, i. 294. Ibid. 36.
S4 86 8S 90
James Mill, History, i. 293-5. J. S. Mill, Subjection, 38. J. S. Mill, Subjection, 38. J. S. Mill, Subjection, esp. ch. 3.
degradation' that Hindu women 'are not accounted worthy to partake of religious rites but in conjunction with their husbands'.92 So, too, the younger Mill thought it degrading that women were excluded from sharing the rights and participating in the rites of political life.93 Upon the right to vote, said J. S. Mill, everything else depends: 'When that has been gained, everything else will follow.'94 And on this final matter the author of the Essay parted company with his son. What is striking, however, is not this well-publicized difference between them, but the many remarkable similarities between the view of women advanced in James Mill's History and that put forward in his son's Subjection of Women. John Stuart Mill's debt to his father was two-sided. On the one side, he owed a considerable, if only obliquely acknowledged, debt to his father's History; on the other side, he owed a rather more negative debt to James Mill's Essay on Government. As he notes in his Autobiography, J. S. Mill could not rest until he had come to grips with all the more troubling aspects of his father's Essay. These included, in addition to troubling epistemological and methodological issues,95 vexing moral questions about the political and legal status of women. The younger Mill could not accept his elder's view that the interests of women were somehow 'included in' those of their husbands and fathers. He did not, however, reach, much less defend, his view in an intellectual vacuum. He had the help of his father's History, as I have suggested already; he also had the help of others who were outspoken in their criticisms of James Mill's Essay and in particular its proposal to exclude women from the franchise. Foremost among these critics were William Thompson and Thomas Babington Macaulay. 8.5 THOMPSON AND MACAULAY William Thompson
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CommonCrawl
| 1.048181 | 1.376295 | 0.277171 | 1.025562 |
was an Irish radical, self-described socialist, fellow-travelling Utilitarian, arid an outspoken defender of 92
James Mill, History, i. 296. J. S. Mill, Subjection, 95-7; Early Draft, 98-9. 94 Quoted in Packe, Life, 500. 95 Most notably, Macaulay's critique of James Mill's 'geometric' conception of political analysis: see J. S. Mill, Early Draft, 134-6; System of Logic (London, 1906), vi. 578-615. 93
women's rights. His Appeal of One Half the Human Race, directed explicitly and at length against that single 'infamous paragraph' in James Mill's Essay, created a minor sensation when it was published in 1825 and was almost as quickly forgotten. The book, and its author, evidently left their impression upon the younger Mill. In his Autobiography J. S. Mill mentions 'a very estimable man with whom I was well acquainted, Mr. William Thompson of Cork, author of ... an Appeal in behalf of women against the passage relating to them in my father's Essay on Government'.96 That the younger Mill's interest in feminism was quickened by his acquaintance with Thompson seems highly probable. Their meeting 'in the early part of 1825', when Mill was 19, coincided with the publication of Thompson's Appeal. Thompson was, moreover, effusive in his praise of Anna Wheeler, whom he credited with inspiring and deepening his feminist views.97 One could plausibly conjecture that Thompson's chaste and cerebral relationship with Mrs Wheeler provided a model for John Stuart Mill's subsequent relationship with Harriet Taylor; but, lacking testimonial evidence to that effect, we must leave it at that. We are on somewhat firmer ground in suggesting that the arguments in Thompson's Appeal prefigure those advanced nearly half a century later in The Subjection of Women. Against James Mill's proposed exclusion of women from the franchise Thompson raises a factual and logical question: 'Does an identity . . . of interest, in point of fact and necessity, exist between women and men?'98 Thompson replies that any answer to the first, or factual, part of the question presupposes a judgement—specifically, a judgement as to what is in whose interest. And this, in turn, raises a further question: who is to judge? In staunch Utilitarian fashion, Thompson maintains that each of us is the best—indeed, the only—judge of what is, or is not, in our own interest. Mill (and, unbeknownst to Thompson, Bentham) begs the question entirely, by leaving it to 'one half the human race'—men—to judge 96
J. S. Mill, Early Draft, in. See Thompson's 'Introductory Letter to Mrs. Wheeler' (Appeal, pp. v-xiv); and R. Pankhurst, William Thompson (London, 1954), ch. 8. 98 Thompson, Appeal, 25. 97
what is, or is not, in the interest of the other half. Thompson then goes on to raise a powerful logical objection: does not Mill begin by assuming that all human beings are rapacious and self-interested? Does it not then follow that, since men are human beings, their judgements of women's interests will 'in point of fact' be judgements as to what is in their own interest, and not in the women's? 'The general argument' of Mill's Essay, he writes, 'is founded on the universal love of power of all human beings over all their fellow creatures, for selfish purposes. This is stated to be the grand governing law of human nature.' And yet Mill proposes to allow men to judge, on women's behalf, what is in women's interest. Mill thereby exempts all men from this 'grand governing law of human nature'. What then, Thompson asks, 'becomes of the law itself and the arguments founded on it?'99 'This exception of one half from the influence of the general rule', Thompson says sarcastically, 'is certainly a pretty large exception . . . In any other hands, so large an exception would . . . destroy the rule
|
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CommonCrawl
| 0.715341 | 1.381487 | 0.056604 | 0.544909 |
The Best VPN for Gaming
At a Glance – Best VPNs for Gaming
Best VPN for Gaming: Top 5
2. CyberGhost
3. Private Internet Access
Frequently Asked Questions About Gaming VPNs
Why would you need a VPN for gaming?
What features should a gaming VPN have?
Will a VPN increase your ping?
What are DDoS attacks?
Disclaimer: Some pages on this site may include an affiliate link. This does not effect our editorial in any way.
Primarily a tool for increasing online security and bypassing geo-restrictions of streaming services, the best VPNs are now being used more and more for gaming. Perhaps you want to compete with players from outside your region. Maybe you want to access a game only available in another country. Or you're a competitive gamer and are concerned about DDoS attacks. Whatever the reason, you should choose a VPN service that's fast, reliable, and will ensure your privacy and security. In this article, we will help you choose the best VPN for gaming.
In this article, we will list the five best gaming VPNs. But if you want a quick summary, here's an overview of our top 3 choices:
For us, the best VPN for gaming is ExpressVPN. With servers in 94 countries, ExpressVPN could be your best chance for a strong, secure, and fast connection if you travel frequently or want to play with pals abroad.
It's also secure, so you don't have to worry about DDoS attacks when you're fighting it out in the final moments of a battle royale.
If you're looking for a gaming VPN that can also be used for streaming, ExpressVPN is a terrific option. It quickly unblocks Netflix, Hulu, YouTube, Amazon Prime Video, and other geo-restricted websites so you can view your favorite content from anywhere in the world.
ExpressVPN also has a specialized router VPN app, so you can avoid throttling and be secure even on consoles that don't support VPNs natively. Furthermore, Express's MediaStreamer Smart DNS utility will allow you to watch geo-blocked content on your PlayStation or Xbox by switching locations.
Limited Deal: 3 months FREE!
This VPN service excels in the mobile space, with apps available for both Android and iOS. It's also extremely simple to set up on PCs, and there are easy-to-follow guidelines for PlayStation and Xbox. Furthermore, if you have any problems with the service, the 24/7 live chat will be able to resolve them in minutes.
If we had to pick a flaw, Express only allows for five simultaneous connections per plan. But, if you install one of them on your router, any device connected to it will be covered; after that, you can install the other four on the phones and laptops you use.
ExpressVPN should be at the top of your list of best VPN for gaming if you're searching for a VPN that can help you avoid throttling, keep you safe from hackers and trackers, and unblock streaming media. And, if you're not happy with the service, just contact their customer service within 30 days of purchase for a complete refund, no questions asked.
Excellent, reliable speeds
With servers in 94 countries
Router support
Up to 5 simultaneous connections only
Get ExpressVPN now!
It's not surprising that CyberGhost is among the top five on our best VPN for gaming list. Along with helpful workarounds for Xbox and PS4 VPN, it also provides instructions on how to use its service on your Nintendo Switch.
CyberGhost can defend you from DDoS attacks and is home to various fantastic features that can help increase your security, such as automatically connecting to your preferred server for an almost instantaneous secure connection.
CyberGhost's capacity to get around geo-restrictions to unblock US Netflix (although it struggles with other locations), Amazon Prime Video, and Disney Plus are beneficial for anyone who uses their gaming console as a media streamer. Additionally, you'll be able to access various gaming store regions and get around IP address blocks set up by your school or place of employment.
Its speed performance is also respectable, thanks to the WireGuard protocol that is supported by all of its apps. With a network of more
|
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] | 1,024 |
CommonCrawl
| -0.121472 | -0.732767 | -0.142892 | 0.179992 |
than 8,000 servers spread across 90 countries, just connect to the closest one to start playing.
One thing that CyberGhost still needs, in our opinion, is to improve its customer support. It is also worth noting that the company (as far as we know) hasn't yet hired an independent auditor to confirm its privacy claims and no-logging policy.
Wide network of servers
Supports up to 7 devices
Keeps no logs
45-day money-back guarantee (for 1-year plan and up)
Servers are not as fast as other VPNs
Get CyberGhost now!
Private Internet Access (PIA) is a good all-around VPN. It's one of the simplest and most easy-to-use VPNs available today. This applies to all steps, including installation and regular use across platforms and apps.
If you subscribe for more than a year, you may get it for a great price and with additional features tailored exclusively for serious gamers.
This VPN will be useful for allowing you access to games in other parts of the world that get launched early or are just not available where you are. PIA has thousands of servers set up across more than 100 locations to help its clients get around geo-restrictions.
Speaking of IPs, getting a dedicated IP address for online gaming is quite simple with Private Internet Access (at a small extra charge). Every time you log on, you will receive the same IP address unique to you and not used by anybody else in the world. That should make you less vulnerable to IP block-listing and CAPTCHAs and should make gaming even more reliable when a VPN is enabled.
Speed is a crucial factor when it comes to gaming VPNs, and that is what knocks PIA to the bottom of this list. It is not as fast as ExpressVPN, NordVPN, and Surfshark. Although it's still not bad, this might make a big difference for devoted or professional gamers who can't afford to lose any advantage.
Vast server network
Up to 10 simultaneous connections
Budget-friendly VPN
Not as fast as other VPNs
Get Private Internet Access now!
This Panama-based provider delivers fast speeds, plus you'll have a network of more than 5,500 servers in 60 countries to choose from. So, no matter where you are, there's a good chance you'll find the server you're looking for.
Previously, there was some feedback that NordVPN's speeds could be unreliable, but now, it has redeemed itself and, by our testing, is one of the fastest VPNs on the market today.
Nord's apps are stable (which is good if you intend to use it for gaming purposes). Plus, you can set it up on a router. But unlike ExpressVPN, NordVPN doesn't have a dedicated router app, so setting it up can be tricky.
Although not quite as reliable and polished as ExpressVPN, NordVPN is still a close match and is worth considering if you are searching for a gaming VPN. This VPN service is a high-performance option if you're concerned about download and upload speeds. It's also a good VPN for torrenting.
NordVPN delivers an impressive ping performance. It uses the latest WireGuard VPN protocol called NordLynx, which is fast and helps it run consistently well.
Fast download and upload speeds
Decent ping performance
Clear privacy policy
App requires lots of updating
Get NordVPN now!
Surfshark is effective, affordable, and performs really well as a gaming VPN. It is budget-friendly and is quite excellent in a number of categories.
Although Surfshark is not as quick as NordVPN or ExpressVPN, you can rely on it not to bring your Wi-Fi to a crawl.
Besides having a sizable network of 3,200 servers, the combination of unlimited connections and a low price point is what attracts users the most. In the VPN industry, neither is quite common, making that combo unbeatable. This VPN is for you if you want a quality VPN but don't want to spend too much.
That said, the support system is a little bit slower compared to others and the apps don't offer quite as much configuration as other apps. But if you're willing to use the suggested settings, avoid throttling
|
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] | 1,024 |
CommonCrawl
| -0.046455 | -0.659199 | -0.145021 | -0.275996 |
Office of Inspector General, Department of Housing and Urban Development
Audits & Evaluations
Alerts, Briefs, & Other
Investigation & Inquiry Reports
Assignment Start Notifications
Recommendation Dashboard
Hearings & Correspondence
Top Management Challenges
Semiannual Reports
Single Audit Guidance
Combating Fraud
Notices & Alerts
Common Fraud Schemes
Whistleblower Rights
News & Congressional
About HUD OIG
Strategy & Performance
Issued Between
The City of Hattiesburg, MS, Did Not Always Administer Its HOME Investment Partnerships Program in Accordance With HUD's and Its Own Requirements
We audited the City of Hattiesburg's HOME Investment Partnerships (HOME) program based on a referral from the U.S.
#2018-AT-1011
Solace LLC, Rexburg, ID, Did Not Always Correctly Compute Tenant Annual Income, Conduct Timely Tenant Income Verifications, or Request the Appropriate Assistance When Tenants Moved Out
#2016-SE-1003
Reflection5 LLC, Pocatello, ID, Did Not Always Retain Tenant Files, Perform Recertifications, Obtain Verifications, or Support Hardship Exemptions
The Members and Operator Did Not Comply With the Executed Regulatory Agreement and HUD's Requirements for Saltillo Assisted Living, Saltillo, MS
We audited Saltillo Assisted Living (project), an assisted living facility located in Saltillo, MS, based on a referral from the U.S.
Sunset Manor, Limited Partnership, Blackfoot, ID, Did Not Administer Its Section 8 Program in Accordance With HUD Rules and Regulations
The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), Office of Inspector General audited the Sunset Manor Apartments to evaluate the allegations in a complaint and determine whether the project's owner made unauthorized distributions and repayment of advances, maintained complete, accurate, and current books and records for the project, and participated in improper procurement practices.
Saltillo Assisted Living, Saltillo, MS, Did Not Maintain Liability and Property Insurance
We are conducting an audit survey of Saltillo Assisted Living (project) based on a referral from the U.S.
A Former Employee of the Helena Housing Authority, Helena, MT, Improperly Released Personally Identifiable Information
The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development – Office of Inspector General audited the Helena, MT Housing Authority in response to a hotline complaint alleging a former employee of the housing authority improperly released housing choice voucher holders' personally identifiable information. The objective of our review was to determine whether the allegation had merit.
#2014-DE-1002
The State of Mississippi Did Not Ensure That Its Subrecipient and Appraisers Complied With Requirements, and It Did Not Fully Implement Adequate Procedures For Its Disaster Infrastructure Program
We audited the State of Mississippi's Community Development Block Grant Hurricane Disaster Recovery Program. The Gulf Coast Regional Infrastructure Program was selected for audit based upon a congressional request, and it was also included in the U.S.
The State Did Not Monitor the City of Cedar Rapids' Voluntary Property Acquisition Program in Accordance With Its Approved Disaster Recovery Action Plans
We audited the State of Iowa's monitoring of the City of Cedar Rapids' voluntary property acquisition program. We selected the State for review based on a prior audit of the City's voluntary property acquisition program. During fiscal years 2009 through 2012, the State awarded the City more than $166 million in disaster funding. Our audit objective was to determine whether the State monitored the City's voluntary property acquisi
#2013-KC-1002
The Idaho Housing and Finance Association, Boise, ID, Did Not Always Comply With HOME Investment Partnerships Program Match and Compliance Monitoring Requirements
|
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CommonCrawl
| -1.344192 | 0.164164 | 0.922731 | 0.165446 |
Haddonfield Hadrosaurus
May 2, 2010 — New Jersey is a state with some baggage. Some of it is its own fault, of course, but when you're the little brother suburb to a place like New York City, with its octopine broadcast dominance, you're going to get publicly picked on until it catches on and becomes cool for everyone to do. Pop culture has its stickers all over my own New Jersey baggage, as well. For me, the state will always be the land of Kevin Smith, the Toxic Avenger, and Aqua Teen Hunger Force (Number one in the hood, G). In other words, kind of cool, but also kind of stupid and disgusting.
But if you dig down through the strata of preconceived notions, exaggerated stereotypes, and easy punch lines, you'll hit dinosaur bones. Very important dinosaur bones. Change the direction of paleontology important dinosaur bones. Make it possible for Jurassic Park to be awesome important dinosaur bones. Sorry about such an obvious movie reference dinosaur bones.
It was in the garden soil of New Jersey that was found the first near-complete skeleton of a dinosaur in the entire world. That's right. Not Utah. Not Siberia. Not the Valley of Gwangi. New Jersey. The land of bland rock bands.
It all happened in the town of Haddonfield, in the year of our evolutionary development 1858. A wealthy Victorian gentleman of various occupations named William Parker Foulke was visiting the town when he heard about some giant bones that had been discovered thereabouts some years previously. Tantalized, he spent a few months mucking about in a marl pit on a local farmer's land. The groundbreaking ended up being groundbreaking when he found the skeleton of a large, strange animal. Although it was missing its skull (presumably in some prehistoric game of dinosaur Highlander), just about 70% of the dinosaur was intact and, when assembled years later, measured about 30 feet long.
Foulke tagged in a professor and naturalist named Joseph Leidy, who was able to discern what the creature was ("Dude, I think you found a dinosaur"), as well as its import. Leidy then named it Hadrosaurus foulkii after its discoverer, although not, as its alliteration might suggest, after its place of discovery. Hadros apparently just means "bulky" or "thick," so Hadrosaurus foulkii just means "Foulke's big-ass lizard." Not exactly poetic, but historical records show that Foulke was able to use it with deadly force as a pick-up line.
Of course, these days, when the most disinterested third grader has seen more dinosaur bones than all the founding fathers of paleontology put together, it might not be immediately apparent why the discovery of the headless skeleton of an elephant-sized plant-eating lizard such as the Haddonfield Hadrosaurus is a monumental discovery. Well, to that point in time, most of our knowledge of those terrible lizards stemmed from a few random bones and teeth. Heck, the term dinosaur had actually only been coined a mere decade and a half before the Hadrosaurus skeleton was found and the entire legitimacy of the field was still a topic of debate.
But with the dredging of the skeleton from the mud of that New Jersey farm, suddenly this fledgling science had a backbone upon which to build. Not only was it compelling evidence that giant reptiles had indeed roamed the earth at some point before recorded history and not only did we now have an accurate image of them with which to relate, but according to this new find, some of these giants walked on two legs, something which the dinosaur proponents of the time hadn't yet imagined and which laid the groundwork for future discoveries of such famous therapods as the Tyrannosaurus Rex, Velociraptor, and Godzuki.
Naturally, Haddonfield is proud of what came out of its dirt and these days commemorates the find in a pair of ways. First, by marking the discovery site itself, which has also since become a National Historical Landmark. At the dead end of a pleasantly residential street called Maple Ave.,
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CommonCrawl
| 0.866138 | -0.092797 | 2.059635 | 0.426011 |
James Harold Wilson, Barón Wilson de Rievaulx. (Huddersfield, Yorkshire del Oeste, -Londres, ), fue un político británico del Partido Laborista, primer ministro del Reino Unido en dos ocasiones.
Comienzos
Wilson nació en Huddersfield, Inglaterra, en 1916, casi al mismo tiempo que su gran rival, Edward Heath. Venía de una familia política: su padre, Herbert, había sido afiliado del Partido Liberal aunque más tarde pasó a las filas del laborismo. Cuando Wilson tenía ocho años viajó a Londres, donde se fotografió en la puerta del 10 de Downing Street. Esa imagen se haría muy famosa cuando fue él quien ocupó la residencia del primer ministro.
Wilson ganó una beca para asistir a la escuela local, Royds Hall Secondary School, en Huddersfield. Su educación se vio interrumpida en 1931 cuando enfermó de tifus tras beber leche contaminada. Tardó varios meses en recuperarse. Al año siguiente, su padre, un industrial químico, fue despedido y la familia se mudó a Spital on the Wirral para encontrar trabajo. Wilson cursó el 6º año en la Wirral Grammar School for Boys.
Harold fue buen estudiante y gracias a los buenos resultados en el colegio ganó una beca para estudiar Historia en el Jesus College de Oxford, en 1934. En Oxford, Wilson fue discretamente activo en política como miembro del Partido Liberal, pero más tarde, fue influido por G. D. H. Cole para pasarse al Partido Laborista.
Tras su primer año en Historia, cambió sus estudios por Filosofía, Política y Economía, en los que se licenció con Matrícula de Honor. Continuó en la vida académica, convirtiéndose en uno de los profesores de Oxford más jóvenes del siglo.
Wilson daba clases de Economía en el New College en 1937 y de Historia Económica en el University College en 1938. Durante gran parte de esta etapa, fue ayudante de investigación de William Beveridge cuando estaba en paro.
En 1940 se casó con Gladys Baldwin, cuyo matrimonio duró toda su vida.
En el inicio de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, Wilson fue voluntario para el servicio militar, pero lo evaluaron como especialista y lo trasladaron al servicio civil. Durante la mayor parte de la guerra, trabajó como estadista y economista para la industria del carbón.
Fue director de Economía y Estadística del Ministerio de Energía entre 1943 y 1944. De ahí nació su interés en la estadística.
Como presidente del Consejo de Comercio, fue el principal impulsor de la Ley de Estadística de Comercio de 1947, que aún es el referente legal para recoger la mayoría de datos estadísticos en Gran Bretaña. Como primer ministro, nombró a Claus Moser jefe del Gabinete central de Estadística. Fue también Presidente de la Real Sociedad Estadística entre 1972 y 1973.
En el Parlamento
A medida que la Segunda Guerra Mundial finalizaba, procuró buscar una candidatura para las inminentes elecciones generales. Fue elegido para Ormskirk, que entonces estaba gobernado por Stephen King-Hall. Wilson llegó a un acuerdo para ser candidato inmediatamente en lugar de retrasar su candidatura hasta que las elecciones fueran convocadas, por lo que tuvo que darse de baja en el servicio civil. En el tiempo que tardaron en convocarse elecciones, escribió "A new Deal for Coal" (un nuevo reparto del carbón), en el que empleó la experiencia que había adquirido durante la guerra para defender que la nacionalización de las minas de carbón mejoraría su rendimiento.
En las elecciones generales de 1945, Wilson ganó su escaño en las filas del Partido Laborista. Para su propia sorpresa, inmediatamente fue elegido para el gobierno como secretario del Ministerio de Trabajo. Dos años más tarde, se
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Wikipedia
| 0.353971 | 0.161569 | 0.287033 | 0.276755 |
convirtió en Secretario de Comercio Internacional, cargo con el que hizo varios viajes a la Unión Soviética para negociar acuerdos sobre materias primas. Sus oponentes calificarían más tarde estos viajes como sospechosos.
El 14 de octubre de 1947 fue elegido presidente del Consejo de Comercio, llegando a convertirse en el miembro del Gabinete más joven del siglo XX, con treinta y un años de edad. Lideró el proceso de eliminación del racionamiento de la guerra. Fue reelegido en las generales de 1950, aunque esta vez por el escaño de Huyton.
Wilson comenzó a ser conocido como simpatizante del ala más izquierdista, y se unió a Aneurin Bevan cuando ambos dimitieron del Gobierno en 1951 como protesta a los cambios en el Sistema Nacional de Salud para poder ajustarse a las exigencias financieras del presupuesto impuestas por la Guerra de Corea.
Primer ministro
Como primer ministro Harold Wilson promulgó reformas sociales en educación, salud, vivienda, igualdad de sexos, controles de precios, pensiones, disposiciones para personas con discapacidad y pobreza infantil.
Su primera victoria electoral el 15 de octubre de 1964 lo vio ganar con una pequeña mayoría de 4, que aumentó significativamente a 98 después de una segunda elección general el 31 de marzo de 1966. Como primer ministro de 1964 a 1970, su plan principal era modernizarse. Él creía que sería ayudado por el «calor blanco de la revolución tecnológica». Su gobierno apoyó a los diputados de backbench en la liberalización de las leyes sobre censura, divorcio, aborto y homosexualidad, y abolió la pena capital. Se tomaron medidas cruciales para detener la discriminación contra las mujeres y las minorías étnicas, y el gobierno de Wilson también creó la Universidad Abierta.
El gobierno de Wilson confió en la planificación económica como forma de resolver los problemas económicos de Gran Bretaña. La estrategia del gobierno consistía en crear un Departamento de Asuntos Económicos (DEA) que elaboraría un Plan Nacional que pretendía promover el crecimiento y la inversión. Wilson creía que el progreso científico era la clave para el avance económico y social, para ello creó el Real Ministerio de Tecnología (abreviado como 'Mintech') que coordinaba la investigación y el desarrollo y apoyaría la adopción rápida de nuevas tecnologías por parte de la industria, con la ayuda de mejoras de infraestructura financiadas por el gobierno.
En comparación, su visión de los asuntos exteriores se estaba modernizando menos. Quería mantener el papel mundial de Gran Bretaña manteniendo unida a la Commonwealth y fomentando la alianza angloamericana. Por ejemplo, su enfoque de la Guerra de Vietnam lo vio equilibrar hábilmente las ambiciones modernistas con los intereses angloamericanos cuando, a pesar de las reiteradas solicitudes estadounidenses, mantuvo a las tropas británicas fuera mientras mantenía buenas relaciones. El biógrafo de Wilson, Philip Ziegler, caracteriza su papel de «agente honesto».
Sin embargo, tuvo que remodelar fundamentalmente el papel mundial de Gran Bretaña después de heredar un ejército sobrecargado y un déficit de balanza de pagos de £ 400 millones, lo que había causado sucesivas crisis de la libra esterlina. Wilson se vio obligado a devaluar la libra en noviembre de 1967. Para resolver estos dos problemas interrelacionados, Wilson lanzó una Revisión de Defensa (1964 a 1965) y creó el Departamento de Asuntos Económicos, que buscaba implementar un ambicioso Plan Nacional. Su gobierno anunció a regañadientes la retirada gradual de Gran Bretaña del estratégicamente
|
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Wikipedia
| 0.658282 | 0.556095 | 0.125868 | 0.114851 |
The Papal Roman CULT of BAAL
December 10, 2020 June 16, 2019 by Cynthia
www.granddesignexposed.com
Roman Catholic Sun(Baal) Worship
Lucifer Sun Worship Masquerading As True Christianity
"It is easier to believe a lie that one has heard a thousand times than to believe
a fact
that NO ONE has heard before" The missing history about Sun Worship!!
We have to take into consideration that the whole World, meaning, that both the Middle East and European World, and the so called New World of North and South America, that these great masses of mankind all worshiped the Sun ever since, right after the flood, a space of time which is now over 4000 years , if you do not understand this, how can anyone even begin to grasp what has happened to Christendom today?
If you stop and think about it, for example, Egypt, Assyria, Babylon, Meads and Persia, Greece and Rome, were the "world civilizations" of the old world-and the Aztecs, Incas, Mayas, Toltec culture and Sioux of the new world all, all worshiped the SUN! By comparison, those who worshiped the True God were only a handful.
What we are trying to focus on here is, that if the whole wide world was ruled, governed, controlled and compelled to worship according to "Lucifer Sun Worship", and that is all the people of the world ever knew, including even, the nation of Israel, God's people, who wanted nothing less, and did also worshiped the SUN, and God destroyed them because of it, (Read Ezekiel chapters 8 and 23) isn't it kind of preposterous not to believe that all "organized Christianity" today has also been totally influenced and fully corrupted by this same "Lucifer Sun Worship" system? And just like the nation of Israel of old, wants nothing less, and will hate you if you try to teach them the Truth.Galations 4:16 Am I therefore become your enemy, because I tell you the truth?You do not need to be a prophet to know that these things are the Truth. All you need to do is a little historical research. Truly, how can anyone really grasp who and what the Biblical Beast that has seven heads and ten horns really is, unless they are taught to know it's the "Lucifer Sun Worship" system that has been in existence since the history of mankind. Call it Baal worship, Mithraism, Apollo or Sol Invictus, it is the same SUN worship system that has always opposed the Truth of the True God.
When we look at this information it is critical if anyone is going to understand the Biblical three angels message. You must know it to understand that the Roman Catholic Church today is the center of SUN worship, and why this year 2012 will begin the countdown for the pope being set up in Jerusalem by the New World Order.
who controls the present, (Sun Worship) controls the past. (Sun Worship)George Orwell
Doctrines of Lucifer Sun Worship Doctrines of THE CATHOLIC CHRUCH
1. The nativity of the Sun, the birth of Tammuz Dec. 25 The nativity of Jesus, or "Christmas" is held on December 25
2. The Midsummer festival of the Sun Worship was held on June 24 of each year The Nativity of St. John is held every year on June 24
3. The assumption of Semiramus who became the mother godess of all Sun Worship The assumption of Mary, who became the mother of God to all Catholics
4. The mother goddess was given the title, and worshipped as the Queen of Heaven. Jer. 7:18 The Virgin Mary is given the title, and worshipped as the Queen of Heaven by all Catholics.
4.a "Queen of Heaven" is wrath subduer of the Sun worship god Mary, "Queen of Heaven" subdues the wrath of Christ and His Father against sinners.
5. Cakes decorated to the goddess with a "+" drawn on it. Jer. 44:17,19 Hot cross buns are backed for Mary in most Roman Catholic churches
6. 40 days fasting before Easter for Tammuz, Ezek. 8:14 Cathol
|
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CommonCrawl
| -1.230075 | 0.27188 | -0.303834 | -1.263865 |
ics fast 40 days (Lent) before Easter
7. Sexual festival of Easter. Ezek 8:16 The Roman Catholic church initiated the sexual festival of Easter first in Christiandom
7a. Gathering at sunrise for worship Catholic church stated Easter sunrise services first in Christiandom
8. The resurrection of Tammuz on Easter, and the procession of graven images during Easter holy week All Roman Catholic churches parade partake in processions of graven images of Jesus, Mary, and Peter, and of the saints during Easter week
9. Veneration of graven images of Baal, Ishtar, Tammuz and lesser gods in the heavens All Roman Catholic churches venerate graven images of Jesus, Mary, Peter, and of the "lesser" saints in the heavens
10. The belief of the constant immortality of the soul, and burning place of eternal torment Rome teaches the belief of immortality of the soul and a burning place of eternal torment
11. Sun Worship believed in the doctrine of purgatory Rome teaches the doctrine of purgatory
12. The belief of the dead visiting the living on a certain day each year. A feast is then held for all the dead on first day of November. (Called all souls day) Rome teaches they must hold a festival for the dead on all souls day held Nov. 2, and all saints day held Nov. 1 of each year
13. Burning incense and candles Jer 11:17; Ezek 8:11 Rome, as well as every Satanic church burns incense and candles in their "masses"
14. Chants and repetitive prayers. Beaded prayer chains. Rome as well as Satanists use chants and the beaded prayer chains. (Rome calls the chant "Gregorian chant" and the beaded chained "Rosary")
15. Symbol of the cross as symbol of Sun worship. Mesopotamian cylinder seals of old have been found that depicted the "cross in the sky" as a symbol of sun worship. Ancient carvings of an Assyrian kings have also had huge crosses carved on their chest. The oldest pictures in the world from Mesopotamia has text with is explaining the "cross" in the sky as the symbol for the sun. This particular archeological find is on display at the University Museum in Philadelphia PA. The Roman Catholic church displays a plus sign "+" cross symbol not only on the walls, paintings, windows, and roofs of their churches. Their priests also have these crosses on their clothing. Many other churches also use them and even place them inside a circle as a double symbol of Baal. The crucifix itself is an elongated version of the cross of Baal as well. Pagan Rome of old offered human sacrifices to Baal on these crosses as well.
16. Sun Worship wear amulets and idols to scare away evil spirits Roman Catholicism teaches the wearing of crucifixes and medals as a method of protection. The scapular is proof of that fact.
17. The round disk "sun" wafer with the IHS symbol for Isis, Horus & Seb, was eaten as food for the soul and worshipped as Baal incarnate The Roman Catholic Eucharist / wafer also has the IHS carvings on it for Isis, Horus, and Seb. And it is also given as food for the soul, and is worshipped as god incarnate.
18. Sun Worshiper's would paint the child Tammuz and his mother Semiramus with the glory of the Sun around their heads Rome paints the child Jesus and his mother Mary with halos of the Sun around their heads
19. Sun Worshiper's performed infant baptism, and the sprinkling of holy water Rome practices infant baptism, as well as the sprinkling of holy water
20. Pagans taught Necromancy (Talking to the dead) Rome teaches Mysticism (Novenas/prayers to the dead)
21. The first day of the week kept sacred to honor the Persian sun god Mithra. The name of the day was changed to "SUN"day Rome admitted they changed the Sabbath from day 7 to day one in honor of "SUN"day
22. The title Pontifex Maximus was given
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CommonCrawl
| -1.067052 | 0.745572 | 1.471457 | -0.586207 |
to the chief head of the Sun Worship Babylonian system of idolatry The title Pontifex Maximus is the main title of the Popes of Rome
23. Pagan gods (Janus and Cybele) were believed to be holders of the keys to Heaven and Hell The pope claims to have the keys of Peter within his clutches
24. The highest Sun Worship priest kings was carried on a throne to the to the Temple of his god in special ceremony The Pope is carried on a portable throne to the Basilica of St. Peter (Sedia Gestoria) in special ceremony
25. The Sun Worship high priest king is believed to be the incarnate of the Sun god The Pope proclaims to be Jesus Christ in the flesh on Earth
26. Sun Worship are taught to perform offerings of "good works" to appease the gods Catholics are required to do penance, purchase indulgences, and perform many good works to gain salvation
27. Sun Worship had special houses for the virgin priestesses to be employed at Pagan temples. Some of these women were used as prostitutes for the heterosexual priests The Roman Catholic church has Nuns
28. Sun Worship often had human sacrifices burned by fire as an offering to appease the sun god Many millions of opposers of Roman Catholic doctrines were burned at the stake
29. Sun Worship believed that gold was the flesh of the "Sungod" and would fill their temples of worship with as much as possible The Vatican is literally drenched in gold throughout, as are numerous cathedrals the world over
30. Sun Worship often placed stone carving of Gargoils upon their roofs as a Sun Worship god of protection The Vatican as well as thousands of Catholic churches across the globe have gargoils on their roofs
31. Phallic symbol of the male sex organ were placed on the roofs, or in courtyards of pagan temples The Vatican has the largest phallic symbol in the middle of St Peter's square. Plus all Roman Catholic churches have them on their roofs. Today, we call them steeples.
32. The Solar wheel is a symbol for Baal and was given reverence by the Sun Worship of old. This wheel can be found carved into ancient as well as modern Buddhist temples and carved into ancient ornamental form representing Osiris. St Peter's square has largest solar wheel on the planet. ALL Catholic churches have numerous solar wheels in stain glass windows as well as many other areas of the church. Notre Dame Cathedral in Paris sports a very huge one on it's face. There is a great one in ceiling as well as the floor tiles of the monastery of St. Ignatius Loyola in Spain. Numerous paintings, statues, ornaments, and letterheads of all Catholic churches have one or more "solar wheels" depicted upon them. And the ONE WORLD CHURCH that started on June 26, 2000 uses the solar wheel as its official logo on their letterhead
33. Archeologists have found numerous carvings of the serpent on Sun Worship Rome bath houses The symbol of serpent can also be found on numerous Catholic churches in door handles, Papal crests, etc.
34. Sun Worship have depicted "Atlas" as carrying the universe on his shoulders. They would place a large globe upon his shoulders. Numerous Popes have been depicted in paintings in the exact same manner. There are also some paintings and statues of Mary doing same
35. Sun Worship used the symbols of the "Unicorn, Peacock, and Phoenix" to signify some of their sun gods Symbols of the "Unicorn, Peacock, and Phoenix" used to symbolize the "communion" of Christ are found carved in gold in many churches on doors or chapels as well as the small sanctuary buildings housing the Eucharist or wafer god of Rome
36. Crescent moon used to signify moon goddess "Nanna" was depicted in numerous paintings, etchings, carvings and statues. It was also used to cradle the sun god in wafer form before the people for worship The crescent is also used to cradle Eucharist in the Monstrance of the Roman Catholic church, and is paraded before the people for worship. It is also seen in countless paintings, etchings, carvings, and sculptures
37. The three
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CommonCrawl
| -0.909462 | 0.792292 | 1.873139 | -0.991284 |
letters "S.F.S" within a small blaze was used to represent the universal mystery for the number "6" in the Sun Worship mysteries S.F.S in a small blaze is boldly carved into the Vatican Monstrance for all to see in the Vatican museum as well as many monstrance's in churches the world over
38. Alternating rays of the sun burst used to represent unity of "man and woman" common in all aspects of Sun Worship. (Curved ray = female "yonic" Straight ray = male "phallic") The monstrance of Catholicism, as well as many paintings and sculptures all depict same rays of both the "phallic and yonic" symbol can be found literally all over the Roman Catholic churches.
39. Carvings of "nature spirits" (fauns or satyrs) depicting a horned, hoofed-god were a common feature in all Sun Worship churches Carvings of "nature spirits" (fauns or satyrs) depicting a horned, hoofed-god are found all over the Treasury of the Vatican beneath St Peters square as well as many Cathedrals around the world
40. The statues of a "Madonna" can be found in all Sun Worship churches as well as the Egyptian Madonna, Isis, with her son Horus, or Hindu churches with Divaki and her son Krishna Mary is found in all Catholic churches holding baby Jesus wearing the same clothing, as well as Jesus making the same hand signals
41. The statue of Zeus holds symbol of thunder and a lightening bolt Pagans taught symbolised his position as a god. Mary has been depicted in many statues in same manner all throughout the Vatican as well as many churches
42. Sun Worship have demi-gods holding crooked diving staffs that represent the serpent as well as the lightening bolt The Pope himself carries the exact same staff today. (serpent crosiers) He is photographed often with it as well
43. In Sun Worship Rome you would find, Adad, Enlil, Baal, Neptune, Poseidon and other "gods" of storm and sea being depicted as carrying tridents in their hands Crosses as well as statues of Jesus and Mary in Cathedrals all over the world carved with tridents on them. There is even a gold statue of baby Jesus in the Vatican with three tridents coming out of his head. All three tridents also depict the phallic and yonic symbolism as well in that statue. They even curved the forks to make that fact known.
44. Hand gestures in the form of a trident can be found depicted in Sun Worship gods such as Jupiter, Buddah, Appollo, and Hindu diety's as well. They are called "votive hands" in pagan temples Statue of St. Peter (Originally the old Jupiter statue of Rome) as well as millions of other statues, paintings, photos, and videos of everyone from Jesus and Mary to priests, cardinals,bishops, all the Popes, Vatican guards, and even lay people themselves in the Catholic church can be seen holding up the three finger trident salute of pagan Rome. (Now called the salute to the Trinity)
45. Pine cones used to represent the deity of a solar god Osiris, Bacchus, Dionysus, as well as Mexican gods, Hindu gods, and Assyrian gods can be found all throughout Sun Worship Rome The largest pine cone sculpture in the world is found in the "Court of the pine cone" at the Vatican. The pine cone is also found carved into the crooked pagan staff (serpent crosier) of the Popes of Rome. In fact the pine cone is found all throughout the Vatican as well as Cathedrals as decoration. The staff the pope holds with the deformed Jesus and crooked cross on it has a pine cone under the base of the cross.
46. Oanne, the Babylonian fish-god (half man half fish) was depicted by Sun Worship high priests by wearing a fish head mitre (head dress) upon a mans head to symbolize man and fish joining when the "sun god" set into the ocean. (Neptune = case in point. Half man half fish) One particular Biblical deity that confirms this is "D
|
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CommonCrawl
| -0.625529 | 0.717021 | 2.152882 | -0.919186 |
agon" found in 1Samuel. (Dag=fish On=sun) Mitres or head dresses that are worn by all Popes of Catholicism are an exact duplicate of these Dagon head dresses.
47. The Roman sun-god face with the alternating yonic and phallic symbols surrounding his head was found carved in excavated Roman bath houses in England. It is also found as "Apollo" on the facade of the Pergamum Museum in East Berlin. Almost all Catholic churches have the exact same carving above their pulpits, pillars, on statues, as well as carved into ceilings above altars. Some Catholic churches actually have it carved into the Eucharist itself. There is also a statue in Rome of Mary cradling the face within a blaze in her arms as if he is her child. Plus, many Weather reporters use this face inside a solar blaze as a graphic for their weather reports
48. Statues of the Romanized Egyptians Isis with globes in her hand, Hercules as a solar deity carried the very same globe in his hand, and the Persian sun-god Mithra is also depicted with the globe in his hand as a sign he is ruler of the Universe. The Vatican has a solid gold statue of Jesus with the globe in hand, a black marble statue called "the black virgin of Montserrat" and a statue of a "child Jesus" with globe in hand as well as countless other statues all over the world with Mary and others holding the globe
49. Coptic shells were carved to symbolize the Universe as well. Roman grave stones used them to represent the Heavens. Statues of Atlas can be found carrying the "universe" shell upon his shoulders. Sun Worship Rome carved Poseidon with the shell as part of his head. Venus was said to be born from within a Coptic shell. St. Peter's Basilica in the Vatican has this Pagan symbol within the papal crest upon the wall. The Coptic shell is also found over the crypt of St. Paul's Cathedral in London. This cosmic symbol is often used as a font for holding holy water in Catholic churches the world over. They even have statues of angels holding this pagan symbol filled with holy water
50. The large evil eye can be found carved on a Roman sarcophagus in the National Archaeological Museum in Rome Italy. Masonic pendants have them as well. Hathor, the "eye of Osiris" can be found all over Egyptian temple. It was commonly used as protection against evil magic This very same evil eye within the pyramid is found on Roman Catholic pulpits, ceilings, altars, doors, pendants, medals, etc. It is also on the back of the dollar bill of the USA on the left side floating above an unfinished pyramid.
51. The multi-level crown of the high Pagan priest was first worn by old Babylonian gods in 1800BC. The horned tiara was carved atop Assyrian winged-bull cherubims as well. The Jewish Kabbalistic solar deity wore this very same tiara, as did Krishna. The bronze tomb of Pope Sixtus depicts his dead body in bronze with this three ringed tiara on his head. On that tiara you can also see 6 serpents upon it. All the Popes have worn the tiara as a symbol of their authority as "gods of the earth, heaven, and hell." Hence, the "three rings" upon it. The Vatican has a solid gold tiara on display in the Vatican treasury at all times. This is the very crown the Pope will hand to Antichrist when he arrives to impersonate Jesus Christ in the days ahead.
52. Quetzalcoatl, "the lord of life and death" in the Aztec and Toltec cultures of 1000 AD had an opened chest with an exposed heart displayed in his statues. This was believed to be nourishment offered to the sun gods. Literally hundreds of thousands of statues, paintings, posters, lithographs, rings, medals, and icons have Jesus as well as Mary depicted in the exact same manner with what the Catholic church calls "The sacred heart." Notice that these "sacred hearts" also have the symbols of the sun god Mithra glowing rather boldly behind them at all times.
53. Ass
|
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] | 1,024 |
CommonCrawl
| -0.702965 | 0.82863 | 2.131364 | -0.971678 |
yrian carvings show eagles as genies hovering over the dead. Their "book of the dead" depicts just such a picture on its cover. Eagles are used as symbols all over the Roman Catholic church. See Rev 18:2 for it speaks of the Vatican as the "hold of ever foul spirit, and a cage of ever unclean and hateful bird."
CATALOGUE OF ROME'S UNSCRIPTURAL DOCTRINES
AND DATES OF THEIR INCEPTION
1. Prayers for the dead 300 A.D.
2. Sign of the Cross 310 A.D.
3. Wax votive candles 320 A.D.
4. Veneration of saints and angels 375 A.D.
5. Mary declared "Mother of God" 431 A.D.
6. Priests begin to wear vestments 500 A.D.
7. Worship in Latin 600 A.D.
8. Temporal power of Papacy granted by Phocas 610 A.D.
9. Feast days in honour of Mary 650 A.D.
10. Kissing of the Pope's feet 709 A.D.
11. Temporal power of Papacy confirmed 750 A.D.
12. Adoration of Mary, saints, images and relics
legalised by 2nd Council of Nicea 788 A.D.
13. Holy water 850 A.D.
14. Veneration of St. Joseph 890 A.D.
15. Baptism of bells 965 A.D.
16. Canonization of dead saints 995 A.D.
17. Fasting on Fridays and Lent 998 A.D.
18. Rosary beads 1090 A.D.
19. Pope Boniface VII decrees celibacy of priests 1097 A.D.
20. Inquisition of heretics 1184 A.D.
21. Sale of Indulgences 1190 A.D.
22. Transubstantiation of the wafer 1215 A.D.
23. Confession to a priest 1215 A.D.
24. Adoration of the host (Wafer God) 1220 A.D.
25. Bible forbidden and placed on index of forbidden books —
by Council of Valencia 1229 A.D.
26. Red hats for Cardinals 1245 A.D.
27. Feast of Corpus Christi 1264 A.D.
28. The Miraculous scapular 1287 A.D.
29. Roman church as the only true church 1303 A.D.
30. Cup forbidden to laity at Communion 1415 A.D.
31. Purgatory decreed by Council of Florence 1439 A.D.
32. Doctrine of the seven sacraments 1439 A.D.
33. Tradition of equal authority to the Bible 1545 A.D.
34. Justification by works and not faith alone 1545 A.D.
35. Creed of Pope Plus IV makes all the unscriptural
doctrines of Council of Trent binding 1560 A.D.
36. Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary 1854 A.D.
37. Papal infallibility 1870 A.D.
38. Papal decree on mixed marriages — all marriages not
celebrated by a Roman priest declared null and void 1908 A.D.
39. Pope reaffirms Mary as Mother of God 1931 A.D.
40. Assumption of the Virgin Mary 1950 A.D.
Two Occult Powers United For Final World
Understand the whole world is ignorant to Rome's History.
Quote from "Foreign Conspiracy against the Liberties of the United States" by Samuel Morse 1835
|
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CommonCrawl
| -0.665606 | 0.724807 | 1.916177 | -0.221606 |
. The food of Popery is ignorance. Ignorance is the mother of papal devotion. Ignorance is the legitimate prey of Popery. Ignorance: The condition of being uneducated, unaware, or uniformed.
The Catholic Founding Fathers Click here
Rev 13:11 And I beheld another beast coming up out of the earth; and he had two horns like a lamb, and he spake as a dragon.
Rev 13:12And he exerciseth all the power of the first beastbefore him, and causeth the earth and them which dwell therein to worship the first beast, whose deadly wound was healed.
Rev 13:15 And he had power to give life unto theimageof the beast, that the imageof the beast should both speak, and cause that as many as would not worship the imageof the beast should be killed.
Rev 17:15 And upon her forehead was a name written, MYSTERY, BABYLON THE GREAT, THE MOTHER OF HARLOTS AND ABOMINATIONS OF THE EARTH.
Roman History and Roman Vision
The Roman Catholic Carroll Family Let the Pictures Present the Facts
With Daniel Carroll providing land for the Capitol, with Charles Carroll as War Commissioner, controlling all the executive duties of the military department, with its ammunition supplies of cannon balls, shot, kettles, spikes and nails to the army, with John
Carroll an intimate friend of Franklin, even living in Franklin's house, and District of Columbia donor and Capitol Commissioner Daniel Carroll close to Washington, with John Carroll establishing Jesuit Georgetown University, whose seal proclaims a Roman eagle grasping the world and the cross, State and Roman Catholic Church with a banner in its beak, "Utraque Unum,"-"Both Together," with the mayor of the District of Columbia Carroll's nephew Robert Brent, it is not hard to see the proud Roman Catholic component of the American Revolution…and the Roman Catholic vision of a land where Roman Catholicism would be given the freedom to expand to the maximum…to take over the nation…and the world. Now ask yourself who founded America? Click Here
Now if you have any doubt what the pictures above tell us. Please read the Preface of the book "Washington in the Lap of Rome" by Justin D. Fulton. When you read the below read it real slow and let ever word be digested.
Keep in mind that it was written in 1888.
WASHINGTON in the Lap of Rome has been written to call the attention of the American people to the great trust which has been betrayed, and to the great work which devolves upon them. It uncovers facts which will bring the blush of shame to the cheek of the real Republican and fill his soul with indignation. Fifteen thousand department clerks are under the surveillance of Rome. If it be not true, as is charged, that a private wire runs from the White House, in Washington, to the Cardinal s Palace, in Baltimore, and that every important question touching the interests of Romanism in America is placed before his eye, before it becomes a public act, it is true that the Cardinal is a factor in politics. Romanism is the dominant power(this is written in 1888) in the Capitol of the United States. Lincoln, Grant, and Arthur withstood it, and suffered the consequences. The power is unseen. It is shadowy. It inhabits the air and infects it. Romanism is the malaria of the spiritual world. It stupefies the brain, deadens the heart, and sears the conscience as with a hot iron. It comes, as did the tempter, with gifts in its hands, of rule, of power, and of wealth, to all who will fall down and worship it. They who yield have peace and praise. They who refuse must fight a terrible foe.(your either with us are against us) The cry has been for peace. The lips of some of the ministers and members of the Church of Christ have been padlocked. Politicians, in the grasp of this power, are unable or unwilling to move. They clank their chains with delight, and glory in being allied with an organism so potential and so astute. Others see the peril, and withstand its open and determined advance. No longer now is the clash of arms heard. The city is not, to human sight
|
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CommonCrawl
| -0.494261 | 0.408148 | -0.139305 | -0.813964 |
, a camp of armed men, as in the days of civil war; but if eyes could be opened as were those of the prophet s servant, when horses and chariots were circling in the air, proofs of a conflict might now be discerned, more desperate than was ever fought by flesh and blood on the earth. To-day the City of Magnificent Distances resembles the child in the presence of the snake. It is being charmed by the viper. Duty demands that the truth be told which shall break the back of the monster.; Why Priests Should Wed uncovered the pollutions of Romanism in the hope of saving the women and girls of the Roman Catholic Church, now held in the grasp of superstition. Washington in the Lap of Rome appeals to mankind. The surrender to Rome of the Capital of the Great Republic means death to liberty. The people of all lands and climes are interested in the conflict. The facts given will ripen the indignation of pure-minded men and women against the Jesuitical foe, who no longer creeps under cover or hides in the shadow of some wall, but stalks boldly forth on his errand of wickedness.(28 Jesuit Universities in 2012) It is believed that it will cause lovers of liberty to shake themselves from their lethargy, and not only take Washington out of the lap of Rome, but throttle the monster threatening the future of the Republic, and lift the nation to its rightful place as the educator of mankind, the leader of the best thought, and the personification of God's great purpose, in placing within the area of an ocean-washed Republic a free Church in a free State. May God help the truth, is the prayer of JUSTIN D. FULTON.
To download the book Click here
This is a PDF file. Let it load up and then click on file, "Save AS" to put it
Hour of the Truth – The Devil's Playground: Jesuit Georgetown University
2,088 views•Nov 14, 2018
"Dispensational Futurism is the Root of Jesuit Zionism"
THE ORIGIN OF FUTURISM Click here
We also look at the enormous financial resources that the Vatican possesses and the billions more which are at its disposal. We also look at the part that the Jesuits play in helping to implement the goal of the Vatican. In our travels and teaching we find that there is almost a total blackout concerning the sinister aspirations of the Vatican and the Jesuits. Men who purport to write on the great conspiracy that is out to control the world not only never mention the Vatican, but if they do, they make the Vatican out to be the target of the conspiracy rather than the originator of the conspiracy. We must always remember that the Jesuits created Zionism using Jesuit, casuistry and sophistry which brought on the Jesuit Lie of Dispensational Futurism which gave us "New futurist/Zionist theology.
click on pictures
Jesuit Casuistry is something you should know about, especially since we have more Roman Catholics in government now than ever before. Sometimes it is known as equivocation or mental reservation. It is
deliberately speaking vaguely and ambiguously, while your true intentions are hidden. When detected, the casuist always claims to have been misunderstood or taken out of context. When shown to have contradicted the truth, the casuist loves to play the martyr, then appeal to how everyone knows of his sincere and good reputation. Casuistry is used to create and develop conspiracy. It is used to secretly aid a hidden agenda, and it considers lying for the good of that agenda not to be a sin, but a virtue. Jesuits have used casuistry to infiltrate governments and Protestant churches for centuries.
Caesar = Pope , Pope = Caesar ?
posted on Nov, 26 2008 @ 05:28 PM
I have herd mention on more then one occasion that the ruling Pope has claimed that the title of Pope is the continuation in the line of Caesar of the Roman empire .
I new that at some time in the past that I herd a direct claim of this so I did a search and found this statement from Pope Boniface VIII
"The papal theory … made the Pope alone God's representative on earth and maintained that the Emperor received his
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CommonCrawl
| -0.080079 | 0.60022 | 0.049656 | -0.578855 |
right to rule from St. Peter's successor… It was upheld by Nicholas I., Hildebrand, Alexander III., Innocent III., and culminated with Boniface VIII. at the jubilee of 1300 when, seated on the throne of Constantine, girded with the imperial sword, wearing a crown, and waving a scepter, he shouted to the throng of loyal pilgrims: "I am Caesar—I am Emperor." www.acts1711.com… I found this a bit odd to be coming from a Pope . I then decided to look up the meaning of another word that the Pope uses , Pontiff .
"The Pontifex maximus was the leader of the pontifical college (collegium pontificum), the highest priestly order in the Roman state religion."The pontifical college was made up of the fifteen priests, flamines, each of whom served a single god or goddess. The flamines were also called pontiffs, or pontifices (sing. pontifex). "
"The last to hold the title of pontifex maximus under the Roman Republic were Julius Caesar (62-44 BCE) and M. Aemilius Lepidus (44-12 BCE). After Lepidus the title passed to Augustus, and henceforth the title of pontifex maximus would be a prerogative of the emperor. It remained so until the 5th century when it passed to the Pope, who have used the title ever since. " sights.seindal.dk… It would seem that the term Pontiff was a term used by the highest ruling pagan priests in the Roman empire . It would seem that the title of pontifex maximus would be a title that the Emperor could assume at his prerogative . I then did a search using the word Vatican to see what might come up . Once again I found something that seemed to be down right troubling ,
"The word 'vatican' comes from Latin and is a contraction of two words in the following way:
'Vatis' = 'profetic' or 'diviner' 'Can' = 'serpent/snake'
These two words combined make:
'the profetic- or made devine serpent' " gracehead.com… It would seem to me that the title and seat of Pope has more to do with the Roman empire and its paganism and less to do with the continuing line of the apostle Petter , as claimed .
Critical Knowledge: The Legal Ownership of All Souls by the Vatican… Since 1306!
The Event Chronicle
History of Trusts
The 1st Trust of the world
Unam Sanctam is one of the most frightening documents of history and the one most quoted as the primary document of the popes claiming their global power. It is an express trust deed. The last line reads: "Furthermore, we declare, we proclaim, we define that it is absolutely necessary for salvation that every human creature be subject to the Roman Pontiff." It is not only the first trust deed in history but also the largest trust ever conceived, as it claims the whole planet and everything on it, conveyed in trust.
Triple Crown of Ba'al, aka the Papal Tiara and Triregnum
In 1302 Pope Boniface issued his infamous Papal Bull Unam Sanctam––the first Express Trust. He claimed control over the whole planet which made him "King of the world". In celebration, he commissioned a gold-plated headdress in the shape of a pinecone, with an elaborate crown at its base. The pinecone is an ancient symbol of fertility and one traditionally associated with Ba'al as well as the Cult of Cybele. It also represents the pineal gland in the centre of our brains––crystalline in nature–– which allows us access to Source, hence, the 13-foot tall pinecone in Vatican Square. Think about why the Pontiffs would idolize a pinecone.
The 1st Crown of Crown Land
Pope Boniface VIII
Pope Boniface VIII was the first leader in history to create the concept of a Trust, but the first Testamentary Trust, through a deed and will creating a Deceased Estate, was created by Pope Nicholas V in 1455, through the Papal Bull Romanus Pontifex. This is only one of three (
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CommonCrawl
| -0.031851 | 0.966195 | 1.023152 | -0.393471 |
3) papal bulls to include the line with the incipit "For a perpetual remembrance." This Bull had the effect of conveying the right of use of the land as Real Property, from the Express Trust Unam Sanctam, to the control of the Pontiff and his successors in perpetuity. Hence, all land is claimed as "crown land". This 1st Crown is represented by the 1st Cestui Que Vie Trust, created when a child is born. It deprives us of all beneficial entitlements and rights on the land.
The 2nd Crown of the Commonwealth
The second Crown was created in 1481 with the papal bull Aeterni Regis, meaning "Eternal Crown", by Sixtus IV, being only the 2nd of three papal bulls as deeds of testamentary trusts.
This Papal Bull created the "Crown of Aragon", later known as the Crown of Spain, and is the highest sovereign and highest steward of all Roman Slaves subject to the rule of the Roman Pontiff. Spain lost the crown in 1604 when it was granted to King James I of England by Pope Paul V after the successful passage of the "Union of Crowns", or Commonwealth, in 1605 after the false flag operation of the Gunpowder Plot. The Crown was finally lost by England in 1975, when it was returned to Spain and King Carlos I, where it remains to this day. This 2nd Crown is represented by the 2nd cestui Que Vie Trust, created when a child is born and, by the sale of the birth certificate as a Bond to the private central bank of the nation, depriving us of ownership of our flesh and condemning us to perpetual servitude, as a Roman person, or slave.
The 3rd Crown of the Ecclesiastical See
The third Crown was created in 1537 by Paul III, through the papal bull Convocation, also meant to open the Council of Trent. It is the third and final testamentary deed and will of a testamentary trust, set up for the claiming of all "lost souls", lost to the See. The Venetians assisted in the creation of the 1st Cestui Que Vie Act of 1540, to use this papal bull as the basis of Ecclesiastical authority of Henry VIII. This Crown was secretly granted to England in the collection and "reaping" of lost souls. The Crown was lost in 1816, due to the deliberate bankruptcy of England, and granted to the Temple Bar which became known as the Crown Bar, or simply the Crown. The Bar Associations have since been responsible for administering the "reaping" of the souls of the lost and damned, including the registration and collection of Baptismal certificates representing the souls collected by the Vatican and stored in its vaults.
This 3rd Crown is represented by the 3rd Cestui Que Vie Trust, created when a child is baptized. It is the parents' grant of the Baptismal certificate––title to the soul––to the church or Registrar. Thus, without legal title over one's own soul, we will be denied legal standing and will be treated as things––cargo without souls––upon which the BAR is now legally able to enforce Maritime law.
The Cestui Que Vie Trust
A Cestui Que Vie Trust is a fictional concept. It is a Temporary Testamentary Trust, first created during the reign of Henry VIII of England through the Cestui Que Vie Act of 1540 and updated by Charles II, through the CQV Act of 1666, wherein an Estate may be effected for the Benefit of a Person presumed lost or abandoned at "sea" and therefore assumed "dead" after seven (7) years. Additional presumptions, by which such a Trust may be formed, were added in later statutes to include bankrupts, minors, incompetents, mortgages, and private companies. The original purpose of a CQV Trust was to form a temporary Estate for the benefit of another because some event, state of affairs, or condition prevented them from claiming their status as living, competent, and present, before a competent authority. Therefore, any claims, history, statutes, or arguments that deviate in terms of the origin and function of a CQV Trust, as pronounced by these canons, is false and automatically null
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] | 1,024 |
CommonCrawl
| 0.270422 | 1.589132 | 1.112813 | -0.324694 |
and void.
A Beneficiary under Estate may be either a Beneficiary or a CQV Trust. When a Beneficiary loses direct benefit of any Property of the higher Estate placed in a CQV Trust on his behalf, he do not "own" the CQV Trust; he is only the beneficiary of what the Trustees of the CQV Trust choose to provide. As all CQV Trusts are created on presumption, based upon original purpose and function, such a Trust cannot be created if these presumptions can be proven not to exist.
Since 1933, when a child is borne in a State (Estate) under inferior Roman law, three (3) Cestui Que (Vie) Trusts are created upon certain presumptions specifically designed to deny, forever, the child any rights of Real Property, any Rights to be free, and any Rights to be known as man or woman, rather than a creature or animal, by claiming and possessing their Soul or Spirit.
The Executors or Administrators of the higher Estate willingly and knowingly:
convey the beneficial entitlements of the child, as Beneficiary, into the 1st Cestui Que (Vie) Trust in the form of a Registry Number by registering the Name, thereby also creating the Corporate Person and denying the child any rights to Real Property; and,
claim the baby as chattel to the Estate. The slave baby contract is then created by honoring the ancient tradition of either having the ink impression of the baby's feet onto the live birth record, or a drop of its blood, as well as tricking the parents to signing the baby away through the deceitful legal meanings on the live birth record which is a promissory note, converted into a slave bond, sold to the private reserve bank of the estate, and then conveyed into a 2nd and separate CQV Trust, per child, owned by the bank. When the promissory note reaches maturity and the bank is unable to "seize" the slave child, a maritime lien is lawfully issued to "salvage" the lost property and is monetized as currency issued in series against the CQV Trust.
claim the child's soul via the Baptismal Certificate. Since 1540 and the creation of the 1st CQV Act, deriving its power from the Papal Bull of Roman Cult leader Pope Paul III, 1540, when a child is baptized and a Baptismal Certificate is issued, the parents have gifted, granted, and conveyed the soul of the baby to a "3rd" CQV Trust owned by Roman Cult, which has held this valuable property in its vaults ever since. Since 1815, this 3rd Crown of the Roman Cult and 3rd CQV Trust representing Ecclesiastical Property has been managed by the BAR as the reconstituted "Galla" responsible, as Grim Reapers, for reaping the souls.
Each Cestui Que Vie Trust, created since 1933, represents one of the 3 Crowns representing the three claims of property of the Roman Cult: Real Property (on Earth), Personal Property (body), and Ecclesiastical Property (soul). Each corresponds exactly to the three forms of law available to the Galla of the BAR Courts: corporate commercial law (judge is the 'landlord'), maritime and canon law (judge is the banker), and Talmudic law (judge is the priest).
What is the real power of a court 'judge'?
Given what has been revealed about the foundations of Roman Law, what is the real hidden power of a judge when we face court? Is it their superior knowledge of process and procedure or of magic? Or is it something simpler and far more obvious?
It is unfortunate that much of the excitement about Estates and Executors has deliberately not revealed that an Estate, by definition, has to belong to a Trust––to be specific, a Testamentary Trust or CQV Trust. When we receive legal paper or have to appear in court, it is these same CQV Trusts which have our rights converted into the property contained within them. Instead of being the Trustee, or the Executor, or Administrator, we are merely the Beneficiary of each CQV Trust, granted only beneficial and equitable use of certain property, never legal title. So if the Roman Legal System assumes we are merely the beneficiary of these CQV Trusts, when we go to court
|
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] | 1,024 |
CommonCrawl
| -0.307124 | 1.334766 | 0.395523 | -0.396475 |
, who represents the Trustee and Office of Executor? We all know that all cases are based upon the judge's discretion which often defies procedures, statutes, and maxims of law. Well, they are doing what any Trustee or Executor, administering a trust in the presence of the beneficiary, can do under Roman Law and all the statutes, maxims, and procedures are really for show because under the principles of Trust Law, as first formed by the Roman Cult, a Trustee has a wide latitude, including the ability to correct any procedural mistakes, by obtaining the implied or tacit consent of the beneficiary, to obviate any mistakes. The judge is the real and legal Name. The judge is the trust, itself. We are the mirror image to them––the ghost––the dead. It is high sorcery, trickery, and subterfuge that has remained "legal" for far too long. Spread the word.
Source: Stop the Pirates
Via: TABU
The Crown of the Cæsars Passes to the Papacy
The year A.D. 330 was to alter the culture and history of Europe forever. Having dominated the mighty Roman Empire for more than four centuries, the center of Roman power was moved from Rome to the Bosphorus as Emperor Constantine I transferred the seat of government to Con-stantinople, a name he devised in order to perpetuate his own place in history.
This event of great historic significance set the Papacy on course for ultimate political power. As the Roman Catholic historian and apologist Henry Edward Manning wrote,
But from the hour when Constantine, in the language of the Roman law, "Deo jubente," by the command of God, translated the seat of power to Constantinople, from that moment there never reigned in Rome a temporal prince to whom the Bishops of Rome owed a permanent allegiance. (The Temporal Power of the Vicar of Jesus Christ, Second edition, London: Burns & Lambert, pp. 11, 12)
After ten years of fearful persecution under Emperors Diocletian, Max-imian and Galerius, the relief and joy of Christians knew no bounds. Emperor Galerius had, in 311, eased the plight of the Christians by enacting the Edict of Toleration. However it was Constantine who provided full freedom and civil rights to Christians by enacting the Edict of Milan in 313. Yet one form of persecution was soon to be replaced by another. This emperor, raised in pagan philosophy, deemed it his prerogative to ensure that by force of the state, Christians walk the pathway which he felt proper. Christians had merely exchanged pagan persecution for a Christian form. In time the church itself adopted the philosophy of the emperor and those formerly persecuted became, themselves, the persecutors.
Persecution by Christians was first instituted against pagans. That intolerance which faithful Christians had endured for three centuries was now directed at pagans. This was an omen of times ahead and a serious degradation of true Christian faith which eschews coercion.
By the manifesto of Constantine and Licinius there had been substituted by the classical idea of the commonwealth the notion of two more or less distinct orders, the one political, the other ecclesiastical. With that of [Emperor] Theodosius [I], the relationship between these orders was finally determined by the complete subordination of the temporal to the spiritual power. (Charles Norris Cochrane, Christianity and Classical Culture, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1940, p. 328)
Cochrane points out that—
The formal liquidation of paganism under Theodosius [who died in 398] and his successors has been characterised as "perhaps the only example of the total extirpation of any ancient, and popular superstition" and thus deserving of consideration as "a singular event in the history of the human mind." (Ibid., p. 329)
Emperor Theodosius I's legislation against paganism began in 391. It forbade all forms of pagan religious practices. In 392 all pagan temples and their treasures and idols were appropriated by the state.
Thus was Europe's descent into intolerance, cruelty and control of the human conscience inflicted by a union of state and church. Forgotten was Christ's edict, under
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CommonCrawl
| 1.093012 | 1.386678 | 1.035704 | 0.644834 |
lining their separation, when He accorded the church and the state separate arenas of influence:
Render therefore unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's; and unto God the things that are God's. (Matthew 22:21)
It was a small matter to move from persecution of pagans to persecution of devout Christians who opposed the increasing decline in faith and practice and the destruction of Bible doctrine among the Christian elite in Rome.
The first Christians to endure a state-backed ecclesiastical persecution were the Donatists of North Africa. They objected to a church backed by the state. In a real sense these Christians, centered in Carthage, were the forerunners of those foresightful Americans who included the doctrine of the separation of church and state into the First Amendment of the United States Constitution.
Despite the gallant and courageous opposition of the Donatists, their martyrdom and fidelity, the die was cast—Europe was doomed to centuries of church-inspired, state-implemented persecution of dissenters.
With the transfer of the capital of the Roman Empire to the far eastern reaches of the Balkan Peninsula there arose a steady increase in the political power of the Papacy. Heretofore, despite its growing defects and deviations from the pure faith of its founder, Jesus Christ, the Christian Church, previously partially purified through generation after generation of state-instigated intolerance and vile persecution, had confined itself largely to matters ecclesiastical.
But now, as the Bishops of Rome found the capital of the empire far removed from the eternal city, they commenced to flex their secular arm, enforcing their convictions upon others of different persuasion. In general the empire assented and often implemented the whims of the church, seeing such support as essential to the unity of the empire.
The title Pontifex Maximus was held by the head administrator of the Roman pagan religion. Eventually the Caesars envied this title of high honor and power; and first Julius Caesar and then Augustus Caesar made the title and office their own, as did later emperors. Thus developed a religio-political power well suited to the aims and ambitions of Roman bishops.
When, in 375, Emperor Gratian declined to accept this august title, believing its pagan origins unsuited to a Christian monarch, the Bishop of Rome, Pope Damasus I, appropriated the title Pontifex Maximus to himself. Thus the religio-political title of the Caesars passed without objection to the Papacy, together with its implied union of church and state.
But two mighty impediments to the growing ambitions of both popes and prelates remained. The first of these was the political and military might of the Emperors of the Roman Empire, a might the Papacy could not match. Thus the empire remained pre-eminent in the arenas of politics and military strength. Those attributes of state, as some popes recognized, could be used to the church's advantage in the enforcement of its ecclesiastical will. Rome accomplished this usurpation during the era of the Holy Roman Empire, which ruled from 800 to 1806.
Following the transfer of the capital of the empire to Constantin-ople, the decline in the power of the empire well suited the ultimate destiny of the Papacy. That decline was gradual but it is generally agreed by historians that—
When the insignificant Romulus Augustulus was deposed (476), there was no longer even a titular emperor. (Paul Hutchinson & Winnifred E. Garrison, 20 Centuries of Christianity: A Concise History. First edition, p. 93, 1959, Harcourt, Brace & World Inc., New York)
Now the road for escalating Papal political power was cleared of impediment. With the acceptance of the title of Universal Bishop, when offered sixty-two years later by Justinian, the emperor of the Eastern Roman Empire, the course of Europe under Roman Catholic dominance was set.
Robert Neville, in his book, The World of the Vatican, has truly asserted, "In certain respects the Pope himself appears to be the lineal descendent of the Caesars" (Harper and Row, New York, page 10). Neville points out that terms such as Pontifex Maximus, the Roman Church
|
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CommonCrawl
| 1.451664 | 1.557985 | 1.388969 | 0.64357 |
, and Diocese stem from the emperors. He could have added others such as Cardinals, but the greatest evidence for Neville's conclusion is the convergence of prophecy and history in this matter.
The second impediment to European dominance, which successive Bishops of Rome envied, was in a more difficult area and took a little longer to overcome. The Bishops of Constantinople contested, often with great vigor, the primacy among Bishops coveted by their counterparts in Rome. So exasperated was the Roman Bishop with the persistent claims of the Bishop of Constantinople to the right to acceptance as the Universal Bishop, that Pope Gregory I, who occupied the Roman See from 590—604, forgetting his own ambitions akin to those of his fellow Bishop John in the east, exploded,
I say confidently therefore, that whosoever calls himself Universal Bishop, or even desires in his pride to be called such is the forerunner of antichrist." (Samuel J. Cassells, Christ and Antichrist, p. 12 —extracted from i. 6 Epi 8.30)
This accusation was the first of many declarations of competing Popes who designated each other as the antichrist. It was a cherished Papal designation of their enemies and the pretenders to the Papal See. On one occasion there were three "antichrists," each so designated by the other two competing popes. Cardinal Baldassarre Cossa, the original Pope John XXIII, Cardinal Angelo Corrario, known as Pope Gregory XII and Cardinal Pedro de Luna, a Spaniard who adopted the title of Pope Benedict XIII, each declared the other two to be antichrists and, consequently, duly excommunicated them on the grounds that they were heretics and schismatics. In the early fifteenth century, in the eyes of many contemporaries the only credibility had by each of these claimants to the title of Universal Bishop lay in their valid declarations condemning each other.
But, indeed, fifty-eight years prior to Gregory I's invective aimed at the Bishop of Constantinople, the issue had been decided by the Emperor of the Eastern Roman Empire, Justinian, residing in Constantin-ople. Perhaps fearing too much influence at the center of his government, he officially declared the Bishop of Rome as the Universal Pontiff in 533.
There may have been yet another, more subtle reason, for Justinian's decision. The pope who should have benefited from this imposed arbitration, John II, was quite impotent to obtain the least mileage out of the title, since Rome was overrun at that time by the invading Ostrogoths. John II died two years later and his successor, Agapetus I died on April 22, 536, the year following his election. Agapetus' successor, Sylverius, fared no better, also dying the year after his election. It would seem that Papal appointment was an omen of death.
Still the Ostrogoths maintained their strong control of Rome, and any preeminence accorded the Bishop of Rome by Emperor Justinian was merely titular, conveying no enforceable ecclesiastical authority whatsoever.
It was surely with some trepidation that Vigilius assumed the role of "Universal Bishop," considering the short tenure of his immediate predecessors. Nevertheless history testifies that he "had schemed to become pope." (Joseph Brusher S.J., Popes Through the Ages, D. Van Nostrand Company Inc., 1959, Foreword by Cardinal James Francis McIntyre, Archbishop of Los Angeles). Joseph Brusher, Jesuit professor of History at the University of Santa Clara, records that Vigilius, although he held the Papal seat for eighteen years, "was not popular in Rome," and that "he reaped more trouble than satisfaction from his ambitious sowing." (Ibid.)
Yet, rather than following the fates of the two preceding popes by dying the year following his inauguration, Pope Vigilius in 538, the second year of his reign, benefited from the defeat of the Ostrogoths and their consequent expulsion from Italy. Thus in that pivotal year, 538, Vigilius became the first Roman Pontiff enabled to exercise as well as to hold the powerful titles of Pontifex Maximus and Universal Bishop. Here commenced the astonishing history spanning a period of one thousand two hundred and si
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CommonCrawl
| 0.940857 | 1.329575 | 1.109226 | 0.253988 |
xty years of Papal dominance over most of Europe. This dominance was dented, but certainly not destroyed, even after the dramatic events of the Protestant Reformation.
It took the intervention of Napoleon Bonaparte to finally crush Papal political power when he directed his military chief in Italy, General Berthier, to declare a republic in Rome on February 15, 1798 and take Pope Pius VI captive to France, where he died the following year. Thus the long religio-political Papal dominance of Europe was extinguished one thousand two hundred and sixty years after it began.
The Roman Church, without dispute, had by 538 inherited the seat of the Caesars, as Adolf Harnack recorded in his book What is Christianity?,
It [the Papacy] is a political creation, and as imposing as a World-Empire, because of the continuation of the Roman Empire. The Pope, who calls himself "King" and "Pontifex Maximus" is Caesar's successor. (New York, Putnam, 1901, second edition, page 270).
The same historian concluded that—
The Roman Church in its way privily pushed itself into the place of the Roman World-Empire, of which it is the actual continuation. (Ibid.)
Alexander Clarence Flick in his historical work, The Rise of the Mediaeval Church, concluded that,
The mighty Catholic Church was little more than the Roman Empire baptised. Rome was transformed as well as converted. The very capital of the old Empire became the capital of the Christian Empire. The office of the Pontifex Maximus was continued in that of the Pope. . . . Even the Roman language has remained the official language of the Roman Catholic Church down through the ages. (New York: Burt Franklin, 1959 pp 148, 149).
With the Christian Church's gradual transition from a persecuted, pure apostolic faith in the early decades after Christ's death until its blossoming as a religio-political empire scarcely more than half a millennium later, the very fabric of the Christian church had suffered such a metamorphosis that no rightful evaluation could accord the same status or the same faith to the church of a.d. 31, as to that of 538. An entirely new religion had emerged. The persecuted had become the persecutors, the ruled were now the rulers, the humble were now the arrogant, and eyes that had turned ever to Christ now turned to the Bishop of Rome. The simple meeting places were replaced by resplendent cathedrals. The poverty and simplicity of the church had become the affluence and opulence of the ecclesiastical body, while the church now grew in numbers not by conviction and conversion, but by birth ensured by infant baptism, and even by forced baptisms of those who did not consent.
In 538 it could be stated with veracity that the Papacy had accepted the scepter of the Roman Empire covered by a thin veneer of Christianity. The sum total of this transformation was the Dark Ages.
Babylonian and pagan roots of the Catholic Church
Roman Catholic Church (RCC) very often tries to eliminate and defame every person who expose RCC's pagan roots and that its origin is in pagan religions, not in teaching of the Bible. In the matter of fact, RCC has mixed up Biblical and pagan doctrines. This combination makes from it anti-Christian sect and cult, which doesn't represent Biblical Christianity. RCC has systematically tried to distort evidence that shows clearly wrong doctrines of RCC and its undisputed connections to paganism. The history of Christianity is mainly written by Catholics (NT texts aren't Catholic texts) and RCC has burned several books and texts that it has kept as "heretics". Church history written by Roman Catholics is not fair history. RCC tries to always lead the people to read Catholic history of Christianity, by thus they try to testify that they are the same thing as the Early Church, which they are not in any way.
The church history is mainly written by Catholics and therefore, its emphasis is Catholic and distortions are also mainly Catholic origin. In this world we don't for sure know all the things that have occurred in the history time after the Early Church. Something we can find, but not precisely. Actually, we don't have to know only that what the Bible tells, because the Word of
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CommonCrawl
| 0.805004 | 1.272473 | 0.960389 | 0.27549 |
God is sole spiritual authority to teaching of the Bible.
After the Early Church began to come apostasy concerning to the truth of the Bible. One of the things was emphasizing of the Catholic Church, in which the Early Church and the Lord Jesus taught nothing. In 1st century Ignatius first used the word Catholic (katholike) and the Roman Catholic Church put to use the word Catholic in 3th century. The Lord Jesus and apostles of the Early Church didn't use the word katholike (Catholic) and for this reason the word katholike is nowhere in the text of the New Testament manuscripts. The word Catholic (common) Church is written to the Apostles' Creed for the reason that people would emphasize the faith of the Catholic Church. It is very sad and ironic that Roman Catholic Church is not the Church of God, but anti-Christian sect, which has nothing to do with the Biblical faith. The concept Catholic Church in the Apostles' Creed has set to there for the purpose to bring authority to doctrines of the RCC. RCC teaches that how people must believe the Catholic interpretation and its tradition which are, however wrong teachings.
The text of the New Testament that we have in use have been written by apostles' of the Early Church and guided by the Holy Spirit, in which all copied NT's text's in all the times are coming from. I think that this the most important and the cornerstone that should will be enough for us and the evidence for it that the texts NT are not handwriting of Catholics as they try to indicate. During 1st and 2nd centuries arisen wrong teachings find their way inside the Catholic Church that was born in 3th century. In the New Testament is said about reading and spreading of the NT's texts at the time of the Early Church. Those who read, spread and copied first the texts of the NT were not Catholics. The concept and the word catholic came in the history at 1st century, but the Early Church born about 70 years before that the concept catholic was born. God has been taking care that the birth of the NT's texts and its message has kept away for a long distance from Catholicism, because the text of the NT has nothing to do with Catholicism that is the pagan sect.
The origin of the so called the Apostles' Creed is not written by the apostles of the Early Church, but it has been written after them. The Creed of the Early Church apostles' was very brief:
Romans 10:
9 That if thou shalt confess with thy mouth the Lord Jesus, and shalt believe in thine heart that God hath raised him from the dead, thou shalt be saved.
10 For with the heart man believeth unto righteousness; and with the mouth confession is made unto salvation.
Some of the Early Church believers who got the grace of God to write teaching and message of the New Testament did not bring out the Church in their Creed, because the saving faith can obtain only in the Lord Jesus who is the author and finisher of our faith. The word katholikemeans a common, but God did not give the Creed that we should connect the Church, because believing in the Lord Jesus is enough that will set all the things in the right places.
Apostle Paul said that after his departing shall grievous wolves enter in among you, not sparing the flock; And also of your own selves shall men arise, speaking perverse things, to draw away disciples after them. Disciples of the Lord Jesus should be sufficient texts of the OT and NT, because they are the same thing as the Word of God. There is no meaning how people have believed after the Early Church, because only it does matter what the Bible tells. The church history after the Early Church shouldn't be for us as the signpost on how we should believe in the Lord Jesus, because only the Bible is the perfect and infallible and shows to us how we must believe in the Lord Jesus. After the Early Church have come numerous groups who have more or less get lost from the truth of the Bible. The Bible is error-free and perfect announcement of God and therefore it should be our sole spiritual authority for teaching of the Bible.
Many believers have erred to study and believe doctrines that have been written after the Early Church. I don't have any desire to study what has happened after the Early Church in that sense that I try to find there the truth, because I have the Bible where is the perfect truth. The intention of the RCC is to lead you to study church history written
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CommonCrawl
| -0.374201 | 0.815652 | -0.374132 | 0.116116 |
by Catholics, because it is a trap, which leads you away from the truth of the Bible, that you should believe in Catholic tradition, which actually fully corrupt teaching of the Bible. For this reason, it is very important that you put the Bible (OT-NT) your only authority of the faith, because the teaching of the Bible tells for us how we should believe in the Lord Jesus at the time in the New Covenant.
The focus of the disciples of the Lord Jesus should be the Lord Jesus and the truth of the Bible. Exposing the lies and pagan origins is not the center point of believers, but we must tell it that no one get lost and think that Roman Catholic Church is the Church of God. RCC can distort texts which have been written through the ages, but RCC can't distort what pagan religions have left behind them by hieroglyphs, relics, statues and images, because they tell clearly what pagan religions teaches and how they are identical with the doctrines of the RCC. When we compare evidence of pagan history, so they are identical with it that what RCC stands for.
Picture 1. In the picture is the Black Obelisk of Assurian king Shalmaneser III so called Jehu relief, who performs oblation (drink-offering) to his god. Before the king is an eagle winged symbol of sun god Shamash. Shamash was Mesopotamian sun god that worshiped in Akkadia, Assyria and Babylon. Shalmaneser has in hand drinking-offering vessel and opposite stands a person who has above his hand the sun disk, which is the symbol of sun god Shamash.
Relief portrays how Jehu king of Israel comes to meet the Assurian king. In the picture Jehu is bending down to the ground. The picture portrays very clearly religious ritual with drinking-offering and round sun disk.
When you compare this ritual with RCC Eucharist, so the elements are the same for RCC's priest gives from chalice wine and round wafer to Catholics during the Eucharist.
RCC criticizes among other things Alexander Hislop based on his book the Two Babylons, in which he brings out that the RCC's Eucharist roots are in paganism not in the Bible. Historical Babylonian hieroglyph from sun god ritual testifies that Hislop was on the right track, even he would be mistaken in some details.
Very often when someone brings out wrong teachings of the RCC, so RCC demands evidence and tries to distort those evidence with misinformation. If someone makes a mistake by giving wrong information about the Catholic Church, so RCC raises a big noise from it, but RCC doesn't want to make repentance for its own faults and wrong doctrines.
RCC has through out of its history murdered and killed people for the sake of its theology and it teaches numerous wrong doctrines, in which RCC doesn't want to make repentance. Does this kind of institution have any right to demand of others, because it is not willing to repent its own sins and faults?
Picture 2. The monstrance is carried in the RCC's Eucharist, because the origin of the RCC's Eucharist doctrine and practice derives from Babylonian sun worshipping. When the real disciples of the Lord Jesus are gathered to the Lord's Supper there is no sun worshipping pagan religious objects, because the Bible forbids idol worshipping and objects of idol worshipping. God commanded the Israelites to remove all objects used in the idol worshipping. Same thing concern also the people of the New Covenant.
Picture 3. Babylonian sun god Shamash is sitting holding his hand sceptre and ring, which are symbols of his rule and power. On the left is the king with his two servants. On the middle is an altar where is a large 4-point sun disk with rays. Babylonian tablet portrays sun wheel or disk, which is round like the sun and through this sun wheel they were in connection witt the sun god Shamash.
When you compare Babylonian sun worship ritual with RCC Eucharist doctrine, so you see that both have an altar where is religious sun symbol used in worshipping. According to the teaching of RCC the bread and wine of Eucharist turns by the priest to the blood andthe body of Jesus and for this reason Catholics vener
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CommonCrawl
| -0.657455 | 0.810461 | 0.009084 | -0.418611 |
ate and worship it also outside of the Eucharist.
Picture 4. Eucharist of RCC and and round wafer. Finnish Catholic saint Mary Church teaches for Eucharist on their website as follows (I translated text from Finnish to English):According to our Catholic faith the holy mass has the sacrificial character. The holy mass is simultaneously commendation sacrifice, praise sacrifice, memento sacrifice and atonement sacrifice of our sins. The sacrifice that Christ offered on the cross is one and the same sacrifice, only the offering form is different. The Church that is the body of Christ, participates its Head, Christ, carrying of oblation by celebrating the mass.
The mass sacrifice of RCC is not the same as Biblical Lord's Supper, but the ceremony and rite of pagan sun cult. The Bible teaches that the sacrifice of the Lord Jesus has been done once for all people, which was one sacrifice for sins for ever and no one can repeat and renew it not in any way.
According to the Bible a man shall be saved alone by the grace and by the faith when he confesses with his mouth the Lord Jesus, and shall believe in his heart that God has raised Jesus from the dead. He shall have remission of sins who repent his sins and believe in the Lord Jesus.
Picture 5. In Vatican is St. Peter's Square. The square is built as the shape of eight ray sun wheel, which is a pagan symbol. In the middle of the sun wheel is a great obelisk that caesar Caligula brought from Heliopolis to Rome. In the middle of sun wheel is small four ray sun wheel having the same shape that has found from the temple of Baal in Hazor. Baal is pagan sun god. The sun wheel was used on the sun worshipping religions. In Babylon worshipping of sun god Shamash was sun wheel with four rayed star with sun rays. There was also eight rays sun wheels and so on.
St. Peter's square is dedicated to pagan worshipping. Sun wheel and obelisk patterns were familiar symbols to the Romans and everybody knew that they were objects of pagan worshipping. Because RCC keeps on view these symbols, so it is evidence that actually RCC worships idols (sun god), not God of the Bible.
Picture 6. Pictured above on the left is Babylonian king and he has in his wrist sun symbol. Picture on the right is the pope and he has in his glove also sun symbol where id letters IHS. RCC says that letters IHS come from Latin words Iesus Hominum Salvator (Jesus the Savior of men).
Because both pope and Babylonian king have sun symbols in their hands, so we have very good reason to think that letters IHS mean Egyptian idols Isis, Horus, Seb. From Babylon began the first religion of the world, which spread from there also to Egypt and Babylonian queen of heaven came goddess Isis in Egypt. One of the symbols of goddess Isis is round sun between horns of the Apis bull. Thus it is not far-fetched to say that Isis had a connection to sun worshipping. Thus we can't exclude possibility that Catholic Eucharist wafer letters IHS are dedicated to sun worshipping.
This conclusion shall be confirmed when you look at the picture 6b, in which Catholic symbol is depicted as the sun symbol of which inside is sun rays and the middle is letters IHS. Letters IHS in pope's glove is in the middle of sun symbols with sun rays. If IHS means Jesus the Savior of men, so why the letters are in the middle of pagan sun symbol? The logical conclusion is that in question is from pagan sun worshipping and not Jesus.
Picture 7. On the floor of St. Peter's basilica has been written Pontifex Maximus, which is one of the titles of the pope. Origin of Pontifex Maximus is in Babylon. Picture on the floor is triple crown that origins from Babylon. In the picture is also Fleur-de-lis (lily pattern) representing union between a man and a woman and in the middle of this pattern is god, in which a man and a woman are united. In the picture we can also see the tail of a fish that has been cut, which represent fish god Dagon. In the picture is also a lion with wings that is Babylonian symbol. In the picture is also "keys of Peter".
When Medo-Persian conquered Babylon
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CommonCrawl
| -0.980106 | 0.574264 | 0.493702 | -0.782263 |