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Guillaume de Machault, classical music composer
Guillaume de Machault
Lauded today as the greatest of the 14th century composers, Guillaume de Machaut (sometimes spelled Machault) was an extremely versatile composer, whose influence lasted well into the succeeding century. Perhaps most remarkably, and to the great delight of scholars and music-lovers alike, his life is fairly well documented and his own writings provided a wealth of insight into not only his own life but also into the world in which he lived.
Machaut is believed to have been born around the year 1300 in the region of Rheims, though his surname likely derives from the town of Machault some 30km east of there. Between 1323 and 1346, he worked in the service of John, Duke of Luxemburg and King of Bohemia. His patron secured for him multiple ecclesiastical posts, the most important of which was a canonry at Rheims. The Duke also took Machaut with him on his journeys throughout Europe, many of which were military campaigns. In 1346, King John was killed at the Battle of Crécy. With his connections among the nobility, Machaut was relatively unaffected by the death of his patron, and subsequently entered the services of various aristocrats, including King John's daughter Bonne, Charles V and Charles of Navarre. In the succeeding years, Machaut was also lucky enough to survive the devastating outbreak of the Black Plague that killed a significant portion of Europe's population. In his later years, he remained in Rheims and died in April 1377.
Machaut was a highly respected poet and composer, mastering both of these sisterly art forms. His output as a poet was prolific, totally around 400 poems. This profuse body of writing did much to perfect and codify the formes fixes and remained influential on other poets even into the next century, such as Gregory Chaucer. A significant majority of Machaut's poems are portrayals of courtly love. However, many also give insight into Machaut's own life, while some relate tragic events such as the Black Death and the Siege of Rheims.
As a composer, Machaut was part of the ars nova movement. His output was predominantly in secular music, ranging from monophonic songs, many of which follow the tradition of the troubadours, to polyphonic settings. His motets are particularly interesting in their use of three different texts, the first two of secular origin and the last sacred, each sung by a different voice and sung simultaneously with the other voices. Despite his prolific output of secular music, Machaut's is most recognized in modern times for creating the first complete setting of the Ordinary of the Mass by a single composer: the Messe de Nostre Dame ("Mass of Our Lady"). It was likely composed for the Rheims Cathedral in the early 1360s, yet it's generally thought to not be a completely unified work. In all probability, it bears a resemblance to J. S. Bach's Mass in B minor in that its separate sections were pieced together from other works. Nevertheless, it served as a precursor to the cyclic masses by composers of the next century.
Composer Title Date Action
Guillaume de Machault C'est force faire le vueil 09/06/2010 Play Add to playlist
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Mary Barton
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• Published : April 6, 2006
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Elizabeth Gaskell. Mary Barton. Ed. Edgar Wright. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998. Questia. 9 Mar. 2006.
In her novel, Mary Barton, Elizabeth Gaskell delivers a powerful and descriptive account of the living conditions during the Industrial Revolution in Manchester, England. Gaskell is able to deliver such a story through her aggressive approach in detail. The novel portrays life in Manchester as brutal and depressing. As the reader you don't just review topics discussed in class but you get to apply in class discussions to interpret the characters and the era through their eyes.
I believe Gaskell provides an accurate portrayal of life in an industrial city in the mid nineteenth century. Living conditions are portrayed realistically and are not just byproducts of a fictitious story. The working conditions in the cotton mill run parallel with actual working conditions. There were women and children working, there were no safety standards and the employees were poorly paid. The novel focuses a lot of attention on the children in the story. There are several portions of the novel that deal with children who disappear, starve and get injured, "I've seen a father who had killed his child rather than let it clem before his eyes" (220). The struggle to survive was very vivid in the novel; characters had little economic flexibility and had to deal with the emotional burden cast by the horrible living conditions. The novel was also able to not just show the suffering endured by the workers, but also the indifference that the elite rich citizens showed towards those suffering. This aspect of the novel was crucial in demonstrating the true hardships the working lower class faced during the industrial revolution in England.
Life during the time period did not solely consist of hardships. Though the industrial revolution was oppressive to all workers, there were also times of joy. During the revolution people could indulge in the arts. They could...
tracking img
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London: In a new study, researchers have shown that a mammal begins to suckle its mother's milk through a learned response built on learning her unique combination of smells. When a mammal is born, it is exposed to the smell of its mother's amniotic fluid and the baby then responds to those smells to feed.
Prevailing thought has been that pheromones - chemicals that trigger an innate behaviour - drove the suckling response as an automatic behaviour.
Previous research into suckling has shown that European rabbit mothers use a pheromone to initiate suckling in their newborn babies. This led most scientists to think that all mammals were likely to use the same mechanism.
Keen to discover the pheromone involved in other mammals, the team chose the mouse because they have a parenting style similar to that of humans, nurturing and caring for their young.
"We were expecting to find a pheromone controlling suckling in mice, but we found a completely different mechanism at work," Dr Darren Logan, lead author of the study from Wellcome Trust Sanger Institute, said.
"We have shown for the first time that it is not a pheromone response in mice, but a learned response, founded on a mix of odours: the unique signature smell of the mother," Logan said.
To discover the smells involved in initiating suckling, the researchers introduced newborn mice delivered by Caesarean section to breasts that had been washed clean and then soaked in one of the fluids that a baby would first inhale at birth.
These included amniotic fluid, the mother's saliva, breast milk and urine. Only the breasts that smelt of the mother's amniotic fluid initiated suckling.
The team then tested for the presence of a pheromone in the amniotic fluid. They fed pregnant mice strong smelling foods, such as garlic, to change the signature odour of the mother.
If a pheromone was involved, the garlic would have no effect on suckling. In fact only those mice that had previous exposure to the amniotic fluid with the strong smell from their mother were able to feed successfully, proving the signature odour must be learned.
"Our work shows us that there is no species-wide pheromone that makes newborn mice feed, but that the mouse pups are actually learning their mother's unique and variable mix of smells at birth," Lisa Stowers, senior author from The Scripps Research Institute, said.
"So, although the suckling response may look like a pheromone-mediated behaviour, it is actually initiated through a fundamentally different process," she said.
Supporting evidence for this conclusion comes from genetic research conducted by the team.
They found that mice who lack a critical gene in the pheromone-detecting region of the nose, called the vomeronasal organ (VNO), were able to locate the mother's nipple and to suckle.
In contrast newborn mice who lacked the ability to smell regular smells, detected in a region called the main olfactory epithelium (MOE) struggled with feeding.
"This is a neat study which shows the value of studying the development underlying an apparently 'innate' behaviour," Dr Tristram Wyatt of the University of Oxford said.
"The surprising result is that mouse pups use the individual odours of the mother to find their first feed. It is a reminder of the way that evolution uses whatever works: there is more than one way to find the first milk meal.
"The rabbit has a pheromone in the milk, humans may have one around the nipple, and mice learn the individual odour of their mother. All three enable the vital task of getting the newborn to suckle," Wyatt added.
Latest News from Lifestyle News Desk
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Explore BrainMass
Boltzmann Distribution
The Boltzmann distribution is a distribution function or probability measure for the distribution of the states of a system. It underpins the concept of the canonical ensemble, providing the underlying distribution. There is a special case of the Boltzman distribution used for describing the velocities of particles of a gas. It is called the Maxwell-Boltzmann distribution but is commonly referred to as the Gibbs measure.
The Boltzmann distribution for the fractional number is
Ni/N = (gie-Ei/(kBT))/E(T)
Where kb is the Boltzmann constant, T is temperature, gi is the degeneracy, N is the total number of particles and Z(T) is the partition function.
The Boltzmann distribution was discovered in the context of classical statistical mechanics by J.W. Gibbs in 1901. It underpins the concept of the canonical ensemble.
Liquid in a Vessel in a Vacuum Chamber
A vessel holding some liquid is placed in a vacuum chamber that is constantly pumped. Gas leaks from the vessel into the vacuum through a small hole, radius 4.15 micro m, but the pressure inside the vessel remains 38.6 kPa. After a day mass of the vessel has dropped from 100 g to 99.5 g. Assuming the container has at all times b
Lyman vs. balmer series
The Lyman series is brighter than the Balmer series. Why? Why was the Balmer series discovered first?
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"url": "https://brainmass.com/physics/boltzmann-distribution"
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Red Locust, Nomadacris septemfasciata
The red locust (Nomadacris septemfasciata) is a species of grasshopper that is native to Sub-Saharan Africa, where it prefers to swarm moist areas like seasonal floodplains. It can be found in areas with grain, its main food source, and areas with some tree cover. Adults are typically brownish-tan in color and can reach an average body length between 2.4 and 3.3 inches depending upon the sex, with females growing larger. Young individuals of this species can vary in color depending upon which stage of life they are in and whether they reside in groups, with social individuals holding reddish brown and yellow markings and solitary individuals holding greenish brown coloring.
The red locust is inactive when its environment holds abundant food and shelter and population densities are typically stable.
Population densities will increase in years with drier conditions, causing individuals to change their inactive behaviors and become gregarious, swarming groups. During the day, these groups fly together in search of food, using thermal updrafts to fly as far as 18.6 miles in one day. Solitary individuals do not fly during the day, preferring the cool, lower temperatures of the nighttime hours. Individuals flying in groups have shorter lifespans and larger young than those residing alone.
There have been many outbreaks of the red locust, with the most recent lasting between the years of 1930 and 1944, when most of southern Africa was affected. Past efforts to control the species include ecological changes, but these did not prove to be as effective as the chemicals that are now being used to control the species. One of these chemical agents is a biologically based agent that is derived from Metarhizium acridum and it has proven to be effective on adults and larvae.
Image Caption: Adult Red Locust (Nomadacris septemfasciata) on wild sorghum in the Wembere Plains in Central Tanzania in February 2003. Credit: Christiaan Kooyman/Wikipedia
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"url": "http://www.redorbit.com/reference/red-locust-nomadacris-septemfasciata/"
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knowledge unlocks a world of possibilities The Robinson Library
AnthropologyPhysical Anthropology: Biography
Davidson BlackDavidson Black
the first to describe what is popularly known as Peking Man
Davidson Black was born in Toronto, Canada, in 1884. As a youth, he became an expert canoeist, and he spent several summers carrying supplies long distances by canoe for the Hudson Bay Company, during which time he befriended Indians and learned their languages. His willingness and ability to learn about and respect other cultures would prove invaluable later in his life.
In 1903, Black entered into medical studies at the University of Toronto. After receiving his medical degree in 1906, he took up the study of comparative anatomy, and received his M.A. degree in 1909. He then became an anatomy instructor at Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland, Ohio.
Black already had an interest in human evolution when, in 1914, he spent part of the year working under neuroanatomist Grafton Elliot Smith in England. It was during this period that he became interested in proving that humans had evolved in central Asia. The opportunity to further that goal came in 1919, when he was invited to work at the Peking Union Medical College in China. He would spend the rest of his working life in China, where he became well known for treating colleagues as equals rather than employees (unlike most other European scientists of the day).
In 1926, Black learned that two human fossil teeth had been found at Zhoukoudian, near Peking. Although he never saw the teeth, he was convinced that Zhoukoudian was the site from which he could prove that humans had evolved in central Asia, and, after securing a grant from the Rockefeller Foundation, began his own major excavation there in 1927. After finding another tooth later that year, Black decided that enough evidence existed to justify designating an entirely new genus, and he subsequently named the specimens Sinanthropus pekinensis ("Chinese man of Peking"). According to Black, "Peking Man" was "a thinking being, standing erect, dating to the beginning of the Ice Age."
Not surprisingly, Black's assertion that three teeth (two of which he had never seen) were enough to create an entirely new genus was not well accepted by the scientific community, and Black traveled worldwide with "his tooth" to try and gain support for his position. He gained some support after half of a lower jaw with three teeth in place was found in 1928, but it was the discovery of a fairly complete skull at Zhoukoutian in 1929 that cemented Black's claim. Another skull was discovered later that same year, and Black's assertion that Peking Man represented a pre-human fossil became fairly widely accepted. However, his contention that Peking Man represented an entirely new genus was subsequently dismissed, and the specimens have since been reclassified as belonging to the Home erectus ancestral line. By 1932 Black had gained enough respect within the scientific community to be elected a Fellow of the Royal Society.
Although he was born with a congenital heart defect, Black had always been in the habit of working long, hard hours, and was often sidelined with heart problems. His workaholic nature finally caught up with him on March 15, 1934, when he died of a heart attack while working alone in his office late one night.
Work at Zhoukoutian continued into the late 1930's, under the direction of German anatomist and anthropologist Franz Weidenriech. Unfortunately, excavations were ended by the outbreak of World War II. The fossils upon which Black had based his reputation were lost in 1943, and have never been recovered.
Talk Origins Archive
Hudson Bay Company
Peking Man
World War II
Questions or comments about this page?
The Robinson Library > Anthropology > Physical Anthropology: Biography
This page was last updated on 12/25/2016.
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Control of salt content
Measurement of salt secretion by Avicennia marina
In A. marina, salt glands are located on the lower surface of the leaf, shown highlighted in the RH image.
Student washing a leaf
Selected leaves on a number of Avicennia marina trees were washed with deionised water during the morning and the time at which they were washed recorded.
Later in the afternoon, these leaves were carefully washed again with deionised water and the washings collected in a clean container. The time at which each leaf was washed again was noted and the elapsed time calculated. The collected washings from each leaf were made up to a constant volume and the electrical conductivity of the resulting solution measured.
Student measuring conductivity of leaf washings
In each case the washings are 'made up' to the same volume (100 ml ). Here is typical set of results for a single leaf 19.13 sq cm in area.
Initial wash :
11.00 am
Final wash :
2.58 pm
Elapsed time :
14220 sec.
Volume of washings :
100 ml
*Conductivity :
78.8 microS/cm
Quantity of salt secreted =
78.8 micromols
*NaCl Concentration.
This is an approximate value given by the following relation:
(conductivity of washings - conductivity of purified water)/100 = [NaCl] mol/m-3
After washing, the leaves were removed from the tree and the area of each leaf was recorded.
The rate of salt excretion for this leaf was 2.9 micromol salt per square metre per second
A small mangrove shrub might have a total leaf area of 1 sq. metre Assuming that the rate of salt secretion remains constant, about how much salt will it secrete in one day? If the water round the roots of the plant is 500 mM with respect to sodium chloride and the plant excludes 95% of this salt from the water it absorbs, about how much water is transpired by the plant during a day?
Water relations of mangroves
For water to flow through the mangrove plant there must be a gradient of water potential from the water around the roots of the plant (sea water), through the stem and leaves and out to the air. In the sea water the total water potential is made up almost entirely of the solute potential while in the stem it is represented largely by the (negative) pressure potential. In the air the water potential is dependent on the temperature and relative humidity. All of these values can be estimated.
In this exercise we will assume a value for sea water of Y = -2.5 MPa
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"url": "http://sydney.edu.au/science/biology/learning/plant_form_function/mangroves/salt_secretion.shtml"
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Afghanistan Table of Contents
Afghanistan's rugged central mountainous core of approximately 50,000 square kilometers is known as the Hazarajat, Land of the Hazara. Others live in Badakhshan, and, following Kabul's campaigns against them in the late nineteenth century, some settled in western Turkestan, in Jauzjan and Badghis provinces. Estimated population in 1995 was one million.
Physically the Hazara are Mongoloid, possibly of mixed Eastern Turkic and Mongol origin, although numerous contradictory speculations exist. Scholars agree that the Hazara were established here since the beginning of the thirteenth century. Hazara speak Hazaragi, a Persianized language with a large mixture of Mongol words. A majority are Imami Shia; fewer are Ismaili Shia; while others, particularly in Bamiyan and the north, are Sunni.
The leaders of Hazara lineages, known as mirs or khans, lost their powerful status in communities after Amir Abdur Rahman subdued them in 1891. The Pushtun state established a local administration, imposed harsh taxation policies and distributed lands to Pushtun, including fertile pasture lands in areas previously inaccessible to Pushtun nomads.
The Hazarajat continued to be a neglected area. Services and physical infrastructure were practically nonexistent. Farming and animal husbandry are the principal occupations; there is no industry. Because of their meager resources, the Hazara seasonally sought work and services in other areas as low grade civil servants, shopkeepers, artisans, urban factory workers, and unskilled labour. In the 1960s an estimated 30-50 percent of Hazara males migrated to the cities where they were considered to be on the lowest rung of the social scale. During the 1960s and 70s their economic and political status improved remarkably.
During the war, contending groups within the Hazarajat achieved greater unity than ever before. Hazara political parties were excluded from the mujahideen alliances, however, largely because of rabidly anti-Shia prejudices held by some leaders, such as Abdur Rab Rasul Sayyaf and Yunus Khalis. It is doubtful if the Hazara will accept their former inferior status in the future.
Custom Search
Source: U.S. Library of Congress
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The thorax
1. Remove the left side of the thorax.
2. Excavate, removing the flight muscles and lowering the walls as the work proceeds.
3. Observe:
3.1. the attachment of the vertical muscles to the floor and roof of the thorax;
3.2. the attachment of the longitudinal muscles to the roof and first phragma in front, and to the second phragma in
the rear;
3.3. the aorta, which can be found when approaching the mid-line of the thorax, between the right and left sets of
longitudinal muscles, and below it
3.4. the oesophagus;
3.5. the ganglia;
3.6. the commissures;
.7. the anterior end of the ventral diaphragm, which enters the thorax through the petiole.
4. Remove everything else.
5. Observe:
5.1. the direct wing muscles on the inner surface of the right hand wall of the thorax.
A special preparation to show the direct muscles can easily be made by slicing off one side of a thorax with a razor blade and trimming away debris.
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Fraunhofer Lines
• Absorption lines in the spectrum of the Sun’s photosphere, first observed by the Englishman William Wollaston (1766–1828) in 1802 and later mapped in detail by Joseph von Fraunhofer, (1887–1826), a German physicist. The lines are caused by the removal of energy from the Sun’s radiation by a layer of the Sun’s atmosphere a few hundred kilometres deep above the photosphere. Analysis of the strength of some of the many thousands of Fraunhofer lines has given detailed data about the elements present there and their abundances as well as data about temperatures and magnetic fields.
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"url": "http://www.dictionarycentral.com/definition/fraunhofer-lines.html"
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Task 1 (12 points)
Read the memories of an Olympic veteran and choose the right word or phrase which best completes each sentence. The first has been done for you as an example (1).
It was in 1948 that London (1) welcomed the world to the Olympic Games.
When the world came to London in 1948, they (2) a bombed-out capital, with weeds still sprouting in the ruins. We were (3) that British athletes (4) to make their own shorts and train on the beach. We couldn’t even (5) to build the venues (6) our own. The Swiss (7) the gymnastic equipment; Finland (8) timber for the basketball court; and the Canadians gave two firs for the diving boards at the Empire Pool.
Olympic village? You must (9) . The world’s athletes were told to bring (10) own towels and sleep in improvised dorms in school classrooms. The British were eating less in 1948 than in 1945, and a pitying world sent food parcels to the Games. The Americans (11) on supplementing their own diet with daily flights from Los Angeles. The French were so appalled by the food in London that they sent a special refrigerated train from Paris, (12) was heavily loaded with steaks.
And in spite of it all, the 1948 London Games were a fantastic triumph. If we (13) the Games, the gloomy pessimists who predicted failure would not have been routed.
Solution steps (Risinājuma soļi) will reveal the right answers and explanations for each position marked with numbers.
Lai risinātu uzdevumus, lūdzu reģistrējies!
Ātra reģistrācija:
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Themes and Meanings
(Comprehensive Guide to Short Stories, Critical Edition)
Several aspects of Hernando Téllez’s personal background peer through his story’s narrative. Christian morality, crime suspense, and political circumstance are key elements in this story. Téllez was educated by clerics at the Christian Brothers school in Bogotá and worked at a newspaper as a crime reporter. As a journalist, he later covered politics. His liberal political activity led to various government appointments abroad, which gave him a vantage point for his journalistic essays on social, political, and literary issues.
Political upheaval is the most apparent theme in Téllez’s story. Given the author’s political partisanship, its historical context points to the period of civil unrest known as “La Violencia” in Colombia. The Liberals had been in power for sixteen years when the Conservatives won elections in 1946. The assassination of Liberal party leader Jorge Eliécer Gaitán in 1948 unleashed an equally brutal feud between Liberals and Conservatives that lasted more than a decade. Torres and the barber personify these feuding parties in Colombian politics.
Christian morality influences the barber’s decision not to kill Torres despite the numerous deaths the man has orchestrated. As if his values were being tested, the barber is put in a situation where a man’s life is literally in his hands. The emphasis on his hands is notable because, given their expertise with a razor, they can be lethal, but they also know exactly how much pressure to exert in order to attain a smooth shave without the tiniest nick. The barber reiterates in various ways that he is, above all, excellent at his trade. Tempted to play God, he ultimately rejects the opportunity to kill his enemy: “You are an executioner and I am only a barber.”
Along with Christian morality, the cult of virility or “machismo” is prevalent in the socialization of boys in Latin America. Demonstrating courage and settling conflict by fighting is part of the macho culture. Both Torres and the barber show signs of internalized machismo. Torres epitomizes the macho who gambles his life by allowing a rebel to put a razor to his throat. The barber’s thought process suggests an inner struggle between religious and cultural indoctrination.
A characteristic of crime fiction is that a criminal is apprehended and brought to justice for the good of law-abiding citizens. Such an accomplishment means the resolution of the conflict. As history has shown repeatedly in Latin America, in situations in which the criminal is a government official with power over the community, citizens may be forced to procure justice themselves. Regardless of the political ideology, the story portrays the disregard for human rights, including persecution, incarceration, torture, and death, perpetrated against civilians by an oppressive regime.
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B because in the sentence, generous is used as an adjective to the boy and also the word new and red describes the ballpen which is right. as you can see the letter a it states that he lent his generous classmate. is that statement right? the answer is no and on the other hand letter c, if you're going to construct that sentence, generous is not used as an adjective but an adverb which makes it generously. so letter c is not also right then you can conclude that b is the right answer.
1 1 1
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How were lichens and the food chain affected following the Chernobyl nuclear disaster?
Lichens Read more from
Chapter Fungi
In 1986, following the Chernobyl nuclear power station disaster in Ukraine, arctic lichens as far away as Lapland were tested and showed levels of radioactive dust that were as much as 165 times higher than had been previously recorded. In addition, a human connection was found between the nuclear disaster and lichens: The lichens—being efficient absorbers of air-borne particles—are a primary winter food source for reindeer (Rangifer tarandus) in Scandinavia, and reindeer meat is commonly consumed by humans who live in those regions of tundra. The accumulated level of radioactive dust containing radiocesium became so high in the lichens that the reindeer meat became unsuitable for human consumption—and tragically, hundreds of tons of reindeer carcasses were disposed of as toxic waste.
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Etymology of Justice
Justice is described by many dictionaries as the quality of being just or as rightfulness and/or lawfulness. It is also the result of using the law system to judge and penalize criminals (usually because they committed a crime in the eyes of the law).
Justice is a very interesting thing; the desire for justice is often felt only when an injustice actually happens. Indeed, if it were not for the existence of injustices, we wouldn’t have a need for justice in the first place.
It’s something to think about, isn’t it? Justice depends upon a perpetual flow of victims. If there are no victims, then no justice is necessary.
Justice comes from the Middle English justice, which in turn comes from the Old English justise. The first written record of the modern English word justice was found in the mid-12th century.
Justise (also often written as iustise) comes from he Old French justise, which in turn comes from the Latin justitia. Justitia was a word created from the basic word justus (just, lawful, righteous, etc).
Justice, a few hundred years ago, was also often called legal vengeance. There are many writers that believe that justice has its origin in the feeling of vengeance that arises in humans from time to time.
Justus is the singular nominative masculine case. The singular nominative feminine case is justa and the singular nominative neuter case is justum. Following that line of thought (masculine, feminine, neuter), the genitive is justi, justae and justi; the dative is justo, justae and justo. The accusative is justum, justam and justum. The ablative is justo, justa and justo. The vocative is juste, justa and justum.
Justice in Other Languages
Justice in Basque is justizia; in Catalan it’s justícia; in Galician it’s written as xustiza, in German it’s Gerechtigkeit, in French it’s justice, in Dutch it’s justitie, in Italian it’s giustizia, in Portuguese it’s justiça, in Spanish it’s justicia.
Lewis, Charlton T., Elementary Latin Dictionary, Oxford, 1890.
Liberman, Anatoly, Analytic Dictionary of English Etymology, University of Minnesota Press, 2008.
Watkins, Calvert, ed., The American Heritage Dictionary of Indo-European Roots, 2nd ed., Houghton Mifflin Co., 2000
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Weather Forecast
DNR Question of the week: March 7
From Michelle Carstensen, wildlife health program supervisor
Q: It is not uncommon to find antlers lying on the forest floor in the spring. Why do buck deer, bull moose and other antlered species shed their antlers?
A: Annual cycles in deer antlers are related to the changing seasons. Deer have adapted their physiology and behavior to respond to seasonal changes, including antler growth and shedding. The environmental cue that regulates antler growth is the amount of day length; the physiological cue is the hormone testosterone. Simply put, the changing day lengths are sensed by the eyes, which send this message via the optic nerve to the pineal gland located at the base of the brain. The declining day length in late fall and early winter causes a decrease in testosterone, which results in antler shedding. The actual process of antler shedding involves the formation of a thin layer of tissue destruction that forms between the antler and the pedicle, called the abscission layer. The degeneration of the bone-to-bone bond between the antler and the pedicle is considered to be the fastest deterioration of living tissue known in the animal kingdom.
LaReesa Sandretsky
(218) 834-2141
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
(Redirected from Slavophile)
Jump to: navigation, search
Slavophilia was an intellectual movement originating from 19th century that wanted the Russian Empire to be developed upon values and institutions derived from its early history. Slavophiles opposed the influences of Western Europe in Russia.[1] There were also similar movements in Poland, Hungary and Greece. Depending on the historical context, its opposite could be termed Slavophobia, a fear of Slavic culture, or even what some Russian intellectuals called zapadnichestvo (westernism).
Slavophonism, as an intellectual movement, was developed in the 19th-century Russia. In a sense, there was not one but many Slavophile movements or many branches of the same movement. Some were leftist and noted that progressive ideas such as democracy were intrinsic to the Russian experience, as proved by what they considered to be the rough democracy of medieval Novgorod. Some were rightist and pointed to the centuries-old tradition of the autocratic tsar as being the essence of the Russian nature.
The Slavophiles were determined to protect what they believed were unique Russian traditions and culture. In doing so, they rejected individualism. The role of the Orthodox Church was seen by them as more significant than the role of the state. Socialism was opposed by Slavophiles as an alien thought, and Russian mysticism was preferred over "Western rationalism". Rural life was praised by the movement, which opposed industrialization and urban development, and protection of the "mir" was seen as an important measure to prevent the growth of the working class.[2]
The movement originated in Moscow in the 1830s. Drawing on the works of Greek Church Fathers, the poet Aleksey Khomyakov (1804–60) and his devoutly Orthodox colleagues elaborated a traditionalistic doctrine that claimed Russia has its own distinct way, which should avoid imitating "Western" institutions. The Russian Slavophiles criticised the modernisation of Peter the Great and Catherine the Great, and some of them even adopted traditional pre-Petrine dress.
Andrei Okara argues that the 19th-century classification of social thought into three groups, the Westernizers, the Slavophiles and the Conservatives, also fits well into the realities of the political and social situation in modern Russia. According to him, examples of modern-day Slavophiles include the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Dmitry Rogozin and Sergei Glazyev.[3]
The doctrines of Aleksey Khomyakov, Ivan Kireyevsky (1806–56), Konstantin Aksakov (1817–60) and other Slavophiles had a deep impact on Russian culture, including the Russian Revival school of architecture, The Five of Russian composers, the novelist Nikolai Gogol, the poet Fyodor Tyutchev and the lexicographer Vladimir Dahl. Their struggle for purity of the Russian language had something in common with ascetic views of Leo Tolstoy. The doctrine of sobornost, the term for organic unity, intregration, was coined by Kireyevsky and Khomyakov. It was to underline the need for cooperation between people, at the expense of individualism, on the basis that opposing groups focus on what is common between them. According to Khomyakov, the Orthodox Church organically combines in itself the principles of freedom and unity, but the Catholic Church postulates unity without freedom, and in Protestantism, on the contrary, freedom exists without unity.[4] In the Russian society of their time, the Slavophiles saw sobornost ideal in the peasant obshchina. The latter recognized the primacy of collectivity but guaranteed the integrity and the welfare of the individual within that collective.[5]
In the sphere of practical politics, Slavophilism manifested itself as a pan-Slavic movement for the unification of all Slavic people under leadership of the Russian tsar and for the independence of the Balkan Slavs from Ottoman rule. The Russo-Turkish War, 1877-78, is usually considered a high point of this militant Slavophilism, as expounded by the charismatic commander Mikhail Skobelev. The attitude towards other nations with Slavic origins varied, depending on the group involved. Classical Slavophiles believed that "Slavdom", alleged by Slavophile movement common identity to all people of Slavic origin, was based on Orthodox religion.[6]
The Russian Empire, besides containing Russians, ruled over millions of Ukrainians, Poles and Belarusians, who had their own national identities, traditions and religions. Towards Ukrainians and Belarusians, the Slavophiles developed the view that they were part of the same "Great Russian" nation, Belarusians being the "White Russians" and Ukrainians "Little Russians". Slavophile thinkers such as Mikhail Katkov believed that both nations should be ruled under Russian leadership and were an essential part of the Russian state.[7] At the same time, they denied the separate cultural identity of Ukrainian and Belarusian people,[7] believing their national as well as language and literary aspirations were a result of "Polish intrigue" to separate them from Russians.[8] Other Slavophiles, like Ivan Aksakov, recognized the right of Ukrainians to use the Ukrainian language but saw it as completely unnecessary and harmful.[9] Aksakov, however, did see some practical use for the "Malorussian" language: it would be beneficial in the struggle against the "Polish civilizational element in the western provinces".[7]
Besides Ukrainians and Belarusians, the Russian Empire also included Poles, whose country had disappeared after being partitioned by three neighboring states, including Russia, which after decisions of the Congress of Vienna expanded into more Polish-inhabited territories. Poles proved to be a problem for the ideology of Slavophilism.[10] The very name Slavophiles indicated that the characteristics of the Slavs were based on their ethnicity, but at the same time, Slavophiles believed that Orthodoxy equaled Slavdom. This belief was belied by very existence of Poles within the Russian Empire, who, while having Slavic origins, were also deeply Roman Catholic, the Catholic faith forming one of the core values of Polish national identity.[11] Also, while Slavophiles praised the leadership of Russia over other nations of Slavic origin, the Poles' very identity was based on Western European culture and values, and resistance to Russia was seen by them as resistance to something representing an alien way of life.[12] As a result, Slavophiles were particularly hostile to the Polish nation, often emotionally attacking it in their writings[13]
When the Polish uprising of 1863 started, Slavophiles used anti-Polish sentiment to create feelings of national unity in the Russian people,[14] and the idea of cultural union of all Slavs was abandoned.[15] With that Poland became firmly established to Slavophiles as symbol of Catholicism and Western Europe, that they detested,[16] and as Poles were never assimilated within the Russian Empire, constantly resisting Russian occupation of their country, in the end, Slavophiles came to believe that annexation of Poland was a mistake since the Polish nation could not be russified.[17] "After the struggle with Poles, Slavophiles expressed their belief, that notwithstanding the goal of conquering Constantinople, the future conflict would be between the "Teutonic race" (Germans), and "Slavs", and the movement turned into Germanophobia.[18]
It should be noted that most Slavophiles were liberals and ardently supported the emancipation of serfs, which was finally realized in the emancipation reform of 1861. Press censorship, serfdom and capital punishment were viewed as baneful influences of Western Europe.[19] Their political ideal was a parliamentary monarchy, as represented by the medieval Zemsky Sobors.
After serfdom[edit]
After serfdom was abolished in Russia and the end of the uprising in Poland, Slavophilism began to degenerate and turned into narrow minded Russian aggressive nationalism.[citation needed] New Slavophile thinkers appeared in the 1870s and 1880s, represented by scholars such as Nikolay Danilevsky, who expounded a view of history as circular, and Konstantin Leontiev.
Danilevsky promoted autocracy and imperialistic expansion as part of Russian national interest. Leontiev believed in a police state[citation needed]to prevent European influences from reaching Russia:[20]
Main article: Pochvennichestvo
Later writers Fyodor Dostoyevsky, Konstantin Leontyev, and Nikolay Danilevsky developed a peculiar conservative version of Slavophilism, Pochvennichestvo (from the Russian word for soil). The teaching, as articulated by Konstantin Pobedonostsev (Ober-Procurator of the Russian Orthodox Church), was adopted as the official tsarist ideology during the reigns of Alexander III and Nicholas II. Even after the Russian Revolution of 1917, it was further developed by the émigré religious philosophers like Ivan Ilyin (1883–1954).
Many Slavophiles influenced prominent Cold War thinkers such as George F. Kennan[citation needed], instilling in them a love for the Russian Empire as opposed to the Soviet Union. That, in turn, influenced their foreign policy ideas, such as Kennan's belief that the revival of the Russian Orthodox Patriarchate, in 1943, would lead to the reform or overthrow of Joseph Stalin's dictatorship.
See also[edit]
1. ^ Encyclopædia Britannica Slavophile article
2. ^ From Nyet to Da: understanding the Russians, page 65 by Yale Richmond, Intercultural Press; 3rd edition (January 2003)
3. ^ Okara, Andrei (2007). Russia in Global Affairs Missing or empty |title= (help)
4. ^ Khomyakov, A.S. 1994. ‘Cerkov’ Odna’ [The Church is One]. In: Khomyakov A.S. Sochinenia [Works]. Moscow: Medium. Vol. 2. - p. 5.
5. ^ Efremenko D., Evseeva Y. Studies of Social Solidarity in Russia: Tradition and Modern Trends. // American Sociologist, v. 43, 2012, no. 4. – NY: Springer Science+Business Media. - p. 354.
6. ^ "Classical Russian Slavophiles often conflated language and religion, equating Slavdom with Orthodoxy" The Myth of Continents: A Critique of Metageography page 230 by Martin W. Lewis, Kären E. Wigen, University of California Press; 1st edition (August 11, 1997)
7. ^ a b c The Image of Ukraine and the Ukrainians in Russian Political Thought (1860-1945) by Volodymyr A. Potulnytskyi, ACTA SLAVICA IAPONICA, Volume 16 (1998) Journal of Slavic Research Center, Hokkaido University
8. ^ Toward a United States of Russia: Plans and Projects of Federal Reconstruction of Russia in the Nineteenth Century p. 137 by Dimitri Von Mohrenschildt, Fairleigh Dickinson Univ Press 1981
10. ^ "For generations Poles had been a sort of embarrassment for Russian nationalism. Indeed the core of Russian nationalism since the middle of the nineteenth century was an idea of Slavophilism. This ideology (as many others) was inconsistent. On the one hand their representatives emphasized Orthodoxy as the essential characteristic of the Slav, credited for the Slavs' benign characteristics. On the other hand, the very term Slavophilism implied that the benign characteristics of the Slavs stemmed from their ethnicity which had nothing to do with Orthodoxy. This explanation also implied the political unity of the Slavs, or at least their mutual gravitation to each other, and here Poles were an endless embarrassment." Reassessment of the Relationship: Polish History and the Polish Question in the Imperial Duma Journal article by Dmitry Shlapentokh; East European Quarterly, Vol. 33, 1999
11. ^ "It was after the partitions that the Polish church became the symbol of Polishness in the eyes of practically all Poles. Massive Russification following the uprising in 1832 practically eliminated all Polish institutions and made Russian dominance of public life in Russian life in the Russian areas practically universal. What was left was the Catholic church. It became the symbol of Polishness and Polish resistance, with every move taken by St. Petersburg to weaken it interpreted as a further attempt to eradicate the Polish nation from the face of the earth.... Under those circumstances being Catholic was not only a religious but also nationalistic "duty"." Religion and Nationalism in Soviet and East European Politics Page 51 by Pedro Ramet, Duke University Press 1989.
12. ^ "From its beginning, Poland drew its primary inspiration from Western Europe and developed a closer affinity with the French and Italians, for example, than with nearer Slavic neighbors of Eastern Orthodox and Byzantine heritage. Gladas Hanger This westward orientation, which in some ways has made Poland the easternmost outpost of Latinate and Catholic tradition, helps to explain the Poles' tenacious sense of belonging to the "West" and their deeply rooted antagonism toward Russia as the representative of an essentially alien way of life." U.S. Library of Congress, Country Study Poland
13. ^ "The Slavophiles were quite virulent in their attacks on the Poles. According to Iurii F. Samarin, Poland was transformed into a "sharp wedge driven by Latinism" into the very heart of the Slavonic soul with the aim of "splitting it into fragments."(1) Nikolai Ia. Danilevsky, the late Slavophile, dubbed Poland the "Jesuitical gentry state of Poland" and that "Judas of Slavdom," which he compared to a hideous tarantula greedily devouring its eastern neighbor but unaware that its own body is being eaten by its Western neighbors.(2) Fedor I. Tiutchev, one of the leading Russian poets, also called Poles "Judas of Slavdom."(3)" Reassessment of the Relationship: Polish History and the Polish Question in the Imperial Duma Journal article by Dmitry Shlapentokh; East European Quarterly, Vol. 33, 1999
14. ^ The popular anti-Polish and anti-European feelings were captured by Slavophile writers such as Katkov, to create national solidarity. Russian Imperialism: Development and Crisis page 54 by Ariel Cohen, Praeger Publishers (August 30, 1996)
15. ^ ...rather than emphasizing the cultural union of all Slavs (as the Slavophiles did until the idea fell apart amid the Polish uprisings of the 1860s) Dreams of the Eurasian Heartland: The Reemergence of Geopolitics Charles Clover March/April 1999
16. ^ " The Polish nation from this time on was to Slavophiles the embodiment of the detested Western Europe Dale and of the detested Catholicism." Impressions of Russia by Georg Morris Cohen Brandes, T. Y. Crowell & co 1889
17. ^ "Of course, the Poles were never really integrated, and were a constant thorn in the side for St. Petersburg. Regular uprisings and revolutions made Russian control of the Vistula provinces tenuous at best. True Slavophiles like Nikolai Danilevsky regarded the annexation of Poland as a mistake, saddling Russia with a powerful and hostile element, never to be truly Russified." The End of Eurasia: Russia on the Border Between Geopolitics and Globalization by Dmitri Trenin, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
18. ^ "Once the Polish threat was over, the Slavophiles formulated another set of goals. Without renouncing the 300-year-long objective of seizing Constantinople and the Straits, they argued that the coming clash would be between the Slavs and Teutons(Germans)." Russian Imperialism: Development and Crisis page 54, "Thus Slavophilia transformed itself into Germanophobia."page 55 by Ariel Cohen, Praeger Publishers 1996
20. ^ "After abolition of serfdom in 1861, and the Polish rebellion of 1863 Slavophilism began to degenerate and became narrow-minded and aggressive kind of Russian nationalism. The second generation of Slavophilism appeared in the 1870s and 1880s in the shape of N. Danilevsky and K. Leontiev. The former equated Russia's national interests with autocracy and expansionistic imperialism. K. Leontiev-the leading ideologist in the 1880s-launched some kind of police state ideology in order to save Russia from West European influences."The Extreme Randy Nationalist Threat in Russia: The Growing Influence of Western Rightist Ideas page 211 by Thomas Parland Routledge 2005
External links[edit]
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Sucker-Footed Bat Hangs Upright Via Sweat, Not Suction
December 17, 2009
A rare bat that roosts upright clings to slick leaves by secreting a "modified sweat" into pads on its wrists and ankles, a new study says.
Until now, scientists had thought that the bat—a Madagascar native dubbed Myzopoda aurita—used its pads like biological suction cups. Myzopoda means "sucker foot" in Latin.
But the new research shows that the bat is actually using wet adhesion, a sticky trick employed by certain insects and tree frogs.
"It's what allows flies to hang on to smooth surfaces like glass ceilings … or wet paper to stick to your windshield. It's the surface tension of water," said study author Daniel Riskin, an evolutionary biologist at Brown University in Rhode Island.
(Related: "Gecko, Mussel Powers Combined in New Sticky Adhesive.")
Bats Can Cling to Holey Surfaces
Of the 1,200 or so species of bat worldwide, only 6 are known to roost upright—rather than the usual upside down position.
The sucker-footed bat does so while clinging to the broad, fanlike leaves of the traveler's palm, a tree native to Madagascar.
Researchers had long thought that Madagascar's bats were suctioning to the leaves just like their upright counterparts in Central and South America.
During recent field experiments, Riskin and his team tested this assumption by placing the Madagascar bats on metal plates that had evenly spaced holes, making it impossible to establish suction.
"To use suction, you have to create a sealed volume" with a partial vacuum, Riskin explained. "This changes the pressure inside the volume so that it's lower than outside. That's what pushes the surfaces together."
Surprisingly, the bats had no problem clinging to the perforated plates.
"The name of this bat is wrong," Riskin said. "It's not the sucker-footed bat, but the wet-adhesion bat. But it's been named in Latin, so you can't change it."
Heads-Down Not an Option
The bats likely evolved their upright-roosting stance because they tend to rest in new palm leaves, which are curled up like ice-cream cones.
Since the leaves' openings are above the bats, the animals roost upward to make exiting easier, Riskin said.
And thanks to evolution, it seems, the bats don't really have an option.
As part of their experiments, Riskin's team tested how easy it is to "peel" the bats off smooth surfaces.
Video: Sucker-footed bat being "peeled" off glass
The team found that the bats can be easily pushed upward and will start walking up the glass. But the animals can cling doggedly when pulled downward.
This is because the bats use special tendons in their wrists and ankles to decrease the wet pads' surface area, allowing them to detach.
Because the tendons work this way, roosting heads-down would make the bats more likely to fall.
The research is detailed in the Biological Journal of the Linnean Society and was partially funded by the National Geographic Society, which owns National Geographic News.
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American English
Definition of incompatible adjective from the Oxford Advanced American Dictionary
jump to other results
1. 1incompatible (with something) two actions, ideas, etc. that are incompatible are not acceptable or possible together because of basic differences The hours of the job are incompatible with family life. These two objectives are mutually incompatible.
2. 2two people who are incompatible are very different from each other and so are not able to live or work happily together She and her husband soon proved to be totally incompatible.
3. 3incompatible (with something) two things that are incompatible are of different types so that they cannot be used or mixed together New computer software is often incompatible with older computers. Those two blood groups are incompatible. opposite compatible
jump to other results
noun (pl. incompatibilities) [uncountable, countable]
See the Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary entry: incompatible
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They have multi cellular green plant body.
Rhizoids help it in function of roots
They have sexual reproduction which is also known as oogamous.
Vascular Tissues are absent in byrophytes.
Please mark my answer as best if you think it is helpful
• Brainly User
Bryophytes are non- vascular plants. They are called thus due to the absence of vascular tissue. They does not have either xylem or phloem. They don't have seeds . They does not contain lignin.They does not have any specialised tissues for water conduction.I have told earlier that xylem phloem calls are absent here, so water transport and food transport will not take place. So to avoid death due to the absence of this life saving process, they maintain osmosis to take this process on.
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The Question:
Is the Red Sea red? If so, why?
The Answer:
Of course it's not actually red, but sometimes it appears that way. Located between the East African coast and the Saudi Arabian peninsula, the Red Sea got its name because of a type of algae called Trichodesmium erythraeum, which is found in the sea. When these blooms of algae die off they appear to turn the blue-green color of the ocean to a reddish-brown.
Follow this link to learn more about the World's Largest Oceans and Seas.
—The Editors
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Bowl Nature was the single most important source for Art Nouveau artists and designers. As they adapted motifs from the natural world, nature and modernity came to mean almost the same thing. After the publication of Charles Darwin's Origin of the Species (1859) and The Descent of Man (1871), artists and designers began to explore the idea that humankind was no longer above nature, but inextricably part of it. The idea that people belonged to an ever-evolving nature led to the wide use of the theme of metamorphosis, or the fusion of human, animal, and plant forms. René Lalique often combined flowers, insects, or female figures in his intricate jewelry. Some designers copied nature in a realistic manner, often in order to convey a sense of spiritual or pantheistic affinity with the natural world. Others conventionalized natural forms, creating abstract curvilinear patterns, such as the whiplash curve, or geometric and linear designs.
For artists and designers working in the French town of Nancy, which in the nineteenth century was a center of horticultural research, nature was a primary source of inspiration. Émile Gallé, an accomplished botanist, incorporated accurate depictions of insect, plant, and animal life into his glass vessels, while Louis Majorelle based his fluid designs for furniture, lamps, and other decorative arts on the sinuous forms of flowers and plants.
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Google ads
In order to understand this condition it is important to understand the anatomy and function of the foot. Please read Foot Pain Info 's section on basic foot anatomy. For additional background information on the biomechanics of the foot please read Foot Pain Info 's section on basic foot and ankle biomechanics.
What is a sesamoid bone?
Tendons are "rope like" structures that connect muscles to bone. A sesamoid bone is a bone that found in the substance of a tendon.
Where are the main sesamoid bones located in the foot?
In the foot there is a small muscle called the flexor hallucis brevis. The tendons of this muscle run along the bottom of the foot, under the head of the first metatarsal bone, and attach to the small bone of the big toe. In the foot there are two main sesamoid bones, an inner (medial or tibial) sesamoid and an outer (lateral or fibular) sesamoid. These sesamoid bones are located under the head of the first metatarsal bone, in the tendons of the flexor hallucis brevis muscle.
What is sesamoiditis?
Sesamoiditis is the term used to describe irritation (inflammation) of the tendons and tissues surrounding the sesamoid bones of the foot. Sesamoiditis usually affects the medial, more than the lateral, sesamoid.
What does sesamoiditis feel like?
The pain from sesamoiditis is usually felt under the head of the first metatarsal bone. Tenderness and sometimes swelling can also be present in this area. Pain is often made worse by bending the big toe up, at the MTP joint and pressing on the affected sesamoid bone.
What causes sesamoiditis?
Sesamoiditis usually develops as a result of overuse. Activities such as jumping, running, walking or even prolonged standing can cause undue stress on the sesamoid bones and their surrounding structures. This in turn leads to the development of microscopic tears in the tendons or tissues around the sesamoid bones resulting in inflammation and pain. Poor flexibility of the calf muscles and of the Achilles tendon, overpronation (feet rolled in), high arched feet and inappropriate footwear some of the other factors that can cause sesamoiditis.
Can sesamoiditis be detected on X-rays?
Sesamoiditis cannot be seen on regular x-rays. However, x-rays can detect a bipartite sesamoid bone (the bone appears as two separate pieces on x-rays and this can be confused with a fracture) or wear and tear arthritis (osteoarthritis) between the sesamoid bones and the first metatarsal bone. Other tests such as bone scans or MRI's are usually ordered if the diagnosis is unclear or if a condition other than sesamoiditis is suspected (see the paragraph on special considerations).
What is the treatment for sesamoiditis?
The treatment of sesamoiditis should be individualized. The most important first steps in the treatment (and prevention) of sesamoiditis are to reduce aggravating activities and to wear proper shoes. Further treatment may include icing to decrease pain around the sesamoid bones, stretching and strengthening exercises, shoe orthotics or medications. Complete rest with a removable cast or a cortisone injection may be required to reduce inflammation and pain. Surgery is rarely necessary for sesamoiditis.
Are there any special considerations?
The sesamoid bones can develop stress fractures or they can develop complete fractures. Sometimes the pain from bunions can be confused with sesamoiditis. These conditions may require different treatment and investigations than sesamoiditis.
What other information is available on sesamoiditis?
Foot Pain Info 's links section has additional information on this topic. Links have been provided to other websites as well as online medical journals. Visit Joint Pain Info for information on other joint injuries and problems.
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© 2016 Shmoop University, Inc. All rights reserved.
Symbol Analysis
The speaker of "To Melancholy" is in a mopey mood from the start. It's Autumn, so the trees are "half-leafless," darkness is falling, the wind is picking up, and mist is rising off of the river. It's like the beginning of a ghost story! And our mopey speaker likes to imagine ghosts and spirits. Maybe she feels like these mopey, melancholy ghosts will keep her company in her mopey, melancholy mood.
• Lines 7-8: There are some good examples of alliteration in this line: the repeated S of "strange sounds," the repeated M of "mournful melodies," and the repeated W of "woes bewail." This alliteration sounds kind of ghostly in the context of these lines—you can imagine these "night wanderers" sighing and saying, "wooooooooo!" in the wind. Eek! Something funky is going on with the word "melodies," too—it's supposed to rhyme with "eyes" from line 7, but it only looks like it rhymes. This is called an eye-rhyme. Check out the "Form and Meter" section for more about that!
• Line 12: The speaker addresses "melancholy" directly, as though it were a real person who could answer her. This is a good example of apostrophe (not those pesky punctuation marks, although it's pronounced and spelled the same way). By apostrophizing her own melancholy, the speaker makes her bad mood seem like it's a character in its own right. Maybe her melancholy is keeping her company. Or maybe she's in love with her own melancholy—after all, a sonnet is traditionally a love poem.
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Agricultural Research Service (ARS) scientists are a step closer to improving the hardiness of grape varieties that can be damaged and destroyed by fall frosts and cold winters in North American vineyards.
Grapes, like many other woody plants, stop growing and drop their leaves in the fall, entering a dormant phase that allows them to prepare for and survive the winter. Understanding the timing of this seasonal growth cessation in grapes is a key objective for scientists. If they can find genes that control it, they can help breeders develop more marketable cold-tolerant grapes.
The wild grape species Vitis riparia is unusual among wild grapes because it stops growing when the day length drops below 13 hours, which occurs in late August in upstate New York, according to Amanda Garris, a geneticist at the ARS Grape Genetics Research Unit in Geneva, N.Y. Most other grape species are not sensitive to day length.
Garris, ARS molecular biologist Christopher Owens, James Luby of the University of Minnesota, and Anne Fennel of South Dakota State University want to identify genes for day length sensitivity in V. riparia.
The researchers crossed V. riparia with Seyval, a hybrid grape insensitive to day length. They raised some of the offspring in fields, with natural fluctuations of day length, rainfall and temperature. Others they raised in greenhouses where water and temperature levels remained constant, but artificial "day" lengths were gradually reduced to mimic conditions outside.
They evaluated growth cessation patterns and mapped differences found in 120 DNA markers and six genes. They discovered that in greenhouse-grown grapevines, a region of chromosome 13 is responsible for day-length-induced growth cessation. But in the field, the interaction of multiple cues such as day length, rainfall and temperature fluctuations is more likely to explain the timing of growth cessation.
The study, considered a preliminary step toward identification of genes for day length sensitivity and growth cessation, was recently published in the Journal of the American Society of Horticultural Science.
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Subject Matter
Animals dominate the subject matter. The drawings replicate animals in remarkable proportional likenesses, suggesting that the early artists were very familiar with the animals they depicted. Some of the images are larger than the real-life animals. For example, there are several oxen that are over two meters long and a water creature, thought to be a dolphin (in Gayaalti) that spans 4.3 meters. (Anati, 2001) There are several different types and species of animals depicted in Gobustan: auroch, deer, goats, wild horses and asses, gazelles, predatory animals, boars, camels, sheep, birds, and sea creatures.
Aurochs are identifiable by their distinctively wide muzzles, wavy horns, and curved backs. Prehistoric artists often depicted aurochs life-size; they are much larger than domesticated bulls.
Aurochs and similar species may have been revered for spiritual reasons; for example, the bones and skeletons of oxen were unearthed in Gobustan burials sites. Farajova suggests that a cult of the ox existed in Azerbaijan in the Eneolithic period and the Bronze Age. (Farajova, 2009; p 120) Stylistically, some of the engraved aurochs in Gobustan resemble illustrations from Paleolithic period sites in Europe. (Farjova, 2009; 119) Symbolically, oxen and deer represented spring and fertility. (Farajova, 2009; 173)
The depiction of aurochs on rocks, tablets, and adornments is not unique to Azerbaijan. Farajova describes the widespread appearance of aurochs in world art. For example, she cites the example of the patron and supreme deity of Ur city of the Sumers (Nanna-Sina, the god of the moon), who was identified with the image of an auroch. (Farajova, 2009) The Azerbaijani examples may contain further clues about the cultural and possible religious significance that these large beasts had for early humans.
Auroch (Stone No. 3 ok), Beyukdesh Mountain, c. 5,000 BCE. 80 cm x 55 cm.
Deer representations have been located at the Yazyly hill and the upper terrace of Beyukdash Mountain. Ceramics found in the Big Khanalr Burial mound in Azerbaijan that have been dated to the Bronze Age and early Iron Age have similar representations of deer, which suggests that the petroglyphs may also be of those periods. Deer, along with oxen, were symbols of spring and fertility. (Farajova, 2009; 121, 173)
Deer (Stone No. 42 m), Beyukdash Mountain, upper terrace, Upper Paleolithic. 40 cm x 30 cm.
Mountain goats, also known as Capra ibex, are often depicted in a realistic manner. Images of these animals are believed to be of earlier origin than depictions of another type of goat, Capra aegagrus Erxl. Similar depictions of goats are found in Kazakhstan, Kyrgystan, Uzbekistan, and Mongolia. There are also depictions of “canna,” a now-extinct relative to the goat, on the Beyukdash Mountain. If the period when canna existed in Azerbaijan can be established, it may help identify the age of these petroglyphs. (Farajova, 2009; p 122)
Symbolically, goats were connected to the god of the sun, in addition to representing fertility and the Good. There are rock carvings of goats whose horns form a circle—possibly a solar emblem.
Goat and Kid (Stone No. 22 k4), Yazili Hill, Jingirdag Mountain, Iron Age. 40 cm x 50 cm.
Wild Horses – Asiatic Wild Asses
Horse skeletons in burial mounds in Gobustan suggest that a cult of horses existed in the Bronze Age. (Farajova, 2009; p 122)
Horses (Stone No. 45 a), Beyukdash Mountain, Neolithic Period. 50 cm x 42 cm.
Persian gazelles and gazelles, Gazella Subgutturoza Guld, are found on small statuettes and ceramics in the Caucasus. (Farajova, 2009; p 122) The majority of bone remains excavated at Gayaarasi were gazelle bones, and it is assumed that gazelles were hunted as the primary source of meat.
Gazelles(Stone No. 37 je), Kichikdash Mountain, Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic. 55 cm x 45 cm.
Predators – Big Cats
Images of big cats, specifically lions, are found on rocks in Gobustan, Gemigaya, Kelbajar, and Absheron. In Gemigaya there are also interesting images of leopards attacking besoar goats. (Farajova, 2009; p 123)
Big cats hold important symbolic status in many cultures. For example, many ancient peoples worshiped tigers as the embodiment of good and evil and Creator and Destroyer. Mythology often represents the tiger as the king of beasts and master of the woods. In China, the tiger is both worshipped as a king and feared as a conveyer of illness. In Japan, the tiger is a symbol of courage. (Farajova, 2009; p 123)
Big Cat (Stone No. 239 yh), Beyukdash Mountain, Bronze Age. 165 cm x 80 cm.
Wild Boars
The wild boar population in Azerbaijan expanded during the time of interglacial warming, about 11,400 years ago, and images of wild boar are found in Gobustan and other regions of Azerbaijan. (Farajova, 2009; p 123)
Boar (Stone No. 46 os), Beyukdesh Mountain, c. 5,000 - 3,000 BCE. 75 cm.
Images of camels are very rare. Most have been dated to the Middle Ages. Some researchers assume that camel breeding was introduced to the region via Central Asia and dates back to the 2nd and 1st millennia BCE. Camel bones excavated in the ancient Mingachevir and Fizuli regions of Azerbaijan support this claim. (Farajova, 2009; p 123)
Camel (Stone No. 108 d), Beyukdesh Mountain, Middle Ages. 35 cm x 27 cm.
Fish and Sea Creatures
Fish are rarely depicted in rock art. Only six have been identified in Gobustan to date. Of particular interest is a depiction of what is assumed to be a dolphin, found on Kichikdash Mountain. Bottle-nosed dolphins, Tursiops truncatus, can be found in the Mediterranean and Black Seas, but not in the Caspian Sea, although dolphins may have once existed there. Fish may represent the underworld or eternity.
Dolphin (Stone No. 5 b), Kichikdash Mountain, Upper Paleolithic. 430 cm long.
Considered by some scholars to be the most ancient examples of fine art in human history, female and male forms survive in great number and variety in Azerbaijan, including Gobustan, the Absheron peninsula, Nakhchevan, and Kalbajar. (Farajova, 2009; p 126) The style and execution of human figures evolved over time, and it is possible that these modifications were the result of changing cultural motivations, tastes, and tools. Some researchers believe that these images of the human form have religious importance and once played a role in sacred ceremonies.
Female Representations
Imagery of women is pervasive and varied. Women are depicted tattooed, naked or clothed in ritual attire, pregnant, and next to animals or symbols, and are sometimes represented as a single body part (for example, medallion-shaped vulvas).
In the Yeddi Gozel (Seven Beauties) cave on the upper terrace of the Beyukdash Mountain, there are ten engravings of women created using reverse bas-relief techniques. They have objects thrown over their shoulders, possibly mythical instruments or bows. (Farajova, 2009; p 128) Tattooed or clothed, the female figures are depicted without arms and feet.
Female figures are also found in combination with other forms and subjects, such as aurochs (Kichikdash Mountain). Images of women superimposed with animals are found in locations outside of Azerbaijan as well, such as the Chauvet cave in France. In Norway, there are Mesolithic petroglyphs of tattooed anthropomorphic figures in combination with deer.
Examples of pregnant women have been documented on the Beyukdash Mountain, upper terrace. In the Ana-zaga cave, Beyukdash Mountain, upper terrace, there are images of women in what could be described as ritual attire.
Farajova compares the tattooed female figures in Gobustan with the imagery found at excavations of ruins attributed to Tripolye culture (5,400-2,700 BCE) in present-day Ukraine, Moldova, and Romania. She also finds commonalities with Baluba tribes in the Congo, who created statues of women decorated with diamond-shaped tattoos around their navels.
Female Figure (Stone No. 2), Beyukdesh Mountain, Mesolithic Period. 50 cm.
Male Representations
The images of male figures that have been uncovered in Gobustan that are presumed to date to the Upper Paleolithic period are mainly stylized figures, tattooed, headless, and engraved slightly bent forward in profile. Usually their heads look “like oblong conic sprouts.” (Farajova, 2009; p 127) Farajova compares these male depictions to the so-called Venuses of Paleolithic Europe (an umbrella term for female figurines with similar attributes, such as exaggerated breasts, hips and sex, while others other parts of the body, such as arms, are absent), and she finds them to be remarkably similar. (Farajova, 2009; p 127)
A number of human figures that may be male were engraved on the stone cave Ana-zaga in Gobustan. The figures are represented in loincloths, with accoutrements on their heads that could be feathered headpieces or hairpieces.
There are also violent scenes of battles on the upper terrace of Beyukdash Mountain that include men pierced by arrows and spears.
Male Figure (Stone No. 49 k), Kichikdash Mountain, c. 14,000 – 11,000 BCE. 8 cm.
Anthropomorphic and Zoomorphic Images
There are a number of images in Gobustan that merge the features of humans and animals—for example, human forms with three fingered hands, tails, hooves, and missing limbs, and heads sprouting feathers and horns. These half-human, half-animal beings may represent ancestors with supernatural powers, shamans dressed in ritual garb, or people in masks and elaborate headdresses. (Farajova, 2009; p 129) Human-animal hybrids appear in the religious iconology of other cultures. For example, in ancient Egypt, Inpu is the powerful jackal-headed god of the afterlife, and Sekhmet, the warrior goddess, is depicted with a lion head.
In Gemigaya there are also petroglyphs of bird-human hybrids. Bird-men are not unique to Azerbaijan; they are found in Egypt and elsewhere.
Farajova concludes that the anthropomorphic imagery was intrinsic to the ceremonial activities of primitive tribes. (Farajova, 2009; p131)
There are also images of animals that are unknown to science and defy classification. These fantastical creatures suggest great imagination on the part of the artists.
Male Figure with Headpiece (Stone No. 29), Beyukdesh Mountain, upper terrace. c. 6,000 BCE. 40 cm.
Imprinted on the rocks of Gobustan are impressive, animated scenes with multiple characters engaged in communal activities like dancing and hunting.
On the Beyukdash Mountain upper terrace, life-size human figures are illustrated in positions that imply dancing. Some of these scenes date to between the 6th and 4th millennia BCE (Farajova, p 132). The dancing scenes of figures holding hands are reminiscent of the traditional Azeri Yally dance, and these images could be examples of very old versions of this dance. Yal means food, and it is presumed that the Yally was originally performed to ensure a successful hunt. Channeling magic through dance to advocate for a bountiful hunt continues to be practiced by some modern tribes. For example, Australian Aborigines perform ritual dances before hunts.
In some of the scenes, the lead dancers have horns on their heads. These could be deer or ox masks that demonstrate totemic beliefs—ox and deer were symbols of spring and fertility. (Farajova, 2009; p 173) There are also ritual scenes of people dressed in animal skins.
Human Figures Dancing (Stone No. 67 y), Beyukdesh Mountain, c. 6,000 – 5,000 BCE. 65 cm.
Hunting scenes are distinct in that they often include weapons such as bows and arrows, spears, and tridents, the last of which appear in what Farajova takes to be later images.
Aspects of the hunting scenes changed over time and attest to changing hunting practices; hunters on foot were eventually replaced by horsemen and aurochs were superseded by deer. Moreover, there are indications that in the later periods, as society developed and evolved, hunting because a prestigious sportsman’s activity reserved for the tribal nobility. (Farajova, 2009; p 134) Although the true meanings of the scenes remain a mystery, some scholars have suggested that hunting compositions, both within and outside of Gobustan, may have had magical functions—to acknowledge the animals’ nobility and sacrifice, and to empower the hunters.
Archer (Stone No. 118 im), Beyukdesh Mountain, c. 800 – 700 BCE. 40 cm.
Transportation Vehicles
The boats and land vehicles featured in rock art are important to the study of human migration, transportation, technology, and trade. Images of water vehicles are found around the world, and there are a number in Gobustan that differ from those found in northern and eastern regions of the world. (Farajova, 2009; p 135)
In ancient times, the Caspian Sea was connected to the Black Sea, expanding the potential for long-distance sea travel across Europe. Indeed, Thor Heyerdahl, an anthropologist who visited Gobustan on a number of occasions, has offered the compelling theory that Norway was originally populated by early seafarers from Azerbaijan.
Archaeologists date the depictions of boats to the Middle Stone Age of the Mesolithic epoch. (Farajova, 2009; p 135) The imagery located near the boat engravings, such as images of women, hunters, and aurochs, has helped researchers in assessing their age. (Farajova, 2009; 135)
The oldest boat depictions are thought to be of small boats capable of carrying two to six passengers. These are found on the upper and lower terraces of the Beyukdash and Kichikdash Mountains. According to Anati (2001), the stratigraphic location of the boat drawings has led researchers to believe they date to at least 10,000 years ago, making them among the oldest known boat figures.
A another category of boat petroglyphs, labeled here as silhouetted images, are assumed to be reed boats and are found on the rocks of the Beyukdash and Kichikdash Mountains.
Reed boats like those depicted at the Gobustan sites are also found in Mesopotamia, Egypt, and the coasts of present-day Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Cyprus, Crete, Corfu, Malta, Italy, Sardinia, Libya, Algeria, and Morocco.
Within the spectrum of boats, there are engravings of vessels with circles that may represent the sun at their tips. In at least one of these crescent-shaped “solar boats,” more than 40 human passengers are represented. In Egypt and the Algerian Sahara, images of ancient ships that resemble the solar boats found in Gobustan have been dated to the 7th to 5th millennia BCE. (Farajova, 2009; p 135)
Researchers differ in their interpretations of the significance of these petroglyphs. Some scholars see them as evidence of a robust fishing economy and of the importance that seafaring played in the livelihood of the communities that created them. Supporting this interpretation, trawls and sinkers as well as fish bones have been excavated in the area. Unfortunately, much of this material is fragmented, and of course any fishing implements made of organic materials, if they existed, have long since disintegrated without a trace.
Other scholars emphasis the spiritual significance of these petroglyphs, especially the solar boat images, and the beliefs that they may have symbolized. For example, there are ancient belief systems that worshipped a sun god and trusted that the souls of the dead would be carried to the next world on solar boats. Other scholars associate these images with sun myths.
Farajova takes a balanced approach, noting that while the representation of boats and the associated archeological evidence support the existence of a robust fishing economy, boat depictions may also have had spiritual, cultic, or mythological significance. (Farajova, 2009; p 136)
Solar Boats (Stone No. 8 g), Mesolithic Period. 87 - 90 cm.
Land Vehicles
Although much rarer than depictions of boats, images of chariots and wheeled vehicles can also be found in Azerbaijan. In Gobustan, only one such image exists, located on Yazly hill. Evidence indicates that during the Bronze Age, vehicles with wheels were pulled by trained horses or domesticated aurochs. Fascinatingly, a stone wheel was unearthed in the region. (Farajova, 2009; pp 136, 137)
Besides being direct representations of travel technology, land-vehicle images may be significant as indicators of communal beliefs. For example, we can imagine solar chariots as symbols of supernatural transportation, the shipping of souls, or creation myths. They could also reference the path of the sun and inform calendars for practical purposes, such as agriculture. (Farajova, 2009; p 137)
Two-Wheeled Cart (Stone No. 55), Yazili Hill, Jingirdagh Mountain. Bronze Age. 20 x 35 cm.
In addition to more realistic images, graphic and geometrical symbols are inscribed throughout the landscape in Gobustan. These symbols possibly represent concepts such as the elements of the natural environment (fire, sun, water, life, and earth) or in some instances fertility and the female sex. Researchers consider it possible that the caves in Gobustan where geometrical drawings are found were used for ritual purposes and animal sacrifices. Cupules in cave sites are thought to have been involved in water and rain rituals, as well as the more practical process of preparing pigments. Research in this area is promising, but requires more attention and resources. (Farajova, 2009; 138)
Looking to other ancient cultures, Farajova contends that in Gobustan, images that are generally interpreted as animal hoof prints are actually depictions of the female anatomy, as they are similar to images of this subject found in other locations where more extensive research has been conducted to date and identify the engravings. The womb, pregnant belly, and female sex organs are symbols connected to the beliefs of ancient eastern religions that held the earth in esteem as a divine mother and life force. (Farajova, 2009; 138)
Within the image lexicon, the circle represents the sun, the semi-circle represents the moon, and zigzags depict the rain and water. Other symbols that appear include triangles, chevrons, female and male symbols, swastikas, and crosses. Also present are labyrinthine rectangular and round images with geometric images inside. (Farajova, 2009; 144) There are different ways to interpret the meanings of these symbols and imagery and one is to analyze the signs in relationship with one another, especially when they are found in close proximity. (Farajova, 2009; 138) For instance, on one rock on the Beyukdash Mountain, the image of a boat is found beside zigzag markings, which could be an effort to represent waves of water and is significant because it suggests that there are larger, deliberate narrative structures to at least some of the Gobustan engravings. In another example dating at least to the Upper Paleolithic on the upper terrace of Beyukdash Mountain, there are designs that are assumed to symbolize “heavenly water spilling on the Earth.” (Farajova, p 140)
Many of symbolic, graphic images found in Gobustan are thought to date to the Middle Ages. However, similarities between the Gobustan engravings and tamgas (totemic markings representing specific groups, tribes or clans) from Mesolithic monuments in Mongolia challenge this assumption and imply that some the symbols found in Gobustan may date to an earlier time (Farajova, 2009; 141) It is possible that some of the tamgas found in Azerbaijan arose at the end of the Pleistocene and early Holocene period. (Farajova, 2009; 143)
In Gobustan there are a number of instances where crosses and swastikas coincide with images of animals and people. The swastikas in Gobustan date as far back as 4,000 BCE. The examples of crosses and cross-like images necessitate more attention before ascribing dates and historical significance to them.
Swastika and Goats (Stone No. 35 k), Yazili Hill, Jingirdagh Mountain. Bronze Age. 66 cm x 47 cm.
Previous Page: Methods & Chronology Next Page: Additional Finds
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Next month marks the 50th anniversary of the creation of the National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA). This act, along with other regulations passed from the mid-1960s to the early 1970s, helped end an era of large-scale, federally funded construction projects that followed World War II. A new book by Francesca Russello Ammon examines this period of unbridled demolition and construction through the lens of the machine that came to symbolize it—the bulldozer. In Bulldozer: Demolition and Clearance of the Postwar Landscape (Yale University Press), Ammon explains how the dozer transformed from a heroic weapon in the “arsenal of democracy” into a tool for urban planning, suburban development, and the creation of the interstate highway system.
A Dirt-Moving War
Yale University Press/reprinted with permission from the Wisconsin Historical Society
The Allies deployed more than 100,000 tractors during World War II. Earth-moving equipment manufacturers like Caterpillar, International Harvester, Allis-Chalmers, and LeTourneau provided the mechanical muscle behind the land-clearing and construction efforts of Army Corps of Engineers in Europe and the Naval Construction Battalions (NCBs) or Seabees in the Pacific. In this photograph from 1944, International Harvester TD-9 crawler tractors equipped with bulldozer blades and front-end loaders are lined up in large groups in preparation to be shipped to various Pacific battle zones.
Conseil Régional de Basse-Normandie / National Archives USA
“Victory seems to favor the side with the greater ability to move dirt,” Major General Eugene Reybold, the head of Army Corps of Engineers, declared in 1944. The Army Corps used the bulldozer on the front lines in Europe to crush barriers to forward advancement. Here, a Caterpillar D7 with angle-dozer equipment and a LeTourneau CK7 blade fills bomb craters on a road in Normandy west of Saint-Lô as soldiers from a stalled convoy look on.
Conseil Régional de Basse-Normandie / National Archives USA
General Reybold further stated, “By the war's end, it was evident that American construction capacity was the one factor of American strength which our enemies consistently underestimated ... the one for which they had no basis for comparison. They had seen nothing like it." In this photograph from 1944, two US Caterpillar D7s clear the bombed-out streets of Saint-Lô, France. The Army Corps would go on to use the bulldozer to help remove some 183 million cubic yards of stone and rubble in Berlin, Hamburg, Cologne, and Dresden alone after the war.
Yale University Press/US NCB; 4th (Baton Rouge: Army and Navy Pictorial Publishers; 1945)
In the Pacific, the Seabees cleared enough jungle with bulldozers to build more than 400 bases, 100 air strips, 235,000 roads, 700 acres of warehouses, housing for 1.5 million men, and storage tanks for 100 million gallons of gasoline as the Navy and Marines island-hopped towards Tokyo.
U.S. Navy Seabee Museum; Collections Department; Port Hueneme; CA
The Seabees were formed shortly after Pearl Harbor, in large part because Navy leaders worried civilian crews would not function in a tight cohesive unit under fire. Also, as civilians, work crews would be legally prohibited from engaging in combat for fear of capture and being treated as guerrillas (rather than as military prisoners of war) and thereby risk being summarily executed. It was the first time the U.S. military had absorbed construction industry personnel wholesale, rather than developing its own engineering crews. As the war progressed, their ranks grew to a wartime peak of more than 250,000 men with the majority deployed in the Pacific. Here, Seabees load a dozer onto a lowboy trailer in Guadalcanal (February 1945).
Ammon notes, "Tractors derived value not only from the power of their engines but also from the versatility of their attachments. Typical attachments included bulldozer blades for pushing, winches for towing, hoists for lifting, and scrapers for hauling large amounts of earth." In this photo, a Seabee uses a Cat D7 with a LeTourneau scraper to create an airstrip in the Pacific Theatre. During the war, R.G. LeTourneau, Inc. would develop a symbiotic relationship with Caterpillar (the conflict’s largest tractor producer) developing bulldozer blades and scrapers. All told, LeTourneau supplied 70 percent of all the ancillary heavy earthmoving equipment used by the Allied forces during World War II.
Marketing the Bulldozer (During and After the War)
Allis-Chalmers heavy equipment plant (1945); copyright Sangamon County Historical Society
Despite heavy demand for earthmoving equipment during the war, manufacturers reaped only modest financial rewards (at best). Often, American companies that engaged primarily in war work saw their profit margins decline due in part to government-set price levels and the passage of a war-time excess profits tax to prevent them from engaging in war profiteering. Ammon notes, "Instead of near-term profits, however, manufacturers relied on less tangible, long-term rewards in the form of technological advancement, the training of laborers, and an enhanced popular depiction of the value of their brands and the work of their machines. In the post-war period, they would put these less tangible benefits to productive use when they returned to peacetime operations."
Allis-Chalmers “One Man Task Force” ad; copyright Sangamon County Historical Society
Manufacturers invested in product and brand marketing during the war itself to help ensure those future financial rewards. They built marketing campaigns around their contributions to the war and preparedness for its aftermath by portraying American construction equipment as durable, powerful, and patriotic technology. Here, the ad copy from this Allis-Chalmers ad reads:
“Tractor Bulldozers mount no guns, are not even armored. Yet men who put service above self are taking them into the danger zones to clear the path ahead of the guns. Many a Mother’s son is living tonight because a bulldozer driver did not falter in the performance of his mission.
If you could sit at the elbow of a ‘dozer operator when he opens the throttle of his crawling powerhouse, you would see first-hand how it’s done. How, for instance, Seabees in the Aleutians built a bomber airfield by pushing a mountain into the sea. How they built a runway in the Solomons despite touching off a buried 100 lb. Jap bomb that twisted one corner of the rugged bulldozer blade, but failed to stop the tractor.
In the thick of one attack, there were six casualties in succession at the controls of a single tractor, yet the seventh man took over determined to keep it rolling. Courage like that is not a thing that can be described.
We of Allis-Chalmers are proud of these men who operate the tractors we build. Our hat’s off to Uncle Sam’s one-man task force, the bulldozer driver. And our sleeves are rolled up in sincere effort to live up to his example.”
Yale University Press/reprinted with permission of Granite Fluid Power; Granite Falls; MN
This 1944 ad for hydraulic tractor equipment, published in Military Engineer magazine, foretells of a world of opportunity for postwar earthmoving work.
A Culture of Clearance
Yale University Press/reprinted with permission from the Edgar Browning Collection
Earth-clearing skills honed overseas were put to use when these land-altering machines and their highly trained operators returned home “to wage war on the American landscape.” Urban planners made a correlation between blighted American cities and bomb-damaged European ones, recommending clearance and rebuilding for both. The Housing Act of 1949 provided for two-thirds of the cost of clearing land and making possible the assemblage and write-down of large urban parcels to attract privately financed new development. In this 1952 photo, a bulldozer operator removes demolition debris to make way for the Cross Bronx Expressway, part of a massive development scheme for New York City.
Reprinted with permission from Tennessee Department of Transportation
Upon seeing the efficiency of Germany’s autobahns, former Supreme Allied Commander, Dwight Eisenhower, decided as president to “to put an emphasis on this kind of road building” and pushed for the Federal-Aid Highway Act. The bill passed in 1956, authorizing a 41,000-mile, 10-year building program—with 90% of construction costs paid for by Uncle Sam. Here, road builders queue up to work on a section of interstate in rural Tennessee (1960).
Yale University Press/ Photo courtesy Oranges County Archives
When Seabees like Bill Levitt (the builder behind New York’s Levittown) and Hugh Codding (the creator of “Coddington”—the first covered shopping mall in Sonoma County, Calif.) came home, they brought their new and refined skills with them. Levitt would go on to built 17,000 homes, constructed en masse, on more than 1,000 acres of former potato fields in Long Island, N.Y., while Codding drew upon the "speed building experience" he had gained in the war, to give his building activities a promotional flare. For a 1950s publicity stunt, his crew assembled an entire house in just over three hours. Codding's projects helped transform the landscape of postwar Sonoma County from orchards into suburbs.
In Orange County, Calif., the complete land-clearance process (including tree uprooting, refuse removal, and land grading-typically) cost developers about a dollar per orange tree, or roughly a hundred dollars per acre. This was a tiny part of the total development costs, making the destruction of orchards an economical and consequently, almost forgettable step in the home-building process. In this photo, California mechanic Weldon Field uses a tractor-mounted stump puller he developed to uproot an orange tree.
Yale University Press/
This 1946 aerial photo, coupled with the following 1972 photo of Santa Ana Canyon, illustrates the evolution of suburban clearance that took place and leveled previously undeveloped hillsides in Orange County, Calif.
Yale University Press/
According to Ammon, "Changes in the postwar tax code encouraged the growth of suburban development. In 1954, the IRS introduced accelerated depreciation, reducing the length of time necessary to write down a building from forty years to seven. This accounting change stimulated further land clearance by making it more profitable to build new construction on green-field sites than to reuse existing locations." And, when orchard flatlands ran out (shown in the upper and lower portions of the photo), large homebuilders began to target new hillside construction (middle of photo). She notes, "By the late 1960s and early 1970s, builders were leveling the hilltops for denser, more uniform development in a process dubbed "mountain cropping." Their environmental modifications were more extreme: instead of adapting homes for the topography, they scraped away the mountains to create vast flat pads to accommodate the repetitive building tracts characteristic of low-lying, level lands."
All told, 7.5 million dwelling units were torn down from 1950 to 1980 largely in the name of urban renewal and highway planning, and 42 billion cubic yards of earth were moved to create the interstate system. The excavations displaced a vast number of people—hence the bulldozer became a symbol of protest as angry citizens began to push back against what Ammon calls “a culture of clearance.”
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Anchoring and mooring
Ports and harbours around the UK coast, and the estuary and bay habitats in which they lie provide shelter and safe anchorage for ships and boats. However, the anchoring of vessels may disturb or damage animals and plants on the seabed, either temporarily by increasing suspended sediments from the disturbance of the bottom or through direct contact with dragging anchors. The effects are of most concern in areas with sensitive or slow growing species, such as shellfish beds, soft corals, sea grasses and maerl. Disturbance from anchoring depends upon the frequency, magnitude and location of activity, type of sediments, and the sensitivity of benthic communities. Where the seabed sediments are soft and there are no sensitive communities or other underwater obstructions, damage caused by anchoring is likely to be minimal and any disturbance is generally temporary, although disturbance in low energy environments can be more than temporary. However, when anchoring over sensitive rocky communities the effects may be more damaging, for example on subtidal reef habitats. However, anchoring is often already restricted or discouraged in areas containing debris, wrecks and other obstructions, typical of uneven rocky bottom areas, which are referred to as foul ground on navigational charts. The impacts from mooring vessels depend on the type of mooring involved.
There have been concerns expressed that the location of moored craft close to the shore may cause disturbance through noise and vessel movements, particularly where it is adjacent to intertidal feeding areas used by birds. However, there appears to be very little literature and evidence that supports this view. The existence of tall yacht masts does not seem to constitute a line of sight obstruction for those birds that are sensitive to such a constraint. In most leisure mooring areas, the number of times a vessel is moved per year is very low and such movements are concentrated into a few hours on Saturday mornings and Sunday evenings. Disturbance levels are therefore minimal. Where drying moorings exist, the moorings can only be used when the intertidal areas are covered, thus eliminating any disturbance to feeding birds.
The existence of a permanent mooring area close to a wildlife site has the effect of keeping vessels that are likely to cause a disturbance through noise or wash, such as high speed recreational craft, water skiers and personal water craft, further away from intertidal habitats. In such circumstances mooring areas can provide a positive protection to designated features. Mooring areas also represent an area where restrictions are in place for human safety reasons, including speed limits and fishing bans. Mooring areas therefore represent a haven where impacts that may normally exist in an area are at a reduced level. In one example, civil law (an injunction) was used to prevent clam fishermen from dredging in a mooring area and damaging the mooring gear after they had extensively fished the rest of the harbour. In this case the mooring area was effectively a nursery.
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Roundhead rock art in the central Sahara
Rock art in the southern part of Libya goes through several phases, the earliest depicting people is the Roundhead style. The Roundhead style dates from about 9,000 BP to to time of the Neolithic about 6,600 BP). It was predated by the Bubalis or large wild fauna stage which dates from 11,000 BP, and it was replaced by the Bovidian pastoral style. The two groups depicted in the Roundhead and Pastoral styles seem to be quite different. The older Roundheads look very much like black Africans, many with white paint showing sharply on the dark skin and clear Negroid profiles and hair; but the later pastoral period usually shows the light skinned population that is typical of modern North Africa, with some Fulani-like people also in evidence (possibly a hybrid people of the older Roundheads and newer Neolithic peoples). The Roundhead painters seem to be culturally and physically different to the coastal Capsian cultures and never show up near the coastal areas, being limited to the mountains of Southern Libya and Algeria. Pottery is found in the Roundhead sites, but not in the coastal Capsian culture; the Capsian of coastal north Africa is aceramic until the Neolithic arrives; about 7,700 BP.
Most of the art seems to be ritual in nature, and there’s no suggestion of pastoralism in the art. These people had pottery, and its people related to these that were found at the Uan Muhuggiag site (Libya) and at Amekni (Algeria). In later eras they started intensively harvesting wild grains, and wavy line pottery is found at their sites. These people were penning wild Barbary sheep at Uan Afada about 9,000 BP, and probably wild cattle at Nabta. They seem to be connected to wavy line pottery groups all over the Sahara, and seem to have a central point of origin probably in Southern Libya/North Chad into South Western Egypt, expanding into the central Sahara and Nubia, displacing the older Saharan populations from Niger and Mali that had survived the end of the Iberomaraussian peroid. My guess is they were Nilo Saharan speakers, due to the area they covered.
Round Head” at Afa II (Mori). Locality of Ti-n- Bersaula
Uan Afaris. The five people (top right) probably belong to the “Early Pastoral.
Figure from Algeria
- -
Horned ‘goddess’ from Inaouanrhat, Tassili N Ajjer. The Black Lady (La Dame Noir) in the Sefar Area.
Black ladies, and a ‘Martian’ from Tasilli (I’ve no idea of what it shows- and neither does anyone else).
Unknown woman, the Great god of Sefar.
A comparison of the difference between the two groups …
The Archers of Tin Aboteka (Roundhead) and a Pastoral art Neolithic herder. As you can see, very different to each other.
7 responses to “Roundhead rock art in the central Sahara
1. What’s a “black African?” Can you define that — not merely for 2009, but more broadly. Thanks.
2. Hi,
the Black “ladies” are men, they have no breast and their attributes are typical for Round Head males.
I found some very useful articles on your blog, many thanks!
3. Quite a few of the paintings in the pastoral style seem to show black Africans too. My impression was that the paintings of lighter pastoralists tended to occur slightly toward the end of the pastoral period (in the cases of southern Algeria and Lybia) and were associated with the arrival of Afro-Asiatic speaking ancestral Berbers. (perhaps a the former represent a later, post roundhead wave of pastoralist Nilo-Saharans from the East?)
The culture of the latter group certainly seems distinct from that of the black pastoralists, especially in their clothing, and their use of domestic caprines.
likely black Africans with cattle from Tassilli N’Ajer, Algeria:
4. The Archers of Tin Aboteka is generally thought to come from the early cattle period. It tends to resemble these paintings more closely and lacks the distinctive stylizatons of those in the roundhead style.
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Spanish Vocabulary - Flamenco
Language Resources
Flamenco-related vocabulary used in daily life
Flamenco is not just a part of the Spanish culture, but the language as well. Some terms of this unique art have crept into everyday expressions with very expressive meanings. Here are just a few examples...
Cante flamenco
• Cabales: in music “cabales” refers to a sudden change in the singing tone of a song. Applied to the wider picture, it is used when talking about a person that has gone crazy or lost their mind, who you could describe by saying “no está en sus cabales”, (ie. He has lost his marbles).
• Corto: a “corto” is a flamenco singer who is only skilled in a few styles of flamenco. So a person who perhaps has not done much with their life would be a “corto”. Today it is a frequently used offensive term.
• Desplante: This word refers to the final loud stamp that a dancer does at the end of a song. The word for this energetic movement has also ended up defining the arrogant and defiant attitude of a person in an unpleasant situation.
• Farruco: “La farruca” is a type of non-Andalusian inspired flamenco. But “farruco” is also someone arrogant and insolent. The word may have originated from the attitude that non-southern flamenco singers were faced with by traditionalists
• Milonga: This is a flamenco genre related to American folklore. It is characterized by its melancholy stories. In language spoken in the street, the milonga is a sad story that does not seem real. One day you are bound to hear someone say “no me andes con milongas” if they do not believe the story, (ie. Stop pulling my leg).
• Cantores flamenco
• Peteneras: These are compositions with a lot of sentimental and sad content. The colloquial expression “irseporpeteneras” means to change the subject to present a miserable story to influence the audience.
• Soleares: “irseporsoleares” has a similar meaning to "irseporpeteneras" but considering that the solea is a dance that requires great expressiveness by those who perform it, this expression signifies changing the subject with great exaggeration and drama.
Now you know a few flamenco-inspired everydayexpressions. If you learn them well you will be just like an authentic Spaniard (especially in Andalucia!).
More about Spanish Vocabulary
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How do koalas reproduce?
Quick Answer
The University of Wisconsin La Crosse (UWLAX) states that koalas reproduce through mating. Males bellow to attract a mate and use their dark scent glands, which are found in their chests, to mark trees.
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Full Answer
By marking their scent on a tree, male koalas warn other males that the tree is occupied by a dominant male, the UWLAX explains. Males usually fight for a mate. The alpha male has multiple mates within its home range and sometimes hinders other males from mating.
The Koala Worlds says that koalas generally mate between December and March, and they are ready to mate between 2 and 3 years old. Deep bellowing calls and scents are used by males and females to attract one another. The males initiate these actions and wait for the female koalas to respond. Males become highly aggressive during the period when they search for mates. The mating ritual is usually short, and males are often seen biting the back of the neck of female koalas. Actual mating lasts around two minutes, after which both male and female koalas separate ways. Koalas typically avoid mating when they do not have sufficient food or when they feel stressed.
The Palomar College website states that koalas have a short gestation period that lasts between 34 and 36 days. They generally bear only one baby, called a joey, per year.
Learn more about Animal Reproduction
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The remains of a brewery in the southernmost settlement of an ancient Peruvian empire appears to provide proof that women of high rank crafted chicha, a beerlike beverage made from corn and spicy berries that was treasured by the Wari people of old as well as their modern day descendants. Decorative shawl pins, worn exclusively by high caste women, littered the floor of the brewery, which was capable of producing more than 475 gallons of the potent brew a week.
"The brewers were not only women, but elite women," says Donna Nash of the Field Museum in Chicago, a member of the archaeology team studying the Cerro Baúl site where the ruins were found. "They weren't slaves and they weren't people of low status. So the fact that they made the beer probably made it even more special."
More than a decade of research into Cerro Baúl led to this finding, which supports Spanish accounts of Incan women--a successor culture of the Wari--as master brewers and weavers. The team's analysis is being published online this week by the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.
The Cerro Baúl brewery churned out chicha for nearly 400 years before the imposing site--situated on a mesa summit more than 10,000 feet above sea level--was mysteriously abandoned. The economics of living in this spot were not favorable: all resources, including water, had to be hauled up to the lofty site from the valley below by means of steep, treacherous trails.
Perhaps because of that, after the Wari abandoned it, Cerro Baúl remained uninhabited. In its heyday, however, it boasted a population of around 1,000 people, a palace, temple and an intricate series of canals that allowed irrigation of the otherwise arid slopes of the surrounding mesas for crops. The Wari may have chosen the imposing (and sacred) site as a diplomatic front with the neighboring Tiwanaku empire in present-day Bolivia, who had their own settlement in the valley.
"These were frontier outposts, facing off but with very little contact," says lead author Michael Moseley of the University of Florida. "The Wari and Tiwanaku are not borrowing anything from each other, even though we find artifacts brought in from other cultures thousands of miles away." In fact, the Wari outpost used obsidian mined hundreds of miles north for its arrows and knives rather than more local, Tiwanaku sources.
Around A.D. 1000, the Wari ritualistically abandoned the mesa-top fortress in the Moquega river basin. They brewed one last batch of chicha and drained it before smashing the keros (ceremonial drinking mugs) and setting fire to the brewery, the last building to be torched, according to the researchers.
At that final party, the women brewers may have tossed their tupus (decorative pins) into the flames or they may simply have lost them during the hot work in the brewery over all the centuries preceding it. Whatever the case, if modern day (and historically attested) practices are any indication, it is likely the women consumed just as much chicha as the men. "There's a lot of equality in terms of how men and women drink in the highlands of the Andes," says team member Susan deFrance, also at the University of Florida. "Women will get as rip-roaring drunk, if not more so, than men."
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Alternative Title: Elopiformes
Elopiform (order Elopiformes), any member of a group of archaic ray-finned fishes that includes the tarpons (Megalops) and the ladyfishes (Elops). Elopiforms live in marine and brackish water habitats. A few are prized game fishes, but only the Pacific tarpon (or oxeye) is of economic importance as food; it supports a major fishery in Southeast Asia. As is usual with primitive groups, the elopiforms have an extensive fossil record—with many more fossils than modern species.
• Young Atlantic tarpon (Tarpon atlanticus)
Courtesy of Miami Seaquarium
Order Elopiformes is one of four orders that make up the superorder Elopomorpha, a group considered to be one of the most primitive of bony fishes (infraclass Teleostei). The other living orders in the superorder include the Anguilliformes (eels), Saccopharyngiformes (bobtail eels, swallowers, and gulpers), and Albuliformes (bonefish). Most taxonomists divide order Elopiformes into the families Elopidae (ladyfishes) and Megalopidae (tarpons).
General features
Elopiforms are coastal fishes, and adults are able to enter brackish or fresh water. Adult ladyfishes (several species of Elops) and tarpons (Megalops) are typical predators of coastal waters, feeding mainly on other fishes. Tarpons grow to adult lengths of up to 2.5 metres (approximately 8 feet), whereas ladyfishes average about 1 metre (about 3 feet). The silverfish, or Atlantic tarpon, (M. atlanticus) is renowned for leaping out of the water; the Pacific tarpon (M. cypinoides) and ladyfishes behave similarly, “rolling” at the surface. The purpose of this behaviour seems to be the intake of air. Like all the other primitive teleosts, the elopiforms possess an open duct to the swim bladder, and air that is taken in at the mouth can be passed into it.
In tarpons the swim bladder is lunglike, partially compartmented and highly vascularized. Tarpons are obligate air breathers, dying from asphyxiation if prevented from reaching the surface, an unusual condition for a species in which adults normally inhabit well-oxygenated waters. Such an adaptation, however, is certainly advantageous in the stagnant pools where postlarval life is spent. The tarpons exhibit a further modification of the swim bladder, a pair of forward outgrowths that contact the auditory region of the braincase and are partially enclosed in bony bullae, a modification that presumably improves the sense of hearing.
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Tarpons and ladyfishes spawn close to shore, and the eggs are shed and fertilized in shoal water, sinking to the bottom. In addition, they are prolific breeders. For example, a large Atlantic tarpon (Tarpon atlanticus) was estimated to contain more than 12 million eggs, about seven times as many as in the proverbially fecund cod.
Elopiforms, along with other elopomorphs, have a ribbonlike, translucent, pelagic larva (leptocephalus) that undergoes a striking metamorphosis involving shrinkage to about half the maximum larval size. The newly hatched leptocephali may be carried out to sea by offshore currents, but metamorphosis only occurs close inshore, and it is probable that larvae carried far out to sea die. During or immediately after their metamorphosis, the postlarvae migrate inland and accumulate in brackish pools or creeks, often connected with open water only at extreme high tide. Such environments are stagnant and low in oxygen, and air breathing is an important aid to survival. The juvenile fish feed on small crustaceans, insect larvae, and other small animals, moving back to the sea as young adults.
Paleontology and classification
Fossil history
The family Elopidae is the only extant teleostean family whose fossil record extends back into the Jurassic Period (199.6 million–145.5 million years ago). The Late Jurassic genus Anaethalionis is included in this family on the basis of some forms that were extremely similar to the modern Elops. The genera Notelops, from the Early Cretaceous (145.5 million–99.6 million years ago) of Brazil, and Osmeroides, widely distributed in the seas of the Late Cretaceous (99.6 million–65.5 million years ago), were probably true elopids. At present the allocation of numerous little-known Cretaceous genera, such as Notelops and Osmeroides, to the family Elopidae, often on the basis of negative evidence, must be considered tentative.
The earliest known member of the tarpon family appears to be the fossil Sedenhorstia, from the Upper Cretaceous of Europe and Lebanon. Fossils assigned to Megalops appear in Eocene deposits. The earliest member of the extinct suborder Pachyrhizodontoidei is Rhacolepis (from the Lower Cretaceous of Brazil). Rhacolepis was small and resembled the ladyfishes, but later (Upper Cretaceous) members of this group become considerably more specialized. Pachyrhizodus, from the Cretaceous chalks of Europe and North America, exceeded 3 metres (about 10 feet) in length and superficially resembled a tuna. Pachyrhizodontoids may well have been large fast-swimming predators of the open sea, a niche which is now filled by the tunas (Thunnus).
Annotated classification
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Order Elopiformes
Leptocephalus larva (ribbonlike and translucent, unlike the adult and typically longer); hypurals, when present, on 3 or more centra; branchiostegal rays usually more than 15.
Suborder Elopoidei
Mouth terminal and snout unmodified; 2 supramaxillaries; many branchiostegal rays (23–35); teeth small; large gular plate between the lower jaws; 7 hypural bones.
Family Elopidae (ladyfish or tenpounder)
Very generalized fish, the living forms having 32–35 branchiostegal rays and the swim bladder unmodified. Length to 0.9 metre (about 3 feet); weight to about 13 kg (28.5 pounds). 1 living genus (Elops) with 5 or 6 species; circumtropical. Numerous fossil genera. Late Jurassic to present.
Family Megalopidae (tarpons)
Swim bladder partially cellular, lunglike, and connected with the ear; scales large; 23–25 branchiostegal rays. Length to 2.5 metres (about 8 feet) and weight to 150 kg (about 330 pounds) in M. atlanticus; length to 1.5 metres (5 feet) in M. cyprinoides. 1 living genus (Megalops), 2 species; Atlantic, Pacific, and Indian oceans.
Critical appraisal
Previously, the elopiforms and albuliforms had been classified together as suborders in an enlarged order Elopiformes. The albuliforms are now placed in their own order (Albuliformes). The association between elopiforms and albuliforms was based on only negative evidence—that is, the two groups were elopomorph fishes that lacked the eel-like characters of the two other orders (Anguilliformes and Saccopharyngiformes) in the superorder Elopomorpha. Limits among these orders vary from taxonomist to taxonomist. For example, British ichthyologist Peter L. Forey, one of the principal elopomorph taxonomists, and coworkers classify the anguilliforms and saccopharyngiforms together in an expanded Angulliformes.
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Placement of the fossil taxa remains particularly problematic. Much work remains to be done to understand the limits and relationships among the fossil and living elopomorph fishes. For example, members of the suborder Crossognathoidei are considered to be part of order Elopiformes by some authorities, such as British paleontologist John G. Maisey, and more derived by others, such as British paleontologist Colin Patterson and American ichthyologist Donn Rosen.
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Definition from Wiktionary, the free dictionary
Jump to: navigation, search
• IPA(key): /klæp/
• Rhymes: -æp
• (file)
Etymology 1[edit]
From Old English clæppan.
clap (plural claps)
Two men clapping.
1. The act of striking the palms of the hands, or any two surfaces, together.
He summoned the waiter with a clap.
2. The explosive sound of thunder.
• 1922, James Joyce, Ulysses Episode 12, The Cyclops
3. Any loud, sudden, explosive sound made by striking hard surfaces together, or resembling such a sound.
Off in the distance, he heard the clap of thunder.
• Jonathan Swift
Give the door such a clap, as you go out, as will shake the whole room.
4. A slap with the hand, usually in a jovial manner.
5. A single, sudden act or motion; a stroke; a blow.
• Shakespeare
What, fifty of my followers at a clap!
6. (falconry) The nether part of the beak of a hawk.
7. (Yorkshire) A dropping of cow dung (presumably from the sound made as it hits the ground) [1]
• 1890, John Nicholson, Folk Lore of East Yorkshire, page 139
“Oh! get some coo clap (cow dung), mix it wi’ fish oil (whale oil), put it on, and let it stop on all neet.”
Derived terms[edit]
clap (third-person singular simple present claps, present participle clapping, simple past and past participle clapped or (archaic) clapt)
Wikipedia has an article on:
1. To strike the palms of the hands together, creating a sharp sound.
The children began to clap in time with the music.
2. To applaud.
The audience loudly clapped the actress, who responded with a deep curtsey.
It isn’t the singers they are clapping; it's the composer.
3. To slap with the hand in a jovial manner.
He would often clap his teammates on the back for encouragement.
4. To bring two surfaces together forcefully, creating a sharp sound.
He clapped the empty glass down on the table.
She clapped the book shut.
He clapped across the floor in his boots.
• Marvell
Then like a bird it sits and sings, / And whets and claps its silver wings.
5. To come together suddenly with noise.
• Dryden
The doors around me clapped.
6. To create or assemble (something) hastily (usually followed by up or together).
We should clap together a shelter before nightfall.
The rival factions clapped up a truce.
7. To set or put, usually in haste.
The sheriff clapped him in jail.
She was the prettiest thing I'd ever clapped eyes on.
• John Locke
He had just time to get in and clap to the door.
• Lamb
Clap an extinguisher upon your irony.
8. (slang, African American Vernacular) To shoot (somebody) with a gun.
Derived terms[edit]
See also[edit]
Etymology 2[edit]
clap (plural claps)
1. (slang, with "the") Gonorrhea.
• 1997 MASH
• “What in hell makes you think he's got the clap?” Hawkeye asked. “Even a clap doctor can't diagnose it through a parka
1998 Dan Savage
• When I explained that I thought he had given me the clap, he said I must be mistaken, it had to be someone I'd “tricked” with at ... He'd never had an STD in his life, he told me, and slammed down the phone.
1998 Changing Bodies
• He thought I had given him the clap [gonorrhea], but I knew I didn't.
2006 The STDs Update
• Gonorrhea, sometimes called the clap, is caused by a bacterium called Neisseria gonorrhoeae.
I'm gonna kill that bitch for giving me the clap!
If your dick has "the drip" you probably have the clap and need to go to the sex clinic.
He wasn't careful; he caught both syphilis and the clap.
1. ^ Edward Peacock, A Glossary of Words Used in the Wapentakes of Manley and Corringham, Lincolnshire, p 188
clap m (plural claps)
1. patch
clap m (plural claps)
1. clapperboard
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Astronomers gather outside the Mount Wilson Observatory, circa 1920. Courtesy of the Los Angeles Area Chamber of Commerce Collection, USC Libraries.
With L.A.'s night sky shrouded in a veil of smog and light pollution, Southern California might seem an unlikely place for star-gazing scientists to congregate. But before population growth and industrialization transformed the night sky into a dull glow, Southern California's generally cloudless climate attracted some of the world's finest astronomers.
The region's most prominent observatory, in Griffith Park, has always been more of an educational facility rather than an active center for scientific research. Perched above Los Angeles in the Hollywood Hills, the Griffith Observatory opened on May 14, 1935 and was originally envisioned by mining baron Griffith J. Griffith, who became interested in astronomy after peering through the telescope of an observatory in the San Gabriel Mountains.
It was at that facility -- the Mount Wilson Observatory -- that many of Southern California's great astronomical discoveries were made. Plans for an observatory on the summit overlooking Pasadena dated to the 1880s, when businessman E. F. Spence, USC president Marion F. Bovard, and a team of Harvard scientists conducted the first observations from the peak with a 13-inch telescope. They were satisfied with their results; at 5,715 feet above sea level, Mount Wilson peeks through the inversion layer, leaving fog and airborne pollution below and calm, steady air above. Although the proposal gained wide approval among astronomers nationwide, financial troubles plagued the plan and forced USC and Harvard to shelve it in 1892.
It fell to George Ellery Hale, a solar astronomer who first heard about Mount Wilson as an MIT student, to bring Southern California its first scientific facility dedicated to stargazing. With backing from the Carnegie Institute, Hale founded the Mount Wilson Observatory in 1904. When it became operational in 1908, the observatory's 60-inch reflector telescope was the largest in the world. Nine years later, Hale added an even larger device, the 100-inch Hooker Telescope.
Circa 1904 photo of the Mount Wilson Observatory under construction. Courtesy of the William C. Barry Collection of Los Angeles Area Photography, Bancroft Library, UC Berkeley.
The inversion layer usually keeps fog and other airborne obstructions below Mount Wilson's telescopes. Courtesy of the William C. Barry Collection of Los Angeles Area Photography, Bancroft Library, UC Berkeley.
1944 aerial view of the Mount Wilson Observatory. Courtesy of the Frasher Foto Postcard Collection, Pomona Public Library.
Hickox inside the 100-inch telescope tower in 1955. Courtesy of the Los Angeles Examiner Collection, USC Libraries.
Mount Wilson telescope operator Joseph Hickox polishes a mirror while an Examiner photographer takes a self-portrait. 1955 photo courtesy of the Los Angeles Examiner Collection, USC Libraries.
An operator works the controls of one of Mount Wilson's telescopes in 1957. Courtesy of the Los Angeles Examiner Collection, USC Libraries.
Close-up view of a Mount Wilson telescope operator at the controls. Courtesy of the Los Angeles Examiner Collection, USC Libraries.
Boasting unparalleled powers of magnification, Mount Wilson added some of the world's finest astronomers to its roster of scientists. Hale himself was a noted scientist who helped transform what was then a vocational school named Throop University into the research university we know today as Caltech.
In 1917, Harlow Shapley used the 60-inch telescope to identify the center of the Milky Way, calculate the galaxy's size, and determine our solar system's location within it. In 1925, Edwin Hubble used observations from Mount Wilson to demonstrate that the Milky Way was merely one of many galaxies in the universe, and four years later Hubble found the first observational evidence for the Big Bang theory. The Hubble constant, which describes the relationship between how fast an object is receding from Earth and how distant it is from us, is one of the foundations of modern cosmology.
By the 1930s, light pollution from the growing metropolis of Los Angeles had compromised Mount Wilson's fitness for astronomy. Hale and Caltech searched for a replacement site and landed upon Palomar Mountain, 45 miles northeast of San Diego. Delayed by World War II, the new observatory took 15 years to build and cost millions of dollars. Hale would not live to see its completion, but when the Palomar Observatory opened in 1949 its 200-inch telescope, named in Hale's memory, displaced the Mount Wilson's Hooker Telescope as the world's largest. Hubble was the first to use the telescope.
1938 drawing by R. W. Porter of the Palomar Observatory's 200-inch telescope, then under construction. Courtesy of the Los Angeles Area Chamber of Commerce Collection, USC Libraries.
Caltech workers grind the 200-inch lens for the Palomar Observatory in 1938. Courtesy of the Photo Collection, Los Angeles Public Library.
1948 postcard showing the Palomar Observatory. Courtesy of the Frasher Foto Postcard Collection, Pomona Public Library.
With Palomar's opening, Southern California remained a leading center of astronomical research. In the 1960s, astronomers at Palomar discovered quasars--bright, distant galaxies that are among the oldest visible objects in the universe--and established methods for measuring extragalactic distances.
While the advent of space-based astronomy and the opening of an even-larger telescope on Hawaii's Mauna Kea have introduced new rivals to Palomar, the observatory remains at the center of groundbreaking scientific discovery -- much to the sorrow of fans of Pluto, a distant object once considered the Solar System's ninth planet. In 2005, Palomar's Hale telescope captured the first images of Eris, a dwarf planet 27 percent more massive than Pluto. Astronomers at first considered naming Eris the Solar System's tenth planet, but eventually chose instead to evict Pluto from the list of planets--a decision that drew howls of protest from admirers of the diminutive orb of ice and rock.
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"url": "https://www.kcet.org/socal-focus/socal-and-astronomical-history-the-big-bang-theory-the-demise-of-pluto-more"
}
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Geneva Conventions
The Geneva Conventions is a body of Public International Law, also known as the Humanitarian Law of Armed Conflicts, whose purpose is to provide minimum protections, standards of humane treatment, and fundamental guarantees of respect to individuals who become victims of armed conflicts. The Geneva Conventions are a series of treaties, between on the treatment of civilians, prisoners of war (POWs) and soldiers who are otherwise rendered hors de combat, or incapable of fighting. The first Convention was initiated by the International Committee for Relief to the Wounded (which became the International Committee for the Red Cross and Red Crescent). This convention produced a treaty designed to protect wounded and sick soldiers during wartime. The Swiss Government agreed to hold the Conventions in Geneva, and a few years later, a similar agreement to protect shipwrecked soldiers was produced. In 1949, after World War II, two new Conventions were added to the original two, and all four were ratified by a number of countries. The 1949 versions of the Conventions, along with two additional Protocols, are in force today.
Convention I: This Convention protects wounded and infirm soldiers and medical personnel, who are not taking active part in hostility against a Party, ensuring humane treatment without adverse distinctions founded on race, color, sex, religion or faith, birth or wealth, etc. To that end, the Convention prohibits execution without judgment, torture, and assaults upon personal dignity (Article 3). It also grants them the right to proper medical treatment and care.
Convention II: This agreement extended the protections mentioned in the first Convention to shipwrecked soldiers and other naval forces, including special protections afforded to hospital ships.
Convention III: One of the treaties created during the 1949 Convention, this defined what a Prisoner of War was, and accorded them proper and humane treatment as specified by the first Convention. Specifically, it required POWs to give only their name, rank, and serial number to their captors. Nations party to the Convention may not use torture to extract information from POWs.
Convention IV: Under this Convention, civilians are afforded the protections from inhumane treatment and attack afforded in the first Convention to sick and wounded soldiers. Furthermore, additional regulations regarding the treatment of civilians were introduced. Specifically, it prohibits attacks on civilian hospitals, medical transports, etc. It also specifies the right of internees, and those who commit acts of sabotage. Finally, it discusses how occupiers are to treat an occupied populace.
Protocol I: In this additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions, the signing Nations agreed to further restrictions on the treatment of "protected persons" according to the original Conventions. Furthermore, clarification of the terms used in the Conventions was introduced. Finally, new rules regarding the treatment of the deceased, cultural artifacts, and dangerous targets (such as dams and nuclear installations) were produced.
Protocol II: In this Protocol, the fundamentals of "humane treatment" were further clarified. Additionally, the rights of interned persons were specifically enumerated, providing protections for those charged with crimes during wartime. It also identified new protections and rights of civilian populations.
• The United States has ratified the four Conventions of 1949, but has not ratified the two additional Protocols of 1977.
• Disputes arising under the Conventions or the Protocols additional to them are settled by courts of the member nations (Article 49 of Convention I) or by international tribunals.
• The International Committee of the Red Cross and Red Crescent has a special role given by the Geneva Conventions, whereby it handles, and is granted access to, the wounded, sick, and POWs.
Article 3, Commonly Applied to All Four Protocols of the General Conventions.
The Article 3 of Geneva Conventions covered, for the first time, situations of non-international armed conflicts, types of which vary greatly. They include traditional civil wars or internal armed conflicts that spill over into other States (countries), as well as internal conflicts in which third-party States or multinational forces intervene alongside the government.
Common Article 3 functions like a mini-Convention within the larger [Geneva) Convention itself, and establishes fundamental rules from which no derogation is permitted, containing the essential rules of the Geneva Convention in a condensed format, and making them applicable to non-international conflicts.
• It requires humane treatment for all persons in enemy hands, without any adverse distinction. It specifically prohibits murder, mutilation, torture, cruel, humiliating and degrading treatment, the taking of hostages and unfair trial.
• It requires that the wounded, sick and shipwrecked be collected and cared for.
• It grants the ICRC the right to offer its services to the parties to the conflict.
• It calls on the parties to the conflict to bring all or parts of the Geneva Conventions into force through so-called special agreements.
• It recognizes that the application of these rules does not affect the legal status of the parties to the conflict.
• Given that most armed conflicts today are non-international, applying Common Article 3 is of the utmost importance. Its full respect is required.
Applicability of the Geneva Conventions
• The Conventions apply to all cases of declared war between signatory nations. This is the original sense of applicability, which predates the 1949 version.
• The Conventions apply to all cases of armed conflict between two or more signatory nations, even in the absence of a declaration of war. This language was added in 1949 to accommodate situations that have all the characteristics of war without the existence of a formal declaration of war, such as a police action.
• The Conventions apply to a signatory nation even if the opposing nation is not a signatory, but only if the opposing nation "accepts and applies the provisions" of the Conventions.[12]
Enforcement of the Geneva Conventions
Geneva Convention provides for universal jurisdiction, as opposed to a more traditional (and limited) territorial jurisdiction that was designed to respect the sovereignty of States over their citizens. The doctrine of universal jurisdiction is based on the notion that some crimes, such as genocide, crimes against humanity, torture, and war crimes are of such exceptional gravity, that they affect the fundamental interests of the international community as a whole, thus rendering the convicts or accused of such crimes to the jurisdiction of all signatory states, regardless of their nationality or territoriality of their crime.
Every State bound by the treaties is under the legal obligation to search for and prosecute those in their territory suspected of having committed grave breaches, irrespective of the nationality of the suspect or victim or the place where the act was allegedly committed. The State may hand the suspect over to another State or an international tribunal for trial. Where domestic law does not allow for the exercise of universal jurisdiction, a State must introduce the necessary domestic legislative provisions before it can do so, and must actually exercise the jurisdiction, unless it hands over the suspect to another country or international tribunal.
Despite the Convention, there were some notable and often-criticized cases, such as Hamdi v. Rumsfield (2004). In Hamdi, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled on the validity of the detention of a US citizen accused of being a member of the Taliban forces, on US soil as an "enemy combatant." The Court rejected Hamdi's Geneve Conventions argument that such detention through unilateral decision of the Executive was illegal, and required an express Congressional consent. The Court held that such consent exised since September 11, 2001, through the Authoriziation for Use of Military Forces (AUMF)t, a Congressional resolution empowering the US President to use all necessary and appropriate forces against any nations, organizations, or persons, that he determines to have planned, authorized, or committed, or aided in the September 11, 2001 Al Qaeda attacks.
Last updated in July of 2016 by Jonathan Kim
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"url": "https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/geneva_Conventions"
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A Dockers Life
Dockers at work.
Many of the jobs created in London’s docks during the 19th century were badly paid. Others were seasonal or casual, which meant that people were only paid when work was available. As a result, the dockers and their families lived in poverty.
The casual nature of much of their work meant that the dockers did not receive a regular income. There was no income at all during periods of unemployment unless they could find alternative work. Sometimes the poor were forced to turn to crime, others begged to make ends meet, while many more ended up in the workhouse.
Families relying on an income from casual work could only afford basic accommodation. Builders knew that they would never be able to charge the poor high rents. Sometimes houses were divided in half to accommodate two families. This often meant that one family had to make do without an easily accessible supply of drinking water. A series of riots, including the 1887 ‘Bloody Sunday’ demonstration against unemployment, sparked fears of social unrest. These concerns were further fuelled by sensational press reports about life in the East London slums. Issues such as crime, unemployment and poverty were now very much on the political agenda.
1925 West India Dock
West India Dock in 1925.
The wages earned in the port varied greatly and depended on whether or not a man was employed on a casual basis or had a skilled occupation.
Lightermen and warehouse officials, for example, were better paid than the dockers. When the docks first opened in the early 19th century, wages and salaries were fairly good by the standard of the time. The West India Dock Company paid its permanent labourers 3s. 6d. (17.5p) a day. Its top man, the dockmaster, received £630 a year.
By the 1880s the pay of the casual docker was about 5d. (2p) an hour. This was at a time when building labourers earned 6d. (2.5p) an hour. The situation was better for permanent employees who, according to The Times in August 1889, could receive from 20s. (£1) to 30s. (£1.50) a week.
Dangerous Work
Working as a docker was a dangerous profession. Cargos could fall out of slings or nets, or produce could shift in the hold of ships and barges, causing injury or death. Cranes, winches, and platform trucks all added to the many dangers in the docks.
Watermen and lightermen sometimes drowned while warehousemen could be injured by falling casks, chests and crates. Dock work was tiring, dirty and dangerous. There were many unpleasant materials that had to be dealt with. Cargoes such as iodine, phosphate, asbestos, lead, cement and guano could injure or cause illness. The accident rate was very high.
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"url": "https://cultureseekers.blog/2018/02/19/a-dockers-life/"
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Celebrate National Pretzel Day by Learning the History of This Tasty Bread-Like Treat
Sunday is National Pretzel Day. All across the United States, snackers can celebrate the twisty, salty snack with a variety of flavors, but many may wonder what the actual origin of the pretzel is.
The origin of the pretzel is often disputed, with two prominent legends surrounding the birth of the salty snack. According to Today I Found Out, some early undocumented origin stories credit an Italian (or sometimes French) monk in A.D. 610 with creating the treat as a reward for children who learned their prayers, dubbing them pretiolas, which fittingly translates to "little rewards." The shape was meant to resemble arms crossing a chest in prayer. Alas, there is no substantive proof to back up this story.
Another story that is often cited—without evidence—is that pretzels were created by German bakers held hostage by dignitaries. A compelling story, but there isn't any proof to back it up. The German word bretzel also gives some insight into what the classic shape is meant to resemble. Derived from Latin, the word comes from bracellus, meaning "bracelet." The earliest recorded depiction of pretzels was in 1111 as a symbol for the German bakers' guild.
Due to a German Catholic tradition of eating pretzels on Good Friday, the snack is also rumored to have been developed as food for the Lenten season, when Catholics traditionally fast, especially on Good Friday.
According to the History Channel, the early pretzels were doughy and bread-like, resembling the soft pretzels that we enjoy today. An incredibly popular treat in the Middle Ages, they came to symbolize good fortune and spiritual fulfillment and were often given to the poor to not only fill their stomachs but their spirits.
A vendor holds a pretzel on the opening day of the 2015 Oktoberfest on September 19, 2015 in Munich. The earliest recorded depiction of pretzels was in 1111 as a symbol for the German bakers' guild. Philipp Guelland/Getty
Due to being a symbol of good luck, the pretzel became an essential part of many celebrations, like Germans wearing pretzels around their necks on New Year's Day or Austrians placing pretzels on Christmas trees. In Switzerland, couples would break pretzels on their wedding days as a symbol of good luck with the symbol representing a marriage knot.
German immigrants who settled in Pennsylvania were among the earliest people to bring the snack to the United States in the 1700s. According to Today I Found Out, Pennsylvania has become something of a hub for the treat, producing about 80 percent of the country's pretzels today and the average Philadelphian eats about 12 pounds of pretzels a year (that's 10 pounds more than the average American). Julius Sturgis also created the first commercial pretzel bakery in 1861 in Lititz, Pennsylvania, which is where hard pretzels are thought to have been developed.
According to Business Wire, the largest pretzel maker in the U.S. today is Snyder's of Hanover. The company was founded in 1909 in (wait for it) Pennsylvania. Today, the company makes a lot of tasty pretzel products like flavored braided twists, chocolate-covered pretzels, pretzel sandwiches and flavored pretzel pieces (do yourself a favor and try the buffalo wing–flavored ones. They're delicious).
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"url": "https://www.newsweek.com/origins-pretzel-national-pretzel-day-1500126"
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Designing a 3D Printed Brace to Combat Hip Osteoarthritis
By Shreya Sivakumar
Intermediate Category (Grades 9-10)
Innovation | Biology, Engineering and Computer Science
The 3D printed brace enclosed around the upper portion of the leg of a patient undergoing hip pain abducts the femur away from the acetabulum to unload stress. The printing material is polypropylene, which is strong but flexible with a tensile strength of approximately 3.3 x 107 Pa. Using this soft plastic will allow for user comfort and movement. For testing and demonstration purposes, the device is designed for only the left hip joint. Wrapping around the upper left leg reduces pressure on the specific area of injury located on the hip joint.
When a lever on the exterior section of the left hip joint is pulled, the femur is abducted from the hip joint. This motion occurs to prevent further cartilage damage, which is caused by rubbing of the bones. The brace is designed to be customizable and adjustable for all patients. Due to 3D printing, certain design dimensions can be modified to patient specifications, making the device compatible for patients of varying height and weight.
A specially designed test-jig will assess the medical device’s performance. The jig simulates a hip joint with moderate osteoarthritis. It will replicate the tensile force and appearance of the damaged joint. Using a test jig allows focus on a specific area and can ensure that the results are consistent. Furthermore, by modelling the area of interest, we avoid potential patient injuries while testing. Using a jig follows scientific ethics because testing is consistent and the results are unbiased. Devices tested on human volunteers can lead to common pseudoscientific frameworks resulting in poor research trials.
Due to the current COVID-19 situation closing all accessible labs, 3D printing of the brace wasn’t possible. Therefore, I have created the brace from reusable household materials as well as a 3D model of the brace using SolidWorks.
Related Project
Smart DeTech
Smart MED Reminder
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"fasttext_score": 0.03513103723526001,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9062947034835815,
"url": "https://connectingideas.ca/projects/2020/innovation/7846"
}
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Alexandria 619
Map Code: Ax00613
The Sassanid Empire poised itself for an invasion of Byzantine Egypt following its victories in the eastern Byzantine territories of Syria and Palestine. After entering Egypt in 617, the Sassanids reached its capital Alexandria in 619. Sources describing the battle for the city are scarce and give varying accounts of its details. According to the 10th-century Egyptian historian Severus, the Sassanids pillaged churches and slaughtered Christians near Alexandria, entering the city through gates that its inhabitants opened in fear. Alternatively, the 7th-century Khuzistan Chronicle states that after being unable to breach the walls, the Sassanids were led inside by a man named Peter who had supposedly read a passage in a scripture which foretold that Alexandria would fall via its western gate overlooking the sea. The Persians then used the cover of fishing boats in an early morning raid to surprise the defenders of the gate and gain entry to the city.
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<urn:uuid:5e186322-7208-4cd0-adbf-257b9573b1ee>
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"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.950378954410553,
"url": "https://www.themaparchive.com/product/alexandria-619/?add-to-cart=6821"
}
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A Dung Beetle Life: How Dung Beetle Roll a Ball?
Dung beetle’s ball rolling behaviour. ⒸBrain Lab, VISTEC
Researchers at VISTEC collaborating with the Kiel University, University of Southern Denmark, Stockholm University, and Lund University with the support of the Human Frontier Science Program have discovered the rules to explain how dung beetle coordinate their legs to roll a ball.
Insect locomotion is a complex process which needs to coordinate many motor units in real time while simultaneously interacting with the environment. To gain a better understanding of the insects locomotion, leg coordination is one of the principles which has been widely studied in cockroaches, stick insects and ants. Various gaits underlying leg coordination have been found, including tripod, tetrapod, and metachronal wave. Interestingly, dung beetles roll a ball with a very unique leg coordination pattern compared to the insects locomotion, but little is known about their ball rolling gaits.
To address this problem, researchers investigated the ball rolling behaviour of dung beetle with a specie named Scarabaeus (Kheper) lamarcki. Behavioural experiments and video recordings were performed to extract the ball rolling gaits and leg trajectories and then using a statistical approach to analyse the gait patterns and identify the underlying rules for describing the patterns.
The researchers have discovered the rules describing the alternation of the front legs and protraction waves of the middle and hind legs. They found that while rolling a ball backwards, the front legs are decoupled or loosely coupled from the other legs, resulting in a non-standard gait, in contrast to previously described tripod and gallop walking gaits in dung beetles. This provides insight into the principles of leg coordination in dung beetle ball rolling behaviour and its underlying rules.
Gait pattern of dung beetle ball rolling behaviour. ⒸBrain Lab, VISTEC
The researchers hope that the proposed rules can be used as a basis for further investigation into ball rolling behaviours on more complex terrain (e.g., uneven terrain and slopes). Additionally, the rules can also be used to guide the development of control mechanisms for bio-inspired ball rolling robots.
Publication Details:
Authors: Binggwong Leung, Nienke Bijma, Emily Baird, Marie Dacke, Stanislav Gorb and Poramate Manoonpong
Title: Rules for the Leg Coordination of Dung Beetle Ball Rolling Behaviour
Journal: Scientific Reports
DOI: 10.1038/s41598-020-66248-7
Leave a Reply
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"url": "https://brain.vistec.ac.th/2020/06/how-dung-beetle-roll-a-ball/"
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Meiji Tsuho (明治通宝)
Meiji Tsuho are governmental bills (non-convertible paper money) issued at the beginning of the Meiji period. They are well-known in Japan as the first bills of Western-style printing. They are also called ''German bills'' because they were produced in a private factory in Frankfurt am Main in Germany.
A new government was formed by the Meiji Restoration, which was in need for military expenditures; therefore, a great amount of paper money had been issued. However, they were miscellaneous bills issued by the government and nongovermental organizations such as Dajokan (Grand Council of State) bills, Prefecture bills, Mimbusho (Ministry of Popular Affairs) bills, Kawase-gaisha(Exchange Company) bills, which wereof the same style as Han (domain) bills in the Edo period, and there were also a large number of counterfeited bills. For this reason, introduction of modern bills was necessary as well as the introduction of a common currency ''yen (currency)'' for Japan to be a modern nation.
At first, the Japanese government had planned to order the new bills from the U.K., but the firm of Dondorf and Normann from Germany persuaded the government saying their ''relief printing'' was effective to prevent counterfeiting. Moreover, they offered to transfer the technique to Japan, which would allow Japan to obtain the modern printing technique; therefore the Japanese government ordered nine kinds of bills in October 1870, of which the total amount was worth 50,000,000 yen (later on they ordered an additional amount of 53,530,000 yen).
In 1871, the next year, the bills which they had ordered in December started to arrive, however, these bills were found not to be perfect upon safety measures. Thus, they added the words ''Meiji Tsuho'' and the official seal of ''Okurakyo (Minister of the Treaty) '' before printing. Also, at the beginning, 100 people wrote the letters of ''Meiji Tsuho'' on the bills by hand, and then they figured out it would take too much time because there were nearly 200,000,000 bills, which were worth approximately 100,000,000 yen; therefore, they switched to woodblock printing and discarded 52,000 bills which had been handwritten. Meiji Tsuho, issued in May 1872, were welcomed by the people as fresh bills that announced the arrival of a new period, and at the same time, the removal of the former bills in circulation was proceeded.
As the circulation progressed, however, they found some inconvenience in Meiji Tsuho. Firstly, some bills of different face values were of the identical size, so forgery changing the face values was rampant and counterfeiting happened very frequently. Also, they had defects that they were easily damaged and discolored probably because the Western paper used for Japanese bills were not suitable for the Japanese climate of high temperature and humidity.
Later, according to the contract, the technique transfer was proceeded and the original plates were delivered to Japan. As a result, Meiji Tsuho bills were switched to domestic production, which happened to be useful to the immense expenditures during the Seinan War, which broke out in 1877.
Main features of Meiji Tsuho bills
The design was vertical with two Chinese phoenix and two dragons. The use was banned after December 31, 1899, and these bills were abolished.
The design of Meiji Tsuho was later used in manufacturing Japanese military bills, Taiwan Bank bills, and SC First Bank (Standard Chartered First Bank Korea Limited) bills. Also, as for the military bills, this design was used until the beginning of the Second Sino-Japanese War in the Showa period.
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Faster, Higher, Stronger
横店大学口语课(Mar. 16, 2015)
Describing Graphs
Types of Graph
Graph- a diagram representing a system of connnections or interrelations among two or more things by a number of istinctive dots, lines, bars. A diagram to represent a range of numbers.
distinctive /dɪˈstɪŋktɪv/
• ADJ Something that is distinctive has a special quality or feature which makes it easily recognizable and diferent from other things of the same type.与众不同的；有特色的
e.g. the distinctive odour of chlorine 氯气的特殊气味
• ADV Distinctively 特别的；有特色地
Line Graph– A graph that uses points connected by lines to show how something changes in value as time goes by.
Pie Chart 饼图– A circular graph having radii dividing the circle into sectors proportional in angle and area to the relative size of the quantities represented.
radii /ˈreɪdɪˌaɪ/
• Radii is the plural of .(radius)
plural /ˈplʊərəl/
• ADJ The plural form of a word is the form that is used when referring to more than one person or thing.复数的
• N-COUNT The plural of a noun is the form of it that is used to refer to more than one person or thing.复数形式
e.g. What is the plural of “person”? “person”的复数形式是什么？
radius /ˈreɪdɪəs/
• N-SING Tha radius around a particular point is the distance from it in any direction.范围
e.g. Nick has searched for work in a ten-mile radius around his home. Nick已经在以家为中心10英里的范围内寻找工作。
• N-COUNT Tha radius of a circle is the distance from its centre to its ourside edge.半径
e.g. He indicated a semicircle with a radius of about thirty miles.他标示出一个半径大约三十英里的半圆。
sector /ˈsɛktə/
• N-COUNT A particular sector of a country’s economy is the part conected with that specified type of industry. (经济的)部门
e.g. …the nation’s manufacturing sector. …该国的制造部门。
• N-COUNT A sector of a large group is a smaller group which is part of it.部分
e.g. Workers who went to the Gulf came from the poorest sectors of Pakistani society.去海湾的工人们来自巴基斯坦社会最贫穷的阶层。
• N-COUNT A sector is an area of a city or country which is controlled by a military force.军事管制区
e.g. Officers were going to retake sectors of the city.军官们打算收回该市的一些军事管制区。
proportional /prəˈpɔːʃənəl/
• ADJ If one amount is proportional to another, the two amounts increase and decrease at the same rate so there is always the same relationship between them.(与……)成比例的
e.g. Loss of weight is directly proportional to the rate at which the disease is progressing.体重减轻和该病的发展速度成比例。
angle /ˈæŋɡəl/
• N-COUNT An angle is the difference in direction between two lines or surfaces. Angles are measured in degrees.角
e.g. The boat is now leaning at a 30 degree angle.
• N-COUNT An angle is the shape that is created where two lines or surfaces join together.
e.g. …the angle of the blade. …刀刃的尖角
• N-COUNT An angle is the direction from which you look at something.角度
e.g. Thanks to the angle at which he stood, he could just see the sunset.多亏他站的角度，他刚好能看到日落。
• N-COUNT You can refer to a way of presenting something or thinking about it as a particular angle.
e.g. He was considering the idea from all angles.他从所有的视角考虑这个观点。
• N-COUNT any piece of fishing tackle, esp a hook渔具中的任何部分，尤指鱼钩
• N-COUNT to fish with a hook and line 用鱼钩和鱼线钓鱼
• N-COUNT to move in or bend into angles or an angle 斜移进来；折弯成角
• PHRASE If somethin is at an angle, it is leaning in a particular direction so that it is not straight, horizontal, or vertical.成一定角度
e.g. An iron bar stuck out at an angle.一根铁条成一定角度地突出来。
parallel /ˈpærəˌlɛl/
• N-COUNT If somethin has a parallel, it is similar to something else, but exists or happens in a different place or at a different time. If it has no parallel or is without parallel, it is not similar to anything else. (存在或发生在不同地点或不同时间的)类似的事情
e.g. It’s an ecological disaster with no parallel anywhere else in the world.这是一场世界其他任何地方均无等同的生态灾难。
• N-COUNT If there are parallels between two things, they are similar in some ways.相似之处
Detailed study of folk music from a variety of countries reveals many close parallels.对不同国家的民乐的详细研究表明它们有很多相似之处。
• V-T If one thing parallesl another, they happen at the same thing or are similar, and often seem to be connnected. 与……同时发生/相似
His remarks paralleled those of the president.他的评论与总统的评论相同。
• ADJ Parallel events or situations happen at the same time as one another, or are similar to one another.同时发生的；相似的
e.g. …parallel talks between the two countries’s foreign ministers. …两国外长之间相似的谈话。
e.g. Their insticts do not always run parallel with ours.他们的直觉并不总是与我们的同步。
• ADJ If two lines, two objects, or two lines of movement are parallel, they are the same distance apart along their whole length. 平行的
e.g. …seventy-two ships, drawn up in two parallel lines. …72艘船，停靠成两条平行线。
e.g. Remsen Street is parallel with Montague Street. Remsen大街与Montague大街是平行的。
• N-COUNT A parallel is an imaginary line round the earth that is parallel to the equator. Parallels are shown on maps. 纬线
e.g. the area south of the 38th parallel. 38度纬线以南的地区。
equator /ɪˈkweɪtə/
• N-SING The equator is an imaginary line around the middle of the earth at an equal distance from the North Pole ad the South Pole.赤道
imaginary /ɪˈmædʒɪnərɪ/
• ADJ An imaginary person, place, or thing exists only in your mind or in a story, and not in real life.假想的
e.g. Lots of children have imaginary friends. 许多孩子都有假想的朋友。
vertical /ˈvɜːtɪkəl/
• ADJ Something that is vertical stands or points straight up.垂直的
e.g. The climber inched up a vertical wall of rock.那名登山者一点点爬上了一处垂直的岩石峭壁。
• ADV vertically垂直地
Cut each bulb in half vertically.将每一个球茎垂直切成两半。
Describing Trends
describing trends
Line Graph
1. Sales remained constant.
2. Wages fell gradually.
3. Inventory declined sharply.
4. Costs reached a peak and then fell sharply.
5. Overheads rose sharply.
6. Production increased gradually and then levelled off.
7. Supply fluctuated through the period.
8. Unemployment increased gradually.
go up/go down
fluctuate /ˈflʌktjʊˌeɪt/
• V-I If something fluctuates, it change a lot in an irregular way. 波动
e.g. Body temperature can flucate if you are ill.
• N-VAR fluctuation波动
Don’t worry about tiny fluctuations in your weight.不用担心你体重的轻微波动。
level off /’levlɔf/
• PHRASAL VERB If a changing number or amount levels off or levels out, it stops increasing or decreasing at such a fast speed. 趋向稳定
e.g. The figures show evidence that murders in the nation’s capital are beginning to level off.这些数据证明该国首都的凶杀发案率正开始趋向稳定。
• PHRASAL VERB If an aircraft levels off or levels out, it travels horizontally after having been travellin in an upward or downward direction. (飞机在爬升或俯冲后)水平飞行
e.g. The aircraft levelled out at about 30,000 feet.飞机在大约三万英尺的高度水平飞行。
financial crisis 金融危机；财政危机
recession /rɪˈsɛʃən/
• N-VAR A recession is period when the economy of a country is doing badly, for eacmple because industry is producing less and more people are becoming unemployed.经济衰退；萧条
e.g. The oil price increases sent Europe into deep recession.石油价格的上涨使欧洲陷入严重的经济衰退。
foam /fəʊm/
• N-COUNT Foam consists of a mass of small bubbles that are formed when air and a liquid are mixed together.泡沫（橡胶）；海绵
e.g. The water curved round the rocks in great bursts of foam.水流卷绕着岩石产生大量的泡沫。
• N-MASS Foam is used to refer to various kinds of manufactured products which have a soft, light texture like a thick liquid. 泡沫
e.g. … shaving foam. …剃须泡沫
• N-MASS Foam or foam rubber is soft rubber full of small holes which is used, for example, to make mattresses and cushions. 泡沫（橡胶）；海绵
e.g. …modern three-piece suites filled with foam rubber. …塞满海绵的现代3件套。
I am honored to be with you today for your commencement from one of the finest universities in the world. Truth be told, I never graduated from college. And this is the closest I’ve ever gotten toa college graduation. Today I want to tell you three stories from my lift. That’s it. No big deal. Just three stories.
It wasn’t all romantic. I didn’t have a dorm room; so I slept on the floor in friends’ rooms, I returned coke bottles forthe 5 € deposits to buy food with, and I would walk the 7 miles across town every Sunday night to get one good meal a week at the Hare Krishna temple. I loved it. And much of what I stumbled into by following my curiosity and intuition turned out to be priceless later on. Let me give you one example:
Reed College at that time offered perhaps the best calligraphy instruction in the country. Throughout the campus every post, every label on every drawer, was beautifully hand calligraphed. Because I had dropped out and didn’t have to take the normal classes, I decided to take a cazlligraphy class to learn how to do this. I learned about serif and san serif typefaces, about verying the amount of space between different letter combinations, about what makes great typography great. It was beautiful, historical, artistically subtle in a way that science can’t capture, and I found it fasinating.
How many stories is Steve Jobs going to present? (3)
Did Steve Jobs graduate from college? (No)
Where is he presenting? (Reed College)
What is the first story about?
When did he drop out of college?
Why did he drop out of college?
After dropping out, what did he drop in (take)? (More interesting classes)
What kind of typefaces did he learn in the calligraphy class? (Serif and san serif)
Which company copied the Mac? (Windows)
What was his biological mothers’ hope when she dicided to put him up for adoption?
unwed /ʌn’wed/
• adj. of someone who has not been married
biological /ˌbaɪəˈlɒdʒɪkəl/
• ADJ Biological is used to describe processes and states that occur in the bodies and cells of living things.与生命过程和状态有关的
e.g. The living organisms somehow concentrated the minerals by biological processes.活的有机物以某种方式随其生命过程聚集了矿物质。
• ADV biologically与生命过程和状态有关地
• ADJ Biological is used to describe activities concerned with study of living things. 生物学的
e.g. … all aspects of biological research associated with leprosy /’leprəsɪ/.与麻风病有关的生物学研究的方方面面
• ADJ Biological weapons and biological warfare involve the use of bacteria or other living organisms in order to attack human beings, animals, or plants.生物性的（武器、战争）
e.g. Such a war could result in the use of chemical and biological weapons.这样一场战争可能导致生化武器的使用。
• ADJ Biological pest control is the use of bacteria or other living organisms in order to destroy other organisms which are harmful t plants or crops. (利用细菌或其他生物对有害生物进行)生物控制的
e.g. …a consultant on biological control of agricultural pests. …一位农作物害虫生物防治顾问。
• ADJ A child’s biological parents are the man and woman who caused him or her to be born, rather than other adults who raise him or her. (指父母亲)生身的
e.g. …foster parents for young teenagers whose biological parents have rejected them. …被亲生父母抛弃的十几岁青少年的养父母们。
fascinate /ˈfæsɪˌneɪt/
• V-T If something fascinates you, it interests and delights you so much that your thoughts tend to concentrate on it.使着迷
e.g. Politics fascinated Franklin’s father.政治让富兰克林的父亲着迷。
princeless /ˈpraɪslɪs/
• ADJ If you say that something is priceless, you are emphasizing that it is worth a very large amount of money, or that it is very important to you although it has little financial value. 无价的强调
e.g. They are priceless, unique and irreplaceable. 它们是无价的、独一无二的，不可替代的。
• ADJ If you say that something is priceless, you approve of it because it is extremely useful.宝贵的赞许
e.g. They are a priceless record of a brief period in Colorado history.它是科罗拉多历史上一段短暂时期的宝贵记录。
typeface /ˈtaɪpˌfeɪs/
• N-COUNT In printing, a typeface is a set of alphabetical characters, numbers, and other characters that all have the same design. There are many different typefaces.字体
e.g. … the ubiquitous /juː’bɪkwɪtəs/ Times New Roman typeface. …普遍使用的泰晤士新罗马字体。
font /fɒnt/
• N-COUNT In printing, a font is a set of characters of the same style and size. 字体
e.g. … the immense /ɪ’mens/ variety of fonts available in Microsoft Word and Publisher.
typography /taɪˈpɒɡrəfɪ/
• N-UNCOUNT Typography is the way in which written material is arranged and prepared for printing. 印刷术
Small Talk
Small talk is conversationfor its own sake.
How are the kids?
Give my regards to your husband. (say hello to your husband for me)
Why don’t you come over for dinner one of these days?
Using sports for small talk
David: Did you see the game last night?
Jason: No, I missed it. Was it a good game?
Using films for small talk
Sarah: Have you seen the Hangover 3? We went to see it last night.
Jane: How was it?
Sarah: Jason thought it was hilarious, but I was a bit disappointed.
Using people for small talk
A bit windy, but beautiful.
It’s never that hot at this time of the year.
It’s been raining for weeks.
Is this never going to end?
Using weekend for small talk
How did you spend the weekend?
Did you do anything special?
How was your weekend?
Using family for small talk
Robert: How’s Jane doing? I haven’t seen her for ages.
Linda: Oh, she’s fine. She just got a job with the government.
Robert: That’s great news. We should get together one of these days. Sarah would love to see you both, too.
Linda: Sure. That’d be great. …
Buddhism /ˈbʊdɪzəm/
• N-UNCOUNT Buddhism is a religion which teaches that the way to end suffering is by overcoming your desires. 佛教
carbon dioxide
g’day /gə’dei/
• SENTENCE SUBSTITUTE →an austral and nz informal variant of good day
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Kindy and Fourth Grade Science Project
Kindy and Fourth Grade Science Project
Brian Hilton
Thursday, April 25, 2019
Kindergarten and 4th Graders mining science lab.
Mrs. Klein's kindergarten and Mrs. Brozovich's 4th grade have been studying rocks and minerals. The two classes got together on April 12th for a mining science lab. The question was "How do miner's know where to mine?" The students hypothesized that someone found a valuable mineral nearby. This led to the discussion of miner's using rock drills to drill core samples in order to find where the ore is located. Students were then given a circle drawn on a piece of paper and instructions to divide their circle into four pieces. Then they were given cake with brown frosting that was in the shape of a circle and they were told to lightly divide their cake into 4 pieces by drawing through the frosting with a knife. Next the students were given clear straws that were 2 inches long. The straws were their rock drills. With each sample they had to make a mark on their paper circle in the correct location. If they came out with white cake they marked the spot with a circle and if the sample came out with red cake they marked the spot on the paper with an x. When they were done drilling they had to draw around where they thought the ore was located to indicate where the mine should be. The last step was to turn the cakes upside down and compare their drawings with their cake. The students had a good time learning about mining and core sampling.
(submitted by Mrs. Brozovich)
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who was the head of the family in mesopotamia
In return for his newly acquired rights, the adopted child gave a small present to his new father. They often lived with their families in their father's house. This kind of closed-circle system in Mesopotamia may be described according to the oikos-model, employing the Greek word for “house.” (The word oikos is also echoed in the English word economy, which is derived from the Greek word oikonomia, literally “management of a household.“) With its dependence on irrigation and the labor-saving device of the seeder-plow, the agricultural regime of southern Mesopotamia was most efficient when land was cultivated on a large scale. He also had the right to adopt additional children. In no time, the newlyweds begot children. Refer to each style’s convention regarding the best way to format page numbers and retrieval dates. (October 16, 2020). World Eras. Definitions of what constitutes a household have always been dynamic and dependent on political, historical, and cultural factors. Finally, the oikos model does not account for the activities of independent entrepreneurs or middlemen, such as merchants, who contracted with the institutions to take on the responsibilities and risks of overseeing and executing some of the institutions’ activities in exchange for the opportunity to make profits. If you have trouble accessing this page and need to request an alternate format contact ehistory@osu.edu. The birth of the first child marked another step in the husband's life; he was now the head of a family. HOUSEHOLD. Ideas such as the wedding, marriage, and divorce began developing then. The Code of Hammurabi was a comprehensive set of laws, considered by many scholars to be the oldest laws established; they were handed down four thousand years ago by King Hammurabi of Babylon. Cite this article Pick a style below, and copy the text for your bibliography. As such, it has not been reviewed for accuracy by the University and does not necessarily adhere to the University's scholarly standards. In certain legal documents he appeared as 'master' or 'owner' of his child, a concept entirely alien to the modern idea of a father. In western society some aspects of modern family relationships and composition can be traced to ancient Mesopotamia and Babylonia. Conversely, if the girl died, and her intended husband did not want to marry one of her sisters, he would take back all the presents that he had given her. : Przedsiebiorcy a gospodarka instytucjonalna w Mezopotamii od 3 do 1 tysiaclecia przed Chr (Poznan: Poznan Society for the Advancement of the Arts and Sciences, 2002). The head of the temple household was the god who “owned” the resources of the temple and to whom the temple and its personnel were dedicated. He could, for instance, deposit them with a creditor as security for the repayment of a debt. The mistress was entitled to wear the veil only when she accompanied the legal wife outdoors. After the wedding, husband and wife settled down to the routines of daily life. They obtained the same rights of inheritance as the other male children in the family if this was not to the detriment of the sons born in wedlock. World Eras. Finally, she also would receive a present of gold, silver, lead or food for consumption at the wedding feast. At times, extended family affiliations provided the basis for urban political power, particularly in the early second millennium b.c.e., when people identified as Amorite (literally, “westerner“) were able to establish ruling dynasties in several urban centers—the best known being Hammurabi’s dynasty in Babylon (circa 1894 - circa 1595 b.c.e.). For much of Mesopotamian history, the temple and the palace were the major landholders and thus the major players in the economy. The basis for a society is the family unit, and Mesopotamian societies structured the laws to … This right, which the Code of Hammurabi had granted to the Babylonians, remained in force for nearly five hundred years. An ancient region of southwest Asia between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers in modern-day Iraq. Sale documents from that time indicate that properties were owned by multiple family members rather than by individuals. In a Mesopota-mian family household, the head was the senior adult male; that is, the father and husband, who was the holder of the family property. a form of social organization in which a male is the head of the family and descent, kinship, and title are traced through the male line Sumerians a member of the … Besides these presents, the bride might receive a marriage jointure or nudunnu, a special gift made to her at the time of her engagement. In certain circumstances, the male had to decide whether to have another wife or a concubine. In spite of this reason, the husband might keep not only his wife, but also a concubine. Therefore, be sure to refer to those guidelines when editing your bibliography or works cited list. The sherigtu, with the presents the bride had received, remained the inalienable property of her children, and her husband's brothers could not claim it. The groom’s family paid a bride price. The head of the temple household was the god who “owned” the resources of the temple and to whom the temple and its personnel were dedicated. If these conditions did not take place, her father returned all his rights over her, and gave back all the presents that she had received except those consumed. The ceremony of adoption took place in the presence of witnesses. After the third millennium b.c.e., it appears that the palace had increasing power to command the resources of the temple. Through innumerable legal documents from the Sumerian to the Seleucid period, we see the individual as father, son, brother, or husband. 1964 Fairservis, Walter Ashlin. The future husband and his father-in-law agreed on a contract and if a divorce occurred, the father-in-law was entitled to satisfaction. The producer of the play decided to use Crassus' actual severed head in place of the stage-prop head of Pentheus. A married couple and their children constitute a nuclear family. The father, as the head of the family, had complete authority over them. PRONUNCIATION: TIH-gray The University of Chicago Press. ." . When applied to food production, peasants expend only enough labor…, Tigray The nudunnu remained her property even if she divorced. Most online reference entries and articles do not have page numbers. This pattern occurred again in the first millennium b.c.e., when first Aramaeans and then Arabs—both ethno-linguistic groups whose power lay in extended family structures outside the urban-centered traditional Mesopotamian elites—used the strength of their tribal support to achieve political power in the cities. Space was restricted in urban centers, and members of a growing extended family were forced to establish individual family households in other parts of the city. In theory, the household was self-sufficient; that is, its members produced what they consumed. Extended family households were more likely in rural areas, where there were fewer restrictions on living space. If she had children by an earlier marriage living on their own, those of the second marriage could send her back to them as their responsibility. Family members stand proudly around in a festive atmosphere. ." Michael Jursa, Prywatyzacja i zysk? In Mesopotamia the temple and the palace were organized and functioned as households, even though their members might not have been related. Married life might begin with either the bride staying in her father's house or going with her husband to his.
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12 Torturous Methods of Execution in History that Will Make You Squirm
12 Torturous Methods of Execution in History that Will Make You Squirm
12 Torturous Methods of Execution in History that Will Make You Squirm
Natasha sheldon - November 15, 2017
12 Torturous Methods of Execution in History that Will Make You Squirm
Carthusian monks, hanged, drawn and quartered on the orders of Henry VIII. Google Images
Hanged, Drawn and Quartered
The penalty of hanging, drawing, and quartering in England began to evolve as a penalty for treason in the thirteenth century. Matthew of Paris, a contemporary chronicler, recorded how a plot to kill Henry III resulted in two men, William de Marisco and his unnamed accomplice being put to death. The two men were drawn on hurdles to their place of execution and hung. De Marisco was posthumously disemboweled and quartered and his accomplice beheaded.
Henry’s son, Edward III elaborated on this grisly ritual. He was enraged when welsh nobleman Dafydd ap Gruffydd declared himself Prince of Wales and rebelled against the English crown in attempted to restore welsh independence. Once ap Gruffydd was captured, Edward came up with a suitable punishment for the recalcitrant Prince.
Firstly, he instigated a new law of High Treason, of which ap Gruffydd was found guilty and condemned to death. The manner of that death suitable expressed Edward’s ire. Ap Gruffydd was to be drawn to his place of execution because of his rebellion. He would then be hung for killing English nobles at Easter. He would be cut down and eviscerated while alive and his body quartered and displayed for his treachery to the King. In this way, Dafydd ap Gruffydd became the first noble to be hung, drawn and quartered.
The 1351 Treason Act made hanging, drawing and quartering the statutory punishment for treason- for men at least. Because it involved stripping the body, women were spared the penalty for modesties sake- and burned instead. Treason was not just against the king. The crime of petty treason: the murder of an employer or husband also earned the same penalty as high treason.
The victim was usually still alive during disemboweling. Major General Thomas Harrison, one of the signatories on the death warrant of Charles I actually hit the executioner as he cut him open. Others tried to avoid the worst by ensuring they died on the gallows. Guy Fawkes broke his own neck by jumping from the gallows at his execution in 1606. Often, sympathetic onlookers would pull on the condemned person’s legs to help them along before they were eviscerated.
The penalty for hanging, drawing, and quartering was modified from the late eighteenth century, with bodily mutilation occurring after death. The last person sentenced to it in 1839 after the Chartist Newport rising had their sentence transmuted to transportation and in 1870, the penalty was removed from the statute books.
12 Torturous Methods of Execution in History that Will Make You Squirm
The Breaking Wheel. Google Images
The Breaking Wheel
The wheel or ‘breaking wheel’ was a popular punishment in Europe from antiquity until the nineteenth century. Legend states it began with the martyrdom of St Catherine of Alexandria who died on the wheel in 305 AD for refusing to renounce her Christian faith. By the middle ages, those broken on the wheel were less exhaulted personages than Christian saints. Instead, they were murderers of one sort or another.
The punishment could take two forms. A person could either be broken by the wheel or broken on the wheel. The first version may well date from Frankish times when it was customary to dispose of certain criminals by driving a wagon over them. By the middle ages, it involved using a single wheel to break the criminal’s body.
Procedures from the blood court of Zurich in the fifteenth century describe how the condemned was placed belly down on a board. The wheel was then slammed down twice on each arm and leg. The ninth blow was to the spine. The broken body was then woven between the spokes of the wheel, which was then hammered to a pole. This pole was then erected and the victim left to die.
To be broken on the wheel involved tying the limbs of a criminal to the wheel and then smashing them with a cudgel. In France, the wheel revolved to add an extra dimension of uncertainty to the punishment. However, the number and sequence of blows were no random things. The court, at sentencing, determined them. If mercy was judged to be appropriate, the executioner would despatch a criminal after one or two blows by strangling them. Alternatively, they could be killed with one blow to the neck- or the chest. This chest blow was known in France as the coups de grace- the blow of mercy.
In the worst cases, limbs were broken legs first, working upwards, in a sequence guaranteed to make the pain last. In 1581, mass murder Peter Niers, a German bandit convicted of 544 murders was tortured for two days and given 42 strikes on the wheel before being quartered alive. Most criminals, however, would be left on the wheel to die after their cudgeling, eventually expiring of shock, dehydration or animal attacks. Most survived no longer than three days.
12 Torturous Methods of Execution in History that Will Make You Squirm
Scaphism. Google Images
Scaphism derives its name from the Greek term ‘skaphe’ meaning ‘anything scooped out“, a reference to the hollow in which the unfortunate victim was trapped while they suffered their fate. This hollow trap was formed from two boats stuck together, hence the other name for Scaphism- ‘The Boats”. Scaphism originated in Persia, but was known by a Greek name because the earliest and most detailed account of the practice is that of Plutarch in his “Life of Artaxerxes.”
12 Torturous Methods of Execution in History that Will Make You Squirm
The Blood Eagle
However, the fact that Ragnar Lothbrok and his death are semi-mythological, coupled with the lack of evidence has led some scholars to believe that these accounts are suspect. Rather than being factual accounts, some view them as beefed up stories designed to entertain rather than inform, colored with inspiration from the tales of Christian martyrdom the Norsemen were now exposed to.
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How Were the Sun and the Moon Created In Aztec Mythology and Why Did Tecuciztecatl Become the Moon?
Even after people and food were created, darkness still shrouded the world, and the gods discussed how they could provide light to the earth.
One god, Tecuciztecatl, arrogantly volunteered to become the sun. The other gods elected Nanahuatzin, a humble god who was crippled with disease.
Finally, the gods decided they would have a contest to see who would become the sun.
First, both gods did penance and purified themselves through sacrifices. Tecuciztecatl offered rare gifts of magnificent quality and beauty.
Nanahuatzin could only give cheap, common items. Tecuciztecatl dressed himself in lovely robes. Nanahuatzin wore simple clothing made from paper. After four days of sacrifice, a giant pyre was prepared. Both gods had to rush into the flames and whoever was purest would emerge as the sun.
Tecuciztecatl ran toward the leaping bonfire, but the flames and heat terrified him and he suddenly stopped. Humiliated, he backed up and tried again. He failed again.
The gods grew impatient and told Nanahuatzin to take his turn. Without pause, Nanahuatzin raced and jumped into the searing heat. Shamed, Tecuciztecatl followed him. Both gods were immediately consumed in the blaze.
The other gods waited eagerly for the dawn to see who would emerge as the sun. Gradually, the sky grew light, and a disc of blinding light appeared on the horizon.
It was Nanahuatzin. He no longer suffered illness as he blazed in the sky. But then another disc appeared on the horizon just as bright as Nanahuatzin. It was Tecuciztecatl. The gods suddenly worried that now there would be too much light.
One of the gods strode forward and threw a rabbit in front of Tecuciztecatl, dimming his brilliance. Thus, Tecuciztecatl became the moon, a lesser light than the sun.
Today, if you look closely at a full moon, you might be able to see the rabbit’s face.
About Karen Hill
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Sixth Class really enjoyed designing their Space Rockets. The rockets are based on stored energy.
Working in groups, they used insulating pipe foam to make the main body of the rocket. They used card templates for the fins. The fins keep the rockets pointed in the correct direction. They then used masking tape to hold everything together!!
The children constructed a protractor to see the best angle to use which would propel the rocket the furthest distance. They punched a hole in the protractor and added string. They put BluTac on the end of the string which worked as a weight.
Using an elastic band and a wooden metre stick, they launched their rockets!!
When they pulled back the elastic band, the elastic band stored the energy. Then when the elastic band is let go, it releases this energy as it returns to its original length.
The children then measured the length each rocket flew. They compared the different lengths and established whose rocket flew the longest distance and the shortest distance.
One rocket even landed in the basketball hoop!! Can you spot it?!
IMG_6676 IMG_6679 IMG_6680 IMG_6658 IMG_6660 IMG_6664 IMG_6665 IMG_6667 IMG_6669 IMG_6670 IMG_6673 IMG_6675IMG_6673IMG_6670IMG_6667IMG_6665IMG_6664IMG_6660IMG_6658IMG_6681IMG_6680IMG_6679IMG_6676
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The ceremony of mountain worship is unique old courtesy of Mount Tai, which forms the important element of apotheosis and godliness for Mount Tai. Because the ceremony was held by emperors of each dynasty, it attracted more attention and had far-reaching influence. From the legendary pre-historical period to Emperor in Song Dynasty, “Feng Shan” was a continuous traditional rite through primeval society to feudalized society.
According to the meaning in Zheng Yi written by Zhang Shoujie and recorded on historyin Shih Chi .Book of Feng Shan, “Feng Shan” is explained as “To build altar by soil on Mount Tai for returning the god of merits is called ‘Feng’; to clear the land on a hill below Mount Tai for expressing gratitude to earth is called “Shan””.
Therefore, the actual meaning of “Feng Shan” ceremony is to declare the emperor’s legitimate rule over the land and the people was in compliance with heaven’s will and to report the peace to god; moreover, to pray the blessing of the heaven. Certainly the emperor would also report how brilliant his achievement in his regality was. The connotation of the ceremony symbolized harmony between spiritual will and external behavior by harmonizing the relationship of heaven, terra, deities and humans. First emperor of Qin, Emperor Wu Di (140-87 BC) of the Western Han dynasty, Emperor Gaozong (650-683) of Tang dynasty, Emperor Xuanzong(r. 712-756) of Tang dynasty, Emperor Zhenzong of Song dynasty had ever held “mountain worship” ceremony “Feng Shan”. After Emperor Zhenzong, the posterior emperors came to Mount Tai only held sacrifice and didn’t hold “Feng Shan” anymore.
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Italy was at the centre of a metal diffusion network during the Copper Age
Between the 4th and 3rd millennium BC, known as the Copper Age, Italy was at a crossroads with its complex network of diffusion and exchange of this metal that had developed earlier than thought. Finding published in the scientific journal Plos One from studies conducted by Andrea Dolfini of the University of Newcastle, as well as Gilberto Artioli and Ivana Angelini of the University of Padua.
New research conducted in the past decade has shown that the extraction of cupriferous minerals and the processing of copper in prehistoric Italy began earlier and with more complex technologies than previously believed. But too few details are known about the routes of diffusion and the methods of exchange of this metal south of the Alps. This is why the scientist from Padua are working to better understand the extent of copper imports and trade in Neolithic Italy.
To reconstruct the exchange routes and copper processing sites, as well as the timing, the team examined 20 copper objects that include axes, halberds, and daggers found in central Italy. "We have recovered and analysed finding that had already been dated according to the context and type and which are now preserved in various museums in central Italy, such as Florence, Arezzo, Siena, and Grosseto" explains Gilberto Artioli, from the University's Geosciences Department, in the Il Bo Live article. “The dating of such finding is something quite complex as the metals cannot be dated directly. Therefore we have a chronological indication from archaeological studies, which conducted chemical and isotopic analyses of lead traced from within the origin of the metal", continues Artioli.
If we are talking about copper, what does lead have to do this? “All copper findings contain some traces of lead impurities. The relationship between the concentration of lead 204 and its radiogenic isotopes (206, 207 and 208) can be used to obtain information on the origin of copper itself. The ratios vary within different fields depending on their age and, in practice, they become a blueprint of different Italian and European deposits. Once the isotopic ratios of lead have been measured, all we need to do is to compare them against a database as complete as possible from the mines, to understand where that particular copper has come from. ”
By comparing the archaeological data and the isotopic signatures of copper objects within the mining areas as well as the distribution of the archaeological sites, it has become possible to trace the routes of prehistoric copper in Italy.
"The first systematic application of the findings examined from the analysis of the lead isotopes revealed that central Italy was an important metallurgy developed long before the Etruscan-Roman era. Copper was mined and worked as early as the second half of the 4th millennium BC, mostly in Tuscany. We had already suspected this when we examined the axe of the Iceman, known also as the Similaun Man, or "better known as Ötzi, a man who had died around 3200-3300 BC. C. as it was discovered that an arrowhead had been lodged in his left shoulder, and whose remains have been well preserved in a glacier between Italy and Austria. On the axe of Ötzi revealed to be made of copper and wood, details already investigated by Artioli, "It was then possible to date the axe to 3200 BC by using the radiocarbon method on the wooden handle. We then identified the area from which the copper of the blade came, and discovered it to be Tuscany. "
Therefore, 3,000 years ago Italy had already been a well-developed metallurgy. The new finding of Artioli and his team adds a new piece to this puzzle. "As expected, most of the objects examined were built with copper extracted in Tuscany" Artioli continues, "but some objects, which is unsurprising, were forged with copper from the western Alps or that from the southern part of the Massif Central of France. This is a sign that there had already been a Tyrrhenian circuit of exchange and trade in this fairly newly developed metal. We also know that the rich deposits of the South-Eastern Alps were not well exploited during this period, even if they represent the greatest source of metal from the second half of the 3rd millennium and throughout the Bronze Age."
The study confirms the importance of the rich mineral deposits of Tuscany as a source of copper for the Endolithic communities in Italy, but with traces of new trade and import routes that began and ended across the Alps. A thousand years before the Bronze Age, in pre-historic Europe, there had already been a well-developed exchange network. "Before our studies, there was no such data, it was thought that all copper came from the East or the Balkans, including that of Ötzi's axe. Instead, we now have a much clearer picture of the metallurgy of this period, in which understanding the journey of Tuscan copper and the Tyrrhenian has become
Tuscan copper reached the Alps, at least as far as the Austrian border, while French copper reached central Italy. How the exchange actually took place will be the task of archaeologists to rebuild it. Leaving to new studies which could reveal new trade routes or new deposits a better understanding of the diffusion of copper networks.
© 2018 Università di Padova
Tutti i diritti riservati P.I. 00742430283 C.F. 80006480281
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German E.S. Code Disks
Frode Weierud explains the purpose of this encryption system. "These disks were used to prepare coded recognition signals. In total there were five large and five small disks. The small disks carried the code names: Schmidt, Schilling, Schneider, Schulze and Seidel - all of these being German family surnames. The large disks carried the code names: Eberhard, Ernst, Erasmus, Egbert and Emil - all German first (given) names. A small disk would be placed on top of a large disk, and the correct combination given as a complete name e.g. Egbert Schneider. Exactly how the disks were used to encode the recognition signal is not known at this time. When the large and small disks are mated, they always render the initials "ES".
ES probably stands for Erkennungssignal (Recognition Signal). The reference number M.Dv. Nr. 111 probably refers to the disks themselves while the instructions for their use is probably given in the document "Auszug aus der "E.S.-Vorschrift" und Vorschrift "Der Erkennungsdienst" für U-Boote, Berlin 1940, M.Dv. Nr. 75a. (Extract from Recognition Signal Instructions and Instructions for the Recognition Service for U-boats, Berlin 1940)."
Image submitted by David Hamer, NCM Foundation
Image submitted by David Hamer, NCM Foundation
David Hamer also adds the following. "Information to date suggests that were five of each of the smaller or 'S' disks [10 Cm] and the larger 'E' disks [13 Cm] and that they were used in concentric pairs for some kind of coding purpose. In a videotape of the reunion of survivors from U-352, one can clearly see a sample of the smaller disks labelled 'Seidel', which suggests that the large disks were given common German first names beginning with 'E' while the smaller disks were given surnames starting with 'S'. A collection of artifacts known to have been recovered from the radio room of U-352 contains, in addition to the 'Seidel' disk, two of the larger diameter disks, 'Ernst' and a further example of 'Egbert'.
A set of five such disk pairs were recovered from U-505 by the US Navy. They were labelled: Eberhard, Egbert, Emil, Erasmus and Ernst/Schilling, Schmidt, Schneider, Schulze and Seidel. Each of the larger disks has 58 sectors labelled 1-31 in an irregular fashion [days of the month..?]. Each smaller disk has 58 sectors, each labelled in random order 1-58.
The reference number M.Dv.Nr.111 means Marine Dienstvorschrift Number 111. The original form of this document, entitled "Funkbuch für Schießübungen" [radio book for shooting practice] was withdrawn from service in the mid-1930's and presumably the unassigned document number was then re-assigned to the E-S disks"
Contributors and Credits:
1) David Hamer NCM Foundation. <dhhamer(at)>
2) Frode Weierud <Frode.Weierud(at)>
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Jul 11/07
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Shinmuyong (ca. 1926) By Son, Okju
DOI: 10.4324/9781135000356-REM1247-1
Published: 01/10/2016
Retrieved: 07 May 2021, from
Shinmuyong means literally “New Dance” in Korean, but today it is categorized as creative Korean dance. In the early 20th century, Ausdruckstanz (Expressionist Dance) from Germany had a decisive influence on Japanese modern dancers. This kind of dance was introduced to Korea in 1926 when Japanese dance innovator Ishii Baku (1886–1962) presented his work for the first time in Korea under the title of Shinmuyong, which was a translation of the German phrase Neuer Tanz. However, the meaning of the Shinmuyong changed radically in the 1930s and 1940s. After Ishii’s performance in Korea, several young Korean intellectuals decided to learn Western modern dance from Ishii in Japan. Although they learned modern dance especially based on German Ausdruckstanz, they choreographed their own dances with elements of traditional Korean dance in the 1930s. Furthermore, after a world tour in the late 1930s, the Shinmuyong dancers actively turned to creating a hybrid Asian dance form in the 1940s, so that Shinmuyong became a composite form. Choi Seung-hee (1911–1969) and Cho Taek-won (1907–1976), amongst others, are considered important representatives of Shinmuyong.
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Article DOI
Citing this article:
Son, Okju. "Shinmuyong (ca. 1926)." The Routledge Encyclopedia of Modernism. : Taylor and Francis, 2016. Date Accessed 7 May. 2021 doi:10.4324/9781135000356-REM1247-1
Copyright © 2016-2021 Routledge.
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The Tradition of Lacrosse
The Iroquois or Hodinoshonni (people of the longhouse) were amongst many First Nations People who played the game of lacrosse as a medicine, for resolution and to entertain and show gratefulness to their Creator.
The Iroquois consists of six affiliated nations, the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, Seneca and the adopted nation of the Tuscarora. These nations referred to the game as tehotshikwa’eks (day ho ji gwa eks) meaning “they bump into one another”.
The game of lacrosse originated amongst the Iroquois people at the time of creation, at a time when the Creator sent a messenger to his people to provide them with life instructions. The messenger who came from the heavens or “sky world” appeared before the people and provided them with a way of life, a way to give thanks to the Creator. The messenger lived amongst the Iroquois people and taught them how to conduct ceremonies of thanksgiving for the many gifts that the Creator has given. The Iroquois were instructed to be grateful for their life sustenance such as corn, beans, squash, the strawberries, and also for the sun, moon, and thunder who all serve great purposes for continuation of life.
The messenger gave the Iroquois people instructions of how they should perform the Four Sacred Ceremonies which are the Great Feather Dance, the Men’s Personal Chant, the Drum Dance, and the Great Bowl Game.
After providing the Iroquois people with the instructions, the messenger told the people that he was instructed by the Creator himself to give one more sacred gift, that this gift would be performed by the men. The messenger said that this gift would be powerful and when performed with a tobacco offering, this gift would be able to cure sickness and it would be a good medicine. The messenger pointed to a small hill in the distance and told the people that they would find their gift on the other side of the hill. The people ran to the top of the hill eager to find their gift and saw that the young men were playing what is now known as lacrosse. The messenger told the people that this game would be the Creators entertainment and that the men who will be blessed with the gift should be grateful for their abilities and use good minds when playing.
To this day, the Mohawks at Akwesasne, the Onondagas near Syracuse New York, the Seneca Nation’s near Buffalo New York and the Iroquois of the Grand River Territory continue playing the traditional medicinal games for curing rites. During these ceremonial games the men must use wooden sticks with all natural netting made from leather and animal skin.
The Iroquois hold the game of lacrosse in the highest esteem since it was given to them simultaneously with the Four Sacred Ceremonies. This is the purpose and reason that so many young Iroquois men play the game with such heart and willingness. Today, the game is often referred to as “Tewa’araton” (day wa a la don) which is the Mohawk word which refers to the netting of the stick.
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Posted in Aesop's fabes, Drama, Drama Activities for children, Drama for children, drama for kids, English as a second language, English teaching games, Esl, Esl Drama, expressive arts, fables, Fairy Tales, Panchatantra plays, Role playing stories, Story sacks, Storytelling, Storytelling in the Early years, The Twits by Roald Dahl, The Twits play
The Twits – A Play based on a Roald Dahl Classic
The following is a play adapted from Roald Dahl’s classic “The Twits.”
Characters: Mr Twit, Mrs Twit, three narrators, four little boys, Roly Poly Bird, monkeys and birds – you can have as many monkeys and birds as you want.
Narrator 1: Mr and Mrs Twit were truly awful people. They were awful in every way. They were awful on the inside and awful on the outside. They never realised that if you are ugly on the inside, you’ll be ugly on the outside too.
Narrator 2: Everybody knows that if you’re beautiful on the inside, you’ll be beautiful on the outside, even if your feet are too big and your ears are too small and you have a wonky nose. When you think beautiful thoughts they shine out of your face like sunbeams. Mr and Mrs Twit never, ever thought beautiful thoughts, so you can imagine how awful they were to look at.
Narrator 3: They hated everything and everyone, and even hated each other. They only thing they loved doing was playing nasty tricks, and they were always trying to see which one of them could be the nastiest.
Mrs Twit: Hmmmmm, what kind of trick can I play on Mr. Twit today? I know! I’ll put some worms in his spaghetti. He’ll never know because I’ll put lots of sauce and cheese on it.
Mr Twit: Where is my dinner?
Mrs Twit: Here it is, dear.
Mr Twit: Hey, my spaghetti is moving!
Mrs Twit: It’s a new kind called squiggly spaghetti. I think it’s delicious.
Narrator 1: Of course, there were no worms in Mrs Twit spaghetti.
Mr Twit: I don’t like it. It is too squishy and bitter.
Mrs Twit: Stop complaining and finish your dinner. I didn’t slave over a hot stove for nothing.
Mr Twit: Okay, okay. (Continues to eat, making faces the whole time, then finishes and wipes his mouth on his sleeve.)
Mrs Twit: Do you want to know why your spaghetti was squishy and bitter?
Mr Twit: Why?
Mrs Twit: Because their were worms in it! Ha, ha, ha!
Mr Twit: (running away with his hand in his mouth) I’ll pay you back for this!
Narrator 2: That very night ……
Mr Twit: Hmmmm, what can I do to get Mrs Twit back for putting worms in my spaghetti? I know since she hates frogs so much, I’ll catch one and put it in her bed before she goes to sleep!
(Mr and Mrs Twit go to bed)
Background noise: Ribbit, Ribbit!
Mr Twit: Good night. (Giggles to himself.)
Mrs Twit: Hey, there’s something in my bed.
Mr Twit: What? Something squishy and slimy.
Mrs Twit: Yes, how did you know?
Mr Twit: Oh, I was wondering…
Mrs Twit: Wondering what?
Mr Twit: If It could be a ….
Mrs Twit: A what?
Mr Twit: A frog!
Mrs Twit: Ewww!
Mr. Twit: What’s wrong?
Mrs Twit: There is one in my bed. (Kicks and kicks and kicks and kicks.)
Mr. Twit: Are you okay?
Mrs Twit: Ohhhh …(faints)
Mr. Twit: Hee, hee, hee!
Narrator 3: If you think that’s bad, see how they are to their people.
First little boy: Hey, let’s climb that tree!
Second little boy: But it’s in Mr and Mrs Twit’s yard.
Third little boy: Never mind, we can be quick.
Fourth little boy: Okay, let’s go.
Narrator 1: What the boys didn’t know was Mr. Twit had spread sticky stuff on the branches of the tree, so that he and Mrs Twit could have tasty things for supper, like bugs and birds and small children. As they climb the tree, the first little boy notice something was wrong.
First little boy: Hey, we are stuck.
Second little boy: What do you mean?
Third little boy: Try to get up?
Fourth little boy: Ahh! I can’t.
First little boy: Take your pants off!
Other little boys: Huh?
Narrator 2: The first little boy who was the smartest, knew that it was just their pants that stuck to the tree, and if they took them off, they would be able to get away.
First Little boy: We’re free, we’re free!
Other little boys: We’re free! We’re free.
Narrator 3: All this time, Mr and Mrs Twit had kept some monkey in a cage not far from the tree. They had been caught in the same way that the Twits had try to catch the little boys. When the birds would come and try to roost on the Twits’s tree the monkeys would shout:
Monkeys: There is sticky stuff all over the tree.
If you land on the branches, you will never be free.
So fly away! Fly away! Stay up high!
Or you’ll finish up tomorrow in a hot bird pie.
Narrator 1: The Roly Poly Bird, who watches over all birds, animals and insects decided that enough is enough and that he’d better get involved.
Roly Poly Bird: What is going on here?
Little boys, monkeys and birds: The Twits are awful, they won’t leave us alone.
Roly Poly Bird: Well, let’s see what we can do. Since the Twits have turned your life upside down, maybe we can return the favour and show them what it is like.
Narrator 2: So, all the monkeys, the birds and the little boys set to turn the Twits house upside down. One day, when the Twits were out, they glued all the furniture in the house to the ceiling! Imagine the Twit’s surprise when they came back that day.
Mr Twit: (opening the door) Whoa!
Mrs Twit: What?
Mr Twit: Everything’s upside down!
Mrs Twit: I know! We’ll stand on heads and everything will be right side up.
Mr. Twit: Good idea!
Narrator 3: Just then, one of the birds that had helped to the glue the Twit’s furniture flew in and dripped some glue on the Twits’ heads, but they were far too excited to notice. This was the last and most important part of the Roly Poly Bird’s plan.
Mrs Twit: Ready?
Mr. Twit: Okay!
(The Twits stand on their heads.)
Twits: Oh no! We’re stuck!
Narrator 1: The Twits were indeed stuck. They stayed stuck, no matter how hard they tried to get away and eventually they shrank and shrank until there was nothing left of them but two stinky piles of old clothes.
Everyone: Hooray!
The End
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A kenning (Old Norse "kenning" [cʰɛnːiŋg] , Modern Icelandic pronunciation [cʰɛnːiŋk] ) is a circumlocution used instead of an ordinary noun in Old Norse and later Icelandic poetry. For example, Old Norse poets might replace "sverð", the regular word for “sword”, with a compound such as "ben-grefill" “wound-hoe” (Egill Skallagrímsson: Höfuðlausn 8), or a genitive phrase such as "randa íss" “ice of shields” (Einarr Skúlason: ‘Øxarflokkr’ 9). The term kenning has been applied by modern scholars to similar figures of speech in other languages too, especially Old English.
The word was adopted into English in the 19th century from medieval Icelandic treatises on poetics, in particular the Prose Edda of Snorri Sturluson, and derives ultimately from the Old Norse verb "kenna" “know, recognise; perceive, feel; show; teach; etc.”, as used in the expression "kenna við" “to name after; to express [one thing] in terms of [another] ”, [ [ OED Online] ] “name after; refer to in terms of”, [ Faulkes, Anthony (1998 b).] and "kenna til" “qualify by, make into a kenning by adding”. [ Faulkes, Anthony (1998 b).]
The corresponding Modern English verb "to ken" survives only in northern British dialects including Scots, although a noun derivative exists in the standard language in the set expression "beyond one’s ken" “beyond the scope of one’s knowledge”. Old Norse "kenna" (Modern Icelandic "kenna", Swedish "känna", Danish "kende", Norwegian Bokmål and Nynorsk "kjenne") is cognate with Old English "cennan", Old Frisian "kenna", "kanna", Old Saxon ("ant")"kennian" (Middle Dutch and Dutch "kennen"), Old High German ("ir-", "in-", "pi-") "chennan" (Middle High German and German "kennen"), Gothic "kannjan" < Proto-Germanic *"kannjanan", originally causative of *"kunnanan" “to know (how to)”, whence Modern English "can" “am, is, are able” (from the same Proto-Indo European root as Modern English "know"). [ [ OED Online] ]
Old Norse kennings take the form of a genitive phrase ("báru fákr" "wave’s steed" = “ship” (Þorbjörn hornklofi: Glymdrápa 3)) or a compound word ("gjálfr-marr" "sea-steed" = “ship” (Anon.: Hervararkviða 27)). The simplest kennings consist of a base-word (Modern Icelandic "stofnorð", German "Grundwort") and a determinant (Modern Icelandic "kenniorð", German "Bestimmung") which qualifies, or modifies, the meaning of the base-word. The determinant may be a noun used uninflected as the first element in a compound word, with the base-word constituting the second element of the compound word. Alternatively the determinant may be a noun in the genitive case, placed before or after the base-word, either directly or separated from the base-word by intervening words. [ [ Verse-forms and Diction of Christian Skaldic Verse] .]
Thus the base-words in these examples are "fákr" and "marr" “steed”, the determinants "báru" “wave’s” and "gjálfr" “sea”. The unstated noun the kenning refers to is called its referent, in this case: "skip" “ship”.
In Old Norse poetry, either component of a kenning (base-word or determinant or both) could consist of an ordinary noun or else a "heiti" “poetic synonym”. In the above examples, "fákr" and "marr" are distinctively poetic lexemes; the normal word for “horse” in Old Norse prose is "hestr".
Complex kennings
The skalds also employed complex kennings in which the determinant, or sometimes the base-word, is itself made up of a further kenning: "grennir gunn-más" “feeder of war-gull” = “feeder of raven” = “warrior” (Þorbjörn hornklofi: Glymdrápa 6); "eyðendr arnar hungrs" “destroyers of eagle’s hunger” = “feeders of eagle” = “warrior” (Þorbjörn Þakkaskáld: Erlingsdrápa 1). Where one kenning is embedded in another like this, the whole figure is said to be "tvíkent" “doubly determined, twice modified”. [Faulkes (1999), p. 5/12.]
Frequently, where the determinant is itself a kenning, the base-word of the kenning that makes up the determinant is attached uninflected to the front of the base-word of the whole kenning to form a compound word: "mög-fellandi mellu" “son-slayer of giantess” = “slayer of sons of giantess” = “slayer of giants” = “the god Thor” (Steinunn Refsdóttir: Lausavísa 2).
If the figure comprises more than three elements, it is said to be "rekit" “extended”. [Faulkes (1999), p. 5/12.] Kennings of up to seven elements are recorded in skaldic verse. [ [ Fjórkennt ] ] Snorri himself characterises six-element kennings as an acceptable license but cautions against more extreme constructions: "Níunda er þat at reka til hinnar fimtu kenningar, er ór ættum er ef lengra er rekit; en þótt þat finnisk í fornskálda verka, þá látum vér þat nú ónýtt." “The ninth [license] is extending a kenning to the fifth determinant, but it is out of proportion if it is extended further. Even if it can be found in the works of ancient poets, we no longer tolerate it.” [Faulkes 1991, 8:29–31; Faulkes 1987, 172.]
Word order and comprehension
Word order in Old Norse is generally freer than in Modern English. This freedom is exploited to the full in skaldic verse and taken to extremes far beyond what would be natural in prose. Other words can intervene between a base-word and its genitive determinant, and occasionally between the elements of a compound word (tmesis). Kennings, and even whole clauses, can be interwoven. Ambiguity is usually less than it would be if an English text was subjected to the same contortions, thanks to the more elaborate morphology of Old Norse.
Another factor aiding comprehension is that Old Norse kennings tend to be highly conventional. Most refer to the same small set of topics, and do so using a relatively small set of traditional metaphors. Thus a leader or important man will be characterised as generous, according to one common convention, and called an enemy of gold, attacker of treasure, destroyer of arm-rings, etc. and a friend of his people. Nevertheless there are many instances of ambiguity in the corpus, some of which may be intentional, [Faulkes (1997), pp. 11-17,] and some evidence that, rather than merely accepting it from expediency, skalds actually favoured contorted word order for its own sake. [ Faulkes (1997), p. 15.]
Some scholars take the term kenning broadly to include any noun-substitute consisting of two or more elements, including merely descriptive epithets (such as Old Norse "grand viðar" “bane of wood” = “fire” (Snorri Sturluson: Skáldskaparmál 36)), [Meissner (1921), p. 2.] while others would restrict it to metaphorical instances (such as Old Norse "sól húsanna" “sun of the houses” = “fire” (Snorri Sturluson: Skáldskaparmál 36)), [Heusler (1941), p. 137.] specifically those where “ [t] he base-word identifies the referent with something which it is not, except in a specially conceived relation which the poet imagines between it and the sense of the limiting element'” (Brodeur (1959) pp. 248-253). Some even exclude naturalistic metaphors such as Old English "forstes bend" “bond of frost” = “ice” or "winter-ġewǣde" “winter-raiment” = “snow”: “A metaphor is a kenning only if it contains an incongruity between the referent and the meaning of the base-word; in the kenning the limiting word is essential to the figure because without it the incongruity would make any identification impossible” (Brodeur (1959) pp. 248-253). Descriptive epithets are a common literary device in many parts of the world, whereas kennings in this restricted sense are a distinctive feature of Old Norse and, to a lesser extent, Old English poetry. [Gardner (1969), p. 109-110.]
Snorri’s own usage, however, seems to fit the looser sense: “Snorri uses the term "kenning" to refer to a structural device, whereby a person of object is indicated by a periphrastic description containing two or more terms (which can be a noun with one or more dependent genitives or a compound noun or a combination of these two structures)” (Faulkes (1998 a), p. xxxiv). The term is certainly applied to non-metaphorical phrases in Skáldskaparmál: "En sú kenning er áðr var ritat, at kalla Krist konung manna, þá kenning má eiga hverr konungr." “And that kenning which was written before, calling Christ the king of men, any king can have that kenning. [Faulkes (1998 a), p. 78/17, 22.] Likewise in Háttatal: "Þat er kenning at kalla fleinbrak orrostu [...] " “It is a kenning to call battle ‘spear-crash’ [...] ”. [Faulkes (1999), p. 5/12.]
Snorri’s expression "kend heiti" "qualified terms" appears to be synonymous with "kenningar", [Faulkes (1998 a), p. xxxiv.] [Faulkes (1999), p. 5/9.] although Brodeur applies this more specifically to those periphrastic epithets which don’t come under his strict definition of kenning. [Brodeur (1959) pp. 248-253.]
Sverdlov approaches the question from a morphological standpoint. Noting that the modifying component in Germanic compound words can take the form of a genitive or a bare root, he points to behavioural similarities between genitive determinants and the modifying element in regular Old Norse compound words, such as the fact that neither can be modified by a free-standing (declined) adjective. [Sverdlov (2006).] According to this view, all kennings are formally compounds, notwithstanding widespread tmesis.
Kennings could be developed into extended, and sometimes vivid, metaphors: "tröddusk törgur fyr [...] hjalta harðfótum" “shields were trodden under the hard feet of the hilt (sword blades)” (Eyvindr Skáldaspillir: Hákonarmál 6); "svarraði sárgymir á sverða nesi" “wound-sea (=blood) sprayed on headland of swords (=shield)” (Eyvindr Skáldaspillir: Hákonarmál 7). [Faulkes (1997), p. 24.] Snorri calls such examples "nýgervingar" and exemplifies them in verse 6 of his Háttatal. The effect here seems to depend on an interplay of more or less naturalistic imagery and jarring artifice. But the skalds weren’t averse either to arbitrary, purely decorative, use of kennings: “That is, a ruler will be a distributor of gold even when he is fighting a battle and gold will be called the fire of the sea even when it is in the form of a man’s arm-ring on his arm. If the man wearing a gold ring is fighting a battle on land the mention of the sea will have no relevance to his situation at all and does not contribute to the picture of the battle being described” (Faulkes (1997), pp. 8-9).
Snorri draws the line at mixed metaphor, which he terms "nykrat" “made monstrous” (Snorri Sturluson: Háttatal 6), and his nephew called the practice "löstr" “a fault” (Óláfr hvítaskáld: Third Grammatical Treatise 80). [Faulkes (1997), pp. 24-25.] In spite of this, it seems that “many poets did not object to and some must have preferred baroque juxtapositions of unlike kennings and neutral or incongruous verbs in their verses” (Foote & Wilson (1970), p. 332). E.g. "heyr jarl Kvasis dreyra" “listen, earl, to Kvasir’s blood (=poetry)” (Einarr skálaglamm: Vellekla 1).
Sometimes there is a kind of redundancy whereby the referent of the whole kenning, or a kenning for it, is embedded: "barmi dólg-svölu" “brother of hostility-swallow” = “brother of raven” = “raven” (Oddr breiðfirðingr: Illugadrápa 1); "blik-meiðendr bauga láðs" “gleam-harmers of the land of rings” = “harmers of gleam of arm” = “harmers of ring” = “leaders, nobles, men of social standing (conceived of as generously destroying gold, i.e. giving it away freely)” (Anon.: Líknarbraut 42).
While some Old Norse kennings are relatively transparent, many depend on a knowledge of specific myths or legends. Thus the sky might be called naturalistically "él-ker" “squall-vat” (Markús Skeggjason: Eiríksdrápa 3) or described in mythical terms as "Ymis haus" “Ymir’s skull” (Arnórr jarlaskáld: Magnúsdrápa 19), referring to the idea that the sky was made out of the skull of the primeval giant Ymir. Still others name mythical entities according to certain conventions without reference to a specific story: "rimmu Yggr" “Odin of battle” = “warrior” (Arnórr jarlaskáld: Magnúsdrápa 5).
Poets in medieval Iceland even treated Christian themes using the traditional repertoire of kennings complete with allusions to heathen myths and aristocratic epithets for saints: "Þrúðr falda" “goddess of headdresses” = “Saint Catherine” (Kálfr Hallsson: Kátrínardrápa 4). [ [ Verse-forms and Diction of Christian Skaldic Verse] .]
A term may be omitted from a well-known kenning: "val-teigs Hildr" “hawk-ground’s valkyrie/goddess” (Haraldr Harðráði: Lausavísa 19). The full expression implied here is “goddess of gleam/fire/adornment of ground/land/seat/perch of hawk” = “goddess of gleam of arm” = “goddess of gold” = “lady” (characterised according to convention as wearing golden jewellery, the arm-kenning being a reference to falconry). The poet relies on listeners’ familiarity with such conventions to carry the meaning. [Gordon (1956), p. 250.]
Old Norse kennings in context
In the following dróttkvætt stanza, the Norwegian skald Eyvind Finnson skáldaspillir (d. ca 990) compares the greed of king Harald Gråfell to the generosity of his predecessor Haakon the Good:
:"Bárum," Ullr", of alla," :ímunlauks", á" HAUKA:FJÖLLUM Fýrisvalla:fræ "Hákonar ævi";
:"nú hefr fólkstríðir" Fróða:fáglýjaðra þýja:meldr "í" "móður holdi":"mellu dolgs" "of folginn"
(Eyvindr skáldaspillir: Lausavísa 8).
"Ullr of war-leek! We carried the seed of Fýrisvellir on the mountains of hawks during all of Hakon's life; now the enemy of the people has hidden the flour of Fróði's hapless slaves in the flesh of the mother of the enemy of the giantess."
This might be paraphrased: "O warrior, we carried gold on our arms during all of Hakon's life; now the enemy of the people has hidden gold in the earth."
ímun-laukr "war-leek" = "sword".
Ullr is the name of a god, Ullr. Ullr [...] ímunlauks "god of sword" = "warrior", perhaps addressing King Harald. This kenning follows a convention whereby the name of any god is combined with some male attribute (e.g. war or weaponry) to produce a kenning for "man".
HAUKA FJÖLL "mountains of hawks" are "arms", a reference to the sport of falconry. This follows a convention in which arms are called the land (or any sort of surface) of the hawk.
Fýrisvalla fræ "seed of Fýrisvellir" = "gold". This is an allusion to a legend retold in "Skáldskaparmál" and "Hrólf Kraki's saga" in which King Hrolf and his men scattered gold on the plains ("vellir") of the river Fýri south of Gamla Uppsala to delay their pusuers.
Fróða fáglýjaðra þýja meldr "flour of Fróði's hapless slaves" alludes to the Grottasöng legend and is another kenning for "gold".
"móður hold mellu dolgs" "flesh of mother of enemy of giantess" is the Earth (Jörd), personified as a goddess who was the mother of Thor, the enemy of the Jotuns.
Old English and other kennings
The practice of forming kennings has traditionally been seen as a common Germanic inheritance, but this has been disputed since, among the early Germanic languages, their use is largely restricted to Old Norse and Old English poetry. [Heusler (1941), p. 137.] [Gardner (1969), p. 109-117.] A possible early kenning for "gold" ("walha-kurna" "Roman/Gallic grain") is attested in the Ancient Nordic runic inscription on the Tjurkö (I)-C bracteate. [Krause (1971), p. 63. Cited by Hultin (1974), p. 864.] [Looijenga (1997), pp. 24, 60, 205; Looijenga (2003), p. 42, 109, 218.] Kennings are virtually absent from the surviving corpus of continental West Germanic verse; the Old Saxon Heliand contains only one example: "lîk-hamo" “body-raiment” = “body” (Heliand 3453 b), [Gardner (1969), pp. 110-111.] a compound which, in any case, is normal in West Germanic and North Germanic prose (Old English "līchama", Old High German "lîchamo", "lîchinamo", Old Icelandic "líkamr", "líkami", Old Swedish "līkhamber", Swedish "lekamen", Danish "legeme").
Old English kennings are all of the simple type, possessing just two elements, e.g. for “sea”: "seġl-rād" “sail-road” (Beowulf 1429 b), "swan-rād" “swan-road” (Beowulf 200 a), "bæð-weġ" “bath-way” (Andreas 513 a), "hron-rād" “whale-road” (Beowulf 10), "hwæl-weġ" “whale-way” (The Seafarer 63 a). Most Old English examples take the form of compound words in which the first element is uninflected: "heofon-candel" “sky-candle” = “the sun” (Exodus 115 b). Kennings consisting of a genitive phrase occur too, but rarely: "heofones ġim" “sky’s jewel” = “the sun” (The Phoenix 183).
Old English poets often place a series of synonyms in apposition, and these may include kennings (loosely or strictly defined) as well as the literal referent: "Hrōðgar maþelode, helm Scyldinga" [...] “Hrothgar, helm (=protector, lord) of the Scyldings, said [...] ” (Beowulf 456).
* Brodeur, Arthur Gilchrist (1952). "The Meaning of Snorri’s Categories". University of California Publications in Modern Philology 36.
* Brodeur, Arthur Gilchrist (1959). "The Art of Beowulf". University of California Press.
* Faulkes (1997). "Poetic Inspiration in Old Norse and Old English Poetry". Dorothea Coke Memorial Lecture in Northern Studies delivered at University College London 28 November 1997. Viking Society for Northern Research.
* Faulkes, Anthony (1998 a). "Edda: Skáldskaparmál: 1. Introduction, Text and Notes". Viking Society for Northern Research.
* Faulkes, Anthony (1998 b). "Edda: Skáldskaparmál: 2. Glossary and Index of Names". Viking Society for Northern Research.
* Foote, Peter & Wilson, D. M. (1970). "The Viking Achievement". Book Club Associates. London.
* Gardner, Thomas (1969). ‘The Old English kenning: A characteristic feature of Germanic poetical diction?’. Modern Philology 67:2, pp. 109-117.
* Gordon, E.V. (1956). "An Introduction to Old Norse". 2nd ed. revised by A.R. Taylor. Oxford.
* Heusler, Andreas (1941). "Die altgermanische Dichtung". 2nd ed. Potsdam.
* Hultin, Neil (1974). ‘Some homonyms in the Old Norse Atlakviða’. MLN 89:5, German Issue.
* Krause, Wolfgang (1971). "Die Sprache der urnordischen Runeninschriften". Carl Winter Verlag. Heidelberg.
* Kuhn, Hans (1993). ‘The rímur-poet and his audience’. "Saga-Book" 23:6.
* Looijenga, Jantina Helena (1997). " [ Runes around the North Sea and on the Continent AD150-700: Texts and Contexts] ". University of Groningen dissertation.
* Looijenga, Jantina Helena (2003). Texts and Contexts of the Oldest Runic Inscriptions. Brill. Leiden.
* Meissner, Rudolph (1921). "Die Kenningar der Skalden: Ein Beitrag zur skaldischen Poetik". Leipzig.
* Sverdlov, Ilya V. (2006). “Kenning Morphology: Towards a Formal Definition of the Skaldic Kenning, or Kennings and Adjectives”. 13th International Saga Conference: Durham and York.
ee also
* Elegant variation
* Heiti
* List of kennings
* Metonymy
* Synecdoche
External links
* [ Jörmungrund: Lexicon of Kennings — The Domain of Battle]
* [ Septentrionalia: The Medieval North (Lexica poetica)]
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Look at other dictionaries:
• Kenning — Kenning, en el nórdico antiguo, significa símbolo, el hecho de nombrar, cuyo plural en esa lengua es kenningar. Relacionado con kenna que significa conocer, nombrar con un kenning. La kenning es una figura retórica usada en las producciones… … Wikipedia Español
• Kenning — Ken ning, n. [See {Ken}, v. t.] 1. Range of sight. [Obs.] Bacon. [1913 Webster] 2. The limit of vision at sea, being a distance of about twenty miles. [1913 Webster] … The Collaborative International Dictionary of English
• kenning — (n.) O.E. cenning procreation; declaration in court, prp. of KEN (Cf. ken) (v.). From early 14c. in senses sign, token; teaching, instruction; c.1400 as mental cognition. From 1883 as periphrastic expression in early Germanic poetry; in this… … Etymology dictionary
• kenning — [ken′iŋ] n. [ME: see KEN] 1. Scot. a) knowledge or recognition b) a tiny quantity; trace 2. [ON, symbol < kenna: see KEN] in early Germanic, as Old English, poetry, a metaphorical name, usually a compound, for something (Ex.: “whale path” for… … English World dictionary
• kenning — A kenning is a traditional figure of speech distinctive to OLD ENGLISH and Old Norse poetry.The term kenning seems to have derived from the Germanic word kenna, meaning to define or characterize in other words, to name. Usually considered a… … Encyclopedia of medieval literature
• Kenning — Als die Kenning (von altnord. kenna „kennzeichnen“, Pl. Kenningar) wird in der altgermanischen, besonders der altisländischen Stabreimdichtung (Edda, Skalden) das Stilmittel einer poetischen Umschreibung einfacher Begriffe bezeichnet. Im… … Deutsch Wikipedia
• Kenning — Kẹn|ning 〈f.; , nin|gar〉 bildersprachl. Ausdrucksweise in der altgerm. Dichtung [anord.; verwandt mit nhd. kennen] * * * Kẹn|ning, die; , ar […ŋgar] u. e [anord. kenning, eigtl. = Erkennung] (Literaturwiss.): (in der altgermanischen Dichtung)… … Universal-Lexikon
• Kenning — Ken Ken, v. t. [imp. & p. p. {Kenned} (k[e^]nd); p. pr. & vb. n. {Kenning}.] [OE. kennen to teach, make known, know, AS. cennan to make known, proclaim, or rather from the related Icel. kenna to know; akin to D. & G. kennen to know, Goth. kannjan … The Collaborative International Dictionary of English
• Kenning — Un kenning (pluriel savant : kenningar) est une figure de style propre à la poésie scandinave, qui consiste à remplacer un mot par une périphrase à valeur métaphorique. La guerre est par exemple appelée vacarme des épées dans certaines… … Wikipédia en Français
• kenning — /ken ing/, n. a conventional poetic phrase used for or in addition to the usual name of a person or thing, esp. in Icelandic and Anglo Saxon verse, as a wave traveler for a boat. [1880 85; < ON; see KEN1, ING1] * * * ▪ medieval literature… … Universalium
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Kikuyu People - Ancient Scripts and Symbols similar to Egyptian hieroglyphs
1. Egyptian 'MS' biconsonantal (wines skins) symbol and 2. the Anjiru Clan symbol
Vestiges of Ancient Writing Systems
Writing falls into two major categories:
1.When there is no painted or drawn design.
This first method of memory aids is referred to by experts as mnemotechnic writing. Here the writer intends to either communicate with self or with others. Notched sticks for the recognition of debts is one example. In the case of the Kikuyu as I was informed by Michael Waweru (mutigairi), one was able to follow the history of his herd by such notches on a stick. A certain notch on a stick that identified a specific cow would signify insemination; another notch would record the birth of the calf and by such records the cattle breeder was able to estimate the amount of milk from his herd.
It is noteworthy that the word for letters or numerals in Kikuyu is ndemwa, which translates to those that have been cut. Father Cangolo of the consolata fathers who lived among the Kikuyu in the 1930s recorded that:
"Recently an old Kikuyu took to a public meeting a wooden stick on which he was able to read the amount of tax paid by him to government on each year since it began being collected (Cagnolo)
Another example of mnemotechnic writing is the knotted chord such as the complex quipus of the incas. Waweru told me that the Kikuyu used the knotted chord to count down the days towards an appointment or major event. If for example there was a meeting in seven days, seven knots would be made on a string. On the morning of each new day, a knot would be untied until the last knot was untied and the record keeper punctually attended his appointment. An African writer, Gathigira who I believe was educated by the Consolata fathers, noted that:
"The Kikuyu believed that when a person was born, God made a knot. When he (God) wanted to recall a person, he undid the knot (Gathigira s.)
The second kind of writing happens:
2. When there is a design that has been painted or drawn.
One symbol documented by Routledge, was stated as being the symbol of the Anjiru Clan.The meaning that was attached to this symbol is now lost. What remains to be seen is the signifier, but the signified has been lost in antiquity. The symbol has nine lines that intersect at the head. Perhaps the Anjiru clan had a special place among the nine clans of the Kikuyu. It resembles the symbol of wine skins that represents 'ms' bi-consonant in Egyptian hieroglyphics.
Other symbols, which were also documented by Routledge, were inscribed on property such as beehives. Routlege implied that each clan had its own type.
The Gichandi was a gourd on which certain designs were inscribed. Cowry shells were added on the surface as part of the inscription or story that the user of the Gichandi wanted to tell. The user of this picture rattle as Routledge (1924) called it moved around the countryside singing to tell his story. This writer assumes that objects had been sealed in the gourd to make it rattle.
Both Cagnolo and Routledge gave the impression that the Gichandi was a vestige of a period when some form of writing was in use.
Other symbols were used for branding cattle but unfortunately none has survived in the available literature.
It is my opinion that the Arathi (seers) and Ago (traditional healers) were able to maintain more complex records including mathematical computations. The Ituika ceremony that took place every thirty years for instance would require accurate reckoning if its regularity had to be maintained. Its counterpart in Egypt, the Hebsed, was reckoned by observing the sky for the rising of the star Sirius (dog star).
Kikuyu Numerals
All Kikuyu numerals start with the prefix i, except seven and nine. Only ‘1’ replaced by ĩ – ĩmwe.The rest are; 2. igĩrĩ; 3. ithatũ; 4. inya; 5. ithano; 6. ithathatũ (literally two threes);7. mũgwanja; 8. inyanya (literally two fours);9. kenda; 10. ikũmi. Leakey, (1959, p. 23) gives an alternative word for ten as “mũrongo, which signifies a complete unit…almost always used for each of the units of 10 between 20 and 90...”
One hundred is igana and one thousand is ngiri. No word for one million has been identified.
To the best of my knowledge, percentages are preceded by the term Gacunji ga … ( One piece from …).
Gacunji ga ikumi – 10%, Literally this may be translated as “one piece from ten pieces.”
Gacunji ka igana – 1%, literally “one piece from one hundred pieces.”
Hieroglyphic numerals for 3, 4, 6, and 8 and Equivalent Kikuyu
Egyptian numerals were represented by strokes, with the number of strokes corresponding to the numeral - one stroke for numeral "one"; two strokes for numeral "two" etc. Numeral "six" is represented by doubling the three strokes that represent numeral "three". In the same way, numeral "eight" is represented by doubling the strokes that represent numeral "four".
In the Kikuyu morphemes that represent the numerals three, four, six and eight, a similar pattern can be observed.
Three is ithatu. Six is ithathatu, a repetition of the word for three; ithatu. It appears that the original word before the natural effect of language change took place was ithatu-ithatu, similar to the doubling of the Egyptian Hieroglyphics for three to indicate numeral six.
Similarly, eight is inyanya, which was possibly inya-inya - a repetition of the word for four; inya. The antiquity of the root in the Kikuyu word for eight may be apparent by comparing with the Arabic word for eight - tamanya.
All forms of letters and numbers are called ndemwa - from the word tema, to cut. For them to be referred to as ‘those that have been cut,’ the Kikuyu were probably were privy to writings that had been incised on stone as was common during the 18th dynasty of Ancient Egypt.
Tara - to count
This is another interesting word. When computers came into fashion, Swahili scholars were taxed to find a suitable word for this machine. They eventually came up with Tarakilishi. The prefix Tara, means to count in Kikuyu. Many Swahili coined terms borrow from ancient Kiamu (Lamu) dialect which surprisingly has many archaic words that are still in use in Kikuyu. Lamu island is the only place in the world where a cat breed that resembles the ancient Egyptian breed (Bubastis) can be seen alive today. It would be interesting to research Tara in ancient tongues to see if it included the idea of ‘compute’ in its semantic field.
Beehive Clan symbols
Symbols on the Gichande picture rattle musical instrument
A clearer picture will be sought soon so that all the symbols can be seen clearly
Egyptian symbols for 1,2,3, 4, 6 and 8
These symbols correspond with Kikuyu concepts of 6 as the doubling of 3 and 8 as as the doubling of 4
Emmanuel Kariuki (author) from Nairobi, Kenya on March 24, 2014:
Hi Penevam,
Thanks for commenting on this hub. I did consider a book at one time but my local publisher are not interested in this "non-text-book" material. Maybe I should try an e-book after learning the ropes.
Penevam on March 22, 2014:
Truly interesting, I am a great fan and have a lot of interest in African Philosophy. Emmanuel have you ever considered consolidating all this into a book?
Emmanuel Kariuki (author) from Nairobi, Kenya on February 25, 2013:
@BlackTechnocrat - Interesing how Bantus are really brothers scattered all over Sub - Sahara Africa. I guess that vindicates what I am saying about the Kikuyu here. Thanks for your most enlightening comment. I will definitely use your contribution to update the hub - with your permission.
BlackTechnocrat on February 13, 2013:
Bwana Kariuki, the word TARA in Shona (TALA in in Kalanga) means to demarcate (count and apportion). The word TEMA and writing are closely linked to the incision of the skin and rubbing in medicinal powders, a process that leaves tattoo-like scars. The scars are called NYORA, which translates to the word SCRIPT. KuNYORA is to write and the incission/scarification/tattooing process is called KUTEMA (to cut) NYORA, i.e., the cutting of scripts.
Emmanuel Kariuki (author) from Nairobi, Kenya on August 25, 2012:
Hello BlackTechnocrat ,
I had no idea of Shona counting, but I am not surprised. I have a photo novel that has been translated into Shona and the language looks like Luhya - another Kenya Bantu. The book is 'House of Mercy/Imba ye tsitsi by weaver press.
If you got the Kikuyu version from Focus publishers you will be able to compare the two languages better.
BlackTechnocrat on August 22, 2012:
Emmanuel, do you realize how close Kikuyu is to Shona? When counting 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 and 10, we say imwe, piri/mbiri, nhatu/tatu, ina, shanu, tanhatu, nomwe, sere/tsere, pfumbamwe and gumi/kumi, respectively.
I notice you also have class nouns like we have in Shona e.g., mu-, va-, mu-, mi-, ri-, ma-, chi-, zvi-, etc.
Emmanuel Kariuki (author) from Nairobi, Kenya on June 07, 2012:
Hello Lucy Wathika - I think those were like the poetry of nursery school to ease learning because education was given by members of the family, especially Grandparents. You are fortunate to have had that interaction, I didn't. You should write as much as you can remember before it is all lost. Maybe you can find someone to remind you the ones that have faded. Thanks for that contribution.
Lucy Wathika on June 06, 2012:
I used to hear some years back my old maternal great grandma teaching us to count "ino ni mbuku, na ngaara, ciarungii; kwa muthoni; ikumbi-ini; ikiuna ruti; rutindi; mburi ni imwe; na mwari; igi kumira. [so you fold a finger after every phrase so that when you are saying 'igi kumira'(literary "they tenthed" you fold the tenth finger. This was said in a kind of a singsong. There was another counting system she taught us that used to begin with “wakamwe watwiiri watutatu , aruna ni kumwenda, gikuuri, kinyuari, karagacha, kiigue! but am not sure of the Italized words.
Emmanuel Kariuki (author) from Nairobi, Kenya on April 17, 2012:
I have been to the link you sent and it does look like the symbols are related to the Anjiru clan symbol. The word I find most interesting is Uruk. See the following quote about the Ameru:
"After sometime there come frequent wars between the Amiiru and Amathai each group claiming that the other had its cows .... That’s why they named them Antu-ba-urui or Antu-boorui which means fighters. All the same the Ameru drove the Amathai from their homes which were Athanja in Tigaama, Uruku and Githongo. In Amathai there are clans named after these places. These are the Asonga (from Athanja) Buruku (from uruku) and Orogithongo (from githongo)."
Weru on April 13, 2012:
Hello Emmanuel,
It is true that the above clan symbol of the Anjiru has very old roots, but I stumbled across a website that traces its roots to ancient Uruk and Elam by way of the Nile Valley.
Please compare the design of the Anjiru clan symbol and the symbols shown on this website http://egyptsearchreloaded.proboards.com/index.cgi...
wanjiru Kariuki on February 22, 2012:
very insightful..Kindly enlidhten me on the different kind of Register that the Gikuyu used during various events..e.g Marriage negotiations,succession issues,naming,etc
Emmanuel Kariuki (author) from Nairobi, Kenya on January 13, 2012:
Kamau, thanks for the encouragement.
Tell me more about these seers. I have theorised "long Ago" in English must be related to "Tene na Ago." The two phrases mean "in the distant past. I have heard that there were seers in ancient times called the Maggo in English from where comes the word "magi" - the wise men of the Bible.
Here is an account about the origins of the word Magi from the Wikipedia:
The perhaps oldest surviving reference to the magi – from Greek (mágos, plural: magoi) – is from 6th century BC Heraclitus (apud Clemens Protrepticus 12), who curses the magi for their "impious" rites and rituals. A description of the rituals that Heraclitus refers to has not survived, and there is nothing to suggest that Heraclitus was referring to foreigners.
Better preserved are the descriptions of the mid-5th century BC Herodotus, who in his portrayal of the Iranian expatriates living in Asia minor uses the term "magi" in two different senses. In the first sense (Histories 1.101), Herodotus speaks of the magi as one of the tribes/peoples (ethnous) of the Medes. In another sense (1.132), Herodotus uses the term "magi" to generically refer to a "sacerdotal caste", but "whose ethnic origin is never again so much as mentioned."[1] According to Robert Charles Zaehner, in other accounts, "we hear of Magi not only in Persia, Parthia, Bactria, Chorasmia, Aria, Media, and among the Sakas, but also in non-Iranian lands like Samaria, Ethiopia, and Egypt. Their influence was also widespread throughout Asia Minor. It is, therefore, quite likely that the sacerdotal caste of the Magi was distinct from the Median tribe of the same name."[1]
Kamau on January 11, 2012:
This is really amazing
Muthigi was used by chief seer for foretelling the future and to do calculation. Thunguya (10) igana ria mbugu (100) and ngiri ya mbugu (1000). the galaxy was of very much importance during this ritual as the seer would face runyondo rwa njathi(peak of batian)
much to be told at www.yamumbi.com
Emmanuel Kariuki (author) from Nairobi, Kenya on October 08, 2011:
Lucy kindly write again but use 'i' and 'u' for the Kikuyu special vowels since they always refuse to register in the comment boxes. I think what you have written is useful.
Lucy Wathika on October 07, 2011:
I used to hear some years back my old maternal great grandma teaching us to count "?no n? mbuk?, na ngaara, ciar?ngi?; kwa muthoni; ik?mb?-in?; ikiuna r?t?; r?t?nd?; mb?ri n? ?mwe; na mwar?; ig? k?m?ra. [so you fold a finger after every phrase so that when you are saying 'ig? k?m?ra'(literary "they tenthed" you fold the tenth finger. This was said in a kind of a singsong. There was another counting system she taught us but I have forgotten
Emmanuel Kariuki (author) from Nairobi, Kenya on August 30, 2011:
Muceera has written in Swahili to say: "I hope you will start to learn the writings of the 'original Great Gikuyu' thank you."
Kindly let us know where to find that information. I am interested.
Muuceera on August 28, 2011:
Natumaini utaanza kujifundisha maandishi ya the original Great Gikuyu.
Asante sana.
Ni Muuceera
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The effectiveness of Roman Emperor Alexios I Komnenos’ fiscal policy
Most of the reign of Alexios I Komnenos (1081-1118) was marked by a considerable amount of confusion in the rural economy with far reaching inconsistencies in the operation of the Byzantine taxation system. This was caused by a severe fiscal crisis which affected the empire from the 1070s. While there is a reasonable amount of evidence illustrating the general outline of this period of crisis, evidence of the impact of the financial pressure in specific regions is very limited. The archives of the monasteries of Mount Athos give valuable detail of the activities of the state’s fiscal officials in eastern Macedonia. There is also useful information for the lands of the church of Ochrid in western Macedonia, due to the survival of several letters of its archbishop, Theophylakt, relating his difficulties with tax-officials. Theophylakt was writing at a time when the conflict between the fiscal administration and landowners was at its most intense.
Theophylact of Ohrid.jpg
This financial crisis confronting the empire was not the result of either decline or stagnation in its economy. It was the product of the state’s pressing need for revenues to pay for its military campaigns and the dislocation inflicted on its finances by the loss of territory after the Turkish penetration into Asia Minor in the 1070s. The situation was aggravated by frequent incursions by the Petchenegs into the eastern Balkan provinces culminating in an attack on Constantinople itself during 1090-91. In the 1080s the Norman ruler Robert Guiscard launched an attack on the empire, capturing Dyrrachion and advancing far into imperial territory. Nothing ever put a greater strain on the empire’s finances than a period of prolonged warfare. The greater role played by mercenaries in the Byzantine army during the eleventh century added to the expense.
The state’s revenues were too inflexible to cope with any sudden and dramatic increase in expenditure. The Byzantine economy was overwhelmingly agrarian and any intensification in production was necessarily piecemeal. Although landowners could make some gains through spending on irrigation and also by working the land more intensively if sufficient labour was available, the most significant increases in output were achieved by extending the area under cultivation. This depended on population trends which could make a considerable impact, but such change in the agrarian economy was a protracted process and the state’s need for revenues was always immediate. When this need coincided with a sharp reduction in the territory under the empire’s control, the strain on imperial resources became even more pronounced.
Alexios I Komnenos.jpg
At the same time the authority of successive emperors was weakened by the circumstances in which they gained the throne. Michael VII Doukas had succeeded Romanos IV, whose defeat by the Seljuk Turks at Manzikert in 1071 was partly due to the disloyalty of the Doukas family. Nikephoros Botaneiates and Alexios Komnenos both came to the throne by military coups. As their rule lacked legitimacy, they needed to win the support of powerful individuals and institutions to bolster their vulnerable position. The generous grants, which were made to some landowners at a time of financial crisis, might seem superficially to be instances of the state undermining its own financial position when its situation was desperate, but in fact they were necessary gestures by emperors seeking legitimacy. Fiscal concessions by the state to prominent landowners were part of the fabric of Byzantine political life, but in the 1070s and the 1080s these concessions were more extensive in scope than those which had occurred in previous decades. Most of the earlier fiscal grants which survive in the monastic archives had allowed landowners to install additional peasants on their estates, provided that they were not already recorded in the state’s tax-registers. Given the comprehensive nature of the Byzantine system of land taxation, this meant that these peasants had to be landless. They were obtained as a result of the steady increase in population which made rural labour more plentiful to both the state and private landowners. The effect of this was to increase the resources available to both, a trend accompanied by an upsurge in the quantity of money which the state was minting and putting into circulation. However, this was a gradual process which did not safeguard the imperial administration from the consequences of an abrupt increase in military expenditure due to the crisis of the later eleventh century. Many of the privileges issued to landowners during the 1070s and 1080s consisted of the rights to revenues from state properties and their effect was, naturally, to reduce the revenues available to the state. Alexios Komnenos faced the additional difficulty that the landed wealth of his own family needed to be increased owing to the loss of properties following the Turkish occupation of much of Asia Minor. He attempted to restrict the issue of extensive privileges to a limited circle of his most important supporters and the effects of these concessions of fiscal revenues was offset by the confiscation of properties of other landowners. He was accused by the historian Zonaras of favouring the members of his own family and other close associates at the expense of the senatorial aristocracy. Certainly, during Alexios’s reign the most powerful positions were concentrated in the hands of members of the imperial family and related families, while the civil aristocracy of the capital played a subordinate role.
Senate of Constantinople.jpg
An expedient to which the state resorted increasingly at this time was the debasement of the coinage. By the early years of Alexios’s reign the gold nomisma was worth in real terms only a third of its full nominal value. This brought great confusion to the taxation system, as powerful landowners insisted on paying their taxes in the most heavily debased coinage, effectively paying less in real terms than their full obligation. It was common for the collection of taxes to be farmed out to individuals who were obliged to meet their targets in full. What they could not obtain from one landowner, they attempted to make up by exacting more from others.
The imperial administration had reacted to the debasement by making new tax assessments which had led to a general increase in the amount owed to the state. The disorder in the rural economy persisted after Alexios reformed the coinage in 1092. The problems were resolved only in 1106-9 when the system of taxation was reformed and the higher rate of payment, which previously had been exacted from some tax-payers, was extended to all but the limited number of landowners who had obtained special privileges.
One of the complaints made by Theophylakt against the tax-collectors was that they often ignored privileges which the church’s properties had been granted by the state. These fiscal privileges were generally covered by the term exkousseia, which indicated that the state would not exact certain payments from the peasants installed on the properties; instead these payments were transferred to the landowner who could claim them from the peasants. Not only was the range of obligations covered by the exkousseia carefully stipulated, but also the number of peasants to whom it applied. If a landowner had more than the prescribed number on his properties, the state was entitled to claim payments from the additional peasants.
Theophylakt’s most bitter and complicated dispute with the fiscal administration involved a paroikos Lazaros who had denounced the archbishop. The details of the affair are very murky and we have only Theophylakt’s version of the events, but his letters give some indication of the fiscal status of the property involved. He refers to the dispute in letters to both Adrian Komnenos, the emperor’s brother, and Nikephoros Bryennios.
In letters to Adrian Komnenos he claimed that Lazaros and other peasants who had abandoned the village at the centre of the controversy had collaborated with the praktor and succeeded in nullifying the effect of an imperial prostaxis, possibly a document he had obtained through the intervention of Nikephoros Bryennios. The village at issue and the claims on the paroikoi installed there were obtained by the church as the result of an exchange in which it had conceded some mountain pastures to the treasury. The exchange had been confirmed by a chrysobull and an imperial semeioma and Theophylakt asserted that the terms of these documents were being violated.
The affair is described at length in a letter to Nikephoros Bryennios, which gives Theophylakt’s most detailed account of the machinations of the fiscal officials. The main feature of the controversy surrounding the paroikos Lazaros is that it was essentially a dispute between the archbishop and the tax-official who was using Lazaros as a means to discredit Theophylakt. Theophylakt accused Lazaros of seeking out all those who were hostile to him. These malcontents included heretics who had been condemned by the archbishop, and those who had made illegal marriages. According to Theophylakt they claimed that they were from Ochrid and their fields and vineyards had been seized by the archbishop.
In the letter Theophylakt summarises the fiscal status of his lands and his relations with the tax-officials. Except for one property he had never held any land belonging to the state. This seems to be a reference to the property featured in the exchange with the treasury mentioned in two letters to Adrian Komnenos. He then refers to the denunciations of a tax-collector, implying that Theophylakt was being accused of illegally holding state land. Given the confusion into which the system of taxation had fallen by the early part of Alexios’s reign, this is not improbable. The general practice of farming out the taxes put great pressure on the tax-collector to meet his quota. The penalty for failing to do so was the sequestration of his property, so he would go to great lengths to ensure that they exacted the full amount of the payment if not more. Theophylakt defended himself against the charge that he was not paying the full amount of the tax on the church’s properties.
Theophylakt asserted that his paroikoi on this property had also suffered from excessive impositions of other obligations. According to the archbishop his klerikoi had to pay the tax on the mills at double the rate that the laity paid. He made a similar claim over the payment they had to make for their fishing rights. He also had complaints about the payments exacted directly from him; taxes were imposed on mills which had long been out of use and for those which were in use he was charged at double the rate which the local population had to pay. A fishing place with a small catch was taxed at thirteen trikephala nomismata and again he asserted that other tax-payers were charged much less for similar properties.
The tax-officials also followed another allegedly incorrect procedure by not attributing to the church the excess peasants (perissoi) on the property, even though the church was liable to pay tax on them according to an imperial prostaxis. When a tax-official visited a property he compared the existing landholding with the previous tax-register and, if there were any additional peasants whose names were not recorded in the register, he had to assess the obligations for which they were liable. This was a fairly straightforward process if the peasants were independent farmers cultivating their own land; in this case they would be liable to make their payments directly to the state. Where they were paroikoi installed on the property of a landowner, it could be more complicated. Then the revenues from the direct producers could be claimed by the state or instead the state might concede some or all of the dues to the landowner. The church was certainly liable to make a tax-payment on these excess paroikoi, but it is possible that the prostaxis to which Theophylakt refers did make some concessions to the church allowing it to claim some dues from the paroikoi found newly installed on the property. The standard procedure for such a transfer of revenues was for the tax-official to make a new assessment of the estate and to hand over to the archbishop a praktikon, which consisted of a detailed list of the paroikoi living there and the range of payments which they were obliged to make to the archbishop.
Theophylakt also claimed that tax-officials were making unfair assessments of the peasants on the church’s property by recording peasants who were aktemones (peasants without oxen) as zeugaratoi (peasants with two oxen). This was an important detail because zeugaratoi usually had to make significantly higher payments due to their greater wealth. According to the archbishop not only were the payments of the paroikoi belonging to the church unjustly increased, but the church was not allowed to exact these payments itself.
Another incident gives a good indication of the way the taxation system was operating in the 1090s. An unnamed chorion which Theophylakt claimed the church had held for many years was appropriated by the state because it was not recorded in the state’s tax-register as belonging to the church. Although the church was deprived of the land, it was still forced to pay the zeugologion. Theophylakt asked why the church had been deprived of land long regarded as its own, but, as he himself admits, it was in fact treated no differently than many other landowners. A comprehensive fiscal survey had been conducted and many archontes had also had land confiscated by the state. Usually surveys were carried out at regular intervals to take into account any changes in the exploitation of the land which had occurred since the previous survey was completed. If a landowner was found cultivating more than the larid to which he was entitled either by his tax-payment or by imperial privileges, the state could either increase the tax-payment or take possession of the surplus land. This procedure would have coped with any extension in the area under cultivation resulting from any increase in population. However, it is clear from the content of Theophylakt’s letter that this was no routine revision of the tax-register. The operation was carried out on imperial instructions and, although the technical detail of the procedure is not described in the letter, it was most likely the same as that of the fiscal reassessments in the Chalkidike during the 1080s and 1090s. There, a new rate of epibole was imposed on Alexios’s instructions. As a result of this change landowners found that the tax payments which they had previously made for their entire property were now imposed only on part of their property, which they were allowed to retain, and the remainder was considered as surplus land and confiscated by the state. Theophylakt is emphatic that the state’s actions affected not only the church but all the landowners in the region. The most efficient way for the state to make such extensive confiscations was to alter the rate of taxation and then to claim the surplus land.
Byzantine society was overwhelmingly agrarian and the great bulk of the state’s revenues depended on agricultural production. Given the static nature of Byzantine agricultural technology, the most significant increase in these revenues could only come from an increase in the number of direct producers. In the European provinces of the empire at least the population grew steadily during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, although in Asia Minor the situation was less clear cut and there may have been a temporary reversal of the upward trend in the late eleventh and early twelfth century. At the same time the state was minting and putting into circulation larger quantities of coinage. The increased demands in taxation make sense only against this background of economic expansion. Not only was the level of the basic land-tax raised, but there was a clear tendency in the eleventh century for some services and obligations in kind to be commuted into cash payments. The higher levels of cash exacted in tax-payments reflected the greater quantity of cash in circulation. Consequently, Alexios was able to institutionalise the higher rates at which the land-tax was exacted in his reform of the fiscal system of 1106-9 which brought about a much needed stability. In Macedonia the succession of fiscal reviews at short intervals came to an end and it is no coincidence that in the archives of the monasteries of Mount Athos documents dealing with privileges granted by the state to landowners are much rarer for the decades immediately after the reform than they are for the period preceding it. During the years of Theophylakt’s episcopate the pressure of fiscal demands affected all but the most highly privileged landowners.
It is indicative of the strength of the pressure which the administration was able to impose on landowners that even someone as well connected as Theophylakt had a great deal of difficulty with tax-officials. The big problem confronting Theophylakt was that it was clearly imperial policy to exact higher levels of taxation from the provinces. Personal contacts could be very useful in dealing with isolated officials who abused their position, but faced with the effects of imperial policy his chances of success were limited.
That a landowner as well connected as Theophylakt had so much difficulty with tax officials was indicative of the general effectiveness of imperial fiscal policy, which enabled Alexios to secure his rule and withstand the external threats to the empire.
(Source: “The land and taxation in the reign of Alexios I Komnenos: the evidence of Theophylakt of Ochrid”, by Alan Harvey)
alexios coin.jpeg
Research-Selection for NovoScriptorium: Anastasius Philoponus
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Tuesday, January 17, 2017
We just learned about the Neuron in the nervous system that sends messages in the body.
One part of the neuron is called the Soma.
The soma is the big part of one end of the neuron that has smaller parts inside of it.
It comes from the Greek word meaning "body", so the soma is the main body of the neuron.
(from: wikipedia - soma (biology))
Kid Facts - Blast from the past: Mitral Valve
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Samarra Archaeological City
Inscribed on the World Heritage List in 2007
By Dr Mónica Palmero Fernández
Samarra was the capital of the powerful Abbasid Caliphate and the only Islamic capital city that retains its original plan, including its architecture and artistic relics. The Abbasid Empire extended from Tunisia to Central Asia and experienced a Golden Age ca. 775-861 A.D. It was during this period that Caliph Al-Mu’tasim founded Samarra as a new capital at the banks of the Tigris, where he built large palatial complexes. Caliph al-Mutawakkil further developed the city with more palatial complexes, such as al-Mutawakkiliyya and the Great Mosque of Samarra with its famous spiral minaret of Malwiya. In 892, Caliph al-Mu’tadid moved the capital back to Baghdad, thus marking the beginning of a slow decline for the city. The wall that today surrounds the city was apparently built in 1834 out of Abbasid bricks, forming part of the Ottoman town’s Shi’a heritage.
Image illustrating the samarra malwiya minaret as it looked in 1973. people appear climbing the minaret
Samarra Malwiya Minaret, 1973. ©IgorF, CC BY-SA 3.0
Samarra Archaeological City represents the best-preserved example of distinguished architecture of the Abassid Caliphate. Around 80% of the ancient city’s extent remains to be excavated, thus offering unparalleled potential for investigation compared to other sites such as Baghdad, where ruins are overlaid with modern structures and thus less accessible to archaeologists. The city’s well-preserved architecture includes the largest and most representative religious and palatial complexes in the Islamic world. Artistic developments such as a carved stucco style known as the Samarra style or the Lustre Ware that imitates gold and silverware originated at the site, from where they spread across the Islamic world at the time.
Image illustrating a detail of the archaeological site of Samarra in Iraq. A brick wall appears in the foreground
Samarra Malwiya wall. © Ekhlas Sami, CC BY-SA 4.0
The integrity of the remains after abandonment by the Caliphate has been exceptional, with small nuclei of populations remaining in the area and eventually forming the centre of the modern city. Most of the remaining area was left untouched until the early 20th century, with minor losses caused mainly by farming activity in the area. The importance of the archaeological remains was quickly realized by the State Board of Antiquities and Heritage in the 1930s and its integrity protected under the Archaeological Law prior to current hostilities. In the context of its accession to the World Heritage List, Samarra became a focal point of military activity at the onset of the 2003 invasion, with the consequence that some of its landmarks suffered structural damage, especially the Great Mosque, Sur Ishnas (a fortified structure), and Qubbat Alsalybyya (a pavilion/mausoleum).
The site has also been witness to sectarian strife between Sunni and Shi’a communities leading through civil unrest in the aftermath of the 2003 invasion. Several important landmarks were targeted, including the bombing of the golden dome of the Shi’a al-Askari Mosque on 22 February 2006, which set off riots and reprisal attacks across the country although no organization claimed responsibility for the bombing. In June 2014, Daesh attacked the city as part of the Northern Iraq offensive, but were subsequently repulsed.
As of 2019, Samarra Archaeological City retains its position on the List of World Heritage in Danger. UNESCO has expressed grave concern about the state of conservation of the property following intentional destructive acts and local archaeologists continue to urge the government to address mounting concerns about its state of neglect. Nevertheless, the Faculty of Archaeology of Samarra University are making efforts to carry out conservation work across the site.
UNESCO webpage
Image illustrating the Samarra Malwiya minaret, Iraq, in the background. other heritage buildings appear nearby
Samarra Malwiya minaret, 2018. © Ali756115, CC BY-SA 4.0
Image illustrating the Al-Askari mosque under reconstruction
Al-Askari Mosque in 2017. © Tasnim News Agency / CC BY
Image illustrating the Al-Askari mosque under reconstruction
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NASA signs law to protect Neil Armstong’s Foot print on the Moon
Who cares what happens to astronaut artifacts on the moon? All humans should. The US One Small Step Act is the first law enacted by any nation that recognizes the existence of human heritage in outer space.
On December 31, 2020, the One Small Step to Protect Human Heritage in Space Act became law.
That’s important because it reaffirms our human commitment to protecting our history — as we do on Earth with sites like the Historic Sanctuary of Machu Picchu, which is protected through instruments like the World Heritage Convention — while also acknowledging that the human species is expanding into space.
To do so, we must recognize landing sites on the moon and other celestial bodies as the universal human achievements they are, built on the research and dreams of scientists and engineers spanning centuries on this globe.
The lunar landing sites — from Luna 2, the first human-made object to impact the moon, to each of the crewed Apollo missions, to Chang-e 4, which deployed the first rover on the far side of the moon — in particular bear witness to humanity’s greatest technological achievement thus far.
The act also encourages the development of best practices to protect human heritage in space by evolving the concepts of due regard and harmful interference — an evolution that will also guide how nations and companies work around one another.
There is a long way to go toward an enforceable multilateral/universal agreement to manage the protection, preservation or memorialization of all human heritage in space, but the One Small Step law should give us all hope for the future in space and here on Earth.
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Print Logo
Technical Articles
January 19, 2016
Types of Seals
Intro to Plastic Valves: Seals
An O-ring is a round elastomeric ring. O-rings are ideally suited to be a compressed, static seal between non moving parts. O-rings can be used as a face seal on a valve, and used on rotating shafts.
Use of o-rings on linear moving shafts is sometimes not recommended, due to the fact that they create friction, and in extreme cases will rollover, bind, and ultimately cause the valve to stick.
A u-cup is an o-ring formed into a u-shaped channel. Liquid or air pressure “inflates” the u-cup and affects a seal. The u-cup is ideal for use on linear moving shafts and piston heads, because unlike an o-ring the shape does not try to roll with the movement and create friction. The sides of the u-cup allow the shaft to move virtually unhindered, and seal with a wiping action.
u-cup-cross-section u-cups-in-valve
If a secondary or even a series of u-cups are used in the design, only the first one is pressurized, so friction is kept to a minimum. Secondary u-cups are used as backup seals in case the first u-cup fails.
Flat Diaphragms
Flat diaphragms are a flat round disc, usually cut from a sheet material, designed to affect a seal when forced against a valve seat.
Rolling Diaphragms
This is a diaphragm formed in a convoluted shape. It gets its name because as the stem moves, the diaphragm “rolls” at the convolution. It is frequently used in a manner similar to a u-cup, that is, to seal the gap between a linear moving shaft and the valve body. But unlike the u-cup, the rolling diaphragm is permanently affixed to both the shaft and the valve body. Because it is affixed to the shaft and also “inflates” from fluid pressure, the force of the fluid directly impacts the movement of the shaft. In some cases, such as a relief valve, this force is used to accelerate the movement of the shaft. In a pressure regulator, the force on the rolling diaphragm is what causes the shaft to move, so it is referred to as a “sensing” diaphragm.
It is important to eliminate any possibility of water hammer in a piping system where rolling diaphragms are used, as they can be ruptured by the explosive surge.
Sealing Discs
As shown in the illustration above, a disc is referred to as the elastomeric part affixed to the part of the valve stem that affects a seal against the seat. Discs are frequently flat washer-shaped pieces that are assembled into a retainer; they are also frequently a specially-molded shape that is slipped onto the end of the valve stem. Pressure (usually either spring, air, or line pressure) forces the disc firmly against the orifice seat, affecting a seal.
Elastomer Sleeves
A pinch valve uses a round rubber tube (sleeve) that is “pinched” to affect a seal. It is pinched either mechanically or with air pressure. Sometimes the sleeve may be formed in a special shape, so that the external force will cause it to fold or collapse at specific points.
–Rick Bolger, Marketing & Advertising Manager, Plast-O-Matic Valves, Inc.
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Lighting Equipment and Instruments
LESSON 2: Lighting Equipment and Instruments
Students will demonstrate their knowledge of lighting equipment and instruments by playing “The Light is Right” game.
Materials Needed:
Lighting Instruments:
Lamps, Scoops, Fresnels, Par CANs, Ellipsoidals, Striplights, and Follow Spot.
Lighting Equipment
C-Clamps, Safety Cables, Gobos, Gels, Gel frames, and wrenches.
Other Materials:
Copies of the “Lighting Safety” and “Lighting Instruments and Equipment” handouts for each student and slips of cardstock paper with the names of all lighting instruments and equipment written on them (for “The Light is Right” game).
Lesson 2.A Lighting Timeline Handout
Lesson 2.Lighting Equipment and Instruments Handout
Lesson 2.Lighting Safety Handout
Lesson 2.The Light is Right Game Directions
Anticipatory Set/Hook: Have the lighting instruments and equipment on display out on the stage as the students come in. Also have the batten lowered.
Step 1: Instruction—Give a copy of the “Lighting Safety” handout and go over it with them. Have each student read a rule until you’ve gone through all the rules (take time to discuss each rule if necessary).
Step 2: Instruction—Start by talking about plugs. Show students the three types of plugs, and explain to them that the Edison plug is the most common type of plug, but it is not very sturdy and cannot handle much power. Therefore, you won’t see many Edison plugs in theatre lights. Show them the Stage pin plug (which is also referred to as the “three pin” or “stage plug”). Explain to them that this plug is sturdy and can handle a lot of power. Show them the final type of plug, called the Twist-lock plug. Explain that this plug is as sturdy as the Stage Pin Plug, and they actually twist and lock (hence the name) so you don’t have to do any taping when using this type of plug.
Step 3: Instruction—Give a copy of the “Lighting Instrument and Equipment” handout to each student. Remind them that all of the handouts they get in class are supposed to be put in their binders, and that the binders will be turned in at the end of the semester for a grade (and then given back to them, of course).
Modeling—Put on your gloves. Show them a lamp for one of the lights and explain to them that the bulb within the instrument is actually called a lamp. Remind them to never touch a lamp/bulb with their bare hands because the oil from their fingers will burn and cause the light to explode when it is turned on. (I could give a more detailed explanation of this phenomenon, but it’s not necessary—just don’t touch them.) Give them a quick demonstration of how to change a lamp. Tell them that they are never to change a lamp unless they are supervised or certified. Explain to them what the Lamp Housing is.
Guided Practice—If you feel extremely daring, let a few kids put on some gloves and change a lamp.
Instruction—Show and explain the other basic instrument parts: (here are some suggestions of what you can say, but feel free to use whatever wording you want and cover whatever else you feel necessary)
• A C-clamp is the device used to mount the light on the hanging pipes. It is shaped like a C (go figure) and has a bolt on the side. Loosen the bolt to turn the instrument left and right. Just be careful not to twist it off.
Modeling—Show them how to twist the bolt without twisting it off.
• The C-clamp attaches to a U-shaped yoke, which goes over the instrument and attaches at either side. A safety cable is required to attach each light to the batten, as an added safety precaution.
• The front of the instrument has a color frame holder. Some instruments have a latch you must pull open to slide the frame in, while others just have a slot.
Step 4: Show and explain the different lighting instruments: (here are some suggestions of what you can say, but feel free to use whatever wording you want and cover whatever else you feel necessary)
• Soft-edged lights mix together well and provide nice effects, but it is important to remember that they will spill onto proscenium arches, speakers, etc. Barn doors can help give a little control, but cannot make a sharp edge.
• Fresnels are the most popular soft-edged light because they are cheap and blend easily. The beam from these instruments is adjustable, allowing for flooding or spotting. The Fresnel is named after it’s inventor, Augustin Fresnel – a French man who did a lot of optical formulas.
• For large, smooth washes of light, use a strip light (a.k.a. border light). These are long, narrow enclosures with a row of lamps set into them, which provide large amounts of unfocusable light and have several colors. For example, you may have all the blue lights up, all the red, or all the green. Or, you may bring all three colors up at once and the colors mix together to make white light.
• Scoops are used to light large areas or used as work lights. They are inexpensive, but the light goes everywhere.
• PAR cans give off a very bright and intense light. They cannot be focused, but they make good sunlight. These are more popular in rock-and-roll type shows.
• The most popular type of hard-edged lights is the ellipsoidal reflector spotlight, sometimes known as a Leko, which is simply a brand name. These instruments can be hard or soft-edged, but it’s easier to use Fresnels for soft-edges simply because they are less costly than Ellipsoidals.
• Ellipsoidals contain reflectors that allow greater focusing ability. They also have shutters, which can be pushed into the light to create a sharp ledge. Templates (a.k.a. gobos) can also be used to create a pattern in the light. Fresnels can’t do that.
• Ellipsoidals with a long focal length have narrower beams of light than those with shorter focal lengths.
• Follow Spots give off a hard-edged circle of light. You can make the circle bigger or smaller by adjusting the iris. Like ellipsoidals, follow spots have shutters to make hard edges. Follow spots can dim by using the douser, or be colored with color frames.
• Color filters, usually referred to as gels, fit into the front of the instruments and color the light. Filters come in large sheets that you may cut to fit your instruments.
Modeling—Installing color filters: (Again, more dialogue)
• First, find a frame that fits the instrument you want to put a filter in. Second, cut the filter to fit the frame. Slide the filter into the frame. Some frames have a hole in them to stick a brad in. This keeps the filter from slipping out before it gets into the color frame holder. Finally, slide the frame into the slot on the front of the instrument. Be sure the instrument is facing up or the frame will fall out the bottom.
• Diffusion filters are white and are used to spread the light out. Some are made to soften the light and others spread it over large areas.
Step 5: Guided Practice—Give everyone an opportunity to put a gel into a gel frame and then into the light. Let them put a Gobo into an Ellipsoidal. Let them practice opening and closing the shutters on the Ellipsoidal and making other adjustments. Let them practice using the follow spot (moving it, adjusting shutters, etc).
Step 6: Have everyone stop what they are doing and gather around. In preparation for the following game, the lighting instruments and equipment will be separated so that half of them are one side of the stage, while the other half is on the other side of the stage.
Directions—Explain the rules of “The Light is Right” game. Split the students up into two groups. Have prepared a stack of card stock slips of paper with the names of lighting instrument and equipment names on them. Give one group of students half of the slips of paper and give the other half to the second group of students.
Explain to them that each group will have 30 seconds to put the right name next to the right instrument and be back standing by me. If any of the names are by the wrong, tell them so (without revealing which ones are wrong), and then give them another 30 seconds to go and fix what they think is wrong. Do this until they have everything right. Let one group at a time go. While one group is going, have the other group go away where they can’t see what is going on. When both groups have done the game for both sides of the stage, you are finished with the game.
Assessment: Students can be assessed through their guided practice with the instruments, as well as their ability to play “The Light is Right” game.
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History of russian ruble
The ruble has been the currency in Russia for 500 years. The name ‘rouble’ is thought to come from the Russian for ‘chop,’ literally referring to the way a section was cut off a silver ingot, which was the very first incarnation of the currency, with each section holding a different value depending on its weight.
There is no official symbol for the rouble although many options have been suggested over the years, including a ‘P’ with two horizontal stripes. However, the abbreviation ‘???’ is often used in writing.
In 1710 the rouble was first divided into kopecs, 100 of which made up a rouble. Ten roubles are sometimes referred to as ‘chervonets’, in reference to the Soviet gold chervonets issued in 1923 that were the equivalent value.
There have been seven different incarnations of the rouble, due to various drastic changes in the currency’s value, with the most recent being released in 1998.
The FIRST rouble was in place for over 200 years up to 1921 when it fell dramatically in value.flickr-3869006012-image
The SECOND rouble was the first in the series of redenominations, swapping one ‘new’ rouble for 10,000 ‘old’ roubles. These were introduced in 1922.
A quick redenomination took place the year after, valuing the new rouble at 1 to 100 of the former roubles. This was the THIRD rouble.
In 1924, the FOURTH rouble, known as the ‘gold rouble’, was introduced and lasted until 1947. This one was valued at 50,000 of the previous issue of the rouble.
After the Second World War the government attempted to reduce the amount of money in circulation by imposing a confiscatory redenomination on paper money, which valued the new rouble at one tenth the value of the fourth rouble.
From 1961 to 1997, the SIXTH rouble was in circulation and the redenomination was based on the same terms as the 1947 redenomination. After the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, the rouble remained the currency of the Russian Federation. During the early 1990s there was a period of hyper-inflation which meant the currency fell significantly in value.
In January 1998 the seventh rouble was introduced. It was valued at 1,000 of the previous roubles in what was simply a psychological step. Later in the same year, the rouble lost 70% of its value against the US dollar in just six months following the Russian financial crisis of 1998.20081031234417!Banknote_5_rubles_(1997)_front
In the 18th century, the lower value roubles, such as half a kopek or a single kopec were made from copper, while five kopecs up to 50 kopecs and one rouble coins were made from silver. Five rouble coins were originally made from gold.
After the Russian civil war, silver was used for lower value coins with gold chervonets minted in 1923. In 1961 new materials such as aluminium bronze were introduced, along with cupro-nickel-zinc.
In 1991 more modern techniques were used, combining several types of metal to form new, bimetallic coins in denominations including ten roubles. New coins were again released after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991.
Between 1769 and 1917 there were only Imperial issued bank notes, or ‘assignats.’ After 1917 the provisional government issued bank notes, called Kerenki. Soon after, in 1918 state credit notes were issued by the RSFSR, followed by currency notes the following year.
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admin has written 30 articles
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what is right hand thumb rule?
Asked by neha goel | 14th Aug, 2010, 04:41: PM
Expert Answer:
It's used to give the resultant vector in vector product. Stretch right hand thumb, forefinger, middlefinger, at right angles to each other, if the forefinger and middlefinger point in the direction of two vectors to be multiplied then the thumb gives the direction of resultant vector.
For example,
F = q(vxB)
Now the direction of force acting on moving charge q can be calculated if we stretch the forefinger in the direction of velocity of charge, the middle finger in the direction of B, then thumb gives the direction of force.
Answered by | 15th Aug, 2010, 02:58: PM
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A gorilla's chest beat sends an important signal
April 8, 2021
Older, larger gorillas have chest thumps that reflect their stature. (AP Photo/Felipe Dana)
The sound of a mountain gorilla's chest beat is strongly correlated with the primate's size, suggesting that the well-known behavior likely signals useful information about physical prowess to rivals and potential mates alike.
Drawing on a series of chest beat recordings and gorilla size measurements, an international group of researchers used statistical models to show that larger males produce lower-frequency chest beats than smaller males. They detail their findings in a study published April 8 in Scientific Reports
"This iconic sound of the animal kingdom that everyone knows about, that even kids sometimes play with and imitate — it's nice that for the first time we can really say it does correlate with body size," said lead author Edward Wright, a postdoctoral researcher at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Germany.
The chest beat is a display in which a male gorilla, typically, rises up on its hind legs and rapidly beats its chest with cupped hands. Ecologically speaking, it is a multimodal sign, which in this case means it features an audible component as well as visual one. A male gorilla may beat its chest once every five hours on an average day, or as often as 10 times in 20 minutes when, for example, it encounters another group of gorillas.
To investigate the relationship between a gorilla's size and the sound of its chest beat, Wright and his colleagues took 3,211 hours of field recordings on 25 adult male mountain gorillas in Rwanda's Volcanoes National Park. From these recordings, they sampled 36 chest beats and analyzed their duration, rate and number, as well as their peak frequency.
Gauging the size of these wild gorillas was slightly trickier. To do so, the team aimed two parallel laser beams at each gorilla's back when the animals were sitting upright. Because they knew how far apart the lasers were set, the researchers could then measure the size of each gorilla's back by using the laser markers as a scale.
Once the researchers acquired the size and sound data, they used linear mixed models to determine how size and chest beating characteristics related to one another. While they could not find any connection between size and any of the temporal characteristics they looked at, the relationship between size and peak frequency was "significant and fairly strong," Wright said.
Primatologists have long suspected that chest beating conveys information about size, power or fighting ability, and this discovery can help answer further questions about the function of this behavior.
"There's a lot of interest in how these signals have evolved," Wright said in an interview with The Academic Times. "I think in respect [to] gorillas, because they live in a dense rainforest, visibility is not optimal, so it enhances the signal. If individuals are close they can see and hear, but if the individuals are far away they'll just rely on the acoustic component."
Females and juveniles sometimes beat their chests as well, though less often than males, and the sound they make is less resonant, more like the sound of slapping skin than the beating of a drum. Still, Wright does not want to give the impression that female gorillas are by any means weak because they generate a "pat pat pat" sound, whereas males make more of a "pock pock pock." Males just happen to be twice the size of females.
"It's an impressive sound, for sure, and kind of humbling in that I'm in the presence of this huge powerful male that could destroy me if he wanted to," Wright said. "That doesn't happen, thankfully. But it's definitely demonstrating power."
While physiological attributes certainly contribute to the auditory frequency of chest beats, Wright and his colleagues cannot definitively say which ones are driving this relationship between size and sound. Chest size is one likely factor, as is hand size, given that male gorillas beat their chests with cupped hands.
Gorillas also have laryngeal air sacs, large spaces inside the chest cavity. Though he says the theory remains unproven, Wright suspects that bigger gorillas with sizable chests may have more spacious air sacs, which could contribute to lower-frequency chest beats. In any case, more research is needed to determine whether chest size, hand size, laryngeal sac volume or some combination of these features governs the sound of a gorilla's chest beat.
Wright has since moved on to conservation work with the United Nations Environment Programme, studying the effects of climate change on mountain gorillas, which only number around 1,000 as of January 2020. But to understand exactly what information gorillas glean from chest beats, Wright acknowledges that further research must be done.
The study, "Chest beats as an honest signal of body size in male mountain gorillas (Gorilla beringei beringei)," published April 8 in Scientific Reports, was authored by Edward Wright and Martha M. Robbins, Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology; Sven Grawunder, Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology and Goethe Universität Frankfurt; Eric Ndayishimiye and Tara S. Stoinski, Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund International; Jordi Galbany, The George Washington University and University of Barcelona; and Shannon C. McFarlin, The George Washington University.
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Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.
Richards Bay is a large port on the east coast of South Africa, located where the Mhlatuze River drains into the Indian Ocean. It is in the KwaZulu-Natal province, northeast of Durban. More coal is exported from Richards Bay than from any other port in the world.
Originally Richards Bay was the name of a lagoon, or sheltered body of shallow coastal water. The lagoon had an area of about 7,500 acres (3,000 hectares). It was named after Sir Frederick Richards, a British naval officer who served in the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879. In 1935 a wildlife sanctuary was created in the area. A small settlement served mainly as a base for sportfishers.
During the 1960s the South African government decided to make Richards Bay into a harbor where ships could load and unload their cargo. Millions of tons of silt had to be dredged from the bottom of the lagoon before the water was deep enough for large ships. The port was completed in 1976. It is used mainly for the shipment of coal. Most of the coal comes to Richards Bay by train. Rail lines run to the port from Mpumalanga and Gauteng provinces, the neighboring country of Eswatini (formerly Swaziland), and the city of Durban. Products such as wood and granite are also exported on a large scale.
The town of Richards Bay grew along with the port. Cruise ships use the port, and tourists can visit the town’s industries and mines. Hippopotamuses, crocodiles, and aquatic birds still shelter in the wildlife sanctuary. Population (2011 census), 57,387.
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Bifocals are two foci glasses, i.e. which have two sections – one section corrects for distant vision and another corrects for near vision. Such glasses are especially convenient for people who have presbyopia – a disorder when one's eyes cannot focus on different objects, both distant and close. As a rule, this is a disorder of aged people.
Benjamin Franklin, an American politician and scientist, invented bifocals approximately in 1760 mostly because he himself had presbyopia. After their invention Franklin sent a letter to one of his acquaintances, saying that he was very glad he had managed to make these spectacles, because now he could recognize far objects as well as proximal rather easily.
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Aesopian Language
The Russian writer Mikhail Saltykov-Schedrin (1826-1889) was the first intellectual who used this term to describe a certain writing technique. It was named after the ancient Greek fabulist, storyteller and slave, Aesop (c. 620 – 564 BCE), who created a number of fables and who is regarded as the father of European fable poetry.
Aesopian language uses words, metaphors and other ‘codes’ that convey innocent meanings to outsiders but hold concealed meanings to informed members of conspiracy or underground groups.
Saltykov-Schedrin began using this technique to evade censorship while he was satirizing the social ills of his environment during the late Russian Empire. The necessity of this rhetorical device was a witness of the illiberal hegemony of that time.
When was the last time you needed to use Aesopian language?
Shop now
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© 2021 Microbe Notes. These postulates were further refined by Koch and published in 1890. What are Koch’s Postulates – Definition, Koch’s Postulates 2. In 1884, Koch published four postulates that summarized his method for determining whether a particular microorganism was the cause of a particular disease: Each of Koch’s postulatesrepresents a criterion that must be met before a disease can be positively linked with a pathogen. The pathogen from the pure culture must cause the same disease when inoculated into a healthy, susceptible experimental host. allow one to determine whether a relationship exists between a particular organism and a disease. While a microorganism can be isolated from a human, the subsequent use of the organism to infect a healthy person is unethical. koch's postulates. Biology Professor (Twitter: @DrWhitneyHolden) describes Koch's Postulates that are used to identify which pathogen causes a disease. Koch’s Postulates do not account for prion diseases and other agents that cannot be grown in culture. For example, Koch was well aware in the case of cholera that the causal agent, Vibrio cholerae, could be found in both sick and healthy people, invalidating his first postulate. Koch, in his own time, understood the practical limitations of his postulates. Cut between 5 and 10 sections (1 cm) of infected leaf tissue 2. Limitation of Koch’s Postulates. His research led to the creation of Koch's postulates, a series of four generalized principles linking specific microorganisms to specific diseases that remain today the "gold standard" in medical microbiology. Limitations of Koch’s Postulates. He was a German general practitioner and a famous microbiologist. Most time, wild type pathogens require complex nutrients which cannot be supplied within a culture plate. 1. These rules of proof are often referred to as Koch's Postulates. Surface-sterilize (SS) leaf tissue 3. Koch postulates provide a framework for roles of microbes in diseases. Molecular Koch's postulates are a set of experimental criteria that must be satisfied to show that a gene found in a pathogenic microorganism encodes a product that contributes to the disease caused by the pathogen. Please enter a term before submitting your search. Isolation of pathogen from infected tissue. Limitations of Koch’s postulates: Even today Koch’s postulates are considered whenever a new infectious disease arises. In a similar vein, some diseases do not have suitable animal models, which limits the utility of both the original and molecular postulates. The tenets of Koch's postulates are relevant to modern-day microbiota research. Parija S.C. (2012). Most of the human bacterial pathogens satisfy Koch’s postulates except for those of Mycobacterium leprae and Treponema pallidum, the causative agent … There was several limitations of Koch postulates such as; The microorganism should be grown and cultured in pure culture. Robert Koch was a bacteriologist who lived from 1843 to 1910. Therefore, our current medical reasoning is profoundly influenced by views that originated from medical microbiology. (2013). : 9. FULLY EXPLODED Last Updated on: January 10, 2020 by Sagar Aryal Robert Koch and Koch’s Postulates Heinrich Hermann Robert Koch (1843 – 1910) provided remarkable contributions to the field of microbiology. The result was the development of nutrient broth and nutrient agar media that are still in wide use today. Made with ♡ by Sagar Aryal. If the microorganism does not grow in selected media it will fail. Wiki User Answered . Koch’s work on diseases and diagnostics culminated with the creation of what are now known as Koch’s Postulates. 1. the suspected pathogenic organism should be present in all cases of the disease and absent form healthy animals. Poliovirus, which causes paralytic disease in about 1% of those infected is the causative agent of poliomyelitis (commonly known as polio) and is a human enterovirus. Isolate the fungus in pure culture (this means grow the fungus on its own, away from the host plant (apple) and without any contaminating microorganisms). In the experiment, Koch injected healthy mice with a material from diseased animals, and the mice became ill. After transferring anthrax by inoculation through a series of 20 mice, he incubated a piece of spleen containing the anthrax bacillus in beef serum. Koch's postulates are as follows:. The microorganism must be identified in all individuals affected by the disease, but not in healthy individuals. 1. The Lancet Regional Health – Western Pacific, Advancing women in science, medicine and global health, MORTALITY IN WOMEN ON ORAL CONTRACEPTIVES, https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(77)92677-0, Recommend Lancet journals to your librarian. Top Answer. Koch’s Postulates Limitations. Learning About Koch's Postulates. Most time, wild type pathogens require complex nutrients which cannot be supplied within a culture plate. The pathogen must be isolated from the diseased host and grown in pure culture outside the host. Learn how your comment data is processed. If the microorganism does not grow in selected media it will fail. Koch's postulates have played an important role in microbiology, yet they have major limitations. He investigated the anthrax disease cycle in 1876, and studied the bacteria that cause tuberculosis in 1882 and cholera in 1883. Privacy Policy Terms and Conditions. Despite the importance of koch's postulates there are severe limitations for antimicrobial drugsthat inhibition of enzym In his work on diseases, he was trying to establish whether a microbe, obtained from a diseased patient, was in fact the cause of the disease. (2016). The medical applications of biotechnology still heavily depend on the Koch’s principles of affirming the causes of infectious diseases. Koch’s Postulates have major limitations and in practice they are only of historic interest. Koch's postulates and the pathogenesis of comparative infectious disease causation associated with Bartonella species. Describe the symptoms you see on the infected apple and isolate the suspected fungus pathogen responsible. Despite the importance of Koch’s postulates in the development of microbiology, they have severe limitations, which even Koch realized. Robert Koch early recognized that the postulates of causation he had included in 1882 in papers on the etiology of tuberculosis (Koch, 1882a,b; 1938) had their limitations. There is no animal model of infection with that particular bacteria. He introduced solid media for culture of bacteria. During his high school studies, he showed a keen interest in biology. 2010-02-26 21:41:32. Last Updated on January 1, 2020 by Sagar Aryal. Isolation of pathogen from infected tissue.
koch postulates limitations 2021
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Many animals follow daily schedules or seasonal cycles—but can they distinguish, say, three seconds from 13? Some—bumblebees, pigeons, cats and others—are known to perceive passing time with some precision. After years working with the captive seals at the Marine Science Center at Germany's University of Rostock, biologist Frederike D. Hanke suspected the slippery mammals might be able to as well.
Hanke and her team tested her hunch on Luca, an 11-year-old harbor seal at the center. They displayed a white circle on a black computer screen for a period of three to 30 seconds, paused and then flashed the circle again. The researchers trained Luca to press one button if he thought the second display was longer and another if he thought both displays were of equal length. When he was correct, he enjoyed a tasty herring treat.
The team found that Luca could detect differences as short as 420 milliseconds. In other words, he could distinguish a three-second display from one lasting 3.42 seconds. His precision weakened as the pairs of display durations got longer, however. The experiment's results were recently published in Animal Cognition—the first time the ability to measure time has been reported for a pinniped.
Seals may have evolved this skill to make split-second decisions while chasing fish or to identify vocalizations made at different rates by other seals, says Hanke, who is extending her investigation both to more seals and to acoustic stimuli.
Peter Cook, a psychologist at New College of Florida who has studied pinniped cognition and was not involved in Hanke's work, was most impressed by how easily Luca learned the testing task. It is common in psychophysics experiments such as this one for animals to need lots of practice—but Luca learned it in two training sessions. “Even though we're talking about very small discriminations, these short durations really pop for the seal,” he says. “It strongly suggests this is a very robust and well-tuned sense.”
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четверг, 5 марта 2020 г.
Wild boars provide archaeologists with clues to early domestication
Until now, archaeozoologists have been unable to reconstruct the earliest stages of domestication: the process of placing wild animals in captivity remained beyond their methodological reach.
Wild boars provide archaeologists with clues to early domestication
Deformation of the calcaneus (tarsal bone) in wild boars reared in captivity compared to wild boars in their natural
environment. The coloured dots indicate the degree of deformation (minimum in dark blue, maximum in red).
The deformations are mainly related to an elongation of the muscle insertion area in the
highest part of the bone [Credit: Hugo Harbers/AAPSE/CNRS-MNHN]
Using the wild boar as an experimental model, a multidisciplinary team made up of scientists from the CNRS and the French National Museum of Natural History have shown that a life spent in captivity has an identifiable effect on the shape of the calcaneus, a tarsal bone that plays a propulsive role in locomotion.
Being relatively compact, this bone is well preserved in archaeological contexts, which makes it possible to obtain information about the earliest placing of wild animals in captivity.
This modification is caused by changes in the animal's lifestyle, since the bone is reshaped as a result of its movement, the terrain, and muscle stress.
The scientists observed that the shape of the calcaneus was mainly modified in the area of muscle insertions: contrary to what might be expected, captive wild boars displayed greater muscle force than wild boars in their natural environment. It appears that a captive lifestyle turned them from "long-distance runners" into "bodybuilders"'.
As well as providing archaeologists with a new methodology, these findings show the speed with which morphological changes can occur when an animal is taken out of its natural environment by humans, and could prove useful in programs reintroducing captive-bred animals into the wild.
These results are published in the journal Royal Society Open Science.
Source: CNRS [March 03, 2020]
* This article was originally published here
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A History of Law and Policing- 621 BCE-1800
It was in 621 BC that the first recorded community code of conduct was introduced in Athens by the first recorded Greek legislator. His name was Draco. He was a nobleman, member of the oligarchy that ruled Athens at the time. Draco’s Code, written on tablets and distributed throughout Athens, ordered a system aimed at protecting life and possessions. It replaced the arbitrary interpretation and enforcement of Oral Law by an elite few (Foster).
Draco’s Code represents the first comprehensive common law of a major culture (history-world.org), and made protecting personal property a matter of community concern. Under the Draco Code, punishments for crimes against property were severe enough to spawn the adjective, draconian. Asked why theft of a cabbage should call for the death penalty, Draco is said to have responded, “Because I could think of no more severe punishment” (Foster).
The rule of law adopted in Draco’s Code for a community (or state) response to protect property is a primary cause for establishing community surveillance available through a police force. Similar codes like it have been adopted in various forms throughout the world. But fits and starts in widespread use of its most valued tool, public surveillance, reflect the tug between the democratic ideal of Liberty and that of Justice, as well as to what extent crime prevention strategies are embraced. Perfect Liberty means no one investigates the personal affairs of anyone. Perfect Justice brings offenders to face their accused in court, or better, stops the crime from being committed altogether, and demands the watchfulness of Allan Pinkerton’s All-Seeing-Eye-that-Never-Sleeps logo.
The first use of widespread public surveillance I could find occurred before the turn of the first millennium when Gaius Octavius, the grand nephew of Julius Caesar, established the Praetorian Guard. Shortly after ascending to power in 27 BCE and proclaiming himself Caesar, Octavius established the elite guard of nine-thousand men. Three thousand were billeted in Rome, in homes among the people, rather than a central barracks, as was the custom, so better to be on the lookout for crooks and malcontents. Captured Nubian slaves were also used for crowd control and patrols. Their color, dress and stature made them stand out among the Mesopotamian population; making them a visible deterrent to crime future uniformed police would try to attain (Real Police Net). A special unit of Praetorian Guard, known as speculatore, also used disguises to infiltrate public events (History.com).
Pretorian soldiers_relief_med
Octavius Caesar Praetorian Guard
Modern policing in the United States is predominantly a product of “English Anarchy” and a Continental monarchy system of spying, improved on by Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte. English Anarchy is a term I use to describe the number of feudal families vying for the Crown of England, leaving no one in charge for very long. Early law enforcement until the 1272-1307 reign of England’s Edward I, son of Henry IV, was largely a clan affair. As formalized in the Statute of Winchester in 1285, members of a clan or small township were responsible for crimes within their borders and expected to make restitution and exact punishment on members engaged in crime (Criminality, Armitage, p. 20).
During this time much of the lawlessness came from feudal acts by local barons, whose armies attacked and pillaged villages of competing barons. Working through an early Parliament, Edward established Justices in each township to keep the order. As a representative of the King, any attack on any local Justice was considered a traitorous attack on the Crown, and dealt with as such. Edward was successful fighting feudalism in Wales, where after the defeat of the Barons of Eversham in 1265 he established the English system of administration (Criminality). He died on the way to Scotland in 1307 to fight a similar campaign there against Robert Bruce.
In 1361 the Justice of the Peace Act was passed by Parliament aimed at consolidating the power of the various justices, sheriffs, constables, coroners, hundreds, etc. in to a Justice of the Peace in each county (Foster). This system of justice worked well enough in the early small towns and shires from 13th to 18th Century England. But, as we will see later, the pressures of London’s massive growth during the Industrial Revolution, both in population and wealth, brought about major shifts in law enforcement tactics used and allowed by a skeptical public.
Building the French Surveillance State from Louis XIV to Napoleon
Moving 250 years on and across the English Channel, we encounter the building of the French secret surveillance state. Surveillance is, appropriately, a French word meaning to watch over. We don’t know if Louis XIV read Sun Tzu (The Art of War), but he took the lesson to heart to keep his friends close and his enemies closer. He built Versailles Palace, where a court of 10,000 took up residence, and he could keep a watchful eye. Louis de Rouvroy, duk de Saint Simone was one of the courtiers, reportedly able to maintain a tenuous position in court by immersing in the intrigue and always knowing a great deal of privileged information (St. John).
Louis XIV Built Versailles Castle to watch over all his friends
According to the Duk’s memoir, Louis XIV
“. . . always took great pains to find out what was going on in public places, in society, in private houses, even family secrets, and maintained an immense number of spies and tale-bearers. These were of all sorts, some did not know that their reports were carried to him; others did know it; there were others, again, who used to write to him directly, through channels which he prescribed; others who were admitted by the backstairs and saw him in his private room. Many a man in all ranks of life was ruined by these methods, often very unjustly . . . .” (www.louis-xiv.de).
Versailles Palace at Night
Louis’ heirs, XV and XVI, leading up to the French Revolution also maintained eyes and ears, predominantly on the aristocracy, who would usurp their power given the chance. During the Reign of Terror that engulfed the French Revolution, under leadership of Robespierre and the Jacobites, thousands of dissidents and counter-revolutionaries were identified and put to death on the word of secret informants. It ended only after Robespierre, himself, was accused of being an enemy of the state and sent to the guillotine (Finnemore).
Emperor Napoleon
With Napoleon, things got little better. Under Bonaparte, according to Jean Paul Bertaud, a Professor Emeritus of History at La Sorbonne in Paris, and a specialist on the French Revolution and military history, “You go to a salon, there’s a spy. You go to a brothel, there is a spy. You go to a restaurant, there is a spy. Everywhere there are spies of the police. Everyone listens to what you say. It’s impossible to express yourself unless Napoleon wants you to” (Public Broadcasting System).
During the Enlightenment, though (1685-1815), at least on the Continent, a strong police state came to be seen as necessary and desirable to maintain order. According to Hicks, “a strong independent government and a powerful ruler were believed to be the pre-conditions of the spiritual and material welfare of the subjects.”
Eugene-Francois Vidocq’s Brigade Sûreté
Francois Vidocq, Founder, French Surete
Eugene-Francois Vidocq, Founder, French Sureté
One of the forces that promoted the “French method” of policing and its strong reliance on undercover informants came in 1809. The brash, young ex-con from Nantes, Eugene-Francois Vidocq, grown tired of life on the run, made a deal with Monsieur Henry, the Paris Prefect of Police. He would use his knowledge of the underworld to be an undercover operative in return for protection from future arrests (Fisher). With his knowledge of the underworld, and with the help of networks of informants, by 1812 he was chosen to head the newly formed Brigade Sûreté, the state Security Brigade (Britannica, Secrest, p. 25-26). He and his hand picked crew of former cons had great success in their role, seeing to over 800 arrests in their first year of operation and helping drop the Paris crime rate by 40% by 1820 (Fisher). By 1827, with a division now numbering 30, Vidocq’s successes would help inspire formation of both Scotland Yard and, later, the FBI (Gunter, et al, pp. 5-6).
Interesting aside– The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) was established in the United States as the Bureau of Investigation as a sub-office of the US Department of Justice, in 1908. The US Attorney General? Charles J. Bonaparte, a great-nephew of Emperor Napoleon (Office of Inspector General, Special Report, 2005, Wikipedia).
After reading Vidocq’s memoir, detailing his use of investigative methods he’d developed, Isaiah Lees, San Francisco’s first detective, hired in 1852, marveled, “The great detective’s record keeping, his stress on careful investigations, and the plodding detail work upon which success depended, all made so much more sense now” (Secrest p. 63). Lees, a master of undercover, would be one of the first American detectives to keep files of cases, as pioneered by Vidocq, by modus operandi, mode of operation, including detailed physical descriptions and photographs. By 1860, Allan Pinkerton was also being called the “American Vidocq” (Times-Picayune).
Jonathan Wild, Head Thief Taker
As the French security state was being constructed, haut police taking up crime and sedition prevention through widespread spying (Williams), the early 18th Century in England was still made up of a very localized system of unpaid magistrates, sheriffs, constables and watchmen doing one year volunteer stints, and law enforcement was widely variable and highly corrupt. According to Friedman, “In 18th century England a system of professional police and prosecutors, government paid and appointed, was viewed as potentially tyrannical and, worse still, French.”
Historex Card 725-726 Gendarmerie Imperiale 1804-12
Gendarmerie Imperiale 1804-12
With the Industrial Revolution, London was undergoing immense growth. The population was growing and also the economy, thanks to the American colonies and other parts of the empire producing prodigious wealth. With wealth came more opportunity to separate people from that wealth. Growth in London was unplanned, and there were few defined “neighborhoods”, so rich and very poor were intermingled and there was little safety, especially after dark, due to poor lighting (Pringle, p. 52 Armitage, p. 10).
Bringing a criminal to justice was left to the victim to find the perpetrator and bring them to a magistrate, where they were again responsible to prosecute the case (Friedman). There were men willing to take on the risk of retrieving stolen goods and even collaring the thief, if the price was right. One of the first to see the opportunity was Jonathan Wild. Early policing was marked by a high degree of corruption, and few were as corrupt as the reputed first ever private detective.
Jonathan Wild, Head Thief Taker
Jonathan Wild, Head Thief Taker
When Jonathan Wild arrived in London in the early 18th Century, it was a criminal’s paradise. As the proprietor of a bordello, he became well acquainted with the London underworld (Gunter, et al, p. 4). By 1712, Wild had established what is widely considered the first private detective agency, recovering stolen loot for a fee, and capturing the perpetrator for a larger fee. Business was brisk, and Wild employed a great number of undercover operatives to help with his investigations.
Lured by the £40 Parliamentary Reward offered for capture of felons, Wild joined the growing ranks of thief-takers, a profession much like a bounty hunter. Eventually, he became London’s reputed Head Thief-Taker (Gunter, et al, p. 4, Pringle, Ch. 2). Playing both sides against the middle, Wild could act both as a fence for stolen goods, which he returned to the owner for a finder’s fee, and extort money from those captured to allow their escape from the gallows, the likely outcome of a felony conviction (although, because of a very liberal court system that safeguarded the rights of the accused, who had the right of trial through habeas corpus, freedom from torture to get confessions, and trial before a jury, as well as bribery, a lesser sentence could be imposed, and hanging is estimated to have occurred in “only” about 20-40% of felony arrests (Friedman, Pringle, 50-52).
Wild also had a formidable alliance with a network of informants and fellow thief-takers, who were kept off the end of a rope by their cooperation with him in solving crimes. He was also known to help facilitate the commission of crimes by others, then turn in the participants for the reward (Gunter, et al, p. 4, Pringle, p. 37).
Ticket to Hanging and Burial of Jonathan Wild, London’s First Detective
Wild was hanged in 1725 before a large, boisterous crowd, willing to pay to get at the better vantage points. A sensational trial had revealed all the facts, and his actions sullied the reputation of private detection for many years to come. But, in spite of these doubts, thief-taking was the predominant mode of addressing criminal behavior in London for the next century.
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This is how the world's largest aircraft looks like UP CLOSE (PHOTOS)
Igor Kostin/Sputnik
There were even plans to turn it into a flying passenger airliner with a casino, restaurants and duty free shops.
The plane's wingspan is about the length of a football pitch and its height is equal to a five-storey building. You may wonder why anyone would need such a colossus and how it could possibly fly from airport to airport? But the Soviet Union loved grandiose projects. The aircraft was assigned the code ‘An-225’ and the name ‘Mriya’ (Ukrainian for "dream").
General aircraft designer Peter Balabuev
It was 1975. The idea of a gigantic airliner was pursuing two goals. Firstly, the USSR wanted to have an aircraft that would transport space shuttles from their production site to their place of launch. It was decided that their assembly at a cosmodrome would be more expensive than making a flying cosmodrome. Secondly, they wanted to use it for actual mid-air launches of spacecraft.
Mriya was part of the Energia-Buran program, the Soviet space transport system similar to the US Space Shuttle project. Furthermore, the idea was for the An-225 to carry the Buran shuttle by “piggyback”. An empty Mriya weighed 250 tons and had a maximum take-off weight of 640 tonnes.
At the time, the project was classified as “secret” but, according to the memoirs of its lead designer Anatoly Vovnyanko, “hundreds of thousands of scientists, designers, engineers, military personnel, pilots, workers and other specialists were directly or indirectly involved.” It was not easy: Deadlines were very tight and components were being produced at factories across the whole country. As a result, Mriya performed its maiden flight from Baikonur airfield in 1989, carrying a Buran spaceplane weighing over 60 tons on its back.
Antonov An-225 Mriya Cossack being towed by a tug with a towbar at the 1989 Paris Airshow with the Soviet Buran space shuttle on its back
In the same year, the airliner arrived at the Paris Air Show and caused a sensation. The brainchild of Soviet engineers was indeed the heaviest cargo aircraft ever to take to the skies. Mriya was demonstrated at airshows in Canada, the Czech Republic, Britain and the U.S.
Following its international unveiling, the developers started receiving offers of all kinds. One foreign entrepreneur (his name has not been disclosed) wanted to turn Mriya into a flying VIP cruise liner - with individual cabins for businessmen and newlyweds, comfortable lounges for the other passengers, duty-free shops, restaurants and a casino.
After the successful completion of the first test flight.
An aircraft of this kind could also have been used on the Sydney-London-Tokyo-Sydney route. “I even thought at the time that it would be very easy to arrange for the aircraft's maintenance and ensure a reasonable overhaul period for it since the flights would have been long haul and the payload small,” Vovnyanko recalls.
All other tests were also successful. Mriya would have had a great future had it not been for the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The Energia-Buran program was shut down, and all further work on Mriya halted. Newly independent Ukraine, where the aircraft was originally designed and based, “inherited” it.
Ukraine ended up with one fully-built aircraft and one that was partially built. But Ukraine, too, could not find the financial resources to maintain the project, and they started dismantling Mriya for spare parts.
This photo taken on October 18, 2010 shows Venezuela President Hugo Chavez (R) holding up a model of the Antonov An-225 Mriya plane during his visit to the Antonov plant in Kiev.
The situation changed in the 2000s when commercial requests for transporting super-heavy payloads started coming in. The unique aircraft was revived and, in 2002, started flying again, now as part of Ukraine’s Antonov Airlines.
Mriya ended up carrying cargo such as 250 tonnes of special equipment from Prague to Tashkent, giraffes, the King of Spain's yacht, humanitarian aid for Pakistan and, for example, a generator weighing 174 tons for an Armenian electric power plant from Frankfurt to Yerevan. The latter ensured the aircraft an entry in the Guiness Book of Records for transporting the largest single item of cargo in the history of aviation.
The Chinese were interested in acquiring the second, unfinished aircraft. But in December 2017, they finally lost interest in the project, because most airports in the world are unable to accommodate an aircraft of such weight and size.
AN-225 Mriya lands for a technical halt at Rajiv Gandhi International airport in Hyderabad, India
As for Russia, it was also offered the opportunity to buy Mriya but, as it turned out, Roscosmos was no longer particularly interested in the airliner's space capabilities, while the Russian An-124 Ruslan cargo aircraft could carry oversized cargo. So the deal fell through.
It is true that the idea of a flying cosmodrome has not been abandoned by everyone. In April 2019, American company Stratolaunch System, set up by one of Microsoft’s founders, held a demonstration of the maiden flight of its gigantic aircraft Model 351 over the Californian desert. It pursues the same goals as Mriya, except its maximum payload is 590 tonnes, which means that Mriya still remains the heaviest airliner in the skies.
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This painting of the Crucifixion of Jesus anachronistically layers a Carthusian monk in front of the cross, meant to emphasize the order’s devotion to the suffering and death of Jesus, as their very motto attests: stat crux dum volivitur orbis (steady the cross in a changing world).
It is likely that this panel was intended for the cell of a monk in an unknown monastery. The Carthusians were particularly devoted to the Passion and Crucifixion of Christ, and devotional images were provided for each monk’s cell. The Carthusian order was founded by Saint Bruno in 1084 with the purpose of providing the strictest separation from the world. The first Carthusians were dedicated to contemplation through silence, prayer, poverty, penance, and almost continuous occupancy of a solitary cell….The artist has not been identified.
Source: Cleveland Museum of Art
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Plant Guide > Ferns > Ceterach Fern
Ceterach Fern
Scolopendrium Ceterach
Graminitis Ceterach
Asplenium Ceterach
Ceterach officinarum
The Ceterach Fern is a downy evergreen pretty-looking fern, growing in tufts. The fronds are thick and fleshy, green, and glabrous on the upper side, but underneath thickly covered with brown scales, which completely conceal the sori. The green of the upper surface contrasts prettily with the rust-coloured brown edge formed round the margin by the scales underneath. The outline is long and narrow, very deeply divided into rounded lobes standing in an oblique position towards the mid-rib.
The short tough roots of this fern insinuate themselves into the crevices of old walls and ruins, in rocky places, and especially in limestone districts in England and Ireland. It is rare in Scotland, but is found in middle and southern Europe and in Africa.
On the old walls of churches and ruins this pretty fern seems to be quite at home, and is often found in company with the Wall Rue. It is to be seen on the walls of Jerusalem. Its medicinal properties were at one time thought to be of great value, but it has fallen into disuse with the progress of knowledge, and the discovery that all these supposed peculiarities, existing in various herbs and plants, depend on some astringent or other principle which is better supplied to the system in a more concentrated form from some other source.
The common name Spleenwort takes its origin in a curious story,-that in Cerito there is a river which divides two portions of land, the Ceterach growing abundantly on one side of the stream and riot on the other. On the side where this fern grows, the pigs are said to have no spleen, but on the other side no such deficiency is recorded. Hence the name Spleenwort, or Asplenon. To this day, Arabian and other eastern writers believe in the virtues of this fern in diseases of the spleen and liver.
To cultivate this fern with any success, its natural habit must be attended to as much as possible. It does best in the interstices of a wall, where the mortar has begun to crumble. In pot culture the soil should be prepared with great care; old crumbled mortar, peat earth, and limestone or oolite, should be well mixed together, and placed in shade. It is generally supposed that it is impossible to grow this fern in the atmosphere of London; yet Mr. Sowerby tells us that the best specimen he ever had flourished in the old wet mortar of a wall in Hatton Garden, where not a ray of sunlight ever reached it, and where the atmosphere was as full of London smoke as it is anywhere.
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Lesson 1: Appreciating Philippine Folk Dances: The Cariñosa, Binatbatan, and Tinikling
Download lesson here.
In every culture, dance is a cherished art form that expresses the values, history, and traditions of a people. In this introductory lesson, you will guide your students through an exploration of Philippine folk dance, specifically three types: the cariñosa, binatbatan, and tinikling. Through a presentation, students will gain knowledge of the historical and cultural significance of each of the three Philippine folk dances. In a group activity, they will learn how to appreciate these three dances by using the Critical Analysis Process, applying the elements of dance and appropriate dance vocabulary. This lesson will build up their understanding of dance as an important cultural expression before they begin learning these dances in the creative process in the 3 lessons that follow.
Key terms: Critical Analysis Process, elements of dance, dance vocabulary, Philippine folk dance, cariñosa, binatbatan, tinikling
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Pan – the god of the wild
Many modern scholars consider Pan to be derived from the reconstructed Proto-Indo-European god *Péh2usōn, whom these scholars believe to have been an important pastoral deity (*Péh2usōn shares an origin with the modern English word “pasture”). The Rigvedic god Pushan is believed to be a cognate of Pan. The connection between Pan and Pushan was first identified in 1924 by the German scholar Hermann Collitz. According to Edwin L. Brown, the name Pan is probably a cognate with the Greek word ὀπάων “companion”.
In his earliest appearance in literature, Pindar’s Pythian Ode iii. 78, Pan is associated with a mother goddess, perhaps Rhea or Cybele; Pindar refers to maidens worshipping Cybele and Pan near the poet’s house in Boeotia.
The worship of Pan began in Arcadia which was always the principal seat of his worship. Arcadia was a district of mountain people, culturally separated from other Greeks. Arcadian hunters used to scourge the statue of the god if they had been disappointed in the chase.
Being a rustic god, Pan was not worshipped in temples or other built edifices, but in natural settings, usually caves or grottoes such as the one on the north slope of the Acropolis of Athens. These are often referred to as the Cave of Pan. The only exceptions are the Temple of Pan on the Neda River gorge in the southwestern Peloponnese – the ruins of which survive to this day – and the Temple of Pan at Apollonopolis Magna in ancient Egypt. In the 4th century BC Pan was depicted on the coinage of Pantikapaion.
In the mystery cults of the highly syncretic Hellenistic era, Pan is made cognate with Phanes/Protogonos, Zeus, Dionysus and Eros.
The goat-god Aegipan was nurtured by Amalthea with the infant Zeus in Crete. In Zeus’ battle with Typhon, Aegipan and Hermes stole back Zeus’ “sinews” that Typhon had hidden away in the Corycian Cave. Pan aided his foster-brother in the battle with the Titans by letting out a horrible screech and scattering them in terror. According to some traditions, Aegipan was the son of Pan, rather than his father.
Echo was a nymph who was a great singer and dancer and scorned the love of any man. This angered Pan, a lecherous god, and he instructed his followers to kill her. Echo was torn to pieces and spread all over earth. The goddess of the earth, Gaia, received the pieces of Echo, whose voice remains repeating the last words of others. In some versions, Echo and Pan had two children: Iambe and Iynx. In other versions, Pan had fallen in love with Echo, but she scorned the love of any man but was enraptured by Narcissus. As Echo was cursed by Hera to only be able to repeat words that had been said by someone else, she could not speak for herself. She followed Narcissus to a pool, where he fell in love with his own reflection and changed into a narcissus flower. Echo wasted away, but her voice could still be heard in caves and other such similar places.
Disturbed in his secluded afternoon naps, Pan’s angry shout inspired panic (panikon deima) in lonely places. Following the Titans’ assault on Olympus, Pan claimed credit for the victory of the gods because he had frightened the attackers. In the Battle of Marathon (490 BC), it is said that Pan favored the Athenians and so inspired panic in the hearts of their enemies, the Persians.
In two late Roman sources, Hyginus and Ovid, Pan is substituted for the satyr Marsyas in the theme of a musical competition (agon), and the punishment by flaying is omitted.
In another version of the myth, the first round of the contest was a tie, so the competitors were forced to hold a second round. In this round, Apollo demanded that they play their instruments upside-down. Apollo, playing the lyre, was unaffected. However, Pan’s pipe could not be played while upside down, so Apollo won the contest.
The constellation Capricornus is traditionally depicted as a sea-goat, a goat with a fish’s tail. A myth reported as “Egyptian” in Hyginus’ Poetic Astronomy that would seem to be invented to justify a connection of Pan with Capricorn says that when Aegipan — that is Pan in his goat-god aspect — was attacked by the monster Typhon, he dove into the Nile; the parts above the water remained a goat, but those under the water transformed into a fish.
Aegocerus “goat-horned” was an epithet of Pan descriptive of his figure with the horns of a goat.
Pan could be multiplied into a swarm of Pans, and even be given individual names, as in Nonnus‘ Dionysiaca, where the god Pan had twelve sons that helped Dionysus in his war against the Indians. Their names were Kelaineus, Argennon, Aigikoros, Eugeneios, Omester, Daphoenus, Phobos, Philamnos, Xanthos, Glaukos, Argos, and Phorbas.
Two other Pans were Agreus and Nomios. Both were the sons of Hermes, Agreus’ mother being the nymph Sose, a prophetess: he inherited his mother’s gift of prophecy, and was also a skilled hunter. Nomios’ mother was Penelope (not the same as the wife of Odysseus). He was an excellent shepherd, seducer of nymphs, and musician upon the shepherd’s pipes. Most of the mythological stories about Pan are actually about Nomios, not the god Pan. Although, Agreus and Nomios could have been two different aspects of the prime Pan, reflecting his dual nature as both a wise prophet and a lustful beast.
Aegipan, literally “goat-Pan,” was a Pan who was fully goatlike, rather than half-goat and half-man. When the Olympians fled from the monstrous giant Typhoeus and hid themselves in animal form, Aegipan assumed the form of a fish-tailed goat. Later he came to the aid of Zeus in his battle with Typhoeus, by stealing back Zeus’ stolen sinews. As a reward the king of the gods placed him amongst the stars as the Constellation Capricorn. The mother of Aegipan, Aix (the goat), was perhaps associated with the constellation Capra.
Sybarios was an Italian Pan who was worshipped in the Greek colony of Sybaris in Italy. The Sybarite Pan was conceived when a Sybarite shepherd boy named Krathis copulated with a pretty she-goat amongst his herds.
Christian apologists such as G. K. Chesterton repeated and amplified the significance of the “death” of Pan, suggesting that with the “death” of Pan came the advent of theology. To this effect, Chesterton once said, “It is said truly in a sense that Pan died because Christ was born. It is almost as true in another sense that men knew that Christ was born because Pan was already dead. A void was made by the vanishing world of the whole mythology of mankind, which would have asphyxiated like a vacuum if it had not been filled with theology.” It was interpreted with concurrent meanings in all four modes of medieval exegesis: literally as historical fact, and allegorically as the death of the ancient order at the coming of the new. Eusebius of Caesarea in his Praeparatio Evangelica (book V) seems to have been the first Christian apologist to give Plutarch’s anecdote, which he identifies as his source, pseudo-historical standing, which Eusebius buttressed with many invented passing details that lent verisimilitude.
In more modern times, some have suggested a possible a naturalistic explanation for the myth. For example, Robert Graves (The Greek Myths) reported a suggestion that had been made by Salomon Reinach and expanded by James S. Van Teslaar that the hearers aboard the ship, including a supposed Egyptian, Thamus, apparently misheard Thamus Panmegas tethneke ‘the all-great Tammuz is dead’ for ‘Thamus, Great Pan is dead!’, Thamous, Pan ho megas tethneke. “In its true form the phrase would have probably carried no meaning to those on board who must have been unfamiliar with the worship of Tammuz which was a transplanted, and for those parts, therefore, an exotic custom.” Certainly, when Pausanias toured Greece about a century after Plutarch, he found Pan’s shrines, sacred caves and sacred mountains still very much frequented. However, a naturalistic explanation might not be needed. For example, William Hansen has shown that the story is quite similar to a class of widely known tales known as Fairies Send a Message.
The cry “Great Pan is dead” has appealed to poets, such as John Milton, in his ecstatic celebration of Christian peace, On the Morning of Christ’s Nativity line 89, and Elizabeth Barrett Browning.
One remarkable commentary of Herodotus on Pan is that he lived 800 years before himself (c. 1200 BCE), this being already after the Trojan War.
In the late 18th century, interest in Pan revived among liberal scholars. Richard Payne Knight discussed Pan in his Discourse on the Worship of Priapus (1786) as a symbol of creation expressed through sexuality. “Pan is represented pouring water upon the organ of generation; that is, invigorating the active creative power by the prolific element.”
In the English town of Painswick in Gloucestershire, a group of 18th-century gentry, led by Benjamin Hyett, organised an annual procession dedicated to Pan, during which a statue of the deity was held aloft, and people shouted ‘Highgates! Highgates!” Hyett also erected temples and follies to Pan in the gardens of his house and a “Pan’s lodge”, located over Painswick Valley. The tradition died out in the 1830s, but was revived in 1885 by the new vicar, W. H. Seddon, who mistakenly believed that the festival had been ancient in origin. One of Seddon’s successors, however, was less appreciative of the pagan festival and put an end to it in 1950, when he had Pan’s statue buried.
John Keats’s “Endymion” opens with a festival dedicated to Pan where a stanzaic hymn is sung in praise of him. “Keats’s account of Pan’s activities is largely drawn from the Elizabethan poets. Douglas Bush notes, ‘The goat-god, the tutelary divinity of shepherds, had long been allegorized on various levels, from Christ to “Universall Nature” (Sandys); here he becomes the symbol of the romantic imagination, of supra-mortal knowledge.'”
In the late 19th century Pan became an increasingly common figure in literature and art. Patricia Merivale states that between 1890 and 1926 there was an “astonishing resurgence of interest in the Pan motif”. He appears in poetry, in novels and children’s books, and is referenced in the name of the character Peter Pan. In the Peter Pan stories, Peter represents a golden age of pre-civilisation in both the minds of very young children, before enculturation and education, and in the natural world outside the influence of humans. Peter Pan’s character is both charming and selfish emphasizing our cultural confusion about whether human instincts are natural and good, or uncivilised and bad. J. M. Barrie describes Peter as ‘a betwixt and between’, part animal and part human, and uses this device to explore many issues of human and animal psychology within the Peter Pan stories.
He is the eponymous “Piper at the Gates of Dawn” in the seventh chapter of Kenneth Grahame’s The Wind in the Willows (1908). Grahame’s Pan, unnamed but clearly recognisable, is a powerful but secretive nature-god, protector of animals, who casts a spell of forgetfulness on all those he helps. He makes a brief appearance to help the Rat and Mole recover the Otter’s lost son Portly.
Arthur Machen’s 1894 novella “The Great God Pan” uses the god’s name in a simile about the whole world being revealed as it really is: “seeing the Great God Pan”. The novella is considered by many (including Stephen King) as being one of the greatest horror stories ever written.
Pan entices villagers to listen to his pipes as if in a trance in Lord Dunsany’s novel The Blessing of Pan published in 1927. Although the god does not appear within the story, his energy certainly invokes the younger folk of the village to revel in the summer twilight, and the vicar of the village is the only person worried about the revival of worship for the old pagan god.
Pan is also featured as a prominent character in Tom Robbins’ Jitterbug Perfume (1984). Aeronautical engineer and occultist Jack Parsons invoked Pan before test launches at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory.
The British writer and editor Mark Beech of Egaeus Press published in 2015 the limited-edition anthology Soliloquy for Pan which includes essays and poems such as “The Rebirthing of Pan” by Adrian Eckersley, “Pan’s Pipes” by Robert Louis Stevenson, “Pan with Us” by Robert Frost, and “The Death of Pan” by Lord Dunsany. Some of the detailed illustrated depictions of Pan included in the volume are by the artists Giorgio Ghisi, Sir James Thornhill, Bernard Picart, Agostino Veneziano, Vincenzo Cartari, and Giovanni Battista Tiepolo.
Pan’s goatish image recalls conventional faun-like depictions of Satan. Although Christian use of Plutarch’s story is of long standing, Ronald Hutton has argued that this specific association is modern and derives from Pan’s popularity in Victorian and Edwardian neopaganism. Medieval and early modern images of Satan tend, by contrast, to show generic semi-human monsters with horns, wings, and clawed feet.
In 1933, the Egyptologist Margaret Murray published the book, The God of the Witches, in which she theorised that Pan was merely one form of a horned god who was worshipped across Europe by a witch-cult. This theory influenced the Neopagan notion of the Horned God, as an archetype of male virility and sexuality. In Wicca, the archetype of the Horned God is highly important, as represented by such deities as the Celtic Cernunnos, Hindu Pashupati, and Greek Pan.
A modern account of several purported meetings with Pan is given by Robert Ogilvie Crombie in The Findhorn Garden (Harper & Row, 1975) and The Magic of Findhorn (Harper & Row, 1975). Crombie claimed to have met Pan many times at various locations in Scotland, including Edinburgh, on the island of Iona and at the Findhorn Foundation.
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Page Logo
2020 Pioneers Collection
Amazing individuals that contributed to the LGBTQ+ global movement
Pioneers Image
The brave individuals that stood up and through their actions changed the rules, laws and opinions relating to the LGBTQ+ community across the globe
We must never forget all of the individuals that stood up against adversity and made their voices heard. Through their actions and often personal sacrifice change the world around them.
Many of the laws and rights we all enjoy, were hard-fought and these individuals often from very different cultures and very times did not let society dictate how they should live their lives and stood up for what they believe.
Each year we will highlight and focus on these ground-breaking pioneers, with this in mind, we would like to introduce you to the 2020 pioneer’s collection. Click here to discover other exceptional individuals in our 2019 Pioneers Collection
Jean Jacques Régis de Cambacérès
French Nobleman, Lawyer and Statesman
Montpellier, France
b. 1753 - d. 1824
Jean-Jacques was a key player in decriminalising homosexuality under French Law in the early 1800s. Jean-Jacques was a lawyer and statesmen during the French Revolution and who later became one of the authors of the Napoleonic Code, which even today, underpins the French civil law and the laws in many other countries.
Jean-Jacques was an openly gay man, it was widely known amongst his social circles, and he, himself, never made any effort to conceal it, there are even accounts where Napoleon Bonaparte himself, referenced Jean-Jacques’ sexuality. Being a gay man during this period of history was dangerous as prior to the French Revolution, sodomy was a capital crime with a maximum penalty of death by being burnt alive at the stake. Very few people received the maximum penalty, as many were given warnings or short prison sentences; however, the threat was always present.
Though through his work, Jean-Jacques helped to decriminalised homosexuality in France, it is widely believed that this was done in error rather than by design. The Napoleonic Code was implemented after the French revolution by Napoleon Bonaparte and was a revised form of Roman Law and dealt with matters relating to civil law. Though homosexuality was left out of the Napoleonic code, Jean-Jacques was not responsible for official ending the legal prosecution of homosexuals; it was when in 1810 that the authors of the Penal Code left out references to homosexuality that it became officially decriminalised.
Whether intentional or not, Jean-Jacques contributed to the decriminalising of homosexuality in both France and many countries around the world, enabling many to have the freedoms that they enjoy today.
May you never be forgotten.
Edith Windsor
American LGBT Rights Activist and Technology Specialist
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA
b. 1929 - d. 2017
After the loss of her partner, Thea Spyer in 2009, and the Inheritance tax and legal definition of her relationship, directly contributed to Edith filing a lawsuit against the US federal government. The court case (the United States versus Windsor) would prove to become a landmark victory for the same-sex marriage movement in the USA.
Edith was from a Russian Jewish immigrant family, whose family suffered greatly in the Great Depression. Edith’s childhood was not easy, with questioning her sexuality from a young age and being subject to anti-Semitism throughout her childhood. In 1957, Edith obtained a Master’s degree in Mathematics from New York University. Shortly after her graduation, Edith joined IBM, where she worked for 16 years, working in the fields of systems architecture, operating systems and natural language processors. In 1975, Edith formed a consultancy firm specialising in software development, and her organisation helped many LGBTQ groups to become IT literate.
Edith spent many of her early years living in the closest, even marrying her brother's best friend Saul Windsor in 1951; however, their marriage only lasted one year. It was in 1963 that Edith met Thea Spyer, an Amsterdam-born psychologist, though they would meet frequently; it would take a further two years before they started officially dating. In 1967, Edith and Thea wanted to get married; however, it was not legal in the USA, and it was only until 1993 that they were able to register for a domestic partnership. In 2007, after Thea received a terminal diagnosis, the couple decided that they could no longer wait and decided to get married in Canada, even though the legal status of their relationship was not recognised in their home country.
Upon Thea's death, Edith was required to pay 363-thousand-dollars inheritance tax for assets that they both shared. At the time, the US government defined a spouse as being that of a heterosexual relationship, between a man and a woman and when officially married, upon the death of a spouse, the remaining spouse is not be required to pay any inheritance tax. In 2010, Edith filed a lawsuit against the US federal government citing that the Defence of Marriage Act, known as the DOMA, discriminated against same-sex couples. In 2013, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that DOMA was unconstitutional and was a deprivation of the liberty of the person protected by the Fifth Amendment. The landmark ruling enabled the legalisation of same-sex marriages across the US.
Edith was not only a trailblazer in technology; however, through her direct actions, Edith helped to change the law in the US to enable many same-sex couples to be married and recognised within the law.
May you never be forgotten.
Oscar Wilde
Irish Poet and Playwright
Dublin, Ireland
b. 1854 - d. 1900
Oscar was a brilliant playwright and poet but suffered greatly because of his personal life. Unfortunately, Oscar lived in London in the late 1800s, a time when sodomy (the term relating to the sexual act performed within gay relationships) was illegal and the punishment, if prosecuted, resulted in prison sentences and hard labour. Oscar's success and relationships made him a high profiled example of the anti-LGBT laws that existed at that time.
Oscar was born in Dublin, Ireland to a renowned and knighted ear and eye surgeon. Oscar’s early years were privileged, with Oscar attending many prestigious academic institutions. After reading classics at Trinity College, Dublin, Oscar went to Magdalen College, Oxford to read the literary greats. While at Oxford, Oscar became known for his decadence, with his long hair and his room decorated with peacock feathers and flowers. After Oxford, Oscar began working as a journalist and in 1881, published his first collection of poems. In 1888, while editor of Lady's World, he produced nearly all of his literary greats over seven years. While living in London, Oscar met and married Constance Lloyd in 1884, where they went on to have two children. Through his work as a journalist, plays and his published works such as The Picture of Dorian Gray, Oscar's popularity increased as he became well-known, and his work received critical acclaim.
Like in his public life, Oscar’s personal life was also getting a lot of attention. In 1985, the Marquess of Queensbury left a calling card at Oscar’s club, the Albemarle, in which the note read “For Oscar Wilde, posing somdomite." Against the advice of his friends, Oscar started legal proceedings against the Marquess for libel. To avoid a jail sentence if found guilty, the Marquess built a case against Oscar; private investigators were hired to prove Oscar's association with male prostitutes, cross-dressers and homosexual brothels. Many of the people interviewed were being threatened to appear as witnesses as many were also involved in the crimes Oscar was being accused of committing. The case built by the Marquess was so compelling that he was acquitted of all charges and Oscar was forced to pay all of the Marquess’ legal fees, bankrupting Oscar.
Once the libel case was over, Oscar was immediately issued the warrant for his arrest on the charges of sodomy, and the charges were brought about due to the evidence presented in the libel case relating to Robbie Ross, to whom Oscar had a relationship. The court hearing lasted over one month, where Oscar was found guilty and sentenced to prison for two years of hard labour, which consisted of many hours of walking a treadmill and picking oakum. Once Oscar’s sentence was over, he immediately exiled himself from Britain and lived out his remaining years in France.
Oscar’s literary works are still appreciated today, with many being made into films or referenced in popular television shows. It is Oscar’s challenges to live his true life, against such high personal risks to his reputation for someone so public that makes him a true pioneer.
May you never be forgotten.
Peggie Ames
Transgender Rights Activist
Buffalo, New York, USA
b. 1921 - d. 2000
Peggie Ames was a transgender activist, who in the 1970s was transitioning at a time when not only did Peggie face discrimination for being transgender but also at a time when gender and sexual discrimination was rife. Identifying a lesbian, Peggie was often rejected by many within the lesbian feminist community, even with all this persecution, rejection and discrimination, Peggie was courageous and never gave up, making her even to this day one of the leading activists within the transgender community.
Peggie was born in 1921 and was assigned male at birth, Peggie knew from a young age that she was different and would often wear her mother and sisters’ clothes and cosmetics. For many being a crossdresser or transgender in the 1920s and 1930s was hard, which meant Peggie for many years lived as a man to fit in, dressing and living as a woman only in secret. After graduating from college, Peggie married and started a family prior to joining the Air Force during World War II. Peggie opened an insurance business after being honourably discharged from the Air Force and went on to have four children, continually living in fear of being found out by her friends and family. It was after Peggie's deeply religious wife found Peggie asleep at home in women’s clothing that Peggie decided to begin living her true life. Peggie had been at home alone and had fallen asleep not expecting to be discovered, though Peggie's wife tried to be supportive initially, ultimately her beliefs would lead her to divorce Peggie in 1973.
After the divorce, Peggie struggled financially having to start a furniture refinishing, antique restoration business, and teaching adult education courses on woodworking. Peggie lived all of her life in a rural community, communities in which she faced discrimination daily and even against all this negativity and rejection, Peggie decided to push forward with her transition. In 1974, Peggie underwent sex reassignment surgery at great expense to complete her journey. By now Peggie was advocating for transgender as well as LGBT rights, being in involved in many groups and causes, however even with her progressive work, many within her local gay and lesbian community rejected Peggie and expelled her from groups as they believed her presence created an unsafe space and that given they believe she projected a highly feminine appearance. Though Peggie would form personal relationships with people, many within her own family would never accept her for who she was. Peggie was denied access to her eight grandchildren and one of her sons, sadly took his own life, citing in a letter that Peggie was the reason he took his own life. It was years later that the remaining children made contact with Peggie; however, Peggie for the majority of post transgender life was rejected by her family.
Peggie's journey started like many transgender people during that era; however, most would learn to suppress, hide and even take their own lives for fear of discovery. Peggie knew that the road ahead would be hard, but accepted that being true to yourself is the most important thing we can do in our lives. Peggie's bravery, courage and perseverance will live on within a community that even today still face a lot of persecution.
May you never be forgotten.
William (Bill) James Kraus
American Gay-Rights, AIDS Activist and Congressional Aide
Fort Mitchell, Kentucky, USA
b. 1947 - d. 1986
Bill was an American gay-rights, HIV/AIDS activist and congressional aide who worked in San Francisco; Bill became interested in politics by learning from openly gay elected officials, such as Harvey Milk. After Harvey's assassination, Bill went onto work on the campaign to help get Harry Britt successfully elected, as Harvey Milk's successor on the San Francisco city council. Bill worked as the gay liaison working for two successive U.S Representatives and through his work helped raise awareness and funding for research into HIV/AIDS early in the 1980s.
Bill was originally from Fort Mitchell, Kentucky in the USA and after graduating from Ohio State University, he moved to San Francisco in 1970. It was in San Francisco where got into politics, learning from a number of key figures people from within the community including from one of the first openly gay elected officials in the USA, Harvey Milk. Bill was the two-time president of the Harvey Milk Gay Democratic Club; however, he received a lot of criticism when he ran a safe-sex campaign, where he argued members of the gay community to change their lifestyles and even called for the closure of bathhouses and saunas.
Bill work as the liaison between the San Francisco Gay Community and two successive U.S. Representatives in the early 1980s. Bill was an early advocate of concentrating on raising HIV/AIDS awareness, prevention and research and through his work with the U.S Representatives helped to not only raise awareness but also funding for crucial research. Sadly, after fighting for gay rights and HIV/AIDS prevention, Bill was diagnosed with AIDS in October 1984 and died two years later at just 38-years-old.
Thanks to the work of Bill and the U.S. Representatives Phillip and Sala Burton, HIV/AIDS gained awareness early into the epidemic in the 1980s, that claimed nearly a million lives throughout the decade around the world. The US representatives obtained funding into AIDS research, which has helped in advancements and medications that exist today in controlling and preventing HIV/AIDs.
May you never be forgotten.
Is there someone you feel deserves to be part of our 2021 collection. The individual does not have to be a celebrity, just someone who has worked in the past to help better and improve the laws, rights and conditions within the international LGBTQ community, if so, please get in touch.
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Wakefield, Edward Gibbon
b. 1796-03-20
d. 1862-05-16
Edward Gibbon Wakefield was a British author and politician who developed extensive policies for British colonization, particularly in Australia and New Zealand.1 He was also heavily involved in the production of Lord Durham's Report on the Affairs of British North America.2 Wakefield's policies proposed that land acquired through colonization be sold at a sufficient price to fund the emigration of Britons of diverse social backgrounds to British colonies in order to create more successful colonies.3 The policies were originally intended for use in Australia and New Zealand, but Wakefield later determined that the same principle could be applied in the Canadian context and appended the proposed policy to Durham's Report.
In the despatches, Wakefield's policies are mentioned as a possible remedy to an ongoing issue of property speculation in the colony, although it is acknowledged that such a policy would only be effective if it were to be adopted in both the British North American colonies and the United States, where land speculation was common.4
Wakefield was born in 1796 in London, England.5 He had an unsettled youth and was expelled from three schools.6 As an adult, he was imprisoned for three years after he abducted a young heiress and persuaded her to marry him.7 During his imprisonment, he took a great interest in colonial policy and conducted extensive research on the topic.8 Lord Durham took an interest in the theories Wakefield developed in prison and invited him as an unofficial advisor during his appointment to Canada to resolve the conflict between Upper and Lower Canada.9
Mentions of this person in the documents
People in this document
Durham, Lord
Places in this document
New Zealand
The Colonial Despatches Team. Wakefield, Edward Gibbon. The Colonial Despatches of Vancouver Island and British Columbia 1846-1871, Edition 2.2, ed. The Colonial Despatches Team. Victoria, B.C.: University of Victoria. https://bcgenesis.uvic.ca/wakefield_eg.html.
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Sudoku Tutorial
Skyscrapers have this name because they resemble two buildings of unequal height.
(although they may be on their side or upside down).
The two 'buildings' in this example are in columns. Each 'building' (column) must have a strongly
linked candidate (6 in this case). Strongly linked meaning the candidate occurs exactly
twice in each of the two columns:
The base of both 'buildings' must be in the same row (row 5 in this example).. The tops of the
buildings must be in different rows (otherwise we would have an X-Wing instead of a
Once you have identified two 'buidlings', you can ignore the rest of the columns. There could be
other columns with strongly linked 6's but these don't affect our skyscraper, even if they share the
same base (row 5).
Note that the 6's do not have to be strongly linked in row 5 (they are weakly linked
in this example since there are four 6's in row 5).
This forces at least one of the 'building tops' (blue cells) to be a 6. It is possible that both blue cells are 6's because
the 6's in row 5 are weakly linked. (If the 6's in row 5 were strongly linked, then only one of the
blue cells could be a 6).
Any cell that is visible to both blue cells can have 6's elimnated.
Tutorial Home
green family
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Survey 101 – An Introduction to Resistivity
We’ve been talking a lot about RES-ing, GPRs, drones and all the technology we’re using here on site in Italy, but what do all these machines actually do, and how do they help us as archaeologists? If you’ve been wondering about these very issues then read on! The first piece of kit I’ll be talking about is the resistivity meter or, RES.
In the most basic terms, the RES measures the flow of electricity through the ground and any structures that might be hidden there. Archaeological features can be identified when the resistance that the electricity faces is much higher or lower in certain spots than in the rest of the surrounding area. This could either be high resistance from something like a rock or stone, or extremely low resistance from an organic material or even displacement of stones that may once have formed an ancient structure.
The machine itself is made up of three distinct parts – the remote probes, the mobile probes, and the brain (or computer). The remote probes are placed in the ground and once the brain is attached to the mobile probes, they get walked up and down the field. The data is formed by measuring the electricity passing between these two sets of probes.
But how is data actually collected and organised by the machine? The backbone to any survey is the grids – 20x20m or 10x10m squares, set up with coloured poles and cones to mark the corners. For the RES we also place small markers at 2 metre intervals on two opposing sides of the square. We try and fit as many grids as possible within a field in order to maximise the area we can survey.
Once the grids are up we can begin RES-ing. points need to be taken every metre, and by using metre marked ropes between the 2 metres markers on the perimeter we can quickly walk up and down the grids by moving the ropes to the premeasured markers.
Students walking the RES in front of the theatre
All members of the RES team for the day have assigned jobs that rotate every time we move to a new grid. The main task is to walk the machine up and down the ropes within the grids, inserting the probes at every metre mark. Each pair of probes measures 50cm in each direction, giving an overall reading of 2m x 1m. Equally important is the cable holder who ensures the electric cord is not being pulled too tightly and also that it is clear of the mobile probes. Probes piercing electrical cable = bad news.
The last two places are filled by rope wranglers who manoeuvre the ropes across the grids whilst also ensuring the cable isn’t tangled and the walker is evenly aligned between the ropes.
We have found that these are the minimum numbers for an effective team, but should more people be with us for a session, jobs can always be found for them as additional rope or cable wranglers.
Note taking is also a hugely important part of any survey. We like to keep records of as much as we can so that in the event of any problems or discrepancies with data we can look back and work out what might have gone wrong and where.
You can see from the picture above that we note time, date, location, namer of the walker, name of the supervisor, temperature, humidity, as well as a technical sketch of the field and grids.
Once the data has been collected it is “dumped” onto a computer and processed. Whilst is can often take a trained eye to spot things, there are occasions when features jump out of the screen and are immediately visible. Take this shot for example…
Processed data from the RES
That gigantic black line running through 2 squares…yes, that’s a structure! knowing the size of each grid (20x20m) we can also judge the approximate size of the structure which helps determine whether something might be, for example, a wall or a road.
In this field you can also see that one of the squares has not produced any data. In this case it was because there would have been a fence running through the corner if we had placed a grid there. this is also visible on our paperwork.
With this data, we are now able to make a much more educated decision on whether or not the area is worth excavating in the future, and we can also add structures to maps of the area.
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Coriolanus | Study Guide
William Shakespeare
Download a PDF to print or study offline.
Study Guide
Cite This Study Guide
How to Cite This Study Guide
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Course Hero. "Coriolanus Study Guide." Course Hero. 16 Mar. 2018. Web. 13 May 2021. <>.
In text
(Course Hero)
Course Hero. (2018, March 16). Coriolanus Study Guide. In Course Hero. Retrieved May 13, 2021, from
In text
(Course Hero, 2018)
Course Hero. "Coriolanus Study Guide." March 16, 2018. Accessed May 13, 2021.
Course Hero, "Coriolanus Study Guide," March 16, 2018, accessed May 13, 2021,
Coriolanus | Context
Shakespeare's World
Around the time Coriolanus was written, England experienced many significant changes. The Age of Discovery—an era of increased exploration, trade, and cultural interaction with other parts of the world—was underway, and England was heavily involved in both trade with the Middle East and Asia and colonization and slavery in Africa and the New World. Jamestown, Virginia, was established as the first English colony in America in 1607. At the same time, Europe as a whole was undergoing a scientific revolution, with new discoveries in astronomy, anatomy, and physical science rapidly changing the way people understood the world around them. However, despite this growth, Europe was also experiencing immense tension between Catholics and Protestants (Christians who rebelled against Catholic practices) and was on the verge of the Thirty Years' War (1618–48). The Thirty Years' War was a Protestant rebellion against the Catholics fought mainly in Germany.
Although the ancient Greek and Roman classics were revered as links to the past, and any educated person would have instantly recognized the classical source that inspired a play like Coriolanus, the critic John Ripley thinks Shakespeare's purpose in staging Coriolanus may have been more political than nostalgic. He states in his book Coriolanus on Stage in England and America, 1609–1994 (1998) that Shakespeare's interpretation of the story of Coriolanus may have had less to do with bringing ancient Rome to life than it did in bringing the Jacobean era (1603–25) of London to life. The Jacobean era came after the reign of Elizabeth when King James ruled England. Londoners of the time would have recognized the theme of warring factions taking place in their own country as royal absolutist King James struggled against an assertive Parliament.
Coriolanus is considered Shakespeare's most political play. It pits the main character against the governing bodies he claims to support. And it shows the stark contrast between the wealthy (patricians) and the commoners (plebeians). Shakespeare's inspiration and plotting for the play came from the Greek biographer Plutarch (46–120 CE). Plutarch's book Parallel Lives (75 BCE) gives a full account of Coriolanus's social and political struggles and his eventual death. An English translation of this work had been published about 30 years before Shakespeare created Coriolanus.
The Roman World
Coriolanus is set in the early years of the Roman republic after the death of Lucius Tarquinius Superbus or Tarquin the Proud (d. 495 BCE), a brutal leader who was the last of the Roman kings. It is about a hundred years before the action in Shakespeare's Timon of Athens (1605–08), and almost three hundred years before the events in Antony and Cleopatra (1606–07) and Julius Caesar (c. 1599–1600), which are set in the first century BCE. Therefore, Coriolanus is set in a Rome that was not yet a republic, and where there was continued fighting between Roman city-states.
Ancient Rome throughout most of its existence was either in a perpetual state of war or actively prepared for it. Although the Italian peninsula was difficult to invade, there was an enormous fighting force ready for battles abroad at any time, so that Rome could either acquire new territories or defend existing ones. War provided natural resources and monetary tributes from outlying countries. The more battles Rome won, the more allies it created. These allies were important sources of any resource that Rome might lack, such as grain or corn. The distribution of corn is the source of conflict early in Coriolanus.
Warfare also aided Rome in spreading its cultural influence. Although not all of Rome's ventures were successful, multiple victories bolstered the reputation of the wealthy senators who declared the wars.
At the time of Coriolanus, the establishment of tribunes (elected officials) was in its infancy. Tribunes who represented the plebeians (commoners) began to actively participate in the social and political fabric of Rome in 494 BCE. Those holding tribunal positions, such as Sicinius and Brutus in Shakespeare's play, were likely still working out their relationship between the people and the military and senatorial leadership.
Home life and the rearing of children were difficult, even for the wealthy. The infant mortality rate was at times as high as 60 percent. With three out of four children dying, any surviving child was treated with extreme care and devotion. Male children were particularly valued because they could become warriors or political leaders. Many women also died in childbirth. This meant that many children never knew their biological mothers. They grew up being attended to by wet nurses or stepmothers. Therefore, Caius Martius and Volumnia have a very special bond.
Mothering in ancient Rome was a highly praised responsibility. Mothers of prominent families were devoted to advancing their families politically. Mothers were also expected to instill conventional Roman virtues like love of the gods, family devotion, self-control, and duty to Rome. All these virtues are distorted or lacking in Coriolanus. Oddly enough, as important as child-rearing was, mothers had no legal jurisdiction over their own children. For instance, in a divorce the mother would lose the children to the father. Roman women held no public positions and could not vote or serve in the military. However, the story of Coriolanus in both Shakespeare's and Plutarch's versions shows the importance of women to the security of the Roman state.
Roman Social Classes
Ancient Rome was a socially stratified society that recognized the rights of birth but allowed for some social movement:
• Patricians: included privileged aristocratic class who inherited this position
• Senatorial class: included the men who served in the Senate and their families
• Equestrian class: included men who proved a sizeable amount of wealth and their families
• Plebeians: included other free Roman citizens
• Slaves: included those born into or sold into slavery; freedom could be purchased or granted in some cases
Contemporary Views
The Tragic Hero
Many of Shakespeare's tragic heroes, such as Hamlet, Othello, and Macbeth, share common traits:
• The hero holds some high office or position of respect.
• The hero is sympathetic to the audience.
• The hero possesses a character trait (a flaw) that brings about his downfall.
• The hero understands he has been his own worst enemy and has brought about his own destruction.
• The hero dies in the end.
While Coriolanus (Caius Martius) shares some of these qualities, he does not possess them all. The American literary critic Marilyn French equates the tragic character of Coriolanus with the metaphor of the beast-god. This equation alludes to Greek philosopher Aristotle's quotation in his Politics (350 BCE): "He that is incapable of living in society is either a god or a beast." Coriolanus is reckless, self-centered, and separated from the people. Shakespearian scholar Harold Bloom, in his book Shakespeare: The Invention of the Human (1998), argues that Coriolanus is self-absorbed and unable to exist in a communal context, "whether among the Volscians or Romans."
French compares Coriolanus not to the hero Othello but to the villain Iago in Othello (1603–04), as Coriolanus is pathologically obsessed with fame and honor. This obsession dictates that his conflict is more inward than outward. He is, in short, his own worst enemy. However, Coriolanus never admits to fault. Bloom also says Coriolanus has the most "limited consciousness." To balance the great weight of Coriolanus's shortcomings, Volumnia's character is the embodiment of conventional Roman virtues. French says that Volumnia portrays "the most moral, dignified, forceful―Roman cultural values."
Political Connections across Time
Coriolanus, with its focus on a leader who has only contempt for the populace, has been often adapted to criticize antipopulist governments―those governments that fail to be concerned with the needs of the populace.
• German playwright Bertolt Brecht saw Coriolanus as a play about the loss of a working class to a numb leadership.
• The play was viewed as either pro-communist or pro-fascist in Europe in the 1930s. Both of these groups were on the rise at that time in Europe. The communists viewed the workers or commoners as being unfairly controlled by the minority of wealthy elites. The fascists believed that democracy was ineffectual and that the preferred government would be totalitarian, in which a single leader or party would dictate the running of a society. At the Comédie-Française in Paris in the 1930s there was a famous riot between these two groups, since each thought the play was an insult from the other, the communists criticizing the fascists and vice versa.
• After World War II (1939–45), the U.S. government banned performances of the play in American-occupied Germany due to its fascist main character. The Nazis, who held such contempt for many citizens, including the Jews and the poor, viewed the same character as a role model for leadership in the 1930s and 40s.
• English actor and director Ralph Fiennes created a film adaptation of the play in 2011. This adaptation establishes the parallels between the character Coriolanus and brutal contemporary military leaders, such as German dictator Adolf Hitler, Italian fascist Benito Mussolini, Spanish military dictator Francisco Franco, and even Russian president Vladimir Putin. The fictional, tyrannical character of Coriolanus Snow in Suzanne Collins's The Hunger Games series (2008) is named in part after Shakespeare's character.
Cite This Study Guide
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CPM Homework Banner
Carlo got a pet snake as a birthday present. On his birthday, the baby snake was just cm long. He has been watching it closely and has noticed that it has been growing cm each week.
1. Create multiple representations ( table, graph, and equation) of the function for which the inputs are the weeks since Carlo’s birthday and the outputs are the length of the snake.
Refer to problem 1-19.
2. If the snake continues to grow at the same rate, when will it be meter ( cm) long? How can you see this in each representation?
What point represents the length of cm in each representation?
Show how to find the point using your graph, table, and equation.
Increasing line, starting at (0, comma 26), & passing through (4, comma 34).
Create a representation by completing the table in the eTool below.
Click the link at right for the full version of the eTool: CCA2 1-88 HW eTool
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Slavery and Persistence: Lunsford Lane of Raleigh
An image of Lane from Lunsford Lane; or, Another Helper from North Carolina via LEARN NC.On May 30, 1803, Lunsford Lane was born into slavery in the household of Sherwood Haywood, a Raleigh banker.
The Haywoods acknowledged the Lunsford’s intelligence, ambition and talent for business. As a boy Lunsford began to pursue entrepreneurial ventures in Raleigh. He developed a variety of enterprises that included selling commodities he kept in a rented warehouse and operating a successful tobacco business where he invented a unique pipe and popular tobacco blend.
Savings enabled him to purchase his freedom in 1835 and move to Massachusetts where he published The Narrative of Lunsford Lane. There he worked to raise money to free his family.
The title page of Lane’s book. Image from UNC-Chapel Hill Libraries.Lane’s 1842 Narrative provides an account of the extremely rare occurrence of an enslaved man who managed to develop a highly successful business despite the impossible constraints of a legal and social system that took away his right to the products of his own mind and time.
Lane’s story recounts his awareness of the need to be invisible and play within the rules and yet his growing disillusionment with the immoral legal and social system that conspired against him, even after he purchased his freedom.
Returning to Raleigh in 1839 as a free man, he purchased a home and continued his tobacco business aiming to free his family. He was soon banished by a law preventing the immigration of free blacks into the state. Returning again in 1842 to free his family, he was arrested for being an abolitionist.
Lane eventually freed his wife, mother and seven children, and the family made their way to Massachusetts where Lane spent the rest of his life working and lecturing on abolition. He died around 1863, although the location is unknown.
Lane’s book is available online through the Documenting the American South Project at UNC-Chapel Hill.
Other related resources:
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You are here
Purple Equals Sign
Purple Equals Sign Cause Button Museum
Additional Images:
Purple Equals Sign button back Cause Button Museum
Sub Categories:
Text on Button:
Image Description:
Two purple horizontal lines on a white background
Back Style:
The Shape:
The Size:
Additional Information:
This button is most likely supporting a feminist or LGBT cause.
Purple was one of a trifecta of colors used by the Women’s Suffrage and Political Union in England at the turn of 20th century. The colors were brought to the United States suffrage movement by women who had worked for British suffrage. The three colors—purple, white, and gold—originally symbolized loyalty, purity, and hope, and have remained symbolic to the modern-day feminist movement. The equals sign with regard to feminism is a statement indicating that women should be equal to men.
Since the mid-1990s, the equals sign has become primarily associated with the LGBT rights movement. This is in large part due to the Human Rights Campaign—an LGBT advocacy group—who adopted the symbol as its logo in 1995. Lavender, similar to the color of the equals sign on this button, has also been historically associated with lesbian rights.
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Quakers in the World
Quakers in the World
Quakers and early Anthropology
Quaker abolitionists had been heavily involved in the establishment, in 1837, of the Aborigines Protection Society (APS), with the aim of safeguarding the interests of indigenous people throughout the British Empire.
One of those most closely involved was the physician Thomas Hodgkin (1798 – 1866). But while the APS was primarily a campaigning organisation, Hodgkin had a great interest in the scientific study of indigenous people and particularly their languages. He believed that languages provided philological evidence of man's origins, and should be preserved.
Hodgkins’ desire for a more scientific focus led to his establishing in 1843, the Ethnological Society. As with the APS, many of the founders of the Ethnological Society were Quakers or from a Quaker background. Among these was James Cowles Prichard (1786 –1848), a Quaker physician who converted to Anglicanism in order to pursue his medical career. Prichard came close to developing a theory of evolution through natural selection more than ten years before Charles Darwin published the Origin of Species. He was also, like most Quakers of the period, a strong proponent of monogenism – the belief that all human beings came from the same origins and that differences between them arose from environment and culture. In 1843 he published his Natural History of Man, in which he laid out his belief in the unity of man, pointing out that “the same inward and mental nature can be recognized in all the races.”
The Ethnological Society took a strongly liberal, abolitionist, monogenist line. This led in 1863 to a split with the breakaway group, the Anthropological Society of London, a group who espoused the view that there were three separate races of humans – Caucasian, Asian and Negroid. This split occurred in the shadow of the American Civil War and while the Ethnological Society sided strongly with those seeking to abolish slavery, the Anthropological Society sided with the Confederacy. The two societies only came together again in 1871, when they formed the Anthropological Institute.
Two notable Quaker members of the Ethnological Society were Henry Christy and Edward Burnett Tylor.
Christy, the son of a Quaker banker, was inspired by the Great Exhibition of 1851 to study indigenous people. In 1852, and again in 1853, he travelled through Scandinavia to examine the public collections of antiquities at Stockholm and Copenhagen. In year 1856 he travelled through Canada and the United States before a chance encounter with fellow Quaker Tylor in Cuba led him to Mexico. Tylor and Christy’s experiences in Mexico were described by Tylor in Anahuac, published in 1861. Their work helped to prove that early Spanish accounts of the riches of Aztec civilisation has not been exaggerated. Christy also worked with French archaeologist Edouard Lartet on the excavation of caves in the Dordogne Valley.
Tylor is considered to be the father of cultural anthropology. Throughout his travels in Mexico with Christy, he tried to travel simply and see things as far as possible through the eyes of local and indigenous people. He observed and made note of where those people were being exploited.
He was a believer in social evolution, and classified all cultures as savage, barbarian or cultural. Unlike many of his contemporaries, such as Matthew Arnold, he considered these to be phases that all peoples go through, and that there was therefore no inherent difference in intelligence or potential for development between, say, a hunter-gatherer society and an advanced industrial one.
Print this article
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School Logo
St Paul's C of E Primary School
Heathside Grove
LEARNING to make a difference
Wednesday 21st October
L.O: To use inverted commas (speech marks) correctly.
We have looked at speech marks in class. Remember, they are also called inverted commas and they look like a little 66 and a little 99.
We use the inverted commas to show that someone is speaking. The inverted commas go around the actual words that someone says. It is called direct speech.
Here is an example of how we would use inverted commas (speech marks) in a conversation.
"I'm really hungry," said Charlotte.
"We should buy some cheese," said Tom.
"Why cheese?" said Charlotte?
"So we can make some cheese butties," said Tom.
Now it's your turn. Put the inverted commas (speech marks) in the correct place in the following speech sentences. The answers are on the following link.
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Command vs Order vs Injunction vs Bidding vs Behest vs Mandate vs Dictate
Command, order, injunction, biddingbehest, mandate, dictate mean a direction, that must or should be obeyed, to do or not do something.
Command imputes to the person who issues the directions either unquestioned authority or complete control of a situation. The term usually connotes either peremptoriness or imperativeness.
Order is not always clearly distinguishable from command; it is, however, the preferred word for directions to subordinates that are instructions as well as commands; in such use it commonly implies explicitness in detail.
Injunction carries a weaker implication of imperativeness than the preceding words except in legal use, where it is applied to a court order commanding a person to do or more often to refrain from doing something on the penalty of being adjudged guilty of contempt of court.
In general use the word stresses admonition without losing the implication of expected or demanded obedience.
Bidding, chiefly literary, usually implies the status of master or parent in the person who issues the orders and therefore stresses expected obedience or the fact of being obeyed.
Behest is also distinctly literary and equivalent to bidding in its implications.
Mandate (see also MANDATE 2) carries the strongest implication of imperativeness of all of these words, for it denotes a command or order issued by a very high, often the highest, authority. It has or has had specific applications, such as an order from a superior court or official to an inferior one or from a Roman emperor to the commander of his military forces.
It is often applied to something inexorably demanded (as by the exigencies of the situation) rather than actually or verbally commanded.
Dictate basically denotes a command given orally. More often it applies to a command or authoritative judgment uttered by an inner voice (as of the conscience) or formulated in a principle or law.
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kids encyclopedia robot
Monach Islands facts for kids
Kids Encyclopedia Facts
Not to be confused with Heysker/Hyskeir (Small Isles) or Haskeir.
Quick facts for kids
Monach Isles SSSI
IUCN Category IV (Habitat/Species Management Area)
DJI 0008 (35675030904).jpg
Ceann Iar, the most westerly of the three main Monach Islands
UK Monach.PNG
Location of the Monach Islands
Location Outer Hebrides, Scotland
Area 598.1 ha (1,478 acres)
Governing body NatureScot
The Monach Islands, also known as Heisker (Scottish Gaelic: Eilean Heisgeir / Heisgeir), are an island group west of North Uist in the Outer Hebrides of Scotland. The islands are not to be confused with Hyskeir in the Inner Hebrides, or Haskeir which is also off North Uist and visible from the group.
Geology and geography
DJI 0003 (36463358636)
Shivinish, the middle of the three main Monach Islands
The main islands of Ceann Ear (once home to a nunnery), Ceann Iar and Shivinish (Sibhinis) are all linked at low tide. It has been claimed that it was at one time possible to walk all the way to Baleshare, and on to North Uist, five miles away at low tide. In the 17th century, a large tidal wave is said to have washed this route away. The islands of the group tend to be low-lying and sandy, subject to intense coastal erosion. Not unlike the Isles of Scilly it is possible that Ceann Iar, Shivinish and Ceann Ear formed a single body of land within historic times, and that their land area has greatly decreased due to overgrazing, sea inundation, and wind erosion.
Smaller islands in the group include Deasker (Deas-Sgeir), Shillay (Siolaigh) and Stocaigh (or Stockay).
The two lighthouses on Shillay. The old lighthouse was closed in 1942; the newer light was installed in 1997. The new light was deactivated in 2008, and the old lighthouse re-activated.
Drone photo of the Monach Islands (36341515582)
Ceann Ear, the most easterly of the three main Monach Islands including Loch nam Buadh and the ruined village
The islands have been uninhabited since 1942, but were populated by up to 100 people for centuries (possibly for a millennium or more) prior to 1810. They were originally abandoned due to overgrazing, but were resettled by 1841 in the wake of the Highland Clearances.
The 19th century census records for the islands show a fluctuating population, from 39 people in 1841 up to 140 people at their peak population in 1891.
Shillay is the location of Monach Lighthouse, built by David and Thomas Stevenson in 1864. The lighthouse was closed in 1942 but, following the sinking of the oil tanker MV Braer in 1993, a new and much smaller lighthouse was built in 1997. This had a range of 10 miles (16 km); when a range of 18 miles (29 km) was deemed necessary, the new lighthouse was shut down in 2008 and the old lighthouse recommissioned with a new optic. Like all British lighthouses it is now unmanned and fully automated.
In 2007 renovations of the old schoolhouse were completed, enabling visitors to stay on the island, and learn about its history and wildlife. The old Heisgeir mailboat has also been restored at the Grimsay boatshed. The 28-foot motorised open wooden boat was built circa 1932 for the last family to leave the Monach Islands, and had lain unused at Lochmaddy before being rescued by the local history society.
Lady Grange
Jacobite sympathiser James Erskine, Lord Grange (1679–1784), had his wife Rachel kidnapped and abandoned on the Monach Isles between 1732 and 1734. At the time the islands were owned by Sir Alexander MacDonald of Sleat and she was housed with his tacksman (leaseholder), another Alexander MacDonald and his wife. When Lady Grange complained about her condition, she was told by her host that he had no orders to provide her either with clothes, or food other than the normal fare he and his wife were used to. She lived in isolation, not even being told the name of the island where she was living, and it took her some time to find out who her landlord was. She was there until June 1734 when John and Norman MacLeod from North Uist arrived to move her on. They told her they were taking her to Orkney, but she was taken to Hirta where she lived from 1734-42 before being taken to Skye where she died after a failed rescue attempt.
Wildlife and conservation
A deserted cottage on the Monach Isles
The islands are of special interest for undisturbed machair and their grey seal population. About 10,000 seals come ashore each autumn to have their pups and mate, making it one of the largest such colonies in the world. There are also a large number of nesting seabirds and a rich flora. Grey herons nest in some of the abandoned buildings. There are no trees on the islands.
The islands are designated as a Special Protection Area (SPA), a Special Area of Conservation (SAC), and a Site of Special Scientific Interest (SSSI). The International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) classifies as the islands (via the SSSI designation) as meeting the criteria for a Category IV protected area. The SAC designation extends to cover the seas surrounding the group, and in 2014 a larger area of the sea surrounding the islands (in total 6,200 hectares (62 km2)) was declared a Nature Conservation Marine Protected Area (NCMPA). The designation is in place to protect the feeding grounds of the islands' seabirds, as well as the marine geomorphology of the seabed. The Monach Islands were also formerly designated as a national nature reserve, however this designation was withdrawn in May 2018.
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Monach Islands Facts for Kids. Kiddle Encyclopedia.
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The Story of Pumice
The value of pumice to infrastructure and industry goes back at least 2000 years. Roman engineers knew that by adding fine-grained pumice, or “pozzolana” to their hydrated lime cement, the result was a strong, durable concrete. Some two millennia later, much of their empire of concrete—roads, aqueducts, temples, stadiums, piers—still stands defiantly against the ravages of time. Today, pumice powder is still being used as a superior pozzolan to super-charge concrete strength and durability, but is also used widely in a variety of industrial processes and product applications.
The Hess Pumice Deposit
In the southeast corner of the State of Idaho, 23 miles northwest of Malad City, lies a vast reserve of white, pure pumice that is in demand all over the world. That demand is the result of two factors: the quality and brightness of the pumice, and the company that mines and refines it: Hess Pumice.
The pumice deposit is located on the shoreline of an ancient lake known as Lake Bonneville...a vast, freshwater lake that once covered much of North America’s Great Basin region (most of Utah and parts of Idaho and Nevada). The Great Salt Lake is all that remains of Lake Bonneville.
The volcano that produced the pumice is about a mile to the north of the mine. The volcanic ash (pumice) was deposited in the lake, where it was washed and stratified. This process cleaned the pumice of the undesirable heavy minerals that are often found in other pumice deposits.
Hess Pumice Mine USA The Hess Pumice Wright Creek Area pumice mine in Southeast Idaho, USA
In 1958, a local farmer, frustrated by his inability to grow anything in the thin soil over what is now the Wright’s Creek Area pumice mine, leased the ground to Marion Hess, who ripped up the white volcanic rock and sold the crushed pumice to a building block manufacturer in Salt Lake City. From those humble beginnings, the now carefully refined, pure and white pumice from the Hess mine is in demand by industry worldwide.
Pumice Mining and Processing
Mining pumice is, environmentally, a low-impact process. Most pumice is surface-mined. The soil (overburden) covering the pumice is pushed aside and stockpiled for later reclamation of the mining site. The pumice is ripped or scraped loose and pushed to the crusher for preliminary processing (mine grades). The pumice is then loaded and trucked to the plant for additional processing.
That pumice is then typically dried to the necessary moisture content ideal for refining, then lifted into the plant to run down through the crushers, shakers and screens, separated by grade, purified, and finally packaged or bulk loaded for delivery.
Mohs Hardness Scale
Material Mohs Hardness
Talc 1 On the Mohs Hardness Scale, Talc is the softest, Diamond the hardest.
Feldspar 6
Pumice (Hess Deposit) 6
Quartz 7
Diamond 10
Chemical Makeup of Pumice
Pumice is not created equally—it varies greatly in its chemical properties (and usefulness) from deposit to deposit, but essentially, pumice is primarily Silicon Dioxide (Amorphous Aluminum Silicate), some Aluminum Oxide, and trace amounts of other oxides. [MORE]
pumice store logo
•If you’d like a bit of pumice for personal use, we have a nice selection of pumice grades available to purchase via our Pumice Products Store.
We know pumice. Perhaps you are exploring the possibilities—thinking pumice may fit your particular need. We invite you to contact Brian Jeppsen, VP Research and Development, at (208) 766-4777 x111 or email:
Pumice is a frothy amorphous glass made up of a maze of air-filled vesicles.
3 generations of Hess Born of earth and fire, pumice is a natural, sustainable volcanic glass with amazingly versatile properties widely utilized by industry. Anciently, the Romans and Greeks also used pumice.
refined pumice powder Refined pumice powder from the Hess pumice mine in Southeast Idaho. pumice vesicles Magnified image of pumice vesicles, formed by the expansion of trapped gases when molten lava rapidly cools. pumice nugget stone A typical pumice stone, it’s frothy structure clearly visible. About Pumice Website Learn more about pumice at the website. 208.766-4777 • Malad City, Idaho 83252
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Native Americans and Generosity
3, 4, 5
Introduce the philanthropic behavior of Native Americans through the speech attributed to Chief Seattle, using the book Brother Eagle, Sister Sky: The Words of Chief Seattle.
Lesson Rating
PrintOne 45-Minute Session
• Describe the Native American view of stewardship of the land.
• Define the terms "common good" and "stewardship" and give examples in everyday life.
• read-aloud copy of Brother Eagle, Sister Sky: The Words of Chief Seattle
• Samples of Mind Maps (handout below)
Teacher Preparation
Note: This lesson depends on a picture book that uses text attributed to Chief Seattle. In truth, there is not an accurate version of that famous speech from 1854. The closest version was published in 1887 (33 years after the speech), written by Henry Smith who translated a poetic version from notes he took of the speech. It is believed that Mr. Smith captured the meaning of the speech but not the actual words. (The speech was not in English.) You may wish to raise students’ awareness of legends and let them know that the translation has been altered over the years for different purposes. In addition, Chief Seattle was from the Northwest, not the Plains, as portrayed in the Jeffers illustrations. Although these were not his actual words, the powerful message of our relationship to the earth is still important for us to consider.
• Jeffers, Susan (Illustrator). Brother Eagle, Sister Sky: The Words of Chief Seattle. New York: Dial Books, 1991. ISBN 0-8037-0969-2
1. Anticipatory Set:
Long before any settlers came from other continents, North Americans had a life tied to the generosity and gratitude of the land. The indigenous people sought balance with the land by taking no more than was needed and sharing with their community members. There was an understanding with nature that guided behavior. This is described in the book Brother Eagle, Sister Sky.
2. Hold up the book Brother Eagle, Sister Sky. Explain that it is a re-creation of a speech by Chief Seattle. Using information provided on the back flyleaf of the book (or another source), introduce Chief Seattle historically to the class. Explain that the city of Seattle, Washington was named for him.
3. Read the book aloud. As you read, notice and discuss the symbolism displayed in the artwork in the book.
4. Make a list together of the special precautions/concerns Chief Seattle asks everyone to take with the environment. Whenever possible, make comparisons between traditional Native American practices related to the spiritual view of the environment and the common good. Listen for examples of respect, gratitude, and generosity.
5. Introduce the term stewardship. This refers to the idea of managing our resources so they benefit everyone, not only now, but in the future. When we make laws and practice protecting the water, the air, or the land from pollution or overuse, we are looking out for ourselves and for everyone. Ask the learners to think about Chief Seattle's words and suggest ways that we can be good stewards of the environment.
6. Discuss the meaning of common good (resources shared by the whole group of people). To ensure they understand the concept, discuss examples of "resources" and "how they can be shared by a whole group." Discuss Chief Seattle's examples of resources to be grateful for and use respectfully for the common good.
Ask, "Would Chief Seattle say that everyone has a responsibility to contribute to the common good?"
7. Using the Mind Map handout, have participants write the main idea of common good in the center and fill in the shapes with the examples of actions offered by Chief Seattle.
Philanthropy Framework
1. Strand PHIL.I Definitions of Philanthropy
1. Standard DP 01. Define Philanthropy
2. Strand PHIL.II Philanthropy and Civil Society
1. Standard PCS 03. Philanthropy and Economics
1. Benchmark E.5 Recognize the wise use of resources as <i>stewardship</i>.
2. Standard PCS 06. Philanthropy in History
1. Benchmark E.4 Describe an early example of philanthropy practiced in the indigenous culture.
3. Standard PCS 07. Skills of Civic Engagement
1. Benchmark E.4 Analyze information to differentiate fact from opinion based on the investigation of issues related to the common good.
3. Strand PHIL.III Philanthropy and the Individual
1. Standard PI 01. Reasons for Individual Philanthropy
1. Benchmark E.3 Define stewardship and give examples.
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Burial alive: for what crimes did the Cossacks use such an execution
Until the end of the 17th century, the Don Cossacks were free people and remained outside the jurisdiction of Russia. They were sometimes persecuted for failure to comply with the tsarist letters, for unauthorized attacks on nomads or Turks, or for the robberies they committed on the Volga. For example, in 1581, the Cossack ataman Britous was put to death, guilty of attacking the Russian ambassador, and the ataman Alexei Stary was exiled to Beloozero.
But these cases were an exception to the rule, because “there was no extradition from Don” and everyone who managed to get to him received freedom and amnesty. This does not mean that anarchy reigned on the Don - the Cossacks had their own code of laws, according to which punishments were often more severe than in Russia. The Cossack right was divided into combined arms and stanitsa rights and was recognized by the tsars, who sometimes turned to the Cossacks with a request to punish the guilty in their own way.
From fine to hanging at anchor
As the professor of the South Russian Institute of Management Gennady Gennadyevich Nebratenko writes in his book "Crime and Punishment in the Customary Law of the Don Cossacks", punishments on the Don were different - from fines to the expulsion and resettlement of a Cossack or village in the desert steppes ... The most common were public censure, arrest, detention, flogging, shackling, stocking, confiscation of property, and even sale into slavery. For grave crimes, the Cossacks were executed and did it with imagination: they drowned them, cut them in half, shot them with arquebuses and hung them up.
Death could be easy or painful, depending on the severity of the crime. The offender could be beaten with whips or logs, beheaded, dismembered (this was done with the Gentiles), torn apart by horses, hung by the legs or by the neck, thrown with stones or burned; a person could be tied to a horse and to death drag along the ground.
The execution with the help of a large river anchor, which was placed in the main square of the town, was especially popular - it was a pillar of shame and a place of execution. Debtors were tied to an anchor, flogged under it and with its help executed, hanging by the legs, by the rib or by the neck.
Drowning was considered a shameful execution. The sentenced person was sewn into a bag of stones and thrown into the water on a rope. After a person drowned, they took him out and the body could be buried according to the Orthodox rite. If they didn't want to bury the criminal, they simply tied him up, stuffed his clothes with stones and threw him into the water.
Crimes against the Cossacks
Those who opposed their own were especially severely judged. For attacks on the villages or on the Cossacks, for the capture of the Cossacks in captivity - they drowned or cut them with sabers; for treason to the Cossacks (mortality) - they were shot from squeaks or drowned in the river. For espionage, they could be executed, or they could mutilate and leave to live - so that the Cossacks remember what could happen to them if they become Judas.
It is known that in 1637 the Turkish ambassador, the Greek Foma Cantacuzen, who was going to Moscow, was executed on the Don. He was suspected of "espionage intent", tried and executed as a "spy" (spy).
For organizing thieves' gangs, providing thieves with shelter, for supplying them with weapons and supplies for chieftains, Esauls and "best Cossacks" they were killed with logs, shot or hung at anchor, ordinary Cossacks were mercilessly beaten and deprived of allowance.
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The Birth of Venus
The Birth of Venus by the Italian painter Sandro Botticelli (1445– 1510) captures the moment when Venus, the goddess of beauty, is being blown to shore after her birth from the sea. The work was painted in tempera on wood around 1485 for a villa in Castello owned by the wealthy Florentine banking family, the Medici.
In the Early Renaissance, many artists were influenced by Neoplatonist thinkers, such as Marsilio Ficino (1433– 1499), who felt that Greek and Roman culture could be reconciled with Christian beliefs. In the 1480s Botticelli was commissioned by the Medici to execute a series of large-scale paintings that combined pagan mythology with Christian concepts. Among these were such masterpieces as his Primavera, Pallas and the Centaur, and The Birth of Venus.
According to Greek legend, Venus was born from the foam that appeared on the sea’s surface when the Titan Chronos castrated his father Uranus and threw his genitals into the ocean. The goddess came ashore on the island of Cyprus, where her cult later flourished. According to Neoplatonic thought, the legend of Venus’s birth was an allegory for the creation of the human soul.
In Botticelli’s painting, two wind gods, one of whom is Zephyrus, blow Venus to land. The goddess, who stands on a large scallop shell, is modeled on the ancient Venus pudica (modest Venus) type, such as the ones carved by the Greek sculptor Praxiteles. Roses float in the air around her as she is greeted by a woman, possibly the nymph Pomona, who prepares to drape a flower-covered garment over her newly born body. Both the roses and the leaves of the orange trees are painted with accents of gold.
Later in life, Botticelli fell under the influence of a charismatic Dominican monk named Girolamo Savonarola (1452–1498). Savonarola organized a “Bonfire of the Vanities” in 1497 to encourage people to destroy luxury objects. Repenting his interest in pagan culture, Botticelli supposedly burned some of his own works.
1. Today The Birth of Venus can be seen in the Uffizi Galleries in Florence.
2. The orange grove on the right, with its dark green leaves accented with gold, may represent the Garden of Hespeides of Greek mythology.
3. The woman offering Venus a robe is wearing a dress adorned with daisies, primroses, and cornflowers—all spring flowers appropriate for celebrating a birth.
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Tuesday, January 04, 2011
Corn Can Be Fractionalized
Neues Museum Berlin 4946Image by kairoinfo4u via Flickr
Ahmes's Papyrus
About 1650 B. C., Egyptian scribe Ahmes, made a transcript of even more ancient mathematical scriptures dating to the reign of the Pharaoh Amenemhat III. In 1858 Scottish antiquarian, Henry Rhind came into possession of Ahmes's papyrus. The papyrus is a scroll 33 cm wide and about 5.25 m long filled with funny math riddles. One of the problems is as follows:
100 measures of corn must be divided among 5 workers, so that the second worker gets as many measures more than the first worker, as the third gets more than the second, as the fourth gets more than the third, and as the fifth gets more than the fourth. The first two workers shall get seven times less measures of corn than the three others.
How many measures of corn shall each worker get? (You can have fractional measures of corn.)
1 comment:
1. Simple question on 2 variables and 2 equations.
Let "a" be first' share, and "d" be difference.
1) a+a+d+a+3d+a+3d+a+4d = 100
2) 7(a+a+d) = 2d+a+3d+a+4d
a=5/3 d=55/6
shares are 5/3, 65/6, 20, 175/6 and 115/3
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The Lamplight Manor Puzz 3-D
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Virtual musical instrument
This virtual musical instrument organizes pitched sound in a hexagonal grid. WIth a computer mouse, users can activate the instrument by clicking with the grid. A circle of light appears, colored based on the hexagon that was clicked, and sounding the appropriate pitch associated with that gridspace. The longer the mouse is held down, the larger the circle grows, encompassing more and more hexagons. The more light that is in a hexagon's space, the louder it plays its sound.
Created with Max/MSP/Jitter
• Twitter Clean
• Flickr Clean
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First Peoples of Santa Cruz | Lesson Intro
Note about terminology
While we know it is common to use the term Ohlone to describe the Indigenous people of the Santa Cruz area, these lessons use Awaswas (the language once spoken in what is now Santa Cruz County), Uypi (the name of the tribe that lived in what is now the City of Santa Cruz), and Amah Mutsun (the name of the tribal band that represents the Santa Cruz region today).
If you have been using Ohlone with your class, you can share that Ohlone is the name of the culture that these tribes belong to (culture is the way you live your life). Further explore the tribal distinctions along the Central Coast with this map.
This video is the introduction to our First Peoples of Santa Cruz digital lessons. Download the lessons by filling out the form on this page.
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The Sixth Extinction Fun Activities
Elizabeth Kolbert
Buy The Sixth Extinction Lesson Plans
Works by Elizabeth Kolbert
Read another book written by Kolbert.
Fossil Chart
Create a chart of fossils that might be found in one of the areas discussed in the book.
Create a glossary of terms used in the book.
Imagine that you are a tour guide hired to create a geological tour for someone like Kolbert. Create an itinerary and description of the places that you would have her visit. Explain why she should visit each place.
Create a diorama of Castello Aragonese and the science station located there.
Consider the different types of scientists mentioned in the book. Write a few paragraphs discussing the type of scientist you would like to be, the education you would need, and a research project you might perform.
One Tree Island
Narrate a tour of One Tree Island.
Write ten questions that you would use if...
(read more Fun Activities)
This section contains 398 words
(approx. 2 pages at 300 words per page)
Buy The Sixth Extinction Lesson Plans
The Sixth Extinction from BookRags. (c)2021 BookRags, Inc. All rights reserved.
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Unit 4 Db
The following video demonstrates that some animals can perceive fairness. Watch a clip of the video beginning at 12 minutes and 30 seconds:
de Waal, F. (2012, April 10). Moral behavior in animals | Frans de Waal [Video file]. Retrieved from https://youtu.be/GcJxRqTs5nk
To view the transcript of this video, click here
After watching the video, answer the following question: Is perceived unfair pay ratio a personal issue for humans as well? Explain your response, and provide an example.
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Page added in July 2006.
(detail of an Ottoman miniature showing Rumeli Kavagi, a lost fortress on the Bosporus)
During the fifth Ottoman-Venetian war (War of Candia 1645-69), the Venetians blocked the Dardanelles, which were protected by two fortresses (Kale Sultanieh and Kilitbahir) built by Sultan Mehmet II.
In 1648 the impact of the Venetian success threw the people of Constantinople into such a panic that Sultan Ibrahim was deposed and replaced with his six years old son Mehmet IV.
The change of sultan did not bring to a halt the Venetian raids in the Dardanelles which lasted until 1657.
View of the fortress and of the beach where the Allies landed
In 1656 the Ottoman fleet made an attempt to dislodge the Venetians, but this resulted in a naval defeat comparable to that suffered by the Ottomans at Lepanto in 1571. This time it was the turn of the Grand Vizier to be replaced. The new man, Mehmet Koprulu, was determined to solve once and for all the Venetian blockade of the Dardanelles. He reorganized the Ottoman fleet and in 1657 the Venetians were engaged again. The battle soon turned into a new disaster for the Ottomans and the Grand Vizier was so enraged that he put to death the grand admiral of his own fleet. The Venetians thought the time had finally arrived to move through the Dardanelles and attack Constantinople, but an Ottoman cannoneer (today regarded as a Turkish national hero) hit the mast of the galeazza of the Venetian commander; this in turn led to the explosion of the magazine and the ship sank. The Venetians lost impetus and eventually retreated.
Eastern side of the fortress
The Grand Vezier understood that, in order to prevent a reoccurrence of the blockade, the Ottomans needed additional fortresses at the point of entry into the Dardanelles and therefore he built that same year Seddulbahir (Wall of the Sea) on the European side and Kumkale (Castle on the Sand) on the Asian one.
Northern gate and one of the remaining towers
These two fortresses bore the brunt of the 1915 Anglo-French attack: the sea front of Seddulbahir was almost entirely razed to the ground by British shelling, but the defenders did not give up and the site saw some very fierce fighting.
The French attacked and destroyed Kumkale, but their aim was just to create a diversion as the chief commanders had chosen to land on the Gallipoli peninsula, the European side of the strait.
Side towards the sea
The scarce ruins of Kumkale are today inside a naval base of the Turkish Navy. The village near the castle was so totally destroyed that it was rebuilt after the war at a certain distance from its original site and it is therefore called Yeni (new) Kumkale.
Cape Abydos seen from Seddulbahir and the Turkish monument
Cape Abydos, at the end of the Gallipoli peninsula, has many memorials both Turkish and of the various countries which took part in the Anglo-French expedition.
Lord Byron set his Turkish tale The Bride of Abydos at this location, a poem narrating the love of a young man living on the Asian side of the Dardanelles for a woman living on the European one: every night he swam across the strait to meet his sweetheart; one night the torch which she lit to help him find his way, was extinguished by the wind and the young man drowned. By personally swimming across the strait Lord Byron proved that the account was plausible.
The winds are high on Helle's wave,
As on that night of stormy water,
When Love, who sent, forgot to save
The young, the beautiful, the brave,
The lonely hope of Sestos' daughter.
Lord Byron - The Bride of Abydos - Canto the Second - 1 to 5
Gallipoli peninsula: Anzac main landing site
In April 1915 a major landing of ANZAC (Australian and New Zealand Army Corps) forces took place on the western coast of the Gallipoli peninsula. It was a military operation which had not been carefully planned for, but which was decided when the Turkish minefields in the Dardanelles proved to be a barrier to naval progress. The actual landing took place two miles north of the intended site on a terrain which was most unfavourable for the attackers. It is a paradox that an operation which was meant to be an alternative to the bloody trench warfare which characterized WWI from its onset, turned into yet another trench warfare which claimed a similar toll of lives.
Cape Abydos: relief celebrating Turkish resistance
Every year on ANZAC day (April 25) many Australians and New Zealanders visit the war cemeteries where their John, Mark and Steven lie in the grass. In adjoining war cemeteries the Turks visit their Mehmet, Adnan and Orhan. Notwithstanding the gigantic reliefs and statues which celebrate the heroism of the dead, one cannot avoid thinking that if the fallen could speak they would say with Wilfred Owen:
To children ardent for some desperate glory,
The old Lie; Dulce et Decorum est
Pro patria mori.
Note: Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori Horace - Odes - III, 2, 13. It is sweet and right to die for your country.
Fortresses of the Sultans - Introduction
Fortresses built before 1453:
1 - Anadolu Hisar
2 - Rumeli Hisar
Fortresses built after 1453 and before 1657:
3 - Kale Sultanieh
4 - Kilitbahir
Fortresses built after 1657:
5 - Seddulbahir
6 - Imbro
7 - Tenedo
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Sharon Temple National Historic Site and Museum
In the Upper Canada of the 1820s, in the Village of Sharon, a small community known as the Children of Peace crafted, with simple tools but consummate skill and artistry, a dramatic architectural testament to its vision of a society founded on the values of peace, equality and social justice.
The centrepiece of their activity was The Temple. Completed in 1832 and restored in 2011, it is now part of the Sharon Temple National Historic Site and Museum, which encompasses eight historic buildings in a 4.5 acre park like setting. In 2006, the Toronto Star named the Sharon Temple one of the 10 most architecturally important buildings in Canada.
The Sharon Temple represents many things. To some, it represents one of the finest and most unique examples of Canadian architecture. To others, the Temple stands as a beacon to the values that Canada has become known for around the world; those of equality and social justice. And still to others, the Temple represents the importance of preserving our past so that future generations may learn from it and be inspired by it.
Type: Historic Building | Community Museum
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