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Numbers, Booleans, and strings are the bricks that data structures are
built from. But you cant make much of a house out of a single brick.
Objects allow us to group valuesincluding other objectstogether and
thus build more complex structures.
The programs we have built so far have been seriously hampered by the
fact that they were operating only on simple data types. This chapter
will add a basic understanding of data structures to your toolkit. By the
end of it, youll know enough to start writing some useful programs.
The chapter will work through a more or less realistic programming
example, introducing concepts as they apply to the problem at hand.
The example code will often build on functions and variables that were
introduced earlier in the text.
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Article Contents
Syntax, for Bloomfield, was the study of free forms that were composed entirely of free forms. Central to his theory of syntax were the notions of form classes and constituent structure. (These notions were also relevant, though less central, in the theory of morphology.) Bloomfield defined form classes, rather imprecisely, in terms of some common “recognizable phonetic or grammatical feature” shared by all the members. He gave as examples the form class consisting of “personal substantive expressions” in English (defined as “the forms that, when spoken with exclamatory final pitch, are calls for a person’s presence or attention”—e.g., “John,” “Boy,” “Mr. Smith”); the form class consisting of “infinitive expressions” (defined as “forms which, when spoken with exclamatory final pitch, have the meaning of a command”—e.g., “run,” “jump,” “come here”); the form class of “nominative substantive expressions” (e.g., “John,” “the boys”); and so on. It should be clear from these examples that form classes are similar to, though not identical with, the traditional parts of speech and that one and the same form can belong to more than one form class.
What Bloomfield had in mind as the criterion for form class membership (and therefore of syntactic equivalence) may best be expressed in terms of substitutability. Form classes are sets of forms (whether simple or complex, free or bound), any one of which may be substituted for any other in a given construction or set of constructions throughout the sentences of the language.
The smaller forms into which a larger form may be analyzed are its constituents, and the larger form is a construction. For example, the phrase “poor John” is a construction analyzable into, or composed of, the constituents “poor” and “John.” Because there is no intermediate unit of which “poor” and “John” are constituents that is itself a constituent of the construction “poor John,” the forms “poor” and “John” may be described not only as constituents but also as immediate constituents of “poor John.” Similarly, the phrase “lost his watch” is composed of three word forms—“lost,” “his,” and “watch”—all of which may be described as constituents of the construction. Not all of them, however, are its immediate constituents. The forms “his” and “watch” combine to make the intermediate construction “his watch”; it is this intermediate unit that combines with “lost” to form the larger phrase “lost his watch.” The immediate constituents of “lost his watch” are “lost” and “his watch”; the immediate constituents of “his watch” are the forms “his” and “watch.” By the constituent structure of a phrase or sentence is meant the hierarchical organization of the smallest forms of which it is composed (its ultimate constituents) into layers of successively more inclusive units. Viewed in this way, the sentence “Poor John lost his watch” is more than simply a sequence of five word forms associated with a particular intonation pattern. It is analyzable into the immediate constituents “poor John” and “lost his watch,” and each of these phrases is analyzable into its own immediate constituents and so on, until, at the last stage of the analysis, the ultimate constituents of the sentence are reached. The constituent structure of the whole sentence is represented by means of a tree diagram in Figure 1.
Each form, whether it is simple or composite, belongs to a certain form class. Using arbitrarily selected letters to denote the form classes of English, “poor” may be a member of the form class A, “John” of the class B, “lost” of the class C, “his” of the class D, and “watch” of the class E. Because “poor John” is syntactically equivalent to (i.e., substitutable for) “John,” it is to be classified as a member of A. So too, it can be assumed, is “his watch.” In the case of “lost his watch” there is a problem. There are very many forms—including “lost,” “ate,” and “stole”—that can occur, as here, in constructions with a member of B and can also occur alone; for example, “lost” is substitutable for “stole the money,” as “stole” is substitutable for either or for “lost his watch.” This being so, one might decide to classify constructions like “lost his watch” as members of C. On the other hand, there are forms that—though they are substitutable for “lost,” “ate,” “stole,” and so on when these forms occur alone—cannot be used in combination with a following member of B (compare “died,” “existed”); and there are forms that, though they may be used in combination with a following member of B, cannot occur alone (compare “enjoyed”). The question is whether one respects the traditional distinction between transitive and intransitive verb forms. It may be decided, then, that “lost,” “stole,” “ate” and so forth belong to one class, C (the class to which “enjoyed” belongs), when they occur “transitively” (i.e., with a following member of B as their object) but to a different class, F (the class to which “died” belongs), when they occur “intransitively.” Finally, it can be said that the whole sentence “Poor John lost his watch” is a member of the form class G. Thus, the constituent structure not only of “Poor John lost his watch” but of a whole set of English sentences can be represented by means of the tree diagram given in Figure 2. New sentences of the same type can be constructed by substituting actual forms for the class labels.
Any construction that belongs to the same form class as at least one of its immediate constituents is described as endocentric; the only endocentric construction in the model sentence above is “poor John.” All the other constructions, according to the analysis, are exocentric. This is clear from the fact that in Figure 2 the letters at the nodes above every phrase other than the phrase A + B (i.e., “poor John,” “old Harry,” and so on) are different from any of the letters at the ends of the lower branches connected directly to these nodes. For example, the phrase D + E (i.e., “his watch,” “the money,” and so forth) has immediately above it a node labelled B, rather than either D or E. Endocentric constructions fall into two types: subordinating and coordinating. If attention is confined, for simplicity, to constructions composed of no more than two immediate constituents, it can be said that subordinating constructions are those in which only one immediate constituent is of the same form class as the whole construction, whereas coordinating constructions are those in which both constituents are of the same form class as the whole construction. In a subordinating construction (e.g., “poor John”), the constituent that is syntactically equivalent to the whole construction is described as the head, and its partner is described as the modifier: thus, in “poor John,” the form “John” is the head, and “poor” is its modifier. An example of a coordinating construction is “men and women,” in which, it may be assumed, the immediate constituents are the word “men” and the word “women,” each of which is syntactically equivalent to “men and women.” (It is here implied that the conjunction “and” is not a constituent, properly so called, but an element that, like the relative order of the constituents, indicates the nature of the construction involved. Not all linguists have held this view.)
One reason for giving theoretical recognition to the notion of constituent is that it helps to account for the ambiguity of certain constructions. A classic example is the phrase “old men and women,” which may be interpreted in two different ways according to whether one associates “old” with “men and women” or just with “men.” Under the first of the two interpretations, the immediate constituents are “old” and “men and women”; under the second, they are “old men” and “women.” The difference in meaning cannot be attributed to any one of the ultimate constituents but results from a difference in the way in which they are associated with one another. Ambiguity of this kind is referred to as syntactic ambiguity. Not all syntactic ambiguity is satisfactorily accounted for in terms of constituent structure.
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Piaget's Theory: Observation and Reflection
Piagetian Task
For this, I used blue play-dough and designed it into 2 balls of the same size. I conducted this with a son who's 7 years old and in first class. I asked him if he would help me with something and he said, "Sure", but looked like nervous. I offered him with the two balls of play-dough and he got excited, as though we were going to take action fun.
I started out by asking him if the two balls of play dough were the same size. He looked at them strongly and then found each ball before proclaiming that they were not similar size. I asked him to make them the same size and tell him he might use the extra play-dough I had reserve if needed. He added the excess play-dough to one of the balls, melding it into the ball, and then looked at both balls again. He got a few of the dough from the now larger ball and added it to the other, viewed the balls again, then added a little more, ensuring both balls were easy and rounded again. This complete time, he was very focused on what he was doing. Once he completed, one of the balls was plainly a still just a little larger than the other, but he was satisfied that they were now the same. For being good, the difference was really small.
I then smashed the larger ball down so that it was level and round. I asked him if one of them had more play-dough than the other or if they experienced the same amount. He replied with, "Naturally they're the same!", using what appeared to be a bit of an exasperated build. I asked him to inform me how he realized they had the same amount. He said that he realized this because he himself got made sure each ball possessed the same amount before. He kind of rolled his eye and i want to know that because one was squished down doesn't change the amount of play-dough it acquired.
I was quite impressed along with his talents in response to my questions during this activity. I don't know very well what to label of the actual fact that he noticed the balls were not equal to begin with. However, during the procedure for adding and eliminating play-dough from the balls to make them even, he exhibited great emphasis and concentration. Positioning the balls, eyeing one and then the other, he made changes until he felt satisfied that these were the same. I had expected just a quick answer in any event, which means this was surprising to me.
I believe that this did validate Piaget's observations, at least in regard to the characteristics of the Concrete Operations stage, which this 7 time old boy evidently fell into. After he completed changing the balls until he saw them to be equal, he regarded that nothing experienced changed as i smashed one of these down. Finding one large rounded ball, and one seemingly smaller flat disc didn't cause him to wait when asked if they covered the same amount of play-dough. If anything, he seemed to think it was absurd to even ask that question.
I eventually know that particular boy loves to build things. His favorite thing is taking containers of different sizes and reducing them into various styles to make whatever he's imagining at the time. houses, "furniture", rockets, etc. His parents have always made sure that he has plenty of random material he may use for his building activities, including a "mud pit" in the back yard, just like a tiny sandbox. I assume that his prior background in utilizing a variety of materials helped to allow him in this task as well. He has discovered, on his own, how things fit along and how to form materials like mud into various forms for different uses. While I don't imagine he put in time thinking about the way his brain and sight processed the info before him, he performed spend time taking into consideration the task at hand through the lens of the information processes he previously gained through prior experience. He was able to evaluate the balls, and then hang out modifying these to complete the duty of making them be the same size. Then had no concerns about different shapes containing the same amount of play-dough and reasoned that since he previously made them the same, they continued to be the same regardless of what shape they required on. I assume that many of these factors contributed to his reasoning and performance in carrying out this.
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In Class 1, the children learnt about the Indian festival Diwali, which has religious significance for Hindus, Sikhs, Jains and the Nepalese. It is commonly celebrated by decorating homes with lamps and candles, bursting of firecrackers and sparklers, eating sweets and other mouth-watering dishes, praying to Gods and Goddesses, observing religious rituals, wearing new dresses and sending wishes and gifts to one another.
The children also listened to the story of Sita and Rama which can be found at:
They went on to act out the story of Sita and Rama, make puppets for the story and even rewrite the story. The children were very interested in the Hindu gods they learnt about.
The children chalked Rangoli patterns outside on the playground. They also made paper lanterns and clay Diwali lamps.
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"url": "https://www.denver.norfolk.sch.uk/page/?title=Diwali&pid=195"
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What happens if you join the rings of the 1, 2, 5 and 10 peso coins?
The coins that you carry every day in your pocket have symbols linked to the history of our country that you probably did not observe, specifically to the pre-Hispanic era.
Image: Pixabay
Image: Pixabay
The astronomical knowledge of the Aztecs was captured in the Piedra del Sol, which is divided into circles that contain different chronological meanings. For the Aztecs, it was the representation of a cosmogonic conception of cyclical time.
But how was this adapted to current currencies?
One peso: fourth circle (ring of glow)
The coin of one peso has the outline or peripheral ring the fourth circle of the Aztec stone, formed by eight rays of the sun. It shows the relationship between the sun and Venus. This circle is composed of 40 squares with quinconces in each of them.
Two pesos: third circle (ring of days)
The coin of two pesos contains in its outline the third circle of the sunstone
It is composed of the 20 days of the month Mexica. The solar year of 365 days for Mexica was composed of 18 months of 20 days that corresponds to the lunar calendar.
The perfect correspondence between the two calendars was restored every 52 years when the two wheels of the calendar were reunited at their initial point. The 20 days of the month were similarly linked to the human body, in the Mayan and Nahuatl traditions.
Five pesos: eighth circle (ring of snakes)
The five-peso coin carries on its shore the eighth circle of the sunstone:
It is the circle of the Milky Way. The Piedra del Sol is limited by two semi-circles in the shape of burning snakes, Xiuhcoatl, representing the Milky Way. The two serpents are born from the hieroglyph of 13 Acatl which indicates the date of the celebration of the New Fire.
The tails of the snakes, their scales (12 on each side), their heads, represent the different skies.
Ten pesos: central circle (central disc)
The coin of ten pesos in its centre carries the central circle of the sunstone:
Represented by the face of the Sun Olin Tonatiuh and his two claws, which take a few hearts to look at the universe. It is a symbol of vitality and "movement".
Its language materialized by an obsidian knife symbolizes the sacrifice of oneself, source of vitality and creation of the fifth era.
And the almost forgotten coins of 5, 10, 20 and 50 cents?
They also have reasons that refer to the Piedra del Sol, but to a lesser extent, for example, partial stylizations of solar rays in the 5 and 10 cents, acceptance ring stylization in the 20 cents, and partial stylization of Ácatl in the 50 cent coin.
This implementation is not new, since the early nineteenth century the Mexican coin of 5 cents was made with a design extracted from the solar rays of the ring of the radiance of the Piedra del Sol.
So if we join all these references, the result would be this:
via Vanguardia
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"url": "https://www.mexicanist.com/l/what-happens-if-you-join-the-rings-of-the-1-2-5-and-10-peso-coins/"
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Tectonics and sedimentation: an example from the Mérida Andes (Venezuela)
Two fluvio-glacial terrace levels (20-25 and 6-10 m) crop out in the Los Zerpa morainic valley (Sierra de Santo Domingo). The upper and older tenace contains alluvial sediments deposited within a morainic dam after post-Pleistocene glacier retreat from the valley. Right-lateral movement along the Boconó fault, underlying the terminal moraine, intempted sedimentation and caused erosion. The lower and younger terrace contains three sedimentary facies (from the lower to the upper part of the valley): a lacustrine, a deltaic, and a.fluvial facies, which represent the second sedimentation event. Latet renewed movement along the fault intempted this phase and caused incision and terrace formation, a process which continues today.
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"url": "https://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/ActaGeologica/article/view/4308"
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kids encyclopedia robot
Yellow Sea facts for kids
Kids Encyclopedia Facts
Yellow Sea
Yellow Sea
The Yellow Sea is the northern part of the East China Sea. It is between Mainland China and the Korean peninsula. The northwestern part is called the Bohai Sea. The name "Yellow Sea" comes from the silt particles that color its water. The particles come from the Yellow River. Smaller rivers include the Yalu and Han Rivers.
Images for kids
kids search engine
Yellow Sea Facts for Kids. Kiddle Encyclopedia.
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Online College Courses for Credit
Combinatorics Principles: Pigeonhole Principle
Combinatorics Principles: Pigeonhole Principle
Author: c o
To introduce the pigeonhole principle
To see some examples of its application
This packet introduces the learner an idea from combinatorics called the "pigeonhole principle".
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If there are n+1 pigeons roosting in n pigeonholes, then at least one pigeonhole is occupied by at least two pigeons.
As devilishly simple as the statement sounds, it turns out the the pigeonhole principle can be used to solve a wide array of problems. This is the basic idea behind the children's game musical chairs: there is always one less chair than there are players, so that every turn, one player is cast out.
Consider a pentagon sitting in the plane. If its center is the origin, and no vertex sits on an axis, then at least two vertices sit in the same quadrant.
Why? Because there are four quadrants and five points, and since none of the vertices are allowed to be on the quadrant boundaries (the y-axis or the x-axis) then two of them have to be in one quadrant.
Applying The Principle
In this video we see two examples of how the pigeonhole principle may be applied.
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Art 101
The Extraordinary History of Mourlot, Picasso's Printmaker
The Extraordinary History of Mourlot, Picasso's Printmaker
Joan Miró makes a print with Fernand Mourlot.
When Fernand Mourlot became one of the heirs to his father’s Paris print shop in the early 1920s, printmaking was changed forever. As the shop's artistic director, Mourlot brought in the greatest Modernists of his day to produce color lithographs, a variety of print that had gone out of style during the 19th century due to a complex process that involves using a stone plate to offset an image. French painters Maurice de Vlaminck and Maurice Utrillo were among the first to be engaged by Mourlot, though it was not long before the atelier began to reach an even broader crowd that included Pablo PicassoAlexander CalderGeorges Braque, and Fernand Léger.
By the end of the 1960s, even the Pop artists, notably James Rosenquist and Claes Oldenburg, were stopping by for a visit. So the print shop expanded to a second location in New York, working with a whole new generation of artists. The lithographs produced by Mourlot, used to make fine art books and museum exhibition posters as well as prints, have been credited with making the work of the most important artists accessible to a broad audience. Here are five of the foremost talents that helped Mourlot to bring art prints to the masses.
It took some convincing to get Matisse, a longtime enthusiast for printmaking and art books, to make his first work for Mourlot, a poster of his 1935 painting La Rêve for a museum exhibition—and even when Fernand finally got the artist to help him with a lithograph, Matisse was highly critical throughout the process. By the time the poster was finished, however, Matisse told Fernand that he was thrilled with quality of the result and immediately agreed to make another. Vibrant and colorful, the prints feature Matisse’s handwritten name in black ink, a stylistic touch that soon became adopted by other artists working with Mourlot, giving the shop's lithographs a tell-tale flourish.
Henri Matisse MourlotMatisse approves a print for Mourlot
At the recommendation of Matisse and Georges Braque, Picasso worked with Mourlot for the first time in 1945. Before he even got to the shop, Picasso knew that Mourlot's lithography would become an important part of his oeuvre—“He came like he was going to battle,” Mourlot once said. Twenty years later, Picasso had produced over 400 lithographs for Mourlot as a way of exploring his creative process, making a print in 15 to 20 different states and watching its evolution before creating a finished product.
Pablo Picasso MourlotPablo Picasso, Max Pelleqeur, and Georges Braque at an exhibition at Atelier Mourlot
Miró began to assist Mourlot’s production of his books of Surrealist compositions after World War II. Because books were among some of were some of the shop’s finest offerings, the lithographs from Miró’s volumes—collections of the painter’s playful and colorful abstract compositions—have become prized works for museums and collectors alike.
Joan Miro MourlotJoan Miró looking at his prints
After having escaped from Nazi-occupied France to New York, Chagall made a special trip back to Paris to supervise Mourlot’s editions of his work in 1956. Chagall’s lithographs were a series of biblical scenes inspired by a spiritual experience he had when he visited Palestine. In the years to come, Chagall continued working with Mourlot, ultimately making 300 more lithographs with the atelier.
Marc Chagall MourlotChagall and collaborator Charles Sorlier review their prints
By the late ‘60s, it became fashionable for artists to stop by Mourlot’s New York location and make a print or two. One of the artists who paid a visit to the West Village shop was Alex Katz, a member of the Pop art scene known for making prints based on his paintings. Katz’s lithographic portraits, done in a reductionist, almost Etruscan style typical of his work, are fine examples of the hotly sought-after, avant-garde prints that Mourlot was able to produce when it crossed over to America.
Alex Katz MourlotKatz beginning work on a print at Mourlot's New York location
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Celebrate Black History Month with poetry
To celebrate Black History Month in February—and the rich tradition of African American poetry, read the famous poem by an unknown author, “A World Without Black People”. Enjoy
A World Without Black People
This is a story of a little boy name Theo, who woke up one morning and asked his mother, “Mom, what if there were no Black people in the world?” Well, his mother thought about that for a moment, and then said, “Son, follow me around today and let’s just see what it would be like if there were no Black people in the world.” Mom said, “Now go get dressed, and we will get started.”
Theo ran to his room to put on his clothes and shoes. His mother took one look at him and said, “Theo, where are your shoes? And those clothes are all wrinkled, son. I must iron them.” However, when she reached for the ironing board, it was no longer there.
“Oh well,” she said, “please go and do something to your hair.” Theo ran in his room to comb his hair, but the comb was not there. You see, Walter Sammons, a black man, invented the comb.
Well, this was a sight: no shoes, wrinkled clothes, hair a mess. Even Mom’s hair, without the hair care inventions of Madam C. Walker, well, you get the picture.
Mom told Theo, “Let’s do our chores around the house and then take a trip to the grocery store.” Theo’s job was to sweep the floor. He swept and swept and swept. When he reached for the dustpan, it was not there. You see, Lloyd P. Ray, a black man, invented the dustpan.
So he swept his pile of dirt over in the corner and left it there. He then decided to mop the floor, but the mop was gone. You see, Thomas W. Stewart, a black man, invented the mop. Theo yelled to his Mom, “Mom, I’m not having any luck.”
“Well, son,” she said, “Let me finish washing these clothes, and we will prepare a list for the grocery store.” When the wash finished, she went to place the clothes in the dryer, but it was not there. You see, George T. Samon, a black man, invented the clothes dryer.
Theo and his mother sat at the kitchen table with their heads in their hands. When the father arrived, he asked, “Why are you sitting in the dark?” Why? Because Lewis Howard Latimer, a black man, invented the filament within the light bulb.
So, if you ever wonder, like Theo, where would we be without black people? Well, it’s pretty plain to see. We would still be in the DARK!
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Jan 25, 2018 in Research
Great Akua'ba Doll Research Sample
Akuaba doll is associated with the story of a woman who was named Akua
This woman could not get pregnant. As a result, she went to the local diviner. She commissioned the carving of a small doll as her child. After completion of the doll, she carried it home and took care of it as if it were her own child. She fed it, clothed it just like a normal kid. After sometime, the people in her village got used to it and they started calling it “Akua” “ba”, meaning Akua’s child. In this case, the suffix “ba” means a child. However, after she had lived with the doll for some time, she fortunately got pregnant and gave birth to a real daughter who grew with the doll. This tradition has still existed until today. Akuaba doll belongs to the Akan, Ashanti tribe in Ghana. It was produced in the period from early to mid 20th century, during the era of colonialism in Africa.
The doll is made of polished wood that is stained black
Its head is of the shape of a flat disc. The forehead of the doll is high with a flat nose. Its mouth is small. The head of the doll is held high because it has a slander neck with arms that take the form of a cross. This is because the arms do not have joints. The base of the doll is square or rectangular what makes it possible to stand due to stability, created by the base. It has a protruding navel. The doll was normally carried at the back of an Ashanti expectant mother. This was done in the hope that the child to be born could be beautiful just like the doll (Cole & Ross, 1981). Therefore, the doll signifies the importance of fertility among the Ashanti women. Just as it was the case with Akuaba, sterile mothers normally hope to have a child one day by keeping Akuaba with them, something that was believed to make them become pregnant. The height of the doll is about 40cm. The round or oval shaped heads of Akuaba’s were considered to be the most suitable as they made it possible for women to carry them at their back without difficulties (McLeod, 1981). They could easily take the model of an infant behind the back of their mother. In addition, the dolls have flat profile. This makes them ideal for carrying at the back. Moreover, they could also be wrapped in the women’s skirt. Their ringed neck makes it suitable for the dolls to be carried as well as it adds to its beauty. A close observation of the doll shows that it has small scars on the face. This is because most of the Akuabas were made for medicinal purposes as a way to protect the yet to be born child against any convulsions (Kyeremateng & Nkansa, 1996). It can also be noted that most of the Akuabas have cylindrical torso, where their breast are protruding and a navel ends at the legs like that of human beings. Therefore, the Akuaba takes the form of the baby except for few parts, such as lack of joints at the arms, no hands and the fact that the navel ends at the legs.
Akuaba are of various styles. This implies that Akuabas are made of different types. Some of the styles that make them distinct include the following: firstly, some have circular base, while others are made of rectangular base. The two bases are meant to ensure that the Akuabas are stable when they are being placed upright. Secondly, some have their navel ends at the junction where they meet the legs while others have navels ending at the base. This means that some have well-crafted feet while others do not. Thirdly, some Akuabas have joints at their legs and hands while others do not have. Moreover, some of their hands are just like those of human beings pointing downwards, while others have straight hands that form a cross (Kyeremateng & Nkansa,1996). The face of the Akuaba is also different as they do not necessarily bear the same forehead. Indeed, some have an object on their forehead just like an animal (Cole & Ross, 1981). They have differences in terms of placement of the eye, the nose and the mouth. Some have beads on their ears while others do not have. It is also easy to note that some Akuaba are black, while others are brown.
This object has been selected mainly because of its significance to the community where it comes from. Akuaba is associated with the fertility. A woman who could not conceive was advised to visit a local shrine together with a senior woman in her family. The two would purchase a figure or a doll of Akuaba which would periodically be placed at the altar. The women would reclaim the child together with certain medicines. She would then go home with the doll and take care of it as if it was an alive baby. Indeed, the baby was put in some of the best clothes and jewels as the women desired him or her to be born baby to take that form of the beautiful Akua. By so doing, the woman believed that she had a better chance of having a healthy and beautiful baby (McLeod, 1981). Once the woman was successful, she conceived and delivered the baby. She would then return the doll to the shrine as a form of offering. In case a misfortunate fell on the new born baby and it died, the woman would keep Akua as a memory. Therefore, this doll was more significant in that particular community in comparison with other dolls. Its meaning is deeply embedded in the social understanding of the society on which their beliefs were based. The doll encompasses the idea of fertility of their land (Kyeremateng & Nkansa, 1996). This puts into consideration that during this era the Ashanti community had a greater influence in Ghana (Cole & Ross, 1981). As a result, they viewed children as an important heritage which everyone must strive to get.
Akuaba and Modern Society
In the modern society, Akuaba still holds a significant role. Akuaba is produced in mass for sale as a souvenir rather than to be used as a ritual or charm. However, it is still used traditionally in some areas just as it was the case with early Ashanti people. Indeed, Akuaba has also gained currency as it is still believed to be a general symbol of good luck, especially among the Ghanaians. It also helped women to learn how to take care of their yet to be born child. Indeed, Akua’s doll bears more significance since it is passed from the mother to the child. This is a sign of continued fertility. In addition, Akua doll evidently shows that Ashnati people had high esteem for health and beauty. They thought that having beautiful children was one of the most desirable things in life. Therefore, it can be concluded that the Ashanti people valued health, beauty and children.
Amid the modern Ashanti people, some young girls are still given Aakuaba’s by their fathers
This act is a sign of good luck that will make them have many children in their future when they grow up. Thus, the community believes that having a large family is a good luck. Indeed, they believe that if a woman can’t get pregnant, she should immediately go to the herbalist who will make an Akuaba for her (Cole & Ross, 1981). Some women will tie the doll at the back, while some have gone to an extent of placing some small Akuaba on their necks. Infertility, miscarriage and death of the infants are some of the worst fears that women have. Among the Ashanti people, when such incidences happened there were the associations with witchcraft (McLeod, 1981). A woman who bears most girls is highly esteemed among the Ashanti people, because she helps in continuum of this lineage.
In conclusion, Akuaba doll bears a great significance among the Ashanti people in Ghana
This is because it is associated with one of the important aspect of life which includes bearing and delivering children and good luck. Indeed, the doll is a sign of fertility among the community members. The continued use of this doll indicates that the meaning of the doll goes beyond what can be interpreted in books. It is deeply embedded in the beliefs and culture of the Ashanti people.
Related essays
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kids encyclopedia robot
Scaly-tailed possum facts for kids
Kids Encyclopedia Facts
Quick facts for kids
Scaly-tailed possum
Conservation status
Scientific classification
Scaly-tailed Possum area.png
Scaly-tailed possum range
The scaly-tailed possumWyulda squamicaudata – is found in northwestern Australia, where it is restricted to the Kimberley. They are light grey over most of the body and have relatively short ears and muzzle. The mostly hairless tail is able to curl around the branches of trees as the possum forages for food, its grasp is aided by rasp-ilke scales and is strong enough to hold its own weight. The species favours complex rocky terrain with dense thickets of vines and the fruiting trees that provide much of their diet.
The new species was presented to the Royal Society of Western Australia in 1918 by the biologist Wilfred Backhouse Alexander, while he was employed by the Western Australian Museum, and published in the society's journal in the same year. The description was accompanied by a reproduction of a painting by George Pitt Morison, and two photographs of the specimen's skull were also included. The holotype was reported to have been collected in the Kimberley region at Violet Valley Station, and forwarded to Walter Kingsmill who presented the specimen to the Perth Zoological Gardens. Alexander assigned the species to a new genus of the phalangerid family, Wyulda, deriving the name from an indigenous word used by the people at Lyons River for the local and common possum; the pronunciation provided by the author is "weeoolda".
Aside from scaly-tailed possum, the recorded names for the species include ilangurra and yilangal (the latter by the Wunambal people of Mitchell Plateau). The describing author proposed the common name scaly-tailed opossum, but gave an alternative as scaly tailed phalanger if the use of the term for the American marsupial opossum was considered inappropriate. As the common name implies, its distinguishing feature is a hairless, scaly tail.
An arboreal species of the Phalangeridae family with short ears and muzzle, and a body with a stocky build. The total length of the head and body is 300 to 390 millimetres, the distinctive tail is 300 millimetres, and their weight ranges from 1.3 to 2.0 kilograms. The coloration of the pelage is light grey with brown flecking over the upper parts, becoming a rufous colour toward the base of tail and over the rump; an indistinct mid-line extends along the back of the possum, from the tail to between the eyes. The fur at the underside is creamy white. A densely furred region extends a short distance over the base of the tail, which is otherwise naked. Wyulda squamicaudata is distinguished by rasp-like scales over the surface of their strongly prehensile tail.
Journal of the Royal Society of Western Australia Vol 4 Pl 1
Reproduction of George Pitt Morison's painting of the species, published with the first description, 1918.
Wyulda squamicaudata is a slow growing species, the rate of increase in skull length for juveniles is 0.26 mm per day. The weight when the female reaches a reproductive age at two years old is 1.1 kg. less than the weight range of fully mature individuals. There is no difference in weight between genders and is not known to be seasonally variable.
The species has been allied within the family Phalangeridae as a relation of other Australasian genera, the cuscuses Phalanger and brushtail possums Trichosurus. Superficially similar to other possum species, the observable differences from the commonly found possum Trichosurus vulpecula are the fox-like face, furry tail and larger of that species. Another rock inhabiting possum found in the region, the ringtail species Petropseudes dahli, has fur covering half the tail, patches of white near the ears, and a steep forehead and pointed muzzle when observed in profile.
The parasites known to use Wyulda squamicaudata as a host include internal species, the cestode Bertiella trichosuri also found in possums of Trichosurus, Adelenema trichosuri and a species of Austrostrongylus, a genus associated with wallabies.
Wyulda squamicaudata is a nocturnal animal that usually occurs alone. Their behaviour is discreet and shy while foraging in trees or over rocks. They demonstrate great agility when climbing, assisted by a prehensile tail that is strong enough to support themselves from a branch while reaching for leaves and other food. Reproduction takes place during the dry season of north west Australia, usually between March and August and occasionally giving birth later in that season. The maternal rearing period of the young includes 150 to 200 days within the pouch and another eight months to become independent of the mother; reproductive maturity for the female is reached after two years.
Usually found in denser wooded areas, W. squamicaudata may be seen foraging in open areas. The diet largely includes leaves, seeds, roots and flowering parts of plants, although nuts and insects are also consumed. A study of the species found that up to three quarters of the diet is composed of fruits.
Distribution and habitat
The possum has a limited range and is found in the high rainfall near coastal regions of the north Kimberley between Yampi Sound and Kalumburu, and a smaller population that occurs inland in the east Kimberley at Emma Gorge.
Wyulda squamicaudata is most widely reported across the Artesian Range, where it is moderately common. Populations also inhabit Bigge Island and Boongaree Island. The preferred habitat of this animal is sandstone based woodlands where it can shelter in rock piles and fissures and feed in the trees. They are associated with denser vegetation over rocks and boulders that provide daytime shelter and refuge, often thickets of vines rather than the closed mangrove and open woodlands favoured by Trichosurus arnhemensis. The species is restricted in its range by the complexity of a rocky habitat, providing more dens and refuge from fires in the surrounding landscape.
The species' type location is in the eastern Kimberley, at Violet Valley near Warmun, but most records are of their occurrence are in the north-west of the region. The specimen obtained in 1917 was the only record of the possum in east Kimberley region until 2010, when they were found occurring at Emma Gorge in the Cockburn Range. The eastern and north-western groups may be geographically isolated, but this has not been confirmed by a broad survey of the Kimberley region. It is present in the Charnley River–Artesian Range Wildlife Sanctuary in the Kimberley region of WA.
Wyulda squamicaudata has disappeared at some locations, where they are assumed to have succumbed to frequent and higher intensity fires and predation by feral cats. An outlying occurrence in Broome reported in 1970 is thought have been a displaced individual.
The ringtail possum Trichosurus arnhemensis occurs in the same region as this species, but does not appear to share the same habitat.
The IUCN Red List assigns a conservation status of near threatened for the species. The population was assessed in 2014 as numbering between 5000–10000 with evidence that it is decreasing.
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Scaly-tailed possum Facts for Kids. Kiddle Encyclopedia.
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Pollen deposition in lakes as measured by sediment traps
Research output: Contribution to journalArticlepeer-review
29 Scopus citations
Sediment traps submerged in lakes were used to measure the numbers of pollen grains falling through the water toward the lake bottom. The traps are open, wide-mouth gallon bottles enclosed in wire mesh cages and suspended upright approximately 2 m above the lake bottom between an anchor and a submerged float. The numbers of grains captured in traps having openings 25-100 sq cm in area were directly proportional to the mouth area, demonstrating that these sizes trap with equal efficiency. Deposition rates measured at different stations within each of the three lakes studied were similar; however, different rates (29,000 and 53,000 grains per sq cm) were measured during the same year in two lakes only 11 km apart in Vermont. In a lake in Massachusetts the rate was 13,000 per sq cm one year and 28,000 the next. Differences in deposition rates may be related to differences in the pollen input to the lake from the air or from inflowing streams, or to differences in the amount of resuspension, mixing, and subsequent redeposition of pollen from the surface layer of sediment. The latter could explain the uniform intensity of the pollen rain measured by traps within each lake and the apparent independence of pollen percentage values from the absolute numbers deposited.
Original languageUndefined/Unknown
Pages (from-to)849-858
Number of pages10
JournalGeological Society of America Bulletin
Issue number7
StatePublished - 1967
Cite this
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Two otters play in water
All otters have very good hearing. Some scientists believe that an otter's sense of hearing is more important than smell for sensing danger.
Eyesight is probably the most important sense for hunting.
A specialized lens and cornea correct for the refraction of light caused by the transition from aerial to aquatic vision.
Vision studies conducted on Asian small-clawed otters suggest that, in bright light, visual resolution is equally good in water and air; in dim light, resolution is better in air than in water.
Clawless otters and sea otters have very sensitive forepaws. The areas of their brains that receive tactile sensory information from the forelimbs are enlarged. These otters use their forepaws for foraging.
An otter's vibrissae are very sensitive to tactile stimulation and to underwater vibrations.
A substantial nerve network at the base of the vibrissae transmits tactile information to the brain.
In river otters and giant otters, species that forage with their mouths, the area of the brain receiving tactile information from the facial area is larger than in other species.
Otters show preferences for certain foods, but researchers don't know if taste is important in these preferences.
Otters have an acute sense of smell. It is probably the most important sense for communication about territories and assessing breeding readiness.
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The Marrog is a fantastic poem by R.C. Scriven that we have been looking at over the last few days. Here are some activities that we used and some that I plan to use with the Marrog as inspiration.
Rhyming words
The children can write a list of all the rhyming words in the poem.
The poem is full of adjectives – get the children to list the adjectives in their Magpie copy or to underline them in the poem.
Art – Drawing
Using the descriptions of the Marrog – draw him.
Create your own mythical creature who might live at the back of the classroom.
Write about your mythical creature using lots of adjectives. (What’s his/her name?Where does he/she come from, what does he/she look like, what do they eat/drink, where do they live, why are they here?)
Write a story about what your mythical creature gets up to during the day/ when everyone is gone home.
Imagine the Marrog became visible. How would you react? Where would you hide? How do you think the teacher would react? (Children can work in groups and take on the role of different people – teacher, children, principal, the Marrog)
Create the background music to the arrival of the Marrog. (Imagine you are a composer for a film about the Marrog)
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From Infogalactic: the planetary knowledge core
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Roman SPQR banner.svg
This article is part of a series on the
politics and government of
Ancient Rome
Roman Constitution
Ordinary magistrates
Extraordinary magistrates
Titles and honours
Precedent and law
Decemviri (plural) is a Latin term meaning ten (decem) men (viri). The ancient Romans used it to designate any ten-man commission during the period of the Roman Republic (cf. Triumviri, Three Men). In English it is rendered as decemvirate. Different types of decemvirates included decemviri legibus scribundis consulari imperio (decemviri writing the law with consular power), decemviri litibus iudicandis (decemviri adjudging litigation) decemviri sacris faciundis (decemviri making sacrifices) and the distribution of public lands (agris dandis adsignandis). The singular, decemvir, is used to indicate a member of a decemvirate both in Latin and in English. In English decemvirs is used as a plural for this.
Decemviri Legibus Scribundis Consulari Imperio
First decemvirate
In 454 BC the senate agreed, following years of plebeian demands for a set of published laws, sent thee envoys to Athens and other Greek cities to study their laws and to copy the law of Solon. In 452 BC the envoys came back and plebeian tribunes pressed for beginning work on the laws. It was agreed to appoint decemviri with consular powers subject to no appeal, to suspend the constitution and the magistrates (offices of state).[1] [2]
Thus the decemviri were a new extraordinary magistracy. After a debate about whether plebeians should sit on the commission, the plebeians agreed to a patrician-only panel in exchange for a law they had passed not being repealed. [3] The decemviri took office in 451 BC. Both consuls elect, Appius Claudius Crassinus Inregillensis Sabinus and Titus Genucius Augurinus, resigned. So did the other magistrates and the plebeian tribunes. In compensation for their loss of office, Appius Claudius and Titus Genucius were appointed to the decemviri. So was one of the consuls of the previous year (452 BC), Publius Sestius Capitolinus Vaticanus, because he had put the proposal to the senate despite the opposition of his college. The three envoys were also part of the decemviri. [4] The most influential member was Appius Claudius who, according to Livy,” was the guiding hand in the whole magistracy ... thanks to the favour of the plebs.” [5] Each day a different decemvir presided over the magistracy and this man had the twelve lictors (the bodyguards of the consuls) with fasces (bound bundles of rods which were the symbol of supreme authority and sometimes had axes). Their rule was fair and their administration of justice was exemplary. Despite not being subject to appeal, they yielded to one another when an appeal was taken." They drafted their laws on ten bronze tables and presented them to the people, asked for feedback and amended them accordingly. They were approved by the higher popular assembly, the Assembly of the Soldiers. There was a general feeling that two more tables were needed to have corpus of all Roman law. It was decided to elect a new decemvirate. [6]
Second decemvirate
Many men canvassed for election. Appius Claudius rigged the election and announced the election of himself and nine men who were his supporters. This new decemvirate became tyrannical. All the ten men had twelve lictors and their fasces had axes (even though the carrying of weapons within the city walls was forbidden). The sight of these 120 lictors terrified everyone. They conducted trials behind closed doors and issued arbitrary judgments. There were rumours that they wanted to rule perpetually. Everyone hated them. When they issued the two additional tables there was no longer any justification for their rule and people looked forward to elections. However, when the time came, they were not held and the decimviri became violent. [7]
A Sabine army attacked Roman territory and encamped there and an Aequi army attacked an ally of Rome. The deciviri summoned the senate, but the senators did not show up. To the plebeians this showed the illegitimacy of the decemviri as their term had expired and were now meant to be just private citizens. They were considering boycotting the military draft. However, it turned out that the senator had left and gone to their farms (in disgust). The senate was summoned again and this time some senators attended. The plebeians saw this as a betrayal of liberty. However, the senators denounced the decemviri and tried to oppose them, called them private citizens and refused to call a levy. In the end they allowed its proclamation of the levy in silence because they feared that a popular uprising which would bolster the plebeian tribunes, their political adversaries. The plebeians enlisted because they feared violent reprisal as there was no right to appeal. Some of the decemviri led two armies against the two enemies. As they were not good military men, both armies were routed. [8]
Appius Claudius had his eyes on Verginia a plebeian woman. Her father, Lucius Verginius was a centurion and was away with the army. Having failed to woo her with money and promises, Appius Claudius decided to seize this opportunity to get one of his men to claim her as her slave. She was dragged off her feet in the forum and the shouts of her nurses attracted a crowd. The claimant said that he was acting lawfully and had summoned her to court. Verginia went to court followed by her friends and acquaintances. The judge was Appius Claudius. The claimant said that the girl was born at his house and then he palmed her off to Verginius as his, but that she still was her slave. Verginia’s friends asked for an adjournment until Verginius could attend and to leave Verginia in the custody of the defendants. Appius Claudius agreed to summon Verginius, but put Verginia in the custody of the claimant. Verginia's lover, Icilius, arrived at the forum, but was stopped by a lictor. He pleaded his case loudly and attracted the attention of the crowd. Verginia's supporters sent a relative and Icilius' brother to quickly go to Verginius' military camp. The claimant pressed Icilius to pay surety to be Verginia’s guarantor. Many people offered money and Verginia was bailed to her family. Appius Claudius wrote to his colleagues at the camp not to grant Verginius leave and to arrest him. However, the messengers had already arrived and Verginius had already been given leave. At dawn a crowd was waiting for events. Verginius arrived, led his daughter and a large mass of supporters. He canvassed people for help to claim his due. The tears of of the matrons who accompanied Verginia moved people more than words. Appius Claudius upheld the fabricated case of the claimant and adjudged Verginia to him without even listening to Verginius. The crowd was stunned. When the claimant made his way to take her, Verginius shouted that he had betrothed Virginia to Iclius, not for Appius Claudius and that he did not bring her up for dishonour. Appius Claudius claimed that he knew that there had been seditious meetings and told Verginius to be quiet and the lictors to seize the slave (Verginia). The crowd did not react. Verginius stabled his daughter to death saying that that was the only way he could assert her freedom. Appius Claudius ordered his arrest, but the crowd protected him as he made his way to the city gate. The men talked about restoring the plebeian tribunes and the right to appeal [9]
The second plebeian secession
Appius Claudius ordered the arrest of Icilius, but the crowd prevented this. Two patricians, Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius pushed the lictors back and said that “if Appius proceeded legally, they would protect Icilius from the prosecution of a mere citizen; if he sought to make use of violence, there too they would be a match for him." Appius Claudius and Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius made speeches. The crowd booed the former and listened only to the latter two who ordered the lictors to back off. Appius Claudius fled. Another decmvir not knowing what to do ended up summoning the senate. The senators were hostile to the decemviri and there was hope that they would bring them down. However, they were concerned that the arrival of Verginius at the military camp would cause unrest and sent messengers to tell the commanders to keep the troops from mutiny. Verginius, who had been followed by nearly four hundred men, caused an even bigger stir with the soldiers than in the city. He told his fellow soldiers to "look out for themselves and for their own children" and they replied that they "would not forget his sufferings nor fail to vindicate their liberty." The civilians claimed that the decemviri had been overthrown and that Appius Claudius had gone into exile and incited the soldiers to rise up. [10]
These soldiers, who were from the army which had been sent against the Aequi, marched to Rome and took possession of the Aventine Hill. They urged the plebeians to regain their freedom and elect the plebeian tribunes. The senate decided to take no harsh action as it had been partly responsible for the mutiny. It sent three envoys to inquire who had seized the Aventine, who their leaders were and what they wanted. The mutineers did not have a leader and no one dared to express enmity. The civilian crowd shouted that they wanted Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius to be the envoys. Verginius proposed the election of ten leaders to be given a military title, military tribunes (this was a type of army officer). Verginius was elected.
At the instigation of Icilius the soldiers of the armies in the Sabine country rebelled, too. On hearing of the election of military tribunes at the Aventine Icilius, thinking that these men would then be elected as plebeian tribunes and wanting to become one himself, arranged the election of the same number of "military tribunes" among these soldiers, who headed for Rome, marched through the city and to the Aventine. When they joined the other army, the twenty "military tribunes" appointed two men, Marcus Oppius and Sextus Manilius, to take command. [11]
The senators, who were convening daily spent most of the time squabbling. They decided to send Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius to the Aventine on condition that the decemviri resign. The latter said that they would do so only after the enactment of the two tables of laws for which they were elected. Given that the senate kept bickering, the soldiers decided to secede to Mons Sacer as they had done in 494 BC to increase their pressure. Now they had a demand, the restoration of tribunician power (i.e. the reinstatement of the plebeian tribunes) and they would stand firm to obtain this. On their way through the city they were joined by civilian plebeians. The senate hesitated because of the enmity between senators and plebeian tribunes. Some senators, including Valerius and Horatius, argued that their restoration was needed in order to both get rid of the decemviri and restore patrician magistrates. The decemviri agreed to step down on condition that they would get personal protection against reprisals [12]
Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius were sent to negotiate terms with the plebeians at their discretion. The plebeians welcomed and thanked them because of their previous stand at the forum. They demanded the recovery of the protections the plebeians enjoyed through the plebeian tribunes and the right to appeal, immunity for those who incited the rebellion and harsh punishment for the decemviri. The envoys agreed on the first three demands and asked that the issue of punishment be postponed. The plebeians accepted this. The senate decreed the abdication of the decemviri, the election of the plebeian tribunes and the mentioned immunity. The plebeian returned to Rome and elected their tribunes. The plebeian council carried a notion of immunity and passed a bill for the election of consuls subject to appeal. [13]
Valerio-Horatian Laws (Leges Valeriae Horatiae)
Lucius Valerius Potitius and Marcus Horatius Barbatus were elected as consuls. They passed the Leges Valeriae Horatiae. The first one provided that the resolutions of the plebeian council were binding on the people. Then "they not only restored a consular law about the appeal, but they also safeguarded it for the future by the solemn enactment of a new law, that no one should declare the election of any magistrate without appeal, and that he who should so declare might be put to death [by anyone] without offence to law or religion, and that such a homicide should not be held a capital crime " They also reinstated the principle of the sacrosanctity of the plebeians tribunes "by restoring certain long-neglected ceremonies" and by putting what had been just a religious sanction into the statutes with a law which extended it to all plebeian magistrates, including the aediles and the decemviral judges. It also added the specifics that the heads of those who violated them were to be forfeited to Jupiter and their property sold at the temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera. They also introduced the practice of delivering the decrees of the senate to the aediles at the temple of Ceres, “[u]p to that time they were wont to be suppressed or falsified, at the pleasure of the consuls." The plebeian council also passed a law whereby those who left the plebeians without tribunes or elected a magistrate without appeal were to be scourged and beheaded. Livy noted that all the measures were passed against the will of the patricians, but they did not oppose them.[14]
Demise of the decemviri
The plebeian tribunes tasked Verginius with prosecuting Appius Claudius. Verginius pardoned him for the crimes he had committed over two years saying "[I shall not] suffer him to add to his other crimes the impudence of defending himself". However, he said that he would arrest Appius Claudius unless he named a referee who could prove that he had not illegally adjudged a free citizen to the custody of one who claimed her as a slave. Appius Claudius asked for a trial to assess whether his new laws had established tyranny or freedom and weather the appeal "had been merely a parade of meaningless forms, or had been really granted." This was refused. He appealed repeatedly, but Verginius kept repeating the challenge of a referee and then adjourned the trial. While in prison, Appius Claudius committed suicide. Another decemvir, Spurius was arrested. He committed suicide, too. The property of these two men was confiscated. The other dedemviri went into exile. [15]
The Law of the Twelve Tables
The two consuls marched with their armies to confront the Sabines and the Aequi who had not withdrawn. "Before they left the City, the consuls had the decemviral laws, which are known as the Twelve Tables, engraved on bronze, and set them up in a public place. Some authors say that the aediles, acting under orders from the tribunes, performed this service." [16]
Decemviri Legibus Scribundis Consulari Imperio (451 BC):
Decemviri Legibus Scribundis Consulari Imperio (450 – 449 BC):
Decemviri Litibus Iudicandis
This type of decemvirate (also called the decemviri litibus iudicandis and translated as "the ten men who judge lawsuits") was a civil court of ancient origin (traditionally attributed to King Servius Tullius) mainly concerned with questions bearing on the status of individuals. It originally served as a jury rendering verdict under the presidency of the praetor, but these decemviri subsequently became annual minor magistrates (magistratus minores) of the Republic, elected by the Comitia Populi Tributa and forming part of the Vigintisexviri ("Twenty-Six Men").[1]
Suetonius and Dio Cassius record that during the Principate, Caesar Augustus transferred to the decemviri the presidency in the courts of the Centumviri ("Hundred Men"). Under imperial law, the decemvirate had jurisdiction in capital cases.
Decemviri Sacris Faciundis
This type of decemvirate (also called the decemviri sacrorum) had religious functions and was the outcome of the claim of the plebs to equal share in the administration of the state religion (five decemviri were plebeians, five were patricians). They were first appointed in 367 BC in lieu of the patrician duumviri ("Two Men") who had had responsibility for the care and consultation of the Sibylline books and the celebration of the games of Apollo.[1] Membership in this ecclesiastical college (collegium) was for life, and the college was increased to a quindecimvirate—that is, a college of fifteen members—and renamed accordingly (see quindecimviri sacris faciundis) in the last century of the Republic, possibly by the dictator Lucius Cornelius Sulla; the dictator Gaius Julius Caesar added a sixteenth member, but this precedent was not followed.
Decemviri Agris Dandis Adsignandis
This type of decemvirate was appointed from time to time to control the distribution of public lands (ager publicus).[1]
See also
1. 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 Clay, Agnes (1911). [ "Decemviri" ] Check |ws link in chapter= value (help). In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. 7 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 912.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles> Citations:
• B. G. Niebuhr, History of Rome (Eng. trans.), ii. 309 et seq. (Cambridge, 1832)
• Th. Mommsen, History of Rome, bk. ii. c. 2, vol. i. pp. 361 et seq. (Eng. trans., new ed., 1894)
• id., Römisches Staatsrecht, ii. 605 et seq., 714 (Leipzig, 1887)
• A. H. J. Greenidge, Legal Procedure of Cicero’s Time, p. 40 et seq., 263 (Oxford, 1901)
• J. Muirhead, Private Law of Rome, p. 73 et seq. (London, 1899)
• Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopädie, iv. 2256 et seq. (Kübler).
2. Livy, The History of Rome, 3.31.7-8
3. Livy, The History of Rome, 3.32.6-8
4. Livy, The History of Rome, 3.33.3-5
5. Livy, The History of Rome, 3.33.7
6. Livy, The History of Rome, 3.33.7-10, 34
7. Livy, The History of Rome, 3.3.35-38.1-2
8. Livt, the History of Rome, 3.3.38-42
9. Livy, The History of Rome, 3.44-48
10. Livy, The History of Rome, 3.49-50
11. Livy, The History of Rome, 3.50-51
12. Livy, The History of Rome, 3.52
13. Livy, The History of Rome, 3.53-54
14. Livy, The History of Rome, 3.55
15. Livy, The History of Rome, 3.56., 57.5-6, 58.6-10
16. Livy, The History of Rome, 3.57-10
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MIT Technology Review
Voice Box
February 28, 2003
Have you ever heard a strange robotic voice, then turned to see someone speaking through an electrolarynx? For victims of laryngeal cancer, a buzzer pressed to the neck restores speech by stepping in for lost vocal cords, but produces machine-like sounds that can be hard to understand.
In an effort to restore natural pitch and control, Massachusetts Eye and Ear Infirmary researchers are developing an electrolarynx commanded by the same nerve signals that normally control the voice. The strategy is to attach laryngeal nerves to small muscles in the neck, then use electrical signals from those muscles to turn the electrolarynx on and off and control its frequency. Doctors have re-routed nerves in nine patients so far. Project leader Robert Hillman says neural control would allow hands-free operation of the electrolarynx. Eventually, the entire system could be implanted.
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What was the Trunajaya Rebellion (1674-1680)?
Trunajaya rebellion (also spelled Trunojoyo rebellion; Indonesian: Pemberontakan Trunajaya) or Trunajaya War was the ultimately unsuccessful rebellion waged by the Madurese prince Trunajaya and fighters from Makassar against the Mataram Sultanate and its Dutch East India Company (VOC) supporters in Java (in modern-day Indonesia) during the 1670s.
The rebellion was initially successful: the rebels defeated the royal army at Gegodog (1676), captured most of the Javanese north coast, and took the Mataram capital Plered (1677). King Amangkurat I died during the retreat of the royal court. His son and successor, Amangkurat II, requested help from the VOC in exchange for financial remuneration and geopolitical concessions. The VOC’s subsequent involvement turned the tide of the war. VOC and Mataram forces expelled Trunajaya from Surabaya, recovered lost territories and overran his new capital at Kediri (1678). However, the rebellion continued until the capture of Trunajaya at the end of 1679, and the defeat, death, or surrender of the other rebel leaders (1679-1680). Trunajaya was killed by Amangkurat II personally in 1680 while a prisoner of the VOC.
After his father’s death in 1677, Amangkurat II also faced rival claims to the throne. The most serious rival was his brother Pangeran Puger, who took the capital Plered in 1677 and did not surrender until 1681.
Amangkurat I took the throne of Mataram in 1646, succeeding Sultan Agung, who had expanded Mataram’s realm to include most of Central and East Java, as well as a few overseas vassals in southern Sumatra and Borneo. The early years of Amangkurat’s reign were marked by executions and massacres against his political enemies. In response to the failed coup attempt of his brother Pangeran Alit, he ordered massacres of Islamic men who he believed were complicit in Alit’s rebellion. Alit himself was killed during the failed coup. In 1659 Amangkurat suspected that Pangeran Pekik, his father-in-law and the son of the conquered Duke of Surabaya who lived at the Mataram court after Surabaya’s defeat, was leading a conspiracy against his life. He ordered Pekik and his relatives killed. This massacre of East Java’s most important princely house created a rift between Amangkurat and his East Javanese subjects and caused a conflict with his son, the crown prince (later Amangkurat II), who was also Pekik’s grandson. Over the next few years, Amangkurat carried out a number of additional killings against members of the nobility in whom he had lost trust.
Raden Trunajaya (also spelled Trunojoyo) was a descendant of the rulers of Madura, who was forced to live in the Mataram court after Madura’s defeat and annexation by Mataram in 1624. After his father was executed by Amangkurat I in 1656, he left the court, moved to Kajoran, and married the daughter of Raden Kajoran, the head of the ruling family there. The Kajoran family was an ancient family of clerics and was related by marriage to the royal family. Raden Kajoran was alarmed at the brutality of Amangkurat I’s rule, including executions of noblemen at court. In 1670 Kajoran introduced his son-in-law Trunajaya to the crown prince, who had recently been banished by the king due to a scandal, and the two forged a friendship that included a mutual dislike of Amangkurat. In 1671 Trunajaya returned to Madura, where he used the crown prince’s support to defeat the local governor and become the master of Madura.
Makassar was the principal trading center east of Java. After the 1669 VOC victory over the Gowa Sultanate in the Makassar War, bands of Makassarese soldiers fled Makassar to seek their fortune elsewhere. Initially, they settled in territories of the Banten Sultanate, but in 1674 they were expelled, and turned to piracy, raiding coastal towns in Java and Nusa Tenggara. The Mataram crown prince later allowed them to settle in Demung, a village in the eastern salient of Java. In 1675 an additional band of Makassarese fighters and pirates arrived in Demung led by the Kraeng of Galesong. These Makassarese itinerant fighters would later join the rebellion as Trunajaya’s allies.
Forces Involved
Lacking a standing army, the bulk of Mataram’s forces were drawn from troops raised by the king’s vassals, who also provided the arms and supplies. The majority of the men were peasants who were conscripted by the local lords (Javanese: sikep dalem). In addition, the army included a small number of professional soldiers drawn from the palace guards. The army used cannons, small firearms including flintlocks (Javanese: senapan, from Dutch snaphaens) and carbines, cavalry and fortifications. Historian M. C. Ricklefs said the transfer of European military technology to the Javanese was “virtually immediate”, with the Javanese manufacturing gunpowder and firearms by 1620 at the latest. Europeans were hired to train the Javanese troops in weapons handling, military leadership skills, and construction techniques, but in spite of this training, the conscripted peasants of the Javanese armies often lacked discipline and fled during battle. Mataram’s troops numbered “much larger” than the rebel’s 9,000 at Gegodog in September 1676, dropped to just “a small retinue” after the fall of the capital in June 1677, and grew to over 13,000 during the march to Trunajaya’s capital at Kediri in late 1678.
The VOC had professional soldiers of its own. Each VOC soldier had a sword, small arms, cartridges, carrying pouches and belts, smoke bombs, and grenades. The majority of VOC regulars were Indonesians, with a small number of European soldiers and marines, all under the command of European officers. While in the technological sense VOC troops were not superior to their indigenous counterparts, they generally had better training, discipline, and equipment than indigenous Indonesian armies. The VOC troops also differed with regard to logistics: its troops marched in step followed by a long caravan of carts carrying supplies. This gave them an advantage over Javanese troops, who often lived off the land and frequently faced supply shortages. VOC forces numbered 1,500 in 1676, but they were later augmented by Bugis allies under the leadership of Arung Palakka. The first contingent of 1,500 Bugis arrived in Java in late 1678, and by 1679 there were 6,000 Bugis troops on Java.
Similar to other belligerents, the armies of Trunajaya and his allies also used cannons, cavalry, and fortifications. When the VOC took Surabaya from Trunajaya in May 1677, Trunajaya fled with twenty of his bronze cannons, and left behind 69 iron and 34 bronze pieces. Trunajaya’s forces included Javanese, Madurese, and Makassarese. When the rebels invaded Java in 1676, they numbered 9,000 and consisted of Trunajaya’s followers and the Makassarese fighters. Later, the rebellion was joined by other Javanese and Madurese nobles. Notably, the lord of Giri, one of the most prominent Islamic spiritual lords in Java, joined in early 1676. Trunajaya’s father-in-law Raden Kajoran, head of the powerful Kajoran family, joined after Trunajaya’s victory at Gegodog in September 1676, and Trunajaya’s uncle the prince of Sampang (later Cakraningrat II) joined after the fall of Mataram’s capital in June 1677.
Beginning and Initial Rebel Victories
The rebellion started with a series of raids from Makassarese pirates based in Demung against the trading towns on the northern coast of Java. The first raid took place in 1674 in Gresik but was repulsed. Trunajaya entered into a pact and marriage alliance with the Kraeng of Galesong, the leader of the Makassarese, in 1675 and planned further raids. In the same year, the Makasserese–Madurese raiders took and burned principal cities in northeast Java, from Pajarakan to Surabaya and Gresik. Given the failure of loyalist forces against the rebels, King Amangkurat I appointed a military governor in Jepara, the provincial capital of the northern coast, and reinforced the town. Mataram forces marching on Demung were defeated, and combined actions by Mataram and VOC ships on the coast controlled by the raiders were not always successful. The Kraeng of Galesong moved to Madura, the domain of his ally Trunajaya. In 1676 Trunajaya gave himself the title Panembahan (Lord of) Maduretna and secured the support of the sunan (spiritual lord) of Giri, near Gresik. A VOC fleet attack later destroyed the raiders’ base in Demung, but they did not take action against Trunajaya in Madura.
In September 1676, a rebel army of 9,000 led by the Kraeng of Galesong crossed over from Madura to Java and later took Surabaya, the principal city of eastern Java. Mataram sent a large force, commanded by the crown prince (later Amangkurat II) to meet the rebels. A battle took place in Gegodog, east of Tuban, in 1676, resulting in the complete defeat of the much larger Mataram forces. The loyalist army was routed, the king’s uncle Pangeran Purbaya was killed, and the crown prince fled to Mataram. The crown prince was blamed for this defeat due to his long wavering before attacking the rebels. In addition, there were rumours that he colluded with the enemy, which included his former protégé Trunajaya. In the few months after the victory in Gegodog, the rebels quickly took Javanese northern trading towns from Surabaya westward to Cirebon, including the towns of Kudus and Demak. The towns fell easily, partly because their fortifications had been destroyed due to their conquest by Sultan Agung about 50 years earlier. Only Jepara managed to resist capture, due to combined efforts of the new military governor and VOC forces who reinforced the town just in time. The rebellion spread inland when Raden Kajoran, Trunajaya’s powerful father-in-law based to the east of the Mataram capital, joined the rebellion. Kajoran and Trunajaya’s forces marched on the capital, but were repelled by loyalist forces.
VOC Intervention and Fall of Mataram’s Capital
In response to Mataram’s request for intervention, VOC dispatched a large fleet containing Indonesian and European forces, commanded by Admiral Cornelis Speelman. In April 1677 the fleet sailed to Surabaya, where Trunajaya was based. After negotiations failed, Speelman’s forces stormed Surabaya and took it after hard fighting. The troops proceeded to clear the rebels from the area surrounding Surabaya. VOC forces also took Madura, Trunajaya’s native island, and laid his residence there in ruin. Trunajaya fled Surabaya and established his capital in Kediri.
Although the rebels were defeated in Surabaya, rebel forces campaigning in the interior of Central and East Java had more success. The rebel campaign culminated in the fall of the capital Plered in June 1677. The king was ill, and distrust among the royal princes prevented organized resistance. The king fled west with the crown prince and his retinue, allowing the rebels to enter and plunder the capital with little fighting. The rebels then withdrew to Kediri, taking the royal treasury with them.
Amangkurat II’s Accession and Alliance with the VOC
King Amangkurat I died during his retreat in Tegal in July 1677. The crown prince succeeded his father and took the title of Amangkurat II, and was accepted by the Javanese gentry in Tegal (his grandmother’s hometown) as well as by the VOC. However, he failed to assert his authority in the nearby town of Cirebon, whose ruler decided to declare independence from Mataram with support from the Banten Sultanate. Furthermore, his younger brother Pangeran Puger (later Pakubuwana I) took the now-ruined capital, refused entry to Amangkurat II’s loyalists, and declared himself king under the title of Ingalaga Mataram.
Having no army or treasury and unable to assert his authority, Amangkurat decided to ally himself with the VOC. At this point, Admiral Speelman was in Jepara, sailing there from Surabaya after hearing of the fall of the capital. His forces had recovered important coastal towns in Central Java, including Semarang, Demak, Kudus, and Pati. Amangkurat moved to Jepara on VOC ships in September 1677. The king had to agree to sweeping concessions demanded by the VOC in exchange for restoring his monarchy. He promised the VOC the income of all harbour towns on the northern coast. The Priangan highlands and Semarang would be ceded to the VOC. The king also agreed to recognise the jurisdiction of VOC courts over all non-Javanese residing in his domains. Dutch historian H. J. de Graaf commented that by doing this, the VOC, being a corporation, engaged in a “hazardous speculation”, which they expected to pay off in the future when their associate would regain his rule over Mataram.
VOC–Mataram forces made slow progress against the rebels. By the beginning of 1678 their control was limited to several towns in the central northern coast. In 1678 Speelman became the Director-General of the VOC, replacing Rijcklof van Goens, who became Governor-General (Speelman would become Governor-General in 1681). His command in Jepara was handed over to Anthonio Hurdt, who arrived in June 1678.
Loyalist Victories and Death of Trunajaya
VOC and Mataram forces marched inland against Kediri in September 1678. Following a proposal by the king, the troops were split to take three parallel, less direct routes, in order to cover more locations and “overawe” factions who were wavering on which side to take. The king’s idea worked, and as the campaign proceeded, local bands joined the troops, eager for booty. Kediri was taken on 25 November by an assault force led by Captain François Tack. The victorious troops proceeded to Surabaya, the largest city in East Java, where Amangkurat established his court. Elsewhere, the rebels were also defeated. In September 1679, combined VOC, Javanese, and Bugis forces under Sindu Reja and Jan Albert Sloot defeated Raden Kajoran in a battle in Mlambang, near Pajang. Kajoran surrendered but was executed under Sloot’s orders. In November, the VOC and allied Bugis forces under Arung Palakka expelled the Makassarese rebels’ stronghold in Keper, East Java. In April 1680, after what the VOC considered the fiercest battle of the war, the rebellious lord of Giri was defeated and most of his family was executed. As the VOC and Amangkurat won more victories, more and more Javanese declared their allegiance to the king.
After the fall of his stronghold in Kediri, Trunajaya managed to escape to the mountains of eastern Java. VOC and the king’s forces chased Trunajaya, who, isolated and deprived of food, surrendered to the VOC on 26 December 1679. Initially, he was treated with respect as a captive of the VOC commander. However, during a ceremonial visit to the royal residence in Payak, East Java, on 02 January 1680, he was personally stabbed by Amangkurat, and the king’s courtiers finished him off. The king defended this killing of a VOC prisoner by saying that Trunajaya had tried to kill him. The VOC was not convinced by this explanation, but it chose not to call the king into account. A romanticised account of Trunajaya’s death appears in the 18th-century Central Javanese babads.
End of Pangeran Puger’s Rebellion
In addition to Trunajaya’s forces, Amangkurat II continued to face opposition from his brother Pangeran Puger, who had taken the old capital in Plered and had claimed the throne for himself in 1677. Before the defeat of Trunajaya, Amangkurat’s forces had not taken action against him. After Trunajaya was defeated, Amangkurat still could not convince his brother to submit. In September 1680 Amangkurat constructed a new capital in Kartasura. In November, Amangkurat and VOC forces drove Puger from Plered. However, Puger quickly rebuilt his forces, took Plered again in August 1681, and nearly took Kartasura. In November 1681 VOC and Mataram forces again defeated Puger, and this time he submitted and was pardoned by his brother.
Aftermath and Legacy
Amangkurat II secured his reign with the defeat of the rebels. Due to rebel capture and subsequent destruction of the capital in Plered, he built a new capital, Kartasura, in the district of Pajang, and moved his court there. A VOC fort was constructed in the capital, next to the royal residence, to defend it against invasion. As for the VOC, its involvement allowed the cornered and nearly defeated Amangkurat II to stay on his throne. This began the precedent of the VOC supporting Javanese kings or claimants in exchange for concessions. However, in 1680 this policy required a high level of expenditure to maintain a military presence in Central and East Java, and this contributed to the VOC’s financial decline. The payments promised by Amangkurat were not made, and by 1682 the king’s debt to the VOC exceeded 1.5 million reals, about five times the amount of the royal treasury. The cession of Semarang was delayed by disputes, and other stipulations in the contract were largely ignored by local Javanese officials. Furthermore, an anti-VOC faction developed at the Mataram court, and a member of this faction, Nerangkusuma, became the patih (chief minister) from 1682 to 1686. Poor relations between Mataram and the VOC continued with the sheltering of Surapati, an enemy of the VOC, in 1684, and the death of VOC captain François Tack in the Mataram court in 1686.
The king’s brother Pangeran Puger, who tried to claim the throne during the Trunajaya rebellion, was pardoned by the king. However, after the king’s death in 1703 and the accession of his son Amangkurat III, Puger claimed the throne again. Puger’s claim was supported by the VOC, and the VOC-Puger alliance won the ensuing First Javanese War of Succession (1704-1708). Puger took the throne with the title Pakubuwana I and Amangkurat III was exiled to Ceylon.
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We carried out a literature review 1) to map how trampling affects soils across ecosystems and 2) to gather empirical evidence about trampling effects on polar tundra soils.
TN Herbivory Photo2
Graphical abstract: Trampling by large animals and human activities shape polar tundra soils
The reviewed literature revealed deteriorating effects of trampling on vegetation and, in polar tundra, trampling was particularly harmful for mosses. Since mosses play an important role in insulating tundra soils, the trampling-induced thinning and loss of the moss layer often leads to increasing soil temperatures that can further induce thawing of permafrost. Together, soil warming and permafrost thawing can, in turn, increase greenhouse gas emissions from polar tundra soils.
Our review also showed that trampling often induces soil compaction. This links with decreased soil pore space and reduced availability of oxygen and both of these changes have the potential to cascade down to soil biota. In line with this, trampling decreased the abundance of soil invertebrates and fungi, whereas bacteria were more resistant to trampling-induced changes in the soil environment.
We conclude that even though some of the trampling-induced impacts on soils are well documented and have received empirical evidence even from the polar tundra, the cascading effects and pathways leading to altered ecosystem services, such as soil biodiversity, nutrient availability and carbon balance, remain largely undocumented. The tundra-specific patterns reported in the paper highlight the urgent need for more empirical work to support informed efforts to manage and predict the functioning of polar tundra under global changes.
You can find the full article here.
Reference: Tuomi, M., Väisänen, M., Ylänne, H., Brearley, F.Q., Barrio, I.C., Bråthen, K.A., Eischeid, I., Forbes, B.C., Jónsdóttir, I.S., Kolstad, A.L., Macek, P., Petit Bon, M., Speed, J.D.M., Stark, S., Svavarsdóttir, K., Thórsson, J. and Bueno, C.G. Stomping in silence: Conceptualizing trampling effects on soils in polar tundra. Functional Ecology (in press)
This article is part of the activities of the UArctic Thematic Network on Herbivory.
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The Unisphere was constructed in 1964 by the American Bridge Division of the United States Steel Corporation and was one of the highlights of the 1964-65 World Fair. It was designed by landscape artists Gilmore D. Clarke and became one of the symbols of the fair which was held at Flushing Meadows Corona Park. The sculpture stands 140 feet tall and was designated a New York City landmark in 1994.
• Unisphere Up Close
• Aerial View of Unisphere
The Unisphere was built for the 1964 World's Fair, which took place in Flushing Meadows Corona Park in Queens, New York. It is one of the largest world globes ever assembled at 140 ft tall and 120 ft in diameter. It weighs in at 350 tons. The globe marks the capitals of nations across the world with lenses, which were lit with flashing lights during the World's Fair. Currently, the lights have been removed, but the capitals from 1964 are still marked if you look closely. Surrounding the globe are three orbital rings that represent the path of three satellites that first circled Earth from space. The Unisphere was built by the United States Steel Corporation and was designed by Gilmore D. Clarke.
The 1964 World's Fair brought together ideas and developments in science and technology from across the world. The objective of the World's Fair in Queens was to promote global peace through understanding. This was a prominent issue for the United States and the world in 1964, which was a time when a war raged in Vietnam and social changes were occurring around the globe. With space exploration and other advancements in science and technology, the world became smaller and nations were intertwined into a single global economy that would shape the future of the planet moving forward.
After the 1964 World's Fair, the Unisphere was neglected by park officials and suffered deterioration over time. For example, parts of the nations attached to the globe peeled off and would flap around during heavy winds. In 1994, the Unisphere, along with Flushing Meadows Corona Park as a whole, was renovated. The Unisphere was remodeled and damaged areas were reinforced during a fifteen-year project. It received official City Landmark Status in 1995. Today, the Unisphere still stands as a prominent symbol of both the City and the World.
"Flushing Meadows Corona Park: Unisphere." NYC Parks. Accessed Web, 7/23/17.
Roleke, John. "The Unisphere: Shiny Symbol of Queens." Trip Savvy. 7/19/17. Accessed Web, 7/28/17.
Samuel, Lawrence. The End of the Innocence: The 1964–1965 New York World’s Fair. Edition 1st. Syracuse, New York. Syracuse University Press, 2007.
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Strokes and Stems
Strokes and stems, strokes and stems, gotta have me some strokes and stems. In my type that is… And that is what we will be talking about today. Let us start off talking about stems.
In typography, a stem is a vertical, full-length stroke in upright characters (ie. L, H, f, l , h,P, etc.) As long as the vertical stroke reaches it’s appropriate x-height, cap-height, or ascender height, it is considered a stem. When attempting to identify the stem on a particular character, it will help associating the character with a plant. Just as a plant has a stem which the leaves, branches and flowers originate, so does the parts of the letter. For example, the lower case h. The strong vertical line acts as a base in which the shoulder of the h connects to.
StrokeStrokes, although oft used as a term to describe a single, uninterrupted line in painting or drawing,in typography a stroke is the main diagonal line in a character. Letters such as: N,M, Z, W, etc all have at least one stroke. The stroke, when present, is always secondary to the main stem. In some stemless letterforms, the stoke is the main structure (ie. A, V, W, Z.)
What’s The Point?
A stroke is the main diagonal line in letters and the stem is the main vertical line.
• Letters such as: h, n, k, l, L, H, K, R, etc have stems.
• Letters such as: W,Z, N, M, z, x, v, etc have strokes.
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Romanian Phonology
Get Romanian Phonology essential facts below. View Videos or join the Romanian Phonology discussion. Add Romanian Phonology to your PopFlock.com topic list for future reference or share this resource on social media.
Romanian Phonology
In the phonology of the Romanian language, the phoneme inventory consists of seven vowels, two or four semivowels (different views exist), and twenty consonants. In addition, as with all languages, other phonemes can occur occasionally in interjections or recent borrowings.
Notable features of Romanian include two unusual diphthongs /e?a/ and /o?a/ and the central vowel /?/.
Romanian vowel chart, from Sarlin (2014:18). The non-native vowels /y, ø, ?/ are not shown.
There are seven monophthongs in Romanian:[1]
Front Central Back
Close ?i? ?î/â?1 ?u?
Mid ?e? ?o?
Open ?a?
^1 In Romanian, both ?î? and ?â? represent the same sound . ?î? is used at the beginning and end of words, whilst ?â? is used everywhere else. ?î? is, however, still retained when adding prefixes: în?eles -> neîn?eles.
The table below gives a series of word examples for each vowel.
Vowel Description Examples
/a/ Open central unrounded ap? /'ap?/ ('water')
balaur /ba'la.ur/ ('dragon')
a cânta /k?n'ta/ ('to sing')
/e/ Mid front unrounded erou /e'row/ ('hero')
necaz /ne'kaz/ ('trouble')
umple /'umple/ ('to fill')
/i/ Close front unrounded insul? /'insul?/ ('island')
salcie /'salti.e/ ('willow')
topi /to'pi/ ('to melt')
/o/ Mid back rounded ora? /o'ra?/ ('city')
copil /ko'pil/ ('child')
acolo /a'kolo/ ('there')
/u/ Close back rounded uda /u'da/ ('to wet')
aduc /a'duk/ ('I bring')
simplu /'simplu/ ('simple')
/?/ Mid central unrounded ?sta /'?sta/ ('this')
p?ros /p?'ros/ ('hairy')
alb? /'alb?/ ('white [fem. sg.]')
/?/ Close central unrounded înspre /'?nspre/ ('toward')
cârnat /k?r'nat/ ('sausage')
coborî /kobo'r?/ ('to descend')
Although most of these vowels are relatively straightforward and similar or identical to those in many other languages, the close central unrounded vowel /?/ is uncommon as a phoneme[1] and especially uncommon amongst Indo-European languages.
According to Sarlin (2014), /?/ is phonetically open-mid somewhat retracted central , rather than mid central.[2]
Less frequent vowels
In addition to the seven core vowels, in a number of words of foreign origin (predominantly French, but also German) the mid front rounded vowel /ø/ (rounded Romanian /e/; example word: bleu /blø/ 'light blue') and the mid central rounded vowel /?/ (rounded Romanian /?/; example word: chemin de fer /men d? 'fer/ 'Chemin de Fer') have been preserved, without replacing them with any of the existing phonemes.[3] The borrowed words have become part of the Romanian vocabulary and follow the usual inflexion rules, so that the new vowels, though less common, could be considered as part of the Romanian phoneme set. Many Romanian dictionaries[which?] use ⟨ö⟩ in their phonetic descriptions to represent both vowels.
Because they are not native phonemes, their pronunciation may fluctuate or they may even be replaced by the diphthong /e?o/. In older French borrowings it has often been replaced by /e/, /o/, or /e?o/, as in ?ofer /?o'fer/ ('driver', from French chauffeur), masor /ma'sor/ ('masseur', from masseur), and sufleor /su'fle?or/ ('theater prompter', from souffleur).
Similarly, borrowings from languages such as French and German sometimes contain the close front rounded vowel /y/: ecru /e'kry/, tul /tyl/, führer /'fyrer/, /'fyr?r/. The symbol used for it in phonetic notations in Romanian dictionaries is ⟨ü⟩. Educated speakers usually pronounce it /y/, but other realizations such as /ju/ also occur. Older words that originally had this sound have had it replaced with /ju/, /u/, or /i/. For instance, Turkish kül became ghiul /?jul/ ('large ring'), Turkish tütün became tutun /tu'tun/ ('tobacco'), but tiutiun [tju'tjun] in the Moldavian subdialect[], German Düse gave duz? /'duz?/ ('nozzle') and French bureau became birou /bi'row/ ('desk', 'office').
Diphthongs and triphthongs
According to Ioana Chi?oran, Romanian has two diphthongs: /e?a/ and /o?a/. As a result of their origin (diphthongization of mid vowels under stress), they appear normally in stressed syllables[4] and make morphological alternations with the mid vowels /e/ and /o/.
In addition to these, the semivowels /w/ and /j/ can be combined (either before, after, or both) with most vowels. One view considers that only /e?a/ and /o?a/ can follow an obstruent-liquid cluster such as in broasc? ('frog') and dreag? ('to mend')[5] and form real diphthongs, whereas the rest are merely vowel-glide sequences.[6] The traditional view (taught in schools) considers all of the above as diphthongs.
Diphthong Examples
/aj/ mai /maj/ ('May'), aisberg /'ajsber?/ ('iceberg')
/aw/ sau /saw/ ('or'), august /'aw?ust/ ('August')
/ej/ lei /lej/ ('lions'), trei /trej/ ('three')
/ew/ greu /?rew/ ('heavy'), mereu /me'rew/ ('always')
/ij/ mii /mij/ ('thousands'), vii /vij/ ('you come')
/iw/ fiu /fiw/ ('son'), scriu /skriw/ ('I write')
/oj/ oi /oj/ ('sheep [pl.]'), noi /noj/ ('we')
/ow/ ou /ow/ ('egg'), bou /bow/ ('ox')
/uj/ pui /puj/ ('you put'), g?lbui /l'buj/ ('yellowish')
/uw/ continuu /kon'tinuw/ ('continuous')
/?j/ r?i /r?j/ ('bad [masc. pl.]'), v?i /v?j/ ('valleys')
/?w/ dul?u /du'l?w/ ('mastiff'), r?u /r?w/ ('bad [masc. sg.]')
/?j/ câine /'k?jne/ ('dog'), mâinile /'m?jnile/ ('the hands')
/?w/ râu /r?w/ ('river'), brâu /br?w/ ('girdle')
Diphthong Examples
/e?a/ beat? /'be?at?/ ('drunk [fem.]'), mea /me?a/ ('my [fem. sg.]')
/e?o/ Gheorghe /'?e?or?e/ ('George'), ne-o ploua /ne?oplo'wa/ ('it would rain on us'), vreo /vre?o/ ('some; around [fem., masc. pl.]')
/e?u/ (mostly in word combinations) pe-un /pe?un/ ('on a'), vreun /vre?un/ ('some; around [masc. sg.]')
/ja/ biat? /'bjat?/ ('poor [f.]'), mi-a zis /mja'zis/ ('[he] told me')
/je/ fier /fjer/ ('iron'), miere /'mjere/ ('honey')
/jo/ iod /jod/ ('iodine'), chior /'kjor/ ('one-eyed')
/ju/ iubit /ju'bit/ ('loved'), chiuvet? /kju'vet?/ ('sink')
/o?a/ g?oace /'o?ate/ ('shell'), foarte /'fo?arte/ ('very')
/we/ piuez /pi'wez/ ('I felt [a fabric]'), în?euez /?n?e'wez/ ('I saddle')
/wa/ b?c?uan /b?k?'wan/ ('inhabitant of Bac?u'), ziua /'ziwa/ ('the day')
/w?/ dou? /'dow?/ ('two [fem.]'), plou? /'plow?/ ('it rains')
/w?/ plouând /plo'w?nd/ ('raining'), ouând /o'w?nd/ ('laying [eggs]')
Triphthong Examples
/e?aj/ socoteai /soko'te?aj/ ('you were reckoning')
/e?aw/ beau /be?aw/ ('I drink'), spuneau /spu'ne?aw/ ('they were saying')
/e?o?a/[] pleoape /'ple?o?ape/ ('eyelids'), leoarc? /'le?o?ark?/ ('soaking wet')
/jaj/ mi-ai dat /mjaj'dat/ ('you gave me'), ia-i /jaj/ ('take them')
/jaw/ iau /jaw/ ('I take'), suiau /su'jaw/ ('they were climbing')
/jej/ iei /jej/ ('you take'), piei /pjej/ ('skins')
/jew/ maieu /ma'jew/ ('undershirt'), eu /jew/ ('I [myself]')
/joj/ i-oi da /joj'da/ ('I might give him'), picioic? /pi'tjoj.k?/ ('potato [regionalism]')
/jow/ maiou /ma'jow/ ('undershirt')
/o?aj/ leoaic? /le'o?ajk?/ ('lioness'), rusoaic? /ru'so?ajk?/ ('Russian woman')
/waj/ în?euai /?n?e'waj/ ('[you] were saddling')
/waw/ în?euau /?n?e'waw/ ('[they] were saddling')
/w?j/ rou?i /'row?j/ ('of the dew')
/jo?a/[] creioane /kre'jo?ane/ ('pencils'), aripioar? /ari'pjo?ar?/ ('winglet')
As can be seen from the examples above, the diphthongs /e?a/ and /o?a/ contrast with /ja/ and /wa/ respectively, though there are no minimal pairs to contrast /o?a/ and /wa/.[7] Impressionistically, the two pairs sound very similar to native speakers.[8] Because /o?a/ doesn't appear in the final syllable of a prosodic word, there are no monosyllabic words with /o?a/; exceptions might include voal ('veil') and doar ('only, just'), though Ioana Chi?oran argues[9] that these are best treated as containing glide-vowel sequences rather than diphthongs. In some regional pronunciations, the diphthong /o?a/ tends to be pronounced as a single vowel /?/.[10]
Other triphthongs such as /juj/ and /o?aw/ occur sporadically in interjections and uncommon words.
Diphthongs in borrowings
Borrowings from English have enlarged the set of ascending diphthongs to also include /j?/, /we/, /wi/, and /wo/, or have extended their previously limited use. Generally, these borrowings have retained their original spellings, but their pronunciation has been adapted to Romanian phonology. The table below gives some examples.
Diphthong Examples
/j?/ yearling /'j?rlin?/ 'one-year-old animal (colt)'
/we/ western /'western/ 'Western (movie set in the American West)'
/wi/ tweeter /'twit?r/ 'high-pitch loudspeaker'
/wo/ walkman /'wokmen/ 'pocket-sized tape/CD player'
Vowel alternations
Romanian has vowel alternation or apophony triggered by stress. A stressed syllable has a low vowel, or a diphthong ending in a low vowel, and an unstressed syllable has a mid vowel. Thus /e?a/ alternates with /e/, /o?a/ with /o/, and /a/ with /?/.[12]
This alternation developed from Romanian vowel breaking (diphthongization) and reduction (weakening). The Eastern Romance mid vowels /e o/ were broken in stressed syllables, giving the Romanian diphthongs /e?a o?a/,[13] and the low vowel /a/ was reduced in unstressed syllables, giving the Romanian central vowel /?/.
These sound changes created the stress-triggered vowel alternations in the table below.[14] Here stressed syllables are marked with underlining (a):
Stressed Unstressed IPA
and recording
a -- ? carte 'book' c?rticic? 'book' (diminutive)
cas? 'house' c?su 'house' (diminutive)
e?a -- e beat 'drunk' be?iv 'drunkard'
sear? 'evening' înserat 'dusk'
o?a -- o poart? 'gate' portar 'gatekeeper'
coast? 'rib' costi 'rib' (diminutive)
This has since been morphologized and now shows up in verb conjugations[15] and nominal inflection: oaste -- o?ti, 'army' -- 'armies'.[16]
Standard Romanian has twenty phonemic consonants, as listed in the table below. Where symbols for consonants occur in pairs, the left represents a voiceless consonant and the right represents a voiced consonant.
Romanian consonants[17]
Labial Dental2 Post-
Palatal Velar Glottal
Nasal ?m? ?n?
Stop ?p? ?b? ?t? ?d? ?c/ch/k?2a ?g/gh?2b
Affricate ?c?3a ?g?3b
Fricative ?f? ?v? ?s? ?z? ?j? ?h?
Trill ?r?
Approximant ?l? ?i? ?u?
^2 All consonants marked as "dental" in this table (excluding /l/) are apico-dental.[18] /l/ is apico-alveolar.
^3a ?c?+?a/?/â/î/o/u? means ?c? is pronounced as . ?c?+?e/i? means ?c? is pronounced as . ?ch?+?e/i? means ?ch? is pronounced as . ?k? is used in loan words.
^3b ?g?+?a/?/â/î/o/u? means ?g? is pronounced as . ?g?+?e/i? means ?g? is pronounced as . ?gh?+?e/i? means ?gh? is pronounced as .
Besides the consonants in this table, a few consonants can have allophones:
• Palatalized consonants occur when preceding an underlying word-final /i/, which is then deleted.[17][19]
• /n/ becomes the velar [?] before /k/, /?/ and /h/;
• /h/ becomes the velar [x] in word-final positions (duh 'spirit') and before consonants (hrean 'horseradish'); it becomes the palatal [ç] before [i], [j], like in the word human in English, and as a realization for an underlying /hi/ sequence in word-final positions (cehi 'Czech people' is pronounced [teç], though usually transcribed [teh?]).
The consonant inventory of Romanian is almost the same as Italian. Romanian, however, lacks the palatal consonants /? ?/, which merged with /j/ by lenition, and the affricate /d?z/ changed to /z/ by spirantization. Romanian has the fricative /?/ and the glottal fricative /h/, which do not occur in Italian.
Palatalized consonants
Palatalized consonants appear mainly at the end of words,[20] and mark two grammatical categories: plural nouns and adjectives, and second person singular verbs.[21]
The interpretation commonly taken is that an underlying morpheme /i/ palatalizes the consonant and is subsequently deleted. However, /s?/, /t?/, and /d?/ become [], [t?s?], and [z?], respectively,[21] with very few phonetically justified exceptions, included in the table below, which shows that this palatalization can occur for all consonants.
Voiceless Voiced
Consonant Examples Consonant Examples
/p?/ rupi /rup?/ 'you tear' /b?/ arabi /a'rab?/ 'Arabs'
/t?/ pro?ti /pro?t?/ 'stupid (masc. pl.)' /d?/ n?dejdi /n?'de?d?/ 'hopes'
/k?/ urechi /u'rek?/ 'ears';
ochi /ok?/ 'eye(s)'
// unghi /un/ 'angle'
/t?s?/ ro?i /rot?s?/ 'wheels' -
/t/ faci /fat/ 'you do' /d/ mergi /merd/ 'you go'
- /m?/ dormi /dorm?/ 'you sleep'
- /n?/ bani /ban?/ 'money (pl.)'
/f?/ ?efi /?ef?/ 'bosses' /v?/ ple?uvi /ple'?uv?/ 'bald (masc. pl.)'
/s?/ bessi /bes?/ 'Bessi' /z?/ brazi /braz?/ 'fir trees'
// mo?i /mo/ 'old men' // breji /bre/ 'brave (masc. pl.)'
/h?/ vlahi /vlah?/ 'Wallachians' -
- /l?/ ?coli /?kol?/ 'schools'
- /r?/ sari /sar?/ 'you jump'
In certain morphological processes /?/ is replaced by the full vowel /i/, for example
• in noun plural genitive formation: ?coli -- ?colilor /?kol?/ -- /'?kolilor/ ('schools -- of the schools'),
• when appending the definite article to some plural nouns: brazi -- brazii /braz?/ -- /'bra.zij/ ('fir trees -- the fir trees')
• in verb + pronoun combinations: da?i -- da?i-ne /dat?s?/ -- /'dat?sine/ ('give -- give us').
This may explain why /?/ is perceived as a separate sound by native speakers and written with the same letter as the vowel /i/.
The non-syllabic /?/ can be sometimes found inside compound words like câ?iva /k?t?s?'va/ ('a few') and oriunde /or?'unde/ ('wherever'), where the first morpheme happened to end in this /?/. A word that contains this twice is cincizeci /tint'zet/ ('fifty').
In old Romanian and still in some local pronunciations there is another example of such a non-syllabic, non-semivocalic phoneme, derived from /u/, which manifests itself as labialization of the preceding sound. The usual IPA notation is /?/. It is found at the end of some words after consonants and semivowels, as in un urs, pronounced /un 'urs?/ ('a bear'), or îmi spui /?m? spuj?/ ('you tell me'). The disappearance of this phoneme might be attributed to the fact that, unlike /?/, it didn't play any morphological role. It is a trace of Latin endings containing /u(:)/, /o:/ (-us, -?s, -um, -?), this phoneme is related to vowel /u/ used to connect the definite article "l" to the stem of a noun or adjective, as in domn -- domnul /domn/ -- /'domnul/ ('lord -- the lord', cf. Latin dominus).
Other consonants
As with other languages, Romanian interjections often use sounds beyond the normal phoneme inventory or disobey the normal phonotactical rules, by containing unusual phoneme sequences, by allowing words to be made up of only consonants, or by consisting of repetitions. Such exceptional mechanisms are needed to obtain an increased level of expressivity.[22] Often, these interjections have multiple spellings or occasionally none at all, which accounts for the difficulty of finding the right approximation using existing letters.[23] The following is a list of examples.
• A bilabial click [?], pronounced by rounding the lips and strongly sucking air between them, is used for urging horses to start walking.[22]
• Whistling is another interjection surpassing the limits of the phoneme inventory. It is usually spelled fiu-fiu.[22]
• The dental click [?] (see also click consonants) is used in an interjection similar to the English tut-tut (or tsk-tsk), expressing concern, disappointment, disapproval, etc., and generally accompanied by frowning or a comparable facial expression. Usually two to four such clicks in a row make up the interjection; only one click is rare and more than four can be used for over-emphasis. The Romanian spelling is usually t?,[24] ttt or .
• The same dental click is used in another interjection, the informal equivalent of "no" (nu in Romanian). Only one click is emitted, usually as an answer to a yes-no question. Although there is rarely any accompanying sound, the usual spelling is nt or n?.
• A series of interjections are pronounced with the mouth shut. Depending on intonation, length, and rhythm, they can have various meanings, such as: perplexity, doubt, displeasure, tastiness, toothache, approval, etc.[23] Possible spellings include: hm, hâm/hîm, mhm, îhî, mmm, îî, . Phonetically similar, but semantically different, is the English interjection ahem.
• Another interjection, meaning "no", is pronounced [' ?m?] (with a high-low phonetic pitch). Possible spellings include: î-î, îm-îm, and m-m. The stress pattern is opposite to the interjection for "yes" mentioned before, pronounced [m?'m] (with a low-high phonetic pitch).
• Pfu expresses contempt or dissatisfaction and starts with the voiceless bilabial fricative /?/, sounding like (but being different from) the English whew, which expresses relief after an effort or danger.
• Câh/cîh expresses disgust and ends in the voiceless velar fricative /x/, similar in meaning to English ugh.
• Brrr expresses shivering cold and is made up of a single consonant, the bilabial trill, whose IPA symbol is /?/
Romanian has a stress accent, like almost all other Romance languages (with the notable exception of French). Generally, stress falls on the rightmost syllable of a stem (that is, the root and derivational material but excluding inflections and final inflectional vowels).[25] Although a lexically marked stress pattern with penultimate stress exists, any morphologically derived forms will continue to follow the unmarked pattern.[25]
fráte /'frate/ ('brother'), copíl /ko'pil/ ('child')
strúgure /'stru?ure/ ('grape'), albástru /al'bastru/ ('blue'), c?l?tór /k?l?'tor/ ('voyager').
Stress is not normally marked in writing, except occasionally to distinguish between homographs, or in dictionaries for the entry words. When it is marked, the main vowel of the stressed syllable receives an accent (usually acute, but sometimes grave), for example vésel? -- vesél? ('jovial', fem. sg. -- 'tableware').
In verb conjugation, noun declension, and other word formation processes, stress shifts can occur. Verbs can have homographic forms only distinguished by stress, such as in el sufl? which can mean 'he blows' (el súfl?) or 'he blew' (el sufl?) depending on whether the stress is on the first or the second syllable, respectively. Changing the grammatical category of a word can lead to similar word pairs, such as the verb a albí /al'bi/ ('to whiten') compared to the adjective álbi /'alb?/ ('white', masc. pl.). Stress in Romanian verbs can normally be predicted by comparing tenses with similar verbs in Spanish, which does indicate stress in writing.
Secondary stress occurs according to a predictable pattern, falling on every other syllable, starting with the first, as long as it does not fall adjacent to the primary stress.[26]
Languages such as English, Russian, and Arabic are called stress-timed, meaning that syllables are pronounced at a lower or higher rate so as to achieve a roughly equal time interval between stressed syllables. Another category of languages are syllable-timed, which means that each syllable takes about the same amount of time, regardless of the position of the stresses in the sentence. Romanian is one of the syllable-timed languages, along with other Romance languages (French, Spanish, etc.), Telugu, Yoruba, and many others. (A third timing system is mora timing, exemplified by Classical Latin, Fijian, Finnish, Hawaiian, Japanese, and Old English.)
The distinction between these timing categories may sometimes seem unclear, and definitions vary. In addition, the time intervals between stresses/syllables/morae are in reality only approximately equal, with many exceptions and large deviations having been reported. However, whereas the actual time may be only approximately equal, the differences are perceptually identical.
In the case of Romanian, consonant clusters are often found both in the syllable onset and coda, which require physical time to be pronounced. The syllable timing rule is then overridden by slowing down the rhythm. Thus, it is seen that stress and syllable timing interact. The sample sentences below, each consisting of six syllables, are illustrative:
Mama pune masa – Mom sets the table
Mul?i pu?ti blonzi plâng prin cur?i – Many blond kids cry in the courtyards
The total time length taken by each of these sentences is obviously different, and attempting to pronounce one of them with the same rhythm as the other results in unnatural utterances.
Romanian English
pic -- plic bit -- envelope
cec -- cerc cheque -- circle
zic -- zinc I say -- zinc
car -- chiar I carry -- even
sare -- soare salt -- sun
sta -- stea to stay -- star
fi -- fii be (inf.) -- be (imperative)
A simple way to evaluate the length of a word, and compare it to another, consists in pronouncing it repeatedly at a natural speech rate.
A detailed description of the intonation patterns must consider a wide range of elements, such as the focus of the sentence, the theme and the rheme, emotional aspects, etc. In this section only a few general traits of the Romanian intonation are discussed. Most importantly, intonation is essential in questions, especially because, unlike English and other languages, Romanian does not distinguish grammatically declarative and interrogative sentences.
In non-emphatic yes/no questions the pitch rises at the end of the sentence until the last stressed syllable. If unstressed syllables follow, they often have a falling intonation, but this is not a rule.
-- Ai stins lumina? [ai stins lu?mi?na] (Have you turned off the light?)
-- Da. (Yes.)
In Transylvanian speech these yes/no questions have a very different intonation pattern, usually with a pitch peak at the beginning of the question: [ai ?stins lumi?na]
In selection questions the tone rises at the first element of the selection, and falls at the second.
-- Vrei bere sau vin? [vrei ?bere sau ?vin] (Do you want beer or wine?)
-- Bere. (Beer.)
Wh-questions start with a high pitch on the first word and then the pitch falls gradually toward the end of the sentence.
-- Cine a l?sat u?a deschis [?cine? a l?sat u?a deschis?] (Who left the door open?)
-- Mama. (Mom did.)
Repeat questions have a rising intonation.
-- A sunat Rodica adineauri. (Rodica just called.)
-- Cine a sunat? [cine a su?nat] (Who called?)
-- Colega ta, Rodica. (Your classmate, Rodica.)
Tag questions are uttered with a rising intonation.
-- ?i-e foame, nu-i a?a? [?i-e foame, nu-i aa] (You're hungry, aren't you?)
Unfinished utterances have a rising intonation similar to that of yes/no questions, but the pitch rise is smaller.
-- Dup? ce m-am întors... [dup? ce m-am în?tors...] (After I came back...)
Various other intonation patterns are used to express: requests, commands, surprise, suggestion, advice, and so on.
Example text
Orthographic transcription: Radu se joac? în curte. El alearg? pân? la gard, ?i apoi se-ntoarce spre cas?.
Phonetic transcription: ['radu se '?o?ak? ?n 'kurte jel a'le?ar 'p?n? la ?ard ?i a'poj sen'to?arte spre 'kas?]
1. ^ a b Chi?oran (2001:7)
2. ^ Sarlin (2014:18)
3. ^ Academia Român?, Dic?ionarul ortografic, ortoepic ?i morfologic al limbii române, Edi?ia a II-a rev?zut? ?i ad?ugit?, Editura Univers Enciclopedic, Bucure?ti, 2005 (in Romanian)
4. ^ Chi?oran (2002a:204)
5. ^ Chi?oran (2002b:213)
6. ^ See Chi?oran (2001:8-9) for one overview regarding Romanian semivowels
7. ^ Chi?oran (2002a:203)
8. ^ Chi?oran (2002a:206)
9. ^ Chi?oran (2002b:217)
10. ^ Pop (1938), p. 29.
11. ^ The entries for week-end in several dictionaries specify the pronunciation /'ujkend/.
12. ^ Chi?oran (2002b:206)
13. ^ Chi?oran (2002b:215)
14. ^ Chi?oran (2002b:209)
15. ^ Chi?oran (2002b:210)
16. ^ Chi?oran (2002b:211)
17. ^ a b Chi?oran (2001:10)
18. ^ Ovidiu Dr?ghici. "Limba Român? contemporan?. Fonetic?. Fonologie. Ortografie. Lexicologie" (PDF). Retrieved 2013.[permanent dead link]
19. ^ Petrovici (1956)[full ] argues that the palatalized consonants are underlying, but this analysis is not widely accepted.
20. ^ Schane (1971:505)
21. ^ a b Chi?oran (2001:11)
22. ^ a b c (in Romanian) Academia Român?, Gramatica limbii române, Editura Academiei Române, Bucure?ti, 2005, Vol. I "Cuvântul", p. 659
23. ^ a b (in Romanian) Academia Român?, Gramatica limbii române, Editura Academiei Române, Bucure?ti, 2006, Vol. I "Cuvântul", p. 660
24. ^ Dictionary entries for t?
25. ^ a b Chi?oran (2002b:208)
26. ^ Chi?oran (2002:88)[full ]
External links
Music Scenes
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Harold and the Purple Crayon
by Crockett Johnson
Harold and the Purple Crayon examines a number of difficult questions about the nature of reality.
Harold thinks it over for some time and decides to go for a walk in the moonlight. This may seem unremarkable, but it is not. There is no moon. There is nothing to walk on. There is nowhere to go. The only things that are real are Harold and the purple crayon.
Read aloud video by Harper Kids
Guidelines for Philosophical Discussion
The overarching theme of Harold and the Purple Crayon is deciphering reality. As a rather ambiguous idea, the discussion of “reality” will throw the children into a fun and active topsy-turvy discussion of what it means to be real, and how one gives objects the power of reality. In a world represented by a blank page, Harold is free to draw his surroundings with his big purple crayon. Is Harold playing make-believe? Is that different from what is real? The questions in this set revolve around the children’s perception of reality. Harold interacts with his drawings in a very “real” way.
The first question in this set addresses a secondary character that follows Harold throughout the story: the moon. The idea of the moon as a constant in the night sky is one children tend to agree with. What complicates this situation, however, is the fact that when the moon is absent in Harold’s world, he draws it with his purple crayon above him in the “sky”. This is left the children to question the validity or reality of Harold’s world. If Harold can draw a moon in the sky, it seems that he could not possibly be existing in the “real” world. And furthermore, he must simply be pretending because, as the children may point out, no one could draw a “real” moon in the sky. Or could they? What makes the moon we observe any more “real” than Harold’s moon? This line of questioning leads the children to discuss the relationship between perception and reality. Must things be experiential in order to be real? Or can they exist simply in our minds? In philosophical study, this may seem similar to the debate of the empiricists versus the rationalists. Rationalists like Descartes tended to believe that the reality of objects was in our ability to rationally understand them. At the same time, empiricists like Locke felt that the interaction with objects in a physical way gave them a sense of universal reality. Obviously, the children will not be familiar with this philosophical distinction, but through the debate and discussion over the reality of Harold’s objects, they can come to know the issues involved.
The second and third question sets revolve around Harold’s experience. As the questions in the second set indicate, Harold seems to be in danger during part of the story; he may even be afraid of the objects he draws. For some of the students, this may indicate a level of reality that is not at first apparent. To have feelings, either sensory or emotional, about an object indicates that the object holds some form of power over its observer. This power is translated to designate a level of “reality” as compared to the surrounding world. Then the task is outlining the differences or definitions that make something real. These qualities in Harold’s drawings further blur the line between what is presumably the “real” world outside of the story. When Harold falls from the hill that he climbs, and when he stumbles into the ocean, he has drawn, it seems as though his life is seriously in danger. This fear is a form of power Harold has passively given to his drawings.
On the other hand, one may question if that gives the ocean or the rock the physical reality to harm Harold. Physical reality and the scientific properties therein sometimes indicate a kind of absolute reality that is independent of Harold. The children can then begin to explore the idea how we know whether objects continue to exist when no one is there to observe them. The physical properties, such as atoms and molecules seem to give objects a sense of absolute reality. However, the majority of people will never see a tree at a purely molecular level; they will see a tree as brown bark and green leaves, using subjective measurements that exist within each individual. The students will then be able to draw their own connections about whether believing in something or fearing it gives it reality for the observer and consequently an absolute reality independent of the observer.
In the third question set, the conclusions from the second set can be reevaluated. Although the emotions or physical danger that Harold may experience as “real”, where do they exist? In this stage, the children can begin to question the idea that Harold could be dreaming this entire purple-crayon-created world. If Harold is dreaming all of this, it seems easier to swallow: we as an audience can attribute these “fantasies” to something we know and also experience. However, the next step in the debate is a discussion of the reality of dreams. Are dreams “real” in the way we have previously defined the term (see question set 1)? The students may then choose to reevaluate their definition of “real”.
In the fourth question set, we begin to discuss the idea of Harold as a character in these drawings. If these are Harold’s drawings and they belong to him, could accidents happen within them? In this way the students will continue to discuss and stretch the reality of Harold’s world. The role of ownership is undefined in the story and in the lives of the children themselves. Do people have control over the events that occur in their lives, are they purely accidental, or can they be attributed to another force? The students can describe Harold’s accidents and relate them to their own in a connection that will help them to understand the concept universally.
The fifth question set explores how Harold also is subject to being lost in his own drawing, lost in the world he created. He travels on a long and perilous journey to find his bedroom window, and when he finally does, the audience is left to wonder whether he even needed to walk through the cities of windows to find his own at all. If this crayon gives Harold the power to create his bedroom anywhere, then it is strange that he is so intent on searching for his “real” window. Being so submerged in his own creations might give Harold an ultimate sense of power and reality, but at this point of the story, as Harold frantically searches for his window, he fears that he cannot escape the world he has created. This leads the students to question the world “outside” of Harold’s world. They can compare themselves with Harold and thus apply his story to their own existence.
The final question set asks the children to address an event common to their own lives and understand the role of reality in it. All the children are likely to relate to Harold’s nine-pie picnic, in that they have enjoyed pretending to have a picnic with pretend food. However, in the illustration and description of the book, it is obvious that Harold is drawing the pies in one moment and then has supposedly eaten them in another. This picnic is reminiscent of a make-believe tea party that you throw for you and your stuffed animals to enjoy. In this case, it is a hungry moose and a deserving porcupine that interacts with Harold. For the children who may have previously defined Harold as un-realistic, this is an example intended to make them define their positions. What is going on in this story? Is it make-believe, a dream, reality, or something else? Encouraging the students to back up their beliefs with reasons and evidence will help them to formulate and understand this debate-style dialogue.
Questions for Philosophical Discussion
And he set off on his walk, taking his big purple crayon with him. We know that Harold wants to go on a journey under the moonlight, but when he does not see the moon shining, he uses his purple crayon to draw a moon in the sky.
1. Is the moon that Harold draws the same as the moon we can see in the sky at night?
2. Which moon is the “real” moon?
3. What makes it “real”?
When Harold falls into the “ocean” that he draws, do you think his life is in danger? Do you think he could drown?
1. Do you think Harold is afraid of the ocean?
2. Does his fear make the drawing more “real”?
3. Do emotions and beliefs make things real?
The boat seems to save Harold from drowning. Do you think that what is happening to Harold is real?
1. Are the things happening to Harold in his mind or somewhere else?
2. Could it be that everything happening to Harold is a dream?
3. Are dreams real?
When Harold steps over the edge of the mountain, he begins to fall through the air. Do you think that it was an accident?
1. Did Harold know that was going to happen to him?
2. Can there be accidents in Harold’s world even if he’s drawing them?
3. Can you make an accident happen?
If Harold is drawing his own world, why does it take him so long to find his window?
1. Do you think Harold could get lost in the world he is drawing?
2. Could he be imagining that he is lost?
3. What does it mean to be lost?
Harold draws himself a picnic with nine different pies.
1. Have you ever had an imaginary tea party or an imaginary picnic?
2. Is that what Harold is doing in the story? Is he playing make-believe?
3. Or could the events “really” be happening to him?
4. What’s the difference between “make-believe” and “real”?
Original questions and guidelines for philosophical discussion by Claire Bartholome. Edited June 2020 by The Janet Prindle Institute for Ethics.
Find tips for leading a philosophical discussion on our Resources page.
Download & Print Email Book Module View en Español Back to All Books
Back to All Books Illustrated book cover for Harold and the Purple Crayon that features an illustration of a young boy drawing lines with a purple crayon. He is wearing blue pajamas. Download & Print Email Book Module View en Español
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Despite claims by supposedly reliable sources, there is no evidence that COVID-19 vaccines cause infertility. Nor does the coronavirus itself.
At the beginning of December 2020, a former Pfizer executive and a German physician put forward a claim that could be construed as if the Pfizer vaccine developed against the novel coronavirus (SARS-Cov-2) could lead to infertility in women. At first glance, the claim may sound convincing, as it relates to the protein structure of the virus, however, it lacks any scientific foundation. A careful examination reveals that COVID-19 vaccines, as well as the coronavirus itself, do not adversely affect fertility.
The claim is based on superficial resemblance between the spike protein of the coronavirus, the primary target of the vaccines, to a protein found on the perimeter of placental cells. In order to understand the claim and its flaws, we need to first understand the kernel of truth it is based on, and in this case - we need to understand what this protein is and how our immune system recognizes foreign pathogens.
The Fetus’ Protection Layer
During fetal development, a temporary organ called the placenta forms around human fetuses. The placenta has two functions - it leads nutrients from the mother to the fetus and it isolates them from each other. This isolation is possible due to several factors, among which is the structure of the outermost layer of the placenta, called the syncytiotrophoblast.
Unlike most of the tissues in the body, the syncytiotrophoblast is not made from multiple cells separated from each other, but rather as one cell with multiple nuclei. Such a structure is called syncytium and it can be found in several other tissues in the body, such as muscles. As the cells are joined together, there is no space between them and so the placenta is sealed off from the surrounding uterine environment.
One of the proteins involved in the creation of this protection layer is syncytin-1. This protein oversees the fusion of cells required for the creation of the syncytium layer encapsulating the placenta. Without it, the integrity of the placenta will be harmed, and the life of the fetus would be in danger. Moreover, as this is the most external layer of the placenta, it has direct contact with the immune system of the mother. We know of certain autoimmune diseases where the immune system of the mother attacks the syncytium, which could lead to fetal death.
#1 Reason to Keep Calm: The Immune Response to the Virus Does Not Affect the Placenta
Based on the information above, it would be plausible to think that the immune response of the body against the coronavirus or the vaccine could lead to damage of similar proteins, such as syncytin-1. In reality, however, the risk is nonexistent due to several reasons, some involving the characteristics of the virus and some involving the way our immune system operates.
The body’s immune response against the wild coronavirus is much stronger than the body’s response to an artificial vaccine. Therefore, if the creation of antibodies to the coronavirus would have harmed female fertility, we would have expected to see this phenomenon initially among women who are sick or recovered from the COVID-19. Despite our expectations, and despite millions of diagnosed patients worldwide and extensive research regarding the symptoms of the disease, there is currently no evidence that being a COVID-19 infection leads to an increase in abortion rates or causes any placental damage.
A pregnant woman holding a mask | Photography: PH888, Shutterstock
Coronavirus vaccines are safe, and do not harm the placenta. A pregnant woman holding a mask | Photography: PH888, Shutterstock
#2 Reason to Keep Calm: The Immune Response Does Not Harm the Placenta Directly
What about the possibility that the cells of the immune system would get confused and attack the placenta and developing fetus? Here we must remember that the immune system knows how to distinguish between the cells of our body and outside invaders very well. At the event of a new threat, the adaptive immune system comes to our aid, especially white blood cells called B and T Cells, that can recognize threats and create long-lasting immunological memories against them. This ability is based on designated receptors found on the surfaces of the immune system cells, which allow them to recognize specific components in the proteins of the pathogen.
Like all proteins, the coronavirus proteins are made from chains of amino acids, the basic building blocks of all proteins. Based on the fact that the spike protein of the coronavirus and human syncytin share small fragments of identical amino acid sequences, it has been claimed that antibodies against the one will work on the other. However, in reality, the resemblance between the viral proteins and the syncytin is small. Each of the proteins is made of hundreds of amino acids—nearly a thousand in the viral protein—and there is very little overlap between them. The resemblance is remarkably low and so weak that standard protein comparison tools such as BLAST completely overlook it.
To detect the resemblance, an extremely “dumb” comparison between the proteins’ sequences is required. Why dumb? Because proteins are more than the sum of amino acids assembling them. Advanced comparison tools compare not only the sequence, but also the chemical properties and the expected shape of the protein. Moreover, the receptors of B and T cells identify longer sequences, of at least eight amino acids, and therefore the resemblance of just a few amino acids will not do. It is worth remembering that even the tiniest change in the primary structure of a protein can completely change its tertiary structure and function.
Professional Authority?
Beyond the scientific reasoning, the weight of the claim is largely based on the identity of its publishers: Michael Yeadon, an executive in Pfizer until 2011, and German physician Wolfgang Wodarg. However, the two have a rich history of making problematic claims and half-truths. Firstly, Yeadon has nothing to do with Pfizer, as he stopped working there almost a decade ago. During the current pandemic, he made numerous false claims, among them the unfounded claim that “the COVID-19 pandemic has ended”, while Wodarg claimed without basis that “the COVID-19 pandemic is no worse than the flu”.
In sum, like many of the claims spoken in recent months regarding the COVID-19 vaccines, this claim is completely unfounded, despite having a certain factual basis. The coronavirus vaccines now awaiting the approval of regulatory health authorities worldwide are based on reliable technologies and their safety has been demonstrated by extensive research.
Scientific advisors: “Mida’at – For informed health”
During the making of this article we used the blog post titled “Are COVID-19 Vaccines Going To Cause Infertility?” by Edward Nirenberg. The use was done with Nirenberg’s approval.
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The Takarazuka Revue and the Depiction of Gender Stereotypes since 1914
By Yuna Sakai
This exhibit analyzes the Takarazuka Revue, the most famous all-female musical theater company in Japan founded in 1914,[1] and seeks to understand how Takarazuka reflects gender issues and challenges the gender norms in Japan. Takarazuka depicts the stereotypical images of masculinity and femininity in Japanese society through their performances. Investigating Takarazuka’s history, the performers’ actions on and off stage, and its female fan base enables us to learn more about gender issues in contemporary Japan, as well as understand how this theater reinforced and challenged the gender norms of Japanese society. At the same time, its performance was developed actively by the influence of political, economic, social, and geographical conditions. This claim will be proven by examining three frameworks: the history of Takarazuka, gender depicted performances, and the relationships with the fans to analyze the importance of gender.
Birth of Takarazuka and the Impact of the War
The impact of kabuki
Takarazuka Revue’s roots lie in the popular culture of the urban bourgeoisie in Osaka during the Tokugawa period (1603-1868). Kabuki was initially established in 1603 by a woman named Izumo no Okuni in Kyoto, Japan. However, the military edicts that were issued in 1629 banned female stage performances, and female roles in kabuki consequently began to be played by men who impersonated women on stage, also known as onnagata. The onnagata portrayed the female characters by exaggerating femininity which created an unnatural representation of females through their performances. From 1890, mixed-gender performances became legal and women were able to return to the stage.[2]
Birth of Takarazuka
April 1913, Takarazuka Revue: an all-female school was born with sixteen teenage girls hired by Kobayashi Ichizo. Kobayashi Ichizo was the chief executive of the Hankyu Railways in Takarazuka and initiated the girls to debut on stage as the “Takarazuka Girls’ Opera Training Association”. Since Kobayashi wanted to boost the sale of train tickets for his company by creating an attraction spot to draw business, the girls performed operetta, dances, and songs to entertain the visitors of the hot spring resort in Takarazuka, Hyōgo, a famous tourist destination for people from Osaka. During this era, Western songs were popular among Japanese, which inspired Kobayashi to create a theatre that performs traditional Japanese tales and famous Western musicals to reach a wider audience. Kobayashi created Takarazuka Revue based on the model of kabuki, however, he wanted to differentiate Takarazuka from kabuki by changing the target audience to make it more unique. Thus, Kobayashi wanted to create a theater that would be loved by the general public regardless of class and age and introduced Western music in its performances, while kabuki’s main audiences were the elites and the elderly.[3]
The First Performance
Girls between the ages of thirteen and fifteen were given nine months of preparation for their debut on stage. The current Takarazuka Revue writer, Ota Tetsunori, claimed that the training Kobayashi provided to performers instilled morals that were to raise them as good and wise wives and mothers. Ota observed that the training was based on amateurism with the aim of raising the level of general knowledge and education of girls who would become the mothers of the sons who could lead and carry the responsibility for the future of Japan.[4]
The Takarazuka Revue’s first performance was in 1914. A weeding themed musical performance was held in April in the Paradise Theater, which was a swimming pool that was converted into a building. The audience was able to enjoy the show while relaxing in the hot bath when the girls performed. In this performance, female performers played male characters, which was the start of the Takarazuka Revue. Gradually, Takarazuka Revue gained in popularity. After ten years of performances, they were able to obtain its theater in Takarazuka called Dai Gekijo, meaning Grand Theater in English.[5]
Please click here for Figure 1: When The Takarazuka Girls Revue Gave Its Performance In The Paradise Theater, A Converted Indoor Pool, Takarazuka Revue Official Website.
During the War Years, 1935-1945
Starting from 1935
After the first revue in Japan, Takarazuka became a nationwide phenomenon. In 1938, Takarazuka Revue introduced its first film called Gunkoku jogakusei, meaning “girl students of a martial nation.” Later on, it started to create more all-female dramatic films with nationalist themes, which were performed by the Takarazuka performers playing female and male roles in the production. However, in the 1940s, the Takarazuka Revue performers were only cast for female roles. This was because male roles played by female performers seemed “unnatural” and were criticized while otokoyaku were accepted and celebrated in the live theater.[6]
In 1939, Takarazuka Revue went on its first overseas tour and performed in places like Italy, Poland, Germany, Hawaii, and the mainland U.S. After the Takarazuka performance, many audiences did not realize that women played the male roles.[7]
In 1945, the Occupation force took over the Takarazuka Grand Theater and Tokyo Takarazuka Theater. Interestingly, while the Occupation force occupied the theaters, they still allowed considerable freedom in the Takarazuka Revue’s performances. It allowed the performers to perform Western-themed repertoires and have male role characters. Meanwhile, the occupation force banned the performances of kabuki and other traditional Japanese performances that included subject matter related to “suicide,” “revenge,” and “feudalism.”[8] The Takarazuka Theater was allowed to remain in operation since their performances were already based on Euro-American inspired repertoires and did not feature any “feudal” themes that glorified the Japanese military government. Thus, from the Occupation force’s perspective, the performances were seen as an ancient and beautiful Japanese work with a small mix of modern music and Western dance.[9] While the Takarazuka performers performed otokoyaku and musumeyaku, many Americans mentioned that the performers were cute and beautiful. From this description, it is clear that the Occupation force was captivated by the performers’ beauty. [10] However, during the early 1940s, the Takarazuka performers received criticism from the Japanese citizens. Many were called “un-Japanese” or “delinquents” for their singing and dancing and also for their colorful clothes. This was because their dancing and singing performances seemed frivolous among the Japanese citizens who were mobilized for the war effort and had to undertake dangerous jobs.[11]
After the demoralizing war, in April 1946, Takarazuka Grand Theater in Hyōgo was returned to the Takarazuka Revue to become the performance stage once again. Several performers were interviewed after the Occupation. One Takarazuka performer stated, “In my hometown Kyoto, we could see the Occupation forces’ cool jeeps passing on Shijō Street and listen to swing jazz everywhere. Kyoto suddenly became a modern city.”[12] Contrarily, another Takarazuka performer Chikage Awashima answered in an interview stating, “I am not sure whether imitating ‘America’ truly leads to building a ‘New Japan.’ But during the war, we could not even emulate America. Now, we have to make a new start by selecting what we need to revive ‘New Japan.”[13] Thus, every performer had a different view of the Occupation.
Please click here for Figure 2: The Footsteps Of War Approached. The Takarazuka Revue Bravely Staged Performances During This Dark Era. Takarazuka Review Official Website.
Gender Depicted Performances
The current entrance examinations for Takarazuka Revue
Takarazuka Revue company is comprised of 5 leading troupes and each troupe specializes in a particular style. The troupes are: “Flower (花, Hana), Moon (月, Tsuki), Snow (雪, Yuki), Star (星, Hoshi), and Cosmos (宙, Sora).”[14]To become a member of the troupe and be on the Takarazuka Revue’s show, the girls must first enroll in Takarazuka Music School. They need to pass their highly competitive entrance exam, which is not an easy task. Every year thousands of girls audition for this school but only forty to fifty of those are accepted. This small door of opportunity is only open for students between the ages of fifteen and nineteen. Most applicants go through various preparation and training to apply for the school. The applicants acquire training in choir, vocals, tap dance, modern dance, ballet, and interview skills, etc. to get into the Takarazuka Music School. As such, the preparation fee is not cheap and many families help their daughters prepare for the exam since applicants only have four chances to apply.[15]
Once the students enrol in the school, they follow the academy’s strict regulations inside and outside of the school. The school motto is “purity, honesty, beauty” with endless rules that students need to follow with a strict hierarchical system ingrained. After entering the school, the girls start their two years of training in the Takarazuka Music School. In the first year, all of the students are divided into otokoyaku, male characters played by female performers, and musumeyaku, female characters played by female performers.[16] They learn to acquire techniques that are necessary to portray a certain gender on stage.
Otokoyaku and Musumeyaku
The Revue’s performers are called “Takarasienne,” after the word “Parisienne,” which was influenced by the French revue. Performances at the Takarazaku Revue include otokoyaku and musumeyaku. When the performers are still in Takarazuka Music School, they are assigned with their secondary gender. Unlike their primary gender, which is based on their biological gender, the secondary gender is assigned by their looks and by socio-psychological criteria. For example, they look at features like facial shape, physique, height, personality, voice, and personal preference. However, when they are assigned to their secondary gender, they contrast the gender stereotypes. For example, otokoyaku should be taller than musumeyaku. Plus, it is better for otokoyaku to have a rectangular face shape, a higher nose, thick eyebrows, straight shoulders, dark skin, narrow hips, and low voice tone. As such, Takarazuka regards gender as inherent and could be represented by women alone.[17]
During training, the performers learn gendered expression by learning gendered speech patterns, gestures, intonations, and movements. Otokoyaku actors must first learn how to “stride forthrightly across the stage, her arms held stiffly away from her body, her fingers curled around her thumb.”[18] On the other hand, musumeyaku “pivots her forearms from the elbows, which are kept pinned against her side, constraining her freedom of movement”[19] to appear to be more feminine. Interestingly, as a reflection the patriarchal values in Takarazuka Revue, musumeyaku represented fictional women with a far connection to females’ experiences. As for otokoyaku, the performers were encouraged to study male actions and behaviors on and off-stage and to portray ideal men on stage effectively by mimicking samurai and cowboys’ actions.[20] Thus, the performances of musumeyaku and otokoyaku are both products of imagination by the masculist.
The reason why the founder, Kobayashi, started the otokoyaku was to cultivate the performers into “perfect wives” for their husbands. Kobayashi thought that teaching the performers how to portray an ideal masculine figure would enable the women to understand the qualities of men, and also become more appreciative towards men. Thus, the reason why Kobayashi added otokoyaku was to glorify masculinity.
Also, one of the reasons Takarazuka has gained popularity is otokoyaku, the male roles played by women who appear astonishingly androgynous. This role leaves a mysterious image of Takarazuka Revue, which caught fans’ attention. The performers have received criticism for being “abnormal” due to female performers dressing and behaving masculine. However, this masculine behavior and appearance caught the fans’ attention and created a fan base called “Zuka-fan.”[21]
Please click here for Figure 3: Otokoyaku. Takarazuka Review Official Website.
Please click here for Figure 3: Musumeyaku. Takarazuka Review Official Website.
Relationship with the Fans
The popularity of Takarazuka’s otokoyaku indicates that manipulation of gender through theater significantly impacts audiences. Thus, Takarazuka encourages two-dimensional gender actors to act in their assigned gender role, even off-stage, to appeal to their supporting fans. However, this led the public to criticize the performers and the fans as “abnormal” since the 1920s.[22]
The fans play an essential role in the Takarazuka Revue. Millions of people have attended performances, bought merchandise, and subscribed to its publication, all of which have enabled Takarazuka Revue to keep performing. The remarkable popularity of otokoyaku indicates that fans engage more with the otokoyaku‘s deliberate reproduction of exaggeration towards orthodox gender. The stereotypical fans of Takarazuka today portrayed by the media are mostly female, ranging from girls in their early teens to middle-aged women. In addition, fans wear t-shirts that have the names of their favorite performers, attend various performances, and wait outside of the stage to greet their favorite performers.[23] Interestingly, such an actor-fan relationship in Takarazuka creates an “asexual and agendered fantasy space,” which means that both female and male fans can surpass their gender expectations and roles regardless of their sexual orientation.[24]
Examining Takarazuka Revue’s history and how they portray gender enables readers to think about Japanese women’s and men’s stereotypes and seek more knowledge about the complicated relationship between sexuality, sex, and gender in Japan. At times, Takarazuka performances were criticized for being “homosexual” and “abnormal.” Over time, however, they gained a strong fan base and are loved nationwide and abroad. Analyzing the Takarazuka history enables us to learn how Takarazuka taught Japanese society that gender could be inherited. It allowed the fans to create an asexual and agendered fantasy space that surpasses the expectation of gender roles in the community.
[1] Yamanashi, “A History of the Takarazuka Revue since 1914,” p. 1.
[2] Robertson, ” The Politics of Androgyny in Japan: Sexuality and Subversion in the Theater and Beyond,” p. 422.
[3] Robertson, ” The Politics of Androgyny in Japan: Sexuality and Subversion in the Theater and Beyond pp. 422-423.
[4] Ota, “Takarazuka ongaku gakkō no sōritsu to hensen,” p. 112.
[5] Stickland, “Gender Gymnastics,” pp. 65-71.
[6] Stickland, “Gender Gymnastics,” pp. 76-77.
[7] Stickland, “Gender Gymnastics,” p. 77.
[8] Irie, “Takarazuka under Occupation: Transnational Female Performers and Femininity in Japan, 1956-1952,” p. 109.
[9] Irie, “Takarazuka under Occupation: Transnational Female Performers and Femininity in Japan, 1956-1952,” p. 110.
[10]Irie, “Takarazuka under Occupation: Transnational Female Performers and Femininity in Japan, 1956-1952,” p. 114.
[11] Stickland, “Gender Gymnastics,” p. 79.
[12] Irie, “Takarazuka under Occupation: Transnational Female Performers and Femininity in Japan, 1956-1952,” p. 105.
[14] Stickland, “Gender Gymnastics,” p. 101.
[15] Stickland, “Gender Gymnastics,” pp. 148-158.
[16] Stickland, “Gender Gymnastics,” p. 184.
[17] Robinson, “The Politics of Androgyny in Japan,” p. 422.
[18] Robinson, “The Politics of Androgyny in Japan,” p. 423.
[19] Robinson, “The Politics of Androgyny in Japan,” p. 423.
[20] Robinson, “The Politics of Androgyny in Japan,” p. 422.
[21] Robertson, ” Takarazuka: Sexual Politics and Popular Culture in Modern Japan,” p. 476.
[22] Stickland, “Gender Gymnastics,” p. 222.
[23] Robinson, “The Politics of Androgyny in Japan,” pp. 419-420.
[24] Nakamura and Matsuo, “Female Masculinity and Fantasy Spaces: Transcending Genders in the Takarazuka Theatre and Japanese Popular Culture,” p. 59.
Irie Toshiko. “Takarazuka under Occupation: Transnational Female Performers and Femininity in Japan, 1956-1952.” Doshisha Global Studies 10 (2019), pp. 105–119.
Nakamura, Karen and Matsuo Hisako. “Female Masculinity and Fantasy Spaces: Transcending Genders in the Takarazuka Theatre and Japanese Popular Culture.” In Men and masculinities in contemporary Japan: dislocating the salaryman doxa, ed. James Roberson and Nobue Suzuki, pp. 59–76. RoutledgeCurzon, 2003.
Ōta Tetsunori 太田哲則. “Takarazuka ongaku gakkō no sōritsu to hensen” 宝塚音楽学校の創立と変遷. In Takaraduka beruepokku II タカラヅカ・ベルエポックII, ed. Tsuganesawa Toshihiro 津金澤聡廣 and Natori Chisato 名取千里, pp. 111–17. Kōbe shinbun sōgō shuppan sentā, 2001.
Robertson, Jennifer. “Takarazuka: Sexual Politics and Popular Culture in Modern Japan.” The Journal of Japanese Studies 25:3 (Summer 1999), pp. 473–478.
Robertson, Jennifer. “The Politics of Androgyny in Japan: Sexuality and Subversion in the Theater and Beyond.” American Ethnologist 19:3 (1992), pp. 419–42.
Stickland, Leonie R. “Gender Gymnastics: Performers, Fans and Gender Issues in the Takarazuka Revue of Contemporary Japan.” PhD Dissertation, University of Michigan, 2004.
Yamanashi Makiko. A history of the Takarazuka Revue since 1914: modernity, girls’ Culture, Japan Pop. Global Oriental, 2012.
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Effect of Serotonin Neuron Suppression
30 Jul 2012
Serotonin experiment illustration
Researchers implanted a microdialysis probe into a part of the brain called the dorsal raphe nucleus (DRN), then tested rats’ performance on a waiting test before and after a serotonin-suppressing drug was delivered through the probe. In the test, five rats were trained to alternately visit a food site and a water site, where they had to poke their noses into a hole and wait for a reward in the form of either a food pellet or water. Sometimes the wait was only two seconds, while other times the reward wouldn’t arrive until seven to eleven seconds of waiting. While untreated rats were usually able to keep their noses in the hole for as long as it took to get the reward, once the suppressor was delivered, reducing the amount of serotonin in the DRN by more than half, the rats became much more likely to wander off if not rewarded after a few seconds.
Free for anyone to re-use, but must be credited to OIST.
Download full-resolution image
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Jack Depledge sees the essential and detailed work that gamekeepers undertake to ensure the continued health of the UK’s threatened grouse moors
With around 75 per cent of the world’s heather moorland located in the UK, tied with the fact that heather moorland habitat is in a more critical condition than the rainforests, it is clear that conservation and positive management of the moors to maintain this diverse habitat is vital for its survival.
Continuing the overwhelming efforts of the previous generations of gamekeepers, the Northern School of Game and Wildlife aims to educate trainee gamekeepers in all aspects of moorland management to allow them to understand the importance of maintaining such a fragile habitat.
In addition to the college’s own grouse moor, we have the chance to undertake a work placement in any industry-related job of our choosing. My placement for the summer has been on a grouse moor, on the borders of the Forest of Bowland, where I have been observing and understanding the benefits and practicalities of modern grouse moor management.
Grip blocking
The first of many habitat improvement tasks I undertook was “grip blocking”. Moorland gripping was common practice in the uplands during the 1960s to 1980s, and involved digging ditches to increase the drainage from the moorland. However, excessive drainage can be detrimental to the naturally damp moorland soil conditions, hindering the regeneration of some native vegetation and increasing the rate of erosion. Therefore, grip blocking can help restore natural drainage patterns, which encourages regeneration of native moorland species and reduces the rate of soil erosion and water flow from the moor.
Heather burning
As successful moorland management focuses on biodiversity, another habitat management task I undertook was heather burning. Heather, being the very basis of a grouse moor, is paramount to its success or failure. Short/young heather provides food for many species with its nutritional shoots. Taller/older heather provides shelter and nest sites for birds and other wildlife. The heather must be managed to ensure there is a balance of both young and old, to allow a healthy breeding season for many species that depend on the moorland habitat. A mosaic of different length heather can be seen across managed grouse moors, which allows territories to include different ages of heather which increases survival rates. With the heather shown only being burned in April; the young, nutritious heather shoots are thriving well to produce a plentiful food source for many different species.
The benefits of the hard work that gamekeepers undertake on a daily basis is clear. Around the grip blocks, and where the land had returned to a damper state, plant species such as bog myrtle (Myrica gale), water lobelia (Lobelia dortmann), bog asphodel (Narthecium ossifragum) and common cottongrass (Eriophorum angustifolium) are regularly observed. Moving onto the drier ground and where the heather had previously been burned, tormentil (Potentilla erecta), ling heather (Culluna vulgaris), bilberry (Vaccinium myrtillus), crowberry (Empetrum nigrum) and many, many more species are often identified. Such an array of flora can also harbour many bird species; oystercatcher (Haematopus ostralegus), golden plover (Pluvialis apricaria), lapwing (Vanellus vanillas) and curlew (Numenius arquata) are all commonplace on managed grouse moors.
Grouse diversity
The diversity of wildlife on grouse moors is stark and vast, if only the evidence is observed. According to BASC’s Value of Grouse Shooting report, grouse shooting is worth £100million to the UK economy annually, and supports the equivalent of around 2,500 full-time jobs in some of the most rural areas of the UK. This begs the question why have all the recent attacks on grouse shooting been made, especially from certain high profile figures? Education, such as that at the Northern School of Game and Wildlife, seems key to eliminating this misunderstanding and ignorance of the UK countryside.
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"url": "https://www.shootinguk.co.uk/grouse-shooting/protecting-grouse-moors-80041"
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Do parrots control probability?
Keee-aa! This is the powerful call of the nestor kea or simply the “kea,” a species of mountain parrot (the only one in the world) that lives in New Zealand. This bird has recently surprised scientists by demonstrating its remarkable skills in the field of probability. Indeed, two researcher from the University of Auckland (New Zealand) have shed light on the kea's ability to make complex judgments based on statistical, physical, and social information.
Doctoral student Amalia Bastos and Professor Alex Taylor (the authors of the study) developed a three-part protocol to demonstrate that the parrots are able to draw logical inferences from the different types of information mentioned above: to detect what is known in mathematics as “the relative frequency of an object.” To understand how inference based on statistical probability works, let’s look at a simple example. Let’s say you love black olives. Suppose I put 10 in pot A and 10 in pot B. In the first, I add 50 green olives (which you like a lot less, especially since they’re not pitted!) And in the second I only add 5. I then shake the two pots and ask you to draw an olive from one without looking. Which pot will you choose? A or B? Obviously, you’ll choose B, since you've "calculated" that B contains the largest proportion or “relative frequency” of black olives.
To test this same reasoning ability in Blofeld, Bruce, Loki, Néo, Plancton, and Taz, keas from a reserve near Christchurch, scientists first trained them to associate a black token with a food reward, unlike orange tokens. Once the animals were “conditioned,” the scientists began the first experiment.
The experiment looked much like the olive example. The researchers filled two jars with black and orange tokens: one with more black tokens, and the other with more orange tokens. They showed the jars to the parrots. One of the researchers then rummaged through each jar to pick out a token, which they hid in their hand so that the kea could not see the color. The bird then had to tell which hand was most likely to hold the precious black token. After a number of trials, the keas systematically pointed their beaks to the hand that had drawn from the jar containing the most black tokens; the birds thus proved they were capable of using relative frequency to make their prediction.
In the second experiment (to test whether the keas could use information with a physical constraint in their predictions), the scientists made the task more complex. They presented the parrots with two jars that contained exactly the same proportion of black and orange tokens, but with a barrier placed inside, which caused the proportions to differ above and below. A band hid the lower half of the jar. In one of them, the proportion of black tokens was higher above the band. Again, the birds preferred this jar when choosing, as in the first experiment.
In the final experiment, the researchers tested the parrots’ ability to use social information in their predictions. Two experimenters each drew tokens from separate jars, but one of them (the “biased” experimenter) purposely drew black tokens from the jar where there were the least. The other (“unbiased”) experimenter drew tokens from the jar with the most black tokens without looking into the jar; he thus also drew black tokens. After observing these biased and unbiased samplings, the kea then saw the same two people take tokens from jars with identical proportions of black tokens. Which person did they systematically prefer? The birds chose the "biased" experimenter, temporarily forgetting the laws of relative probability!
The research protocol shows that parrots are indeed capable of considering statistical, physical, and social information. According to A. Bastos: “The results from the study are surprising as they mirror those from infants and chimpanzees in similar tests. […] This is the first evidence that a bird can make true statistical inferences and integrate different types of information into their predictions of uncertain events.”
Believe it or not, this study could influence artificial intelligence research. The authors suggest that a better understanding of the processes present in the avian brain could help create AI capable of making common sense judgments.
Source: Bastos, A.P.M., Taylor, A.H. “Kea show three signatures of domain-general statistical inference”, in Nature Communication, March 2020 // University of Auckland website: “Smarter than we thought: Kea reason about probability” -
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<urn:uuid:4be85d25-2f8a-4176-bc1f-c770c3ff74eb>
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In a study conducted by Tversky and Kahneman, participants were asked about the probability of a witness correctly identifying the right color of a cab that was in an accident. The participants were given the following information:
There are two cab companies in the city, one with green cars and the other with blue cars. 85% of the cabs in the city are green and 15% are blue.
An eyewitness identified the cab as being blue. The court tested the reliability of the witness under the same circumstances that existed on the night of the accident and concluded that the witness correctly identified the colors 80% of the time and failed 20% of the time.
What is the probability that the cab involved in the accident was blue?
Almost all participants provided a probability greater than 50%. Many gave answers of 80% or higher.
Based our decision on only the base rate of cabs in the city we would guess that there is an 85% chance that it was a green cab involved in the accident rather than a blue cab.
However, people relied on the testimony of the witness to a much greater degree than on the base rate information even with the information about the unreliability of the witness. This problem is known as the base rate fallacy. That is, people will often ignore the base rate when making decisions.
Knowing how good the witness is in identifying the different color cabs at night and the base rates of blue and green cars, we can use Bayes Theorem to calculate how likely it is that the car is in fact blue.
There is a 12% chance of the witness correctly identifying a blue cab (True Positive; the base rate of blue cabs, 15% multiplied with the probability of the witness correctly identifying the color of a cab, 80%) .
There is a 17% chance of the witness incorrectly identifying a green cab as blue (False Positive; the base rate of green cabs, 85% multiplied with the probability of the witness identifying the wrong color cab, 20%).
There is a 29% chance (17% added to 12%) that the witness will identify any cab as blue.
This results in a 41% chance (12% divided by 29%) that the cab identified as blue is actually blue (Positive Predictive Value).
See also this entry about base rates and diagnostic decisions for more information about Bayes Theorem.
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"url": "https://www.craigmarker.com/taxi-cab-problem/"
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Silas Maner by George Eliot
Posted on April 8, 2009
By George Eliot
Written by:
14 April 2009
by William Shakespeare
Sebelas Maret University
A. Introduction
1. The Author
Mary Anne (Mary Ann, Marian) Evans (22 November 1819 – 22 December 1880), better known by her pen name George Eliot, was an English novelist. Her novels, largely set in provincial England, are well known for their realism and psychological perspicacity. Mary Anne was born on the estate at South Farm. In early 1820 the family moved to a house named Griff, part way between Nuneaton and Coventry.
George Eliot died on 22 December 1880. She now rests with Lewes in Highgate Cemetery in London, England. Her epitaph reads: “Of those immortal dead who live again, in minds made better by their presence.” Here rests the body of GEORGE ELIOT. (MARY ANN CROSS). Although Eliot’s wish to be buried in Westminster Abbey was not granted, in 1980 a memorial was placed in Poet’s Corner in her honour, among other such esteemed literary figures as William Blake, Aphra Behn, and Henry Wadsworth Longfellow.
2. The Novel
Silas Marner was Eliot’s third novel and is among the best known of her works. Many of the novel’s themes and concerns stem from Eliot’s own life experiences. Silas’s loss of religious faith recalls Eliot’s own struggle with her faith, and the novel’s setting in the vanishing English countryside reflects Eliot’s concern that England was fast becoming industrialized and impersonal. The novel’s concern with class and family can likewise be linked back to Eliot’s own life. The voice of the novel’s narrator can thus, to some extent, be seen as Eliot’s own voice—one tinged with slight condescension, but fond of the setting and thoroughly empathetic with the characters. Though Silas Marner is in a sense a very personal novel for Eliot, its treatment of the themes of faith, family, and class has nonetheless given it universal appeal, especially at the time of publication, when English society and institutions were undergoing rapid change. This book contains 2 Chapters and 100 pages. The edition the reader had read was published by Gramedia on 2005, and retold by Katherine Lang.
B. Report
1. Theme
The major theme of this novel is sorrow and loneliness.
2. Point of View
The narrator speaks in the omniscient third person, describing what the characters are seeing, feeling, and thinking and what they are failing to see, feel, and think.
3. Style
George Eliot uses formal English dialect.
4. Setting
A village named Raveloe. Raveloe lay in the rich plain in the middle of England in a small valley sheltered by woods. The setting of time is in the early years of the nineteenth century. The second part of the book tells the story sixteen years later.
5. Characters
a.) Silas Marner
He is a simple, honest, and kindhearted weaver. He was a pale young man with lage short-sighted brown eyes. Occasionally he was taken ill with a kind of fit. After losing faith in both God and his fellow man, Silas lives for fifteen years as a solitary miser. He only thought of money.
His life changed when he found a two-years-old little girl in his house. He adopted the girl, later he named her Eppie, and began to feel happier than before. At the second part of the story, Silas Marner was not lonely anymore. He now has someone to love and care and that’s better than being rich.
b.) Hepzibah Marner
Her nickname is Eppie. She was found asleep in Marner’s house when she was two years old. Her mother died in the snow. She has got wide blue eyes and curly-golden hair.
Sixteen years later she became a lovely young girl. Eppie is pretty and spirited, and loves Silas unquestioningly. At the end of the story, she is married to Aaron Winthrop. Her true father is Godfrey Cass but she was adopted by Silas Marner.
c.) Godfrey Cass
Godfrey Cass was a fine, good-natured young man. He is selfish and weak-willed. He knows what is right but he can’t obey it because of his selfishness. He is Dunstan Cass’ elder brother and Squire Cass’ first son. He is the biological father of Eppie but at the beginning refused to tell the truth. It was because he was afraid of losing his sweetheart, Ms. Nancy Lammeter.
d.) Dolly Winthrop
Dolly helps Silas with Eppie. Dolly later becomes Eppie’s godmother and mother-in-law. She is kind, patient, and devout.
e.) Aaron Winthrop
He is a hard worker young man. He is Dolly’s son and Eppie’s eventual husband.
f.) Molly Farren
Molly is Eppie’s real mother and Godfrey’s secret wife. She died when she wanted to meet Godfrey on the snow. She has been destroyed by her addictions to opium and alcohol.
g.) Dunstan Cass
Godfrey’s younger brother. Dunsey, as he is usually called, is cruel, lazy, and he loves gambling and drinking. He died, after stole Silas Marner’s money, in the stone pit.
h.) Nancy Lammeter
Nancy is pretty, caring, and stubborn. She is the object of Godfrey’s affection and his eventual wife.
i.)Squire Cass
Squire Cass is the wealthiest man in Raveloe. The Squire is lazy, self-satisfied, and short-tempered.
j.) William Dane
William Dane was once Silas’s best friend from his childhood in Lantern Yard. William Dane frames Silas for theft in order to bring disgrace upon him, and then marries Silas’s fiancée, Sarah.
k.) Sarah
She is Silas’s fiancée in Lantern Yard. Sarah is put off by Silas’s strange fit and ends up marrying William Dane after Silas is betrayed.
k.) Mr. Lammeter
He is Nancy’s and Priscilla’s father. Mr. Lammeter is a proud man.
m.) Priscilla Lammeter
Nancy’s homely and plainspoken sister. Priscilla talks endlessly but is extremely competent at everything she does.
6. Plot Summary
In the early years on the nineteenth century lived a linen-weaver called Silas Marner. He lived in a stone cottage near the village of Raveloe. The cottage was an hour journey from any main roads so that no travelers passed through it, in other word; the village was secluded from people. Like many weavers of his time, he was an outsider—the object of suspicion because of his special skills and the fact that he had come to Raveloe from elsewhere.
Silas Marner had first come to Raveloe fifteen years before, from a place called Lantern Yard. Silas has ended up in Raveloe because the members of his religious sect in Lantern Yard, an insular neighborhood in a larger town, falsely accused him of theft and excommunicated him. He was betrayed by William Dune, his best friend.
Much shaken after the accusation, Silas found nothing familiar in Raveloe to reawaken his faith and fell into a numbing routine of solitary work. With little else to live for, Silas became infatuated with the money he earned for his work and worshipped it, living off as little as possible. Every night he pulls his gold out from its hiding place beneath his floorboards to count it. He carried on in this way for fifteen years.
Meanwhile, the story switches to the Cass Brothers. There were two siblings, Godfrey and Dunstan, or Dunsey, Cass. They are Squire Cass’ children. Squire Cass was the most important man in Raveloe. They lived at home and did no work. Dunsey was greedy and cruel, and enjoyed tormenting Godfrey, the eldest son. Godfrey was good-natured but weak-willed, and, though secretly married to the opium addict Molly Farren, he was in love with Nancy Lammeter. Dunsey talked Godfrey into the marriage and repeatedly blackmails him with threats to reveal the marriage to their father. Godfrey gave Dunsey 100 pounds of the rent money paid to him by one of their father’s tenants. Godfrey then found himself in a bind when Dunsey insisted that Godfrey repay the sum himself. Dunsey once again threatened to reveal Godfrey’s marriage but, after some arguing, offered to sell Godfrey’s prize horse, Wildfire, to repay the loan.
The next day, Dunsey met with some friends who were hunting and negotiated the sale of the horse. Dunsey decided to participate in the hunt before finalizing the sale, and, in doing so, he has a riding accident that killed the horse. Knowing the rumors of Silas’s hoard, Dunsey made plans to intimidate the weaver into lending him money. His walk home took him by Silas’s cottage, and, finding the cottage empty, Dunsey stole the money instead.
Silas returned from an errand to find his money gone. Overwhelmed by the loss, he ran to the local tavern for help and announced the theft to a sympathetic audience of tavern regulars. The theft became the talk of the village. Godfrey, meanwhile, was distracted by thoughts of Dunsey, who had not returned home. After hearing that Wildfire has been found dead, Godfrey decided to tell his father about the money, though not about his marriage. The Squire was mad at the news, but did not do anything drastic to punish Godfrey.
Silas was utterly disconsolate at the loss of his gold and numbly continues his weaving. Some of the townspeople stop by to offer their condolences and advice. Among these visitors is Dolly Winthrop. Like many of the others, she encouraged Silas to go to church—something he has not done since he was banished from Lantern Yard—but she was also gentler and more genuinely sympathetic.
Nancy Lammeter arrived at Squire Cass’s famed New Year’s dance resolved to reject Godfrey’s because of his unsound character. However, Godfrey was more direct and insistent than he had been in a long time. Meanwhile, Molly, Godfrey’s secret wife, was making her way to the Casses’ house to reveal the secret marriage. She had their daughter in her arms. Tiring after her long walk, Molly took a draft of opium and passed out by the road. Seeing Silas’s cottage and drawn by the light of the fire, Molly’s little girl wandered through the open door and fell asleep at Silas’s.
Silas did not notice the little girl enter his cottage. When he came to, he saw her already asleep after the fireplace, and was as stunned by her appearance as he was by the disappearance of his money. A while later, found Molly’s body lying in the snow. Silas went to the Squire’s house to find the doctor, and caused a stir at the dance when he arrived with the baby girl in his arms. Godfrey, recognizing his daughter, accompanied the doctor to Silas’s cottage. When the doctor said that Molly is dead, Godfrey realized that his secret is safe. He did not claim his daughter, and Silas adopted her.
Silas loved to the child and names her Eppie, after his mother and sister. With Dolly Winthrop’s help, Silas raised the child lovingly. Eppie began to serve as a bridge between Silas and the rest of the villagers, who offer him help and advice and have come to think of him as an exemplary person because of what he had done. Eppie also brought Silas out of the benumbed state he fell into after the loss of his gold. In his newfound happiness, Silas began to explore the memories of his past that he had long repressed.
On the second part of the novel, the story jumped sixteen years later. Godfrey has married Nancy and Squire Cass had died. Godfrey had inherited his father’s house, but he and Nancy had no children. Their one daughter died at birth, and Nancy had refused to adopt. Eppie had grown into a pretty and spirited young woman and Silas a contented father. The stone-pit behind Silas’s cottage was drained to water neighboring fields, and Dunsey’s skeleton was found at the bottom, along with Silas’s gold. The discovery frightened Godfrey, who became convinced that his own secrets are destined to be uncovered as well. He confessed the truth to Nancy about his marriage to Molly and fathering of Eppie. Nancy was not angry but regretful, saying that they could have adopted Eppie legitimately if Godfrey had told her earlier.
That evening, Godfrey and Nancy decided to visit Silas’s cottage to confess the truth of Eppie’s lineage and claimed her as their daughter. However, after hearing Godfrey and Nancy’s story, Eppie told them she would rather stay with Silas than live with her biological father. Godfrey and Nancy left, resigning themselves to helping Eppie from afar. The next day Silas decided to visit Lantern Yard to see if he was ever cleared of the theft of which he was accused years before. The town had changed almost beyond recognition, though, and Silas’s old chapel had been torn down to make way for a new factory. Silas realized that his questions will never be answered, but he was satisfied with the sense of faith he had regained through his life with Eppie. That summer Eppie had married to Aaron Winthrop, Dolly’s son. Aaron came to live in Silas’s cottage.
7. Moral Messages
The messages are we can’t earn a true life without someone to love. Everything in this world seems useless without love. We must remember that we are social creatures that need others.
C. Feedback
There are a lot of things that we can learn in this novel. The story is very realistic and evergreen. We still can find the problems in our daily life.
At first, the reader found difficulties in the relatives among the characters. As the reader was reading for the second time, the reader began to know each character better.
Posted in: book review
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How Operation Plowshare Worked
Detonation and Fizzle
Dr. Herbert York brought nuclear scientists together behind the idea of using nukes for civilian purposes.
In November 1956, shortly after Israeli forces invaded Egypt at the behest of Britain and France, the director of the Lawrence Radiation Laboratory – Livermore (LRL-L), Herbert York, convened a meeting of nuclear scientists to discuss the peaceful use of nuclear weapons. They wanted to call it Operation Plowshare because of the stuff Isaiah said about turning weapons into tools (i.e., beating swords into plowshares). The Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) approved the meeting and generally approved the idea.
LRL-L scientists duly established the Plowshare Program within the Division of Military Application (DMA) in the summer of 1957. By September, they had already conducted a test in Nevada codenamed Rainier, the first U.S. nuclear detonation completely contained underground. The test provided important data on the possibilities of using nuclear bombs for underground engineering projects. Rainier went well. So well, the AEC decided to publicly acknowledge that the Plowshare project existed.
Operation Plowshare was underway — but then it hit a major snafu. For years the United States, the Soviet Union and Great Britain had all been muttering about placing a ban on nuclear testing. Of course, they'd been doing a lot of testing in the meantime, much of it high in the atmosphere. But members of the public were getting nervous about nuclear fallout, and there was growing noise about adverse health effects.
Then, in March 1958, the Soviets declared that they weren't testing any more nukes. This unilateral action put all kinds of diplomatic pressure on Washington. President Eisenhower actually wanted very much to stop testing, and now he had the bargaining chip he needed to convince the skeptics in his administration. A comprehensive testing moratorium went into effect a short time later [source: National Security Archive]. The result: No more Rainiers. At least not for a while.
The timing couldn't have been worse for Operation Plowshare, but the intrepid scientists behind the project made do as best they could. In anticipation of an end to the moratorium, Dr. Edward Teller, director of the Livermore Laboratory, proposed that Plowshare scientists undertake studies of a series of ambitious potential projects. These included blowing a channel through the Kapingamarangi reef in the Marshall Islands, excavating a couple of new harbors in Alaska, hammering out a canal there while they were at it, extracting oil from some tar sands and shale, building some aquifers and doing a little mining [source: OSTI].
Then, in September 1961, Plowshare's luck turned. Ever since the Soviets had shot down an American U-2 spy plane in 1960, the two superpowers had become increasingly frosty toward each other. Then they started squabbling about the status of West Berlin. The Soviet military wanted to start testing again, and, under pressure, Khrushchev finally agreed [source: National Security Archive]. The moratorium was over, and Plowshare was back in business [source: OSTI]. If it was ironic that a supposedly peaceful project required a feverish cold war to continue, nobody remarked on it at the time, at least not publicly.
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Where do references to the Civil War occur in the story? How does the war play a part in the story?
Expert Answers
emilyknight7 eNotes educator| Certified Educator
The story "A Rose for Emily" and the title character Emily Grierson show the world of the South as it experienced a fundamental shift, from the days of slavery and aristocratic plantation owner families (of which the Griersons are one) that is coming to an end when Emily is born to the new, post-Civil War world, where antebellum chivalry is lost to the push for progress. The war comes up, explicitly and implicitly, when these conflicts between old and new and tradition and progress come to the surface.
Emily Grierson experiences the changes that the Civil War and its outcome makes on the South and her hometown of Jefferson. Cast as an aging Southern belle domineered by a controlling father, Emily has few chances to break the mold of tradition, and she doesn't until her affair with Homer Barron in her thirties. When that fails to lead to the appropriate marriage and fulfillment of her traditional role, she clings to the other antebellum option for unmarried ladies: that of a haughty, mysterious spinster.
It is note-worthy that when Emily chooses to follow her own heart and pursue a man sexually, she chooses Homer Barron. First, he is a Northerner, and so emblematic of the changes caused by the war. Second, he's in town for a sidewalk construction project, making him an example of the sweeping changes of the North coming in to change the nature of the South. That Emily chooses him suggests an even deeper rebellion against the traditional Southern ways and ties in to the conflicts set up by the Civil War.
Another way the war sets up a conflict between the old ways and new is in the townspeople's interactions with Emily. Men like Colonel Sartoris and Judge Stevens still subscribe to Southern chivalry and they see Emily as a damsel in distress, a woman who must be protected, and so they remit her taxes and refuse to confront her about the smell coming from her house, respectively. As time goes on, however, and the post-war changes continue, new aldermen, who don't follow the same rules of chivalry, come to try to collect Miss Emily's taxes. This event shows the conflict of the new South, where progress is king, and the old.
Read the study guide:
A Rose for Emily
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Around roughly 4000 B.C.E. to 2000 B.C.E. the Sun was in Taurus the bull on the Vernal Equinox, and we find in ancient religions of this period that a bull was worshipped as the one who saves the world from the evils of winter. Due to the earth's precession this later became Aries the lamb who saves the world, and later when the Sun was in Pisces the symbol of the lamb was abandoned and replaced with that of a fish.
There are no bulls in the Gospels, nor are there any crabs, lions, or scorpions. We do find a bull and lion in Revelations 4:7, "and the first living creature like a lion, and the second living creature like a calf, and the third living creature having the face as of a man, and the fourth living creature like a flying eagle." This is a reference to the four seasons of the year. The lion is Leo, the calf is Taurus, the man is Aquarius, and the eagle is one of the three symbols for Scorpio (see Saint Matthew: a sermon by Robert Taylor - 1831)
Instead we need to look at what changes happen around this time of year and compare that to what happens in the Jesus story.
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"url": "http://solarmythology.com/lessons/solarmyth08.htm"
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KS3 RE - Sacrifice and Islam
How do you communicate complicated concepts like sacrifice and martyrdom to Year 7 students? Teacher Kathryn Kane takes an unconventional approach.
In all religions, blood has special significance. Kathryn uses it as an entry point, since her students enjoy the "gore factor". The class research on the physical properties of blood on the internet leads into a discussion of the material worth of the physical parts of their bodies.
As a result, Kathryn's students soon understand the priceless nature of human life and the concept of sacrifice. She introduces them to the Muslim stories of Ibrahim and Isma'il, which are new to most of the class and links these to the more widely-known stories of Abraham and Isaac.
This programme:
• Uses a range of engaging techniques, including games
• Explores Muslim stories to develop empathy and understanding
• Promotes discussion and understanding about concept of sacrifice
ProTeachersVideo is an archive of over 3500 Teachers TV videos
for professional development or to use in class.
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"url": "http://www.proteachersvideo.com/Programme/1527/ks3-re-sacrifice-and-islam"
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Apple Circumference
Guest blogger:
This is the last apple math activity for the month of September. So sad!
The measurement of circumference is hard. It is hard to imagine how big something is in general and it is really hard to imagine how big around something is. Children may be able to tell you that one apple is bigger than another, but it is really difficult for them to see more than one aspect of a problem at the same time. They are also fooled by appearances, so if you hold up one big apple that is rather skinny and another apple that is short and fat, the child cannot see both of those aspects at once. S/he will therefore choose the most obvious attribute to base her decision on which one is bigger. The child may choose the fat apple because it is fatter, or the tall apple because it is taller, but the child cannot tell you which one is actually bigger based on measurement.
In order to measure the circumference of apples, you will need several different sized apples and string.
Give each child an apple to measure and then give them each a length of string that will easily go around the middle of the apple. Have the child hold one end of the string up against the apple and then pull the string around the apple until it meets at the other side. Go around and help each child cut the string where it meets.
Once they each have their strings, you can lay them on the table top and compare the lengths of string, explaining that the length of the string is the “circumference” of the apple. They can observe their apples and their strings to come up with their own conclusions about how the measurement worked. Be sure to tell them that the longer strings represent a bigger circumference. Make sure you use all of this great math vocabulary to continue exposing children to it.
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January 8, 2011: Why is it Important to Remember, Share, and Reflect
Unit 11: New Beginnings, Community Identities, and Remembrances
Lesson 2 of 8
Objective: SWBAT articulate their experiences and explore the long-term impact of the January 8th mass shooting on the Tucson community by sharing their ideas and experiences.
Big Idea: Students explore the impact of a mass shooting on our community three years later. How do we remember and memorialize of the survivors and victims of the January 8th shooting?
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The Weber Deep—a 7.2-km-deep forearc basin within the tightly curved Banda arc of eastern Indonesia—is the deepest point of the Earth’s oceans not within a trench. Several models have been proposed to explain the tectonic evolution of the Banda arc in the context of the ongoing (ca. 23 Ma–present) Australia–Southeast Asia collision, but no model explicitly accounts for how the Weber Deep achieved its anomalous depth. Here we propose that the Weber Deep formed by forearc extension driven by eastward subduction rollback. Substantial lithospheric extension in the upper plate was accommodated by a major, previously unidentified, low-angle normal fault system we name the “Banda detachment.” High-resolution bathymetry data reveal that the Banda detachment is exposed underwater over much of its 120 km down-dip and 450 km lateral extent, having produced the largest bathymetric expression of any fault discernable in the world’s oceans. The Banda arc is a modern analogue for highly extended terranes preserved in the many regions that may similarly have “rolled open” behind migrating subduction zones.
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"url": "https://pubs.geoscienceworld.org/gsa/geology/article-abstract/44/11/947/195121/rolling-open-earth-s-deepest-forearc-basin?redirectedFrom=fulltext"
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Physics quiz question: Feynman diagram vertex interpretation
Physics 205B Quiz 7, spring semester 2014
Cuesta College, San Luis Obispo, CA
This Feynman diagram vertex depicts a neutron:
(A) converting into a proton.
(B) converting into an antiproton.
(C) annihilating with a proton.
(D) annihilating with an antiproton.
(E) (this vertex is not possible, as it is invalid.)
Correct answer (highlight to unhide): (A)
This Feynman diagram vertex is valid, as it obeys the four rules of drawing Feynman diagrams, especially the first two:
1. You can draw two kinds of lines, a straight line with an arrow or a wiggly line. You can draw these pointing in any direction.
2. You may only connect these lines if you have two lines with arrows meeting a single wiggly line. Note that the orientation of the arrows is important! You must have exactly one arrow going into the vertex and exactly one arrow coming out.
--Phillip "Flip" Tanedo, "Let's Draw Feynman Diagrams," Cornell University/USLHC Collaboration
Since the diagram is valid, tracing the straight line with arrows from left-to-right (the convention used in this class) shows a neutron converting into a proton (as it emits a negatively-charged π meson).
Sections 30882, 30883
Exam code: quiz07bC4n
(A) : 34 students
(B) : 0 students
(C) : 1 student
(D) : 1 student
(E) : 2 students
Success level: 89%
Discrimination index (Aubrecht & Aubrecht, 1983): 0.20
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Negros History
Negros History
By Dr. Earl Jude Paul L. Cleope, Dean, College of Education
Buut and gahum in the Cebuano context connote “will” and “power”. In this sense, a closer look at the manifestations of these themes in the historical development of the island is vital in understanding its history.
“Buut og Gahum” is viewed in this essay as the “will to power”. Hence, the study attempts to identify the discourses whereby these concepts play vital roles in the historical development of Negros. The discussion tries to look into the various factors by which “buut og gahum”, as a motivating force, influenced the dynamics of power that brought changes in the island. I decided to include the events up to recent times in order to support the assumptions of how “buut og gahum” provided texts and subtexts in the events of the island. Basically the aim of this research is to provide specific historical highlights by which the manifestations of “buut og gahum” are clearly seen.
At the outset, the term “Negros” (black) already provides an eye opener into the background of how the concept of “will to power” was shaped. The coming of the Spaniards ushered in an event which, through simple labeling and sweeping generalization, gave a name to the fourth largest island in the archipelago.[i] The term “Negros” came about as a result of an expedition ordered by Legaspi in search of food and new land. The men who made up the expedition included a captured Bornean pilot and a Negro who acted as interpreter.[ii] From the diary of the chief frigate pilot, we learn that even before their arrival in the island, they already had information that the island was said to be full of black inhabitants.
However, a closer look at the texts will prove that they never saw any black man, although they were told that there were many living in the hills. This first contact between Legaspi’s men and the lowland natives was friendly and accommodating, but the succeeding contacts with the natives as the Spanish soldiers reconnoitered the island became hostile. In fact, the Bornean pilot who acted as their guide was killed while he was drinking water from a spring.[iii] Hence, the stigma of the island as being full of Negros, hostile, and wild was further strengthened with the early uprisings of the inhabitants. Clearly, the natives wanted power for their own…“buut og gahum”.
The establishment of the encomienda system[iv] created a profound impact on the inhabitants of Negros. The interplay of the “will to power” among the encomienderos as they scrambled for more territory and more tribute placed the natives in a situation which brought about changes in their concept of “buut og gahum” and which was shown by their recorded uprisings in the western and southern part of the island as early as 1630.[v]
After appointing encomienderos in the island, Miguel de Legazpi placed Negros under the jurisdiction of the Governor of Oton in Panay. Since the encomienderos of Negros resided in either Cebu or Iloilo because of the island’s relative underdevelopment, tribute from the island went either to Cebu or Arevalo in Panay, depending on the proximity. Thus, the east side gave to Cebu and the west side to Panay.[vi] The occidental side was administered from Panay and the oriental was administered from Cebu.
In 1734, Negros Island became a military district or a “Corregimiento and the town of Ilog became its first capital. The seat of government was later transferred to Himamaylan, and thereafter Bacolod became the capital in 1849. With the rapid increase of population and the influx of migrants from neighboring islands who were motivated by the growing prosperity from the planting of sugarcane, Negros was raised to the category of a politico-military province in 1856.[vii]
The widespread cultivation of sugarcane and the opening of ports in Iloilo and Cebu to international trade and commerce ushered in a period of rapid economic expansion and the growth of the population especially on the north and western sides of Negros Island. However, the eastern side remained undeveloped because of isolation and neglect by the officials of the province who were based in Bacolod. Moreover, the absence of roads and bridges and the high mountain ranges hindered communication.
Further, weak and inadequate defenses fostered numerous devastating Moro raids in the coastal communities. The stagnation, isolation, and neglect of the Oriental coast prompted thirteen priests from the different towns to petition for the division of the island in 1876.[viii]
On October 25, 1889, a royal decree established Negros Oriental as a separate political unit. In due time, Gov. Gen. Valeriano Weyler officially established Negros Oriental as a separate province, including the separation of Siquijor from Bohol to form part of the new province on January 1, 1890 with Dumaguete as its capital.[ix]
A thick description of this division however will show the underlying manifestation of ‘buut og gahum.’ A look at the map of Negros shows a somewhat strange boundary line used in the division of the island. It would have seemed logical to draw a straight line from the north to south in the center of the island to give credence to the word eastern and western divisions. An analysis of the boundaries reveals, however that using the mountain range in the center originating from Mt. Canlaon down to the south placed all the fertile flat lands in the Occidental side, and the mountainous rugged strips punctuated by narrow flat coastlines in the Oriental side of the island.
Consequently, the Oriental side became increasingly culturally affiliated with the Cebuanos and the Occidental side with the Ilongos of Panay.
With the outbreak of the Philippine Revolution, the Negrense leaders of the Occidental side joined the nationwide Katipunan Movement and overcame the Spanish garrisons in the province on the first week of November 1898.[x] Taking the cue from the Occidental side, Diego de La Viña, a cacique of Vallehermoso which is the border town of Negros Oriental and Occidental, rallied all the other leaders and their men from the different Oriental towns to liberate the province by marching southward to Dumaguete on November 17, 1892. By November 24, 1898, Negros Oriental was liberated and de La Viña’s forces entered Dumaguete.[xi]
A mixture of reasons influenced the arrival of the Americans in the Island in May 1899. Foremost was the Negrense distrust of the Malolos Government in Luzon where both provinces were represented by representatives coming from Luzon. Moreover, the devastating bombing of Iloilo by the American Navy and the pragmatic reasons of some Negrense leaders to accept the new colonizers paved the way for the creation of the Federal Republic of Negros and its proposed constitution of a Cantonal Government.[xii] Intellectually though, the Negrense leaders showed their grasp and awareness of the political currents in Europe and North America as compared to their counter parts in Luzon.
Eventually, the proposed constitution of the Federal Republic of Negros was not implemented. Instead, it was General Order No. 30[xiii] which functioned as the real constitution of Negros. In the end, after the visit of the Second Philippine Commission and after a series of consultations and conferences, both Negros Oriental and Occidental became regular provinces under the national civil government on May 1, 1901.
When the Japanese occupied the island, the inhabitants’ misery greatly increased due to the manifestation of “buut og gahum”. In the confusion of war that ensued, the problem of command jurisdiction rocked the island. More problematic was Negros Oriental, which had three military commanders and three separate overlapping organizations.[xiv] Moreover, Col. Abcede of Negros Occidental wanted all the other commanders to be under him.
It was not surprising that Major Ausejo, one of the commanders in southern Negros, did not accede to Col. Abcede’s invitation to be under his command after the latter met with Col. Peralta in Panay. In a letter to Abcede dated January 11, 1943, Ausejo laid down the reasons why he could not accept the invitation of Peralta and Abcede to join the IV Philippines Corps under the 72nd Division. He claimed that:[xv]
Geographically, the two provinces have their backs to each other and (sic) flow of communication, food, or reinforcements would be highly problematical. Administration now because of the very poor facilities of communications would be very difficult. Tactically, Negros Oriental operates with (sic) major enemy based at (sic) Cebu. It takes 3 days to contact Mindanao, and one day to contact Cebu; your mails reach us in 3 weeks and fast couriers make the trip in at least 10 or 12 days.[xvi]
The confusion and territorial disputes among the military leaders had no end. Voluminous correspondence between the contending parties attest that nobody was willing to be under any and each had a letter or memorandum to prove his point. Thus, by May of 1943 the non-combatants were confused about too many commanders in the Island. Col. Abcede was in command over all of Negros Occidental; while Maj. Ausejo had for himself all of southern Negros Oriental as far north as Tanjay. In the remaining northern towns of Oriental, it was a tussle between Col. Gador and Captain Mercado.
Similar to the problem of being split over territorial jurisdiction and military commands, the island was also divided into four sectors with each jurisdiction having its own civilian authority. Negros Occidental was not too problematic because all of the unoccupied areas recognized Alfredo Montelibano whom Col. Abcede had designated in December 1942 as Island Governor. But in Negros Oriental, the contested zones of different commands also led to the presence of different civilian leaders. The towns along the north remained loyal to Major Hermenegildo Mercado who appointed most of the mayors. Within this area was Col. Gador who appointed Alberto Furbeyre as Island Governor. The military jurisdiction of Ausejo in the Southern towns considered Henry Roy Bell as their superior Civil Affair Officer whose position had been reconfirmed by “General” Fertig in Mindanao.[xvii]
The “buut og gahum” manifested itself again after a few decades with a new twist but for the same reasons. The issue of merging the two provinces came up in the 1980s when some leaders from both sides worked for the merger of the two provinces into a one-island, one region unit. House Bill No. 1477 was filed in Congress, known as “An act merging the Province of Negros Occidental and Oriental into One-Island Region to be known as Region 6-A and For Other Purposes.” Some of the major bases for the proposal contained in the House Bill were the following:[xviii]
1. Commonality of the two provinces. The proponents argue that the two Negros provinces nestle in one common island; have common fowls and beasts in the forest; share the same soil in our plains and mountains; benefit and suffer together from the rivers that snake through our land; and that our ancestors roamed the same length and breadth without complications of political, social, economic, religious and lingual obstacles.
2. Because we are not contiguous with other provinces in the political region where we belong, we do not benefit from the share of the other provinces regional funds. Projects that have been started by both provinces would be enhanced should more funds for the projected region be allocated.
3. We will proportionately share in the employment opportunities in the event that our island becomes a region.
4. Socio-economic development will be focused on the island and there will be a balance of trade between Occidental and Oriental.
A cursory look at this development suggests that leaders from both islands were wary of their share of allotment for regional developmental projects. Moreover, they were also questioning the facts that although they are in one island, they belong to different regions whose centers are not located in their respective areas.
Nevertheless, not all favor the idea. Opposing views claim that the two provinces have different cultural heritages and speak different languages. Again, the fear of being dominated by the Occidental leaders if ever a merger will happen is still part of the Oriental Negrense’s psycho-history. Moreover, some voice out that a merger is going to be expensive and development projects will not be fairly distributed. Finally, others claim that it is easier and faster to travel to Cebu from Dumaguete than to Bacolod in the sense that it only takes almost three hours by fast ferry or via V-Hire from Lilo-an to Cebu, compared to about six hours by bus going to Bacolod.
Finally, a recent development came about with the changing of the name of the province of Negros Oriental to Oriental Negros spearheaded by then Gov. George Arnaiz. In a sense, the move was designed to really make the province stand out as another entity and not as second fiddle to the more prosperous and popular Negros Occidental. Indeed, the manifestation for “buut og gahum” moves on….!
In this paper the phrase buut og gahum is based on its literal textual Cebuano connotation of “will to power,” This is analogous to the “need for power” or the “lust for power.” Thus the historical survey highlighted the manifestations of buut og gahum in the history of the island.
Indeed, the dynamics that paved the way for the textualities of the phrase and the discourse that it manifested affirms the universal need of people to dominate. As Michel Foucault puts it: “Humanity does not gradually progress from combat to combat until it arrives at universal reciprocity, where the rule of law finally replaces warfare; humanity installs each of its violence in a system of rules and thus proceeds from domination to domination.” [xix] Hence, the endless, and repeated play of the phrase in the history of Negros.
Changes that occurred in the island in the 16th to the 17th century paved the way for succeeding events but still the concept of buut og gahum continued to be a force to be reckoned with. One disturbing note, for example, is how the capital city of the Oriental side got its name as coming from the word “dagit” or “kidnapped,” suggesting that the inhabitants of Dumaguete allowed themselves to be kidnapped without a fight, and just running to the hills. However in the context of periodization, this naming of Dumaguete could have happened during the arrival of the Spaniards. If one looks closer at the relationship between the islands and visitors prior to the arrival of the Spaniards, an opposite picture of their nature comes out. This is supported by the fact that the cordial welcome depicted in the traditional “sandurot” festival commemorating the acceptance accorded by the early inhabitants of traders and visitors is still being practiced and has its origins prior to the arrival of the Spaniards.
Henceforth, the inclusion of the island within the ambit of world economics ushered in more concepts that were influential in the molding of buut og gahum among the inhabitants. The millenarian movements that rocked the island prior to the outbreak of the Philippine Revolution manifest this.[xx]
Clearly, the “will to power” is again seen in the context of the decision of the Negros leaders to take the side of the Americans despite the existence of the Malolos Republic which they originally supported. Thus the Federal and Cantonal Republic of Negros was born…note the use of the word Cantonal and Federal which clearly were representations of the concept of buut og gahum.
Subsequently, the power structure of domination and subordination that is characterized in any given society was again evident during the Japanese occupation. In the fracas that followed, there were so many commanders giving orders and so many civilian leaders getting orders from conflicting commanders.
Since then, the manifestations of buut og gahum continue in the local politics of the Island where party squabbles, turncoatism, and the like further enrich the kaleidoscope of the political drama in the island. In recent times, the signification of the phrase is once again unleashed in the one island one region issue.
In the final analysis, the interplay and manifestation of buut og gahum created the dynamism and development of what the island is today. Clearly, culture is constituted by distinctive sets of signifying systems that involve modes of textualities in history. In the end, the concept of buut og gahum will continue to manifest itself in different ways in the discourse of the island’s history. From the simple folks to the leaders – everything is done for the acquisition of power, and history happens because of this. What is interesting is that as this process unfolds there are “unintended consequences of intended actions” as Karl Popper puts it. Nevertheless, it should also be noted that this concept of “will to power” is indeed a force in studying the psychohistory of the island. Consequently, as buut og gahum continues to manifest itself in the textualities of time … it is a challenge to empower and enlightened the way buut og gahum as well.
[i] The original name of the island was “Buglas” and in some sources “Pinglas”.
[ii] Rodriguez, Esteban, Relacion muycircunstanciada de la navegacion que hizo el Armada de S.M. a cargo del General Miguel Lopez de Legaspe desde21 nogiembre de 1564…hasta su llegada a la isla de Zebu, ed. De Manuel Valdemoro. Madrid 1947 as cited in Cuesta, Angel Martinez, History of Negros, Manila, 1980, p.27
[iii] Cuesta, p.28.
[iv] Encomienderos were in charge of the Encomiendas, which were territorries temporarilu assigned to deserving Spanish soldier primarily for the collection of tribute…There were fifteen encomienderos in 1571. See Catalogo de los Documentos Relativos a las Islas Filipinad Existente en el Archivo de Indias de Sevilla ( precidido de una Historica General de Filipinas: Pedro Torres, Tomo 2, Barcelona 1968, p. xvi.
[v] Cuesta cited this from Mateos, F. La Collection Pastells de documentos sobre America y Felipinas, in Revisita Indios, VIII (Madrid 1947) p. 7-52.
[vi] Joaquin Martinez de Zuniga, Estadismo de las Islas Filipinas ( Tomo II, Madrid: 1898) p.88. ( Unauthorized translation by Juan Mesquida)
[viii] The reason for recommending the division as well as the justification by the authority cited by Romero, 40-42 and Rodriguez, 22-31 is found in Experdientes de Negros. Bundle I, Legajo no.4 and Ereccion de Pueblo. Isla de Negros Leg.109, No. 38 of the National Archives in Manila.
[ix] Rodriguez, 23 citing Memorias de Negros Oriental, 1892, p395b.
[x] This seems to be too late as the Revolution against Spain ended in the Mock battle of Manila in August of 1898.
[xi] A vivid description of the March is found in Rodriguez, 88-95.
[xii] Initially, the Oriental leaders objected to the plan and stressed their loyalty to the Malolos Republic but the persuasive power of Gen. Araneta and the other practical reasons led the Oriental leaders to accede to the plan by sending representatives to the Congress of Deputies and the raising of the American Flag. See Romero, 134-160 and Rodriguez; 135-161.
[xiii] Gen. Order no. 30 was issued on July 22, 1899. This Order negated and disabled the powers of the Cantonal Government and stressed that an appointed American Military Governor has the absolute veto powers and would co-exist with a publicly elected Native Civil Governor and an advisory council. See Romero, 152-153 and Marion Wilcox, (ed.) Harper’s History of the war in the Philippines (New York: 1900) pp.232-233.
[xiv] These were the unified forces of Abcede and Mata, Gen, Wendel Fertig’s Mindanao Visayas Force through Col. Placedo Ausejo, and Col. Gabriel Gador’s Negros Island Force.
[xv] Victoria, Virgilio de la. A History of the Resistance Movement Against the Japanese Imperial Forces in Negros Island 1942 – 1945.” (Unpublished Thesis, University of San Carlos, Cebu City, 1971) 180. Also cited by Rodriguez, 83.
[xvi] Emphasis mine.
[xvii] Silliman, Robert, Pocket of resistance. (Manila: Cesar J. Amigo, 1980) p. 200
[xviii] From a paper entitled “One Region One Island” submitted by Don Paolo Teves based on his interview on former Vice Governor of Negros Oriental Edgar Teves as a requirement of the course History 79.
[xix] Michel Foucault. “Nietzche, Genealogy, History.” Language, Counter-Memory, Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews. Trans by. Donald F. Bouchard and Sherry Simon. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1977) 151.
[xx] Earl Jude Cleope. “The Negros Millenarian Movements.” Silliman Journal vol. 42 no. 2, (Silliman University, 2002)
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Identifying Parts of Speech - Nouns through Adjectives
Adjective Exercise
Read the passage. Determine what part of speech the bold & underlined word is.
Multiplication by Animals
A queen bee (1) lays her eggs at the (2) rate of one (3) each minute. If (4) she could keep this up for a whole year, she would lay a half a million (5) eggs.
A termite queen lays eggs (6) at the rate of one per second. That (7) means she could produce 30 million termites in a year. (8) Supposedly, a termite queen (9) can keep up this (10) colossal output (11) for over thirty (12) years.
If (13) you took all the (14) little snails produced by the Giant (15) African Snail during a three year (16) period and arranged (17) them in a (18) straight line, the first and the (19) last born would be separated by a (20) distance equaling two million trips from the Earth to the Moon.
*Taken from How's This for Size? by R. Houwink
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Saturday, May 27, 2017
Evolutionary Significance of the Breathing and Movement of Bichirs, by Haley Jenkins
Forrest Gump asks, “What’s normal anyways?” While he may not be talking about fish, his question rings through all our minds when we think of them. There is truly no such thing as a “normal” fish, especially when it comes to the beautiful Bichirs (family Polypteridae, with two genera of Bichirs underneath that category). Bichirs, however, are an especially interesting type of fish because they show many mechanisms of vertebrate evolution, including walking on land and breathing air. This paper is going to give some background on Bichirs, explain the evolution and physiology of their breathing and mechanisms of movement, and give insight to their ties to tetrapods.
Saddled Bachir (Polyuterus endlicher) Source
Bichirs are ray-finned fish in class Actinopterygii, subclass Cladista, family Polypteridae. There are 2 genera and 12 species of Bichirs within this family (Hastings 2014). Bichirs are believed to be a sister group to all other fishes that are in Actinopterygii due to the fact that they share many of the same characteristics (Hastings 2014). While they do have many similarities with the rest of their class, they also have many characteristics that are strange. They possess lungs, a spiracle valve in their intestine, two gular plates, and they have a skeleton that is mostly made of cartilage (Hastings 2014). There has been consideration to put Bichirs in their own separate group among teleosts, but this has not yet occurred (Zaccone et al. 2009). Bichirs are carnivores—their main prey of choice are fish, mollusks, and crustaceans (Hastings 2014).
Of all of the strange characteristics that Bichirs have, there are two that particularly stand out—one of these are the lungs. Lungs were present in the majority of the late Paleozoic fishes, so lung-breathing has not been as uncommon of a method of respiration as most would think (Zaccone et al. 2009). Today, there are some teleost fishes that depend on modified lungs for oxygen uptake when the oxygen conditions in their aquatic environment are poor. The reliance that these fishes have on their air-breathing modifications depends heavily on their adaptive radiation and on the evolutionary capacity the populations have to produce gas bladders (Zaccone et al. 2009). Bichirs are among these fishes. They are referred to as “dual breathers”, so gills and lungs are the two mechanisms they use to take in oxygen (Zaccone et al. 2009). When the oxygen levels in the water are too low, Bichirs resort to taking oxygen in from the air because gills cannot function well in low-oxygen environments (Zaccone et al. 2007).
Internal organs of the Bichir, Photo by Maija Karala. Source
A study was done to look at how the evolution of lungs in Bichirs is related to the evolution of lungs in tetrapods. In history, there are many similarities in the development of lungs between Bichirs and tetrapods (Tatsumi 2016). There are three genes that are very important in the early stages of lung development that were found in both Bichirs and tetrapods (Tatsumi 2016). This study also produced results that suggest that one of the genes (the lung enhancer Tbx4) was most likely already existent in the common ancestor of fishes in the classes Actinopterygii and Sarcpterygii (Tatsumi 2016). These findings further provide evidence of the evolutionary connections between tetrapods and Bichirs.
Another strange adaptation of Bichirs is their ability to walk on land. Baker conducted an experiment to see how Bichirs raised on land for eight months would walk in comparison to those who were raised in a usual aquatic environment. He found that the Bichirs that walked on land were more successful at doing so than the ones that had grown up in the water (Hutchinson 2014). They walked much faster and their fins moved much easier across the land than the water-reared group of fish (Hutchinson 2014). Baker also looked at how the skeletal structures in the two groups differed and found that the neck and shoulder bones developed differently so that they could move much more easily on land (Hutchinson 2014). There was surprisingly no difference in the way the two groups swam, which showed that there was no trade-off of traits (Hutchinson 2014). These outcomes suggest the modifications that allowed fins to become limbs 400 million years ago when some fish switched from water to land (Baker 2014). According to Baker (2014), the evolution of Bichirs’ ability to walk on land is thought to give rise to tetrapods, which range anywhere from amphibians to mammals. This experiment was done in order to look at how evolution affected those tetrapods so long ago (Baker 2014).
While Bichirs are a quite strange group of fishes, they have significantly helped to explain two very important evolutionary patterns in tetrapods. The comparison of the development of lungs between Bichirs and tetrapods, as well as how Bichirs helped to give rise to tetrapods by their ability to walk on land, has given scientists more insight on the mechanisms that tetrapods possess and how they acquired them. The studies by Baker and Tatsumi help to provide the most evidence of how these amazing fishes have helped to explain the puzzling methods of how tetrapods became.
Baker, N. 2014. How Fish Can Learn to Walk. Nature.
Hastings, P. A., Walker Jr., H.J., Galland, G. R., editors. 2014. Fishes: A Guide to Their Diversity. University of California Press, Oakland, California.
Hutchinson, John. 2014. Evolutionary developmental biology: dynasty of the plastic fish. Nature 513: 37-38.
Tatsumi et al. 2016. Molecular developmental mechanism in polypterid fish provides insight into the origin of vertebrate lungs. Scientific Reports.
Zaccone, et al. 2007. Innervation and Neurotransmitter Localization in the Lung of the Nile bichir Polypterus bichir bichir. The Anatomical Record 290: 1166-1177.
Zaccone et al. 2009. Innervation of lung and heart in the ray-finned fish, bichirs. Acta Histochemica 111, 3: 217-229.
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Miniature Worlds
Phyllis Burstein
with students at Walter Payton College Prep, Chicago
Challenge: Students use miniatures to create tiny worlds within the school environment.
Materials: digital cameras, miniatures, Optional: lights and tripods (See tips below)
• Students are asked to bring in miniatures and toys from home the day before.
• Students put into groups randomly or form groups based on miniatures brought in.
• Using the architecture and school supplies as part of the set-up, students set up tiny worlds within the school environment and take photos.
Lesson Expansion:
• Put students in groups randomly and have them try to synthesize the miniatures and toys they brought in order to make sense in the set-up.
• Challenge students to make one item for their set-up.
• Give students a prompt or title for their set-up: grades, social life, tutoring, detention etc.
Point and Shoot Cameras (cameras without manual controls):
Choose the "flower" or macro/close-up setting if the student places the camera between 2' and 3' away. More light will give students more depth of field so the photo will have better chance of being in focus. Use any light source- studio lights for drawing will work well.
Macro setting or zooming-in increases the chance of soft focus. Tripods can help .
-No tripod? Make a tripod! Paper Clip Tripod. Make a Pop Bottle Tripod Make a bean bag tripod.
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Mona Gleason
Homemaker mom, breadwinning dad who played hockey with his son on the weekends, one brother or sister, this was normal Canadian life in the fifties, right? Well, not quite, but author Mona Gleason argues that Canadian psychologists were in part responsible for this fiction of normalcy. Postwar insecurity about the stability of family life became a platform on which to elevate the role of psychologists in society. Moving outside the universities with radio shows and child-rearing manuals, these figures of authority changed the tenor of parental and familial concern from physical to mental health. Influential psychologists like Samuel Laycock and William Blatz spread their own vision of life as the healthy goal for which society should strive. Their ideal of normal reflected and helped entrench the dominant white, Anglo-Celtic, patriarchal vision of life. Those who did not fit the model due to skin colour, class, or ethnicity were marginalized or silenced, and, as Gleasons innovative feminist approach emphasizes, whether male or female, simply trying to fit within the prescribed gender roles inevitably led to alienation. This history of psychology and its effects asks new and necessary questions about the role of the social sciences in shaping the private experiences of ordinary Canadians.
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The Song Dynasty
A.D (960–1126)
There were nine emperors
Headwear of the officials.
It consisted of a black hat with two wing-like flaps. The thin flaps are stiff and straight, and could extend up to almost a meter each.
The Song Dynasty is divided into two distinct periods the Northern Song and Southern Song.
Song capital was in the northern city of Bianjing, and most of inner China.the Song lost control of northern China to the jin dynasty.
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Acacia berlandieri Benth.
Fabaceae (Legume family)
Guajillo is a nearly thornless shrub to small tree in the Legume family. The plant height varies greatly, but it can grow up to 15 feet tall.
Guajillo leaves are arranged like those of mesquite but are smaller. The sweet-scented, white to yellow flowers are clustered in dense groups. The plant produces a flattened, bean-type legume fruit that is four to six times longer than it is wide.
The forage value of guajillo is poor for livestock and wildlife except under under drought conditions. However, it may be toxic when consumed as a major part of the diet.
Guajillo grows on a variety of soil types but is most prolific on ridges and shallow soils. Found mainly in the South Texas Plains and southwest Texas, it is less common in the southern Edwards Plateau and Trans-Pecos regions. It also grows extensively in northern Mexico.
Toxic Agent
Guajillo poisons sheep, goats and possibly cattle. The leaves contain excitatory amines, principally N-methyl-β-phenethylamine and tyramine. Overconsumption may cause a condition in sheep and goats known as guajillo wobbles, which may be followed by death. The lethal dose of plant material for sheep and goats has not been determined. The toxic dosage is 15 times the animal's weight in leaves and fruit consumed over several months.
Signs of Livestock Ingestion
Signs of guajillo poisoning include: Guajillo wobbles or limber leg in sheep and goats, an uncoordinated, rubbery action, usually in the rear legs; Downed animals remain alert with normal appetite; Death.
At first, leg dysfunction appears only when animals are forced to move, but after several days the animal becomes unable to rise and may die. These signs are generally not apparent unless the animal has eaten guajillo almost exclusively for at least 9 months. Research in sheep, goats and cattle has shown that the amine compounds can cause excessive release of stress hormones. As a result, certain reproductive functions (such as normal release of reproductive hormones, estrus, ovulation and testicular development) can be suppressed. Reduced pregnancy rates have been reported in nannies.
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Why are leg bands used?
picture of plover bandingMarking birds with color bands and a U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service uniquely numbered metal band enables researchers to follow individuals from year to year, estimate their age, identify breeding partners, measure their success as parents, and determine migration routes and wintering sites. Accurate observation of band colors and their arrangement on the legs permits us to positively identify individuals without recapturing them.
How are bands applied?
Bands are placed around the tarsus of each individual; they move freely on the legs. If plastic color bands are used, one is placed above the metal band on the tarsus, and up to two color bands are placed on the other tarsus. Occasionally, a color band has two colors, and is referred to as a split band; these splits occur horizontally. Eventually most color bands fade, wear out, and fall off, leaving only a metal band. Color bands have been known to last more than ten years.
picture of plover bandingBanding of the Great Lakes population began in 1993. Adults are banded with aluminum USFWS bands and 3 color bands to uniquely identify the individual. Chicks are banded with aluminum USFWS bands and a single color band to identify the hatch site. Since initiation of banding, a concerted effort has been made to band nesting adults and their offspring. Approximately 1500 PIPLs have been banded since 1993. These banding efforts have proven invaluable for creating effective management and recovery plans for this population.
Banding enabled the following observations:
• The Great Lakes population appears to be self-sustaining and isolated from the Great Plains and Atlantic populations. Adults and offspring return to breed in successive years.
• Between 1997 and 1999, there were at least four cases of close inbreeding, including brother-sister and parent-offspring pairings; three occurred in 1999.
• PIPLs exhibit mate and site-fidelity in consecutive years. Site fidelity, but not mate fidelity, is associated with previous reproductive success.
• Great Lakes PIPLs winter across much of the southern coastal United States and possibly Cuba. They have been reported in North and South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Louisiana, and Texas. This information has been vital for identifying winter Critical Habitat as required by the Endangered Species Act.
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3D Tour Abraham Lincoln's Life Mask
Grade Range: 5-12
Resource Type(s): Primary Sources, Interactives & Media
Date Posted: 11/18/2013
In this tour, take a close look at a life mask made of Abraham Lincoln in 1865 and gain insight into his life during the Civil War. Pair this tour with a 3D tour of a life mask made in 1860 to consider the impact of the war on Lincoln. Life masks were very popular in the nineteenth century because they created a near-duplicate of the sitter’s features. Throughout the Civil War, Lincoln was also very careful to make himself "visible" to the American people. This was evidence of his dedication, and there was no better evidence of his work than the lines on his face. Lincoln was well aware of how the war had aged and tired him.
Instructional Strategies
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"url": "https://historyexplorer.si.edu/resource/3d-tour-abraham-lincolns-life-mask"
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Create your own at Storyboard That TitleParaphraseConnotationAttitudeShiftThemeThis poem's title: Eldorado symbolizes a utopiaor a paradise. The story is about the long and perilous journey in search of the unattainable paradise: Eldorado. A gallant knight begins his search for "Eldorado," but he starts growing old, still not having found this rich utopia. He starts losing not only hope but his life. nearing death, he finds this unearthly shadow who tells him that such a paradise may only exist after death. While in search for Eldorado, this knight's story starts off hopeful and joyous, but then soon starts losing hope and becoming weary and dreadful. this is expressed through terms such as gallant, sunshine, singing, then old, weary, weak, and failed. Edgar Allan Poe demonstrated the attitude of the story through his extraordinary word choice. words such as gallant, sunshine, journey, and singing demonstrate the hopeful tone. words such a failed, death, fell, shadow, old, dreary demonstrate his loss of hope. The shift in the tone of the story occurs throughout two scenes: when he realizes he hasn't yet found his paradise and knows its too late, and when he met the pilgrim shadow who told him that his dream is foolish and unachievable.Such a paradise like Eldorado may only exist in/after death, because the best things in life are, in fact, not things. ELDORADO! failed, death, shadow, old, dreary gallant, sunshine, journey, singing
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A sedimentary rock made from sand and gravel, containing a mixture of minerals such as quartz and feldspar grains, along with mud or clay. The reddish-brown iron minerals that cement arkose rock in Connecticut have led to its commercial name of "brownstone."
Abundant footprint species, with 3-toed hind feet and smaller 4-toed forefeet, made by a 4-footed ornithischian dinosaur about 6 feet long.
The most abundant volcanic rock, typically occurring as dark-gray lava (surface) flows and as dolerite in (sub-surface) dikes and sills. The fine-grained texture and hard brittle nature make basalt valuable for construction fill, and it is widely quarried in Connecticut under its commercial name of "traprock."
A large valley or low region developed by subsidence, where sediments have collected.
Bronson Hills A terrane extending north-south along the eastern side of the Connecticut Valley, thought to be formed by the collision of an ocean volcanic arc sometime in the early Paleozoic
Acronym of the Central Atlantic magmatic province, a great region of basaltic volcanism that occurred about 200 million years ago along a zone where central Pangaea would rift to form the new ocean.
The Era between 65 million years ago and today, named from the Greek words for "Recent Life." Especially distinguished by mammals.
A small bipedal carnivorous dinosaur from the Late Triassic of North America, which may be responsible for some of the tracks called Grallator. Bones of Coelophysis are rare in Connecticut but locally abundant in the western USA.
A sedimentary rock made from large and small rounded stones, mixed together in all sizes. Often characteristic of high-energy water bodies such as mountain streams, riverbeds, and shorelines.
The Period between 145 and 65 million years ago, named for the Latin word for chalk, of the cliffs on the English Channel. Cretaceous rocks are no longer present in Connecticut, but they exist in Long Island Sound as well as farther south and east
A cross-cutting Earth fracture intruded by magma (often basalt), which has cooled in place. Dikes are usually a few feet to tens of feet thick, and examples in Connecticut include the Bridgeport Dike, Buttress dike, Fairhaven dike, and Higganum dike, from west to east. Large dikes such as these examples probably fed fissure volcanoes with massive lava flows.
An Early Jurassic theropod dinosaur that stood about 8 to 10 feet high and had two distinctive crests on its head. This animal might have made Eubrontes footprints.
A dark gray, fine to medium grained igneous rock that cooled within the Earth in dikes and sills (intrusive). Dolerite closely resembles basalt, which is essentially the same magma that passes upward through dike and sill fractures before cooling in volcanic (extrusive) lavas
Common large "footprint species" made by a 3-toed bipedal theropod up to 18 feet long, similar to (possibly the same as) the famous head-crested Dilophosaurus. This track is the Connecticut state fossil.
Fissure eruption
A type of volcano in which the lava pours from a long (some a hundred miles or more) Earth fracture rather than from eruption single place or mountain. A lava curtain at the fissure may shoot several hundred feet into the air, as seen in smaller fissure eruptions in modern Iceland or Hawaii.
The physical evidence for ancient (prehistoric) life, which may be actual remains such as bones, or forms preserved by minerals and sediments, such as footprints or worm borrows.
Footprint species made by a small bipedal theropod in Early Jurassic time, which was a nimble hunting dinosaur about 4 to 5 feet long. Possibly they are tracks of Coelophysis, but several species could fit.
A structure in lava where gases from below a lava flow have broken upward to the surface, often causing a mound of new material on the surface and a zone of broken rock and new minerals along the fracture pathways.
Large marine reptiles that looked much like modern dolphins.
The Period between 201 and 146 million years ago, named for the Jura Mountains in Europe. The Early Jurassic is represented in Connecticut by rocks and fossils.
The rock that as a liquid magma was emitted onto the surface by a volcano, and which may flow for long distances if hot and fluid enough. After cooling and solidifying, thick strata of lava may be preserved if covered by later materials; otherwise if exposed at higher surface elevations, lava generally is quickly eroded in humid climates. Most lava in Connecticut is basalt (also see traprock).
The geological Era between 250 and 65 million years ago, named with the Greek words for "Middle Life." Especially distinguished as the Age of Dinosaurs. Connecticut has rocks and fossils from the middle part of the Mesozoic Era, or roughly between 230 to 180 million years ago.
"Bird hip" suborder of the Dinosaurs, which in mid-Triassic time formed along with the Saurischia suborder. Later developments of Ornithischia include the Ornithopods,
Ceratopsids, Stegosaur, and Anklyosaur families. All were herbivores. Despite the name, birds are not descended from ornithischians.
The Era between 545 and 250 million years ago, named from the Greek words for "Early Life." Paleozoic fossils are dominated by marine invertebrates. Pangaea was assembled during the Paleozoic Era.
The super-continent (from the Greek for "all one Earth") that existed during the early part of the Mesozoic Era. The region that became Connecticut was in the central part of Pangaea, at a tropical latitude. Also spelled Pangea.
A common group of four-footed Triassic aquatic reptiles, including the ancestors of crocodiles. All except the crocodiles died out in the end-Triassic extinction.
Plesiosaurs Large
long-necked, four-finned marine reptiles, similar to depictions of the mythical Loch Ness Monster.
A group of flying reptiles that were contemporaries of dinosaurs, ranging in size from modern birds to soaring animals with 40-foot wingspans. The big-headed pterosaur depicted at Dinosaur State Park is called Dimorphodon
Measurement system using radioactive isotopes, important for age determinations of rocks and fossils.
"Lizard-hip" suborder of dinosaurs, which divided into theropods and sauropods in the Late Triassic and became much more important during the Jurassic Period.
Large long-necked four-legged plant eaters, including the largest of all land animals, with examples that were best developed (and more famous) from Late Jurassic time
Sub-surface igneous intrusion of a conformable, usually near-horizontal or low-angle Earth fracture that has been filled by magma (often basalt). Sills may be hundreds of feet thick, and in Connecticut they include Sleeping Giant, West Rock, and East Rock.
The group name of lizards and snakes, which had its earliest members in Late Triassic time.
Layers within the upper section of the Earth, usually made from sediments, and where present, lava flows and ashes. Stratigraphic names may be assigned to major continuous layers, and the subject in general is called stratigraphy.
The plate tectonic process in which sections of the Earth’s ocean crust are pushed downward into the mantle, which occurs along zones of plate collisions or convergence.
Tethys Ocean
A section of the ancient ocean or sea along the eastern side of Pangaea, about where the Mediterranean Sea and Indian Ocean are today.
A group of primitive reptiles, which were Triassic precursors to dinosaurs
Theropoda Saurischian
dinosaurs that were bipedal, agile, and carnivorous, including Dilophosaurus and later animals such as Allosaurus. Members of this group are believed to be the ancestors of birds, which had appeared by the Late Jurassic.
A section of the Earth’s crust with a geologic history distinct from neighboring terranes. Continents are assembled from terranes that have collided due to plate tectonic motions.
The Period between 250 and 201 million years ago, named for a 3-fold rock division in Germany. Dinosaurs were developed during the second half of the Triassic as a minor family, which became much more prominent during the Jurassic and Cretaceous Periods
The commercial name for basalt is trap, derived from a Swedish word for stairs or steps. The name is related to the step-like form of the eroded surface of some columnar basalt.
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Wisdom of King Solomon - QS Study
QS Study
Wisdom of King Solomon
There was a king named Solomon. He was a very wise king, everybody knew about his wisdom. So, many people asked him different questions. He answered their entire question perfectly. So King Solomon was called “Solomon, the wise”. Once Queen of Sheba, hearing the name and fame of Solomon, decided to test his wisdom. The Queen went to Solomon’s court. She took with her two garlands- one of real roses and the other of artificial roses. But both of the garlands looked quite alike. The Queen placed them on the table and said, “Oh wise king, please look at the garlands. Tell me, which one is of real roses.”
Solomon thought for some time. It was very difficult to identify the real rose. Just then he saw some bees humming outside the window. The King seemed to be unable to identify and just when the Queen thought she had defeated the King. King Solomon told his men to open the window. Then the bees came in and sat on the garland of real flowers. The king then pointed to that garland. The Queen of Sheba was greatly charmed at his wisdom. She was surprised and she went admiring the king’s wisdom. She said, “May God grant you long life. You are really Solomon the Wise”.
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County Cork
The county is colloquially referred to as “The Rebel County”. This name has 15th Century origins, however from the 20th century the name has been more commonly attributed to the prominent role Cork played in the Irish War of Independence (1919–1921) when it was the scene of considerable fighting; in addition, it was an anti-treaty stronghold during the Irish Civil War (1922–23). Much of what is now county Cork was once part of the Kingdom of Deas Mumhan (South Munster), anglicised as “Desmond”, ruled by the MacCarthy Mór dynasty. After the Norman Invasion in the 12th century, the McCarthy clan were pushed westward into what is now West Cork and County Kerry. Dunlough Castle, standing just north of Mizen Head, is one of the oldest castles in Ireland (A.D. 1207). The north and east of Cork were taken by the Hiberno-Norman FitzGerald dynasty, who became the Earls of Desmond. Cork City was given an English Royal Charter in 1318 and for many centuries was an outpost for Old English culture. The Fitzgerald Desmond dynasty was destroyed in the Desmond Rebellions of 1569–1573 and 1579–83. Much of county Cork was devastated in the fighting, particularly in the Second Desmond Rebellion. In the aftermath, much of Cork was colonised by English settlers in the Plantation of Munster.
In 1491 Cork played a part in the English Wars of the Roses when Perkin Warbeck, a pretender to the English throne, landed in the city and tried to recruit support for a plot to overthrow Henry VII of England. The mayor of Cork and several important citizens went with Warbeck to England but when the rebellion collapsed they were all captured and executed. Cork’s nickname of the ‘rebel city’ originates in these events.
Michael Collins
County Kerry
Kerry (Irish: Ciarraí or more anciently Ciarraighe) means the “people of Ciar” which was the name of the pre-Gaelic tribe who lived in part of the present county. The legendary founder of the tribe was Ciar, son of Fergus mac Róich. In Old Irish “Ciar” meant black or dark brown, and the word continues in use in modern Irish as an adjective describing a dark complexion. The suffix raighe, meaning people/tribe, is found in various -ry place names in Ireland, such as Osry – Osraighe Deer-People/Tribe. The county’s nickname is the Kingdom.
Lordship of Ireland
On August 27, 1329, by Letters Patent, Maurice FitzGerald, 1st Earl of Desmond was confirmed in the feudal seniority of the entire county palatine of Kerry, to him and his heirs male, to hold of the Crown by the service of one knight’s fee. In the 15th century, the majority of the area now known as County Kerry was still part of the County Desmond, the west Munster seat of the Earl of Desmond, a branch of the Hiberno-Norman FitzGerald dynasty, known as the Geraldines.
Kingdom of Ireland
In 1580, during the Second Desmond Rebellion, one of the most infamous massacres of the Sixteenth century, the Siege of Smerwick, took place at Dún an Óir near Ard na Caithne (Smerwick) at the tip of the Dingle Peninsula. The 600-strong Italian, Spanish and Irish papal invasion force of James Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald was besieged by the English forces and massacred.
During the Nine Years War, Kerry was again the scene of conflict, as the O’Sullivan Beare clan joined the rebellion. In 1602, their castle at Dunboy was besieged and taken by English troops. Donal O’Sullivan Beare, in an effort to escape English retribution and to reach his allies in Ulster, marched all the clan’s members and dependents to the north of Ireland. Due to harassment by hostile forces and the freezing weather, very few of the 1,000 O’Sullivans who set out reached their destination.
In the aftermath of the War, much of the native owned land in Kerry was confiscated and given to English settlers or ‘planters’. The head of the MacCarthy Mor family, Florence MacCarthy was imprisoned in London and his lands were divided between his relatives and colonists from England, such as the Browne family.
In the 1640s, Kerry was engulfed by the Irish Rebellion of 1641, an attempt by Irish Catholics to take power in the Protestant Kingdom of Ireland. The rebellion in Kerry was led by Donagh McCarthy, 1st Viscount Muskerry. McCarthy held the county during the subsequent Irish Confederate Wars and his forces were some of the last to surrender to the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland in 1652. The last stronghold to fall was Ross Castle, near Killarney.
County Limerick
It is thought that humans had established themselves in the Lough Gur area of the county as early as 3000 BC, while megalithic remains found at Duntryleague date back further to 3500 BC. The arrival of the Celts around 400 BC brought about the division of the county into petty kingdoms or túatha.
From the 4th to the 12th century, the ancient kingdom of the Uí Fidgenti was approximately co-extensive with what is now County Limerick, with some of the easternmost part the domain of the Eóganacht Áine. Having finally lost an over two-century-long conflict with the neighboring O’Briens of Dál gCais, most of the rulers fled for County Kerry and soon after that County Cork. Their lands were almost immediately occupied by the FitzGeralds and other Norman families, who permanently prevented their return. The ancestors of both Michael Collins and the famous O’Connells of Derrynane were among these princes of the Uí Fidgenti. The Norse-Irish O’Donovans, descendants of the notorious Donnubán mac Cathail, were the leading family at the time and were responsible for the conflict.
The precise ethnic affiliation of the Uí Fidgenti is lost to history and all that is known for sure is that they were cousins of the equally shadowy Uí Liatháin of early British fame. Officially both are said to be related to the Eóganachta but a variety of evidence suggests associations with the Dáirine and Corcu Loígde, and thus distantly the infamous Ulaid of ancient Ulster. In any case, it is supposed the Uí Fidgenti still make a substantial contribution to the population of the central and western regions of County Limerick. Their capital was Dún Eochair, the great earthworks of which still remain and can be found close to the modern town of Bruree, on the River Maigue. Catherine Coll, the mother of Éamon de Valera, was a native of Bruree and this is where he was taken by her brother to be raised.
Christianity came to Limerick in the 5th Century, and resulted in the establishment of important monasteries in Limerick, at Ardpatrick, Mungret and Kileedy. From this golden age in Ireland of learning and art (5th – 9th Centuries) comes one of Ireland’s greatest artefacts, The Ardagh Chalice, a masterpiece of metalwork, which was found in a west Limerick fort in 1868.
The arrival of the Vikings in the 9th century brought about the establishment of the city on an island on the River Shannon in 922. The death of Domnall Mór Ua Briain, King of Munster in 1194 resulted in the invading Normans taking control of Limerick, and in 1210, the County of Limerick was formally established. Over time, the Normans became “more Irish than the Irish themselves” as the saying goes. The Tudors in England wanted to curb the power of these Gaelicised Norman Rulers and centralise all power in their hands, so they established colonies of English in the county. This caused the leading Limerick Normans, The Geraldines, to revolt against English Rule in 1569. This sparked a savage war in Munster known as the Desmond Rebellions, during which the province was laid to waste, and the confiscation of the vast estates of the Geraldines.
The county was to be further ravaged by war over the next century. After the Irish Rebellion of 1641, Limerick city was taken in a siege by Catholic general Garret Barry in 1642. The county was not fought over for most of the Irish Confederate Wars, of 1641-53, being safely behind the front lines of the Catholic Confederate Ireland. However it became a battleground during the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland in 1649-53. The invasion of the forces of Oliver Cromwell in the 1650s included a twelve month siege of the city by Cromwell’s New Model Army led by Henry Ireton. The city finally surrendered in October 1651. One of Cromwell’s generals, Hardress Waller was granted lands at Castletown near Kilcornan in County Limerick. During the Williamite War in Ireland (1689–1691) the city was to endure two further sieges, one in 1690 and another in 1691. It was during the 1690 siege that the infamous destruction of the Williamite guns at Ballyneety, near Pallasgreen was carried out by General Patrick Sarsfield. The Catholic Irish, comprising the vast majority of the population, had eagerly supported the Jacobite cause, however, the second siege of Limerick resulted in a defeat to the Williamites. Sarsfield managed to force the Williamites to sign the Treaty of Limerick, the terms of which were satisfactory to the Irish. However the Treaty was subsequently dishonoured by the English and the city became known as the City of the Broken Treaty.
The 18th and 19th centuries saw a long period of persecution against the Catholic majority, many of who lived in poverty. In spite of this oppression, however, the famous Maigue Poets strove to keep alive their ancient Gaelic Poetry in towns like Croom and Bruree. The Great Famine of the 1840s set in motion mass emigration and a huge decline in Irish as a spoken language in the county. This began to change around the beginning of the 20th century, as changes in law from the British Government enabled the farmers of the county to purchase lands they had previously only held as tenants, paying high rent to absentee landlords.
Limerick saw much fighting during the War of Independence of 1919 to 1921 particularly in the east of the county. The subsequent Irish Civil War saw bitter fighting between the newly established Irish Free State soldiers and IRA “Irregulars”, especially in the city (See Irish Free State offensive).
County Dublin
The name Dublin comes from the Irish name Dubhlinn or Duibhlinn, meaning “black pool”. This is made up of the elements dubh (black) and linn (pool). In most Irish dialects, dubh is pronounced. The original pronunciation is preserved in the names for the city in other languages such as Old English Difelin, Old Norse Dyflin, modern Icelandic Dyflinn and modern Manx Divlyn. Duibhlinn is the name of a few other places in Ireland, whose names have been anglicized as Devlin, Divlin and Difflin. Historically, in the Gaelic script, bh was written with a dot over the b, rendering Duḃlinn or Duiḃlinn. Those without knowledge of Irish omitted the dot, spelling the name as Dublin.
Dublin was established as a Viking settlement in the 9th century and, despite a number of rebellions by the native Irish, it remained largely under Viking control until the Norman invasion of Ireland was launched from Wales in 1169. The King of Leinster, Diarmait Mac Murchada, enlisted the help of Strongbow, the Earl of Pembroke, to conquer Dublin. Following Mac Murrough’s death, Strongbow declared himself King of Leinster after gaining control of the city. In response to Strongbow’s successful invasion, King Henry II of England reaffirmed his sovereignty by mounting a larger invasion in 1171 and pronouncing himself Lord of Ireland. Around this time, the county of the City of Dublin was establshed along with certain liberties adjacent to the city proper. This continued down to 1840 when the Barony of Dublin City was separated from the Barony of Dublin. Since 2001, both baronies have been redesignated the City of Dublin.
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comeback can reaction
Created date
Wednesday, October 5, 2016 - 10:12am
Discrepant Events: The Comeback Can
In honour of Science World's Fall Resources Month, we are sharing our new discrepant events video resources. A discrepant event is a result or a reaction that is unexpected. When students observe a discrepant event, they must ask themselves, why? Why didn't the observed materials behave in the usual way? What might be going on behind the scenes? How can we recreate the event and what are the forces at work?
A discrepant event is a fantastic way to pique curiousity and inspire inquiry. Why not try the Comeback Can? This demonstration caught our science campers by surprise and inspired some incredible questions and theories.
What did your class think?
Throughout Fall Resources Month, we are celebrating with a friendly competition. If you would like to be entered to win a field trip to your local science centre, simply register and share your favourite Science World resource. You can find hundreds of free resources in our Teacher Resources section.
Happy sciencing!
Add comment
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Friday, July 27, 2012
Japanese codebreakers of WWII
Imperial Japan entered WWII with three separate codebreaking agencies under the control of the Army, Navy and Foreign Ministry. Due to the hostility that existed between the Army and the Navy these departments did not cooperate but instead often attacked the same problems independently. Both however furnished material to the much smaller department of the Foreign Ministry.
Details of their successes against enemy codes have been hard to find because after Japan’s surrender, in September 1945, they had time to destroy their records and disperse their personnel. Still the few remaining documents in Japan combined with decoded Japanese messages found in the British archives can provide a basis for assessing their operations during the war.
Japanese Army agency
The beginnings of a centralized army cryptologic service date back to 1921 when a study group comprised of Army, Foreign Ministry and Ministry of communications cipher specialists was formed to work towards the solution of US and British codes. In 1922 the Japanese were involved in negotiations with the Soviet Union regarding their forces in Siberia. At that time the crypto service was successful in solving the code of the Soviet delegation. This success proved the importance of codebreaking and more resources were assigned to that department.
Foreign assistance was obtained from the Polish cryptologic service which had an excellent record versus Soviet codes. Captain Kowalewski of the Polish army was invited to Tokyo in 1923 and a small group of Japanese officers were sent to Poland to study. It was this group that formed the basis of the Army’s codebreaking department. By 1936 this department (which often changed designation) had 135 people.
The main effort of the army agency was against Soviet and Chinese codes. This made sense as army units were fighting against the Chinese army and there were a series of border engagements with the Soviet armed forces in Manchuria. Chinese Kuomintang military and diplomatic codes were solved and they gave the Japanese valuable intelligence on upcoming operations and diplomatic initiatives. For example the movement of 54 Chinese divisions in 1940 was detected and followed by solving the Chinese army’s 4-figure code Mi-ma. At the same time the solution of Soviet military and NKVD border unit codes allowed the Japanese to keep a close eye on Soviet dispositions, training and supply in the East. Codebreaking gave them an advantage prior to the Battle of Lake Khasan. From 1943 onwards the Japanese could solve the Soviet diplomatic code used by the embassies/consulates in Seoul, Dairen, and Hakodate for communications with Moscow and Vladivostok. In Harbin, China a spy inside the Soviet embassy gave them copies of intelligence reports coming in from the Soviet embassy in Australia.
The Japanese were helped in their efforts through black bag operations. In the late 1930’s the US diplomatic codes Brown and M-138-A strip were copied by a unit of the Military police. British diplomatic systems Cypher M, Interdepartmental and R code were also physically compromised. These systems allowed the Japanese to read the communications of the US and British ambassadors in the period 1940-41. The Interdepartmental Cypher provided valuable intelligence on the state of British defenses in Malaya.
During WWII Army codebreakers were forced to devote resources to the codes of the United States. Apart from low level codes the M-209 cipher machine was successfully analyzed and decoded in late 1944. Bombing missions of the B-29’s were betrayed through their use of the M-209.
In 1944 a major effort was made to improve performance by recruiting university students from mathematics and foreign language departments. Also in the same period IBM punch card equipment was used for cryptanalysis. These efforts came too late to have an impact on the war situation but they show that the Japanese leadership understood the value of secret intelligence.
Japanese Navy agency
The Japanese Navy’s signal intelligence agency was older than the army’s and its beginnings dated back to the Russo-Japanese war of 1905. A centralized codebreaking department was formed in 1929 to attack US and British communications.
The Navy’s efforts were directed mainly against the United States. The naval codebreakers were able to decode the US diplomatic codes Gray and Brown but unlike their Army counterparts they could not solve the high level M-138-A. Against British diplomatic codes they had very limited success. By reading the Anglo-American diplomatic codes they could see the rising tension in the relations between Japan and the US in the 1930’s.
In order to keep an eye on US fleet movements several monitoring stations were operated prior and during the war. An interesting case was the undercover L agency. In 1938 a small unit called the ‘L Agency’ (L-Kikan) was established in Mexico to monitor US Fleet traffic in the Atlantic and also the commercial RCA radio from New York City.
During the Pacific war most US military codes proved secure. There was only limited success with the US Navy’s CSP-642 strip cipher. However the codes used by merchant ships had been received from the Germans and their enciphering tables were solved in Japan.
The Japanese were able to track the movement and concentrations of merchant ships and thus anticipate major allied operations by reading the Merchant Navy Codes. They also came to rely more and more on D/F and traffic analysis for tracking enemy fleet movements.
Against Soviet systems they were able to solve the codes used by Soviet Merchant Navy ships in Kamchatka and Vladivostok.
In general the performance of the Naval codebreakers versus enemy codes was not as successful as that of their Army counterparts.
Foreign Ministry’s decryption department
Information on the decryption department of the Japanese Foreign Ministry is limited since their archives were destroyed twice during the war. First in a bombing on 25 May 1945 and then in August 1945, when they were ordered by their superiors to burn all secret documents.
According to the recently declassified TICOM report DF-169 ‘Cryptanalytic section Japanese Foreign Office’ this department was established in 1923 and by the end of WWII had approximately 14 officials and 16 clerks. The radio intercept unit supplying it with messages had a station in Tokyo equipped with 10 receivers and 19 operators. They usually intercepted 40-60 messages per day with 100 being the maximum.
The emphasis was on the solution of the codes of the United States, Britain, China and France but some German, Turkish, Spanish, Italian, Swiss, Thailand and Portuguese codes were also read. Despite their limited resources it seems that the Foreign Ministry’s codebreakers were able to achieve their goals mainly thanks to compromised material that they received from their Army and Navy counterparts.
Japanese radio security services
The identification of agents’ radio transmissions and their location through direction finding was the job of specialized radio security units. In Japan there were two agencies that carried out this mission. One was the Science group of the War Ministry’s Investigation department - Otsu-han. The other was a similar department of the military police Kenpei-Tai.
There were also radio security units with the Japanese armies in China. The military police of the Kwantung Army had a D/F group called ‘Unit 86’. The military police of the Expeditionary Army to China had a similar group named ‘6th Section’. This group was able to locate Soviet radio spies in Shanghai during the war.
Cooperation with foreign powers
An important aspect of the Japanese approach to intelligence was their effort to cooperate with other countries. They were able to gain allies in two ways. One was by offering stolen enemy codes. The other was by spending lots of money.
During WWII the Japanese had huge sums of money available for intelligence operations. German intelligence officers commended on the ease with which their Japanese counterparts could acquire and spend large funds. At the same time copied US and British codes were shared with their German Allies in exchange for other cryptosystems.
Cooperation with the Germans
The Japanese had received valuable material from the Germans in November 1940 when a party from the German auxiliary cruiser Atlantis boarded the British SS Automedon and captured top secret documents. Among them was a copy of the British War Cabinet minutes of August 1940. These files gave a summary of the British Far Eastern strategy and admitted that Thailand and Hong Kong were indefensible. They also indicated that Britain would not go to war with Japan over the fate of French Indochina. These documents were given to the Japanese and allowed them to correctly assess the weakness of the British in the Far East. The captain of Atlantis, Bernhard Rogge, was given a samurai sword for this success!
A Japanese mission headed by Colonel Tahei Hayashi, former head of the Army’s cryptologic agency visited Germany in 1941 and exchanged US and British codes with systems solved by the Germans. This promising start did not lead to closer cooperation as communications between Japan and Germany were problematic. Moreover the Germans did not trust the Japanese with their most recent codebreaking successes. Things changed in summer ’44, when under Hitler’s orders several high level systems (including the latest strips for the M-138-A cipher) were given to the Japanese.
According to Wilhelm Fenner, head of the cryptanalysis department of OKW/Chi, about 200 decoded messages were passed on to the Japanese in 1944-45. For example:
Cooperation with the Finnish cryptologic service
Major Eiichi Hirose was sent to Finland to exchange results with their codebreakers. Also General Makoto Onodera who was military attaché in Stockholm financed the Finnish crypto service in exchange for copies of their work. The Finnish codebreakers were successful in solving several Soviet and US State department codes (especially the M-138-A strip cipher). These were passed on to the Japanese. For example:
In September 1944 Finland signed an armistice with the Soviet Union. Paassonen and Hallamaa anticipated this move and fearing a Soviet take-over of the country had taken measures to relocate the radio service to Sweden. This operation was called Stella Polaris (Polar Star). Roughly 700 people, comprising members of the intelligence services and their families were transported by ship to Sweden. The Finns had come to an agreement with the Swedish intelligence service that their people would be allowed to stay and in return the Swedes would get the Finnish crypto archives and their radio equipment. Their archives were also sold to the Japanese military attaché Makoto Onodera.
Cooperation with the Hungarians
Lieutenant Colonel Shinta Sakurai was sent to Hungary to cooperate with that country’s crypto service.
Use of Polish codebreakers
Cooperation between Japan and Poland in the cryptologic field dated back to the 1920’s. After the fall of Poland some Polish exiles were employed by the Japanese at the attaché office in Rumania, where they worked on Soviet codes.
Overview of major codebreaking successes
Soviet codes
Several military and NKVD border guard figure codes were read (OKK, OK40, PK1), thanks in part to Finnish and German help. These were used to monitor the movements and readiness of Soviet units in the Far East.
Messages from Soviet Merchant Navy ships in the coastal areas of Kamchatka and Vladivostok were read by the Japanese.
The Soviet diplomatic code used in the East by consulates/embassies in Seoul, Dairen, and Hakodate for their communications with Moscow and Vladivostok was read by the Japanese from 1943 onwards. This was not the standard Soviet diplomatic system of codebook plus one time pads but a simpler system
Intelligence reports from Australia were copied by a Japanese spy working in the Soviet embassy in Harbin, China. These messages came from Soviet agents in the Australian government and contained information on Allied political and military plans.
USA codes
The M-209 cipher machine was the US version of the Hagelin C-38 and it was used widely by the US armed forces as a mid-level cryptosystem. The Army used it at division level and the USAAF used it for operational and administrative traffic. The Japanese codebreakers investigated this traffic in 1944, identified the use of a Hagelin type device and were able to solve messages in ‘depth’ (enciphered with the rotors at the same starting position). US Army messages were read, especially during the Philippines campaign of 1944-45. The mathematician Setsuo Fukutomi who worked in the cryptology department wrote: ‘These M209 encoding-machines were in general use at the front divisions of the American armed forces. The General Staff of the Japanese Army had bought a prototype of this machine in Sweden before the war. The military engineer Yamamoto mentioned above guessed that “M209” was an adaptation of this Swedish prototype. He could even determine the details of the modifications of the prototype that had produced M209. At that time, I was serving as a soldier working at the General Staff. I noticed that the keys of the codes of the M209 were so-called “double keys”, and I succeeded in breaking these double-keys. After that, a team including a number of drafted officers including myself were sent to the Philippines. We managed to obtain some good decoding results, but the way the Americans made the daily change of coding keys was such that we were unable to break their codes every day, which strongly restricted the benefits we earned from our work’.
USAAF messages referring to operations of the B-29 bombers were also decoded by the Japanese.
The Merchant Navy Code and the Merchant Ships Code were received from the Germans and the enciphering tables broken in Japan. These were used from 1940 till the end of the war. By reading these codes the Japanese were able to identify the concentration of shipping in specific areas and deduce that major Allied operations would follow.
State Department codes Gray, Brown, A1 and the M-138-A strip cipher were read by the Japanese with varying degrees of success. All these systems had been physically compromised. Through these systems the messages of the US ambassador in Japan Joseph Grew, as well as other embassies abroad, could be solved.
Success with the high level M-138-A in 1943-44 depended on help from the Finns and the Germans.
British codes
The diplomatic systems Cypher M, Interdepartmental cypher and R code were physically compromised. The British Interdepartmental cypher provided intelligence for the Malaya campaign. Through these systems the messages of the British ambassador to Japan Robert Craigie could be read in the years 1940-41. This was stated by General Hideki Tojo (Prime Minister during the period 1941-44).
British diplomatic messages can be found in the archives of the Japanese Foreign Ministry in the file ‘U.S.-Japan Relations, Miscellaneous Diplomatic Correspondence-Special Information File’:
Chinese codes
Chinese Kuomintang military and diplomatic codes were read throughout the war, since the majority was used without additional encipherment.
The code of the Chinese Communist party was much harder to solve but it was read at times and provided advance knowledge for a number of communist offensives.
Japanese Intelligence in World War II by Ken Kotani, ‘Combined Fleet Decoded’, HW 40/29 ‘Exploitation of Russian Civil communications by Axis Powers’, HW 40/75 ‘Enemy exploitation of Foreign Office codes and cyphers: miscellaneous reports and correspondence’, HW 40/85 ‘Exploitation of British Inter-Departmental cypher’, DF-187D ‘Relations of OKW/Chi with foreign cryptologic bureaus’, DF-187FRemarks made by Ministerialrat Fenner in reply to certain questions of a general nature’, DF-169 ‘Cryptanalytic section Japanese Foreign Office’, ‘Hitler's Last Chief of Foreign Intelligence. Allied Interrogations of Walter Schellenberg’, HW 40/7 ‘German Naval Intelligence successes against Allied cyphers, prefixed by a general survey of German Sigint’, HW 40/132 ‘Decrypts relating to enemy exploitation of US State Department cyphers, with related correspondence’, HW 40/221 ‘Poland: reports and correspondence relating to the security of Polish communications’, ‘The Codebreakers – The Story of Secret Writing’, ‘Mathematics and War in Japan’, National Institute for Defense Studies articles: ‘Japanese intelligence and the Soviet-Japanese border conflicts in the 1930s’, ‘Japanese Intelligence and Counterinsurgency during the Sino-Japanese War: North China inthe 1940s’, ‘Onodera interrogation vol2-22 - CIA FOIA’, Naval history magazine article: ‘How the Japanese did it’, US Navy report: ‘Japanese Radio Communications and Radio Intelligence’, Diplomatic records Office, Tokyo, ‘U.S.-Japan Relations, Miscellaneous Diplomatic Correspondence-Special Information File’ (A-1-3-1, 1-3-2) via JACAR (file link), The Japanese Version of the Black Chamber: (the Story of the Naval Secret Chamber) by Toshiyuki Yokoi
Acknowledgments: I have to thank mr Ken Kotani for answering my questions on WWII Japanese cryptologic history and the staff of the Japan Center for Asian Historical Records for the links to the files in ‘U.S.-Japan Relations, Miscellaneous Diplomatic Correspondence-Special Information File
1. Dear sir,
Your Blog is absolutely fantastic!
Do you any information credible confirmation and reference of the soviet documents intercepted by the Japanese in Harbin related to their plans of a war in Europe (Germany vs Britain and France and in Asia (japan vs US).
This comes from : ynamics of International Relations, by Ernst B. Haas (U. of California [Berkeley]) and Allen S. Whiting (Michigan State U.), ©1956 the McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., New York.
and a note: These telegrams were intercepted by the Imperial Japanese Government's consul general in Harbin. Japanese copies were examined by A.S. Whiting and accepted as authentic
Thank you for your help.
1. Thanks, most of the information presented here is not available anywhere else.
About the Harbin messages, the Soviet diplomatic code in the East was not the unbreakable one time pad but a simpler system. Files from HW 40/29 mention messages from Harbin being decoded by the Japanese in 1944. The file that i‘ve uploaded here says that the ‘break’ into the diplomatic system of Seoul and Dairen was first achieved in 1943. So from my sources I can’t confirm or disprove that the Japanese were reading the Soviet Harbin code in 1940 (or maybe they had a spy inside the Soviet embassy?)
2. After checking with Ken Kotani it seems that the Japanese had a spy inside the Soviet embassy. Through him they got the codebooks.
2. Only just discovered your blog and am finding them invaluable.
On this topic - do you have any idea what the British R Code and M Cipher were used for?
I'm trying to pin down what codes/ciphers were used by the British Ambassador in Tokyo when communicating with the Foreign Office in 1941. Japanese codebreakers seem to have deciphered at least some of these communications .
1. The R code and the Government Telegraph code should have been used only for non confidential traffic as they had limited security.
Enciphered codes such as Cypher M must have been the main diplomatic cryptosystems for confidential messages.
There was also the Inter-departmental Cypher, also used by diplomatic authorities.
3. Didnt the army have radio operators who broke the japanese code? One being Ralph Hazlett, born 1919, from Brookfield Ohio? I believe I was told he was on B-52's during this time.
1. The Japanese Army’s enciphered codebooks were harder to solve than those used by the Japanese Navy. The Americans were able to regularly solve this traffic in 1943 after capturing codebooks from the submarine I-1.
For more information check the book: ‘The Emperor's Codes: The Breaking of Japan's Secret Ciphers’
4. did the soviets help the japanese with naval intel during ww2 against the U S ? heard a little about a raid on formosa by the U S being shared with the Japanese.
1. The messages I posted are from UK national archives HW 40/29 ‘Exploitation of Russian Civil communications by Axis Powers’.
Kotani references HW 40/8 ‘Security of British and Allied communications: periodic reviews (1944 Jan 01 - 1945 Feb 28)’ so there should be more messages in that file. I don’t know the content of those messages. It is possible they have information relevant to your question.
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Hebbel, Christian Friedrich
Hebbel, Christian Friedrich krĭs´tyän frē´drĭkh hĕb´əl [key], 1813–63, German tragic dramatist. Born poor, he was largely self-educated. Hegel's historical theories influenced his work, which is a link between romantic and realist drama. Hebbel's first play, Judith (1840, tr. 1914), introduced a new type of tragic character, heroic through degradation and retribution rather than through virtue. Other works include Maria Magdalena (1844, tr. 1913–15) the historical tragedies Herod and Mariamne (1850, tr. 1912) and Agnes Bernauer (1852, tr. 1909) Gyges and His Ring (1856, tr. 1914) and the great trilogy The Nibelungs (1862, tr. 1903). His tragedies contain much violent emotion, and they usually portray a struggle between old and new sets of values.
See more Encyclopedia articles on: German Literature: Biographies
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Diagram of Senio River Defences
THE CAMPAIGN IN THE MOUNTAINS was over. The enemy still clung to Monte Grande and a few similar strongholds, but his forces had been backed against the escarpment above the plains and could be ejected at any time. From assaults on rounded ridges, from the storming of precipitous summits, from infiltration along valleys and ravines, from the forcing of brawling streams, the Indian Divisions now turned to another sort of warfare.
The Emilian plain beyond the Apennines was by no means a strategical and tactical paradise. This low land in centuries past had formed a great marsh. When the snows melted on the Apennines each spring immense torrents poured down through clefts in the foothills, seeking the Adriatic. This spate spread across the plain, engulfing large areas. As the countryside became populated it was found possible to contain these seasonal floods by raising the river banks with ramparts of earth. The turbid water moved sluggishly to the sea, tending to silt rather than to erode. No deep channels were cut, and the levels of the river rose rather than fell. To confine the spring freshets the banks were built higher and higher, until to-day the line of each river is marked by great dykes standing above the plain.
These floodbanks are military works of first importance. They transform each river into five successive obstacles-the fortifications of two outer banks, of two inner banks, and the river itself. The soft ramparts lend themselves to burrowing, so that these high mounds may be converted into elaborate fortifications. When the threat to the Gothic Line became imminent, the German military labour organization swung into action. The floodbanks were scooped out, and underground accommodation provided for substantial garrisons. Longitudinal tunnels were built and revetted with stout timbers. Leading off these galleries, vertical and horizontal shafts opened on to the sides of the flood banks like portholes in a ship. From these portholes protruded the ugly muzzles of scores of guns. The plain was usually so flat that a weapon pit only a few feet above its level would command the approach for hundreds of yards. The lazy meanders of the river made the successive posts mutually supporting, and allowed them to sweep a wide front with converging and enfilade fire.
A river line was a fixed zone of defence. Being without outworks attacking forces were kept at a distance by means of belts of wire and aprons of mines. The near floodbank was breached in places, with a view to flooding the approaches when necessary. All bridges were destroyed; the garrisons of the near bank crossed on foot bridges which when not in use were swung back against the far bank. The northern floodbank for some inexplicable reason was usually slightly higher than the south bank. These few extra inches improved the observation of the defenders.
Other factors complicated the problem of attack. The narrow dykes offered a meagre target for artillery, and even less target for bombs. Without bridging they were impassable for tanks or vehicles, and bridges could only be built on the site of former bridges, since the slopes of the banks were too steep for tracks or wheels to surmount without approach ramps. Thus to reach these floodbanks with mechanized arms presented a problem of extreme difficulty; to storm them, a grim task indeed.
Every device breeds its anti-device. Not only the Germans but the United Nations had given a lot of thought to floodbanked rivers. The problem of attack was threefold---to approach, to effect a lodgment, and to cross. It was obvious that the approach must be made in small numbers, as anything resembling a massed assault would incur sufficient casualties to weaken the assailants, and so endanger the second stage of the operation. On the other hand, there was no assurance that isolated posts and small detachments when established on the near floodbank would be able to bring the river line under sufficient control to effect a crossing. Basic tactics therefore had to be determined by the empirical method of trial and error. It speaks volumes for the resource of Eighth Army planners that after a few weeks of experiment the problem of approach had been solved. Artillery was deployed in such fashion as to cast shells within a few yards of the men whom the guns supported; it became possible to bombard the inner slopes of a floodbank without undue risk to troops dug in ten yards away on its outer bank. Supplementing the artillery, the weapon of fire was enlisted. Crocodiles and Wasps, fire-throwing vehicles great and small, and Lifebuoys (manual flame-throwers) were mobilized to burn out the warrens of the defenders. While billows of blazing oil smothered the banks, jets of flame would be injected into the portholes, rendering the tunnels uninhabitable and driving the garrison into the open.
For crossing these narrow high-banked rivers the sappers devised an ingenious variation on the "Ark" bridge. Instead of a full span the bridge was little longer than the tank. With the tank resting in the river bed the span could be lifted hydraulically and placed in position. Should the river be deep, the superstructure was so designed that if the bottom "Ark" carrier was submerged, a second tank complete with bridge could drive on to the top of the sunken vehicles and so construct a crossing two tanks deep. Other ingenious equipment included new and strong types of aerial cableways, on which not only men but guns and vehicles could be slung rapidly across the narrow troughs of the rivers.
A battle group organized for assault on flood-banked rivers incorporated a wide range of specialist formations. Armour was important, because the high dykes gave considerable cover to tanks closing up in close support of the infantry. Anti-tank guns, particularly of the self-propelled variety, were of value for sniping into port-holes and for reducing enemy posts on the near bank. Machine-gun companies firing from flank could hold the floodbank under a lash of steel until the infantry had closed to within a few yards. Flame-throwers would lead the way, with Kangaroo armoured troop carriers in close support. Special assault companies of sappers would move forward with the infantry, and would begin work on crossings while the battle raged about them.
Yet in spite of all technical assistance and mechanical device, the issue remained between man and man. Had the enemy been able to oppose the Allied advance with troops of commensurate courage and endurance, the strength of his fortifications might have decided the day. Fortunately the German divisions which manned the flood-banked rivers had been mauled and battered for month after month, thrust headlong from position after position. The cream of the German armies had been destroyed. No troops could endure such punishment without realization of the futility of fighting on. A rising proportion of German troops were no longer battle-worthy. Disillusion had reacted on the relationships of officers and men until a slow but incurable depression clouded all but the most fanatical minds. Its recurrent motif was that no battle lost or no battle won could affect the final result. The Germans continued to fight, but they fought as doomed men.
Their adversaries of the United Nations moved from strength to strength. The front had been broken in Normandy, and seven armies were thrusting into the vitals of Germany. The Russian avalanche rolled remorselessly towards the Reich. In Europe the end drew near; in the Pacific the ring closed around Japan. In Italy, despite all hardships and dangers a dominant thought rang like a bell in soldiers' minds. "We too shall be in at the kill."
AFTER RELIEF ON THE RONCO, Tenth Indian Division rested for a bare fortnight. During this period Fifth Corps had swung into the west. On November 9th, after a fierce battle, Fourth and Forty-Sixth British Divisions stormed Forli. A fresh attack was immediately planned with Faenza, the next important town on the main transverse highway, as the principal objective. Tenth Indian Division was ordered to establish a bridgehead over the Montone through which the assault divisions might deploy on their start lines.
On November 19th 10th Indian Brigade relieved a brigade of Fourth British Division on a front of four miles near the Montone river. The ground was monotonously flat, intersected by a network of drainage rhines, and heavily cultivated. Vineyards, orchards and farmhouses dotted the countryside. All bridges had been blown, the roads cratered and the paths mined. The river proper, a sludgy stream thirty feet in width, was no great obstacle, but inside the flood walls a soft mud bottom flanked the watercourse, extending the gap to two hundred feet. The enemy had breached the banks, and the countryside was flooded for one thousand yards east of the river. The only approaches were along built-up roads covered by machine-guns and artillery.
On November 22nd, 43rd Gurkha Brigade took over a sector on the left of 10th Brigade. Two nights later 20th Brigade came up on the left of 10th Brigade, and Tenth Division was aligned for its attack. 10th Brigade brought forward assault boats and with the Durhams leading prepared to force a crossing. The enemy was alert and laid down a fierce shoot on the line of the river. The advance was held up for several hours until 3/5 Mahrattas, accompanied by tanks of 6th Royal Tank Regiment, could advance laterally from the left flank and engage the enemy. With the aid of this distraction the Durhams rapidly built up a bridgehead force of two companies. By noon both 10th and 20th Brigades were represented in an expanding perimeter to the west of the Montone.
For the next phase First Canadian Corps entered the line on the right of the Indians, and the New Zealand Division relieved Fourth British Division on the opposite flank. The Indian brigades by nibbling tactics began to edge towards Albereto, a village a mile east of the Lamone, the next water obstacle to the west. This village proved to be the core of the enemy defences, and bitter fighting ensued when: twin attacks closed in from opposite sides. A confused close-quarters free-for-all raged until the enemy slowly and sullenly withdrew. Forty German dead were picked up among the ruins of the village.
At 0545 hours on November 20th, both Indian brigades attacked outwards from Migliara, the individual thrusts diverging like the spokes of a wheel from the hub. On the right 2/4 Gurkhas and North Irish Horse worked into the north-east. Their next-door neighbours, the Durhams, smashed through to their objective after sharp fighting at San Giorgio. Further west, 1/2 Punjabis broke into new territory and seized three hamlets. In the centre 3/5 Mahrattas with two companies of Nabha Akals, crashed through obstinate resistance. On the extreme left 2/3 Gurkhas captured Pianetto and La Gessa, taking 56 prisoners. By midday all Indian battalions were well established in the main German positions. An enemy wireless intercept declared "Defence plan completely broken". With such encouragement the attack was pushed home, and with the New Zealanders making equal headway on the left all territory east of the Lamone was mopped up.
This local scrimmaging cleared the battlefield for the stroke to follow. Four corps struck at the wavering salient which incessant assaults had gouged in the German defences. The Canadians attacked to the north-east towards Ravenna. Second Polish Corps mounted an all-out drive on the last high ground held by the enemy in the Apennine foothills, along the dwindling ridges between the Lamone and the Senio valleys. Thirteenth Corps moved at right angles to the Poles, with the objective of pinching out enemy formations east of the Senio. Fifth Corps drove on Faenza. Leading the attack, Forty-sixth British Division on December 3rd battled its way after wild fighting across the Lamone five miles south-west of Forli.
At the outset of this great assault Tenth Indian Division's role was restricted to "noises off"---deception shoots and bridge-building clamour behind smoke screens. Beyond the Lamone Forty-Sixth Division became involved in some of the stiffest fighting of the war. For a week this hard-hitting British formation exchanged hammer blows with a veteran and ever-dangerous opponent---Nineteenth Panzer Grenadier Division. It then became necessary for someone else to take over the slogging match. On December 11th Tenth Indian Division moved up and relieved Forty-Sixth Division. The bridgehead over the Lamone was slightly less than two miles in depth, and the danger point lay around Pideura, in the centre of the position. Here 25th Brigade came into the line. 3/1 Punjabis and King's Own immediately became involved in bickerings which flared up from time to time into heavy fighting. No less than five enemy counter-attacks were thrown back in the first twenty-four hours of the tour. These quick venomous jabs were designed to dislocate the timing of the main assault of Fifth Corps, which was near at hand. Such tactics failed: when zero hour struck at 2300 hours on December 23rd, five Indian battalions advanced against the enemy to give the New Zealanders a firm flank for their drive to the Senio.
At point of junction with the Kiwis, the Durhams of 10th Brigade smashed at Pergola. The North Countrymen encountered one misfortune after another. Defensive fire caught them on their start line. The leading troops walked on to an uncharted schu-minefield when approaching their preliminary objective. A frontal assault failed to shake the enemy, and when the Durhams swung to flank, they found themselves in the midst of another minefield. These tough globetrotters were loath to admit failure, and fought on throughout the day; but Pergola was beyond their grasp.
On the left of the Durhams, 3/1 Punjabis managed to establish a company on a low sharp-crested ridge. Once again haystacks played the villain's part. Fired by enemy tracer they silhouetted the gallant Indians as they charged. Even then the Punjabis might have held on had it not been for a serious deterioration on their left, where, 4/11 Sikhs, after gallantly gaining their ground, were thrown back by a weighty infantry attack supported by self-propelled guns.
Beyond the Sikhs the King's Own fought along a hilltop to the north of Pideura. Farm houses which sheltered nests of machine-gunners took a heavy toll. A self-propelled gun knocked out the escorting Sherman tanks, and was in turn destroyed. All through the day the King's Own surged again and again to the assault; as evening fell they broke into Camillo, taking twenty-four prisoners. "C" Company, after having been in the thick of continuous fighting for upwards of twenty-four hours, had only one officer and twenty-six men standing.
On the extreme left 3/18 Garhwalis to some extent redeemed the grim picture on the remainder of the Divisional front. One company swung away on a march of three miles along a muddy track which brought it on to the rear of the enemy positions at Casa Zula and Monte Coralli. Concurrent assaults were launched from opposite sides. In bitter hand-to-hand fighting the enemy garrison was destroyed. The victors sweated over their spades, and when the counter-attack came they were well dug in. A wild hurly-burly followed. A white house surmounting a cypress-clad hillside changed hands several times. Spandau teams were detected in weapon pits sited under haystacks. This shortsightedness led to a series of incinerations as tracer fire ignited the hay. There were grim games of hide and seek; on one occasion an irate. Garhwali rifleman, mounting a stack with his bayonet to winkle out a sniper, was surprised by his quarry, who emerged from beneath the hay, pulled the ladder away, and raced to fresh cover before he could be brought down. When the enemy finally abandoned attempts to oust the Garhwalis, sixty German dead and twelve prisoners remained in Indian hands.
In this assault Tenth Indian Division had failed for the first time to. make its principal objectives. The grueling fighting, however, was not without reward, for the Indian assault had pinned down the enemy's reserves, and had given the New Zealanders a clear run to the Senio. With the Kiwis well ahead, on the night of December 14/15th, 4/10 Baluchis passed through the New Zealand front and turned south on the flank and rear of the Pergola positions. The enemy had foreseen this move and had pulled out. The line was open and that evening Indian patrols without resistance reached the tortuous meanders of the Senio between Renazzi and Tobano. The enemy was still reeling from the buffets dealt him, and without undue opposition Baluchis and Garhwalis crossed the river and established posts on the west bank. 2/4 Gurkhas moved up to stiffen the tiny bridgehead, and were told the astonishing but true story of the German tank which had attempted to approach the Baluchi positions with a Red Cross flag flying from its turret.
The Gurkhas immediately began to elbow their way forward, with the line of the railway running into Castel Bolognesi as their objective. The enemy recovered his breath, and the leading company of the hillmen became involved in a fracas sufficiently serious to require reinforcement. The bridgehead lay in one of the many loops of the river, and as resistance stiffened the Gurkhas found themselves with enemies on three sides. After increasing displays of truculence had indicated the arrival of enemy reserves, the Indian force was gradually withdrawn to the east bank of the river.
On December 15th, 43rd Gurkha Lorried Brigade passed under command of Second New Zealand Division, and under the description of Faenza Task Force, began to clear the Germans from that important centre. For the first time the Gurkhas were schooled in the peculiar technique of street fighting. The area was mine-infested and the Luftwaffe active. 2/10 Gurkhas entered the town from the east and encountered comparatively little opposition until the railway along Route 9 was reached. Thereafter resistance, stiffened. 2/8 Gurkhas came forward to reinforce the attack. A German counter-attack with panzers in the van forced the hillmen back to the canal which parallels the Lamone. Here the adversaries glared at each other for twenty-four hours, while the sappers devised a crossing which would bear tanks. At 2100 hours Faenza Task Force moved to the assault with the Gurkha Brigade on the left of the Kiwis. Once again in the face of a set-piece attack the enemy had compounded with necessity and had cleared out. Little resistance was encountered except from road blocks and minefields. Faenza was liberated. The Germans fell back to prepared positions on the line of the Senio.
On Tenth Division's front wintry gales had slowed down operations to a standstill. Christmas and the New Year passed quietly, but early in January patrol clashes increased and raids became a nightly feature.
The loops of the Senio which thrust adjacent salients into the front exercised an inevitable fascination for patrols on the prowl. On January 12th the ill-fated members of Parliament who disappeared a few days later in a lost plane, visited the Division. The Germans chose this day to pester the Indians. A Garhwali sentry heard the sound of chopping and shrewdly deduced that trees were being felled for footbridges. The raiding party met a warm reception. Next morning the Garhwalis were interested spectators as the Germans buried their dead in full view on the opposite bank under the protection of a Red Cross flag.
On the following night an enemy detachment crossed the Senio and established itself in Chiarona. The Garhwalis accepted the challenge with alacrity and for variety's sake staged the ejection by daylight. Behind a smoke screen two platoons charged with tanks in the van. The Shermans pumped a hundred shells into the enemy's hideouts as the Garhwalis raced in from front and rear. The rear platoon literally caught the panzer grenadiers with their backs turned; twenty-five were killed and ten taken prisoner. That night a follow-up fighting patrol endeavoured to learn the fate of the Chiarona garrison. The Garhwalis were alert and few escaped.
Early in February 4/11 Sikhs had a bit of luck. Their raiders were closing on an enemy position when a false alarm distracted the German sentries. The schmessers and spandaus commenced to hose bullets to empty flank, while the Sikhs crept nearer. Undetected the Indians sprang upon the engrossed garrison, and destroyed it. In a series of similar bickerings, which imposed a strain upon weakening adversaries, Tenth Division's tour on the river lines wore away. On February 9th Third Carpathian Division relieved the Indians along the Senio. Then followed a last look at the high mountains. The enemy still clung tenaciously to his strongholds in the upper Sillaro valley, including Monte Grande, which remained a key position covering the eastern approaches to Bologna. First German Parachute Division, in its customary uncompromising mood, continued to garrison this area, and Seventy-Eighth British Division after an extensive spell of duty was feeling the strain. On February 8th, 20th Brigade embussed at Faenza. By sky line Monte Grande was only sixteen miles away, but the road journey covered ninety miles and took two days! 10th Brigade arrived on February 12th to complete the occupation of the new Divisional sector.
The country was deerstalker's landscape, with high lookouts and deep scours. Everyone had an embarrassingly good view of everybody else. To cover supply movements in the Sillaro valley an American detachment maintained a continuous smoke screen near the San Clemente ford. The Divisional anti-aircraft gunners took over management of the canisters throughout the tour of duty. On the right of the Indians, Sixth British Armoured Division linked up with the Polish Corps; on the left Eighty-Fifth U.S. Division carried the line to the west. From the beginning the paratroopers were bent on making nuisances of themselves. A smash and grab party, seeking to identify the newcomers, gave the forward company of Durhams a busy half hour, but the North countrymen mixed it so earnestly that the intruders finally fled, leaving a number of dead behind. Two nights later a keen-eyed Baluchi nobbled a paratroop observation officer, who was lying up close to the forward positions. Next morning four paratroopers dressed as stretcher bearers approached 2/4 Gurkhas. Despite protests they were arrested and packed off to the rear. The German commander thereupon despatched a note offering to exchange four Sikh stretcher bearers for his lost men. When the offer drew no response, the Sikhs were returned, revealing the ruse.
The Indians then got down to work. A patrol from 1/2 Punjabis crawled into the Germans' positions and mopped up three posts. When intercepted on the way home, their prisoners, anticipating rescue, threw themselves on the ground and refused to move. Having summarily dealt with the recalcitrants (first removing their jackets as identifications), the Punjabis charged with the steel and broke through, killing five at close quarters for the loss of one man killed and one wounded.
The same mettlesome and aggressive battalion despatched a roving patrol in the next night. A havildar and his section silently closed on a slit trench which covered a large house. Two Germans put up their hands; at the same time one kicked a signal wire. Flares and a red Verey light shot up; a machine-gun opened, and thirty Germans poured from the house. First putting paid to the prisoners, the havildar and his squad leapt into the slit trench, and raked their assailants with tommy guns. A dozen paratroopers fell. Three Indians were wounded, but all returned to safety.
A Mahratta patrol penetrated the enemy positions and lay in ambush in a copse beside a path which connected two German posts. An emergency flare signal had been arranged to call for covering mortar fire if required. When attacked the Germans by a remarkable coincidence fired the same signal. Down came the mortar shoot on the copse. With every licence to withdraw the Mahrattas stuck it for two hours. The shoot ended and patience paid a dividend. Fifteen Germans came trudging along the path. Eleven paratroopers were killed against three Indians wounded.
Finding the Indians more than their match in this grim hunting, the paratroopers tended to avoid front line clashes; instead, they specialized in deep penetration patrols. Detachments of two or three men would filter through, and would work back among the rear echelons. They dressed like civilians, retaining only sufficient vestiges of uniform to escape execution if captured. Each carried a few schu-mines, which they buried in well-trodden spots. They also carried miniature wireless sets; when concentrations of vehicles or personnel were encountered, fire would be directed upon them. If accosted they boldly tried to pass themselves off as Italians. Fortunately the sepoys' Italian was in many instances better than that of the Germans, And rigid security measures trapped so many of these audacious detachments that in self-defence they were obliged to increase the size of the patrols---thereby facilitating their detection.
On March 11th, 25th Brigade took over Monte Grande from U.S. Eighty-Fifth Division. For this task the Brigade was strengthened by an extra infantry battalion (2nd Highland Light Infantry), a squadron of Lovat Scouts, and "F" Reconnaissance Squadron, a volunteer Italian parachute. formation of proven worth. The spring thaw had set in, and as the snow disappeared the bitterness of the fighting on this sinister summit was revealed. Many bodies of British, American and German soldiers were uncovered. One hundred and fifty dead mules were collected for burning or burial.
Throughout March all brigades continued to harass the enemy. Mahrattas, Nabha Akals and Punjabis found particularly good hunting; a strong patrol from the latter battalion, on one occasion spent forty-eight hours in the rear of the German positions and emerged without casualty. 13 Anti-Tank Regiment, with no tanks to shoot at, themselves turned tank men, re-conditioned some derelict Shermans, and scouted enthusiastically.
As April began, and the great assault on the river lines grew imminent, the paratroopers apparently received orders to pin down the troops opposite them. When 2nd Loyals arrived to join 20th Brigade, the new hands were raided as soon as they entered the line. A forward platoon was overrun, but the remainder stood firm and blew back the attack. 4/11 Sikhs endured two attacks in one morning. As the Germans closed the grim bearded men leapt to meet them, and slew many on the lips of the slit trenches.
The master plan for the spring offensive called for Tenth Indian Division to participate in Eighth Army's drive by an advance down the Sillaro valley. General Reid was now six battalions over establishment; this permitted the wearers of the red and blue diagonals to be in two places at once. Lovat Scouts, Loyals, Highland Light Infantry, 4/11 Sikhs, Nabha Akals and Jodhpurs took charge of Monte Grande, while the remainder of the Division moved back across the mountains on the long up end down trek to the Adriatic. On April 9th the air was filled with thunder as Eighth Army smashed at the river lines in the climactic offensive of the war. A week later Tenth Indian Division was concentrated on the battlefield, waiting for the word to take up the running.
THIS NARRATIVE left the men of Eighth Indian Division, after their by-play in the Serchio valley, relaxed and enjoying themselves in the lovely countryside surrounding the old and charming city of Pisa. The Jawans took their ease in good billets amidst a hospitable civilian population. Sprung from farming stock themselves, the sepoys revelled in the rich fields and pastures; they wrote home long descriptions of Italian tillage and husbandry. Six weeks passed quickly. On February 11th, the call came, and the Indians commenced to move back to Eighth Army. Some units travelled across Italy by cattle truck; rail transport was sufficiently novel to ameliorate the discomfort. Forty miles south of Ancona the Division mustered and turned towards the battle line. On February 25th leading units relieved elements of First Canadian Division north of Bagnocavallo astride Route 16, the main Adriatic highway.
On the left of Eighth Division 43rd Gurkha Lorried Brigade, who were last seen with the New Zealanders in Faenza, occupied an adjoining sector under command of Fifty-Sixth London Division. The Gurkhas had been in the line for a fortnight when Eighth Division arrived. They held five thousand yards, confronting intricate and elaborate defences. The Senio floodbanks, twenty feet high and six feet wide at the top, commanded the eastern approaches and made daylight reconnaissance impossible. Behind innocuous camouflage scores of tunnels in the near face of the floodbank housed observation posts, machine-gunners and snipers. Belts of wire and a heavy seeding of mines skirted the slopes. Farmhouses each in its small oblong field with pollarded boundaries stood along the river bank. Some of these buildings had been converted into outposts, the others abundantly booby-trapped.
The Gurkhas had been able to work forward to within a few hundred yards of the river, but thereafter every foot of distance harboured deadly menaces. Preparations for establishment on the near flood bank began immediately. 23rd Field Regiment deployed widely to flank and justified the Brigade's pride in its marksmanship by dropping shells unerringly on the inner banks, leaving the outer slope unscathed. Seventeen pounders were brought up to deal with enemy nests in the farmhouses, and to snipe the tunnel entrances. Delay action shell was issued to assure penetration bursts. Skinners' Horse moved its 75 millimetre tanks into close support.
At 2100 hours on February 23rd, Fifty-Sixth Division attacked on a two brigade front. All three Gurkha battalions swept forward, raced along paths cut in the minefields, wriggled through the wire, and reached the comparative safety of the outer slope of the floodbank. Furiously the hillmen dug, roofing their scanty niches in order that bombs rolled over the top of the bank might trundle by. Manual flame-throwers were rushed up and emplaced, individual cubbyholes linked into weapon pits. At dawn the sweating Gurkhas laid aside spades, picked up weapons, and waited. The first assault was thrown against 2/8 battalion at 1000 hours. Alert aircraft and artillery intervened to break up the attack. Thereafter except for showers of stick grenades, teller mines with time fuses cart-wheeling past and machineguns from enfilade positions spraying bullets about, the day passed quietly. The Gurkhas went back to their spades and began to improve their positions. Saps were driven up to the lip of the bank. Countertunnelling commenced. Like two warring swarms the adversaries toiled in the same hive.
Night saw the footbridges stealthily swing over the river, and enemy raiders tiptoe across into the tunnel entrances of the inner bank. Here the assault groups organized, fingers on lips, for less than five yards of earth separated them from the men whom they had come to destroy. The Gurkhas waited also, tense in the darkness, tommy gun in lap, kukri loose in its sheath. When the rush came the quick-eyed and cat-footed hillmen seldom were second best. Often they leapt to meet their foes and beat them to the stroke. The death scream of a German cloven to the chine caused the man behind him to falter, and in that split second's delay the kukri took another life.
After three harassing days and nights, the Germans again struck in force. An intense mortar and artillery shoot crashed on the company of 2/8 Gurkhas holding the Bastion, a strong-point near a flood gap which the enemy had blown in the near bank of the river. Under the bombardment adjacent earthworks collapsed, burying part of the garrison. At 2100 hours enemy infantry swarmed across the river to mop up. With the Bastion secured, German detachments raced to flank to widen the breach. Within two hundred yards they were pinned down; on the left Subedar Jitbahadur Gurung and his platoon broke up attack after attack. Morning found the intruders penned in around the torn mound. The Gurkhas charged, snatched back the position, but were unable to hold it. Stroke and counterstroke followed rapidly, with the enemy clinging precariously to this tormented hummock. At the end of February, when the Gurkha Brigade was relieved, it handed over three miles of secure floodbank. but around the Bastion a hard-pressed handful of enemies still lurked in their burrows. The tour had cost the 43rd Brigade three hundred men.
Eighth Division's task of establishment on the Senio was in some degree less onerous than that of the Gurkhas. In a few sectors the outer slope had already been won by the Canadians. In other places vines and undergrowth permitted unseen approach. In still other places the Indian positions were on the plain a few hundred yards behind the river. Everywhere the infantry was under extreme and unremitting tension. The Germans employed great numbers of multiple mortars and a fearful new missile, 25 short range rocket with a two hundred pound warhead. Its inaccuracy was little consolation, for its blast was devastating. Night was hideous with the clatter of machine guns, the crash of mortars and the boom of grenades. On a battalion front of a few hundred yards, during the more or less static phase of the Senio tour, the average daily expenditure of ammunition amounted to eighty thousand small arms rounds, two hundred PIAT bombs, two hundred grenades, and eighty three-inch mortars.
In addition to more lethal ammunition, both sides bombarded with leaflets and pamphlets. The Allied literature did not argue; it usually took the form of a safe conduct, printed in three languages and signed by Field-Marshal Alexander. The Germans, on the other hand, waxed verbose and even lachrymose over the fearful risks attendant upon attack upon the river lines. One side of a leaflet would be printed in many colours, showing a land of corn and wine, with buxom maidens ready, willing and able in the fruitful Edens behind the German lines. The obverse, in stark black and white, portrayed thousands of British soldiers drowning under fearful bombardment, while a death's head grinned aloft. This propaganda served two unsuspected purposes. It commanded a souvenir's and collector's value; new issues were eagerly snapped up. In addition the frequency with which Urdu leaflets were fired into British lines and English pamphlets into Indian-held sectors, indicated that German intelligence was not particularly up to date.
During the first weeks of the tour, immense ammunition expenditure summarized the activity on Eighth Division's front. Both adversaries were biding their time; the Germans against the massive shock to come, and the Indians because at this juncture it was not considered desirable to show undue interest in this particular sector. On March 13th, however, the Jaipurs with the support of a Wasp flamethrower destroyed an enemy outpost in a house to the east of the river. Twenty-seven Germans were killed for the loss of one Jaipur killed and ten wounded. A week later the Jewish Brigade, now under Divisional command, surprised ten Germans asleep in another house, and accounted for them all. An enemy force of company strength struck back at Frontier Force Rifles, but without success. The front remained quiet thereafter until April 6th, when a heavy and widespread shoot by German artillery raked the line of the Senio. An attack appeared to be imminent but nothing developed. It was afterwards learned that this artillery programme was general along Eighth Army's front, and that it had been planned as a deception shoot, to cover withdrawal to the line of the Santerno. At the last minute a direct order from Hitler's headquarters cancelled the operation. The instruction arrived too late for orders to reach the German gunners, who blazed away some hundreds of tons of ammunition to no useful purpose.
Spring was at hand. Once Hitler struck at the end of each winter; now a vast constricting circle had closed about Germany, and spring was handmaiden to the Allies. At the beginning of April the foliage had begun to break bud, and the flood water from the mountains was still some weeks away. The ground dried and the sky cleared. The hour of decision loomed.
The spring offensive of Eighth Army was part of the global plan to destroy the enemies of the United Nations. Four corps deployed for the assault. Under Fifth Corps Eighth Indian Division, Fifty-Sixth London Division, Seventy-Eighth British Division, Second New Zealand Division, 2nd Commando Brigade, 24th Guards Brigade, and the Italian Cremona Group prepared for battle. The plan called for Eighth Indian Division and the New Zealanders to smash the enemy's defences on the Senio and Santerno, establishing a bridgehead through which Seventy-Eighth Division would thrust for the Po valley. The Londoners and commandos were briefed for a flanking enterprise along the seacoast. The Guards Brigade and the Italians would enter the operation in its secondary phase.
When General Russell surveyed his front, a momentous decision confronted him. Experience had shown advance to the near flood bank to be an individual operation fraught with difficulties and often expensive in casualties. Should Eighth Division carry out this advance before the main battle began, or should both banks be stormed in a single operation? The Divisional objective was not only the crossing of the Senio, but the establishment of a: bridgehead beyond the Santerno. Such task required the Indian infantry to force one major obstacle, to fight across six miles of easily defended country, and thereafter to burst through a second water barrier. On the other hand, to launch a preliminary attack against the near flood bank might attract unwelcome attention to the Divisional front, might result in augmented resistance, and might interfere with the timing of the main assault.
The problem presented delicate balances of advantage on both sides, but General Russell's faith in his men carried the day. He decided to regard the two banks of the Senio as a single obstacle. Training and detailed planning proceeded on this basis. At the end of February the Division held a front of eight miles. Bit by bit this unwieldy sector was reduced, until at the beginning of April, Indian troops were deployed over four and a half miles. Two brigades would head the assault, each supported by a heavy force of tanks, flame-throwers and mobile guns. Divisional engineers were instructed to provide five bridges over the Senio within eight hours of the capture of the far flood bank. The two leading brigades would continue up to the Santerno, and if possible would establish crossings. The reserve brigade would then pass through to secure and enlarge the bridgehead.
19th and 21st Brigades were selected to lead the attack. Plans in great detail for the crossing of the Senio were perfected and practised. Once over the river the assault battalions were given considerable latitude within the ambit of the general directive. It could scarcely be otherwise, as both flanks were open. No formation was attacking on the right, and on the left a gap of 4,000 yards, which included Lugo, a town of 25,000 inhabitants, separated 21st Brigade from the New Zealanders. On April 7th, General Russell stressed the basic necessity in an order to his commanders. He wrote:
"The Division must fight with one policy in mind. Keep 17th Infantry Brigade fresh for the Santerno. Only if there is danger that the Division will not be able to carry out its task will 17th Brigade be committed previously. All must plan to give the maximum support to 17th Brigade and to render the difficult tasks allotted to that brigade easier. Remember always that the Division's task is to secure a bridgehead over the Santerno river and that all our efforts must be directed to this end."
The first week of April slipped away in last minute adjustments and re-checks of the innumerable details attendant upon a major operation. The front was quiet---ominously so. A rigid wall of security measures immured the forward areas. Communications were restricted; correspondence, wireless and telephone calls were conducted in cipher or jargon. Movement of transport was reduced to a minimum, tents and bivouacs camouflaged, dumps carefully hidden among the vineyards. Brigade and unit signs disappeared. Eighth Army had gone to ground.
Neither secrecy nor deception measures could conceal from the enemy the imminence of the stroke. Above everything else, the high march of events made it the hour for the final reckoning. Against Fifth Corps, Seventy-sixth Panzer Corps could only array three divisions, with two panzer grenadier divisions the sole reserve force on Eighth Army's front. Beyond the Senio and Santerno other river lines existed, but they were not fortified. To avoid catastrophe the Allied attack must be contained on the present battlefield. Bravely but without hope the Germans made their dispositions, and waited.
April 9th dawned bright and clear. Few if any remembered it to be the anniversary of the tremendous Arras-Vimy Ridge assault in 1917. Under the warm sun and cloudless sky, the infantry rested among the vine trellises and along the pollarded ditches. At 1345 hours a dull drone grew in the sky. The troops sprang to their feet, scanning the south. Group after group of heavy bombers swam into view, sparkling silver in the sunlight. The earth shook as interminable clusters of bombs crashed home. For ninety minutes array succeeded array to smash at the enemy defences. At 1520 hours a tremendous artillery concentration took over and pounded the battlefield. At intervals the shoot would lift, and fighter bombers would swoop to pinpoint positions at which the enemy had manned his defences. The guns would re-open, battering the strong points and centres of resistance. Machine-guns played steadily with high angle fire on all cross roads, bridges, supply dumps and close support lines, in order to impede movement and to isolate the enemy troops in the forward positions.
For four hours this shattering bombardment continued. A vast cloud of dun-coloured dust rose and hung in middle air. At 1900 hours it caught and reflected the level rays of the setting sun. Twenty minutes later, long lines of tanks and flamethrowers surged out of the pastures .and vineyards, with the first waves of infantry following in extended order. At that instant the guns ceased and the fighter bombers rocketed down on low level dummy attacks, to engross the enemy for the brief minute in which the fighting vehicles closed up. As they reached the flood bank the leading Crocodiles spurted sheets of flame. A wall of fire curtained the river, and black clouds of oily smoke piled above it. The guns of the tanks and enfilade machine-guns lashed the outer slope, and the leading companies of infantry charged home.
On 19th Brigade's front, Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders and 6/13 Frontier Force Rifles led the way. The Scotsmen encountered only minor resistance as they swarmed over the near bank and plunged into the river. Holding their rifles and machine-guns above their heads, they reached the far bank, mopped up and fell in behind the barrage as it began to march across the plain.
On their left 6/13 Frontier Force Rifles likewise carried the near slope in the first surge. But as they topped the bank, the trough of the river was lashed by a score of machine-guns, firing from portholes in both inner banks, and from enfilade positions on the left. The Frontiersmen dashed into the stream, where many fell dead and wounded. Then once more the hour bred the man. Sepoy Ali Haidar and two others were all of one platoon to reach the far bank. From thirty yards away a machine-gun nest spat death. Bidding his comrades give him covering fire, Ali Haidar lopped a grenade and followed in under it. Although wounded by a stick bomb he closed and destroyed the post. Without pause he charged the next weapon pit, from whence four machine-guns played on his comrades. He was struck twice and fell, but he crawled forward, pulled the pin of a Mills' bomb with his teeth, and hurled it into the spandau nest. Weak with loss of blood he pulled himself to his feet, staggered forward and threw himself upon the gunners. The two surviving Germans surrendered. It was the turning point. With the nearest weapons stilled the Frontiersmen made their way across the river and took up the chase. Ali Haidar, sorely wounded, was carried back as his comrades swept forward. He eventually recovered to honour his regiment with its first Victoria Cross.
Thirty minutes after the advance began, the leading battalions of 19th Brigade were aligned and mopping up behind the barrage as regularly as though on exercises. By midnight they were two thousand yards beyond the Senio. Unfortunately they were in the blue, for their comrades of 21st Brigade had encountered misfortunes and were still fighting furiously in the forward enemy positions. This brigade attacked with 3/5 Mahrattas on the right, and 3/15 Punjabis on the opposite flank. The Crocodiles on the Mahratta front functioned, and the infantry worked up behind the cover of a bank of blazing oil. As with Frontier Force Rifles, the crest and inner slopes of the flood banks were flailed continuously by machine-gun fire; as the leading companies topped the bank, a hail of steel swept them to earth. The reserve companies closed up, dragging assault boats which proved too heavy to be hauled up the outer slope. With their commanders in the lead, the Mahrattas made a dash for it, leapt over the lip, plunged down the inner bank and into the stream. Small arms fire rose to a venomous crescendo as machine-guns opened from all sides; schmessers and spandaus blazed at the struggling sepoys from portholes, often within a few yards of the men endeavouring to make good their footing on the far bank. The leading companies were decimated, and the rain of bullets compelled the survivors to return to cover on the near bank of the river.
Sepoy Namdeo Jadhao found himself on the far bank with two wounded comrades. In the face of pelting fire, he half-dragged, half-carried the men back across the stream, struggled up, the inner slope and deposited them in safety. These rescues necessitated three trips in full view of the enemy. Having saved his friends, Namdeo Jadhao resumed the battle single-handed. He dashed at the nearest machine-gun, and wiped out its crew. A bullet tore his hand, so he dropped his tommy gun and closed with bombs. Two more enemy posts were silenced in quick succession. Standing on the lip of the bank he shouted his war cry and waved his comrades forward. Three company commanders had fallen, but the Mahrattas, responding to such dauntless leadership, swarmed back across the river and ferreted the maze of boltholes, terrier fashion. With both banks clean they pushed on into the night, to deal with the obstinate garrisons of a number of houses in the flat fields adjoining the river.
Like Ali Haidar, Namdeo Jadheo received the Victoria Cross. These almost identical instances of superb gallantry, within a few yards and a few minutes of each other, made all the difference to the centre of Eighth Division's attack. The valour of two men had altered the fortunes of the day.
On the left flank of the Division 3/15 Punjabis shared in full the vicissitudes of the Mahrattas. Two of their four fire-throwers failed to flame. Led by "C" Company, the battalion charged. A hail of fire beat the sepoys into the earth, for the sector included a bend in the river, which allowed enfilade guns to wreak havoc. "C" Company followed up dragging assault boats which they managed to hoist to the crest of the flood bank; the craft drew such fire that the company commander ordered them to be abandoned. The Punjabis plunged into the river, swam or waded across, and found themselves amidst swarms of enemies, all very alive and full of fight. The preliminary bombardment had left this garrison unscathed; the Germans sprang from their pits and burrows and met the Indians at the water's edge. Men drowned in each other's grasp. Machine-gunners were yanked from their tunnels feet first and killed rabbit fashion. Naik Rangin Khan, oblivious to danger, charged post after post, destroying three before he fell mortally wounded. The Germans fought like beasts at bay, but they could not cope with such assailants. By midnight the warrens of the flood banks were empty save for sprawled dead, and the Punjabis were exploiting across the flat fields. At first light they were mopping up one thousand yards to the north-east of Lugo. Royal West Kents followed across, turned south and drew the flanking coverts. Up came the Jaipurs to garrison the flood banks, and to deal with any enemies who might have lain doggo in the hope of emerging to make trouble after the first waves of assault troops had passed.
Up came the sappers also, with their eyes on their watches, for hours were their enemies. In the midst of the flood bank fighting, the Mahratta Anti-Tank Regiment arrived to erect a steel cableway, on which jeeps and anti-tank guns were speedily slung across the river. On 19th Brigade's front, "Sterling" and "Selkirk" bridges were thrown over in less than the sparse eight hours allowed by the Divisional commander. At 0415 hours the first tanks crossed the Senio. 3/8 Punjabis had turned bridge sappers for the night, and under heavy mortar fire had constructed two Olafson bridges for foot traffic. 21st Brigade was equally expeditious; at 0540 hours a tank bridge was in position. Within the next ninety minutes three squadrons of 48th Royal Tank Regiment had lumbered across and had snorted off in the dim light in search of the enemy. 6th Lancers and North Irish Horse followed over, and when the battle began to sort out in daylight, a strong force of British armour was roving between the Senio and the Santerno, on call for the infantry.
Situation reports at dawn showed Eighth Division to be firmly embedded in the main enemy defensive positions and the battle developing according to plan. On the right Argylls continued to easy going. 6th Lancers and a troop of Mahratta anti-tank gunners after seizing Maiella, exploited to the north as guardians of the open flank. Frontier Force Rifles had run into trouble, and were pinned down on the line of Schuolo Tratturo. In the left brigade sector, the Mahrattas had mopped up to the Lugo canal, while Jaipurs entered the town. This small market place, whose chief claim to fame is a monstrous modernistic statue of Mussolini, put on a brave welcome; the mayor advanced to meet the Jaipurs with a white flag in one hand and a bottle of wine in the other. On the extreme left, 3/15 Punjabis had brought forward their vehicles and were probing to find an opening through which they might exploit as lorried infantry---evidence of the optimism that was in the air. Unfortunately the quick bridging and the rapid closing up of the transport echelons led to a sad tragedy. From ten thousand feet one flood-banked river looks much like another. A number of flights of bombers briefed to smash enemy transport withdrawing behind the Santerno mistook their target and dropped their loads on the long columns waiting to cross the Senio. Heavy casualties resulted.
The Schuolo Tratturo positions had been prepared as a switch line to the Senio defences. In view of the extent of Divisional commitments it was not deemed wise to force the pace by day., That evening, after a short but intense bombardment 3/8 Punjabis, the reserve battalion of 19th Brigade, advanced to the assault. After mopping up rearguards the Punjabis found themselves in the open. Throughout April 11th, Mahrattas and Jaipurs likewise made steady progress on 21st Brigade's front, against disorganized resistance. During the afternoon the Mahrattas reached the start line agreed upon for 17th Brigade's jump off against the Santerno. Here they paused until the Jaipurs had come up on their left and had consolidated the Brigade position.
The Senio Line had burst; the terrain up to the Santerno had been mopped up. 17th Brigade moved up for the denouement, the climactic moment of the battle. Would another smash punch the hole, or would the sagging line hold? At 1730 hours a heavy concentration shoot crashed down on the enemy positions along the line of the Santerno. With an interval of twelve hundred yards between them (because of an intervening minefield), 1/5 Gurkhas and 1 /12 Frontier Force Regiment advanced to the assault. It was an odd-looking battle array: an eye-witness said that it must have resembled an old-fashioned commando charge in the Boer war. A mass of vehicles rolled forward, led by flamethrowers. Armoured troop carriers followed, with groups of infantry interspersed on foot. Thereafter, pressing in upon the selvedges of the battle, came the miscellaneous transport of sappers, signallers and services, all intent upon speeding their functions and sharing to the full the risks and rigours of the decisive blow.
As the attack closed, the flamethrowers proved temperamental and accomplished little. The Kangaroos raced for the river; the infantry depouched within a few yards of the enemy and sprang into the fray.
(Some of Frontier Regiment's carriers ran on the minefield, and had to be. extricated.) As the two battalions surged over the crest of the flood banks, the Senio struggle was re-enacted; groups of machineguns from enfilade positions threshed the trough of the river, lashing the water with a hail of steel: one officer said it looked like a miraculous evening rise of fingerling. The sepoys gained the far bank to find it stiff with Germans, One company of the Frontier Force Regiment, two of Gurkhas, effected a lodgment; the enemy struck back with frenzy. Hour by hour the grim battle raged. Of the left flank platoon of Gurkhas only two men stood; on the right eleven men remained. Six counter-attacks were thrown in; each time sheer tenacity thwarted the enemy. At 0200 hours Royal Fusiliers came up and took over the battle, the Gurkhas pushing out at right angles to give flank protection. Simultaneously Frontier Force Rifles found resistance to be weakening, burst through in a soft spot, and fanned out across the fields.
A bridgehead had been established over the Santerno, but on the near bank 21st Brigade was still encountering fierce resistance. The crisis came when the Jaipurs, pushing up from Lugo, were thrown into the assault. In a fine rush "B" Company of the state troops reached the river. The enemy was slow in rallying on the flood banks; the Jaipurs seized their opportunity, and flooded across. They bore against a series of strong points in houses along the western bank. A heavy counter-attack forced them back, but after reorganization they surged forward again. This time the line broke; the defenders scattered and went to ground. The Jaipurs pushed on, leaving fifty dead Germans in the path of their advance.
This dashing advance completed the second breach in the Santerno defences. It now remained to make the bridgehead secure. At 0445 hours Royal Fusiliers pushed forward, working up a road running towards Mondaniga, marked on battle maps as "The Street". The Santerno was as yet unbridged, and the British battalion lacked support weapons. In a last desperate bid to block the hole German infantry with tanks in close attendance struck along "The Street". In the dim hour before dawn, the panzers roved freely. A forward Fusilier Company was overrun. Day was breaking as the enemy tanks prowled, seeking to close. On the other side of the Santerno, British armour chafed, unable to cross to the rescue of the precariously placed infantry, or to administer the coup de grâce to the shaken enemy. An engineer officer has supplied an exciting picture of the tense hours during which the sappers laboured all out at the all-important crossings. He wrote:
"At 0445 hours a bulldozer broke its track and partially blocked the near approach to our bridge site. Then the demolition charges in the flood banks failed to explode. A report reached us that a Tiger tank was waiting on the far side of the Santerno, two hundred yards away. Our near approach was widened around the disabled bulldozer, and the Sherman tank of the officer commanding the Armoured Engineer Squadron was positioned to take on the Tiger the instant the gap in the far bank was blown. No mistake was made this time: up went the bank. There was a lot of justifiable laughter when the only enemy in sight after the heavy charge exploded were two bomb-happy Germans who staggered out of a deep dugout not twenty yards from the crater. The dust of the explosion had scarcely settled when the first Churchills were over, and just in time to take on a troop of Tigers."
Had British a armour been delayed for another hour, Royal Fusiliers might have been destroyed, and the bridgehead lost. The momentum of the attack would have suffered and the Germans might have rallied for one more stand. But before the heavy guns of the Shermans, the enemy panzers faded away. Seventy-Eighth Division came flooding through. The British troops had not been told of the second Indian bridgehead, and Royal West Kents, who came forward to relieve the Jaipurs, unwittingly assembled on Seventy-Eighth Division's line of advance. Forward elements opened fire on the Kentish men, who took refuge in some farmhouses. There followed the rather unusual spectacle of one British regiment hanging out a white flag to another.
Along the river lines which they had stormed the men of Eighth Indian Division rested content. They had punched the hole again with a speed and power which left the enemy reeling; their spearhead had gouged a gaping wound. Many German formations had been destroyed, and upwards of one thousand prisoners taken, at a cost of little more than 700 Indian casualties. The Army Commander and the Corps Commander said kind words and General Russell thanked his men in his own fashion. "Two rivers crossed in forty-eight hours," he said, "is not a bad achievement, even for Eighth Indian Division."
The end was in sight. Seventy-Eighth Division struck for the Argenta Gap, the slender isthmus of retreat between the salt marshes and Lake Comacchio. As the enemy, reeling from the mortal thrust, strove to block this bottleneck, Fifty-Sixth London Division and 2nd British Commando Brigade took to the Comacchio lagoons in "Fantail" amphibious craft and established themselves in the rear of the Argenta defences. The view halloo of a kill on the grand scale rang across the world. Two German armies were dying fast.
Chapter Twenty
Table of Contents
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In a hidden valley, about three miles from Colne in Lancashire, lies the village of Wycoller. It was abandoned in the late 20th century, but the story of its decline began many centuries earlier.
In order to visit the village, you have to leave your car in the car park and walk down a steep path. Even before you arrive in the village, there are clues to its history and the reason for its former prosperity.
These vaccary stones (pictured above) can be found in fields all around the village and are reminders of when the village of Wycoller was one of five local vaccaries, specialising in cattle rearing. In the early 14th century most of the village was involved in some capacity, including the building of cattle folds and felling timber for alterations to shippons, and there are records to show that the payment for building a house for heifers was 2s 6d.
The Tudor Aisled Barn
The Tudor age saw the village grow richer still from the textile trade, as sheep began to replace cattle. The inhabitants combined farming with the preparation of wool, spinning, weaving, and the manufacture of clothing. A field above the village still bears the name Tenter Field, a reference to the practice of stretching cloth out on tenterhooks while it dried.
The population increased, because of the weaving work. At one point in the late 18th century, 78% of the heads of households were weavers. Such was the success of the village that there were three hatters resident in Wycoller.
Above: the medieval pack-horse bridge with, below, the signs of centuries of traffic.
But the boom could not last; handloom weavers were no match for the mills in nearby Trawden, Winewall, and Colne. Between 1820 and 1871 the population fell from around 350 to 107, and those who remained were mostly farmers.
Then, in 1890, the Colne Water Corporation announced plans to flood the village to make a reservoir. The buildings were not under threat, but nearly 200 acres of prime farmland were bought up by the Corporation. Underground water reserves were discovered and the work never went ahead, but it was too late. Wycoller became but a ghostly shadow in the valley, with buildings becoming derelict.
The main attraction in the village is the ruin of Wycoller Hall. This building seems to serve as a symbol of the history of the village. Where once it was a splendid 16th century manor house, with a magnificent fireplace, it is now a ruin, open to the elements since the late 19th century when the roof was taken off and sold. Originally owned by the Hartley family, the hall was extended in the late 18th century by its last owner, Squire Cunliffe.
A drawing showing how the fireplace would have been used
A keen gambler, Cunliffe also borrowed money against Wycoller Hall to fund the building work. He died – heavily in debt – in 1818. The property passed to his nephew Charles Cunliffe Owen, but Charles could not afford to pay off the debts and the estate was divided up among the creditors. The hall passed to a distant relative, and then to the Rev. John Roberts Oldham. The latter arranged for large parts of the stonework to be sold off to build the cotton mill at Trawden.
Wycoller is situated between Pendle and Haworth. Links with the latter are well-documented: Wycoller Hall was frequently visited by Charlotte Bronte and it was the inspiration for Ferndean Manor in Jane Eyre.
No such established link exists between Wycoller and Pendle, but as my companion remarked on the day we visited, it is not hard to imagine that many pedlars passed through, in the times of prosperity. Is it possible that this one passed through Wycoller at some point?
From the confession of ‘Pendle Witch’ Alison Device, 30th March 1612 (as recorded by Thomas Potts in Discovery of Witches, 1613): ‘At which time she met with a peddler on the high-way, called Colne-field, near unto Colne: and she demanded of the said peddler to buy some pins of him; but the said peddler sturdily answered that he would not loose his pack; and so she parting with him: presently there appeared to her the black dog, which appeared unto her as before: which black dog spoke unto her in English, saying “what wouldst you have me to do unto yonder man?” Alice asked the dog what it could do and it told her it could lame the man, who, before he was gone ‘forty roodes (300 yards) further, he fell down lame.’
The clapper bridge, above, has various names, which sum up the history of Wycoller: hints of a much earlier age are contained in the name Druids’ Bridge, it was also known as the Hall Bridge, because it is the nearest of Wycoller’s seven bridges to the hall, and it has been referred to as theWeavers’ Bridge, because of the generations of handloom weavers who used it to cross the river.
There is one, final, poignant note about this once thriving village. Just like the pack-horse bridge, the clapper bridge had a deep groove where the stone had been worn down by the journeys back and forth of the clog-wearing weavers. But in 1910 the groove was chiselled smooth by a local farmer, after his daughter had a fatal accident on the bridge.
Wycoller repays a visit. The tiny, peaceful hamlet contains within it many visual hints of a rich and varied history. Inhabited once more, nevertheless it retains a silence that respects its past and allows the visitor to sit, contemplate, and listen for the ghosts of a once lively hub of industry and trade.
For a look ‘behind the scenes’ pop over to my Blog Post
[This article originally appeared on the EHFA Blog on September 26th, 2015]
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Arming Nature's Grenade
Popcorn! It's not only a fun snack food; it's the subject of scientific inquiry.
By Michael DiSpezio|Friday, April 15, 2005
Have you ever wondered about the physical science of popping corn? What makes a corn kernel pop into a light and fluffy flake? Scientists have studied popcorn in the lab and their findings have been used by the food industry to develop new varieties. Some of the improved stocks insure a greater percentage of kernels that pop. Others have kernels that pop into larger, fluffier flakes. Critics, however, argue that these commercial advantages compromise the true corn taste.
Pop goes the kernel
Do you enjoy eating popcorn? If so, do you have a brand you prefer? What makes that brand different from other types of popcorn? In this activity, you’ll compare several brands of this snack food and see how all popcorn is not created equal.
Three varieties of popped popcorn samples
Three plates
Graph paper
1. Place five representative flakes of one brand of popped corn on a plate.
2. Select one flake of the popped corn. Use a ruler to measure the length of the flake long its longest axis. Record the value in the table below.
3. Then, determine its greatest width. The width is measured at a right angle to the length axis. Record the value in the table below.
4. Finally, determine the height of the flake. The height is the measurement taken at a right angle to the plane of the length and width (at the point of their intersection). Record this value in the table below.
5. Determine the average length, height, and width of the other flakes.
6. How would you describe the general shape of a typical flake? Is it round? Is it irregular?
7. Select a representative flake. Place it on a sheet of graph paper. Sketch the general shape of the flake on the grid. Make additional sketches that illustrate the shape of two other kernels.
8. Repeat steps one through seven using two other brands of popcorn.
9. Compare and contrast measurements of the different brands.
1. Which brand had the longest average flake length? Which brand has shortest average flake length?
2. Add up the average length, wide, and height measurement for each brand. Which brand has the greatest sum of these dimensions? Which one has the smallest sum of dimensions?
3. Compare the sketches of the popcorn flakes. Which brand had the roundest flakes? Which had the most irregular?
Animated action
Turn to the table of contents in this issue. Examine the strobe photo of a kernel exploding into a popped flake. On a scrap pad of paper, create a flipbook animation that illustrates the formation of a popcorn flake. Share your animation with other students.
Selling an idea
Some popcorn aficionados believe that many major commercial brands of popcorn have lost the true flavor of this treat. Although they may pop better, they don’t taste as good as other varieties. Suppose you were in charge of marketing these brands to the public. What strategies would you use in your marketing campaign to address the pop versus taste dilemma?
Releasing the pressure
Suppose the shell of an unpopped kernel was cracked? How might a crack affect the explosion of the kernel into a fluffy flake? Make a prediction. Then, create a strategy for inquiry to address this question. Share your experimental design with your instructor. With his or her approval, perform the experiment. Report your findings to your classmates.
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'Purring' Wolf Spiders softly serenade mates
The male wolf spider (Gladicosa gulosa) appears to communicate with females through vibrations.
The male wolf spider (Gladicosa gulosa) appears to communicate with females through vibrations. (Alexander Sweger)
Male wolf spiders use "purring" vibrations to serenade their sweethearts, but this wooing only works if the females can feel these vibrations, new research finds.
For the females to feel these vibrations, the courting couple must be standing on a suitable surface that can vibrate, like dry leaves, the researchers said in the new study.
Scientists had known that wolf spiders could make airborne sounds that are audible to humans. But this group of spiders doesn't have typical ears, and it's assumed that the critters can't actually hear any airborne sounds, said Alexander Sweger, a doctoral student of biology at the University of Cincinnati, who presented the unpublished research at the Acoustical Society of America's annual meeting in Pittsburgh on May 21. [Watch Wolf Spiders Make "Purring" Vibrations (Video)]
"They're quiet — nothing on the order of crickets," Sweger told Live Science. "We think this airborne sound is primarily a byproduct. As far as we can tell, they may not deliberately be producing a sound."
In fact, the "purring" wolf spider (Gladicosa gulosa) may help researchers learn how some animals use vibration, but not sound, to communicate, he said. Moreover, it's possible that acoustic communication evolved from vibration, which is linked with sound, he said.
Sweger and his adviser, George Uetz, a professor of biological sciences at the University of Cincinnati, came across Gladicosa gulosa in the field one day. Intrigued, Sweger began reading literature on the species but found little research beyond the observational and anecdotal. So, he decided to study the spider, which has the unique ability to produce both vibrations and acoustic noises during courtship, he said.
The organ resembles a musical instrument: The wolf spider has two small, leglike appendages near its mouth called pedipalps. The lowest joint on the pedipalp has a rough surface (called a file) on one side and a scraper on the other. The spider can rub its pedipalps together so that the file and scraper cross each other, "and that creates the vibrations that then travel down the limb to the leaf," Sweger said. Wolf spiders don't spin webs, but are adept hunters with keen eyesight. Researchers have known about wolf spider vibrations since the 1970s, when they described their stridulatory organ, Sweger said.
"They're courting on dead leaves," he said. "And that leaf itself is what's resulting in the airborne sound."
Good vibrations
In an experiment, Sweger and his colleagues recorded the vibration made by a male G. gulosa with an instrument that can digitize the vibration and convert it into an audible sound. They also used a microphone to record the spider during courtship, "so it's essentially the airborne sound you would hear in the room," he said.
Then, they played the airborne sounds to both males and females that were stationed on either granite or paper.
"What we found is that males never really showed a response, but females did when they were on paper," Sweger said.
Normally, the females were still, but when they felt the vibrations on the paper, they began moving around, he said. The paper, much like a dead leaf, likely picks up the vibrations from the male suitor, Sweger said.
The spiders' sensitivity to vibrations may also help them avoid predators. "We've shown in another species that they'll respond to bird calls if on a substrate [such as a leaf or paper]," he said.
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AskDefine | Define touraine
Extensive Definition
Touraine may also refer to Alain Touraine, French sociologist.
The Touraine is a former province of France. Its capital was Tours. During the political reorganization of French territory in 1790, the Touraine was divided between the départements of Indre-et-Loire, Loir-et-Cher and Indre.
Traversed by the Loire and its tributaries the Cher, the Indre and the Vienne, the Touraine makes up a part of the Paris Basin. It is well-known for its viticulture. The TGV, which connects Tours with Paris in less than an hour, has made the Touraine a place of residence for people who work in the capital but seek a different quality of life.
The Touraine takes its name from the Celtic tribe called the Turones. Nicknamed "The Garden of France," it was the retreat of kings at the end of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance.
Touraine's history cannot be told without knowing how the name came to be. A Celtic tribe called the Turones inhabited the land later known as Touraine, nearly 2000 years ago. In 1044, the control of Touraine was given to the Angevins, who became kings of England in 1154 with the castle Chinon as their greatest stronghold. In 1205, Phillip II Augustus of France regained Touraine. It was then that Touraine was made into a royal duchy. The next historical event was in 1429 when Saint Joan of Arc had an historic meeting with the future Charles VII at Chinon. Throughout the late 1400s and 1500s, Touraine was a favorite residence of French kings and the dark and gloomy castles were converted to beautiful Renaissance châteaux. These same châteaux are very popular tourist attractions today. The royal duchy later became a province in 1584, and was divided into departments in 1790.
The Touraine is celebrated for its number of châteaux, for example at Amboise, Azay-le-Rideau, Chaumont, Chenonceaux, Chinon, Langeais, Loches, Villandry and Blois.
The historic region of Touraine is home to many wonders and tourist attractions. Touraine's châteaux number over a dozen, and their regal splendor stands out even more than the lush green valleys and beautiful farmlands and scenery.
Famous natives
See also
External links
touraine in Catalan: Turena
touraine in German: Touraine
touraine in Spanish: Turena
touraine in French: Touraine (province française)
touraine in Italian: Turenna
touraine in Dutch: Touraine
touraine in Occitan (post 1500): Torena
touraine in Polish: Turenia
touraine in Portuguese: Touraine
touraine in Russian: Турень
touraine in Slovenian: Touraine
touraine in Swedish: Touraine
touraine in Chinese: 图赖讷
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AS/A2 Science Workshops
What makes a species a species? And how do new species evolve?
In this workshop, students will use the humble Lake Malawi Cichlid (it’s a fish!) as a case study for speciation.
We’ll discuss adaptations and selection pressures (like disruptive, stabilising and directional selection) in other species and challenge students with some evolutionary dilemmas like why do zebras have stripes?
Book now
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"url": "http://www.chesterzoo.org/education/AS-A2/workshops/science/evolution"
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Skip to Main Content
—Henry Ford
By the end of this chapter, readers will be able to:
1. Describe the age-related factors that influence learning in older adults.
2. Identify key principles to consider when engaging older adults in learning.
3. Distinguish the different types of memory and learning.
4. Identify effective strategies for facilitating learning in older adults.
5. Develop effective educational materials for older adults.
6. Differentiate among formal, informal, and nonformal learning.
7. List the reasons an older adult may engage in learning.
8. Summarize the benefits of learning for older adults.
9. Describe the connection(s) between education, learning, older adult health, and health literacy.
10. List the key documentation elements that should be included in the health record.
Clinical Vignette 1
Ms. Samantha Denning, age 83, and Mr. Bruno Gatto, age 72, are the co-presidents of a local Seniors Council. Ms. Denning and Mr. Gatto have contacted Patrick and Kim Cuc, an occupational therapist and physical therapist who co-own a private practice. Ms. Denning and Mr. Gatto would like to provide a 2-hour "Age-wise, Health-wise" educational session for older adults living the community and have asked Patrick and Kim Cuc to develop and present the session. The older adults comprise a diverse group in terms of socioeconomic status, race and ethnicity, and functioning.
1. What type of learning is the example in the clinical vignette? Why might an older adult attend the session?
2. What might Patrick and Kim Cuc do to ensure learning is maximized during the session? Are there any learning-environment factors that need to be taken into consideration as Patrick and Kim Cuc plan the session?
3. Are there any sociocultural factors that may influence the teaching and learning process?
Clinical Vignette 2
Mr. Francisco de Ruiz is a 71-year-old man who recently had a left total hip replacement (THR) and is to be discharged home. Mr. de Ruiz and his wife, Rita (age 83), moved from Central America 20 years ago, after their only son Roberto died in a car accident. The de Ruiz's are fluent in Spanish, and English is their second language. Mr. and Mrs. de Ruiz live in a small bungalow. Before Mr. de Ruiz's THR, both Mr. and Mrs. de Ruiz were independent in all activities of daily living (ADL) and instrumental ADL, were driving, participated in an aquatics exercise class 4 days per week, and were active in their church and with the local immigrant welcome center.
Sarah Redkin, physical therapist, and Scott Mussaid, occupational therapist, are planning a cotreatment session to teach the de Ruiz's car transfers and post-THR precautions during a variety of activities.
1. What are some considerations for skills learning that Sarah and Scott keep in mind?
2. Are there any strategies that Sarah and Scott can implement to ...
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Students 4-6
Grade 5, Chapter 15
Corinth, Then and Now
Your book talks about the Apostle Paul's work in the town of Corinth. Corinth is located on an isthmus—a narrow strip of land between the Aegean and Adriatic Seas. So in Paul's time, as it does today, this important harbor city teemed with travelers.
Even then, it was obvious that Corinth would be a great location for a canal. The canal would save ships a lot of time. The emperor Nero actually ordered that a channel deep and wide enough for ships be dug. Work was started, but then Nero was killed. The big trench that had been produced by his command was abandoned.
Since there was no canal, ships were dragged out of the water and towed across the isthmus on a special carrier that ran on rollers along a limestone road. During the towing, the sailors from the ships spent their time in Corinth. This constant turnover of strangers shaped the city in two ways. First, some people who lived in Corinth became very rich selling supplies to all the visitors. Second, the city gained a reputation as an evil place where immorality was common.
When Paul wrote his letters to the Corinthians, he was concerned about both these issues. He was especially concerned that the wealthier people in the Christian community weren't sharing their food with those who had less—even at the Lord's Supper.
The canal was finally completed at the end of the nineteenth century. To be roomy enough for modern ships, it had to be 72 feet wide and 26 feet deep. At four miles long, it is the third largest canal in the world. Busloads of tourists stop to see it on their way between Athens and Corinth. As the tourists enjoy the fresh salty air, they remember Paul who sailed the Mediterranean world to bring the faith to Corinth and many other places.
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IntroductionSelectionsExhibitions PageChinese
In the vast corpus of books of historical China, the lei-shu and ts'ung-shu occupied an important and unique position in that they, encompassing an extensive array of writings from across the ages, had contributed immensely to the collation and preservation of ancient books and to the continuation of China's cultural legacy.
The lei-shu, or classified books, are traditional reference tools covering a wide range of topics. They are compilations of the classics, histories, philosophical writings and literary works of all genres. Rather general in scope, the lei-shu may very well be taken as encyclopedias in the broadest sense. The first set of Chinese classified books is the Huang-lan (Emperor's Digest), which was compiled during the Three Kingdoms period (220-265) by scholar-officials for Emperor Wen-ti of the Kingdom of Wei (i.e., Ts'ao P'i). Among the better known compilations of the succeeding dynasties are the I-wen Lei-chu (A Categorized Collection of Literary Writing) and Pei-t'ang Shu-ch'ao (Excerpts from Books in the Northern Hall) of the T'ang, the T'ai-p'ing Kuang-chi (Extensive Gleanings of the Reign of Great Tranquility), T'ai-p'ing Yu-lan (Imperial Digest of the T'ai-p'ing Reign Period) and Ts'e-fu Yuan-kuei (Outstanding Models from the Storehouse of Literature) of the Sung, the Yung-lo Ta-tien (Vast Documents of the Yung-lo Era) and San-ts'ai T'u-hui (Assembled Pictures of the Three Realms) of the Ming and the Ku-chin T'u-shu Chi-ch'eng (Completed Collections of Graphs and Writings of Ancient and Modern Times) and Yuan-chien Lei-han (A Classified Encyclopedia of History and Literature) of the Ch'ing. Of these, the Yung-lo Ta-tien was once the most encyclopedic and voluminous lei-shu in Chinese history. Regrettably, most of the set has been destroyed or lost in the flames of wars, and less than three percent of the original work has survived. This leaves the Ch'ing imperial compilation of the Ku-chin T'u-shu Chi-ch'eng to be the largest lei-shu extant to date. Divided into six major categories and thirty-two individual sections, the encyclopedia comprises a total of 6,109 volumes of detailed, accurate textual accounts and exquisite illustrations. With texts and illustrations complementing each other, the work is generally considered the primary source of information for historical investigation and verification and for literary comparison.
On the other hand, the ts'ung-shu, or collectanea, are collections of individually printed books brought together according to certain pre-coordinated rules or pre-defined genres. To be sure, compilations of this type very well served to preserve the constituent works as integral sets. Chinese collectanea were usually issued under generic titles, and the earliest extant compilations are the Ju-hsueh Ching-wu (Lessons for the Scholars) and Pai-ch'uan Hsueh-hai (A Sea of Knowledge Formed by Hundreds of Streams), both date back to the end of the Southern Sung Dynasty (1127-1279). While it appears that this approach to collating collectanea had become a standard practice in the dynasties that followed, the compilations of the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) in particular deserve mention here, not because of their considerable growth, but because their scope had been substantially enlarged to incorporate works of mixed contents and of different literary forms. The development of collectanea compilation reached its peak during the Ch'ing Dynasty (1644-1912), a period when cultural pursuits were endorsed by members of all walks of life. Quite naturally, works of the time, from the imperially commissioned Ssu-k'u Ch'uan-shu (Complete Library of the Four Treasuries) to compilations initiated by private collectors, all showed unprecedented achievements in terms of quality and quantity.
Chinese classified books and collectanea share one thing in common, and that is, compilers of both types of works drew their materials directly from the books themselves. In the collating process, they were not only preserving the source materials in their original, unadulterated form, but were also doing a great service to scholars of later times by providing easy access to the contents. They differ, however, in one significant aspect. The compilation of collectanea did not follow any pre-determined principle; in other words, collectanea were merely reprints of individual works that still retained their independence within the larger set. The materials presented in the classified books, on the other hand, were selected and transcribed from various books and categorically arranged.
Constituting an important portion of the ancient literature of China, classified books and collectanea are the embodiment of the wisdom of the past. Visitors to the exhibition will surely agree that not only do they serve to illuminate the cultural achievements, but also bear witness to the advancement of civilization over the ages.
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American Museum of Natural History Logo link: Congo Expedition Main Page
continued from page 1
< pg 1 | >> pg 3
The mission, in the minds of the explorers and the Museum's administrators, was to capture as broad a picture of the Congo's biota and cultures as possible. But big adventures always have public mascots, and the Congo expedition focused on a pair of animals so rare and exotic that they were almost mythical: the okapi (Okapi johnstoni), a small, short-necked relative of the giraffe that had been discovered by Western science only ten years before, and the square-mouthed rhinoceros (Ceratotherium simum cottoni), also known as the white rhinoceros.
The expedition left New York Harbor on May 8, 1909, aboard the SS Zeeland. Lang and Chapin first stopped in Antwerp, where they gathered the provisions, permits, and contacts they would need in Africa. From Belgium they sailed aboard the steamship SS Leopoldville to Boma, a city on the Congo River Estuary that was then the capital of what was known as the Congo Free State. By rail and boat, they traveled a thousand miles up the Congo River to Stanleyville (now Kisangani) and, with the help of about 200 porters, walked through the dense rain forest to Avakubi, the base camp where they would store the tons of biological and anthropological collections they would accumulate in the years to come.
In early September, after spending three months training fifteen African men to collect and preserve plant and animal specimens, Lang and Chapin finally began their extended trips into the sparsely inhabited rain forests south of the Nepoko River. Big mammals were plentiful there, and the shy and elusive okapi was known to inhabit the region. Within a year, they had collected most of what they needed for an okapi exhibit for the Museum, but the expedition's second publicized mission, acquisition of a display-worthy white rhino, had not yet been accomplished. In late 1910, the Museum granted funds for the continuation of the expedition into the savanna country of the upper Uele, where Lang and Chapin worked from January 1911 through July 1913. In addition to finding good examples of the rhino (including one with a 42-inch-long horn) they found thousands of other valuable plants and animals.
At any given time, Lang and Chapin might have as many as 200 porters and more than a dozen hunters and animal preparators with them. Without the support of those Africans the expedition would have been impossible. The porters carried everything from tents and provisions to firearms, photographic equipment, and portable animal-preparation labs.
As their experience in Africa deepened, Lang and Chapin became increasingly interested in the African people they were living and working with. Over time, Lang's photography, which at first focused on documenting animals and then Africans and their cultural artifacts, became far more personal. Known for his enterprise and energy, Lang would collect specimens and take photographs all day long and then stay up half the night processing the film that was his real passion.
Lang was probably one of the best ethnographic and wildlife photographers of his day, and Chapin was a gifted illustrator. That combination of talents made for extraordinarily rich documentation the early twentieth-century Congo.
< pg 1 | >> pg 3
More Expedition Readings
(click images for larger view)
thumbnail link to larger image: AMNH # 226867
River boat
thumbnail link to larger image: AMNH # 315691
Okapi diorama
thumbnail link to larger image: AMNH # 123650
Square-lipped rhinoceros diorama
thumbnail link to larger image: AMNH # 227033
thumbnail link to larger image: AMNH # 222147
Red-tailed monkey
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Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science1. 2 3 4 Canada and Northern California.
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Presentation on theme: "Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science1. 2 3 4 Canada and Northern California."— Presentation transcript:
1 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science1
2 2
3 3
4 4 Canada and Northern California
5 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science5 “Circumpacific Ring of Fire” – this is another fancy name for the plate boundaries. This is because most of the world’s earthquakes, volcanoes, and mountain formations are on plate boundaries.
6 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science6 There are three major lines of evidence that show that the continents were once all attached. 1.The outlines of the continents appear to fit together like puzzle pieces. Look at North America, South America, and Africa. 2.Rocks on opposite sides of the Atlantic Ocean match up in terms of type, sequence, and age. 3. Fossils of the same species of plants and animals are found on continents that are widely separated by oceans.
7 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science7 Caused by compressional forces
8 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science8
9 9
10 10 The rock layers are slanted because of tectonic forces. TILTING
11 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science11
12 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science12 The Oceanic Crust subsides under the Continental Crust because it is thinner and more dense.
13 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science13
14 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science14 North American PlateEurasian Plate
15 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science15 Mid-Atlantic Ridge Rift SystemDivergent Plate Boundary
16 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science16 Tectonic plates are sliding past each other. Western California is moving north-west, not into the Pacific Ocean.
17 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science17 Fault Line What type of fault is this?
18 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science18 Black Smoker Black Smokers are chimney-like structures made up of sulfur-bearing minerals or sulfides, that come from beneath Earth's crust. They form when hot (roughly 350 C), mineral- rich water flows out onto the ocean floor through the volcanic lava on a mid-ocean ridge volcano.
19 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science19 Mount Pinatubo Volcanic Eruption
20 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science20
21 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science21
22 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science22 Tsunamis are primarily associated with earthquakes in oceanic and coastal regions. Landslides, volcanic eruptions, nuclear explosions, and even impacts of objects from outer space (such as meteorites, asteroids, and comets) can also generate tsunamis.
23 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science23 The phenomenon we call a tsunami (soo-NAH-mee) is a series of waves of extremely long wavelength and long period generated in a body of water by an impulsive disturbance that displaces the water.
24 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science24
25 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science25
26 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science26 Liquefaction is a phenomenon in which the strength and stiffness of a soil is reduced by earthquake shaking. This occurs in saturated soils, that is, soils in which the space between individual particles is completely filled with water.
27 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science27
28 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science28 Island chains are formed when sections of the crust move over Hot Spots. I Hot spots are areas within the crust, not anywhere near plate boundaries, where lava rises through the crust.
29 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science29
30 Ms. Hartnett's Earth Science30
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Day 2
Alice in Wonderland Lesson Plan
Discussion of Thought Questions
1. 1
Talk about Carroll's use of puns. Why do you think he places them where he does?
Students should discuss the fact that Carroll often uses puns (said by Wonderland characters) to irritate and confuse Alice. Are we meant to draw from this that puns are an irritant, a way to stop a conversation? Discuss also the possibility that Carroll himself enjoys puns and inserts them as he thinks of them.
2. 2
The White Rabbit is loudly rude to Alice, but the rest of the time is portrayed as quite timid. Why do you think this is?
Discussion should focus on the tendency of humans to speak ill to those they see as inferiors while maintaining deference to those they see as...
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"url": "http://www.gradesaver.com/alice-in-wonderland/lesson-plan/2/discussion-of-thought-questions"
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Moral Development and LOTF
Raghav Kotha, Kevin Yuan
Opening Thoughts
Throughout Lord of the Flies, Golding describes boys who have been abandoned on an island and their actions. William Golding included children at all different stages of moral development in order to show that people often stay or move backward on the stages of moral development.
Big image
Engagement Activity
Judy was a twelve-year-old girl. Her mother promised her that she could go to a special rock concert coming to their town if she saved up from baby-sitting and lunch money to buy a ticket to the concert. She managed to save up the fifteen dollars the ticket cost plus another five dollars. But then her mother changed her mind and told Judy that she had to spend the money on new clothes for school. Judy was disappointed and wanted to go to the concert anyway.
What should Judy(if you were in her situation) do?
Stage 1/2- stay at home to avoid punishment
Stage 3/4- go to the concert and take the punishment
Stage 5/6- go to the concert and not get in trouble because she did what she think is right
Quote 1
"He paused, defeated by the silence and the painted anonymity of the group guarding the entry. Jack opened a pink mouth and addressed Samneric, who were between him and his tribe.
“You two. Get back.”
No one answered him. The twins, puzzled, looked at each Other; while Piggy, reassured by the cessation of violence, stood up carefully. Jack glanced back at Ralph and then at the twins.
“Grab them!”
No one moved. Jack shouted angrily.
“I said ‘grab them’!”
The painted group moved round Samneric nervously and unhandily. "
The group is exhibiting Preconventional Morality because they are only listening to Jack to avoid punishment. This can be more specifically known as stage one. Jack wants his group to capture Samneric but they feel uneasy and are very nervous.
Quote 2
"I cut the pig's throat," said Jack, proudly...the boys chattered and danced. The twins continued to grin.
"There was lashings of blood," said jack, laughing and shuddering, "you should have seen it!"
"You let the fire go out."(Ralph)
In this scene, Jack had gone off hunting, while Ralph had told him to tend the fire. A ship had passed by but they were not able to get its attention because the fire was out. Jack is showing Preconventional morality(Stage 1/2) because he is self centered and only does things that he wants to do rather than what he is supposed to.
Quote 3
Piggy is showing Conventional Morality(Stage 3) because he wants to look good in front of others and is trying to feel purposeful.
Quote 4
"All this I meant to say. Now I've said it. You voted me for chief. Now you do what I say."
Ralph is currently in the Conventional Morality Level because he is stating that he was voted chief and people should listen to him because a person exhibiting Conventional Morality tends to follow the rules and wants others to uphold the law as well.
Quote 5
Simon is exhibiting Post-Conventional Morality(stages 5/6) because he wants to help the littluns even though everyone else ignores them. He wants to help them because he felt bad for them and does this by handing them fruit from the highest points on the tree.
Concluding Thoughts
After examining the quotes, it is clear that Golding included the boys and their progression/ actions as those that can be represented by Kohlberg's 6 stage model of Moral Development. We realize that we can make these generalizations:
He included the Littluns, who were in the Preconventional Stage, because they were often individualistic when gathering fruits and often listened to the older kids so that they did not get in trouble.
Piggy and Ralph could be considered as people in the conventional stage, because they tried to make/enforce rules to keep order between the members of their group. They use the conch as a way to enforce laws.
Jack is part of the postconventional stage at first because he tries to do what he thinks is right, but soon progresses backwards to the pre conventional stages as he becomes self-serving and individualistic.
Big image
Discussion Questions
1. Do you think that Ralph was a fit leader, or did Jack do the right thing by seceding (doing what he thought was right) and forming his own faction/group?
2. How can the change in behavior seen in Jack when he gained power be compared to the change in behavior seen in the pigs in Animal Farm?
3. After listening to the presentation, do you think Golding added characters that represented the levels of moral development on purpose or is just a coincedence?
4. If you were the chief of the faction/group, what would you have done differently than Ralph?
5. Do you think any characters(other than Ralph,Jack,Simon, Piggy or the littluns) could fit into a particular stage of development?
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Heavy metal hardens battle
Heavy metal hardens battle
University of Leeds
Source - http://www.physorg.com/news/2011-07-heavy-metal-hardens.html
Wearing armor has been shown to use more than double the energy required to walk and run. Credit: Courtesy of the University of Leeds
A study published today in Proceedings of the Royal Society B shows that soldiers carrying armour in Medieval times would have been using more than twice the amount of energy had they not been wearing it. This is the first clear experimental evidence of the limitations of wearing Medieval armour on a soldier's performance.
During warfare in the 15th century, soldiers wore steel plate armour, typically weighing 30-50kg. It is thought this may have been a contributing factor in whether an army won or lost a battle.
"We found that carrying this kind of load spread across the body requires a lot more energy than carrying the same weight in a backpack," says lead researcher, Dr Graham Askew from the University of Leeds Faculty of Biological Sciences. "This is because, in a suit of armour, the limbs are loaded with weight, which means it takes more effort to swing them with each stride. If you're wearing a backpack, the weight is all in one place and swinging the limbs is easier."
The research team included academics from the Universities of Leeds, Milan and Auckland along with experts from the Royal Armouries in Leeds, UK. Researchers worked with highly skilled fight interpreters from the Royal Armouries Museum, who wore exact replicas of four different types of European armour. They undertook a range of walking and running exercises, during which their oxygen usage was measured through respirometry masks, providing researchers with a picture of how much energy was being used by the participants.
The study also showed that the armour had a clear impact on the soldier's breathing. Rather than taking deep breaths when they were exerting themselves - as they would have done had they not been wearing armour - the interpreters took a greater number of shallower breaths.
"Being wrapped in a tight shell of armour may have made soldiers feel safe," says co-investigator Dr Federico Formenti from the University of Auckland. "But you feel breathless as soon as you begin to move around in Medieval armour and this would likely limit a soldier's resistance to fight."
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Dishes - Indians had many types of dishes, or vessels for the preparation and serving of food. They were made from stone, shell, ivory, horn, rawhide, bark, wood, pottery, and basketry.
Dishes, as a general rule, were not used to hold individual portions, for in most tribes Indians gathered around one large pot or dish and all ate from it. But there were small dishes to hold salt and other seasonings and for a few delicate foods. larger dishes usually held cooked corn or vegetables, and trays and platters were used for game and bread.
Wood was the most common article from which dishes were made. For round dishes and drinking cups, burl wood, or knots on trees were utilized. The Iroquois especially made fine dishes from burl wood. The Plains Indians also made dishes from burl wood when they could get it, and they fashioned spoons from buffalo horn and made cooking pots from the stomachs of the buffalo and deer. The Paiute used dishes made from the shell of the box turtle. The Pima and Papago fashioned oblong trays and shallow platters from mesquite wood. Most of the Pueblo tribes used pottery dishes.
Dishes of birch bark were made by Woodland tribes. In the South, Indians made use of various types of gourds. Southwestern and California Indians preferred basket type dishes.
Related Information within this Site
[ Bark Craft ][ Baskets ][ Buffalo ][ Deer ]
[ Horn and Bone Craft ][ Pottery ][ Rawhide ]
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Portrayal of Technology in Prometheus
Project maintained by ad1217 Hosted on GitHub Pages — Theme by mattgraham
In Prometheus, an expedition sets out from earth to find humanity’s origins. On a moon of a distant planet, they find an ancient outpost, with dead aliens that turn out to be closely related to humans. A contingent of crew members led by Dr. Elizabeth Shaw set out to explore the ruins and find evidence that the aliens were in fact the creators of humanity. One crew member, an android named David, sneaks off, intending to revive one of the aliens. Back at the ship, several crew members begin behaving strangely, having been infected by alien parasites. The parasites grow rapidly, burst out, and attack the crew, who barely fight them off. In the ruins, David succeeds in waking the alien. The alien attacks David and takes off in a ship, intending to destroy humanity. The crew crash their own ship into the alien’s, sacrificing themselves to prevent the alien from escaping to Earth. Only David and Dr. Shaw survive. The alien climbs out of the wreck of his ship and attacks Dr. Shaw, but is killed by one of the parasites. David and Dr. Shaw leave the planet in an escape pod, heading to the alien’s home world to learn about the origins of humanity.
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Determining the prey of raptors on migration using non-invasive genetic technique
Falcons and Accipiters rely on powered flight during migration and must hunt in order to fuel their journey. This means that the availability of prey along a migratory route is critical to migratory raptors such as the sharp-shinned hawk (Accipiter striatus) and merlin (Falco columbarius). Determining the diet of migrating raptors has been difficult in the past, however, modern genetic techniques can allow us to reveal the specific diet of these bird-eating raptors and give insight into predator-prey interactions during their migration.
Dr. Josh Hull and graduate student Ryan Bourbour, from UC Davis (Hull Lab) and the Golden Gate Raptor Observatory, aim to develop a non-invasive technique that can identify prey DNA to species from samples collected from the surface of beaks and talons of raptors banded at hawk migration sites.
Samples collected from resident birds at the California Raptor Center will contribute to the development of effective laboratory methods, which will be applied to samples collected from wild migrating raptors. Development of this molecular dietary study technique will be a novel and valuable tool for raptor research and will further our understanding of trophic interactions and avian migration ecology.
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"url": "http://vetmed.ucdavis.edu/calraptor/research/prey-raptors-genetic-non-invasive.cfm"
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QS Study
The nervous system of cockroach consists of a series of fused, segmentally arranged ganglia joined by paired longitudinal connectives on the ventral side. Three ganglia lie in the thorax, and six in the abdomen. The nervous system of cockroach is spread throughout the body. The head holds a bit of a nervous system while the rest is situated along the ventral (belly-side) part of its body.
Fig: Nervous System of Cockroach
If the head of a cockroach is cut off, it will still live for as long as one week. In the head region, the brain is represented by supra-oesophageal ganglion which supplies nerves to antennae and compound eyes. In cockroach, the sense organs are antennae, eyes, maxillary palps, labial palps, anal cert.’, etc. The compound eyes are situated at the dorsal surface of the head. Each eye consists of about 2000 hexagonal ommatidia (sing.: ommatidium). With the help of several ommatidia, a cockroach can receive several images of an object. This kind of vision is known as a mosaic vision with more sensitivity but less resolution is common during the night (hence called nocturnal vision).
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Definition - What does Restoration mean?
This term can refer to any action or process that is used to repair, renew or re-establish a tangible or intangible asset. Restoration would generally follow after some form of impairment or damage has occurred and would be aimed at returning something to its former condition.
Safeopedia explains Restoration
In the context of industry, restoration usually refers to repairing a form of damage that the actions and activities of an industry may have caused. For example, construction companies may be required to restore areas that have been affected by a project. Mining companies may be obligated to restore environments that have been damaged through their activities. Landfills and other waste disposal sites must be restored as well, so that they can be used for other purposes.
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"url": "https://www.safeopedia.com/definition/2948/restoration"
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Fish on Friday II: Monastic Meals
In the Middle Ages, fasting and Lenten traditions were highly evident in the monastic houses. The different Rules and Orders (take your pick from Benedictine, Carthusian, Cluniac, Cistercian, Premonstratensians, Trinitarians, Beguines, and more!) had strict rules governing their lifestyles, including their diet, nutrition, and meals.
Breviary of Queen Isabella of Castille, c. 1497, Taurus: Two Men Fishing, British Library MS 18851, f.3r.
Where, When, What, and How Much?
Monastic communities ate their meals in the refectory, or dining room. In many communities the refectory, or frater, was on the south side of the cloister placing it relatively far away from the church and center of worship. Community meals were a key element in most of the religious rules, and especially important was the behavior at these meals. Before meal time, the brothers or sisters passed by the lavabo, or lavatory sink to wash their hands and any personal utensils. They proceeded to take a seat on long benches pushed up against the wall with trestle tables lining the room below the windows. In some orders, portions were collected at the refectory entrance and others dined family-style. Most orders ate in silence, with a lone reader sharing scripture to the community.
Breviary of Queen Isabella of Castille, c. 1497, A Dominican reading to his fellow brothers, British Library MS 18851, f. 203r.
The Benedictine and Augustinian rules allowed for two cooked plates at each meal, with a third dish allowed if it is raw or uncooked produce. Bread was the staple of almost all meals, with produce coming in as the second priority. The Rule of St. Benedict of Nursia recommends a daily portion for each brother of a one-pound loaf of bread. If it is not fully consumed during the main meal then it can be kept and eaten later in the day. No mammals were consumed at regular meals however exceptions were made for meals served in the infirmary. The sick and injured were allowed to consume regulated portions of red meat and broth. Poultry was generally considered a meat yet some Rules only qualified four-legged animals as meat. Fish were generally acceptable in monastic menus, since they were not considered meat by the monastic rules.
There are a few exceptions which include meat in the refectory: the 8th century Rule of St. Chrodegang allows for two dishes per meal including one vegetable and one meat. These dishes should be shared among the brothers and when one ran out, the rest of the diners had to make do with the remaining option. This Rule also specifically mentions the recommended portions for bread (four pounds), cheese (one portion unspecified), wine, or beer (five gallons cumulatively; let’s hope these portions were for weekly rations otherwise those would be some pretty cheerful monks!).
The different orders allowed for a variety of diet; some orders only allowed one meal a day while others such as the Benedictines allowed two. Perhaps this is why there were a larger number of Benedictine houses compared to the other orders? The Rule of St. Columbanus is one of the strictest which restricts it to one frugal meal a day to honor a simple lifestyle and self-mortification. The diet was affected by the liturgical calendar too; during Lent the diet was even more frugal and around Easter it might be more bountiful.
The Romanesque refectory at Mont-St.-Michel, France. Photo by D. Trynoski, 2014.
The typical dishes included bread, grains, legumes, eggs, cheese, fruit, and vegetables. Peas and broad beans were popular in Britain and France and are mentioned in many medieval recipes and household guides. Pottage was a common feature on all medieval tables and likely played a starring role in the refectory. Modest seasonings included honey, mustard seed, beer, vinegar, garden herbs, and of course salt.
Farm to Table
Monasteries produced much of their own food stock including fruit, vegetables, grain, fish, dairy products in limited quantities, beer, and wine. Most of the Rules called for a life of simplicity, humility, and poverty and this was manifest in the commitment to an agricultural lifestyle and simple meals. Some houses had a chapter of lay brothers, “monks lite,” who did not take formal monastic vows yet were affiliated with the house. Many of these lay brothers and sisters did the majority of the agricultural work and adapted some of the Rule’s lifestyle requirements. There were some houses in which the community performed the labor to more fully live according their house’s Rules.
Two of the most important roles in the monastic meal process were the Kitchener and the Cellarer. The Kitchener was the equivalent of a Head Chef, supervising food production and quality control, while the Cellarer was the General Manager, supervising supplies, stores, and product inventory. These two literally held the keys to the important stuff, and called the shots on what was served when. The Infirmerer played a secondary leadership role, since he or she needed to manage the accessibility to medicinal supplies, patient meals, and infirmary supplies. This person would be in close communication with the other two to ensure the production or acquisition of necessary supplies.
Many modern European vintners have their roots in a monastic vineyard (yes, that was intentional) and you can even visit monastic communities which still produce wine. Monastic wineries supply multiple markets including sacramental wine and the global wine industry. For some houses it is a major income source while for others it is merely a continuation of their medieval habits. Excessive drinking was discouraged in the medieval monastery, however it appears that moderate drinking of beer and wine was common. The Abbot and Abbess had discretion over the amount distributed; after a day of excessive labor he/she may allow for an extra tipple.
Breviary of Queen Isabella of Castille, c. 1497, Libra: Men treading and harvesting grapes, pouring wine out of barrels, British Library MS 18851, f. 5v.
Dairy products including cheese, butter, and milk were acceptable in most of the Rules. Cheese was a highly nutritious and high calorie food product which was relatively easy to produce and store. This made it an important staple of the medieval diet and especially in the monastic context.
Over time, the trend among Rules was a gradual laxity in the adherence to fasting and frugality. The early rules such as St. Augustine’s prioritized fasting as an essential part of pure monastic life, and over time the permitted diet increased to include fish, beer, wine, and then meat. First meat was allowed outside the refectory such as in the Abbot’s House, then it moved into the refectory on feast days, then during ecclesiastical seasons, then was included in the majority of monastic meals. As the monastic orders grew in size and the number of houses, their Rules flexed and changed. The evolution of monastic meals reflects the vibrant and active nature of medieval society, and represents the tangled relationships between religion and society.
Are you feeling hungry now? Wash your hands, get your nosh, and pray!
Danielle Trynoski is the West Coast correspondent for and is the co-editor of The Medieval Magazine.
Don’t miss Fish on Friday I: Economic Blessing or Dietary Sacrifice?
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Public Release:
Princeton team learns why some drugs pack such a punch
Princeton University
IMAGE: A Princeton-led team has discovered new mechanisms at work in protein production. Here, a folded protein (the ribbon-like object) jams a translocator (purple cylinder on left). Once jammed, translocators emit... view more
Credit: Courtesy of Princeton University/Silhavy Laboratory
In a study appearing in the Aug. 7 edition of the journal Science, Thomas Silhavy, Princeton's Warner-Lambert Parke-Davis Professor of Molecular Biology, and Johna van Stelten, a graduate student, working with two Swiss researchers have uncovered how some antibiotics in common use for 50 years -- tetracycline and chloramphenicol -- can be so lethal against certain strains of bacteria.
Simply put, these drugs plug things up.
Silhavy and van Stelten had been studying the mechanism by which proteins -- from antibodies to hormones -- are produced in bacteria's cytoplasm, the gooey substance that makes up the cell's interior, and then transported where they are needed. The spaghetti-like proteins exit the bacteria's cytoplasm through microscopic tubes known as translocators.
Sometimes, proteins fold up accidentally and jam the translocator. "Proteins go through the translocator, like a piece of spaghetti through a hole," Silhavy said. "But if you can imagine if you were to tie knots in the spaghetti, it wouldn't be able to get through; it gets stuck."
What happens then is ugly, according to Silhavy and van Stelten, who were the first ever to observe the event.
The bacterial cell actually attacks the jammed translocator, decimating it.
The researchers wondered what might happen in a more complex scenario, such as if antibiotics were introduced into the cell cytoplasm to purposely thwart bacteria.
The scientists found that the antibiotics tetracycline and chloramphenicol cause the ribosomes, a cell's protein-producing machines, to stop midway through the process of making proteins, leaving partially constructed proteins stuck to the ribosome, jamming the translocator in the bacteria.
"This is very similar to plugging the translocator with a folded protein and, sure enough, this also causes translocator destruction," Silhavy said. "It's like putting an anchor on the spaghetti instead of a knot. They are stuck and dead forever."
Researchers had been confused as to why these antibiotics seemed to be so adept at killing some kinds of bacteria more quickly than others. These experiments provide an explanation. Translocators are essential for life and, if some bacteria have fewer translocators from the start, then they are more vulnerable to such an attack.
"While it has been known for many years that these antibiotics work by inhibiting bacterial protein synthesis, it was not clear why some bacteria in a population appeared more susceptible than others," van Stelten said. "Our work has identified a new reason why these antibiotics are lethal to bacteria that may help explain these earlier findings."
The researchers made their discovery not because of a new piece of equipment or a new technique. "Like the vast majority of advancements in science and medicine, we happened upon this remarkable answer through basic research," van Stelten said.
The finding could have important implications for medicine.
"If we are to have any hope of outpacing the antibiotic resistance obtained by bacteria, it is paramount that we fully understand the mechanism of action of the antibiotics we currently use," van Stelten said. "Unfortunately, this is often very difficult as evidenced by the fact that, 50 years on, we are still learning new things about them."
Their work also produced another important result. When the translocators in bacteria became jammed by errant proteins, the researchers observed that the translocators emitted a molecular signal -- a stress response -- that called in a destructive enzyme known as the FtsH protease. Under normal circumstances, the FtsH protease chops up the jammed translocators, contributing to cell death.
The scientists found, however, that when they increased the amount of YccA, a protein that is present in the bacterial cell, YccA proteins protected the translocators from the FtsH attackers. YccA, it turns out, is very similar to a human protein known as Bax Inhibitor-1 (BI-1) that is of great interest to cancer researchers because cancer proliferates when it malfunctions.
"We have determined how YccA works in preventing stress-induced death in bacteria," van Stelten said. "We hope this new information will shed light on the mechanism of BI-1 in humans."
Other researchers on the paper included Filo Silva and Dominique Belin from the University of Geneva in Switzerland.
The work was supported by the National Institute of General Medical Sciences of the National Institutes of Health, the New Jersey Commission on Cancer Research, the Canton de Geneve and the Swiss National Science Foundation.
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The Milesians were the descendants of Miled (sometimes Míl, Miletus or Milesius), a tribal king from the Iberian peninsula, the area which is now Spain and Portugal. Somewhere in the area of 1000 BC, they invaded Ireland, driving off the Tuatha de Danann and subjugating the Fir Bolg to become the ruling class of the island. They would remain so for about two millennia, until their rulership was challenged by Viking invaders in the tenth and eleventh centuries.
Much of what we know of this period in Irish folk history comes to us from the Lebor Gabála, the Book of Invasions, an early Medieval text. We are told that Miled is descended from the line of Gaedheal Glas, the original creator of the Irish language. Gaedheal dwelt with his people in Egypt, where they were friendly with the Israelites. One source tells us that Gaedheal was once bitten by a snake and then cured by Moses, who subsequently prophesied that Gaedheal's descendants would come to live in a place where there were no serpents.
Two generations later, Gaedheal's people were driven from Egypt, and they returned in ships to their original home of Scythia. There followed many disputes upon their return as to the hierarchy of power, and after a few generations of unrest, they were driven from Scythia as well. At this time they became wanderers of the sea, with no real home for several years until they landed upon the Iberian shores. They seized this land by force, and their king Breoghan had a great tower erected on a cliff overlooking the ocean. A sentinel stood watch in this tower at all times, always wary of invaders.
Years later, on a clear wintry evening, Breoghan's son Ith stood in that tower watching the sun set, and just after it sank below the horizon, he saw a distant island there, a gem of green sparkling in the light of the faded sun. Ith was the uncle of Miled, and in time he became king. While Ith ruled, Miled traveled, returning to his ancestral land of Scythia. He was welcomed by the king there, given a wife and made an army commander. He was very successful and loved by the people, so much so that the king became jealous and tried to kill him, but his wife was accidentally killed instead, and Miled avenged her by killing the king.
Miled then left Scythia, taking with him his supporters. They were so numerous that they filled sixty ships, and they journeyed to Egypt, pledging service to the king there. Miled was again made a general and wed the Pharaoh's own daughter, Scota. After some time, a messenger from Iberia arrived with news of an invasion, and Miled and his people returned home to assist Ith in battle.
The invaders were driven off, and Miled distinguished himself highly in that battle and others that followed. Seeing his nephew's popularity and influence among the people rise, Ith took Miled aside one day and revealed to him the vision of the island he had seen from the tower years before. Lately, he had heard its voice calling to him in his dreams, and the druid Caicher had prophesied that their people would settle there.
Ith named Miled to the kingship and, taking a hundred and fifty warriors with him, crossed the seas to reach Ireland. He arrived in the wake of a battle between the Tuatha de Danann and the Fomorians, in which the Danaan king had been slain. The king's three sons were preparing to divide the land and its rulership among themselves when Ith landed. They welcomed him, and seeing that he was wise and a king in his own right, asked him to divide the land among the three of them so that there could be no doubt of impartiality.
Ith did so, dividing the land fairly and equally, but finished by espousing the virtues of the fair island: "Act according to the laws of justice, for the country you dwell in is a good one. It is rich in fruit and honey, in wheat and in fish; and in heat and cold it is temperate." Hearing this, the Danaans believed that Ith coveted their land and intended to seize it, and they murdered him and threw him in the sea. But as bodies will, he washed ashore near his men's camp, and they bore his corpse home in their ships.
Miled was furious when his uncle's companions returned to Iberia, and vowed to take the three kings' land by force. He set his people to building a great navy with which they would invade Ireland. Miled was old by this time, and we are told he had at least thirty-six sons. The bulk of these were born during his early life in Iberia, before his travels. Two were born of his wife in Scythia, named Donn (sometimes Eber Donn) and Aireach, and six were his sons by Scota.
Of these, Éireamhóin (or Éremon) was the greatest warrior, and leader of his people in battle. Ír was also a fearsome fighter, but in battle a madness would come on him and in his blood-rage he would cut down friend and foe alike. Éibhear Fionn (or Eber Finn) was the most handsome and charming of them all, and he happily kept many wives (the Milesians were polygamists). Amhairghin Glúngheal (or simply, Amergin) was a bard whose consummate skill with the harp was never again achieved among men after his passing. Of the other two sons of Scota, Colptha and Érannan, little is written.
Miled did not survive to see the completion of his navy, having died of some unspecified cause in the interim. There was initially some dispute over the kingship among the sons of Miled, but this was eclipsed by the completion of the fleet of ships and preparation of the army. In the end, all of the sons of Miled left Iberia for Ireland, each with his own ship that bore his family and retainers, in addition to a complement of warriors.
As the fleet of ships approached the island, a thick mist and fog fell over them. Érannan climbed the mast of his ship to see if he could see beyond it, but a strange wind blew him down from atop it, crushing his body on the deck. The Milesian druids agreed that the Danaans were using their powers to keep them from landing. Ír rowed forth in a small boat to face them himself, but a wave crushed his boat and oars, and he drowned.
The Milesians sailed their fleet around the island, finally managing to make a landing along the western shore. Amhairghin's wife Scéine drowned during the landing, and they buried her on a hill overlooking the bay (Kenmare Bay in County Kerry), naming it Inbhear Scéine after her. Amhairghin was the first to set foot on Ireland, and when he did so he was overcome by the spirit of the land, and recited the famous and venerated Song of Amergin.
Their forces then advanced to Sliabh Mis (a mountain south of Tralee), where they encountered a Danaan queen and her retinue. Amhairghin, with his bardic gift of speech, acted as the spokesperson and diplomat for the Milesians, and the two sat and spoke. The queen, Banba, praised Amhairghin's words and ways, and asked that if his people should come into possession of Ireland, that her name be remembered as part of it. Amhairghin agreed to this, and their march continued.
A similar encounter occurred at Sliabh Éibhlinn (now Slieve Felim in County Limerick) with the lady Fódhla, and at the hill of Uisneach (Ushnagh in County Westmeath) with the lady Ériu. Amhairghin promised each that their names would be remembered as part of Ireland forever, and so it was. Of these three, only the last, Ériu, has persisted as a name for Ireland (Eire, or in its dative form, Erin), but each was used in its own time.
When the Milesians came at last to Tara, Amhairghin strode boldly into the court where the three kings were gathered, and announced that, in the name of the Milesian king Ith who they murdered, they must forfeit their rulership over Ireland or do battle to defend it. The Danaans were taken aback at this and asked for three days to gather their army. They also requested that the Milesians return to their ships and retreat nine waves from the shore during this time.
Amhairghin agreed, believing it a fair judgment to allow the Danaans time to prepare for the battle, and he and the others returned to their ships. No sooner had they cast off, however, than a mist obscured the island and a great storm raged upon their fleet. Amhairghin used the magic of his music to calm the waters again, but Donn, angered by the Danaans' dishonorable treachery, threatened to put every man, woman and child in Ireland to the sword. At this, the storm rose against his ship and drowned him and his brother Aireach.
This left only four of the named sons of Miled alive, and thirty of their ships intact. These remaining ships sailed clockwise around Ireland at Éireamhóin's command, and made their landing at the Boyne estuary. There is a mention of Colptha's death at this point, although how this happened is not made clear. As with Scéina, they buried Colptha overlooking the shore and gave the estuary the name of Inbhear Colptha.
The Milesians made camp to prepare for battle, but were then attacked by Ériu and a sizeable force. They routed the Danaans, who could not match their ferocity in battle, and Ériu fell back with her warriors to Tailtiu (now Teltown, in County Meath). The Milesians did not pursue and slaughter them, but instead took the time to bury and honor their dead before marching to Tailtiu.
When they arrived, the whole of the Danaan army had been marshaled to meet them. A vicious battle followed, in which the three kings and queens of the Danaans were all slain. Again the Danaans fled, and again the Milesians let them go, instead honoring and burying their dead. When this was done, they set out to pursue the Danaans, but could find no trace of them whatsoever. The Danaans, knowing they were outmatched physically, and ashamed of their own conduct in the face of the Milesians' unflagging honor, had fled Ireland.
The Tuatha De Danann did not flee out of Ireland, however, they fled into it, or behind it as some say. They retreated to Tir na nOg, the Land of Eternal Youth, where they would forever reside. Some of the Danaans came back to our world from time to time, sometimes tormenting, sometimes testing, other times helping or falling in love. They came to be known as the Sidhe, the Faeries, the Wee Folk, and many other names as well.
Following the Battle of Tailtiu, the sons of Miled divided the island between them. Of the named sons, only Éireamhóin, Éibhear Fionn and Amhairghin survived. Amhairghin forsook this, fearing that the division of the land would lead to divisions among them as well. His brothers did not heed him, however, and Éibhear Fionn took the southern half of Ireland to rule, while Éireamhóin claimed the north.
Amhairghin's predictions were unfortunately true, and within a year, Éireamhóin had killed Éibhear Fionn in a battle over border disputes. Amhairghin lived a mostly solitary existence in Inbhear Mór (Arklow, in County Wicklow), but a satire he had composed about the greed of his brothers reached the ears of Éireamhóin, who took offense and killed Amhairghin in a battle at Bile Teineadh (now Billywood, near Moynalty in County Meath).
Milesian blood nevertheless perpetuated itself as the ruling line in Ireland for about two thousand years, spawning such storied kings as Conchobhar mac Neasa, Cormac mac Airt, Conn Ceadchathach (Conn of the Hundred Battles), Fearghus mac Roich, and more. This makes them without a doubt the most successful invaders of Ireland to date.
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Basic Definitions
The Torah is the first five books of the Hebrew Bible: Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers and Deuteronomy.
The coding scheme: Jewish tradition - the Torah itself - says that the Torah was originally dictated by G-d and recorded by Moses, 3,300 years ago. It is said to have been dictated as one long string of Hebrew letters, with no spaces between each word. Here is how it is pictured, using the following English sentence: This is the form we use for finding codes but I added letters precisely placed to form a longer example.
Full sentence:
Partial display:
Notice that the blue letters form a word, "ORDER" (called an ELS, defined next); the red letters form a "FOOD" ELS; and the yellow letters form a "ROSES" ELS. We can display the full table or just an area of special interest, as shown above in the partial display, but in both cases the letters running down each column must be a fixed interval apart. The same principles are used in Torah Code research, except that the language used is exclusively the original Hebrew.
Definition of ELS: When we skip an equal distance between each letter of the word, as we did in each picture above, we call the resulting string of letters an "equidistant letter sequence", or ELS.
Definition of "skip": The number of letters skipped between each letter of an ELS is called the skip of the ELS. Both "ORDER" and "FOOD" have a skip of 10. "ROSES" has a skip of -11.
Definition of "table": We call each of the above pictures a "table" with width 10. The width of 10 was chosen in order to see the ELS's more easily.
In the pictures on this site, the (pink) number in the upper right corner is the width of the table (which is also the skip for any ELS that appears vertically in the table).
Definition of "code" and "meeting" A "code" is a set of related concepts, found as ELS's, that have significant "meetings" - that is, they appear to be intentionally placed in close proximity to each other (but statistical measurements must support that observation).
Finding ELS's vs Finding Meetings: The majority of ELS's, by themselves, are not interesting, because they occur in any large text. It is the meeting of two or more related ELS's in a table that is (often) interesting. We also often see the close meeting of one or more ELS's with relevant words or verses in the underlying text.
Definition of "minimal skip": Very often - usually - we see the same word appearing many times in a text as an ELS. These ELS's have varying skips. From among these, the ELS with the lowest skip is called the minimal skip ELS. Often we find that the minimal or near minimal skip ELS participates in the most interesting codes in the Torah.
Locations in the Underlying Text: For those wishing to delve deeper when looking at the pictures on this site: if you know (or learn) only the Hebrew alphabet, you can decipher the chapter and verse numbers, which are in standard notation in Hebrew letters on the right side of each picture. The rightmost letter gives the book: aleph for the book of Genesis, beit for Exodus, gimmel for Leviticus, dalet for Numbers, and heh for Deuteronomy. Following the book number (reading right to left) are the chapter and verse numbers.
The Talmud is a vast collection of explanations and expansions on the Torah, transmitted orally since the time that the Torah was given, and finally recorded, over a 400 year period, beginning 1900 years ago. There are many interesting codes in the Torah that connect to teachings from the Talmud. A few are mentioned on this site.
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Acids and bases > neutralisation
A glue can be made from milk by souring it using vinegar (an acid) which separates it into curds and whey. The curds can be neutralised by various bases to produce a variety of different glues. The glue can be tested for strength by sticking together two lolly sticks and attaching weights to them. This activity lends itself to group, investigative and competitive work.
This activity links the neutralisation of an
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John Muir – Sierra Club Co-Founder, Naturalist, and National Park Activist
Famous for: 1) Climbing Mount Rainier and chronicling it in the Ascent of Mount Rainier, helping to bring public awareness to protect the mountain as a national park.
2) Advocating for the establishment of Yosemite and Sequoia National Parks; co-founding the Sierra Club; and authoring a dozen books and hundreds of articles on nature and the need to preserve natural areas.
Lived: 1838 – 1914
While generally associated with California’s High Sierra and Yosemite National Park, the Scottish-American naturalist, author and preservationist John Muir was also instrumental in the establishment of Mount Rainier National Park. In August of 1888 at the age of 50 he joined a climbing party which included Major Edward S. Ingraham, photographer Arthur Churchill Warner and guides Indian Henry and Philemon Beecher Van Trump for an ascent of the 14,411-foot volcano.
Muir’s expedition nearly lost a member of their party on the descent when he broke through a snow bridge.
Muir’s expedition to the rooftop of Washington was arduous including a treacherous ford of the Nisqually River and a steep climb to the Paradise Valley. The party spent a couple of nights at Camp-of-the-clouds near what is now Alta Vista; before ascending what is now known as the Muir Snowfield to a spot at an elevation of 10,188-feet that would become known as Muir Camp. Muir chose this spot because the naturalist noticed the presence of light pumice on the ground indicating a lack of strong winds. However the spot was not entirely wind free so the party propped up rocks around camp to act as windbreaks. Warner described their stay like a night in Minnesota in December. The stone shelter that stands today at Muir Camp was constructed in 1921.
They successfully reached the summit and spent two hours upon it. But they nearly lost a member of their party on the descent when he broke through a snow bridge. They also had a harrowing passage beneath Gibraltar Rock where large rocks rained down upon them. Much appreciated hot coffee was waiting for them on their return to Camp-of-the-clouds that evening.
Muir’s group became the fifth recorded climbing party to have reached Rainier’s summit. But with Warner it became the first ascent documented by photography. Muir penned his experience in Ascent of Mount Rainier. The book along with Warner’s photos helped brought public awareness to the area and the need to protect it. And while Muir was impressed with being upon the mountain, he felt that it was better appreciated from below. He saw the value in preserving the area’s vast old-growth forests and pristine alpine meadows. In 1898 he wrote in The Wild Parks and Forest Reservations of the West, If in the making of the West, Nature had what we call parks in mind-places for rest, inspiration, and prayers -this Rainier region must surely be one of them.
On March 2, 1899, a little over a decade after Muir’s ascent, Mount Rainier became America’s fifth national park.
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The 1919 Seattle General Strike
Home | Photos | Map | Video | Oral Histories | Newspapers | Documents | Research Reports
The International Shingle Weavers of America
By Philip C. Emerson
Washington state's important cedar shingle industry began in the 1870s and grew quickly. The skilled workers who cut and packed the shingles were called shingle weavers because of the way they handled the wood in the sharp saws. Photo Credit: Webster & Stevens - ca. 1915. Courtesy of MOHAI.
For two decades, between 1901 and 1921, the International Shingle Weavers’ Union was one of the largest, most powerful unions in the Pacific Northwest. It set the standard for the other unions of the day or yet to come. Historian, Norman H. Clark described the Shingle Weavers’ as, "The most militant and articulate representatives on the Trade Council were the shingle weavers, whose union was by far the largest and strongest." Every labor union in the state if not in the nation has benefited from the Weavers’ existence.
The reason labor unions came into being was to protect individual wage workers from the overwhelming power of business owners. By representing large groups, a labor union gives the wage workers a fighting chance to better their lives through, among other things, increased earning power, health benefits for themselves and their families, vacations, sick leave, holidays, safety and pension plans, if they can stick together as a unit.
The Shingle Weavers’ Union worked and fought hard for their union brother’s welfare and rights from the very beginnings of the organization.
The first attempt at organizing a Shingle Weavers’ Union began in 1886 on the eastern shores of Lake Michigan. The union lasted a few years, then because the shingle industry was moving west, among other things, it died out. About 1890, shingle weavers of Puget Sound began to band together and formed a union under the name of the West Coast Shingle Weavers’ Union. Three years later the mill owners formed an alliance and called for an industry wide wage reduction. The Shingle Weavers’ went on strike, then three months later the "Panic of ‘93" hit. This depression was the death knell of the second organizing attempt. The third and by far the most successful and longest lasting attempt started in 1901. This is the rendition of the Shingle Weavers’ Union that the following paper will, concentrate on.
The Shingle Weavers’ Union was the first organized labor institution in the entire timber industry. Craft unions on the east side of Lake Michigan were agitating for the eight hour day, a battle that would go on for years to come. In 1886 the Weavers in Muskegon Michigan decided the eight hour day was worth the fight so they organized a local union and joined in. Soon another local was started north of Muskegon in the large timber center of Manistee Michigan. "The work day in shingle mills in those days was 12 1/2 hours. Girls and boys were working together. By organization female labor was abolished and a 10-hour day established through a strike." There are two reasons this attempt at forming a union did not last more than a few years. First, it was a very loosely structured body with no expertise on how to run a union. Second, the shingle manufacturers had already begun to relocate on the west coast due to dwindling forest resources in the mid-west, taking the jobs with them.
As new mills were established in the Puget Sound region around 1890, the shingle weavers quickly began to reorganize. They called themselves the West Coast Shingle Weavers’ Union, establishing locals in Ballard, Tacoma, Snohomish, Arlington, Chehalis and Sedro-Wooley. "Prosperity reigned in the shingle industry. Packers were receiving 10 cents a thousand, one cent more than the union makes today" [1913]. In early 1893, the mill owners in an attempt to squelch the union, formed an association among themselves and immediately announced an area wide cut in wages. The Shingle Weavers’ called a strike in protest. Three months later the crowning blow fell as the "Panic of 93" hit the Northwest. The depression killed the West Coast Shingle Weavers’ Union as well as some of the smaller shingle manufacturers.
James J. Hill, of Great Northern Railroad fame, was more responsible for making Everett Washington "the capital" of the lumber, as well as the shingle, industries than any other one person. He had a neighbor in St. Paul Minnesota by the name of Frederick Weyerhaeuser. They "spent many a long winter evening together...discussing the decline of the timber industry in the Mississippi Valley and the almost incalculable promise of the Puget Sound country." Mr. Weyerhaeuser, before coming to the Northwest, was already the most powerful man in the timber industry. In 1899 he formed the Sound Lumber Company.
In 1900 he negotiated with Hill one of the largest land transactions-and most fantastic bargains-in American history: nine hundred thousand acres of timber from the Northern Pacific land grants at six dollars an acre, a price estimated then as about ten cents a thousand feet for the wood.
The Weyerhaeuser Timber Company was organized to cut down his new timber and he ordered the first mill to be built in Everett. "The mill had no equal. It was the largest lumber mill in the world, and it expanded steadily, increasing production from twenty-eight million feet in 1902 to seventy million in 1912."
Jim Hill was not done. In 1900 the former governor of Minnesota, David Clough was on his way to Everett. "Widely regarded as one of the toughest and shrewdest of the timber capitalists...he knew, as Hill knew, that money from Minnesota would follow his reputation." Clough organized several large companies with former associates investing money including; the Clark and Nickerson Lumber Company, the Clough and Whitney Company and the Clough and Hartley Company. "The Clough and Hartley Mill dominated the waterfront on bayside and was soon the greatest producer of red cedar shingles in the world." Several other timber industrialists had relocated in and around Everett by 1902 and were welcomed into the community. "Their logs came usually from the same sources, and there were usually enough to go around."
After the panic in 1893 the shingle weavers stayed pretty quiet, until 1901. "...locals sprang up in different towns around the Sound. Within two months unions had been formed in practically every shingle center from Sedro-Wooley to Kelso in the southern portion of the state of Washington." Locals were also forming in Michigan and Wisconsin at the same time. All these local unions quickly affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. In the book Mill Town the union is described thus. "The most militant and articulate representatives on the Trade Council were the shingle weavers, whose union was by far the largest and strongest." There were several reasons prompting that statement. This union was composed mostly of men who were "native-born from older immigrant groups." This section of the population were more easily organized. They wanted to settle down in one place and had a strong desire to hold a single job for a longer duration that the typical woodsman. Additionally, the inherent dangers of the Weaver’s job built comradeship within the membership. Referring to the articulation within the Shingle Weavers’, there were several very good, intelligent men such as, J.G. Brown and Harry Ault and C.J. Folsom, but none shined brighter than Ernest P. Marsh. Marsh was part owner of the Everett Labor Journal, a labor orientated newspaper which was considered the voice of organized timber industry workers, and was also part time editor, editorial writer, Recording Secretary of the Shingle Weavers’ Union and for several years after early 1913, President of the Washington Federation of Labor. He was also appointed to the Presidents (of the U.S.) Mediation Commission in 1917. The Shingle Weavers’ were lucky to have had a man of such ability on their side. Partly because of the intellectual prowess of E.P. Marsh, the 1901 incarnation of the union was the longest lived of them all. It was called the International Shingle Weavers’ Union of America.
It took considerable aplomb to attempt this effort at union organizing in 1901. Every local, except one in Elma, formed in the face of a strike. Part of the settlement was recognition of the union. Demonstrating their willingness and ability to fight, the shingle weavers won all the strikes without exception. The preamble to the Shingle Weavers’ Union Constitution spells out the basic tenets of the union:
"In order to cherish and protect our rights and interests as wage workers, to cultivate the social and fraternal ties existing among the workers in the shingle industry, to promote all movements to obtain for the producer the wealth he creates and secure the opportunity to permit its enjoyment, to abolish injurious privileges and promote working class solidarity, we, the International Shingle Weavers’ Union of America do declare and establish the following Constitution and By-Laws for our future government:"
The Constitution illustrates the issues of the day and gives instructions as to Jurisdiction, Laws (making or changing), Conventions Representation, Officers and Elections, Duties of Officers, Referendum voting, Vacancies in Office, Salaries, Revenue and Funds, Initiations, Dues and Reinstatements, Penalties, Appeals, Amendments, Appeals and Impeachments, Districts, Subordinate Unions, The Official Journal, Strikes and Lockouts, Holidays and Overtime, Members-at-Large, Changes and Conflicts, By-Laws, Election and Duties of Local Officers, Admission and Dues, Advice to Members, Order of Business of Locals, Rules for Governing the International Employment Department and a Price List of Supplies--All this information in a handy little book that fit in a breast pocket.
For five years after 1901, the Shingle Weaver’s were winning every struggle they encountered and organizing members in large numbers throughout the Pacific Northwest. The timber industry had exceptional years in "1901, 1902, 1905, 1906." The San Francisco earthquake in 1906 was a boon to the industry. Also, by 1906, shingle mills were very close to being one hundred percent organized. The weavers felt unbeatable. In early 1906 the manufacturers again formed an association, this time in an effort to control production and prices, boost profits, cut wages, and to stop the advancement of the union.
On April 1,1906 a strike began in Ballard. Coincidentally, this was the same location where the 1893 strike started. Three months later, with little sign of an agreement or even negotiations on the horizon, the union made the decision to expand the strike. "On July 17, a general strike of all shingle mills in the state was called. It was the most complete tie-up of the shingle industry in history." For the first time since 1901 the manufacturers were too strong and to many strikebreakers were available. The strike was called off in August. The Ballard mills were being run by scabs and Bellingham and Grays Harbor were close to being lost to the union through open shop provisions which allow non-union personnel to work along side union men. The union realized by with the loss of the strike that they had to concentrate their forces on organizing more of the industry if they were ever going to be able to combat the timber barons. During 1907 the weavers negotiated an industry wide raise of fifty cents and the membership was again on the rise.
Late in 1907 a new recession fell on the Northwest. Shingle prices plummeted. "Wages in nearly all lines went down, but the union weavers held their scale with the advance of the previous year."
In February of 1909, the socialistic lean of organized labor was exemplified when several shingle weavers took out a ten month lease on Senator Smith’s mill in Marysville and ran it as a cooperative. It was called the Home Shingle Company.
Three months later several of the boys who went to British Columbia are back in town. A peculiar condition of affairs exists in several Canadian shingle plants. It is stated that the owners would prefer white men to the Asiatics if enough competent help could be secured to operate the plants, but that if one Chinese is discharged and a white man is employed in his place ‘all the rest of the Chinks quit’. If that is true, then we may well learn a lesson from the Chinese.
In September the mills in Chehalis County shut down over a wage dispute connected to the new shingle grading rules on wood quality. "President Folsom of the International Union is on the ground and will personally conduct affairs for the weavers." C.J. Folsom had instituted a new program of organizing by district which seemed to be working well. The rationale behind this program was the fact that, "Perhaps no other trade union has a membership harder to keep track of nor so widely scattered as the shingle weavers." Several locals had an area in excess of sixty square miles and the union soon found out that workers isolated from meetings and union agents by distance tended to get behind on their dues and even to loose interest in being in the union during quiet times. Of course, when times got tough, back they would come again for help. These men had to be educated as to what unions were about after being organized and contacted on a regular basis. "After six months trial of the district organization plan the members are agreed that it was one of the wisest moves ever made for the upbuilding of their International."
An interesting resolution came before the Eight Annual International Shingle Weavers’ Union Convention in Marysville in January of 1910. This resolution "favored withdrawing from the American Federation of Labor and affiliating with the Industrial Workers of the World." The article claims that there was much "broadminded" debate and many views were presented. A few members were for adoption as the resolution stood and were for changing from a craft union to an industrial one. Others thought the resolution was ideal but also thought the timing was bad for severing relations with the main body of organized labor, namely the A. F. of L. Still others believed there was a movement within the ranks of organized labor towards a centralization of effort, a coming together of various organizations for self-protection and the best interests of the shingle weavers demanded that they remain a part of the organized labor movement and work with it towards a goal of a united working class.
In a roll call vote the resolution lost and the article says, "there were no hard feelings."
In October 1912 the industry went on strike. "Shingle manufacturers have been on strike for two weeks, a strike against oppressive market conditions. And we concede the they have a real grievance for striking." That was a quote from a mill owner. Following that statement the column read, "Did you ever hear a shingle manufacturer admit that possibly a striking shingle weaver had a real grievance."
Organizing is, or should be, an ongoing project within every union. It keeps the membership already in the union united in body and purpose and attracts new members so the union will grow, enhancing its ability to accomplish the goals of the wage workers. Size means power, power means the capability to win from the management the demands and desires put forth by the rank and file of a labor union, to expand into new areas of industry and to keep non-union labor out of the workplace. This last goal is commonly called the "Closed Shop" and a union must be fairly strong for an employer to give in to this condition.
In November of 1912 the headline read, "Weavers To Branch Out. If the Federation of Labor...signs the request...for an extension of jurisdiction, the first step will be taken towards an organization campaign unparalleled in Northwest history." This was an effort to organize the entire timber industry under one union. The Shingle Weavers’ were asking the A. F. of L. to grant them the "right to take in every branch of the lumber and shingle industry, from the logger in the woods to the man who last handles the finished products it is ready for shipment to the worlds markets." The Weavers’ thought they could represent the industry better than the I.W.W. had up to this time.
1913 was a busy year. By January, the Shingle Weavers’ Union had received permission from the AFL to set about the task of organizing the entire timber industry. "Organization of Lumber Industry Aid To All Workers." In this article the writer points out that in 1913, the lumber industry was the dominant business in the Pacific Northwest. Included in this area were Washington, Oregon, British Columbia, Northern California, Northern Idaho and Western Montana. The number of organized workers in this area was about fifty thousand but, "no less than 250,000 workers are employed in the forests or mills in this territory..." If the Weavers could organize all those workers "THE POWER OF LABOR WOULD BE MULTIPLIED ALMOST BEYOND CALCULATION." The article contemplates the possibilities available with those kinds of numbers.
There would be no more skinning employment sharks... hospital graft would be abolished...the time stealing system...would not be more such outrages as the Cosmopolis messhouse...Men would eat where they please...nor...the company store system...maximum working hours would be set and adhered to...
"Timberworkers Should Be United Before Canal Opens." The impetus of this article is the fact that European immigrants would be almost as close to the west coast as they already were to the east coast. Examples of the sweatshops full of unorganized immigrants back east were used to illustrate the situation that could arise if labor was not ready to combat it. It had been shown on the east coast that manufacturers would take advantage of the immigrants great need. This effort also shows the progressive tendencies of the Shingle Weavers’ in including new immigrants into their union.
We should make it possible for the thousands that are coming to be immediately absorbed into the great body of organized labor. We will thus make allies out of our fellow workers coming out of foreign shores, instead of being compelled to try to compete with them, the inevitable result of which is starvation wages and disease breeding conditions that we see in the Eastern States."
The list goes on talking about the other trade unions who would benefit from the backing of such a powerful organization.
Also in January of 1913 the Shingle Weavers’ President J.G. Brown considered aloud the question of how to organize other parts of the timber industry without jeopardizing their own union. "The increasing concentration of capital in the lumber industry has made it harder for the shingle weavers-being the only branch organized and representing but a small fraction of the men employed-to hold their own against these growing forces." The plan was to initially bring the new members into the existing locals so they could get a feel for how unions are run then to departmentalize the union into three sections; the shingle mills, the saw mills and the woodsmen. The thinking was that if the saw mill workers and or the woodsmen collapsed, the shingle weavers could still survive. Six months later the headline read "New Movement Succeeding-Plan Of Shingle Weavers To Organize Under One Industrial Head-The Entire Timber Industry Proves A Winner From The Start." They called themselves the International Union of Shingle Weavers’, Sawmill Workers And Woodsmen.
A chief issue to be addressed while organizing the entire timber industry was to point out the differences between the Shingle Weavers’ and the Industrial Workers of the World in union operations, industry successes and organizational ideologies. C.J. Folsom, past president of the Shingle Weavers’ and Organizer for the Washington State Federation of Labor in 1913, wrote a three column article elucidating these issues.
"Among the unorganized workers and uninformed public, much apprehension exists that the International Union of Shingle Weavers, Sawmill Workers and Woodsmen is the I.W.W. in disguise; that because the I.W.W. utterly failed with the general strike of the loggers last year, they choose to appear on the scene cloaked in a new name."
Among other things, the circumstances of who could call a strike were contrasted. The I.W.W. leaders could call a strike without speaking to their members first. The rank and file of the Shingle Weavers voted to tell the officers if they wanted to strike or not before any decision was announced.
On April 10,1913, once again, Ballard became a battle ground as a strike was called. At issue was the international minimum wage. The strike started and spread from the Seattle Cedar Shingle Company. Against state law, the companies of Ballard were employing underage kids during the strike plus other unskilled people. There was no way to know how many of these people had been hurt but, during the first two weeks of the strike, "at least six men have been seriously injured since the strike was called." It was well known that the employers were secretly and quietly transporting injured scab workers out of the mills when management determined that the workers were not hurt bad enough to need an ambulance. The situation deteriorated to the point that the Seattle Methodist Preachers, after touring the two mills still in operation, came out publicly for the Shingle Weavers’ in a ten point open report to the mill owners and the public in the newspapers. Public sentiment was strongly on the side of the union throughout the strike.
The length of the working day was an issue in 1886, again in 1890,1901, and almost continuously from 1914 through 1921, except for a short time during World War One. In 1914 the topic was hotly contested on both sides. The Shingle Weavers a felt enough time had gone by waiting for the employers to follow the other industries and make the change. Now it was time to act! Ernest P. Marsh, the newly elected President of the Washington Federation of Labor, "declared for the eight hour day in the Timber industry with a minimum wage of $2.25." In the next issue of the Labor Journal E.P. Marsh wrote a fairly long article about the hard fought twelve year history of the Shingle Weavers. He emphasized their on going fight for shorter working hours and backed his argument for the timber industry by stating that many other industries had gone or were going to the eight hour day, adding that the jobs within the timber industry were so dangerous that eight hours was enough. Marsh’s article was titled in part, "Timber Workers Declare For The Eight Hour Day...Eight hours for work, eight hours for sleep, eight hours to do what you will."
In 1915 unresolved issues and emotions were heating up. Between January and April the Everett Trades Council lost "the president and three of five council members." They were replaced by a much more radical group. "Among the board’s first decisions was to take the Labor Journal away from Ernest Marsh and give the editorship to Maynard Shipley, the Socialist firebrand who hated Samuel Gompers and the American Federation of Labor." In February, reacting to soft prices for shingles the winter before, the Everett mill owners in a united effort lead by David Clough, "posted a 20 percent reduction in wages that was coupled with a stern open-shop declaration: ‘We will employ only such men as we please, organized or unorganized, and will discharge anyone when in our judgment it is necessary." With the appearance in Everett of the Commercial Club’s vigilante force and Sheriff Don McRae, a former Shingle Weaver Union officer, anti-union violence escalated to a level previously unknown to the Shingle Weavers’. The local newspapers seemed to twist the stories beyond recognition in order to gain public sentiment for the business community. Through the Labor Journal, the official newspaper of the Everett Trades Council, the unions tried to get their side of the story, a more factual one, out to the public. "TO THE PEOPLE OF EVERETT: True Story of the Present Industrial Strife Between Mill Owners and Timberworkers-What Really Happened Last Saturday."
Hearing Laird (a hired gun for the mill owners) cursing them in a loud voice, menacingly, the few strikers who were near the mill gate turned to see what was brewing. Laird cried ‘I’ll get you now, you s-- of a b----,’ and lunged forward striking J. McNair right in the face. Gunman White at the same time landed on Bruce Hatch. Another big bruiser hit Lennon with brass knuckles. Christie, son-in-law of Baker, [the mill owner] rushed forward with a murderous gun in hand. The men attacked by the strike breakers had no weapons.
The Weavers defended themselves, bare fisted, and beat back the hired thugs. For acting in self-defense they were arrested, called "Law breakers" and "Trouble makers" by the Everett Daily Herald and the Everett Tribune, and McRae wanted to kick them out of town. "As for the Herald and the Tribune-well, they must say what they are ‘kept ‘ to say." E.P. Marsh in the same paper published an article under the heading of, Come, Let Us Reason Together." In this article Marsh, as President of the W.F.L., "Reviews Industrial Situation In Everett- Makes A Plea for Simple Justice for Organized Labor." He disputes the story published by the Everett Daily Herald as false and deceptive and touches on everyone’s concern for the smooth operation of the mills. Marsh also challenges the mill owners to support their "claim that they can not pay the old scale of wages and operate their mills at a profit." Marsh argues that a compromise can be worked out if the manufacturers will simply show their books to the union negotiators. By the end of May, J.G. Brown, the president of the union, declared the strike over. The union had lost. The International Timberworkers Union was in a shambles.
By February 1916 the Shingleweavers had started a new organization for shingleweavers only and were electing new officers. This organizational effort started at Blaine Manufacturing Company, a cooperative mill, and worked its way south. International President Brown and W.F.L. President Marsh were conducting the reorganization meetings. They were welcomed enthusiastically where ever they went. "It seemed something like old times in the Labor Temple...the Timberworkers’ union is dead. Long live the revived shingleweavers!" By April almost all of the old shingleweavers were reorganized. One of the reasons why the reorganization went so well for the union was because of an agreement manufacturers had made with workers nine months earlier after the last strike. In an effort to keep the union out they told the workers that as soon as the prices rose again on shingles, the owners would give the weavers a wage increase. In the two months leading up to May, the workers had watched the prices rise and no wage increase was forth coming. Realizing that the employers were not going to honor their word, the shingleweavers knew that the only recourse they had was to organize again, so they did. The Fourteenth Annual Convention which adjourned on April 12, 1916 in Seattle was attended by a huge number of delegates. "A new international constitution and a new wage scale for District No. 1 were adopted." The new organization was named the International Shingle Weavers’ Union of America, and it was quickly affiliated with the A.F. of L.
On May first, three weeks after the unions official reopening, Everett went on strike. The timber barons had beat the old union and they were determined to do it again before the new union had a chance to get off the ground. The mill owner’s vigilantes and Sheriff Don McRae made sure the situation became as ugly as they could make it.
August 1916 headline: "Some Of The Facts Of The Weavers’ Recent Trouble: A Little Bit Of the Other Side That Was Not Printed In Our Daily Papers." The article tells of seventeen picketers being attacked by seventy "mill guards" within view of several Everett police who did nothing because they claimed that the incident happened just outside the line delineating the city limits. The picketers were beaten badly. Ten hours later when the thugs tried it again there were more picketers and as soon as the picketers started to gain the advantage the city police stepped in, city limits or no, fired several shots to gain control, shot one picketer in the hip, and arrested the union men, once again, for defending themselves.
In September 1916, the headline read "The Real Cause Of Street Disturbances In Our City." This article was all about the small army of hired thugs the mill owners had brought into Everett. This article was published two months before the Everett Massacre. Was anybody listening? On November 8th, three days after the Everett Massacre, the Shingle Weavers’ voted to end the six month strike in the hope of establishing peace in their home town. No concessions of any kind were made by the mill owners.
The Shingle Weavers’ concentrated on two things in 1917: organizing and the ongoing fight for the eight hour work day.
On March 2, 1917, there was an announcement and column stating that the "International Union Of Timberworkers Are Now Industrially Organized." Once again and after much debate, the Shingle Weavers’ had amalgamated with the rest of the timber industry. The first order of business was to make the logging camps more livable.
On July 16, 1917, William E. Iverson, President of Shingle Weavers’ Union Local #7 in New Westminster B.C., sent a short letter to the millmen of British Columbia stating, "We beg to notify you that on and after July 23, eight hours shall constitute a days work." Buoyed by the wide spread eight hour day movement in the U.S. which was backed by the state and federal governments, the Shingle Weavers’/Timberworkers were pushing for it everywhere. Everett, not surprisingly, refused to go along. On September 21, 1917, "The strike was called primarily as a protest against the action of the lumber interest, who have refused to comply with requests of both state and federal governments to grant the generally recognized working day of eight hours."
In November 1917, the President’s Mediation Commission came to Seattle and summoned the lumber operators and our representatives to appear before it. After hearing the evidence submitted, the Commission appealed to the operators to grant the 8-hour day. The appeals of the workers, the State Council of Defense, the Presidents Mediation Commission and the National Government were all ignored by the employers... As a result of these activities, on March 1st the National Government ordered the eight hour day put into effect in the lumber industry.
The fact that the timber industry barons would ignore not only the will of the workers which was not unusual, but also the Mediation Committee formed and sent to the Northwest by the President of the United States and the National Government itself when they all went against the timber barons wishes, shows just how unpatriotic the mill owners were, not to mention how much they cared about their employees. It took an outright order from the Federal Government to make the timber interest come into line with the rest of industry across the nation. This action by the Feds definitely gave a boost to the union organizing efforts.
In 1918, the chief concerns of the Shingle Weavers’ /Timberworkers Union were Colonel Disque and the Loyal Legion of Loggers and Lumbermen, (commonly known as the 4L), who were set on breaking down conditions and lowering wages which the Timberworkers considered as counter to the federal governments stance. The other issue addresses public image.
During World War One the public outpouring of irrational patriotic zeal made it necessary on March 24, 1918 for the Timberworkers to do two things to help their societal appeal. The first was to distance themselves from the "revolutionist" Industrial Workers of the World and refute the I.W.W.’s actions and positions. The second was to publish proof of the Unions’ patriotism. The Timberworkers were under public pressure to make up a six point pledge of patriotism. "...saving money in every conceivable way in order to lend it to the government...invest in War Saving Stamps...changes in industry must come. To win the war we must produce war goods...every man and every dollar doing full patriotic duty..."
1919 was a noteworthy year for the organizing within the Timberworkers Union. The Seattle General Strike in February seemed to have little or no affect on the union. The membership was growing quickly, the mills were operating at full capacity and the outlook was rosy, except in Everett, as usual, and across the border in British Columbia. A strike was called in Everett on June 2nd, against the Clough-Hartley and the Hartley Mills for wage increases equal to those already being paid by the rest of the industry.
In Canada the eight hour day was not forced upon the industry as in the U.S. so the union was compelled to act. On July 24, 1919, "Shingle Strike in B.C. is Confirmed. Chinese, Japanese, Hindus and Whites walk out in demand for eight hour day without pay decrease."
Most of William E. Iverson’s time between 1916 and 1918 was spent helping to organize the Chinese mill workers in British Columbia into the Shingle Weavers’ Union and also helping to set up The Chinese Labor Association in Vancouver B.C. His call to the mill men on July 16, 1917 quoted earlier was on behalf of the Chinese mill workers. A letter to Bill Iverson from the Chinese Labor Association on August 19, 1918, opened with, "We are glad to hear from you" and ended with, "and Also your letter has Translated in Chinese and read it to all the member hope that you are well, We are yours truly, The Chinese Labor Assoc." Also quoted earlier was and eight hour day strike headline from July 1919 which includes "Chinese, Japanese, Hindus and Whites Walk Out..." At least the Weavers were trying to include all ethnic groups.
By the end of 1919, the post war recession had begun to have an effect on the industry. In January of 1920, the Loyal Legion of Loggers and Lumbermen,(4L), to no ones surprise but to the unions chagrin, "declared for the ‘open’ or more properly the ‘non-union’ shop, they betrayed every man and woman employed in the timber industry, they tried to crucify them with nails wrought by the employers." The article goes on to say that the reason the 4L stayed in existence after the war was over was to "play into the hands of the timber operators." In July of that year the eight hour day again became an issue because as the war ended, the federal oversight of the industry ended, and the Everett mill owners would not leave the issue alone.
By May of 1921, there were on going fights over wage reductions, the eight hour day was again slipping away, union walkouts and owner lockouts were beginning and the 4L were up to their old tricks of backing the employers every move. Times were getting tough.
On June 1, 1921 Everett Weavers’ went on strike after their third wage cut in eight months and the threat of a fourth on the horizon. They had gone from $5.30 per hour in November 1920 to $3.00 per hour on June 1, 1921. The threat was to lower wages another 50 cents in July. Deteriorating economic conditions contributed heavily to the loss of this fight.
The Union was never the same after 1921. The country went into recession, had a brief revival which the shingle industry did not benefit from, then the "Great Depression" of the 1930’s ended all hope. Cedar was becoming more scarce and composition roofing was quickly becoming popular because it was cheap and easy to work. Jobs went away and did not come back; they simply ceased to exist.
The Shingle Weavers’ Union of America did not meet its’ demise because of the makeup of the organization or any lack of loyalty from the members. It was one of the most democratic and progressive unions ever formed. Its’ structure was a model for many of the unions with their beginnings in the 1930’s and later including the rather small union, that represents shingle weavers today, the International Woodworkers’ Union. The once powerful Shingle Weavers’ Union succumbed to the invention of composition roofing materials and the reoccurring problem faced by all extractive industries, limited resources. Cedar trees are becoming more scarce by the day. The industry could not continue indefinitely at the pace set in the first two decades of the twentieth century. The number of cedar trees is down, the demand for cedar shingles is down, the industry is down and the union is down. It was inevitable.
©1999 Philip C. Emerson
©1999-present | How to cite and copyright information | About project | Contact James Gregory | Civil Rights and Labor History Consortium | University of Washington
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From Online Dictionary of Crystallography
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متكافئ أو متجانس الزوايا (Ar). Isogonal (Fr). Isogonal (Ge). Isogonale (It). 等角の (Ja). Изогональная (Ru). Isogonal (Sp).
Isogonal is a mathematical term which means having similar angles. In geometry, a polytope is isogonal or vertex-transitive if all its vertices are equivalent, i.e. if each vertex is surrounded by the same kinds of face in the same or reverse order, and with the same angles between corresponding faces.
In crystallography, the term isogonal has been introduced by Buerger to indicate isometries characterized by the same (proper or improper) rotation part and different translation parts. In other terms, isogonal isometries have the same matrix part but different vector parts. The term isogonal was also used to indicate space groups belonging to the same geometric crystal class.
• Buerger, M.J. (1956). Elementary crystallography. New York, Wiley.
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Issue 20.3: June/July 2017
Small is Beautiful
Though tiny, Hawaii’s “micromoths” are part of an epic story that spans millions of years
Story by Christie Wilcox. Photos by Chris A. Johns.
In the most remote forests of Hawai‘i live native species that most people never hear of, let alone see. In many cases species are hidden not only from adventurous hikers, but also from scientists. “A lot of these species were originally described, but then nobody has looked at them for a hundred years,” says Chris Johns, a doctoral candidate at the University of Florida who studies creatures that have been overlooked for the better part of a century: micromoths.
Micromoths would be as easily missed in a country garden as a remote jungle valley; the full-grown adults are astonishingly small: “the size of an eyelash,” Johns says. “And when I say eyelash, I mean eyelash. Certainly the length of an eyelash, and they’re maybe two eyelashes thick.” As caterpillars, the grubs are so tiny they live within the leaf. As they grow, they tunnel through the leaf, eating the tissue and leaving behind tracks called “mines”—earning micromoth larvae the common name “leaf miners.” Their mining patterns are sometimes unique to a species, so an entomologist can tell exactly what’s burrowing inside without even seeing the insect. Hawai‘i has its own special genus of micromoths, Philodoria, which is found nowhere else. Different Philodoria species are inextricably tied to the specific plants they eat, with each moth species feeding exclusively on one genus or even species of native Hawaiian plant.
Biologist Chris Johns (seen above) hikes to some of the Islands’ most remote and inaccessible areas to find Philodoria, Hawai‘i’s endemic “micromoths.”
Johns learned about Philodoria from his doctoral adviser Akito Kawahara, assistant professor and curator at the University of Florida/Florida Museum of Natural History’s McGuire Center for Lepidoptera and Biodiversity. “While he was in Hawai‘i for his postdoc, he got attached to all sorts of different Hawaiian insects,” Johns says of Kawahara, micromoths among them.“Not much had really been done scientifically, which is the case with a lot of Hawaiian insects.”
Philodoria were first described by Lord Thomas de Grey Walsingham, a British politician and amateur entomologist, in 1907. Otto H. Swezey, an entomologist with Hawai‘i’s sugar industry, developed an affection for the little insects and added more species to Walsingham’s preliminary collection. But from about the end of World War II until Kawahara arrived in Hawai‘i, Philodoria were essentially forgotten. No one knew how many species were still around. Eager to re-examine the genus, Kawahara kept his eye out for a graduate student who might be interested in Hawai‘i’s micromoths; he found that student in Johns.
The first time Johns and his team went in search of Hawai‘i’s micromoths, he found a lot of fragmented populations and several new species. “Since then we’ve been going back and slowly filling in the picture of what’s there—what’s new, what was previously undiscovered, what was once discovered and has now been extirpated or gone extinct.”
Of course, finding micromoths is no simple feat, and while there is a certain romance to being out in the field in a place as beautiful as Hawai‘i, “it’s a really tedious process,” says Johns. “We’re going hours and hours and miles and miles into the forest to try to find these things.” The first step is to find the plants that the caterpillars eat. The scientists then check the leaves for a mine, and sometimes the caterpillar is still inside. Sometimes it’s alive, sometimes dead, and “sometimes we don’t find them at all,” says Johns. Adult moths are even harder to spot. “I’ve only ever seen maybe thirty wild adult moths in my four years of doing the project. They’re just so tiny. If they fly away and leave your two-foot vicinity, then they’re lost in the forest. You just won’t ever find them again.”
Philodoria have evolved over millions of years to feed on specific native plant species, many of which grow only in remote areas like this idyllic waterfall near Wai‘ale‘ale on Kaua‘i.
Because Philodoria live exclusively on rare native plants, Johns needs help to find his bugs. Keahi Bustamante, who was working for the Plant Extinction Prevention Program on Maui when Johns met him, has been an invaluable partner; extremely rare native plants are his specialty. Johns asked for Bustamante’s help, and the two became friends. When Johns is back in Florida for his studies, Bustamante hunts caterpillars for him. To Bustamante, studying something even so tiny and seemingly insignificant as Philodoria represents an important contribution. “We’ve already lost so much of our native forests,” he says, “and the little moths and insects, they’re a huge part of what makes the forest eco-system work.”
Hidden in the leaves of the native shrub kōlea, for example, are the larvae of Philodoria auromagnifica, whose adults are breathtaking up close. “They’ve got all this silver and metallic color on their wings,” says Johns. “They’re beautiful.” His favorite species, though, is the elusive P. molo-kaiensis, which lives exclusively on the endemic Lysimachia shrub (kolokolo kuahiwi in Hawaiian) on Moloka‘i. “It’s such a beautiful moth, and it’s found only on this one Lysimachia on Moloka‘i,” Johns says reverently. “I just think it’s so cool that this organism is eking out its little existence in the mountains there, unbeknownst to most people.”
In the room that houses Bishop Museum’s entomology collection, Jim Boone lays out specimens of Philodoria from the museum’s vaults on a bench. As the museum’s entomology collection manager, Boone has worked with Johns over the past few years, giving him access to specimens collected a century ago for comparison with those he’s found recently.
Besides their diminutive size, Philodoria’s specialized diet makes them both hard to find and vulnerable. P. auromagnifica (seen above), feeds only on a rare native plant known as kōlea.
About two hundred unbelievably tiny moths are pinned, with their wings ex-tended, to a small piece of foam atop a stack of labels, each no more than a halfinch long and a quarter-inch wide, describing when, where and by whom the insect was collected. The labels accompanying the older specimens—including the first ever collected—are handwritten in implausibly small, neat cursive. “Back then they used fountain pens with India ink,” Boone explains. Recent additions are easy to spot; their labels are pristine white and printed from computer. “We now use 3.5 font size,” says Boone. Small as they are, the labels dwarf the specimens they describe. “You need a microscope to really see what they look like,” Boone says as he sets up a dissecting scope, places a minuscule brown moth underneath its lens and calls me over.
Looking in, I gasp. Magnified, the moth looks completely different. Brilliant colors dance on its iridescent wing scales in a stunning pattern. “That one is Philodoria splendida,” Boone grins. “Splendid, no? Here,” he says, switching the specimen for another, “take a look at this one.” It, too, is magnificent. Each species has a unique and colorful pattern. As Boone shows me species after species, I come to understand why Johns and the entomologists that preceded him were so taken with them.
It might seem strange that such beautiful animals would be ignored by science for so long, but in the world of entomology, like other biological disciplines, bigger, more charismatic species are the first to be described and attract more study. “For the macro butterflies, we pretty much know what most of the species are,” says Boone. Their smaller cousins have had to wait for their moment in the scientific spotlight. Despite their size, they still offer a wealth of opportunity for discoveries that might tell part of a much larger story. “There’s still a lot of work to be done,” says Boone. “We want to know: Are they still around? What’s going on with their populations? Is development taking away their habitats?”
Micromoths are easiest to see when they’re still caterpillars so small that they live between the surfaces of a leaf and chew tunnels through them, earning them the nickname “leaf miners.” Many moth larvae leave distinctive trails (like those seen above), which help Johns identify the species.
Over the past four years, Johns has started to answer some of those questions. Using genetic sequencing techniques, he and Kawahara are reconstructing the moths’ family tree to understand when the micro-moths arrived in Hawai‘i, how many species there were and how many remain. It seems the Philodoria split from their South Pacific relatives sometime between one hundred thousand and five million years ago—kind of a wide range—and Johns is working to better pinpoint when.
That means Philodoria could have arrived here even before the main Hawaiian islands existed, “which is pretty wild,” says Johns. “It was once thought that a lot of organisms endemic to Hawai‘i arrived on Kaua‘i about five million years ago and then radiated along the island chain as new islands formed,” he says. But new genetic evidence suggests that some organisms—including Philodoria, possibly—got to Hawai‘i even earlier, landing on places like Laysan Island and Kure Atoll before they became the low islands and atolls of the Northwestern Hawaiian Islands we know today. If Philodoria did come to Hawai‘i that long ago, studying their host plants and habitats could give scientists a better picture of what Hawaiian ecosystems looked like millions of years before the islands we think of as Hawai‘i rose from the sea.
Above, P. marginestrigata beside a dime for scale (Philodoria moths are never longer than five millimeters).
When Johns began the project, thirty species of Philodoria had been described. Johns has discovered more than a dozen new species, bringing the current total to forty-four. That might not seem like much for a genus of bugs, but considering that they might all derive from a common ancestor, Philodoria “exhibit the classic characteristics of adaptive radiation in Hawai‘i,” says Johns. These islands are famous for adaptive radiation, the term for when numerous species evolve from a common ancestor. Hawai‘i’s fifty-four known honeycreepers, for example, are thought to have evolved from a finch that arrived between four million and seven million years ago—perhaps the world’s greatest example of adaptive radiation among birds. The Islands’ 126 lobelia species derive from a plant that arrived about 13 million years ago, one of the most spectacular examples of plant radiation anywhere on Earth. Like the lobelias and honeycreepers, Philodoria “are one of the great Hawaiian radiations—it’s just that most people haven’t heard of them yet.”
Johns believes there are more species yet to be found. “Previous collectors probably didn’t get to plants that were extremely rare or in really remote locations,” he says, and there are still a lot of plants he hasn’t yet seen himself. At the same time, dozens of species unknown to science might now be long gone. The loss of micromoths no one has ever seen might seem like a small thing to mourn when so many species are under threat. “To some people, caring about a little moth is a little ridiculous, but I believe I came from this land, these plants, these animals,” says Bustamante, who is part Native Hawaiian. It’s right there, he says, in the Kumulipo, the ancient Hawaiian creation story. “The Kumulipo says that all the things of nature came before us and we came from them. … We are dependent on all those things of nature that came before us.”
There are currently forty-four known species of Philodoria, and Johns has discovered more than a dozen of them over the past four years. Here,
a Philodoria feeds on its host plant, nehe.
It’s an indigenous perspective that jibes with Western science. I ask Boone why these moths matter. “They’re part of the ecosystem,” he says matter-of-factly. “If you remove anything from an ecosystem, you’re going to do some harm.” That might seem obvious to a scientist, but convincing laypeople that micromoths matter is a little harder. “If you say ‘moth,’ a lot of people’s eyes glaze over,” Johns says. “Then if you say ‘microscopic moth that you’re never going to see,’ you get even more glaze. But they’re part of the story of Hawai‘i. They’re part of Hawai‘i’s biodiversity, and Hawai‘i’s biodiversity is part of Hawaiian culture.” HH
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Music in History
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Baroque forms
It is a melodic technique used in a piece or a movement. It is a repetitive passage for orchestra or choir in baroque music. Ritornello often consists of sequences.
The term "ritornello form" refers to the first and last part of a Baroque solo concerto, a concerto grosso, or an aria. There, ritornello is the introductory theme which is played by all (tutti) and returns throughout the movement in different keys. This is the difference between Ritornello and rondo which returns to the same tonality. The ritornello form exists to Bach, Vivaldi, Telemann and Handel very often. Its construction faded with the advent of sonata form, but people's interest was revived in the 20th century.
During the 14th century the couplet at the end of a Madrigal (Madrigal of the 14th century)also was called ritornello. Additionally, some instrumental pieces in early operas of the Baroque period were called "ritornello" .
Fast dance of the 17th century . Most common in ballets of Jean Baptiste Lully.
Willi Apel: Harvard dictionary of music, second edition, eighth printing, ritornello, ritournelle
BWV 207 no 8 ritonello
"Vi Ricorda" from Monteverdi's "Orfeo"
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Warum heißt Nürnberg “Nürnberg” ..?
Where does the name Nuremberg comes from?
The most famous landmark of Nuremberg until today of course is the “Burg”, Nuremberg Castle in the north of the old city, which is considered as one of the most outstanding strongholds in Europe. The castle which is erected on a sandstone rock which Germans had called the “Keuper” and dates in the third epoch of the so called Triassic period regarding the faith of geological religion groups (just kidding).
However the saying is that the name Nuremberg actually derives from an old German word “nor” which would mean “rock”. But actually there is no such known Old German or Middle High German word of the meaning “rock” or “stony” as assumed by local historians in the 19th century. To the contrary “nor” or “nur” as Lexer explains would mean “burrow” (wuehlen) in the way pigs do it. Another “nur” (pronounced as noor) means “to sneeze” (niesen), what also is not the most likely source for the name of a castle. Also “nar” or “nara” means “food” or “support”, as it is still to be found in German words like “Nahr-ung”, “er-naehr-en” (“nerien”) and the like, while “narro” means “Narr” (fool). The only term referring to the position would be “nol” or “nollo” what means “hill”, “summit”, “knoll” or “knob” (Gipfel, Spitze, Huegel), but the name of the city is not “Nolberg” or “Nullenberg”. The common German term for “rock” is “Felsen”, which already has been in use in Old German sources of the 9th century as “felis” which traditionally is derived from a Greek (?) “pella” although the proper Greek term for “rock” would be βράχος and “stone” as is commonly known is πέτρα .
So the origin of the name Nuremberg actually is somewhat unclear. In Hebrew the name today usually is written as נירנברג (nirnberg). ניר (nir) has a lot of different meanings, for instance a sheet of paper or the cultivation of a field, but it also may be the thread of a weaver – all obviously have nothing to do with a stronghold on the top of a sandstone rock. נור (nur, nor) in the broadest sense means “light” or “fire”, what in the best case would amount to a “fire rock” as motive for the naming. The local Franconian dialect however pronounces the city name as “nämberch” (try to combine a shorter and more tubby version of “name” and something like “bairkh” as in “baird” and the “ch” as in Scottish Loch), which can be found in medieval Hebrew scriptures as נעמברג (nemberg) what until today also is a Hebrew family name and may derive from the Hebrew word נעם (“na-im” but also “nay-m”), which means “pleasant” , “lovely”, “handsome” or just “nice”.
So if there is a Hebrew influence – which one may assume in the region after the year 1000, the “naym”-“berg” just would be the “nice rock” or “castle”. The term “burg” (the English equivalent “borough” today rather means district), what means “castle” or “baily” already is known in the Talmud and probably comes from the Greek πύργος which indicated a tower house as rest house or guard post. The Talmud additionally knows the term “burg” or plural “burgin” as depot or stack-room, especially for grain and crop and gives the crucial advise to establish בורגין (burgin) on hills because of the risk of flooding – a problem known until today.
In German the Hebrew word נעם may be found in “an-ge-nehm” what means “pleasant, lovely, etc.” : “Nice to meet you – sehr angenehm – “נעים מאוד” – but the of course very unusual Hebrew interpretation of the origin of the Nuremberg (NÄMBERCH) city name takes the beauty of the rock and the castle for granted. Of course this will cause endless stomachache for many if not most Germanists, but that is perfectly normal if you consider the general history as well as Hitlers declaration of Nuremberg as “deutscheste aller deutschen Städte” (most German of all German cities) .
The most remarkable tower at the Burg however is the “Sinwell-Tower”. The name derives from a rare medieval German word “sinwell” meaning “round” and since the tower actually is a “roundish” one, the explanation is coherent – although the reading of “sinwell” (compare Old English “synwell”) indicates another understanding. However the ”Sinwel Turm” in medieval Chronicles explained as “der runde Turm auf der Nuernberger veste” accordingly also was called “Siml-Turm”, what, as is stated “reminds of Siml = Simon” (Matthias Lexer, Mittelhochdeutsches Handwörterbuch Bd. 2, Sp. 936) . Quite more common than “Simel” for “Simon” especially in Southern Germany was the familiar form for Samuel: Sanwil, Senwil, etc.
So the Sinwel – Tower at the Nuremberg castle stronghold which quite a while has been the royal residence of German emperors (hence the name “Kaiser-Burg”) also may be a “Samuel Tower” …
However, from the Burg you will have a pleasant, lovely, nice view to the old city of Nuremberg at the foot of the sandstone hill. Don’t miss it.
Comparison: the picture above shows the colored version of the Nuremberg castle as a woodcut detail from the famous “Schedelsche Weltchronik” (Schedel’s World Chronicle also known as Nuremberg Chroncle) by Hartmund Schedel (1440 – 1514). Quite a lot of his maps, published in 1493 are regarded as first ever illustrations of a great number of Cities in Germany and whole Europe. The second picture below however is from an earlier (maybe late 14th or early 15th cent.) rare Hebrew source, which by experts is regarded as a book on “astrology”.
In my view a number of details as well as the sequence of the depicted structres suggest that it may be an older illustration from Nuremberg castle, which either willingly is simplified for the matter of the manuscript which deals with military questions or actually shows a quite less built-up previous state of the compound.
מין כל הערים בגרמניה” כמו אדולף היטלר הסביר: “נירנברג העיר הגרמנית ביותר”
אבל השם העיר אולי יש נעים שורש בשפה עברית
ואולי לא…
One Response to Warum heißt Nürnberg “Nürnberg” ..?
1. Margit says:
Wohl dem, der sich (ver)bergen kann auf dem zur Burg gewordenen Berg!
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The Ricardian Trade Model
1. Surplus was the Reason for Trade
Reasons for Trade
(i) Surplus was the main reason for the peoples of the ancient world to trade.
(ii) Before WWII, comparative advantage was the reason for trade.
(iii) Dissimilar factor endowments are the major reason for international trade (The theory applies to trade in the modern world after the 1980s.)
Surplus Those who settled down in river basins were successful in agriculture, and these surpluses were exported to neighboring regions in return for other goods. Surplus of a product simply means that its autarky price is lower in the exporting country than elsewhere. Beer was produced circa 3500 BC in Mesopotamia.
Ishitar Gate, Babylon
the Standard of Ur, showing the use of chariots, and Sumerian devotees of Ishtar (BM, London and Hamburg). This is the typical attire of the Sumerians as shown in the above Standard of Ur.
Babylon's trade
Sumerians were the first beer drinkers. They knew how to make beer and they had the raw materials. Sumerians traded with peopl in the mountains. They needed wheat and barley, and they traded timber, copper and flax for wheat. (Barter trade) Silver and grains were used in payment.
Even in modern times, the Communist bloc countries exported surpluses to other members and avoided trading with free market economies.
Babylonians produced 20 different varieties of beer (Samuel Adams, 60 varieties), drinking beer with drinking straws. Babylonians exported beer to faraway countries, even to Egypt.
This Babylonian clay tablet is the first map of the world. Circles were used to denote city centers, and this method has been adopted by cartographers ever since. Babylonians were interested in geography because of their exports of beer and other agricultural surpluses.
Source: British Museum
Even before the silk road was built, Babylonia during the Kassite dynasty (1595-1157 BC) imported cobalt for coloring glasses from China (Donald McKenzie, Myths of Babylonia and Assyria, 1915). This Babylonia-China trade resulted in harmony of time counting. Both Babylonia and China (Shang dynasty) used the sexagesimal system. Spring and Autumn Annals used a sexagenary lunar calendar, dividing the day into 24 hours. This synchronicity may have been the result of trade between the two regions.
2. The World Economy before 1820s
Codex Hammurabi, Pergammon Museum
boundary stone
As barbarians gathered in the river basins and began to form families and build cities, they found it necessary to regulate their own behavior. They adopted various codes (Codex Hammurabi, Ten Commandments, etc.), including property rights. Civilizations began.
Agricultural economy
Fall of Icarus, by Pieter Bruegel (1558), illustrates the agricultural economy before the industrial revolution in the 1820s. Farming can be combined with animal husbandry.
Adam Smith's Explanation for Trade
Adam Smith Smith thought that countries export the commodities in which they have an absolute advantage and import those goods in which other countries have an absolute advantage. (wrong)
Adam Smith, a Scottish economist, published a book "Wealth of Nations." (1776) In this book he emphasized the importance of division of labor and specialization. He also ridiculed the fear of free trade by comparing nations and households. He argued that every household finds it worthwhile to produce only some of its needs, and to buy other commodities from others with its products. Smith argued that the same principle applies to nations.
3. The World Economy after 1820s (Industrialized)
Industrial Revolution
Max Libermann, Cobbler's workshop, Kunsthalle Museum, Hamburg.
Many secrets were lost. ⇒ slowed the pace of industrial development.
The shoemaker makes only 2 pairs a day.
Impact of industrial revolution, Montreal History Museum
Urban Development
Industrialization caused the migration of workers from the rural to the urban areas.
Max Libermann, Flax barn at Lauren, Kunsthalle Museum, Hamburg. Flax fiber is used to make linen, which was used as clothes, table cloth, towels, and to cover dead bodies in ancient times.
This painting illustrates the emerging manufacturing sector and the migration of workers to the urban areas.
GDP per capita of GB rose from $2100 in 1820 to $3600 in 1870. (growth rate = 1%)
Rising wage
Pont neuf (Auguste Renoir, 1872) depicting the city life during the period of industrial revolution. Washington National Gallery.
Absolute advantages
AA matter in battles.
A hoplite's (Greek soldier) shield (Battle of Thermopylae, 480 BC)
Bombing damages of Japanese cities and their equivalents in the US as of August 6, 1945.
Adam Smith's Idea
Absolute advantage If countries have absolute advantages, each country should specialize in the commodities in which it has absolute advantages and export those products and import others in which it has absolute disadvantages.
example: President Woodraw Wilson.
Question Smith assumed that each country had enough absolute advantage over its trading partners so that if free trade is allowed, each country would have a balance of trade.
alarm clock What if a country had no absolute advantage? Wouldn't it become a slave economy to capital rich countries?
What if a country had absolute advantages in all industries? Will it gain from trading with inferior economies?
4. Theories against Free Trade after WWII
Salt March (March 12, 1930)
Even earlier, Mahatma Gandhi led the salt march in 1930, breaking the salt law. It began with 80 Indians, but the number grew to 4000 when he reached the shore. That was the beginning of India's independence movement. He encouraged Indians to produce salt without paying taxes to the British government.
Prior to 1991, on the whole, India was a closed economy, and the average tariff exceeded 200%. Since the economic reform in 1991, India's economy improved maintly due to increased trade.
Dependency Theory
This theory was proposed by Raul Prebisch in the 1950s. He claimed that developing countries become exploited and do not benefit from trade. Keep out imported goods until the infant industries become competitive.
He proposed that poor countries adopt import substitution policy. LDCs usually export primary products, and the transition to manufacturing was difficult in LDCs.
Socrates (470-399BC): Know thyself
Sunzi (c. 544-496 BC): Know thyself and thine enemy (The Art of War)
Prebisch: Buy No Foreign Goods (No need to know about your neighbors)
WWII would not have happened had the Allies followed "love thy neighbors policy." Germany had to sign the Versaille Treaty to pay 132 billion gold marks ($33 billion, but actual payment by 1932 was about $5 billion)" (The financial cost to the Allies (excluding Russia, and excluding human cost) was about $1 trillion in 1945."
To survive in the Modern world: Know yourself and your neighbors (export promotion)
The Latin American countries that adopted the import substitution policy (1930s-1980s) grew at a slower rate (2%) than those Asian countries that adopted export promotion policy (3.5%) during the postwar period.
Import substitution is a move toward autarky.
5. Assumptions of The Ricardian Trade Model: 2 × 2 × 1
Ricardo wrote Principles of Political Economy and Taxation in 1817. Most countries in Europe then were agricultural economies with some maufacturing. The Ricardo's model is useful in explaining trade patterns with different technologies (until 1980s). Karl Marx wrote Das Kapital in 1867.
7 Assumptions
1. two-countries, two commodities
2. Labor is the only factor of production ⇒ one wage
3. Linear Production Functions:
yi = f(Li) = ciLi, i = 1, 2 (For instance, y1 = 3L1
4. homogeneous products (two countries produce identical goods)
5. Balanced Trade (value of imports = value of exports)
6. Labor productivities differ between countries : In any industry, one country is more efficient than the other.
7. No transportation costs.
Ricardo's Model
Heckscher-Ohlin Model
The HO model is applicable to countries that have similar technologies but factor endowments are dissimilar. (since 1980s)
Input-output coefficients aij = the amount of input i required to produce 1 unit of good j
= fixed in the Ricardian Trade model.
= variable, and responsive to changes in factor prices in the Heckscher-Ohlin trade model.
Li = the amount of labor used in industry i
yi = the amount of good i produced in industry i
aL1 = L1/y1
aK2 = K2/y2
Production Possibility Frontier
A PPF shows various maximum output combinations the economy can possibly produce from given technology and resources, including capital (K) and labor (L) inputs. Only one of these points will ultimately be chosen. Labor Demand in Sector 1
L1 = aL1y1
For instance, assume that industry 1 produces automobiles. If it requires 2 auto workers (per year) to produce one automobile (aL1 = 2) and 10 million automobiles (y1 = 10 million) are produced per year, the total number of auto workers required is
L1 = 2 × 10 million = 20 million.
L2 = aL2y2
L1 + L2 = L (Aggregate demand for labor = aggregate labor supply)
aL1y1 + aL2y2 = L (Production Possibility Frontier)
max y2 = L/aL2,
max y1 = L/aL1.
6. Absolute vs. Comparative Advantage
Absolute Advantage If aL1 < aL1*,
then the HC is said to have an AA in industry 1.
HC = Home country, FC = Foreign country
Different productivities due to weather and other conditions
Ricardo: Labor productivities differ between countries
workers in the Home country
workers in the Foreign country
Comparative Advantage If aL1/aL2 < aL1*/aL2*,
then the HC is said to have a CA in industry 1
[The autarky (relative) price of good 1 in HC is less than that in FC].
Note that aL1/aL2 = (p1/p2)A is the relative price of good 1 in autarky.
Remark: A country may have AAs in both commodities, but it cannot have CAs in both commodities.
Similarly, a country may have AAs in many commodities, but it cannot have CAs in all commodities.
World outputs under two scenarios
More outputs can be produced under free trade. Yet we need to prove that each country will be better off under free trade.
The gap between autarky and free trade points above measures the gains from trade.
How the gains are distributed between the two countries depends on the exchange rate.
When trade is balanced, both countries benefit from trade.
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Desegregation in Austin
Five Decades of Social Change: An Overview
It can be said that blacks in Austin, Texas traversed the menacing waters of a segregated society with the relative skill of Magellan, circumnavigating laws and customs that were meant to subjugate and demean them. Eventually their heroic struggles fastened them firmly on the shores of a new land where Jim Crow no longer ruled.
The Austin History Center, the local history archives, houses numerous primary and secondary materials documenting the story of desegregation in Austin in its many collections. While a comprehensive history has yet to be written, a timeline of events has been created. The Timeline highlights some of the major events that challenged societal norms during this complicated era in Austin’s history, an era that spanned five decades.
overview | 1940s | 1950s | 1960s | 1970s | 1980s | all
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Definition from Wiktionary, the free dictionary
Jump to navigation Jump to search
English Wikipedia has an article on:
Borrowed from Latin cīvitās (city; state, city-state). Doublet of city.
• IPA(key): /ˈki.wɪˌtɑs/, /ˈtʃiviˌtɑs/
civitas (plural civitates)
1. (pedantic) A community.
2. (pedantic) A state, (chiefly) a city-state.
Broom icon.svg A user suggests that this Latin entry be cleaned up, giving the reason: "confusing, too many links, anchors".
From cīvis (citizen) + -tās.
cīvitās f (genitive cīvitātis); third declension
1. citizenship: the status of belonging to and enjoying the rights of a city or larger state
1. (often in Classical Latin) Roman citizenship
2. the rights of citizenship themselves, including freedom of the city
3. the citizenry: a community
1. (by extension) the body politic, the state
2. (Classical Latin) the Celtic tribes or subkingdoms under Roman rule in Gaul and Britain
4. the area inhabited by citizens: a city with its associated hinterland or territory (thus distinguished from urbs)
1. "The City"
1. (Classical Latin) Rome
2. (Medieval) Jerusalem
2. (Classical Latin) the capital or center of Roman administration in each Celtic civitas (see above)
3. (Medieval) a borough: a walled settlement, sometimes particularly former Roman towns
4. (late Medieval) a city: a Biblical, major, or specially incorporated town, particularly cathedral cities
5. (Medieval, Christianity) the community of believers: either the Church or Heaven
Third declension.
Case Singular Plural
nominative cīvitās cīvitātēs
genitive cīvitātis cīvitātum
dative cīvitātī cīvitātibus
accusative cīvitātem cīvitātēs
ablative cīvitāte cīvitātibus
vocative cīvitās cīvitātēs
Derived terms[edit]
Related terms[edit]
• civitas in Charlton T. Lewis and Charles Short (1879) A Latin Dictionary, Oxford: Clarendon Press
• civitas in Charlton T. Lewis (1891) An Elementary Latin Dictionary, New York: Harper & Brothers
• civitas in Charles du Fresne du Cange’s Glossarium Mediæ et Infimæ Latinitatis (augmented edition, 1883–1887)
• civitas in Gaffiot, Félix (1934) Dictionnaire Illustré Latin-Français, Hachette
• Plato's ideal republic: civitas optima, perfecta Platonis
• Plato's ideal republic: illa civitas Platonis commenticia
• Plato's ideal republic: illa civitas, quam Plato finxit
• the constitution: descriptio civitatis
• to give the state a constitution: civitati leges, iudicia, iura describere
• to be the chief man in the state: principem civitatis esse
• the head of the state: rector civitatis (De Or. 1. 48. 211)
• to make a man a citizen: civitate donare aliquem (Balb. 3. 7)
• to enroll as a citizen, burgess: in civitatem recipere, ascribere, asciscere aliquem
• to present a person with the freedom of the city: civitatem alicui dare, tribuere, impertire
• to naturalise oneself as a citizen of another country: civitatem mutare (Balb. 11. 27)
• the dregs of the people: faex populi, plebis, civitatis
• aristocracy (as a form of government): civitas, quae optimatium arbitrio regitur
• democracy: imperium populi or populare, civitas or res publica popularis
• to banish a person, send him into exile: ex urbe (civitate) expellere, pellere aliquem
• to banish a person, send him into exile: de, e civitate aliquem eicere
• to expel a person from the city, country: exterminare (ex) urbe, de civitate aliquem (Mil. 37. 101)
• to keep the citizens in servile subjection: civitatem servitute oppressam tenere (Dom. 51. 131)
• to extort money from the communities: pecuniam cogere a civitatibus
• to compel communities to provide troops: imperare milites civitatibus
• to compel communities to provide hostages: obsides civitatibus imperare
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Hindhayes Infant School
Activities to try
1) Rupert is proud of his new jumper. What are you proud of and why?
2) Look at the different facial expressions of the Hueys in the story. How are they feeling?
3) Design a new jumper for Huey.
4) The Hueys do not have feet. What might their feet look like? Draw a new Huey with feet or shoes.
5) In this story Rupert wants to look different. Can you design a different Huey. Here are two to give you some ideas.
6) Look at the shadows in the illustrations. How are shadows made? Go outside and see if you can make some shadow shapes.
7) How many words can you think of to describe Hueys jumper?
8) What would a square or triangle Huey look like? Design a new Huey using a different shape.
9)Make some finger print Hueys. You will need to wait for the paint to dry to add some more detail.
10) At the end of this story Rupert gets a new hat. How do you think the story might continue?
11) This story is all about The Hueys in....The new Jumper. Can you create your own version of the story? Maybe the Hueys in the new socks/dress/underpants!
Or maybe The Hueys in Space or an Underwater World?
12) Try anwering Mrs Plummer's inference questions in the To Print section. A grown up could ask the questions - you do not have to print them.
Check out the printable resources in the To Print section.
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"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.921875,
"fasttext_score": 0.7128183841705322,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9126856923103333,
"url": "https://www.hindhayes.co.uk/page/?title=Activities+to+try&pid=514"
}
|
Fantastic Voyage
In the 1966 Sci-Fi movie Fantastic Voyage, a microscopic submarine crew travel around the interior of the human body. For this exercise, imagine that you have been shrunk down to microscopic level and can take a voyage through one system of the human body that we have learned about in this week’s learning module. Based on what you know from this week’s readings, lectures, and class activities, choose one of the following systems:A) Digestive SystemB) Circulatory SystemC) Respiratory systemD) Excretory systemAnd write a brief (1-2 paragraphs) entry in this discussion forum describing in detail your “tour” through that system as a microscopic voyager. Your description must be detailed and include as much information as possible about the organs and structures you would encounter, and the sequence in which you would encounter them. Be creative! You may make your description read like a fictional story, and it can be as entertaining as you want it to be, but it must be accurate and detailed.To earn full credit (1 point towards your 5-point Discussion grade for lecture), you must post your description of a “voyage” through one of the three organ systems mentioned, as described above.
Calculate Price
Price (USD)
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<urn:uuid:46dfab65-46cf-46bf-8d98-c0ace38d5b6b>
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"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.53125,
"fasttext_score": 0.0836288332939148,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9432661533355713,
"url": "https://assignwriters.com/fantastic-voyage/"
}
|
History 10b learning outcomes forming of a Nation
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Samuel F.B. Morris’s invention of the telegraph improved communication in the U.S.
• Eli Whitney’s invention of the cotton gin changed Southern life dramatically. The South became even more agrarian as cotton became king and slavery expanded significantly.
• Improvements in transportation (such as new roads, canals, etc.) made it easier and cheaper to ship goods and encouraged westward expansion.
• Robert Fulton was the first to take the idea of a steamboat and put it into practical use which led to increased population along the Mississippi River.
• The practice by President Andrew Jackson of giving government jobs to friends and political supporters became known as the Spoils System.
• The idea of spreading political power to all the people by remove voting restrictions and insuring majority rule became known as Jacksonian Democracy.
• President Andrew Jackson and Congress removed the Cherokee and other Indian nations west of the Mississippi with the Indian Removal Act. This became known as the Trail of Tears.
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"fasttext_score": 0.03720247745513916,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9487207531929016,
"url": "https://essaydocs.org/history-10b-learning-outcomes-forming-of-a-nation.html?page=3"
}
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016: Antique Qashqa’i Kilim
An Early History of the Qashqa’i People
Southwest Iran is both the historic homeland and the most fabled region of the Persian people. It was from here that Cyrus the Great would establish the Achaemenid Empire around 2,500 years ago. It would become the largest empire the world had seen up to that point and the ruins of its capital Persepolis still survive to this day as a UNESCO world heritage site.
Although successive empires would control the region, the forefathers of the peoples we refer to as Qashqa’i didn’t begin to enter the Iranian plateau until roughly 1,000 years ago. It is believed that the Qashqa’i are descended from a branch of Oghuz Turks that had initially settled in Northwest Iran for several centuries before ultimately migrating south during the 16th century. In their folklore the Qashqa’i descend from the Turkic tribes that helped establish the Safavid Dynasty and migrated to southwest Iran at the invitation of Shah Ismail in order to protect the region from Portuguese incursions.
The Seasonal Migration
The Qashqa’i have a long tradition as pastoral nomads who follow a fixed migration moving from Summer to Winter quarters in the Zagros mountains each year. They are organized as tribes that have formed a symbiosis with the sheeps and goats which they raise and the pastures that provide their sustenance. It is a life for the animals that is defined not only the animals themselves but the bounty they provide. Both the flock and the weavings made from their wool represent the each families wealth, status and livelihood.
When a couple marries they receive an inheritance of a portion of the groom’s family’s sheep, goats, and pack animals with which to establish their own flock. From a young age a bride begins to make her dowry which traditionally included utilitarian objects like woven bags, cloths and other household items but might also contain ceremonial items like animal trappings for the bridal procession or fine rugs woven as gifts for the groom’s family. A woman’s status and prestige within the tribe is defined by her weaving skills. Many weavings are important for everyday life and can have multiple functions. Woven bags used during the migration are also utilized for storage in the tent during more sedentary times. Weaving is the primary way in which a woman can contribute to the family income as well as her main opportunity to express herself artistically.
The migration occurs twice a year spanning a few hundred miles and takes at least one month each time. Although the majority of their time is spent in a fixed location, the activities involved in the migration provide meanings for the cultural symbols, values and customs of the society. Most social interactions outside of the tribe occur during these journeys and it is the prime opportunity to trade weavings, wool and other goods commercially. Nomadic families present their best face while traveling. Women wear their finest clothes and their most colourful weavings are displayed on the outside of the pack animals.
Equid Summer Camp Weaving
Emergence & Decline
As the Qashqa’i established themselves in southwest Iran they maintained their distinct language (a Turkic dialect, most closely related to Azeri) and much of their nomadic heritage as they both conquered and blended with some of the other dominant cultures of the region, most prominently the Luri people. This is well represented in Qashqa’i weavings which while distinctive, display both marked Caucasian and Luri flavor among other influences.
Unable to exert their authority directly, the Qajar Dynasty (1789-1925) relied on various khans or tribal leaders to perform the functions of the state in their territories. By the 19th century the Qashqa’i had become quite powerful both politically and economically and were operating as an autonomous confederation of tribes. As a counterweight to the Qashqa’i the Qajars would combine five existing tribes into a confederation known as the Khamseh (literally – the five) in the early 1860s.
Following the first World War, the newly established Pahlavi dynasty set out to control the wealth and power that the Qashqa’i and other tribes had accumulated. Forced settlement of pastoral nomads was part of a larger strategy to centralize authority and modernize the state. As the Persian monarchy weakened with foreign occupation during the second World War, the Qashqa’i would resume their traditional migration and returned to autonomous governance. The monarchy would fall and a new leader democratically elected leader, Mohammad Mossadeq, would be actively supported by the Qashqa’i leadership. Mossadeq was soon overthrown by a CIA supported coup and the Shah reinstated. Most of the Qashqa’i leadership was exiled for their support of Mossadeq and as part of a modernization efforts all pasturelands were nationalized. Migration was highly restricted and placed under the control of the military.
After the Islamic Revolution of 1979, restrictions would loosen and a level of autonomy reestablished. By then, a large number of Qashqa’i had already completed the transition to either settled agriculture or urban life. Today, there are less than half a million Qashqa’i living in Iran and only a small percentage actively participate in pastoral nomadism. Yet the southwest of Iran remains one of the few places in the world where this seasonal migration still takes place at such scale. Tens of thousands of Qashqa’i and much larger numbers of livestock continue to make the ancestral journey together each year.
“All too often in the arts, for whatever reasons, the ‘era of Appreciation’ is delayed until after the ‘era of Creation’ has passed.” James Opie
We sourced our information from: kilim: The Complete Guide by Alastair Hull & José Luczyc-Wyhowska; Tribal Rugs: Treasures of the Black Tent by Brian W. MacDonald; Tribal Rugs: A Complete guide to Nomadic and Village Carpets by James Opie; The Qashqa’i Nomads of Iran by Mohammad Shahbazi and Hali Magazine
Thanks for being part of our Heirloom community!
Check out this Qashqa’i on our website and explore our S Persian collection!
– Zach, Lynn & Sam
*Qashqa’i maps illustrated by Lynn Hunter
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<urn:uuid:ad7767e5-e845-4ea9-8ff3-7fc0674d2449>
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.6875,
"fasttext_score": 0.035404860973358154,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.953137218952179,
"url": "https://heirloomrugs.wordpress.com/2020/10/27/016-antique-qashqai-kilim/"
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3.1 The Sb/I2 Reaction
Chemical Concepts Demonstrated: Introduction to chemical reactions, stoichiometry of reactions, limiting reagents
Samples of Sb and I2 (Sb is in excess) are added to toluene inside the reflux apparatus.
The solution is filtered while still hot.
After refluxing, the solution is poured into the beaker and immersed in an ice bath.
The solution is then filtered after it is cooled.
After the solution has been cooled, SbI3 product is collected.
2 Sb (s) + 3 I2 (s) --> 2 SbI3 (s)
SbI3 is soluble in toluene at reflux temperature, but Sb is not. The excess Sb is removed by filtering the solution while the it is still hot. When SbI3 is cooled it becomes insoluable and the product can be collected by filtering the solution again.
The reaction has been used in the past to expose students to the rudiments of stoichiometry.
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"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.828125,
"fasttext_score": 0.04309844970703125,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9140426516532898,
"url": "https://chemed.chem.purdue.edu/genchem/demosheets/3.1.html"
}
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24 - Find the area derived from a feature
The previous example illustrated how to turn an area into a way, so that we can plot it on the map. For that we used the pivot filter.
Sometimes it can be helpful to go the other way and find the area that corresponds to a way or relation. To do that we use the map_to_area statement.
This allows us to then do spatial queries using that area, which we can't do with the original way or relation.
For example in this query we find the OSM relation tagged as Mutitjulu.
This is intended to represent an administrative boundary for the Mutitjulu community that is found just east of Uluṟu. This is stored in a temporary named set.
We then use the map_to_area statement to find the area corresponding to that relation. This is saved in a variable called mutitjulu.
We then do a couple of type agnostic queries to find node, ways and relations that are tagged as buildings or leisure areas.
Source File24-mapToArea.osm
• Leigh Dodds
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"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.65625,
"fasttext_score": 0.9122681021690369,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.8941699862480164,
"url": "https://osm-queries.ldodds.com/tutorial/24-mapToArea.osm.html"
}
|
Oceanography Books
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Science Lab Experiment: Crystallization
Demonstration: Crystal Columns
Materials Needed:
Hot water
2 glass bottles
washing soda
1 spoon
4 pieces of wool
(twisted together to form one thick string)
1 large plate
First fill the two bottles with hot water. Stir in lots of washing soda until no more will disappear into the water. Then place the jars in a warm place, where they will not be moved. Set the plate between the jars with one end of the wool in each jar so the wool hangs over the plate.
The water and soda from the jars travels along the wool and drips in the middle, landing on the plate. As it drips, the water goes into the air, leaving the soda behind in a hard drop forming two separate columns; one hanging from the wool, the other forming in the plate. After a few days the columns will meet in the middle.
This follows the same principal as the stalagmites which grow up from the caves and stalactites, which grow down from the ceiling of caves. Stalagmites and stalactites are formed from the lime in limestone rock.
Amazon USA
Amazon Canada
|
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.765625,
"fasttext_score": 0.16994023323059082,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.91107177734375,
"url": "https://www.courseworld.com/sci10/labs/crystals.html"
}
|
Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment (CAT)
CAT is an international human rights treaty adopted in 1984. The UK agreed to follow it in 1988.
By following CAT, the UK agrees to prevent acts of torture in connection with activities that include:
• arrest, detention and imprisonment
• interrogation
Human rights tracker
Search our human rights tracker to find all UN recommendations for CAT and other treaties. The CAT page has specific information on how it is monitored and if the UK is meeting international standards.
How the UK is doing
The UN last examined how well the UK is implementing CAT and published recommendations in May 2019. These included:
• protecting people seeking asylum, victims of trafficking and exploitation, patients, detainees and people who are restrained
• preventing violence against women and girls, child sexual abuse and hate crime
• responding to allegations of British involvement in the mistreatment of overseas detainees
• ensuring people who are at risk of ill-treatment can get legal help
• reducing overcrowding and improving conditions in prisons
• developing our counter-terrorism strategy
• incorporating CAT into UK domestic law
Last updated: 25 Feb 2021
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.6875,
"fasttext_score": 0.022572755813598633,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9093950390815735,
"url": "https://www.equalityhumanrights.com/en/our-human-rights-work/monitoring-and-promoting-un-treaties/convention-against-torture-and-other"
}
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Core Modules
module 2 | Activity 14: Preparing for Michelle’s death
Michelle’s condition has deteriorated and she is now dying. She is being cared for at home and is now in bed all the time, semi-conscious. James is visiting the family at home. Pete and James discuss Michelle’s imminent death. James prepares Pete and the family around the process of dying and what to expect. He offers ongoing support from the palliative care team at this time and into the bereavement phase.
Watch the video and consider the following questions:
1. What are Pete’s main concerns at this time?
2. How does James help Pete deal with these concerns?
3. What other strategies would provide emotional support to Pete, Michelle and their family at this time?
4. What simple terms did James use to help describe the terminal phase and how could he have improved his interactions?
5. These conversations can be difficult for health professionals. Consider how you would respond if you became emotional or teary when communicating in such a circumstance.
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"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.5625,
"fasttext_score": 0.8726153373718262,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9636540412902832,
"url": "https://pcc4u.org.au/learning/modules/module2/m2_section6/m2_activity14"
}
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9-8-16 | Our Programs Program Achievements
5 Ways to Create a Literate Rural Community
BY: Diana Corrales
Nicaragua currently stands as the poorest Spanish-speaking country in the world, with 42% of the population living in rural areas. Over 63% of rural families live in poverty and one third of these families classify as living in extreme poverty (less than $2 a day), with little access to running water and electricity. With such limitations, dropping out of school is far too common as children feel obliged to contribute to the family economy, perpetuating the cycle of poverty they live in.
In fact, illiteracy entraps entire families, and communities in poverty. This is the case of rural communities such as San Rafael del Sahíno, located in the Southern Caribbean Coast Autonomous Region of Nicaragua (RACCS). Fabretto targets the most underserved communities, where families struggle to break the cycle of chronic poverty, mostly due to illiteracy. According to the World Literacy Foundation, in developing countries a child born to a literate mother is 50% more likely to survive past age five, and children raised in a home with at least one illiterate parent are twice as likely to be illiterate.
Nicaraguan government data indicates that close to 50% of students in rural areas have repeated at least one grade level. Repetition is strongly correlated with poverty level; over one quarter of students in the poorest quintile have repeated at least twice (ENDESA 2007).
Fabretto responds to the problem of illiteracy through a holistic approach to education, involving the entire community, as well implementing innovative activities to reach the hard-to-reach. Fabretto programs directly impact retention (completing school year) and promotion (advancement to following grade level) rates. In 2015, Fabretto student retention was 92%.
Here are 5 ways Fabretto empowers rural communities through education:
1. Mobile Libraries
To overcome rough terrain and lack of paved roads, Fabretto has devised a way of bringing reading to rural communities: a donkey-powered mobile library! With donated books and trusty donkeys to carry them, Fabretto is providing a path for educational resources to reach even the most remote communities.
Biblioburro en Comunidad rural El Letrero Nueva Guinea
2. After-School Program
While the average Nicaraguan public school day is only 4 hours long, Fabretto beneficiaries come to Fabretto’s daily enrichment classes to participate in meaningful activities in the afternoon, including: computer courses, English, sports, and more.
3. Teacher Training
With the right training, teachers are motivated to become agents of change in their communities. Fabretto’s teacher training programs respond directly to the need for skilled teachers in underserved areas. By empowering teachers through comprehensive training, Fabretto multiplies its impact and brings quality education to more children and youth in Nicaragua.
4. School Meals
Fabretto provides daily school lunch to at-risk children in rural Nicaragua. For many of these children, this will be their only full meal of the day. Families struggle to make ends meet and put food on the table. One guaranteed healthy meal each day can make an incredible difference, greatly improving school performance.
5. Parent Engagement
Fabretto recognizes the important role of parents in their children’s development. To ensure that students receive support from home, Fabretto promotes the “Escuela de Padres,” (Parent Workshops in English). Through parent volunteering and regular workshops, Fabretto is able to encourage families to spend more time reading together.
We believe in the power of education to enable children, youth and their families to break the cycle of poverty. Celebrate International Literacy Day by taking action to help rural communities thrive through education. Support Fabretto’s holistic education model by making a contribution, today.
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Get in Touch
United States +1 (703) 525-8716
Spain +34 91 435 5417
Nicaragua +505 2266-8772
|
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"fasttext_score": 0.03389084339141846,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.928483784198761,
"url": "https://fabretto.org/2016/09/08/5-ways-to-create-a-literate-rural-community/"
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|
Learn New Words FAST with this Lesson’s Vocab Review List
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Lesson Notes
Unlock In-Depth Explanations & Exclusive Takeaways with Printable Lesson Notes
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Lesson Transcript
Michael: Is the Hungarian alphabet the same as the English alphabet?
Boglárka: And what are the differences?
Michael: At HungarianPod101.com, we hear these questions often. In the following situation, Kitti Kocsis , a kindergarten student, is studying the alphabet with her mum, Karola Kocsis. She sees an unfamiliar letter and asks
"What letter is this?"
Kocsis Kitti: Milyen betű ez?
Kocsis Kitti: Milyen betű ez?
Kocsis Karola: Ez az ű.
Michael: Once more with the English translation.
Kocsis Kitti: Milyen betű ez?
Michael: "What letter is this?"
Kocsis Karola: Ez az ű.
Michael: "It's ű." [yː]
Lesson focus
Michael: In this lesson, we'll talk more about elements of the Hungarian alphabet as well as the similarities and differences between the Hungarian and English alphabet.
Michael: The modern-day Hungarian alphabet is largely similar to the English one. Both use the Latin alphabet, which means letters are easily recognizable between languages. Hungarian also utilizes a wide range of diacritics
Boglárka: ékezetek
Michael: and digraphs
Boglárka: kétjegyű mássalhangzók
Michael: as well as one trigraph.
Michael: Diacritics are various types of accent marks that sit above a letter and indicate a variation of the typical letter sound. Digraphs are pairs of characters, and a trigraph is a group of three characters used to represent a single sound. For this reason, Hungarian has a total of 44 letters compared to the 26 found in English. The diacritics that appear in Hungarian include letters such as
Boglárka: á, é, í, ó, ő, ú, ű
Michael: and the digraphs are
Boglárka: cs, dz, gy, ly, ny, ty, sz, zs
Michael: and the only trigraph
Boglárka: háromjegyű mássalhangzó
Michael: is the sound
Boglárka: dzs.
Michael: However, unlike in English, Hungarian characters in almost all cases uniquely determine the pronunciation. Therefore, if you master the Hungarian alphabet, you will immediately be able to read practically anything in Hungarian.
Michael: One thing that might look scary for some students at first is the wide use of diacritics, or accents, on Hungarian vowels. There are both singular diacritic marks and double ones. Singular diacritic marks are just one accent on top of the vowel. Let’s listen to the difference between them:
Boglárka: a
Michael: and
Boglárka: á
Michael: the first sound,
Boglárka: a
Michael: as in
Boglárka: alma
Michael: meaning "apple" in Hungarian, can be found in the beginning of the English words "obvious" or "honest." The second sound,
Boglárka: á
Michael: as in
Boglárka: áldás,
Michael: meaning "blessing" in Hungarian, is an elongated version of the previous sound and, as such, it is denoted by a letter "a" with an accent on top. It is similar to the first vowel in the English word "father."
Michael: The second set of vowels are the
Boglárka: e
Michael: and
Boglárka: é.
Michael: The first sound,
Boglárka: e
Michael: as in
Boglárka: ezer
Michael: meaning "thousand" in Hungarian, can be found in the English word "bed." The second one which has an accent mark on top of the letter "e" is pronounced as
Boglárka: é
Michael: as in
Boglárka: édes,
Michael: meaning "sweet" in Hungarian. This one can be found in the English word "hey."
Michael: Then comes the
Boglárka: i
Michael: and
Boglárka: í.
Michael: The first sound,
Boglárka: i
Michael: as in
Boglárka: idilli
Michael: means "idyllic." In this English word, we actually have the same [ɪ] sound in the second and third vowels: "idyllic." We can also find this sound, for example, in the English word "bit." The second sound, which is an "i" with an accent mark on top,
Boglárka: í
Michael: as in
Boglárka: ír
Michael: meaning "write." You can find it, for example, in the word "need" or "read."
Michael: The next vowel pairs are the
Boglárka: o
Michael: and
Boglárka: ó
Michael: The letter
Boglárka: o
Michael: is pronounced the same as the letter "o" in the word "boy" while the second one, which has an accent on top of the "o,"
Boglárka: ó
Michael: is like in the English word "more."
Michael: As we mentioned earlier, Hungarian also has some double diacritic marks. The letter "o" with two dots on top, pronounced as
Boglárka: ö,
Michael: is a great example of this. It is roughly identical to the sound in "burn," "first," or "work." The longer version of it, which has a double accent on top of the "o," is pronounced as
Boglárka: ő
Michael: This one is a bit trickier as it doesn’t exist in standard English. You might know the German word for "nice", or "schön" [ ʃøːn ], which is probably the most well-known international word to demonstrate how the letter
Boglárka: ő
Michael: is pronounced.
Michael: Similarly to the letter "o," the letter "u" also has single and double accents in Hungarian. The letter "u" by itself, is pronounced as
Boglárka: u
Michael: This sound can be found in the English word "oops" for example. The elongated version of it, which is a "u" with a single accent on top, is pronounced as
Boglárka: ú
Michael: and is identical with the English word "cool."
Michael: And the last pair of vowels in Hungarian are the
Boglárka: ü
Michael: and
Boglárka: ű
Michael: The sound
Boglárka: ü
Michael: as in
Boglárka: ül
Michael: meaning "sit," is a letter "u" with a double dot on top. This sound is a bit tricky because it doesn’t exist in standard English. It can be found in many languages such as in French or German. You can hear this sound, for example, in the French word "tu," meaning "you" or in the name of the famous Swiss dish fondue [fɔ̃dy], when read in French. The elongated version of it, which is a letter "u" with a double accent mark on top, is the same sound pronounced longer
Boglárka: ű,
Michael: which can be found in the Hungarian word for "space"
Boglárka: űr.
Michael: Now that we have covered all the Hungarian vowels, we hope you don’t feel frightened at all. You can see that almost all the vowels that exist in Hungarian have an identical or nearly identical equivalent in either English, or in some other large language. Now, moving on to the consonants, we will mention some of those which are traditionally more difficult for foreigners. One of these is the digraph
Boglárka: ty
Michael: as in the word for "hen,"
Boglárka: tyúk.
Michael: This sound is composed by merging a "t" and a "j" [j] sound. The closest English equivalent is the sound you pronounce when you say the words "hit you" without a space between the two words. The sound in the middle of "hit you" is almost identical to the Hungarian:
Boglárka: ty
Michael: Another tougher digraph is the letter
Boglárka: gy
Michael: as in the word for "child,"
Boglárka: gyerek
Michael: This sound is composed of a letter "g" and a letter "y" and its closest English equivalent can be found in the British English accent, in words such as "due" or "during." Try to remember these words to help you whenever you encounter the digraph
Boglárka: gy
Michael: during your language learning.
Michael: There are two Hungarian letters that foreigners most often confuse. These are the "c" and "s," which, in Hungarian, are pronounced as
Boglárka: c
Michael: and
Boglárka: s.
Michael: You can clearly hear how the letter "c" is pronounced in the Hungarian word for "shoe,"
Boglárka: cipő,
Michael: and also how the letter "s" is pronounced in Hungarian in the word for "ham,"
Boglárka: sonka.
Michael: One of the very few instances when a Hungarian letter doesn’t correspond to a separate sound is the digraph
Boglárka: ly,
Michael: which is composed of the letter "l" and the letter "y." Historically, this letter was pronounced a bit differently, but, over time, its pronunciation became identical to that of the
Boglárka: j
Michael: sound. Therefore, Hungarian has two letters for the sound [j]. This might seem confusing at first, but, don’t worry, there are not that many words that use the digraph. Maybe the most common word using the digraph-j is the word for "hole," or
Boglárka: lyuk
Michael: in Hungarian. The first sound is [j], but you shouldn’t use a "j" letter when writing this word, only the digraph composed of "l" and "y."
Michael: In case you are wondering how you will know when to read the "l" and "y" together as a [j] and when to read it separately, we have good news: the letter "y,"
Boglárka: ipszilon,
Michael: while it exists, is used extremely rarely as a separate letter in current Hungarian. It only appears in traditional family names in which case you will just pronounce them as a normal [ɪ] just like in the English word ‘hit.’ Apart from that, you might encounter this letter in words of obvious foreign origin.
Cultural Insight/Expansion
Michael: An interesting addition is that Hungarians did not always use the alphabet we see today. The Old Hungarian script, also called Hungarian runes, or
Boglárka: Székely-magyar rovás,
Michael: was closely related to the Turkic writing system. Soon after the Christian Hungarian kingdom was established, the old writing system became largely obsolete in favor of the Latin alphabet used today. However, in certain isolated Hungarian-speaking areas, such as in Transylvania, the old Hungarian alphabet survived until the 18th century. And even though by most recent centuries the ancient Hungarian alphabet has faded away, there is now a revival of it and you may see it on street signs, town and village names, etc. It’s an important aspect of the culture, apart from learning the modern form of the language used today.
Michael: Do you have any more questions? We’re here to answer them!
Boglárka: Viszontlátásra!
Michael: See you soon!
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<urn:uuid:db8fc100-4e50-4736-baec-9ae643ed22c1>
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 4.125,
"fasttext_score": 0.2093932032585144,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9184855818748474,
"url": "https://www.hungarianpod101.com/lesson/hungarian-teachers-answer-your-questions-4-is-the-hungarian-alphabet-the-same-as-the-english-alphabet/?lp=105"
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Orange lodges
Orange lodges
In Brief
The "orange lodges" were (and are) Protestant fraternal organizations that formed in Deasy's beloved Ulster to celebrate the memory of William of Orange, to violently intimidate Catholics, and to ensure the continuation of British Protestant rule in Ireland. It is highly misleading, at best, to say that they "agitated for repeal of the union."
Read More
The lodges formed in the early 1790s, and soon joined to make up a united Orange Order, Lodge, Institution, or Society that survives to the present day and still organizes supremacist marches through Catholic areas in the north. While it is true that the Order opposed Union when the idea was first being proposed in the 1790s, the Act of Union was not passed until 1800. Orangemen quickly came to support it, and never "agitated for repeal." In the 1870s and 80s, when the Home Rule movement gathered momentum, the Order was inflexibly opposed. Its support for Union with Great Britain has continued throughout the history of Northern Ireland, from 1922 to the present.
The closest American analogy to the early Orangemen is the Ku Klux Klan. Orange forces randomly attacked and murdered Catholics, destroyed cottages, invaded churches, and mounted public displays of might. There are significant differences: the Americans were reversing the effects of a war that the South had lost, while the Ulster Protestants were preserving the fruits of a war that King William had won; and American blacks could not offer any organized resistance like that mounted by the Irish Catholics called Defenders. Still, Orange opposition to Irish Catholic autonomy has always been unambiguous and coercive. Deasy's picture of Orangemen as making common cause with nationalists like O'Connell could not be more inaccurate.
JH 2012
Orange march in Portadown. Source:
Orange lodges in Northern Ireland, 1991. Source:
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<urn:uuid:a6bba5f8-98d4-455f-b28b-2c55d59347b3>
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.640625,
"fasttext_score": 0.0772586464881897,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9749880433082581,
"url": "https://m.joyceproject.com/notes/020040orangelodges.html"
}
|
Tuesday, 20 June 2017
Ammonites: the ups and downs
The new ELI published today is 'The ups and downs of ammonites; how did they adjust their position in the sea?
The demonstration shows how some animals which are buoyant in water can change their depth in the sea. Explain that ammonites had a coiled shell, but that the soft body only lived in part of the outermost coil. Inside the rest of the shell, the space was filled with gas, which made the animal buoyant.
Demonstrate this, using a boiling tube full of air with a bung to represent the shell of the ammonite. The air-filled tube represents the gas- filled inner coils of the ammonite. The bung represents the living parts of the animal, which can move towards the neck of the tube or retract back into it.
Many more activities about bringing fossils back to life can be found in the Evolution of Life category on our website.
No comments:
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<urn:uuid:b55dc0fa-6096-4bfa-a795-0bacec2f6e09>
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 4.28125,
"fasttext_score": 0.24760770797729492,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9594771862030029,
"url": "http://earthlearningidea.blogspot.com/2017/06/ammonites-ups-and-downs.html"
}
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