Unnamed: 0
int64 0
241k
| Full-Document
stringlengths 96
265k
| Citation
stringlengths 1
50k
| Extract
stringlengths 34
30.6k
| Abstract
stringlengths 8
8.56k
| #CharsDocument
int64 96
265k
| #CharsAbstract
int64 8
8.56k
| #CharsExtract
int64 34
30.6k
| #WordsDocument
int64 20
41.6k
| #WordsAbstract
int64 4
1.34k
| #WordsExtract
int64 11
4.68k
| AbsCompressionRatio
float64 0
0.99
| ExtCompressionRatio
float64 0
1
| OriginalDebateFileName
stringlengths 19
104
| DebateCamp
stringclasses 30
values | Tag
stringclasses 15
values | Year
stringclasses 11
values |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
2,200 |
Sweig says a liberalized Cuba policy also might enhance U.S. stature in Latin America, where leaders have long called on Washington to recognize the current Cuban regime as a political reality — just as it does the communist regimes of China and Vietnam.¶ “A new sensible policy on Cuba would go a long way to improving America’s position in the region,” she says.
|
Jonathan Broder, CQ Staff CQ WEEKLY – IN FOCUS Jan. 5, 2013 – 11:21 a.m. A New Obstacle to Any Shift Toward Cuba http://newsle.com/article/0/54449945/
|
a liberalized Cuba policy also might enhance U.S. stature in Latin America where leaders have long called on Washington to recognize the current Cuban regime as a political reality A new sensible policy on Cuba would go a long way to improving America’s position in the region,”
|
Plan improves US relations with Latin America.
| 364 | 46 | 278 | 63 | 7 | 47 | 0.111111 | 0.746032 |
Cuba Agriculture Affirmative - MSDI 2013.html5
|
Missouri State (MSDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,201 |
Gradually, incrementally, we are changing Earth’s atmosphere. But are we slowly altering our atmosphere away from something that supports human life toward something deadly like the atmosphere of Mars? Such an atmosphere would have been very familiar to Joseph Black, who isolated the very first atmospheric gas. Unitarian minister Joseph Priestley would have recognized the atmosphere of Mars as well. So would coal miners from the early part of the 20th century and the canary that lay gasping at the bottom of the cage, for the atmosphere of Mars is made of fixed air. The atmosphere of Mars is made of blackdamp. The atmosphere of Mars is made of carbonic acid gas. The atmosphere of Mars is made of a substance that has over time had many names reflecting the toxic side of its nature. While today we call all of them “carbon dioxide” (which we think of as a benign product of our own bodies and the harmless bubbles in soda pop), this substance has clearly not always been viewed as a harmless gas. Nor should it be in the future, for it is time once again to inform our opinions about this substance and recognize its invisible, dark side. As long as a stylus attached to the monitoring equipment in some lonely station on the top of an inactive volcano in Hawaii continues to etch a line ratcheting upward—showing the increased amounts of carbon dioxide that, year after year, flood our atmosphere, threatening us—then we too must think of it very differently. It isn’t a matter of speculation. It is a matter of hard, cold scientific fact supported by numerous studies conducted by many respected scientists.’7~ In the overwhelming majority they agree: Earth’s atmosphere has far too much of what we now must think of as carbon die-oxide. It is warming our planet to the point where life, human life, is endangered. We are going to have to do something decisive and effective about this killer. No matter how successful or enlightened we think ourselves to be, we are not exempt from the need to act—in the same way that we are not exempt from the need to breathe.
|
Brandenburg and Paxon 1999—John E. Brandenburg (physicist rocket scientist, Mars expert, investigator on MET project, NASA technical advisor, former member of space transport subcommittee) Monica Rix Paxon (writer and scientific editor) Dead Mars, Dying Earth, 1999, p.46 - 47
|
we are changing Earth’s atmosphere away from something that supports human life toward something deadly like the atmosphere of Mars The atmosphere of Mars is made of a substance that has over time had many names reflecting the toxic side of its nature. While today we call all of them “carbon dioxide” this substance has clearly not always been viewed as a harmless gas. It isn’t a matter of speculation. It is a matter of hard, cold scientific fact supported by numerous studies conducted by many respected scientists. Earth’s atmosphere has far too much of what we now must think of as carbon die-oxide. It is warming our planet to the point where life, human life, is endangered.
|
Human caused CO2 emissions cause extinction
| 2,073 | 43 | 682 | 361 | 6 | 118 | 0.01662 | 0.32687 |
Cuba Agriculture Affirmative - MSDI 2013.html5
|
Missouri State (MSDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,202 |
Cuban agriculture was not exempt from the crisis. In the face of shortages of fuel and farming supplies, the level of activity in this sector fell significantly, heightening the dependence on imported foods acquired at unfavorable market conditions. As a result, in a few years the effects on consumption by the general population were in evidence: daily caloric consumption, for example, dropped 34 percent, and protein intake plummeted 40 percent between 1989 and the worst year of the crisis, 1993. Despite a slight recent improvement, there is a long row to hoe before previous levels are reached: in 1989 the availability of food per capita was 3,108 caloric units and 73 grams of protein, while in 1997 these figures were 2,480 and 51.7, respectively. 5 This drastic change in consumption levels affected the health of the population, as both men and women experienced weight loss, epidemics of some diseases previously unknown in the country broke out, and the birth weight of babies declined. In these difficult times, every additional dollar paid to import foodstuffs affected Cuban families, taking its toll in human terms. When the Torricelli Act took effect, contracts valued at over $100 million with Argentine subsidiaries of Continental Grain, in New York, and Cargill, in Minnesota, for products such as wheat, soy, beans, peas and lentils had to be canceled. The U.S. market is obviously one of the most competitive in terms of production of [End Page 107] various types of foods. According to several studies, the average cost of importing grains coming from U.S. suppliers, including transportation charges, is $130 (US) per metric ton, substantially cheaper than importing the grain from Europe, which would cost around $270. 6 This means, for example, that in 1997 the added cost for Cuba of importing beans was $24 million (US) dollars, and for importing wheat flour it is $7.8 million each year.
|
Hidalgo and Martinez 2k (Vilma Hidalgo and Milagros Martinez; Vilma Hidalgo, Ph.D., is professor of macroeconomics at the University of Havana and has published various articles on the Cuban economy; Milagros Martinez is a Research Fellow at the University of Havana, working with the Centro de Estudios sobre Estados Unidos (CESEU); published in Logos: A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture and published online at http://muse.jhu.edu.ezproxy.lib.ou.edu/journals/logos/v003/3.4hidalgo.html) //ks
|
Cuban agriculture was not exempt from the crisis the effects on consumption by the general population were in evidence: daily caloric consumption dropped 34 percent, and protein intake plummeted 40 percent there is a long row to hoe before previous levels are reached 5 every additional dollar paid taking its toll in human terms The U.S. market is obviously one of the most competitive , the average cost of importing grains coming from U.S. suppliers, including transportation charges, is $130 (US) per metric ton, substantially cheaper than importing the grain from Europe, which would cost around $270. 6 the added cost for Cuba of importing beans was $24 million (US) dollars, and for importing wheat flour it is $7.8 million each year.
|
US agricultural trade restrictions have a direct effect on food availability for the Cuban people. Added costs make food more expensive to import. This contributes to the Cuban food crisis.
| 1,918 | 189 | 741 | 312 | 30 | 122 | 0.096154 | 0.391026 |
Cuba Agriculture Affirmative - MSDI 2013.html5
|
Missouri State (MSDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,203 |
Singer's argument goes like this¶ suffering and death caused by lack of food, shelter, or medical care are bad¶ if it is in our power to prevent something bad from happening, without thereby sacrificing anything of comparable moral importance, we ought, morally, to do it ¶ 'Sacrifice' here means without causing anything else comparably bad to happen, or doing something that is wrong in itself, or failing to promote some moral good, comparable in significance to the bad thing that we can prevent¶ for example: if I am walking past a shallow pond and see a child drowning in it, I ought to wade in and pull the child out. This may ruin my clothes but that would be insignificant while the death of the child would be very bad¶ we can reduce avoidable death and suffering by giving to famine relief etc. and the cost of doing so is a morally insignificant reduction in our standard of living ¶ This argument applies both to immediate emergency famine relief and long term development aid.¶ therefore we ought to give to famine relief etc.
|
BBC summarizing Peter Singer, last updated 2013, (in an article by the BBC, “A Duty to Give”, http://www.bbc.co.uk/ethics/charity/duty_1.shtml //GG)
|
suffering and death caused by lack of food, shelter, or medical care are bad¶ if it is in our power to prevent something bad from happening, without thereby sacrificing anything of comparable moral importance, we ought, morally, to do i if I am walking past a shallow pond and see a child drowning in it, I ought to wade in and pull the child out. This may ruin my clothes but that would be insignificant while the death of the child would be very bad¶ we can reduce avoidable death and suffering by giving to famine relief etc. and the cost of doing so is a morally insignificant reduction in our standard of living ¶ This argument applies both to immediate emergency famine relief and long term development aid.¶ therefore we ought to give to famine relief etc.
|
We are morally obligated to help relieve the famine and starvation in Cuba
| 1,040 | 74 | 763 | 183 | 13 | 138 | 0.071038 | 0.754098 |
Cuba Agriculture Affirmative - MSDI 2013.html5
|
Missouri State (MSDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,204 |
But our exports are hampered by a tangle of red tape that the U.S. government imposes on this small but promising market. American shippers aren't allowed to move their product from a U.S. port until Cuba has paid for the cargo. Cuba isn't allowed to wire money to U.S. banks -- payments have to be sent through third countries. This makes European bankers happy as they collect fees for handling the transactions and changing money from one currency to another. Cuban buyers and phytosanitary inspectors have rarely been given visas to enter the United States to meet our farmers and vendors and to see our products. And American companies are not permitted to extend credit to Cuba. Given Cuba's debt troubles and payment record, it is questionable how much private credit would be extended, and it would be wrong to risk U.S. taxpayer dollars in Cuba through loans or export insurance. But by blocking American lenders from risking their own money, Washington adds another impediment to U.S. exports. Cuba is a natural market for American agriculture, with advantages in cost, quality, and convenience. Cuban buyers recognize that -- but when they add up all the conditions we impose, they see delay, inconvenience, difficult access, and a few percentage points of cost that are unnecessarily added to their purchases. Reasonably enough, they also ask why we have a one-way trade policy that doesn't allow Cuba to sell anything here.
|
Philip Peters (Staff Writer) “Time to untangle red tape of trade with Cuba?” The Press, September 18, 2009 http://www.presspublications.com/opinionscolumns/guest-editorial/2790-time-to-untangle-red-tape-of-trade-with-cuba
|
our exports are hampered by a tangle of red tape that the U.S. government imposes on this promising market. American shippers aren't allowed to move their product from a U.S. port until Cuba has paid for the cargo. Cuba isn't allowed to wire money to U.S. banks -- payments have to be sent through third countries. American companies are not permitted to extend credit to Cuba. by blocking American lenders from risking their own money, Washington adds another impediment to U.S. exports. Cuba is a natural market for American agriculture, with advantages in cost, quality, and convenience. Cuban buyers recognize that -- but when they add up all the conditions we impose, they see delay, inconvenience, difficult access, and a few percentage points of cost that are unnecessarily added to their purchases
|
Cuba will say yes to trade absent restrictions – they see the advantages of quality and convenience.
| 1,436 | 100 | 805 | 238 | 17 | 132 | 0.071429 | 0.554622 |
Cuba Agriculture Affirmative - MSDI 2013.html5
|
Missouri State (MSDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,205 |
Food security is a priority for the Government of Cuba. Low agricultural productivity and weak production chains make the country highly dependent, importing about 80 percent of its domestic food requirements in 2009. Cuba was affected by the global economic downturn, which saw the country's exports drop considerably.¶ Cuba's vulnerability to natural disasters was seen in 2008 when it experienced a series of devastating hurricanes and storms, causing severe losses for the economy and infrastructure (US$10 billion, or 20 percent of the gross domestic product). On October 25, 2012, Hurricane Sandy severely affected the city of Santiago de Cuba, the second largest city in the country. With a population of 500,000, Santiago de Cuba is of key economic importance in the eastern region.¶ The Government of Cuba has acknowledged that its centralized political structure poses a barrier to economic productivity. Although Cuba has internationally recognized education and health systems, most Cuban institutions suffer from inefficiencies. To engage in the global economy, Cuba needs assistance in developing modern business practices and increasing accountability and transparency of public institutions.¶
|
ACDI, 6/6/13, (Government of Canada, Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development Canada, June 6 2013, “Cuba”, http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/cuba-e#tphp //GG)
|
Food security is a priority for the Government of Cuba. Low agricultural productivity and weak production chains make the country highly dependent, Cuba was affected by the global economic downturn, which saw the country's exports drop considerably Cuba has acknowledged that its centralized political structure poses a barrier to economic productivity.
|
Cuba will say yes – they are dependent on imports for food because of low productivity.
| 1,208 | 87 | 353 | 177 | 16 | 51 | 0.090395 | 0.288136 |
Cuba Agriculture Affirmative - MSDI 2013.html5
|
Missouri State (MSDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,206 |
But just how creditworthy is Cuba? The issue, says Bob Cummings, isn't whether Cuba is creditworthy, but whether U.S. companies should have the right to make that determination. ''Let's have the exporters make that decision,'' says Cummings, who is vice president of international policy for the USA Rice Federation, a trade group in Washington, D.C. ``If they look at the numbers, they can decide if the risk is worth taking.'' Indeed, U.S. businesses trade with plenty of countries that are financially troubled. And, increasingly, Cuba is no exception. A growing number of U.S. food companies have begun selling supplies to Cuba. Sales of U.S. goods have reached $73 million by some estimates. That's more than twice the amount Cuba originally said it would purchase from the United States after Hurricane Michelle destroyed crops across the island in November. The Trade Sanctions Reform and Export Enhancement Act of 2000 allows the export of food and agricultural products to Cuba. But it doesn't allow the extension of credit; Cuba must pay for the purchases in cash. Allowing trade finance would greatly boost the island's purchase of U.S. agricultural products, some U.S. businesses believe.
|
The Miami Herald “Debt defaults hurt Cuba's credit rating” April 8, 2002 http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/economy/defaults.htm
|
But just how creditworthy is Cuba? The issue, , isn't whether Cuba is creditworthy, but whether U.S. companies should have the right to make that determination. ''Let's have the exporters make that decision,'' ``If they look at the numbers, they can decide if the risk is worth taking.'' U.S. businesses trade with plenty of countries that are financially troubled. Cuba is no exception. A growing number of U.S. food companies have begun selling supplies to Cuba. Sales of U.S. goods have reached $73 million by some estimates. . Allowing trade finance would greatly boost the island's purchase of U.S. agricultural products,
|
Creditworthiness is irrelevant – trading partners can to risk analysis. Empirics shows trade would increase.
| 1,200 | 108 | 626 | 191 | 15 | 101 | 0.078534 | 0.528796 |
Cuba Agriculture Affirmative - MSDI 2013.html5
|
Missouri State (MSDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,207 |
Yet at this point, by most measures, the project has failed. Because of waste, poor management, policy constraints, transportation limits, theft and other problems, overall efficiency has dropped: many Cubans are actually seeing less food at private markets. That is the case despite an increase in the number of farmers and production gains for certain items. A recent study from the University of Havana showed that market prices jumped by nearly 20 percent in 2011 alone. And food imports increased to an estimated $1.7 billion last year, up from $1.4 billion in 2006. “It’s the first instance of Cuba’s leader not being able to get done what he said he would,” said Jorge I. Domínguez, vice provost for international affairs at Harvard, who left Cuba as a boy. “The published statistical results are really very discouraging.” A major cause: poor transportation, as trucks are in short supply, and the aging ones that exist often break down. In 2009, hundreds of tons of tomatoes, part of a bumper crop that year, rotted because of a lack of transportation by the government agency charged with bringing food to processing centers. “It’s worse when it rains,” said Javier González, 27, a farmer in Artemisa Province who described often seeing crops wilt and rot because they were not picked up.
|
DAMIEN CAVE (foreign correspondent for The New York Times) “Cuba’s Free-Market Farm Experiment Yields a Meager Crop” December 8, 2012 The New York Times http://www.nytimes.com/2012/12/09/world/americas/changes-to-agriculture-highlight-cubas-problems.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0
|
Because of waste, poor management, policy constraints, transportation limits, theft and other problems, overall efficiency has dropped: many Cubans are seeing less food A study from the University of Havana showed that market prices jumped by nearly 20 percent in 2011 alone. And food imports increased to an estimated $1.7 billion , up from $1.4 billion A major cause: poor transportation, as trucks are in short supply, and the aging ones that exist often break down. In 2009, hundreds of tons of tomatoes rotted because of a lack of transportation by the government agency charged with bringing food to processing centers. a farmer described often seeing crops wilt and rot because they were not picked up.
|
Cuba still reliant on food imports to meet population demand – domestic production isn’t enough.
| 1,298 | 96 | 709 | 216 | 15 | 116 | 0.069444 | 0.537037 |
Cuba Agriculture Affirmative - MSDI 2013.html5
|
Missouri State (MSDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,208 |
Cuba has a tropical climate characterized by a dry season (November–April) and ¶ a rainy season (May–October). The annual average temperature ranges from 75 degrees in the West to 80 degrees in the East. Humidity averages about 80 percent ¶ and average annual rainfall is 52 inches, with about 39 inches falling during the ¶ rainy season (Cuba Weather). ¶ About 50 percent of Cuba’s land is classified as agricultural, with 75 percent of ¶ that land area in relatively flat to gently rolling terrain and suitable for tropical and ¶ subtropical agricultural production (USDA). About 76 percent of Cuba’s population ¶ lives in urban areas (CIA). According to the Food and Agriculture Organization, ¶ about 70 percent of Cuba’s arable land has low organic matter content, while 45 percent is characterized by low fertility, 42 percent is eroded and 40 is poorly drained. ¶ These soil conditions are attributed to poor land management, including continuous¶ tillage, overgrazing, lack of fertilization, and inadequate or improper use of irrigation and drainage systems. ¶ Cuba’s agricultural land is about evenly split between cropland (46 percent) and ¶ pasture (54 percent) (USDA). Recently, a large, but so far undocumented, amount ¶ of Cuba’s cropland was taken out of permanent crop production and placed in native, unimproved pasture (USDA). It is suspected that this was done in an attempt ¶ to increase milk production, which has declined about ten percent since 2003. This ¶ occurred as milk output per cow actually increased 25 percent over the same period ¶ (ONE). ¶ Sugarcane, coffee, tropical fruits (plantains, bananas and mangoes), roots/tubers, ¶ and vegetables/melons accounted for 80 percent of harvested area in 2008 (ONE). ¶ Cereals, primarily rice and corn, accounted for most of the balance of harvested ¶ area. Production of these cereal crops has declined from about 1.1 million metric ¶ tons (mt) in 2003 to 762,000 mt in 2008 (ONE). Cuba’s corn yields averaged about ¶ 41 bushels/acre from 2003–2008, about 1¶ ⁄4 of those obtained by U.S. corn producers. ¶ Cuban rice yields have averaged 2,750 pounds/acre since 2003, less than half the ¶ yields obtained in the United States. Soybean and other oilseeds production are very ¶ limited. ¶ Because of poor soil conditions, high humidity, timing and amounts of rainfall, ¶ high insect infestation and lack of pesticide or biological controls, Cuba’s ability to ¶ produce grain and oilseed crops is limited and likely to remain so over the long ¶ term. As a result, Cuba will remain one of the top grain and oilseed product markets in the Caribbean region provided the economic conditions there are conducive ¶ to market growth and the utilization of imported products.
|
AGRILIFE RESEARCH, TEXAS A&M UNIVERSITY Tourism and Agriculture in Cuba March 22, 2010 http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/CHRG-111hhrg55518/html/CHRG-111hhrg55518.htm
|
Because of poor soil conditions, high humidity, timing and amounts of rainfall, ¶ high insect infestation and lack of pesticide or biological controls, Cuba’s ability to ¶ produce grain and oilseed crops is limited and likely to remain so over the long ¶ term As a result, Cuba will remain one of the top grain and oilseed product markets in the Caribbean region provided the economic conditions there are conducive ¶ to market growth and the utilization of imported products
|
Despite Cuba’s attempts to improve its agricultural output it will still have to rely on imported products in many areas for the forseeable future.
| 2,737 | 147 | 475 | 449 | 24 | 80 | 0.053452 | 0.178174 |
Cuba Agriculture Affirmative - MSDI 2013.html5
|
Missouri State (MSDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,209 |
(Reuters) - Cuba is producing less food than it did five years ago despite efforts to increase agriculture production, the government reported on Friday.¶ Some export crops and farm output aimed at substituting food imports registered minor gains, but overall output last year remained below 2007 levels, according to a report issued by the National Statistics Office (here).¶ The government has also reported that food prices rose 20 percent in 2011.¶ Cuban President Raul Castro has made increasing food production a priority since he took over as president from his ailing brother, Fidel, in 2008.¶ The communist country imports up to 70 percent of its food and is investing hundreds of millions of dollars to boost production of rice, beans, coffee and milk and reduce imports.
|
Marc Frank HAVANA | Fri Aug 31, 2012 2:31pm EDT http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/08/31/us-cuba-food-idUSBRE87U11M20120831
|
Cuba is producing less food than it did five years ago despite efforts to increase agriculture production, Some export crops and farm output aimed at substituting food imports registered minor gains, but overall output last year remained below 2007 levels Castro has made increasing food production a priority since he took over as president The communist country imports up to 70 percent of its food
|
Cuba is suffering from lack of food production – they need additional exports.
| 781 | 78 | 400 | 126 | 13 | 65 | 0.103175 | 0.515873 |
Cuba Agriculture Affirmative - MSDI 2013.html5
|
Missouri State (MSDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,210 |
In recent years, farmer groups in the United States, such as the American Farm Bureau¶ Federation and United States Rice Federation, have supported easing or repealing trade and¶ travel restrictions.5¶ Various members of Congress have introduced legislation to remove¶ these barriers.6¶ The Bush Administration, however, advocates maintaining both the economic¶ embargo and travel restrictions.
|
United States International Trade Commission 2007 Estimated Effect on U.S. Sales of Agricultural Products to Cuba if Restrictions on Financing were Lifted , http://www.usitc.gov/publications/332/pub3932.pdf
|
farmer groups in the United States, such as the American Farm Bureau¶ Federation and United States Rice Federation, have supported easing or repealing trade and¶ travel restrictions ¶ Various members of Congress have introduced legislation to remove¶ these barriers
|
Key farm lobby groups support the repealing of ag trade restrictions on Cuba.
| 394 | 77 | 265 | 54 | 13 | 39 | 0.240741 | 0.722222 |
Cuba Agriculture Affirmative - MSDI 2013.html5
|
Missouri State (MSDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,211 |
If conditions do ripen for further engagement with Havana, however, Menendez might find himself isolated in a confrontation with the president. Most Democrats — and a growing number of Republicans from agricultural states — endorse greater engagement with Cuba, if only to increase food exports, which are also exempt from the embargo.
|
Jonathan Broder, CQ Staff CQ WEEKLY – IN FOCUS Jan. 5, 2013 – 11:21 a.m. A New Obstacle to Any Shift Toward Cuba http://newsle.com/article/0/54449945/
|
Most Democrats — and a growing number of Republicans from agricultural states — endorse greater engagement with Cuba, if only to increase food exports, which are also exempt from the embargo
|
Agricultural sales to Cuba are politically popular
| 335 | 50 | 190 | 52 | 7 | 31 | 0.134615 | 0.596154 |
Cuba Agriculture Affirmative - MSDI 2013.html5
|
Missouri State (MSDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,212 |
Thanks to the hard work of the U.S. Farm Lobby, America’s love of cheap food has stretched more than an engorged waistline. It now stretches the limits of American foreign policy. Over the past century, the Farm Lobby’s influence on the U.S. government has increased alongside the consolidation and growth of U.S. agribusinesses, the principle recipients of federal farm subsidies. The redistribution of taxpayer dollars to American agribusinesses not only creates artificially cheap global prices, it also continues to undermine the development of agrarian-oriented economies throughout the world. Now it appears the Farm Lobby’s efforts are hamstringing American national security, as well. The New York Times has just discovered that the Farm Lobby has been circumventing U.S. economic sanctions against the world’s leading rogue states.
|
Marc-William Palen, 1-7-2011, "How the Farm Lobby Distorts U.S. Foreign Policy," FPIF, http://www.fpif.org/articles/how_the_farm_lobby_distorts_us_foreign_policy, accessed 5-10-2013
|
Over the past century, the Farm Lobby’s influence on the U.S. government has increased alongside the consolidation and growth of U.S. agribusinesses, the principle recipients of federal farm subsidies .
|
Farm lobby is powerful and influence increasing.
| 840 | 48 | 202 | 125 | 7 | 30 | 0.056 | 0.24 |
Cuba Agriculture Affirmative - MSDI 2013.html5
|
Missouri State (MSDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,213 |
In the end, it may be pressure groups rather than politicians who pave the way for an end to the half-century old trade sanctions. In the coming weeks, Cuba will begin exploring off-shore for oil—a development Lopez Levy says is “potentially a game changer.” “Once the famers’ lobby was mobilized in 1998, in just two years they made an important change to the embargo regulations,” Lopez Levy said, referring to the Trade Sanctions Reform Act passed in Oct. 2000. “If they discover oil, a new business lobby will emerge (in the United States) to challenge the embargo.”
|
Roque Planas 2012 2/7 “US Embargo on Cuba Turns 50” (Fox New Latino) <http://latino.foxnews.com/latino/news/2012/02/07/us-embargo-on-cuba-turns-50/>
|
In the end, it may be pressure groups rather than politicians who pave the way for an end to the half-century old trade sanction Once the famers’ lobby was mobilized in 1998, in just two years they made an important change to the embargo regulations
|
It will be the farm lobby who pushes the plan.
| 570 | 46 | 249 | 97 | 10 | 45 | 0.103093 | 0.463918 |
Cuba Agriculture Affirmative - MSDI 2013.html5
|
Missouri State (MSDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,214 |
For the United States, the value added by the above process lies in its promotion of trilateral cooperation. Both China and the United States favor more open markets in Cuba, and considering the attempts of Chinese enterprises to build Cuba’s export capacities and develop its transport, manufacturing, and resource sectors, the United States is a logical source of management services and marketing expertise. Building on existing U.S. activities in agriculture, medicine, and telecommunications, expansion into these sectors would bring both economic benefits for U.S. firms and opportunities for harmonizing approaches to governance and information sharing. Indeed, the Obama administration’s relatively conciliatory stance toward Cuba could lay the foundation of a much-needed “mutually reinforcing diplomacy” with China in the region (Wilder 2009:4).
|
Dr. Adrian H. Hearn 2009 “Cuba and China: Lessons and Opportunities for the United States” <http://cri.fiu.edu/research/commissioned-reports/cuba-china-hearn.pdf>
|
For the U S the value added lies in its promotion of trilateral cooperation. Both China and the United States favor more open markets in Cuba attempts of Chinese enterprises to build Cuba’s export capacities and develop its transport, manufacturing, and resource sectors, the United States is a logical source of management services and marketing expertise. Building on existing U.S. activities in agriculture, would bring both economic benefits for U.S. firms and opportunities for harmonizing approaches to governance and information sharing the Obama administration’s relatively conciliatory stance toward Cuba could lay the foundation of a much-needed “mutually reinforcing diplomacy” with China in the regio
|
The plan increases relations with China. Creates new opportunities for trilateral trade.
| 855 | 88 | 712 | 121 | 12 | 104 | 0.099174 | 0.859504 |
Cuba Agriculture Affirmative - MSDI 2013.html5
|
Missouri State (MSDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,215 |
As the Obama administration explores avenues toward rapprochement with Cuba, China’s industrial collaboration with the island harbors both lessons for establishing partnerships and opportunities to advance trilateral cooperation. Drawing on data gathered during three years of research in Cuba and ten months in China, this report discusses two key components of Sino-Cuban interaction: political dialogue as a precursor to commercial integration; and the development of coordinated, incremental approaches to market expansion and technology transfer. I conclude by arguing that a combination of multilateral and bilateral bridges to Cuba would encourage more open and transparent modes of information sharing, and allow U.S. firms to assess potential strategies for engaging with existing Sino-Cuban projects.
|
Dr. Adrian H. Hearn 2009 “Cuba and China: Lessons and Opportunities for the United States” <http://cri.fiu.edu/research/commissioned-reports/cuba-china-hearn.pdf>
|
As the Obama administration explores avenues toward rapprochement with Cuba, China’s industrial collaboration with the island harbors both lessons for establishing partnerships and opportunities to advance trilateral cooperation conclude by arguing that a combination of multilateral and bilateral bridges to Cuba would encourage more open and transparent modes of information sharing, and allow U.S. firms to assess potential strategies for engaging with existing Sino-Cuban projects
|
Plan opens up trilateral trade.
| 810 | 32 | 484 | 112 | 5 | 65 | 0.044643 | 0.580357 |
Cuba Agriculture Affirmative - MSDI 2013.html5
|
Missouri State (MSDI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,216 |
In the end, though, it's still Fidel Castro and his brother Raul who'll decide whether there'll be a thaw in ties with the United States -- or not. And in usual Castro-style, Fidel himself stood defiant in response to the White House proclamation, barely recognizing the US policy shift. Instead, and predictably, Fidel demanded an end to el bloqueo (the blockade) -- without any promises of change for the people who labor under the regime's hard-line policies. So much for the theory that if we're nice to them, they'll be nice to us. Many are concerned that the lack of love from Havana will lead Washington to make even more unilateral concessions to create an opening with Fidel and the gang. Of course, the big empanada is the US economic embargo against Cuba, in place since 1962, which undoubtedly is the thing Havana most wants done away with -- without any concessions on Cuba's part, of course. Lifting the embargo won't normalize relations, but instead legitimize -- and wave the white flag to -- Fidel's 50-year fight against the Yanquis, further lionizing the dictator and encouraging the Latin American Left. Because the economy is nationalized, trade will pour plenty of cash into the Cuban national coffers -- allowing Havana to suppress dissent at home and bolster its communist agenda abroad. The last thing we should do is to fill the pockets of a regime that'll use those profits to keep a jackboot on the neck of the Cuban people. The political and human-rights situation in Cuba is grim enough already. The police state controls the lives of 11 million Cubans in what has become an island prison. The people enjoy none of the basic civil liberties -- no freedom of speech, press, assembly or association. Security types monitor foreign journalists, restrict Internet access and foreign news and censor the domestic media. The regime holds more than 200 political dissidents in jails that rats won't live in. We also don't need a pumped-up Cuba that could become a serious menace to US interests in Latin America, the Caribbean -- or beyond. (The likes of China, Russia and Iran might also look to partner with a revitalized Cuba.) With an influx of resources, the Cuban regime would surely team up with the rulers of nations like Venezuela, Nicaragua and Bolivia to advance socialism and anti-Americanism in the Western Hemisphere. The embargo has stifled Havana's ambitions ever since the Castros lost their Soviet sponsorship in the early 1990s. Anyone noticed the lack of trouble Cuba has caused internationally since then? Contrast that with the 1980s some time. Regrettably, 110 years after independence from Spain (courtesy of Uncle Sam), Cuba still isn't free. Instead of utopia, it has become a dystopia at the hands of the Castro brothers. The US embargo remains a matter of principle -- and an appropriate response to Cuba's brutal repression of its people. Giving in to evil only begets more of it. Haven't we learned that yet? Until we see progress in loosing the Cuban people from the yoke of the communist regime, we should hold firm onto the leverage the embargo provides.
|
Brookes ‘9 (Peter is a Heritage Foundation senior fellow and a former deputy assistant secretary of defense. “KEEP THE EMBARGO, O” April 15, 2009, http://www.nypost.com/p/news/opinion/opedcolumnists/item_Oul9gWKYCFsACA0D6IVpvL)
|
Fidel demanded an end to the blockade) -- without any promises of change So much for the theory that if we're nice to them, they'll be nice to us. Many are concerned Havana will lead Washington to make even more unilateral concessions Lifting the embargo won't normalize relations, but instead legitimize -- and wave the white flag to -- Fidel further lionizing the dictator and encouraging the Latin American Left. We also don't need a pumped-up Cuba that could become a serious menace to US interests in Latin America, the Caribbean -- or beyond. (The likes of China, Russia and Iran might also look to partner with a revitalized Cuba.) With an influx of resources, the Cuban regime would surely team up with the rulers of nations like Venezuela, Nicaragua and Bolivia to advance socialism and anti-Americanism in the Western Hemisphere. Giving in to evil only begets more of we should hold firm onto the leverage the embargo provides
|
Lifting the embargo emboldens adversaries, causing miscalc and allied proliferation.
| 3,110 | 84 | 936 | 524 | 10 | 159 | 0.019084 | 0.303435 |
Appeasement DA - Berkeley 2013.html5
|
Berkeley (CNDI)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,217 |
Lifting the travel ban without any major concession from Cuba would send the wrong message “to the enemies of the United States”: that a foreign leader can seize U.S. properties without compensation; allow the use of his territory for the introduction of nuclear missiles aimed at the United Sates; espouse terrorism and anti-U.S. causes throughout the world; and eventually the United States will “forget and forgive,” and reward him with tourism, investments and economic aid. Since the Ford/Carter era, U.S. policy toward Latin America has emphasized democracy, human rights and constitutional government. Under President Reagan the U.S. intervened in Grenada, under President Bush, Sr. the U.S. intervened in Panama and under President Clinton the U.S. landed marines in Haiti, all to restore democracy to those countries. The U.S. has prevented military coups in the region and supported the will of the people in free elections. While the U.S. policy has not been uniformly applied throughout the world, it is U.S. policy in the region. Cuba is part of Latin America. A normalization of relations with a military dictatorship in Cuba will send the wrong message to the rest of the continent. Supporting regimes and dictators that violate human rights and abuse their population is an ill-advised policy that rewards and encourages further abuses.
|
Suchlicki ‘7 (Jaime is Emilio Bacardi Moreau Distinguished Professor and Director, Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies, University of Miami. “Don't Lift the Cuba Travel Ban,” April 11, 2007, FrontPageMagazine.com)
|
Lifting the travel ban without any major concession from Cuba would send the wrong message “to the enemies of the United States”: that a foreign leader can seize U.S. properties without compensation; allow the use of his territory for the introduction of nuclear missiles aimed at the United Sates; espouse terrorism and anti-U.S. causes throughout the world; and eventually the United States will “forget and forgive,” and reward him with tourism, investments and economic aid. Supporting regimes and dictators that violate human rights and abuse their population is an ill-advised policy that rewards and encourages further abuses.
|
Lifting the embargo emboldens others
| 1,352 | 36 | 633 | 213 | 5 | 97 | 0.023474 | 0.455399 |
Appeasement DA - Berkeley 2013.html5
|
Berkeley (CNDI)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,218 |
A fundamental incompatibility of political views stands in the way of improving U.S.-Cuban relations, experts say. While experts say the United States wants regime change, "the most important objective of the Cuban government is to remain in power at all costs," says Felix Martin, an assistant professor at Florida International University's Cuban Research Institute. Fidel Castro has been an inspiration for Latin American leftists such as Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez and Bolivian President Evo Morales, who have challenged U.S. policy in the region. What are the issues preventing normalization of U.S.-Cuba relations? Experts say these issues include: Human rights violations. In March 2003, the Cuban government arrested seventy-five dissidents and journalists, sentencing them to prison terms of up to twenty-eight years on charges of conspiring with the United States to overthrow the state. The Cuban Commission for Human Rights and National Reconciliation, a Havana-based nongovernmental group, reports that the government has in recent years resorted to other tactics besides prison --such as firings from state jobs and intimidation on the street-- to silence opposition figures. A 2005 UN Human Rights Commission vote condemned Cuba's human rights record, but the country was elected to the new UN Human Rights Council in 2006. Guantanamo Bay. Cuba indicated after 9/11 that it would not object if the United States brought prisoners to Guantanamo Bay. However, experts such as Sweig say Cuban officials have since seized on the U.S. prison camp--where hundreds of terror suspects have been detained--as a "symbol of solidarity" with the rest of the world against the United States. Although Obama ordered Guantanamo to be closed by January 22, 2010, the facility remains open as of January 2013, and many analysts say it is likely to stay in operation for an extended period. Cuban exile community. The Cuban-American community in southern Florida traditionally has heavily influenced U.S. policy with Cuba. Both political parties fear alienating a strong voting bloc in an important swing state in presidential elections.However, CFR's Sweig says that Raúl Castro's tenure as president and the reforms he has brought to the country have indicated a willingness to normalize relations with the United States again. "It's not realistic to expect the United States to undertake a series of unilateral moves toward normalization; it needs a willing partner," she told CFR.org in a 2012 interview. "I believe we have one in Havana but have failed to read the signals."
|
Hanson and Lee, ’13 Stephanie Hanson, and Brianna Lee, Senior Production Editor Council of Foreign Relations
|
A fundamental incompatibility of political views stands in the way of improving U.S.-Cuban relations, experts say. While experts say the United States wants regime change, "the most important objective of the Cuban government is to remain in power at all costs Human rights violations. In March 2003, the Cuban government arrested seventy-five dissidents and journalists, sentencing them to prison terms of up to twenty-eight years on charges of conspiring with the United States to overthrow the state. The Cuban Commission for Human Rights and National Reconciliation, a Havana-based nongovernmental group, reports that the government has in recent years resorted to other tactics besides prison --such as firings from state jobs and intimidation on the street-- to silence opposition figures
|
Cuba is a rogue state – government abuses and holds on to power
| 2,582 | 63 | 794 | 399 | 13 | 119 | 0.032581 | 0.298246 |
Appeasement DA - Berkeley 2013.html5
|
Berkeley (CNDI)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,219 |
On the margins of a multilateral summit in Guatemala last week, Secretary of State John Kerry met with Venezuelan Foreign Minister Elias Jose Jaua, marking the Obama administration's latest attempt to reset relations with the South American nation. What's worrisome is that Secretary Kerry's enthusiasm to find, in his words, a "new way forward" with Venezuela could end up legitimizing Chavez-successor Nicolas Maduro's quest for power and undermining the country's democratic opposition and state institutions. Since the death of Venezuelan strongman Hugo Chavez in March, Maduro's actions have more resembled those of a Cuban strongman than a democratically-elected official. Indeed, he has taken drastic moves to preserve his power and discredit his critics in recent months. First, the Maduro regime is refusing to allow a full audit of the fraudulent April 13th presidential elections, as opposition presidential candidate Henrique Capriles had requested. As the Associated Press notes a full audit "would have included not just comparing votes electronically registered by machines with the paper ballot receipts they emitted, but also comparing those with the poll station registries that contain voter signatures and with digitally recorded fingerprints." However, because Chavez-era appointees loyal to the current government dominate Venezuela's National Election Council and Supreme Court – the two government institutions able to challenge election results – it is unlikely either will accept the opposition's demands for a full election recount. [See a collection of political cartoons on the economy.] Second, Maduro's government is taking steps to dominate radio and television coverage of the regime. Last month, Globovision, one of Venezuela's last remaining independent news channels, was sold to a group of investors with close ties to Maduro. Under Chavez, the independent broadcasting station faced years of pressure as government authorities frequently threatened to arrest the group's owners and journalists. To no one's surprise, the company's new ownership has banned live video coverage of opposition leader Henrique Capriles and many of the station's prominent journalists have been fired or have resigned. Third, the regime and its allies are using fear and intimidation to silence the opposition. On April 30th, pro-Maduro lawmakers physically attacked opposition legislators on the floor of Venezuela's National Assembly. Days prior, the regime arrested a former military general who was critical of Cuba's growing influence on Venezuela's armed forces. More recently, Maduro even called for the creation of "Bolivarian Militias of Workers" to "defend the sovereignty of the homeland." In light of all this, it remains unclear why the Obama administration seeks, in Secretary Kerry's words, "an ongoing, continuing dialogue at a high level between the State Department and the [Venezuelan] Foreign Ministry" – let alone believe that such engagement will lead to any substantive change in Maduro's behavior. To be sure, Caracas's recent release of jailed American filmmaker Timothy Tracy is welcome and long overdue. However, it is clear that the bogus charges of espionage against Tracy were used as leverage in talks with the United States, a shameful move reminiscent of Fidel Castro's playbook. [See a collection of political cartoons on defense spending.] While Secretary Kerry said that his meeting with his Venezuelan counterpart included discussion of human rights and democracy issues, the Obama administration's overall track record in the region gives reason for concern. President Obama failed to mention Venezuela or Chavez's abuse of power during his weeklong trip to the region in 2011. And while Obama refused at first to acknowledge the April election results, the State Department has since sent very different signals. Indeed, Secretary Kerry declined even to mention Venezuela directly during his near 30-minute address to the plenary session of the Organization of American States in Guatemala last week. For Venezuela's opposition, the Obama administration's eagerness to revive relations with Maduro is a punch to the gut. Pro-Maduro legislators in the National Assembly have banned opposition lawmakers from committee hearings and speaking on the assembly floor. Other outspoken critics of the regime face criminal charges, and government officials repeatedly vilify and slander Capriles. What's worse, if the United States grants or is perceived to grant legitimacy to the Maduro government, that could give further cover to the regime as it systematically undermines Venezuela's remaining institutions. The Obama administration's overtures to Maduro's government come as the region is increasingly skeptical of the Chavez successor's reign. Last month, Capriles met with Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos in Bogota. Chile's Senate unanimously passed a resolution urging a total audit of all polling stations. And in recent weeks, opposition lawmakers led by María Corina Machado, a representative from the National Assembly of Venezuela, have held meetings in capitals around the region to educate foreign leaders about Maduro's illegitimate hold on power. [Read the U.S. News Debate: Given The Current Deficit Crisis, Should Foreign Aid Be Cut?] Rather than accept Maduro's strongman tactics, the Obama administration should take a firm stand and make clear to Caracas that any steps to undermine the country's constitution or threaten the opposition will be detrimental to bilateral ties with the United States. The fact is that Washington holds all the cards. Venezuela's economy is in a free-fall, Maduro's popularity is plummeting, and various public scandals – especially those related to institutional corruption – could further erode public confidence in the current government. By resetting relations with the Maduro government now, the United States risks legitimizing the Chavez protégé's ill-gotten hold on power and undercutting the Venezuelan democratic opposition efforts to sustain and expand its popular support. It's time the Obama administration rethink this hasty reset with Maduro.
|
Christy, ’13 (Patrick Christy is a senior policy analyst at the Foreign Policy Initiative. “U.S. Overtures to Maduro Hurt Venezuela’s Democratic Opposition,” June 13, 2013 http://www.usnews.com/opinion/blogs/world-report/2013/06/13/us-overtures-to-chavez-successor-maduro-hurt-venezuelas-opposition)
|
a "new way forward" with Venezuela could end up legitimizing Chavez-successor Nicolas Maduro's quest for power and undermining the country's democratic opposition and state institutions Rather than accept Maduro's strongman tactics, the Obama administration should take a firm stand and make clear to Caracas that any steps to undermine the country's constitution or threaten the opposition will be detrimental to bilateral ties with the United States Maduro's popularity is plummeting, and various public scandals – especially those related to institutional corruption – could further erode public confidence in the current government y resetting relations with the Maduro government now, the U S risks legitimizing the Chavez protégé's ill-gotten hold on power and undercutting the Venezuelan democratic opposition efforts to sustain and expand its popular support. It's time the Obama administration rethink this hasty reset with Maduro
|
The plan is a major concession to Venezuela
| 6,163 | 43 | 939 | 915 | 8 | 136 | 0.008743 | 0.148634 |
Appeasement DA - Berkeley 2013.html5
|
Berkeley (CNDI)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,220 |
Disappointment with the U.S.—Latin American relationship is a two-way street. Anti-Americanism has surged in every country in Latin America. People in the region, rich and poor, resent the Bush administration’s aggressive unilateralism and condemn Washington’s disregard for international institutions and norms. A recent Zogby poll of Latin America’s elites found that 86 percent of them disapprove of Washington’s management of conflicts around the world. Only Cuba and Venezuela are openly hostile toward the United States, and most Latin American governments continue to seek close ties with the United States, including free-trade arrangements, immigration accords, and security assistance – even though many of them no longer consider the United States to be a fully reliable partner or want to be Washington’s ally. The region’s leaders are well aware of the overwhelming political and economic strength of the United States and are pragmatic enough to work hard to maintain good relations with the world’s only superpower. But they view the United States as a country that rarely consults with others, reluctantly compromises, and reacts badly when others criticize or oppose its actions.
|
Hakim 6 (Peter Hakim, January, 2006, “Is Washington Losing Latin America?,” http://www.jstor.org/stable/20031841, Foreign Affairs Vol. 85 no. 1, pp. 39-53)
|
Anti-Americanism has surged in every country in Latin America People resent aggressive unilateralism and condemn Washington’s disregard for international institutions and norms A recent Zogby poll of Latin America’s elites found that 86 percent of them disapprove of Washington’s management of conflicts around the world. . The region’s leaders are well aware of the overwhelming political and economic strength of the United States and are pragmatic enough to work hard to maintain good relations with the world’s only superpower. But they view the United States as a country that rarely consults with others, reluctantly compromises, and reacts badly when others criticize or oppose its actions.
|
Unilateral action by the US causes unpopularity in Latin America
| 1,196 | 64 | 697 | 180 | 10 | 105 | 0.055556 | 0.583333 |
Appeasement DA - Berkeley 2013.html5
|
Berkeley (CNDI)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,221 |
It is true that this is a different kind of war. In terms of hard power, the threat is small compared to the hegemonic challenges posed by Nazi Germany or the Soviet Union. But in ideological terms, the challenge that the Islamists pose is similar -- a point Bush himself made when he declared in his September 20 speech that the terrorists are "the heirs of all the murderous ideologies of the twentieth century." They may not have tanks and planes, but they do have a substantial support base in the mainstream Islamic world and the "superempowerment" that globalization has granted to small groups of fanatics. Pakistan, one of the United States' chief allies, is also now a chief launching pad for al Qaeda. Suicide bombing is a way of life in the Palestinian territories, where bin Laden's picture hangs prominently on many walls. Saudi and Persian Gulf oil money continues to fund Salafism, which has a nesting ground and sympathetic roosts around the world. Its message is carried daily by al Jazeera, the pan-Arab "news" station, and even in many U.S. mosques.
|
Hirsh, a former Foreign Editor of Newsweek, is writing a book about American foreign policy, September-October 2002 [Foreign Affairs, Bush and the World, pg. L/N]
|
. In terms of hard power, the threat is small compared to the hegemonic challenges posed by Nazi Germany or the Soviet Union the challenge that the Islamists pose is that the terrorists are "the heirs of all the murderous ideologies of the twentieth century." They may not have tanks and planes, but they do have a substantial support base in the mainstream Islamic world and the "superempowerment" that globalization has granted to small groups of fanatics Pakistan is also now a chief launching pad for al Qaeda. Suicide bombing is a way of life in the Palestinian territories
|
Hardline perception necessary for success internationally – US must be perceived as credible
| 1,068 | 92 | 578 | 183 | 13 | 99 | 0.071038 | 0.540984 |
Appeasement DA - Berkeley 2013.html5
|
Berkeley (CNDI)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,222 |
In Mr. Obama's second term the limits of such withdrawal from conventional military commitments abroad will be tested. In East Asia, an assertive China has bullied the Philippines (with which the U.S. has a 61-year-old defense pact) over the Spratly islands, and China has pressed its claims on Japan (a 53-year-old defense pact) over the Senkaku Islands. At stake are territorial waters and mineral resources—symbols of China's drive for hegemony and an outburst of national egotism. Yet when Shinzo Abe, the new prime minister of an understandably anxious Japan, traveled to Washington in February, he didn't get the unambiguous White House backing of Japan's sovereignty that an ally of long standing deserves and needs. In Europe, an oil-rich Russia is rebuilding its conventional arsenal while modernizing (as have China and Pakistan) its nuclear arsenal. Russia has been menacing its East European neighbors, including those, like Poland, that have offered to host elements of a NATO missile-defense system to protect Europe. In 2012, Russia's then-chief of general staff, Gen. Nikolai Makarov, declared: "A decision to use destructive force pre-emptively will be taken if the situation worsens." This would be the same Russia that has attempted to dismember its neighbor Georgia and now has a docile Russophile billionaire, Prime Minister Bidzina Ivanishvili, to supplant the balky, independence-minded government loyal to President Mikhail Saakashvili. In the Persian Gulf, American policy was laid down by Jimmy Carter in his 1980 State of the Union address with what became the Carter Doctrine: "An attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America, and such an assault will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force." America's Gulf allies may not have treaties to rely upon—but they do have decades of promises and the evidence of two wars that the U.S. would stand by them. Today they wait for the long-promised (by Presidents Obama and George W. Bush) nuclear disarmament of a revolutionary Iranian government that has been relentless in its efforts to intimidate and subvert Iran's neighbors. They may wait in vain. Americans take for granted the world in which they grew up—a world in which, for better or worse, the U.S. was the ultimate security guarantor of scores of states, and in many ways the entire international system. Today we are informed by many politicians and commentators that we are weary of those burdens—though what we should be weary of, given that our children aren't conscripted and our taxes aren't being raised in order to pay for those wars, is unclear. The truth is that defense spending at the rate of 4% of gross domestic product (less than that sustained with ease by Singapore) is eminently affordable. The arguments against far-flung American strategic commitments take many forms. So-called foreign policy realists, particularly in the academic world, believe that the competing interests of states tend automatically toward balance and require no statesmanlike action by the U.S. To them, the old language of force in international politics has become as obsolete as that of the "code duello," which regulated individual honor fights through the early 19th century. We hear that international institutions and agreements can replace national strength. It is also said—covertly but significantly—that the U.S. is too dumb and inept to play the role of security guarantor. Perhaps the clever political scientists, complacent humanists, Spenglerian declinists, right and left neo-isolationists, and simple doubters that the U.S. can do anything right are correct. Perhaps the president should concentrate on nation-building at home while pressing abroad only for climate-change agreements, nuclear disarmament and an unfettered right to pick off bad guys (including Americans) as he sees fit. But if history is any guide, foreign policy as a political-science field experiment or what-me-worryism will yield some ugly results. Syria is a harbinger of things to come. In that case, the dislocation, torture and death have first afflicted the locals. But it will not end there, as incidents on Syria's borders and rumors of the movement of chemical weapons suggest. A world in which the U.S. abnegates its leadership will be a world of unrestricted self-help in which China sets the rules of politics and trade in Asia, mayhem and chaos is the order of the day in the Middle East, and timidity and appeasement paralyze the free European states. A world, in short, where the strong do what they will, the weak suffer what they must, and those with an option hurry up and get nuclear weapons.
|
Cohen ‘13 ( Eliot Cohen of the Wall Street Journal, and director of Strategic Studies at Johns Hopkins, “Eliot Cohen: American Withdrawal and Global Disorder”)
|
withdrawal from commitments abroad will be tested. In East Asia, an assertive China has bullied the Philippines (with which the U.S. has a 61-year-old defense pact) over the Spratly islands At stake are territorial waters and mineral resources symbols of hegemony Russia has been menacing its East European neighbors, including those, like Poland, that have offered to host elements of a NATO missile-defense system to protect Europe. In the Persian Gulf allies may not have treaties to rely upon—but they do have decades of promises and the evidence of two wars that the U.S. would stand by them. Today they wait for nuclear disarmament of a revolutionary Iranian government They may wait in vain. Americans take for granted the world in which they grew up—a world in which, for better or worse, the U.S. was the ultimate security guarantor of scores of states, and in many ways the entire international system. A world in which the U.S. abnegates its leadership will be a world of unrestricted self-help in which China sets the rules of politics and trade in Asia, mayhem and chaos is the order of the day in the Middle East, and timidity and appeasement paralyze the free European states. A world, in short, where the strong do what they will, the weak suffer what they must, and those with an option hurry up and get nuclear weapons.
|
U.S.’s showings of weakness will cause instability throughout the world and allow other countries to take U.S. hegemony.
| 4,761 | 120 | 1,337 | 760 | 18 | 229 | 0.023684 | 0.301316 |
Appeasement DA - Berkeley 2013.html5
|
Berkeley (CNDI)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,223 |
And yet, this relentless series of crises has not disrupted the rise of a global capitalist system, centered first on the power of the United Kingdom and then, since World War II, on the power of the United States. After more than 300 years, it seems reasonable to conclude that financial and economic crises do not, by themselves, threaten either the international capitalist system or the special role within it of leading capitalist powers like the United Kingdom and the United States. If anything, the opposite seems true--that financial crises in some way sustain Anglophone power and capitalist development. Indeed, many critics of both capitalism and the "Anglo-Saxons" who practice it so aggressively have pointed to what seems to be a perverse relationship between such crises and the consolidation of the "core" capitalist economies against the impoverished periphery. Marx noted that financial crises remorselessly crushed weaker companies, allowing the most successful and ruthless capitalists to cement their domination of the system. For dependency theorists like Raul Prebisch, crises served a similar function in the international system, helping stronger countries marginalize and impoverish developing ones. Setting aside the flaws in both these overarching theories of capitalism, this analysis of economic crises is fundamentally sound--and especially relevant to the current meltdown. Cataloguing the early losses from the financial crisis, it's hard not to conclude that the central capitalist nations will weather the storm far better than those not so central. Emerging markets have been hit harder by the financial crisis than developed ones as investors around the world seek the safe haven provided by U.S. Treasury bills, and commodity-producing economies have suffered extraordinary shocks as commodity prices crashed from their record, boom-time highs. Countries like Russia, Venezuela, and Iran, which hoped to use oil revenue to mount a serious political challenge to American power and the existing world order, face serious new constraints. Vladimir Putin, Hugo Chavez, and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad must now spend less time planning big international moves and think a little bit harder about domestic stability. Far from being the last nail in America's coffin, the financial crisis may actually resuscitate U.S. power relative to its rivals.
|
Mead ’09 Walter Russell Mead, Henry A. Kissinger Senior Fellow in U.S. Foreign Policy at the Council on Foreign Relations, “Only Makes You Stronger”, February 4, 2009, Free Republic, http://freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/2169866/posts
|
After more than 300 years, it seems reasonable to conclude that financial and economic crises do not threaten the special role of leading capitalist powers like the United Kingdom and the United States. financial crises in some way sustain Anglophone power and capitalist development Cataloguing the early losses from the financial crisis, it's hard not to conclude that the central capitalist nations will weather the storm far better than those not so central Far from being the last nail in America's coffin, the financial crisis may actually resuscitate U.S. power relative to its rivals.
|
US Hegemony still high
| 2,373 | 22 | 592 | 357 | 4 | 94 | 0.011204 | 0.263305 |
Appeasement DA - Berkeley 2013.html5
|
Berkeley (CNDI)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,224 |
The anticipated global balancing has for the most part not occurred. Russia and China certainly share a common and openly expressed goal of checking American hegemony. They have created at least one institution, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, aimed at resisting American influence in Central Asia, and China is the only power in the world, other than the United States, engaged in a long-term military buildup. But Sino-Russian hostility to American predominance has not yet produced a concerted and cooperative effort at balancing. China ’s buildup is driven at least as much by its own long-term ambitions as by a desire to balance the United States. Russia has been using its vast reserves of oil and natural gas as a lever to compensate for the lack of military power, but it either cannot or does not want to increase its military capability sufficiently to begin counterbalancing the United States. Overall, Russian military power remains in decline. In addition, the two powers do not trust one another. They are traditional rivals, and the rise of China inspires at least as much nervousness in Russia as it does in the United States. At the moment, moreover, China is less abrasively confrontational with the United States. Its dependence on the American market and foreign investment and its perception that the United States remains a potentially formidable adversary mitigate against an openly confrontational approach. In any case, China and Russia cannot balance the United States without at least some help from Europe, Japan, India, or at least some of the other advanced, democratic nations. But those powerful players are not joining the effort. Europe has rejected the option of making itself a counterweight to American power. This is true even among the older members of the European Union, where neither France, Germany, Italy, nor Spain proposes such counterbalancing, despite a public opinion hostile to the Bush administration. Now that the eu has expanded to include the nations of Central and Eastern Europe, who fear threats from the east, not from the west, the prospect of a unified Europe counterbalancing the United States is practically nil. As for Japan and India, the clear trend in recent years has been toward closer strategic cooperation with the United States.
|
Kagan 07 – senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, senior transatlantic fellow at the German Marshall Fund (Robert, Aug/Sept. “End of Dreams, Return of History.” Hoover Policy Review. http://www.hoover.org/publications/policyreview/8552512.html)
|
global balancing has not occurred But Sino-Russian hostility to American predominance has not yet produced a concerted and cooperative effort at balancing. China ’s buildup is driven at least as much by its own long-term ambitions as by a desire to balance the United States China is less abrasively confrontational with the United States. Its dependence on the American market and foreign investment and its perception that the United States remains a potentially formidable adversary mitigate against an openly confrontational approach. China and Russia cannot balance the United States without at least some help from Europe, Japan, India, or at least some of the other advanced, democratic nations. But those powerful players are not joining the effort. the clear trend has been toward closer strategic cooperation with the U S
|
No risk of aggression – rogue states won’t challenge us
| 2,307 | 55 | 831 | 371 | 10 | 130 | 0.026954 | 0.350404 |
Appeasement DA - Berkeley 2013.html5
|
Berkeley (CNDI)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,225 |
By the same token, foreign policy failures do not necessarily undermine predominance. Some have suggested that failure in Iraq would mean the end of predominance and unipolarity. But a superpower can lose a war — in Vietnam or in Iraq — without ceasing to be a superpower if the fundamental international conditions continue to support its predominance. So long as the United States remains at the center of the international economy and the predominant military power, so long as the American public continues to support American predominance as it has consistently for six decades, and so long as potential challengers inspire more fear than sympathy among their neighbors, the structure of the international system should remain as the Chinese describe it: one superpower and many great powers.
|
Kagan, 10 – senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and adjunct professor of history at Georgetown University. [Robert Kagan, 2010 “End of Dreams, Return of History”, Hoover Institution Stanford University pg. http://www.hoover.org/publications/policy-review/article/6136]
|
foreign policy failures do not necessarily undermine predominance. Some have suggested that failure in Iraq would mean the end of predominance and unipolarity. But a superpower can lose a war — in Vietnam or in Iraq — without ceasing to be a superpower if the fundamental international conditions continue to support its predominance. So long as the United States remains at the center of the international economy and the predominant military power, so long as the American public continues to support American predominance as it has consistently for six decades, and so long as potential challengers inspire more fear than sympathy among their neighbors, the structure of the international system should remain as the Chinese describe it: one superpower and many great powers.
|
Foreign Policy failures don’t destroy US credibility-- History Proves
| 797 | 69 | 778 | 127 | 9 | 123 | 0.070866 | 0.968504 |
Appeasement DA - Berkeley 2013.html5
|
Berkeley (CNDI)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,226 |
The fruit of these efforts to prevent rapid and widespread nuclear proliferation, then, is the very reason a nuclear domino effect remains a myth. In the Middle East, there are no signs that the nuclear dominos will fall anytime soon. Although many governments believe that Iran could be one to three years away from developing a nuclear bomb, all other Middle Eastern countries (besides Israel) are at least 10 to 15 years away from reaching such a capability. This time frame gives Washington ample opportunity to establish or reaffirm security pacts with countries that might be tempted to develop their own nuclear weapons programs in reaction to a potential Iranian bomb. In fact, that work has already begun. In July 2009, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton spoke of the possibility of the United States extending a "defense umbrella" over the Gulf region and shoring up those countries' military capabilities if Iran goes nuclear. More generally, the United States is trying to reinforce a culture of nonproliferation in the Middle East. In late 2009, Washington concluded an agreement with the United Arab Emirates to forego the enrichment and reprocessing of nuclear fuel -- crucial steps in the development of nuclear weapons. (In return, the United Arab Emirates will receive help developing a civilian nuclear-energy program.) Similar overtures are being made to both Saudi Arabia and Jordan, states that are pursuing civilian nuclear-power programs to diversify their energy supplies. Another achievement came during the 2010 Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty Review Conference, when the United States endorsed the convening of a regional meeting on establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East. The summit is due to be held in 2012 and, although Israel's nuclear weapons complicate matters, could serve as another step toward cementing a nonproliferation culture in the region. These are major accomplishments in preventing proliferation in the Middle East, and they contradict the worst-case scenarios about a nuclear Iran. Yet they have done little to reassure those who expect a chain reaction of proliferating states.
|
Johan Bergenas- Research Associate at the Henry L. Stimson Center- August 31, 2010, Dismantling Worst-Case Proliferation Scenarios, Foreign Affairs, http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/66738/johan-bergenas/the-nuclear-domino-myth
|
a nuclear domino effect remains a myth. In the Middle East, there are no signs that the nuclear dominos will fall anytime soon. Although many governments believe that Iran could be one to three years away from developing a nuclear bomb, all other Middle Eastern countries (besides Israel) are at least 10 to 15 years away from reaching such a capability. This time frame gives Washington ample opportunity to establish or reaffirm security pacts with countries that might be tempted to develop their own programs that work has already begun. Clinton spoke of the possibility of extending a "defense umbrella" over the Gulf region the United States is trying to reinforce a culture of nonproliferation in the Middle East. Washington concluded an agreement with the United Arab Emirates to forego the enrichment of nuclear fuel Similar overtures are being made to both Saudi Arabia and Jordan Another achievement came during the N p T Review when the United States endorsed the convening of a regional meeting on establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East These are major accomplishments in preventing proliferation in the Middle East, and they contradict the worst-case scenarios about a nuclear Iran.
|
No “domino” prolif in the middle east- most countries are a decade away and are dissuaded by the US
| 2,152 | 99 | 1,216 | 335 | 19 | 196 | 0.056716 | 0.585075 |
Appeasement DA - Berkeley 2013.html5
|
Berkeley (CNDI)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,227 |
Such mistaken beliefs are due in part to the West's poor understanding of Iran. After more than 30 years of severed diplomatic, cultural, and educational relations with the country, the West knows little about Iran's leadership, national aspirations, and culture. Because of this, policymakers have a difficult time thinking about the implications of a nuclear Iran and resort to simplistic grandstanding, reprising outdated political fears that lack historical nuance or modern perspective. The exaggerated fears have been useful, too: had the United States not presented Iran's nuclear aspirations in the darkest of lights, it may not have been able to gain support for four rounds of UN sanctions against the Islamic Republic in the last few years.
|
Johan Bergenas- Research Associate at the Henry L. Stimson Center- August 31, 2010, Dismantling Worst-Case Proliferation Scenarios, Foreign Affairs, http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/66738/johan-bergenas/the-nuclear-domino-myth
|
mistaken beliefs are due to the West's poor understanding of Iran. After more than 30 years of severed diplomatic, cultural, and educational relations with the country, the West knows little about Iran's leadership policymakers have a difficult time thinking about the implications of a nuclear Iran and resort to simplistic grandstanding, reprising outdated political fears that lack historical nuance or modern perspective
|
Prefer our ev- your authors don’t understand Iranian politics
| 751 | 61 | 424 | 117 | 9 | 62 | 0.076923 | 0.529915 |
Appeasement DA - Berkeley 2013.html5
|
Berkeley (CNDI)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,228 |
But he also pointed to some of the barriers that prevent science diplomacy from operating effectively, such as asymmetries in scientific capabilities, economic or security concerns over providing access to certain types of key technologies, and a general lack of funding. In the discussion that followed, it became clear that these barriers are likely to become an important focus of attention over the next two days. Several participants, for example, pointed to the obstacles to international scientific exchange presented by the increasing restrictions on entrance visas being placed by countries such as the United States. “It becomes so difficult for someone to get into the US that once they are there, they cannot afford to go home, even for a short visit, because they have no idea whether they will be able to get back in,” was one typical comment. Others pointed to the broader issue of an apparent conflict between the supposed goal of science to promote international interests, and the goal of diplomacy, namely to advance the national interests of the country that the diplomat is serving. There has been much talk of the need to find a way of achieving a balance between these two tendencies. Reaching agreement on where that balance should lie is a major challenge. Achieving that balance will be even harder. Already it is clear from this meeting that science diplomacy is easier said than done.
|
David Dickson, Director of the Science and Development Network, 6/24/2010, “Science diplomacy: easier said than done,” http://scidevnet.wordpress.com/2010/06/24/science-diplomacy-easier-said-than-done/
|
some of the barriers that prevent science diplomacy from operating effectively, such as asymmetries in scientific capabilities, economic or security concerns over providing access to certain types of key technologies, and a general lack of funding. it became clear that these barriers are likely to become an important focus of attention pointed to the obstacles to international scientific exchange presented by the increasing restrictions on entrance visas being placed by countries such as the United States. Others pointed to the broader issue of an apparent conflict between the supposed goal of science to promote international interests, and the goal of diplomacy, namely to advance the national interests of the country that the diplomat is serving. Reaching agreement on where that balance should lie is a major challenge. Achieving that balance will be even harder
|
Double bind - either science diplomacy gets rejected due to lack of perceived benefits or nationalist rhetoric kills potential for cooperation
| 1,412 | 142 | 874 | 233 | 21 | 134 | 0.090129 | 0.575107 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,229 |
The challenge is to put people — scientists and researchers — at the forefront of engagement. The most urgent issues such as climate change, clean water and renewable energy are blind to political borders. Intensifying scientist-to-scientist exchange at the international level to address these shared challenges is a necessity — not only for US–Islamic world relations, but for all countries. In part, this means building on initiatives that take US experts into developing countries to train local scientists. For example, the East African Regional Training Workshop, jointly sponsored by institutions in the United States and Tanzania, or the Whitaker International Scholars and Fellows Program, which funds biomedical engineers to conduct research projects overseas. Offering more outlets to US faculty and graduate students for teaching or leading research in other countries will harness a new class of 'science diplomats'. But if it is important to open the door for more US scientists to go out, it is equally important to hold it open for foreign scientists to come in. For these scientists, ensuring close and continued contact with US colleagues could lend them credibility, not only in their fields of expertise, but on other issues of regional and national importance. And these scientists can be effective ambassadors in their home countries — often interacting with hundreds of students each day. Programmes such as the National Science Foundation's International Research Fellowship — which brings early career scientists and engineers to the United States for advanced training — provide another valuable strategy for building science capacity abroad. But restrictive visa requirements are a major obstacle to expanding such initiatives. Researchers are routinely denied permission to attend meetings in the United States and top-performing graduate students faced with starting a doctoral programme on a single-entry visa are increasingly turning to universities in Canada and elsewhere for their studies.
|
Ali Douraghy, Science Diplomacy Fellow of AAAS, AAAS Science & Technology Policy Fellow, PhD in Biomedical Physics from the UCLA School of Medicine and holds an MS in Biomedical Engineering, a BS in Bioengineering as well as degrees in Arabic and Middle Eastern Studies, 9/22/10, “Science diplomacy should focus on people,” http://www.scidev.net/global/education/opinion/science-diplomacy-should-focus-on-people.html
|
The challenge is to put people — at the forefront of engagement Intensifying scientist-to-scientist exchange at the international level to address these shared challenges is a necessity But if it is important to open the door for more US scientists to go out, it is equally important to hold it open for foreign scientists to come in. And these scientists can be effective ambassadors in their home countries But restrictive visa requirements are a major obstacle to expanding such initiatives. Researchers are routinely denied permission and top-performing graduate students faced with starting a doctoral programme on a single-entry visa are increasingly turning to universities in Canada and elsewhere
|
Visa restrictions kill effectiveness of science diplomacy – Cuban scientists will be denied on tech exchanges that actually matter
| 2,023 | 130 | 704 | 304 | 19 | 108 | 0.0625 | 0.355263 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,230 |
One of the frustrations of meetings at which scientists gather to discuss policy-related issues is the speed with which the requirements for evidence-based discussion they would expect in a professional context can go out of the window. Such has been the issue over the past two days in the meeting jointly organised in London by the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) and the Royal Society on the topic “New Frontiers in Science Diplomacy“. There has been much lively discussion on the value of international collaboration in achieving scientific goals, on the need for researchers to work together on the scientific aspects of global challenges such as climate change and food security, and on the importance of science capacity building in developing countries in order to make this possible. But there remained little evidence at the end of the meeting on how useful it was to lump all these activities together under the umbrella term of “science diplomacy”. More significantly, although numerous claims were made during the conference about the broader social and political value of scientific collaboration – for example, in establishing a framework for collaboration in other areas, and in particular reducing tensions between rival countries – little was produced to demonstrate whether this hypothesis is true. If it is not, then some of the arguments made on behalf of “science diplomacy”, and in particular its value as a mechanism for exercising “soft power” in foreign policy, do not stand up to close scrutiny. Indeed, a case can be made that where scientific projects have successfully involved substantial international collaboration, such success is often heavily dependent on a prior political commitment to cooperation, rather than a mechanism for securing cooperation where the political will is lacking. Three messages appeared to emerge from the two days of discussion. Firstly, where the political will to collaborate does exist, a joint scientific project can be a useful expression of that will. Furthermore, it can be an enlightening experience for all those directly involved. But it is seldom a magic wand that can secure broader cooperation where none existed before. Secondly, “science diplomacy” will only become recognised as a useful activity if it is closely defined to cover specific situations (such as the negotiation of major international scientific projects or collaborative research enterprises). As an umbrella term embracing the many ways in which science interacts with foreign policy, it loses much of its impact, and thus its value. Finally, when it comes to promoting the use of science in developing countries, a terminology based historically on maximising self-interest – the ultimate goal of the diplomat – and on practices through which the rich have almost invariably ended up exploiting the poor, is likely to be counterproductive. In other words, the discussion seemed to confirm that “science diplomacy” has a legitimate place in the formulation and implementation of policies for science (just as there is a time and place for exercising “soft power” in international relations). But the dangers of going beyond this – including the danger of distorting the integrity of science itself, and even alienating potential partners in collaborative projects, particularly in the developing world – were also clearly exposed. The take-home message: handle with care.
|
David Dickson, Director of the Science and Development Network, 6/2/2009, “Science diplomacy: the case for caution,” http://scidevnet.wordpress.com/category/new-frontiers-in-science-diplomacy-2009/
|
One of the frustrations of meetings at which scientists gather to discuss policy-related issues is the speed with which the requirements for evidence-based discussion they would expect in a professional context can go out of the window. remained little evidence at the end of the meeting on how useful it was to lump all these activities together under the umbrella term of “science diplomacy”. although numerous claims were made little was produced to demonstrate whether this hypothesis is true. then some of the arguments made on behalf of “science diplomacy do not stand up to close scrutiny. such success is often heavily dependent on a prior political commitment But it is seldom a magic wand that can secure broader cooperation where none existed before. science diplomacy” will only become recognised as a useful activity if it is closely defined to cover specific situations As an umbrella term embracing the many ways in which science interacts with foreign policy, it loses much of its impact, and thus its value. when it comes to promoting the use of science in developing countries, a terminology based historically on maximising self-interest – the ultimate goal of the diplomat – and on practices through which the rich have almost invariably ended up exploiting the poor, is likely to be counterproductive. the dangers of going beyond this – including the danger of distorting the integrity of science itself, and even alienating potential partners in collaborative projects, particularly in the developing world – were also clearly exposed. The take-home message: handle with care.
|
Prior political commitment is key – science cannot begin the diplomatic process
| 3,441 | 79 | 1,598 | 537 | 12 | 256 | 0.022346 | 0.476723 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,231 |
When does science diplomacy fail? Technology and knowledge transfer can be difficult between competitors, particularly where there are security concerns or with dual-use technologies. Asymmetries in scientific capabilities (e.g., between the USA and African nations) and lack of funding for international collaborative activities can also hinder diplomatically productive scientific partnerships. For science diplomacy to work, scientific goals must be at the forefront and diplomatic goals should be clearly defined to avoid science being used for purely political ends. Some argue that, ironically, science diplomacy works best on an individual level when scientists focus on doing good science without an overt science diplomacy agenda.
|
Karin Shmueli, Lecturer in Magnetic Resonance Imaging and Undergraduate Admissions Tutor, Ph.D.: Wellcome Trust High Field Magnetic Resonance Research Laboratory, Department of Medical Physics and Bioengineering, University College London, M.Sc. with Distinction: Radiation Physics - Medical Applications, Department of Medical Physics and Bioengineering, University College London, Postgraduate Diploma of the Institute of Physics and Engineering in Medicine (IPEM) with Distinction: National Health Service Trainee Clinical Scientist in Medical Physics: Magnetic Resonance Imaging, Ultrasound and Nuclear Medicine Charing Cross and Hammersmith Hospitals, London, United Kingdom, 2001 First Class M.A. (Hons) and M.Sci. (Hons) - Master of Natural Sciences: University of Cambridge, 12/29/2012, “Science Diplomacy: How Can We Make It Work?” http://sciencepolicyforall.wordpress.com/2010/12/29/science-diplomacy-how-can-we-make-it-work/
|
science diplomacy fail Technology and knowledge transfer can be difficult between competitors, particularly where there are security concerns or with dual-use technologies. Asymmetries in scientific capabilities and lack of funding for international collaborative activities can also hinder diplomatically productive scientific partnerships. For science diplomacy to work, diplomatic goals should be clearly defined to avoid science being used for purely political ends ronically, science diplomacy works best on an individual level when scientists focus on doing good science without an overt science diplomacy agenda.
|
Security concerns and asymmetric due to relative lack of Cuban science funding causes science diplomacy to fail
| 739 | 111 | 619 | 103 | 17 | 83 | 0.165049 | 0.805825 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,232 |
Using science for diplomatic purposes has obvious attractions and several benefits. But there are limits to what it can achieve. The scientific community has a deserved reputation for its international perspective — scientists often ignore national boundaries and interests when it comes to exchanging ideas or collaborating on global problems. So it is not surprising that science attracts the interest of politicians keen to open channels of communication with other states. Signing agreements on scientific and technological cooperation is often the first step for countries wanting to forge closer working relationships. More significantly, scientists have formed key links behind-the-scenes when more overt dialogue has been impossible. At the height of the Cold War, for example, scientific organisations provided a conduit for discussing nuclear weapons control. Only so much science can do Recently, the Obama administration has given this field a new push, in its desire to pursue "soft diplomacy" in regions such as the Middle East. Scientific agreements have been at the forefront of the administration's activities in countries such as Iraq and Pakistan. But — as emerged from a meeting entitled New Frontiers in Science Diplomacy, held in London this week (1–2 June) — using science for diplomatic purposes is not as straightforward as it seems. Some scientific collaboration clearly demonstrates what countries can achieve by working together. For example, a new synchrotron under construction in Jordan is rapidly becoming a symbol of the potential for teamwork in the Middle East. But whether scientific cooperation can become a precursor for political collaboration is less evident. For example, despite hopes that the Middle East synchrotron would help bring peace to the region, several countries have been reluctant to support it until the Palestine problem is resolved. Indeed, one speaker at the London meeting (organised by the UK's Royal Society and the American Association for the Advancement of Science) even suggested that the changes scientific innovations bring inevitably lead to turbulence and upheaval. In such a context, viewing science as a driver for peace may be wishful thinking. Conflicting ethos Perhaps the most contentious area discussed at the meeting was how science diplomacy can frame developed countries' efforts to help build scientific capacity in the developing world. There is little to quarrel with in collaborative efforts that are put forward with a genuine desire for partnership. Indeed, partnership — whether between individuals, institutions or countries — is the new buzzword in the "science for development" community. But true partnership requires transparent relations between partners who are prepared to meet as equals. And that goes against diplomats' implicit role: to promote and defend their own countries' interests. John Beddington, the British government's chief scientific adviser, may have been a bit harsh when he told the meeting that a diplomat is someone who is "sent abroad to lie for his country". But he touched a raw nerve. Worlds apart yet co-dependent The truth is that science and politics make an uneasy alliance. Both need the other. Politicians need science to achieve their goals, whether social, economic or — unfortunately — military; scientists need political support to fund their research. But they also occupy different universes. Politics is, at root, about exercising power by one means or another. Science is — or should be — about pursuing robust knowledge that can be put to useful purposes. A strategy for promoting science diplomacy that respects these differences deserves support. Particularly so if it focuses on ways to leverage political and financial backing for science's more humanitarian goals, such as tackling climate change or reducing world poverty. But a commitment to science diplomacy that ignores the differences — acting for example as if science can substitute politics (or perhaps more worryingly, vice versa), is dangerous. The Obama administration's commitment to "soft power" is already faltering. It faces challenges ranging from North Korea's nuclear weapons test to domestic opposition to limits on oil consumption. A taste of reality may be no bad thing.
|
David Dickson, Director of the Science and Development Network, 4/6/2009, “The limits of science diplomacy,” http://www.scidev.net/global/capacity-building/editorial-blog/the-limits-of-science-diplomacy.html
|
Using science for diplomatic purposes has limits to what it can achieve. Only so much science can do science for diplomatic purposes is not as straightforward as it seems whether scientific cooperation can become a precursor for political collaboration is less evident several countries have been reluctant to support it until the Palestine problem is resolved. one speaker at the London meeting suggested that the changes scientific innovations bring inevitably lead to turbulence and upheaval. viewing science as a driver for peace may be wishful thinking. Conflicting ethos true partnership requires transparent relations between partners who are prepared to meet as equals. And that goes against diplomats' implicit role: to promote and defend their own countries' interests. a diplomat is someone who is "sent abroad to lie for his country". science and politics make an uneasy alliance Politics is, at root, about exercising power Science should be — about pursuing robust knowledge that can be put to useful purposes. a commitment to science diplomacy that ignores the differences — acting for example as if science can substitute politics (or perhaps more worryingly, vice versa), is dangerous. Obama 's commitment to "soft power" is already faltering. It faces challenges ranging from North Korea's nuclear weapons test to domestic opposition
|
Science diplomacy fails – political goal co-op and cause suspicion
| 4,282 | 66 | 1,351 | 656 | 10 | 208 | 0.015244 | 0.317073 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,233 |
Less positively, increasing restrictions on entry to certain countries, and in particular the United States after the 9/11 attacks in New York and elsewhere, have significantly impeded scientific exchange programmes. Here the challenge for diplomats was seen as helping to find ways to ease the burdens of such restrictions. The broadest gaps in understanding the potential of scientific diplomacy lay in the third category, namely the use of science as a channel of international diplomacy, either as a way of helping to forge consensus on contentious issues, or as a catalyst for peace in situations of conflict. On the first of these, some pointed to recent climate change negotiations, and in particular the work of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, as a good example, of the way that the scientific community can provide a strong rationale for joint international action. But others referred to the failure of the Copenhagen climate summit last December to come up with a meaningful agreement on action as a demonstration of the limitations of this way of thinking. It was argued that this failure had been partly due to a misplaced belief that scientific consensus would be sufficient to generate a commitment to collective action, without taking into account the political impact that scientific ideas would have. Another example that received considerable attention was the current construction of a synchrotron facility SESAME in Jordan, a project that is already is bringing together researchers in a range of scientific disciplines from various countries in the Middle East (including Israel, Egypt and Palestine, as well as both Greece and Turkey). The promoters of SESAME hope that – as with the building of CERN 60 years ago, and its operation as a research centre involving, for example, physicists from both Russia and the United States – SESAME will become a symbol of what regional collaboration can achieve. In that sense, it would become what one participant described as a “beacon of hope” for the region. But others cautioned that, however successful SESAME may turn out to be in purely scientific terms, its potential impact on the Middle East peace process should not be exaggerated. Political conflicts have deep roots that cannot easily be papered over, however open-minded scientists may be to professional colleagues coming from other political contexts. Indeed, there was even a warning that in the developing world, high profile scientific projects, particular those with explicit political backing, could end up doing damage by inadvertently favouring one social group over another. Scientists should be wary of having their prestige used in this way; those who did so could come over as patronising, appearing unaware of political realities. Similarly, those who hold science in esteem as a practice committed to promoting the causes of peace and development were reminded of the need to take into account how advances in science – whether nuclear physics or genetic technology – have also led to new types of weaponry. Nor did science automatically lead to the reduction of global inequalities. “Science for diplomacy” therefore ended up with a highly mixed review. The consensus seemed to be that science can prepare the ground for diplomatic initiatives – and benefit from diplomatic agreements – but cannot provide the solutions to either. “On tap but not on top” seems as relevant in international settings as it does in purely national ones. With all the caution that even this formulation still requires.
|
David Dickson, Director of the Science and Development Network, June 28, 2010, “Science in diplomacy: ‘On tap but not on top’” http://scidevnet.wordpress.com/2010/06/28/the-place-of-science-in-diplomacy-%E2%80%9Con-tap-but-not-on-top%E2%80%9D/
|
Less positively, increasing restrictions on entry to certain countries, and in particular the United State , have significantly impeded scientific exchange programmes The broadest gaps in understanding the potential of scientific diplomacy lay in the third category, namely the use of science as a channel of international diplomacy, either as a way of helping to forge consensus on contentious issues, or as a catalyst for peace in situations of conflict. others referred to the failure of the Copenhagen climate summit last December as a demonstration of the limitations this failure had been partly due to a misplaced belief that scientific consensus would be sufficient to generate a commitment to collective action, without taking into account the political impact however successful SESAME may turn out to be in purely scientific terms, its potential impact on the Middle East peace process should not be exaggerated. Political conflicts have deep roots that cannot easily be papered over, however open-minded scientists may be to professional colleagues there was even a warning that in the developing world, high profile scientific projects, particular those with explicit political backing, could end up doing damage by inadvertently favouring one social group over another those who did so could come over as patronising, appearing unaware of political realities advances in science – whether nuclear physics or genetic technology – have also led to new types of weaponry. Nor did science automatically lead to the reduction of global inequalities. science can prepare the ground for diplomatic initiatives cannot provide the solutions to either.
|
Science diplomacy fails – empirics
| 3,556 | 34 | 1,656 | 568 | 5 | 253 | 0.008803 | 0.445423 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,234 |
In “The Limits of Science Diplomacy,” SciDev.net Director David Dickson argues that scientific collaboration can achieve only very limited diplomatic victories. A conference hosted by the Royal Society in London earlier this month, entitled “New Frontiers in Science Diplomacy” (agenda), seems to have arrived at a similar conclusion. But this view of science diplomacy is overly pessimistic. It sets unrealistically high expectations such dialogue could never hope to achieve. Science diplomacy is not meant to solve all aspects of conflicts or distrustful relationships, so setting such a high bar is a bit of a straw man. Science, as well as dialogue on the management of shared natural resources, remains an under-utilized and under-studied tool for trust-building, so it is premature to declare it a failure before we have sufficient evidence for evaluation. Veterans of Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs and other Cold War-era scientific dialogues might suggest we are neglecting some rich experiences from this era. It bears remembering that Pugwash was awarded the 1995 Nobel Peace Prize (and current U.S. Science Adviser John Holdren delivered the acceptance speech as then executive director of Pugwash). A distinct but related arena for further policy attempts and research inquiries is environmental peacebuilding, where mutual interdependence around natural resources provides pathways for dialogue in the midst of conflict. The establishment of the Cordillera del Condor Transboundary Protected Area between Ecuador and Peru was a result of integrating joint environmental management structures in the 1998 peace agreement that ended a long-festering border conflict. Negotiation over shared resources, such as water, can be a diplomatic lifeline for otherwise-hostile countries, such as Israel and Jordan, which held secret “picnic table” talks to manage the Jordan River while they were officially at war. And the U.S. military has successfully uses environmental cooperation to engage both friends and adversaries. Collaboration on scientific and environmental issues won’t solve all our problems. And defining and identifying success remains a fundamental challenge when success is the absence of something (conflict). But let’s not retreat to the common church-and-state division where scientists fear being “contaminated” by participating in policy-relevant dialogues. And let’s certainly not declare science diplomacy a failure—and stop trying to make it a success—based on unrealistic expectations for the benefits such efforts might produce.
|
Geoff Dabelko, director of the Environmental Change and Security Program at the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington, DC., 20 Jun 2009, “Science diplomacy: An expectations game,” http://grist.org/article/science-diplomacy-an-expectations-game/
|
scientific collaboration can achieve only very limited diplomatic victories. A conference hosted by the Royal Society in London earlier seems to have arrived at a similar conclusion. ence diplomacy is not meant to solve all aspects of conflicts or distrustful relationships Collaboration on scientific and environmental issues won’t solve all our problems. And defining and identifying success remains a fundamental challenge when success is the absence of something
|
Science diplomacy can’t deescalate conflict – even advocates concede
| 2,579 | 68 | 466 | 376 | 9 | 68 | 0.023936 | 0.180851 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,235 |
Meanwhile, generational and political change in the United States and Cuba will likely lead to greater economic engagement between those long-estranged countries. When the U.S. embargo is finally lifted, trade, investment, and two-way migration will resume. Two generations of Cuban Americans eager to re-engage and do business in their ancestral homeland will pull Cuba quickly into the U.S. economic orbit.
|
Leonardo Martinez-Diaz, political economy fellow of The Brookings Institution and deputy director for the Partnership for the Americas Commission, Fall 2008, “Latin America: Coming of Age,” World Policy Journal, http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/articles/2008/10/fall%20latin%20america%20martinez%20diaz/fall_latin_america_martinez_diaz.pdf
|
generational and political change in the United States and Cuba will ad to greater economic engagement trade, investment, and two-way migration will resume. Cuban Americans eager to re-engage and do business in their ancestral homeland will pull Cuba into the U.S. economic orbit.
|
Cuban economic engagement inevitable – generational ties and politics
| 408 | 69 | 280 | 60 | 9 | 43 | 0.15 | 0.716667 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,236 |
Roughly speaking, there are two kinds of economies in Latin America—those that will be pulled further toward the U.S. orbit in the coming decade sand those that will continue to globalize, doing much of their business with countries other than the United States. Nations in the first category include most in Central America, the larger economies of the Caribbean ,and Mexico. These countries are already tied closely to the hemisphere’s largest economy through trade, investment, tourism, aid, immigration, and remittance flows. The gravitational pull of their links to the U.S. economy will draw them even closer to the United States over the next quarter century. The countries of Central America and the Caribbean are all in a similar position. They currently send about half their exports to the United States, and for the countries of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), the U.S. share of their exports climbed steadily over the past decade. The ratification of a 2004 free trade agreement between the United States, Central American countries, and the Dominican Republic(CAFTA-DR) will further orient these economies toward the United States.
|
Leonardo Martinez-Diaz, political economy fellow of The Brookings Institution and deputy director for the Partnership for the Americas Commission, Fall 2008, “Latin America: Coming of Age,” World Policy Journal, http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/articles/2008/10/fall%20latin%20america%20martinez%20diaz/fall_latin_america_martinez_diaz.pdf
|
those that will be pulled further toward the U.S. orbit in the coming decade Nations in the first category include the larger economies of the Caribbean ,and Mexico. already tied closely through trade, investment, tourism, aid, immigration, and remittance flows. U.S. economy will draw them even closer The countries of Central America and the Caribbean are all in a similar position send about half their exports to the United State U.S. share of their exports climbed ratification of a 2004 free trade agreement between the United States, Central American countries, and the Dominican Republic(CAFTA-DR) will further orient these economies toward the United States.
|
Cuban and Mexican economic engagement inevitable – remittances, trade, and proximity
| 1,148 | 84 | 667 | 179 | 11 | 103 | 0.061453 | 0.575419 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,237 |
If prospects to engage North Korea, Cuba, Iran, and Iraq depended only on general trends in Congress and the leadership of the executive branch, we might forecast a strengthening trend toward engagement with some confidence. Yet these domestic U.S. factors are only half of the equation. After all, inherent in the concept of engagement is some level of cooperation between countries and, more often than not, some collaboration between governments. The uncomfortable reality is that no matter how good U.S. intentions are, or how seriously the United States may be committed to a process of improving relations, the country or regime in question is also a key arbiter of success. Not only can it unilaterally decide to jettison engagement with the United States, but its behavior can also make further progress untenable for U.S. politicians.
|
Meghan L. O'Sullivan, Fellow at the Brookings Institute, Winter 2001, “The Politics of Dismantling Containment,” The Washington Quarterly, http://www.brookings.edu/research/articles/2001/12/winter-sanctions-osullivan
|
inherent in the concept of engagement is some level of cooperation between countries collaboration between governments the country or regime in question is also a key arbiter of success. Not only can it unilaterally decide to jettison engagement with the United States, but its behavior can also make further progress untenable for U.S. politicians.
|
Unilateral engagement policies fail – multilateral cooperation is key
| 843 | 69 | 349 | 135 | 9 | 54 | 0.066667 | 0.4 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,238 |
As a result, the different circumstances of each country are critical in determining whether engagement with the United States is feasible. An anti-Western or anti-U.S. atmosphere in a country may compromise the ability of a regime to engage the United States. It is equally plausible that a leader may have the domestic support or the complete control that makes a regime invulnerable to popular opinion to engage the United States, but not the inclination to do so. For example, Castro has the domestic support and the political power necessary to ease tensions with the United States, but he clearly lacks the desire to pursue such a course. In other cases, political power may be diffused within a society of multiple viewpoints, restricting a leader's ability to move his or her country away from the status quo in its relations with the United States. This has been the case in Iran, where internal power struggles between domestic political factions have constrained the ability of President Mohammad Khatemi to respond to limited U.S. gestures to move toward a more constructive relationship.
|
Meghan L. O'Sullivan, Fellow at the Brookings Institute, Winter 2001, “The Politics of Dismantling Containment,” The Washington Quarterly, http://www.brookings.edu/research/articles/2001/12/winter-sanctions-osullivan
|
An anti-Western or anti-U.S. atmosphere in a country may compromise the ability of a regime to engage the United States a leader may have the domestic support or the complete control that makes a regime invulnerable to popular opinion to engage the United States Castro has the domestic support and the political power necessary to ease tensions with the United States, but he clearly lacks the desire to pursue such a course. political power may be diffused within a society of multiple viewpoints, restricting a leader's ability to move his or her country away from the status quo
|
Cuban engagement fails – no cooperation due to lack of domestic support and diffused political power
| 1,100 | 100 | 582 | 179 | 16 | 98 | 0.089385 | 0.547486 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,239 |
Similarly, engagement is only effective when the alternative, disengaging, is a credible option. For example, the European ‘critical dialogue’ policy with Iran stumbled because it effectively involved no ‘sticks’. Rather than bolstering the leverage that could be used in conjunction with incentives to alter Iranian behaviour, extensive economic ties between Europe and Iran undermined the ‘critical dialogue’ policy. As an important source of energy for European needs, as well as a market for its goods, Iran was confident that, regardless of its behaviour, Europe would not sever its mutual economic bonds. As a result, European desires to settle disputes such as that surrounding the fatwa on Salman Rushdie lacked urgency in Iranian eyes. Economic interdependence is not tantamount to leverage; as important as economic influence is the other party’s belief that you are willing to jeopardise it in order to meet your wider objectives.
|
Richard N. Haass and Meghan L. O’Sullivan, former senior aide to Bush, Vice President and Director of Foreign Policy Studies at Brookings AND a Fellow with the Foreign Policy Studies Program at Brookings, Summer 2k, “Terms of Engagement: Alternatives to Punitive Policies,” Survival, vol. 42, no. 2
|
engagement is only effective when the alternative is credible the European ‘critical dialogue’ policy with Iran stumbled because it involved no ‘sticks’ extensive economic ties between Europe and Iran undermined the ‘critical dialogue’ policy. As an important source of energy for European needs, as well as a market for its goods, Iran was confident that, regardless of its behaviour, Europe would not sever its mutual economic bonds. Economic interdependence is not tantamount to leverage; as important as economic influence is the other party’s belief that you are willing to jeopardise it in order to meet wider objectives.
|
Economic interdependence empirically turns the case – engagement works only if disengagement is credible
| 941 | 104 | 627 | 144 | 14 | 97 | 0.097222 | 0.673611 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,240 |
But Leverett and Bader also warn against an overdeterministic view of an inevitable “clash of the titans” over energy resources. Instead they argue that the impact of China on U.S. energy-security interests is a largely unexplored arena. Furthermore, one could view the Chinese search for access to oil, leading it to engage in exploration and production-sharing agreements in remote and difficult locales such as Sudan and the tar sands of Canada, as expanding the global supply of petroleum.
|
Jonathan Benjamin-Alvarado, professor at University of Nebraska at Omaha, University of Georgia Ph.D., Director of the Intelligence Community Centers of Academic Excellence Program at UNO, 2011, “Cuba's Energy Future: Strategic Approaches to Cooperation,” Wiley Online Library, pg 12-13
|
Leverett and Bader also warn against an overdeterministic view of an inevitable “clash of the titans” over energy resources. the Chinese search for access to oil, leading it to engage in exploration and production-sharing agreements in remote and difficult locales such as Sudan and the tar sands of Canada, as expanding the global supply of petroleum.
|
Not zero sum – Chinese exploration increases the total petroleum reserve
| 493 | 72 | 352 | 78 | 11 | 56 | 0.141026 | 0.717949 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,241 |
It will also be important for the United States to create a bilateral agreement with Cuba regarding oil spills. It has been noted that "the United States has strong spill-response agreements with Canada, Mexico and Russia," causing some in [*598] the field to suggest that the United States "make sure Cuba has the same safeguards and rigorous oversight. We can't let politics get in the way of common-sense actions." n165 Several scholars suggest using the MEXUS Treaty n166 as a model for a bilateral agreement between the United States and Cuba. n167 This type of treaty informs both countries of their respective responsibilities in the event of a transnational oil spill. n168 It is critical to have plans already in place to respond to an oil spill in regions like the Straits of Florida, where hours can make a significant difference in the impact a spill will have on the local marine environment. n169
|
C. Adam Lanier, B.A., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2010; J.D. Candidate, University of North Carolina School of Law, 2013, Winter 2013, “In Deepwater: Cuba, Offshore Drilling, and Political Brinkmanship,” 38 N.C.J. Int'l L. & Com. Reg. 571
|
It will be important for the United States to create a bilateral agreement with Cuba regarding oil spill the United States has strong spill-response agreements with Mexico make sure Cuba has the same safeguards and rigorous oversight everal scholars suggest using the MEXUS Treaty n166 as a model for a bilateral agreement between the United States and Cuba. informs both countries of their respective responsibilities in the event of a transnational oil spill. is critical to have plans already in place to respond to an oil spill in regions like the Straits of Florida, where hours can make a significant difference in the impact a spill will have on the local marine environment
|
Text: The United States federal government should sign a bilateral oil spill response treaty with Cuba modeled on the MEXUS treaty.
| 910 | 131 | 681 | 154 | 21 | 113 | 0.136364 | 0.733766 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,242 |
To take advantage of this engagement with the Cuban government, the United States should develop a framework for information-sharing between the two governments. The Center for Democracy in the Americas suggests that "comprehensive information sharing with the Cuban government [be] standard operating procedure." n156 This information-sharing could include conducting joint workshops and conferences on issues of mutual interest, such as offshore drilling, drug trafficking, and immigration. It has also been suggested that information-sharing include technology sharing. n157 Technology sharing could include sharing oil spill mapping software with Cuba and providing it with subsea oil spill response technology, such as dispersants. Finally, U.S. regulatory agencies should engage their Cuban counterparts on a regular basis rather than attempting to channel all information-sharing through the U.S. Interests Section in Havana. n158
|
C. Adam Lanier, B.A., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2010; J.D. Candidate, University of North Carolina School of Law, 2013, Winter 2013, “In Deepwater: Cuba, Offshore Drilling, and Political Brinkmanship,” 38 N.C.J. Int'l L. & Com. Reg. 571
|
the United States should develop a framework for information-sharing between the two governments. "comprehensive information sharing with the Cuban government [be] standard operating procedure could include conducting joint workshops and conferences on issues of mutual interest, such as offshore drilling, drug trafficking, and immigration include technology sharing Technology sharing could include sharing oil spill mapping software with Cuba and providing it with subsea oil spill response technology, such as dispersants .S. regulatory agencies should engage their Cuban counterparts on a regular basis rather than attempting to channel all information-sharing through the U.S. Interests Section
|
CP is perquisite for solvency – coop is key
| 937 | 43 | 700 | 128 | 9 | 94 | 0.070313 | 0.734375 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,243 |
To take advantage of this engagement with the Cuban government, the United States should develop a framework for information-sharing between the two governments. The Center for Democracy in the Americas suggests that "com-prehensive information sharing with the Cuban government [be] standard operating procedure." n156 This infor-mation-sharing could include conducting joint workshops and conferences on issues of mutual interest, such as offshore drilling, drug trafficking, and immigration. It has also been suggested that information-sharing include technology sharing. n157 Technology sharing could include sharing oil spill mapping software with Cuba and providing it with subsea oil spill response technology, such as dispersants. Finally, U.S. regulatory agencies should engage their Cuban counterparts on a regular basis rather than attempting to channel all information-sharing through the U.S. Interests Section in Havana. n158
|
C. Adam Lanier, B.A., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2010; J.D. Candidate, University of North Carolina School of Law, 2013, Winter 2013, “In Deepwater: Cuba, Offshore Drilling, and Political Brinkmanship,” 38 N.C.J. Int'l L. & Com. Reg. 571
|
This infor-mation-sharing could include conducting joint workshops and conferences on issues of mutual interest, such as offshore drilling, drug trafficking, and immigration. It has also been suggested that information-sharing include technology sharing. n157 Technology sharing could include sharing oil spill mapping software with Cuba and providing it with subsea oil spill response technology, such as dispersants. Finally, U.S. regulatory agencies should engage their Cuban counterparts on a regular basis rather than attempting to channel all information-sharing through the U.S. Interests Section in Havana
|
Info sharing solves – allows faster response
| 939 | 44 | 613 | 128 | 7 | 83 | 0.054688 | 0.648438 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,244 |
For the United States, an engagement strategy makes the most sense when adequate domestic political support – or the potential for creating it – exists among key constituencies. As the policy of ‘constructive engagement’ with South Africa in the 1980s demonstrates vividly, the viability of an engagement strategy is limited if it is inconsistent with the sentiments and interests of politically important groups of Americans at home. Throughout the 1980s, the Reagan administration sought to continue its policy of engaging the government of President P.W. Botha. However, strident objections were voiced by the US Congress and influential civic groups who increasingly viewed this variety of engagement as morally abhorrent. It was ultimately this domestic repulsion – reflected in the US Congress’ overwhelming bipartisan vote to override President Reagan’s veto of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act in 1986 – that forced a new, more limited type of engagement strategy more consistent with American moral concerns. From the policy-maker’s perspective, it would be ideal if a well-prepared domestic base in favour of engagement existed even before an engagement strategy were considered. However, the architects of engagement can use political or economic means to craft such bases. In a bitter post-war atmosphere, the efforts of the Carter administration to normalise relations with Vietnam stumbled in part because there was no domestic constituency supporting Carter’s endeavours. In contrast, years later, the Clinton administration was able to bring this process to fruition with the backing of carefully solicited, influential congressional leaders and the support of American businesses, even in the face of organised opposition from various veteran’s lobbies. In 1988–90, economic incentives were combined with political penalties to try to induce Iraq to modify its behaviour. While perhaps not the specific intention of the architects of engagement with Saddam Hussein, the extension of US government agricultural credit guarantees to Iraq appealed to American industrial and agricultural interests which saw Iraq as a large, promising market, and thus created one American constituency in favour of continued engagement.6
|
Richard N. Haass and Meghan L. O’Sullivan, former senior aide to Bush, Vice President and Director of Foreign Policy Studies at Brookings AND a Fellow with the Foreign Policy Studies Program at Brookings, Summer 2k, “Terms of Engagement: Alternatives to Punitive Policies,” Survival, vol. 42, no. 2
|
For the United States, an engagement strategy makes the most sense when adequate domestic political support exists among key constituencies the viability of an engagement strategy is limited if it is inconsistent with the sentiments and interests of politically important groups at home. However, strident objections were voiced by the US Congress and influential civic groups who increasingly viewed this variety of engagement as morally abhorrent. It was ultimately this domestic repulsion that forced a new, more limited type of engagement strategy more consistent with American moral concerns. it would be ideal if a well-prepared domestic base in favour of engagement existed even before an engagement strategy were considered. However, the architects of engagement can use political or economic means to craft such bases. the Clinton administration was able to bring this process to fruition with the backing of carefully solicited, influential congressional leaders and the support of American businesses, even in the face of organised opposition from veteran’s lobbies the extension of US government agricultural credit guarantees to Iraq appealed to American industrial and agricultural interests which saw Iraq as a large, promising market, and thus created one American constituency in favour of continued engagement.
|
Domestic support key to successful engagement policies – perceived economic benefits causes key constituency support
| 2,239 | 116 | 1,328 | 330 | 15 | 196 | 0.045455 | 0.593939 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,245 |
Lobbying for Engagement at Home Other barriers to more effective policies are not as easily overcome as the retirement of an old and awkward phrase. In the past and today, the president and others interested in engaging difficult regimes have been impeded by the lack of support for these moves among U.S. domestic constituencies, particularly in Congress. For example, President Richard Nixon and his secretary of state, Henry Kissinger, were constrained in pursuing détente with the Soviet Union by a Congress unimpressed with their intricate strategy of linking political, economic, and diplomatic incentives to Soviet behavior in the developing world and at the arms control negotiating table. Congressional action tying most-favored-nation trading status for the Soviet Union to the issue of Jewish immigration kept Nixon and Kissinger from delivering the incentives they had promised to Moscow, undermining the overall détente policy. Similarly, much more recent efforts of the Clinton administration to engage North Korea over its nuclear program have been consistently threatened by congressional reluctance to provide adequate funds for implementation of an agreement struck between the two countries in 1994. As these examples suggest, the face of the new Congress is important in determining whether more engagement-oriented approaches toward Cuba, Iran, and others will be crafted and whether they succeed. The new administration will need the approval of Congress to obtain the resources necessary to implement any engagement strategy, particularly when the incentives offered demand dollars for their realization. The need for congressional cooperation is particularly acute if engagement with Cuba, Iran, or Libya is to be sought. Currently, U.S. relations with all three countries are restricted not only by presidential executive orders, but also by various layers of congressionally mandated economic sanctions. In these cases, the path to less hostile relations cannot be cleared without the active support of Congress.
|
Meghan L. O'Sullivan, Fellow at the Brookings Institute, Winter 2001, “The Politics of Dismantling Containment,” The Washington Quarterly, http://www.brookings.edu/research/articles/2001/12/winter-sanctions-osullivan
|
In the past and today, the president and others interested in engaging difficult regimes have been impeded by the lack of support among domestic constituencies, particularly in Congress Nixon were constrained in pursuing détente by a Congress unimpressed with their intricate strategy of linking political, economic, and diplomatic incentives to Soviet behavior Congressional action tying most-favored-nation trading status for the Soviet Union to the issue of Jewish immigration more recent efforts of the Clinton administration to engage North Korea have been consistently threatened by congressional reluctance to provide adequate funds the face of the new Congress is important in determining whether engagement will succeed The new administration will need the approval of Congress to obtain the resources necessary to implement any engagement strategy ticularly acute if engagement with Cuba is to be sought by various layers of congressionally mandated economic sanctions cannot be cleared without the active support of Congress
|
Engagement is unpopular – past Congressional votes prove strong domestic constituency opposition
| 2,038 | 96 | 1,035 | 302 | 12 | 150 | 0.039735 | 0.496689 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,246 |
It is tempting to assert that the partisan breakdown of the new Congress is the most important factor shaping its attitude toward engagement. Yet, perhaps of greater significance are the slim majorities in the House of Representatives and Senate. These realities, maybe even more so than which party controls Congress, have repercussions for the conduct of U.S. foreign policy overall and the handling of relations with difficult countries by implication. In these circumstances, Congress is less likely to seize the initiative on sensitive foreign policy matters, preferring instead to react to crises as they arise. A recalcitrant regime that stays quiet can expect to be ignored. The attention it does receive from Congress is more likely to be in response to provocations and therefore negative. Moreover, where Congress does tackle sensitive foreign policy issues, both parties will have to work together to do more good than harm. In essence, the close partisan balance of the new Congress is a vote for the status quo toward these countries of concern: the maintenance of punitive policies, with some softening at the margins to allow for limited commercial contacts.
|
Meghan L. O'Sullivan, Fellow at the Brookings Institute, Winter 2001, “The Politics of Dismantling Containment,” The Washington Quarterly, http://www.brookings.edu/research/articles/2001/12/winter-sanctions-osullivan
|
the slim majorities in the House of Representatives and Senate Congress is less likely to seize the initiative on sensitive foreign policy matters, preferring instead to react to crises as they arise The attention it does receive from Congress is more likely to be in response to provocations and therefore negative the close partisan balance of the new Congress is a vote for the status quo the maintenance of punitive policies, with some softening at the margins to allow for limited commercial contacts.
|
Slim majorities means Congress will continue with status quo policies
| 1,174 | 69 | 506 | 186 | 10 | 83 | 0.053763 | 0.446237 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,247 |
It would be inaccurate to claim that Congress has shed its impulse to reach for sanctions even when their chances of success are slim, or to allege that a broad congressional consensus exists over the effectiveness of sanctions or the procedures through which they should be imposed. Several developments do warrant optimism, however, when assessing the prospects for the adoption of more engagement-oriented approaches in the new Congress. The passage of PNTR for China, the movement in favor of greater contact with Cuba, and other similar votes suggest that Congress as a whole is becoming increasingly pro-trade, pro-economic engagement, and generally less interested in fettering trade with political considerations. Although not a prerequisite for engagement with these "states of concern," this predisposition would facilitate it. Moreover, the prominence of business and agricultural groups highlighting the costs of sanctions to U.S. commercial interests has won the sympathies of many representatives and has been the backbone of steady support for the sanctions reform proposed by Senator Richard Lugar (R-Ind.) and others. Finally, humanitarian concerns, as well as diplomatic tensions caused by secondary sanctions, have diminished congressional enthusiasm for the unbridled use of economic coercion to pursue foreign policy goals. This congressional atmosphere suggests that the commitment of the new president to reevaluate past U.S. policies of punishment will be decisive in shaping U.S. policy toward North Korea, Cuba, Iran, and Iraq. If the president maintains a preference for the almost exclusive use of punitive tools despite their poor record in dealing with these countries, slim majorities in Congress and the reality that sanctions are a primary vehicle for congressional involvement in foreign policy will reinforce the status quo. If the new president is committed to exploring new approaches that offer at least the possibility of achieving the same goals that have eluded punitive strategies, however, the recent changes on Capitol Hill in favor of engagement present him with a real opportunity to overhaul a critical component of U.S. foreign policy.
|
Meghan L. O'Sullivan, Fellow at the Brookings Institute, Winter 2001, “The Politics of Dismantling Containment,” The Washington Quarterly, http://www.brookings.edu/research/articles/2001/12/winter-sanctions-osullivan
|
The passage of PNTR for China, the movement in favor of greater contact with Cuba, and other similar votes suggest that Congress as a whole is becoming increasingly pro-trade, pro-economic engagement, and generally less interested in fettering trade with political considerations this predisposition would facilitate it the prominence of business and agricultural groups highlighting the costs of sanctions to U.S. commercial interests has won the sympathies of many representatives and has been the backbone of steady support for the sanctions reform proposed by Lugar humanitarian concerns, as well as diplomatic tensions caused by secondary sanctions, have diminished congressional enthusiasm for the unbridled use of economic coercion to pursue foreign policy goals. This congressional atmosphere suggests that the commitment of the new president to reevaluate past U.S. policies of punishment will be decisive in shaping U.S. policy toward Cuba If the new president is committed to exploring new approaches recent changes on Capitol Hill in favor of engagement present him with a real opportunity to overhaul a critical component of U.S. foreign policy.
|
Past failures with sanctions means Congress is willing to pursue engagement policies now – but presidential leadership is key to overcome slim majorities
| 2,183 | 153 | 1,158 | 328 | 23 | 172 | 0.070122 | 0.52439 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,248 |
Assessing prospects for engagement with countries such as Libya, North Korea, Cuba, Iran, and Iraq is not easy. A variety of factors play important roles in determining what policies the new administration pursues, including the support of domestic constituencies, presidential leadership, and the willingness of the country to be engaged. Moreover, each of these elements can, almost unilaterally, inhibit progress or even terminate an engagement strategy. Despite this, overall prospects for engaging these countries are arguably greater than they have been at any time in the Clinton administration. Given this reality, and the opportunities presented by a confluence of factors both within these countries and in the U.S. domestic political scene, a new U.S. president willing to rethink U.S. policy toward this disparate group of countries could begin his time in office by taking a number of steps.
|
Meghan L. O'Sullivan, Fellow at the Brookings Institute, Winter 2001, “The Politics of Dismantling Containment,” The Washington Quarterly, http://www.brookings.edu/research/articles/2001/12/winter-sanctions-osullivan
|
A variety of factors play important roles in determining what policies the new administration pursues, including the support of domestic constituencies, presidential leadership, and the willingness of the country to be engaged each of these elements can unilaterally, inhibit progress or even terminate an engagement strategy a new U.S. president willing to rethink U.S. policy toward this disparate group of countries could begin his time in office by taking a number of steps.
|
Domestic support is key but strong presidential leadership catalyzes that support for engagement over sanctions
| 904 | 111 | 478 | 138 | 15 | 73 | 0.108696 | 0.528986 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,249 |
In addition to these specific efforts, the new administration could strengthen the general trend toward engagement in a number of ways. To begin with, because sanctions and the ability to lift them when appropriate are critical to engagement, the new president should support some variation of the sanctions reform legislation that has been percolating in Congress for the past two years. Geared to make the process of imposing sanctions more deliberative, the president should assist members of Congress in formulating a draft on which both branches of government can agree. In addition, the new administration must commit to, and invest in, convincing Congress and Americans overall of the importance of foreign aid in general and its strategic uses in particular. Although the incentives offered in engagement strategies rarely require huge sums of foreign aid, engagement efforts that do require monetary resources such as the recent ones with North Korea are damaged by the general misperception that the United States already lavishes large amounts of money on problems overseas. Working with Congress to pass a Foreign Assistance Authorization bill, the first since 1985, could provide policymakers with one important opportunity to make the case for the importance of foreign aid.
|
Meghan L. O'Sullivan, Fellow at the Brookings Institute, Winter 2001, “The Politics of Dismantling Containment,” The Washington Quarterly, http://www.brookings.edu/research/articles/2001/12/winter-sanctions-osullivan
|
the new administration could strengthen the general trend toward engagement in a number of ways. the new president should support some variation of the sanctions reform legislation make the process of imposing sanctions more deliberative, the president should assist members of Congress in formulating a draft new administration must commit to, and invest in, convincing Congress and Americans overall of the importance of foreign aid and its strategic uses engagement strategies are damaged by the general misperception that the United States already lavishes large amounts of money on problems overseas. Working with Congress to pass a Foreign Assistance Authorization bill, the could provide policymakers with one important opportunity to make the case for the importance of foreign aid.
|
Presidential leadership is key to change Congressional and public attitudes
| 1,288 | 75 | 790 | 199 | 10 | 118 | 0.050251 | 0.592965 |
Cuban Embargo Negative - DDI 2013 KQ.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,250 |
Less intuitive is how periods of economic decline may increase the likelihood of external conflict. Political science literature has contributed a moderate degree of attention to the impact of economic decline and the security and defense behavior of interdependent states. Research in this vein has been considered at systemic, dyadic and national levels. Several notable contributions follow. First, on the systemic level, Pollins (2008) advances Modelski and Thompson’s (1996) work on leadership cycle theory, finding that rhythms in the global economy are associated with the rise and fall of a pre-eminent power and the often bloody transition from one pre-eminent leader to the next. As such, exogenous shocks such as economic crisis could usher in a redistribution of relative power (see also Gilpin, 1981) that leads to uncertainty about power balances, increasing the risk of miscalculation (Fearon, 1995). Alternatively, even a relatively certain redistribution of power could lead to a permissive environment for conflict as a rising power may seek to challenge a declining power (Werner, 1999). Seperately, Pollins (1996) also shows that global economic cycles combined with parallel leadership cycles impact the likelihood of conflict among major, medium and small powers, although he suggests that the causes and connections between global economic conditions and security conditions remain unknown. Second, on a dyadic level, Copeland’s (1996, 2000) theory of trade expectations suggests that ‘future expectation of trade’ is a significant variable in understanding economic conditions and security behavious of states. He argues that interdependent states are likely to gain pacific benefits from trade so long as they have an optimistic view of future trade relations, However, if the expectations of future trade decline, particularly for difficult to replace items such as energy resources, the likelihood for conflict increases, as states will be inclined to use force to gain access to those resources. Crisis could potentially be the trigger for decreased trade expectations either on its own or because it triggers protectionist moves by interdependent states. Third, others have considered the link between economic decline and external armed conflict at a national level. Blomberg and Hess (2002) find a strong correlation between internal conflict and external conflict, particularly during periods of economic downturn. They write, The linkages between internal and external conflict and prosperity are strong and mutually reinforcing. Economic conflict tends to spawn internal conflict, which in turn returns the favor. Moreover, the presence of a recession tends to amplify the extent to which international and external conflict self-reinforce each other. (Blomberg & Hess, 2002. P. 89) Economic decline has been linked with an increase in the likelihood of terrorism (Blomberg, Hess, & Weerapana, 2004), which has the capacity to spill across borders and lead to external tensions. Furthermore, crises generally reduce the popularity of a sitting government. ‘Diversionary theory’ suggests that, when facing unpopularity arising from economic decline, sitting governments have increase incentives to fabricate external military conflicts to create a ‘rally around the flag’ effect. Wang (1996), DeRouen (1995), and Blomberg, Hess, and Thacker (2006) find supporting evidence showing that economic decline and use of force are at least indirectly correlated. Gelpi (1997), Miller (1999), and Kisangani and Pickering (2009) suggest that the tendency towards diversionary tactics are greater for democratic states than autocratic states, due to the fact that democratic leaders are generally more susceptible to being removed from office due to lack of domestic support. DeRouen (2000) has provided evidence showing that periods of weak economic performance in the United States, and thus weak Presidential popularity, are statistically linked to an increase in the use of force. In summary, recent economic scholarship positively correlated economic integration with an increase in the frequency of economic crises, whereas political science scholarship links economic decline with external conflict at systemic, dyadic and national levels. This implied connection between integration, crisis and armed conflict has not featured prominently in the economic-security debate and deserves more attention.
|
Royal 10 – Jedediah Royal, Director of Cooperative Threat Reduction at the U.S. Department of Defense, 2010, “Economic Integration, Economic Signaling and the Problem of Economic Crises,” in Economics of War and Peace: Economic, Legal and Political Perspectives, ed. Goldsmith and Brauer, p. 213-215
|
economic decline may increase the likelihood of external conflict rhythms in the global economy are associated with the rise and fall of a pre-eminent power economic crisis could usher in a redistribution of relative power that leads to uncertainty about power balances, increasing the risk of miscalculation theory of trade expectations suggests that ‘future expectation of trade’ is a significant variable in understanding economic conditions and security behavious of states. He argues that interdependent states are likely to gain pacific benefits from trade so long as they have an optimistic view of future trade relations if expectations of trade decline the likelihood for conflict increases Crisis could be the trigger for decreased trade expectations others considered the link between economic decline and external armed conflict at a national level. Blomberg and Hess find a strong correlation between internal conflict and external conflict during economic downturn Diversionary theory’ suggests when facing unpopularity arising from economic decline, sitting governments have increase incentives to fabricate external military conflicts to create a ‘rally around the flag’ effect. the tendency towards diversionary tactics are greater for democratic states than autocratic states
|
[G.] Economic decline causes protectionism and war
| 4,430 | 51 | 1,293 | 646 | 7 | 186 | 0.010836 | 0.287926 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,251 |
A terrorist nuclear attack, and even the use of nuclear weapons in response by the country attacked in the first place, would not necessarily represent the worst of the nuclear worlds imaginable. Indeed, there are reasons to wonder whether nuclear terrorism should ever be regarded as belonging in the category of truly existential threats. A contrast can be drawn here with the global catastrophe that would come from a massive nuclear exchange between two or more of the sovereign states that possess these weapons in significant numbers. Even the worst terrorism that the twenty-first century might bring would fade into insignificance alongside considerations of what a general nuclear war would have wrought in the Cold War period. And it must be admitted that as long as the major nuclear weapons states have hundreds and even thousands of nuclear weapons at their disposal, there is always the possibility of a truly awful nuclear exchange taking place precipitated entirely by state possessors themselves. But these two nuclear worlds—a non-state actor nuclear attack and a catastrophic interstate nuclear exchange—are not necessarily separable. It is just possible that some sort of terrorist attack, and especially an act of nuclear terrorism, could precipitate a chain of events leading to a massive exchange of nuclear weapons between two or more of the states that possess them. In this context, today’s and tomorrow’s terrorist groups might assume the place allotted during the early Cold War years to new state possessors of small nuclear arsenals who were seen as raising the risks of a catalytic nuclear war between the superpowers started by third parties. These risks were considered in the late 1950s and early 1960s as concerns grew about nuclear proliferation, the so-called n+1 problem. t may require a considerable amount of imagination to depict an especially plausible situation where an act of nuclear terrorism could lead to such a massive inter-state nuclear war. For example, in the event of a terrorist nuclear attack on the United States, it might well be wondered just how Russia and/or China could plausibly be brought into the picture, not least because they seem unlikely to be fingered as the most obvious state sponsors or encouragers of terrorist groups. They would seem far too responsible to be involved in supporting that sort of terrorist behavior that could just as easily threaten them as well. Some possibilities, however remote, do suggest themselves. For example, how might the United States react if it was thought or discovered that the fissile material used in the act of nuclear terrorism had come from Russian stocks,40 and if for some reason Moscow denied any responsibility for nuclear laxity? The correct attribution of that nuclear material to a particular country might not be a case of science fiction given the observation by Michael May et al. that while the debris resulting from a nuclear explosion would be “spread over a wide area in tiny fragments, its radioactivity makes it detectable, identifiable and collectable, and a wealth of information can be obtained from its analysis: the efficiency of the explosion, the materials used and, most important … some indication of where the nuclear material came from.”41 Alternatively, if the act of nuclear terrorism came as a complete surprise, and American officials refused to believe that a terrorist group was fully responsible (or responsible at all) suspicion would shift immediately to state possessors. Ruling out Western ally countries like the United Kingdom and France, and probably Israel and India as well, authorities in Washington would be left with a very short list consisting of North Korea, perhaps Iran if its program continues, and possibly Pakistan. But at what stage would Russia and China be definitely ruled out in this high stakes game of nuclear Cluedo? In particular, if the act of nuclear terrorism occurred against a backdrop of existing tension in Washington’s relations with Russia and/or China, and at a time when threats had already been traded between these major powers, would officials and political leaders not be tempted to assume the worst? Of course, the chances of this occurring would only seem to increase if the United States was already involved in some sort of limited armed conflict with Russia and/or China, or if they were confronting each other from a distance in a proxy war, as unlikely as these developments may seem at the present time. The reverse might well apply too: should a nuclear terrorist attack occur in Russia or China during a period of heightened tension or even limited conflict with the United States, could Moscow and Beijing resist the pressures that might rise domestically to consider the United States as a possible perpetrator or encourager of the attack? Washington’s early response to a terrorist nuclear attack on its own soil might also raise the possibility of an unwanted (and nuclear aided) confrontation with Russia and/or China. For example, in the noise and confusion during the immediate aftermath of the terrorist nuclear attack, the U.S. president might be expected to place the country’s armed forces, including its nuclear arsenal, on a higher stage of alert. In such a tense environment, when careful planning runs up against the friction of reality, it is just possible that Moscow and/or China might mistakenly read this as a sign of U.S. intentions to use force (and possibly nuclear force) against them. In that situation, the temptations to preempt such actions might grow, although it must be admitted that any preemption would probably still meet with a devastating response.
|
Robert Ayson, Professor of Strategic Studies and Director of the Centre for Strategic Studies: New Zealand at the Victoria University of Wellington, 2010 (“After a Terrorist Nuclear Attack: Envisaging Catalytic Effects,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, Volume 33, Issue 7, July, Available Online to Subscribing Institutions via InformaWorld)
|
A terrorist nuclear attack major nuclear weapons states have hundreds and even thousands of nuclear weapons at their disposal nuclear terrorism, could precipitate a chain of events leading to a massive exchange of nuclear weapons between two or more of the states that possess them. if the act came as a surprise American suspicion would shift immediately to state possessors consisting of North Korea, Iran Pakistan Russia and China The reverse might well apply too should a nuclear terrorist attack occur in Russia or China Washington’s response raise the possibility of nuclear confrontation with Russia and/or China. in the noise and confusion during the immediate aftermath of the terrorist nuclear attack
|
[G.] Nuclear terrorist attack causes super power war
| 5,686 | 52 | 710 | 918 | 8 | 111 | 0.008715 | 0.120915 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,252 |
The terrorist act can reactivate atavistic defense mechanisms which drive us to gather around clan chieftans. Nationalistic sentiment re-awakens, setting up an implacable frontier which divides "us" from "them," each group solidifying its cohesion in a rising hate/fear of the other group. (Remember Yugoslavia?) To be sure, the allies are trying for the moment to avoid the language of polarization, insisting that "this is not a war," that it is "not against Islam," "civilians will not be targeted." But the word "war" was pronounced, a word heavy with significance which forces the issue of partisanship. And it must be understood that the sentiment of partisanship, of belonging to the group, is one of the strongest of human emotions. Because the enemy has been named in the media (Islam), the situation has become emotionally volatile. Another spectacular attack, coming on top of an economic recession could easily radicalize the latent attitudes of the United States, and also of Europe, where racial prejudices are especially close to the surface and ask no more than a pretext to burst out. This is the Sarajevo syndrome: an isolated act of madness becomes the pretext for a war that is just as mad, made of ancestral rancor, measureless ambitions, and armies in search of a war. We should not be fooled by our expressions of good will and charity toward the innocent victims of this or other distant wars. It is our own comfortable circumstances which permit us these benevolent sentiments. If conditions change so that poverty and famine put the fear of starvation in our guts, the human beast will reappear. And if epidemic becomes a clear and present danger, fear will unleash hatred in the land of the free, flinging missiles indiscriminately toward any supposed havens of the unseen enemy. And on the other side, no matter how profoundly complex and differentiated Islamic nations and tribes may be, they will be forced to behave as one clan by those who see advantage in radicalizing the conflict, whether they be themselves merchants or terrorists.
|
Nicole Schwartz-Morgan, Assistant Professor of Politics and Economics at Royal Military College of Canada, 10/10/2001, “Wild Globalization and Terrorism,” http://www.wfs.org/mmmorgan.htm
|
The terrorist act can reactivate atavistic defense mechanisms which drive Nationalistic sentiment setting up an implacable frontier which divides "us" from "them the allies are trying for the moment to avoid the language of polarization, insisting that "this is not a war," that it is "not against Islam "civilians will not be targeted." But Because the enemy has been named in the media (Islam), the situation has become emotionally volatile. Another spectacular attack, coming on top of an economic recession could easily radicalize the latent attitudes of the United States, and also of Europe This is the Sarajevo syndrome: an isolated act of madness becomes the pretext for a war that is just as mad, made of ancestral rancor, measureless ambitions, and armies in search of a war. We should not be fooled by our expressions of good will It is our own comfortable circumstances which permit us these benevolent sentiments if epidemic becomes a clear and present danger, fear will unleash hatred flinging missiles indiscriminately toward any supposed havens of the unseen enemy on the other side, no matter how profoundly complex and differentiated Islamic nations may be, they will be forced to behave as one clan by those who see advantage in radicalizing the conflict
|
[H.] Lashout will be widespread and cause extinction
| 2,067 | 52 | 1,273 | 340 | 8 | 207 | 0.023529 | 0.608824 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,253 |
In a recent meeting with the Miami Herald's editorial board Rear Admiral William D. Baumgartner, the head of United States Coast Guard Seventh District, recognized the fact that Cuba and the United States do not have an emergency response agreement for oil spills. The catastrophic Deepwater Horizon incident has demonstrated the challenge of managing oil spills along with their complexity and magnitude. An oil spill in Cuba's waters could threaten hundreds of miles of coastline and marine habitats in Florida and the Bahamas. The urgency for an agreement on protocols of cooperation between the U.S. and Cuba to respond quickly and effectively to any incident that threatens either country's marine and coastal habitats becomes evident as Spanish oil company Repsol moves closer in drilling the Jagüey prospect in Cuba's Strait of Florida waters. The 1983 Convention for the Protection and Development of the Marine Environment in the Wider Caribbean Region (Cartagena Convention) and the 1990 International Convention on Oil Pollution Preparedness, Response and Cooperation, of which both Cuba and the United States are signatories, provides an umbrella under which both countries could develop such a bilateral agreement. Closer relations with Cuba in the environmental arena would help to emphasize the need for contingency planning and cooperation in an effort to minimize the damage from potential oil spills which respect no boundaries, making joint cross-border programs critical.
|
Pinon 10 (Jorge, Former president of Amoco Oil Latin America and Member of the Brookings Cuba Task Force, "Deal needed to protect our seas," Miami Herald, October 5, http://www.miamiherald.com/2010/10/05/1857743/deal-needed-to-protect-our-seas.html)
|
recognized the fact that Cuba and the United States do not have an emergency response agreement for oil spills. The catastrophic Deepwater Horizon incident has demonstrated the challenge of managing oil spills along with their complexity and magnitude. An oil spill in Cuba's waters could threaten hundreds of miles of coastline and marine habitats in Florida and the Bahamas. any incident that threatens marine and coastal habitats Closer relations with Cuba in the environmental arena would help to emphasize the need for contingency planning and cooperation in an effort to minimize the damage from potential oil spills which respect no boundaries, making joint cross-border programs critical.
|
[B.] Spills collapse the marine environment – relations are key
| 1,491 | 63 | 696 | 226 | 10 | 106 | 0.044248 | 0.469027 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,254 |
One of the most direct ways in which oil spills affect marine life is by essentially suffocating plants and animals. Marine plants can be covered in a film of oil which prevents oxygen and water exchange, causing the plants to die. Marine life which feed on this vegetation will in turn struggle to survive. Coatings of oil on the flesh of birds and mammals can literally kill them through suffocation. Oil spills also affect marine life such as birds by stripping the water resistant coating from their feathers. A bird weighed down by oil may have difficulty flying, and will develop hypothermia as a result of exposure to extremely cold water. Mammals also suffer, as oil can remove water resistant compounds from the coats of furred marine life like otters and seals. Oil spills affect marine life like filter feeders by concentrating in the flesh of these animals. Clams, mussels, and oysters may quickly accumulate toxins which can kill the animals or be passed on along the food chain. Human consumers often complain that shellfish harvested from an area impact by an oil spill taste heavy and oily. Animals that rely on these filter feeders for food may become sick and die as a result of consuming them. When oil spills affect marine life, it usually happens at multiple levels of the food chain, representing a lot of work to fix the problem. The inhalation and ingestion of compounds related to oil spills can also harm marine life, both in the long and short term. In the long term, oil spills affect marine life by interfering with the ability to breed, reproduce, grow, or perform other vital functions. Toxins in oil can also cause cancers and other illnesses in the long term. If left untreated, the area around an oil spill can be denuded of life. Fortunately, there are ways to clean up oil spills. In addition to chemicals, ecologists also use bacteria which thrive on the compounds in oil to digest it and render it less harmful.
|
Smith 10 (S.E., "How do Oil Spills Affect Marine Life," wiseGeek?, December 7, http://www.wisegeek.com/how-do-oil-spills-affect-marine-life.htm)
|
One of the most direct ways in which oil spills affect marine life is by essentially suffocating plants and animals. Marine plants can be covered in a film of oil which prevents oxygen and water exchange, causing the plants to die. Marine life which feed on this vegetation will in turn struggle to survive. Coatings of oil on the flesh of birds and mammals can literally kill them through suffocation Oil spills affect marine life like filter feeders by concentrating in the flesh of these animals. Clams, mussels, and oysters may quickly accumulate toxins which can kill the animals or be passed on along the food chain en oil spills affect marine life, it usually happens at multiple levels of the food chain, representing a lot of work to fix the problem. oil spills affect marine life by interfering with the ability to breed, reproduce, grow, or perform other vital functions. . If left untreated, the area around an oil spill can be denuded of life
|
[C.] Oil spills destroy the marine biodiversity
| 1,949 | 47 | 955 | 338 | 7 | 166 | 0.02071 | 0.491124 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,255 |
Extinctions are dangerous for humans, but it is not immediately clear just how dangerous. In their 1984 book, EXTINCTION, Paul and Anne Ehrlich compare our situation to an airplane held together by rivets. As time goes on, an occasional rivet will pop out. No single rivet is essential for maintaining flight, but eventually if we pop enough rivets, a crash seems certain to occur. So it is with humans and the other species with whom we share the planet. No single species is essential to our well being, yet it is certain that we need biological diversity in order to survive. Therefore each time we diminish diversity, we take another irreversible step toward the brink of a dark abyss. In the process, we desecrate the wondrous works of the creator.
|
Peter Montague, “The Four Horsemen—Part 2: Loss of Biodiversity,” Rachel’s Enviornment & Health News, December 14, 1995, http://www.rachel.org/bulletin/bulletin.cfm?Issue_ID=651.
|
Extinctions are dangerous for humans, Paul and Anne Ehrlich compare our situation to an airplane held together by rivets. As time goes on, an occasional rivet will pop out. No single rivet is essential for maintaining flight, but eventually if we pop enough rivets, a crash seems certain to occur. So it is with humans and the other species it is certain that we need biological diversity in order to survive. each time we diminish diversity, we take another irreversible step toward the brink of a dark abyss.
|
[E.] BIODIVERSITY LOSS RISKS EXTINCTION
| 754 | 39 | 511 | 130 | 5 | 88 | 0.038462 | 0.676923 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,256 |
With his national security team in place, President-elect Barack Obama's foreign policy principals will be immediately struck by how many complex and expensive challenges they will face. Iraq, Iran, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Israel-Palestine and Russia, will all require enormous energy, all the tools in our foreign policy toolbox, and will all take years to resolve, if they can be resolved. None of these crises will allow President Obama to signal swiftly to the world the kind of changes he proposes in American foreign policy. In contrast, U.S.-Cuba policy is low-hanging fruit: though of marginal importance domestically, it could be changed immediately at little cost. At present, that policy is a major black spot on America's international reputation. For the rest of the world, our failed, obsolete and 50-year old policy toward Cuba goes against everything that Obama campaigned for, and the recent 185-3 U.N. vote to condemn the centerpiece of that policy, the embargo – the 16th such vote in as many years – makes that clear. The entire world believes our policy is wrong. And the world is right. The fact is that since Cuba stopped exporting revolution and started exporting doctors and nurses, it ceased being a national security concern for the United States. And yet we restrict travel to the island - unconstitutionally - and constrain Cuban-Americans in the amount of money they can send to their families on the island. Moreover, the economic embargo hurts the Cuban people more than the Cuban leadership, and our Helms-Burton legislation imposes Washington's will on foreign businesses who wish to trade with Cuba, creating ill will in business communities from Canada to Brazil. Our Cuba policy is also an obstacle to striking a new relationship with the nations of Latin America. Any 21st-century policy toward Latin America will have to shift from the Cold War-era emphasis on right-wing governments and top-down economic adjustment to creating a hemispheric partnership to address many critical issues: the revival of militant leftism, the twin challenges of sustainability and inclusive economic growth, and the rising hemispheric influence of Russia and China. But until Washington ends the extraordinary sanctions that comprise the Cuba embargo, Latin America will remain at arms-length, and the problems in our backyard - Hugo Chavez, drugs, immigration, energy insecurity - will simply fester.
|
Doherty 8 (Patrick, "An Obama Policy for Cuba," McClathy Newspapers, December 12,cuba.newamerica.net/publications/articles/2008/obama_policy_cuba_9301)
|
With his national security team in place None of these crises will allow President Obama to signal swiftly to the world the kind of changes he proposes in American foreign policy. In contrast, U.S.-Cuba policy is low-hanging fruit: present, that policy is a major black spot on America's international reputation. For the rest of the world, our failed, obsolete and 50-year old policy toward Cuba goes against everything that Obama campaigned for, and the recent 185-3 U.N. vote to condemn the centerpiece of that policy, makes that clear. The entire world believes our policy is wrong our legislation imposes Washington's will on foreign businesses who wish to trade with Cuba, creating ill will in business communities from Canada to Brazil. Our Cuba policy is also an obstacle to striking a new relationship with the nations of Latin America y 21st-century policy toward Latin America will have to shift to creating a hemispheric partnership to address many critical issues: the revival of militant leftism, the twin challenges of sustainability and inclusive economic growth, and the rising hemispheric influence of Russia and China. But until Washington ends the extraordinary sanctions that comprise the Cuba embargo, Latin America will remain at arms-length, and the problems in our backyard - Hugo Chavez, drugs, immigration, energy insecurity - will simply fester.
|
[B.] Cuba is a low-hanging fruit – it’s a prerequisite to hemispheric relations
| 2,421 | 79 | 1,373 | 380 | 13 | 216 | 0.034211 | 0.568421 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,257 |
Crime and insecurity are growing scourges in the Western Hemisphere. The LAC region has only 9 percent of the world’s population, yet it has 27 percent of global homicides—about 140,000 a year. Crime, especially organized crime, poses a serious threat to public security and undermines public institutions and the legitimate business sector. Organized crime in the hemisphere today encompasses a variety of criminal enterprises, including narcotics trafficking, money laundering, alien smuggling, human trafficking, kidnapping, and arms and counterfeit goods smuggling. The United States stands at the crossroads of many of these illicit flows. Violent youth gangs, such as the Mara Salvatrucha, have a presence in the United States. Some 2,000 guns cross the United States–Mexico border from north to south every day, helping to fuel violence among drug cartels and with the army and police. About 17,500 persons are smuggled into the United States annually as trafficking victims, and another 500,000 come as illegal immigrants. The United States remains both a leading consuming country across the full range of illicit narcotics and a country with major domestic production of methamphetamines, cannabis, and other synthetic narcotics. The nations of the Western Hemisphere have adopted a variety of international instruments to tackle organized crime. Virtually every country in the Americas has ratified the 2000 UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. Most of the hemisphere’s countries have also signed and ratified international agreements that deal with the trafficking of persons, the smuggling of migrants, illicit firearms trafficking, and the illicit drug trade. Yet a significant reduction in crime in the hemisphere remains elusive. The narcotics trade remains at the core of organized crime in the hemisphere. This is by far the most lucrative of illegal trades, generating hundreds of billions of dollars a year. Its immense cash flow, vast employment opportunities, and sophisticated networks feed other kinds of criminal activity and allow drug traffickers to adapt with extraordinary speed to governments’ counternarcotics efforts. The drug trade is also singularly adept at corrupting judicial, political, and law enforcement institutions. In Mexico, open war between the cartels and all levels of government has killed 4,000 people so far in 2008 alone—about as many casualties as the United States has sustained in almost six years of war in Iraq. This violence already threatens to spill into the United States and to destabilize Mexico’s political institutions. Because it lies at the core of regional criminal activity, this section focuses on the illegal drug trade. A hemisphere-wide counternarcotics strategy encompassing consuming, producing, and transshipment countries is required to combat not only the illegal drug trade but also other forms of crime.
|
Brookings 8 (The Brookings Institution. November. Rethinking. U.S.–Latin American Relations: A Hemispheric Partnership for a Turbulent World http://www.brookings.edu/reports/2008/1124_latin_america_partnership.aspx)
|
Organized crime in the hemisphere today encompasses a variety of criminal enterprises, including narcotics trafficking, money laundering, alien smuggling, human trafficking, kidnapping, and arms and counterfeit goods smuggling. The United States stands at the crossroads of many of these illicit flows The nations of the Western Hemisphere have adopted a variety of international instruments to tackle organized crime Most of the hemisphere’s countries have also signed and ratified international agreements that deal with the trafficking of persons, the smuggling of migrants, illicit firearms trafficking, and the illicit drug trade. Yet a significant reduction in crime in the hemisphere remains elusive. The narcotics trade remains at the core of organized crime in the hemisphere. This is by far the most lucrative of illegal trades, generating hundreds of billions of dollars a year. Its immense cash flow, vast employment opportunities, and sophisticated networks feed other kinds of criminal activity and allow drug traffickers to adapt with extraordinary speed to governments’ counternarcotics efforts A hemisphere-wide counternarcotics strategy encompassing consuming, producing, and transshipment countries is required to combat not only the illegal drug trade but also other forms of crime.
|
[E.] Hemispheric relations is key to solving organized crime
| 2,899 | 60 | 1,302 | 433 | 9 | 186 | 0.020785 | 0.429561 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,258 |
This is a fundamental aspect of the phenomenon we are seeing now. It is a classic case of organized crime. The Mexican drug cartels are, for the most part, organized crime groups. What distinguishes Mexican organized crime groups and others from revolutionaries, terrorists and hybrid organizations such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) is the underlying principle of making money. In the global system, there is an economy of crime. It currently is built around drugs, but any item that is illegal in one place and legal in other and has an artificially inflated price quickly can become the center of the system. Human trafficking, smuggling and counterfeiting are cases in point, as was alcohol during prohibition. Products move from where they are legal (or at least not well-controlled) to where they are in demand but illegal. The money, of course, moves in the opposite direction. That money eventually ends up in the normal banking system. Organized crime wants to make money and it might want to manipulate the system, but it does not seek to overthrow the system or transform society. Insurgencies and revolutions seek to transform. In the end, organized crime is about making money. Endemic organized crime leads to corruption and collusion, and in the long term often burns itself out as the money earned through its activities eventually moves into the legal economic system. When organized crime groups become rich enough, they move their money into legitimate businesses in order to launder it or a least use it, eventually turning it into established money that has entered the realm of business. This can get more complicated when organized crime and insurgents/guerrillas overlap, as is the case with FARC. The problems we are seeing in Mexico are similar to those we have seen in past cases, in which criminal elements become factionalized. In Mexico, these factions are fighting over control of drug routes and domain. The battles that are taking place are largely the result of fighting among the organized crime groups, rather than cartels fighting the Mexican government. In some ways, the Mexican military and security forces are a third party in this — not the focus. Ultimately, the cartels — not the government — control the level of violence and security in the country. As new groups emerge and evolve, they frequently can be quite violent and in some sense anarchic. When a new group of drug dealers moves into a neighborhood, it might be flamboyant and excessively violent. It is the same on a much larger scale with these organized crime cartels. However, although cartel infighting is tolerated to some extent, the government is forced to react when the level of violence starts to get out of hand. This is what we are seeing in Mexico. However, given that organized crime tends to become more conservative as it grows and becomes more established, the situation in Mexico could be reaching a tipping point. For example, during the summer of 2007, the Gulf and Sinaloa cartels declared a temporary truce as their rivalry began to impact their business operations. As the competition among the cartels settles, they could begin to draw back their forces and deal with those members who are excessively violent or out of control. This is simply a way of assuring their operations. The American Mafia followed a similar pattern, evolving into an organism with strong discipline and control. There is a question now as to whether the Mexican cartels are following the American model or imitating the Colombian model, which is a hybrid of organized crime and an insurgency. In fact, they might be following both. Mexico, in some sense, is two countries. The North has a much higher standard of living than the rest of the country, especially the area south of Mexico City. In the North, we could ultimately see a move in the direction of the American Mafia, whereas in the South — the home of the domestic guerrilla groups Zapatista National Liberation Army and Popular Revolutionary Army — it could shift more toward the Colombian model. While the situation is evolving, the main battle in Mexico continues to be waged among various cartel factions, rather than among the cartels and the Mexican government or security forces. The goal of organized crime, and the goal of many of these cartels, is to get rich within the system, with minor variations on how that is achieved. A revolutionary group, on the other hand, wants to overthrow and change the system. The cartels obviously are working outside the legal framework, but they are not putting forward an alternative — nor do they seem to want to. Rather, they can achieve their goals simply through payoffs and other forms of corruption. The most likely outcome is not a merger between the cartels and the guerrilla groups, or even a shift in the cartels’ priorities to include government overthrow. However, as the government turns up the pressure, the concern is that the cartels will adopt insurgent-style tactics. Organized crime is not street crime; it is systemic geopolitical crime. It is a significant social force, bringing huge amounts of capital into a system. This flow of money can reshape the society. But this criminal supply chain runs parallel to, and in many cases intersects, the legitimate global supply chain. Whether through smuggling and money laundering or increased investment capital and higher consumption rates, the underground and aboveground economies intersect. U.S. and Mexican counternarcotics operations have an instant impact on the supply chain. Such operations shift traffic patterns across the border, affect the level of stability in the border areas — where there is a significant amount of manufacturing and trade — and impact sensitive social and political issues between the two countries, particularly immigration. In this light, then, violence is only one small part of the total impact that cartel activities and government counternarcotics efforts are having on the border.
|
Baker 8 (Roger, "The Big Business of Organized Crime in Mexico," Stratfor, February 13,http://www.stratfor.com/weekly/big_business_organized_crime_mexico)
|
The Mexican drug cartels are organized crime groups In the global system, there is an economy of crime. but any item that is illegal in one place and legal in other and has an artificially inflated price quickly can become the center of the system. As new groups emerge and evolve, they frequently can be quite violent and in some sense anarchic. It is the same on a much larger scale with these organized crime cartels organized crime tends to become more conservative as it grows and becomes more established, the situation in Mexico could be reaching a tipping point. As the competition among the cartels settles, they could begin to draw back their forces and deal with those members who are excessively violent or out of control. This is simply a way of assuring their operations. Organized crime is not street crime; it is systemic geopolitical crime. It is a significant social force, bringing huge amounts of capital into a system. This flow of money can reshape the society. But this criminal supply chain runs parallel to, and in many cases intersects, the legitimate global supply chain. Whether through smuggling and money laundering or increased investment capital and higher consumption rates, the underground and aboveground economies intersect. U.S. and Mexican counternarcotics operations have an instant impact on the supply chain.
|
[F.] We’re at the tipping point – stopping Latin American drug trade is key to cutting off Global supply chains
| 6,024 | 111 | 1,349 | 989 | 20 | 221 | 0.020222 | 0.223458 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,259 |
The shift from interstate to intrastate war and the increasing capacity of non-state actors to commit acts of megaviolence reflect how patterns of conflict have changed since the end of the Cold War. Today warfare is increasingly described as “asymmetric.” Traditional military powers, like the United States, are confronted by increasingly atypical adversaries— non-state ideologues, transnational criminal syndicates, and rogue states— that employ unconventional tactics in wars ambiguous in both place and time. Today, conflict is more likely to occur between warring factions on residential streets than between armies on battlefields. As before, many belligerents still fight for power and/or wealth, but an increasing number are fighting purely for ideology. Acts of terrorism have become the major vehicle for their malcontent, especially for well-organized and well-funded Islamic groups like al-Qaeda. The attacks of September 11, 2001 and similar incidences in recent decades have shown that even small groups of terrorists can carry out sophisticated attacks that result in an incredible loss of life. The proliferation of nuclear and biological technologies only ups the ante for future incidences. [19] Terrorism and Transnational Crime Over the past few decades the size and scope of terrorists’ abilities have become truly alarming. Terrorist organizations have evolved from scrappy bands of dissidents into well-organized groups with vast human and capital resources. This situation is forcing governments around the world to develop strategies to both neutralize these groups where they operate and maintain security at home. The United States has met some success in combating terrorist organizations, killing high-level officials and isolating certain sub-groups, but the War on Terror has had the unintended consequence of forming “micro-actors,” individuals driven by foreign military operations to militant extremism. These individuals, or groups of individuals, operate in poorly organized cells and as such use internet technologies to spread their message and share plans of attack. Perhaps paradoxically, this disorganization and decentralization makes these groups a greater threat to the military as it is harder to detect and track them. [1] Terrorism has also had the effect of heightening tensions between sovereign nations. After the Mumbai terrorist attacks of 2008, India and Pakistan neared war after India accused Pakistan of harboring terrorists and Pakistan refused to turn over individuals for prosecution. To finance their illegal activity, terrorist organizations are becoming involved in transnational crime, especially drug trafficking. Dr. Rachel Ehrenfeld, Director of the American Center for Democracy, has stated, “The huge revenues from the heroin trade fill the coffers of the terrorists and thwart any attempt to stabilize the region.” [2] Over the last two decades, we have witnessed a surge in transnational crime, in large part because of the dissolution of Cold War alliances that helped keep criminal syndicates in check. Organized crime activity is not limited to the smuggling of illicit drugs, but includes the trafficking of arms, drugs, and human beings. Weapons of Mass Destruction According to President Obama, “In a strange turn of history, the threat of global nuclear war has gone down, but the risk of a nuclear attack has gone up.” [3] International mechanisms established in recent decades have by and large kept the nuclear ambitions of superpowers at bay. However, the fall of the Soviet Union and the increasing prevalence and power of criminal networks have made it more likely that a single actor could get his or her hands on a Weapon of Mass Destruction (WMD). The term WMD is used to describe any weapons technology (radiological, chemical, biological, or nuclear) that is capable of killing a large number of people. [4] By and large it is believed that WMD pose the greatest threat in the possession of belligerent states like Iraq, North Korea, and Iran. However, experts are warning that a more urgent threat would come from WMD in the hands of non-state actors. Nuclear material and technical knowledge are frequently exchanged on the black market, especially in post-Soviet countries, where security personnel charged with guarding nuclear facilities are easily bribed into selling nuclear plans and materials. [5] With the help of the United States, Russia and its neighbors have made strides in securing these sites and improving oversight of the nuclear industry, but there is no telling how much material has been traded over the years. [6] The WMD threat does not only come from groups operating in the developing world, however, as recent biochemical attacks attest. The prime suspect in the anthrax attacks of 2001 was a government scientist, and the sarin gas attack on the Tokyo subway was committed by a religious organization that enjoyed official government recognition. The ease with which these materials have become available, especially through online resources, is forcing governments to restrict their use. International governing bodies will need to find an acceptable paradigm that allows for the benign applications of these technologies, as in power generation, while deterring the nefarious ones.
|
CSIS 9 (CEnter for Strategic and International Studies, "Revolution 6 - Conflict," Global Strategy Institute," gsi.csis.org/index.php?Itemid=59&id=30&option=com_content&task=view)
|
megaviolence reflect how patterns of conflict have changed since the end of the Cold War raditional military powers, like the United States, are confronted by transnational criminal syndicates that employ unconventional tactics in wars ambiguous in both place and time. Today, conflict is more likely to occur between warring factions on residential streets than between armies on battlefields. Acts of terrorism have become the major vehicle for their malcontent, especially for well-organized and well-funded Islamic groups like al-Qaed The proliferation of nuclear and biological technologies only ups the ante for future incidences. [ . Terrorist organizations have evolved from scrappy bands of dissidents into well-organized groups with vast human and capital resources. Terrorism has also had the effect of heightening tensions between sovereign nations India and Pakistan neared war after India accused Pakistan of harboring terrorists and Pakistan refused to turn over individuals for prosecution. To finance their illegal activity, terrorist organizations are becoming involved in transnational crime, especially drug trafficking The huge revenues from the heroin trade fill the coffers of the terrorists and thwart any attempt to stabilize the region.” we have witnessed a surge in transnational crime, in large part because of the dissolution of Cold War alliances that helped keep criminal syndicates in check. the risk of a nuclear attack has gone up.” [3] International mechanisms established in recent decades have by and large kept the nuclear ambitions of superpowers at bay. the fall of the Soviet Union and the increasing prevalence and power of criminal networks have made it more likely that a single actor could get his or her hands on a Weapon of Mass Destruction (WMD). The term WMD is used to describe any weapons technology (radiological, chemical, biological, or nuclear) experts are warning that a more urgent threat would come from WMD in the hands of non-state actors. Nuclear material and technical knowledge are frequently exchanged on the black market, where security personnel charged with guarding nuclear facilities are easily bribed into selling nuclear plans and materials The WMD threat does not only come from groups operating in the developing world, however, as recent biochemical attacks attest. The prime suspect in the anthrax attacks of 2001 was a government scientist, and the sarin gas attack on the Tokyo subway was committed by a religious organization that enjoyed official government recognition. The ease with which these materials have become available, especially through online resources, is forcing governments to restrict their use
|
[G.] Organized crime makes nuclear and CBW warfare inevitable – outweighs the risk of state-state warfare
| 5,301 | 105 | 2,690 | 808 | 16 | 408 | 0.019802 | 0.50495 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,260 |
To things should be clear concerning America’s Cuba policy: Everything the United States has tried over the past five decades has failed, and it is high time that Washington does something to help transform the country’s Communist system. The impending transition of power from Fidel Castro to his brother Raúl gives Washington the chance to adopt a new strategy. But if the United States sticks to the current approach it will help consolidate Communist rule for many years to come. A changed stance is crucial for many reasons, not least because it offers the chance to cut the link between Cuba’s professional skills and Venezuelan oil wealth. Thanks to its great success in education, Cuba has large reserves of well-trained doctors, nurses, teachers and engineers. The government of Hugo Chávez can now pay for these professionals to help not only Venezuelans, but people in many other countries. Venezuela is heavily out-spending the United States in humanitarian and development aid in the region, and Cuban skills are making Venezuelan money effective. This is occurring not just in Latin America. Cuban aid, paid for by Caracas, is now going to earthquake victims in Asia. All of this is not bad in itself. The danger is that this Cuban-Venezuelan axis will stimulate anti-American populism across the whole region. If the risks of keeping the status quo in place seem obvious, it is even more evident that Washington’s travel bans, economic sanctions, and the refusal to extend diplomatic ties to Cuba have not only failed, they have damaged Washington’s interests. These tough measures have harmed both ordinary Cubans and Washington’s relations with Latin America and Europe. They have strengthened Cuba’s Communist regime by increasing the state’s grip on key economic resources, and they have helped cement Cuba’s alliance with Venezuela. Since we have not succeeded in bullying the Cubans into submission, we should try to woo them by offering trade with the United States and integration into the international market system. How long could the Communist economy -- or the Communist government -- survive such an opening? There may be good arguments for imposing tough sanctions against particular countries at particular times to bring about specific policy changes. This is true of the sanctions imposed on Iran and North Korea to curb their nuclear ambitions. But for such sanctions to work they must have international support, and, in the case of Cuba, there is no chance of this whatsoever. There is a key practical and ethical difference between sanctions with specific goals and sanctions extended over decades that are intended to bring about regime change. Sanctions leveled against Iran today may be justified. But U.S. sanctions imposed in the era before President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad came to power blocked Iranian reforms, undermined the country’s liberals, strengthened the clerical regime’s grip on the economy and perpetuated its rule. The Washington establishment talks of the superiority of the free market system, and America’s duty to spread that system in the world. Capitalism is by no means a cure-all, and even a capitalist Cuba might still challenge U.S. policies. Nonetheless, the course of human development would tend to suggest that free market states are far more likely to try to resolve their problems in ways that do not disrupt the international economic stability on which all depend.
|
Lievan 7 (Anatal. "Its Time to Trade with Cuba," International Herald Tribune, April 26, cuba.newamerica.net/publications/articles/2007/its_time_to_trade_with_cuba_5261)
|
: Everything the United States has tried over the past five decades has failed, and it is high time that Washington does something to help transform the country’s Communist system. offers the chance to cut the link between Cuba’s professional skills and Venezuelan oil wealth. Thanks to its great success in education, Cuba has large reserves of well-trained doctors, nurses, teachers and engineers. The government of Hugo Chávez can now pay for these professionals to help not only Venezuelans, but people in many other countries. Venezuela is heavily out-spending the United States in humanitarian and development aid in the region, and Cuban skills are making Venezuelan money effective. This is occurring not just in Latin America. Cuban aid, paid for by Caracas, is now going to earthquake victims in Asia. All of this is not bad in itself. The danger is that this Cuban-Venezuelan axis will stimulate anti-American populism across the whole region. If the risks of keeping the status quo in place seem obvious, the refusal to extend diplomatic ties to Cuba have not only failed, they have damaged Washington’s interests. These tough measures have harmed Washington’s relations with Latin America and Europe. They have strengthened Cuba’s Communist regime by increasing the state’s grip on key economic resources, and they have helped cement Cuba’s alliance with Venezuela. But for such sanctions to work they must have international support, and, in the case of Cuba, there is no chance of this whatsoever. The Washington establishment talks of the superiority of the free market system, and America’s duty to spread that system in the world. free market states are far more likely to try to resolve their problems in ways that do not disrupt the international economic stability on which all depend.
|
Cuban relations are key to global economic interdependence
| 3,435 | 58 | 1,806 | 549 | 8 | 291 | 0.014572 | 0.530055 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,261 |
Migration is a powerful and dynamic force changing economies and societies across the Western Hemisphere. Half a million Bolivians and a quarter-million Paraguayans have migrated to Argentina. Hundreds of thousands of Colombians live in Venezuela today, and thousands of Nicaraguans reside in Costa Rica. But by far the most important migration flows have been from the LAC countries to the United States—nearly 40 million people have migrated from the LAC region to the hemisphere’s largest economy. At the same time, immigration has become highly controversial in U.S. politics and has become a major source of tension in U.S. relations with some LAC countries, especially Mexico, which is by far the largest migrant-sending country. On balance, the impact of immigration on the U.S. economy has been significant and positive. Estimates of the net benefits to the U.S. economy put immigrants’ net contribution at $50 billion per year. Immigrants boost economic output by increasing the size of the U.S. workforce and the productivity of American firms. In the 1990s, half the growth in the U.S. labor force came from new immigrants. Fifteen percent of the U.S. civilian labor force is foreign born, with about 40 percent of it coming from a LAC country. On balance, immigrants pay enough or more in federal, state, and local taxes to offset what they consume in public services. Low-skilled immigrants (a category that includes most immigrants from the LAC countries) contribute to the economy by complementing an increasingly educated native-born workforce. In the decades ahead, the U.S. economy will continue to demand immigrant labor. Because of historically low U.S. birthrates and the aging of the baby boom generation, the total number of native-born workers will grow very little between 2000 and 2020. Those workers will be, on average, better educated every year and therefore less likely to accept unskilled jobs. Immigrants and their offspring will be crucial for filling those jobs, keeping the U.S. labor force young and dynamic, and for keeping the pension system in balance. For the hemispheric labor market to function, illegal immigration must be addressed. Its negative effects are a product of its illegal nature, not of immigration itself. Illegality pervades the lives of undocumented workers, undermines the rule of law in the United States, and exposes immigrants to abuse. It also harms native-born workers and legal immigrants by making them less competitive in some segments of the labor market, and it exacerbates social and cultural tensions that can stigmatize law-abiding Hispanic and Latino residents and U.S. citizens. In the United States, the chief beneficiaries of illegal immigration are lawbreaking employers and smugglers of illicit goods and people. An Ineffective Approach The current U.S. approach to immigration—based largely on devoting more and more resources to border control—has failed to achieve its objectives. The number of border patrol officers has more than tripled since 1996 to 18,000—about 9 officers per mile of border. Line-watch hours spent policing the U.S. border have increased annually from 2 million to more than 9 million. The ongoing construction of a 700-mile-long, 16-foot fence along segments of the United States–Mexico border has become the most visible symbol of this approach. About half of this fence has been completed, and its total eventual cost is estimated at $6–12 billion. Yet increases in funding, the construction of the border fence, and the expansion of the U.S. Border Patrol have not had a significant impact on illegal immigration flows. Since 2000, the size of the illegal immigrant population has grown by more than 40 percent; four out of five of these immigrants come from a LAC country. As figure 4 indicates, the number of hours spent policing the border has increased dramatically since the early 1990s. However, studies based on interviews with illegal migrants suggest that the probability of apprehension has remained constant. Meanwhile, the fence damages the global image of a country that has historically pLrindewdaittcshelhfoounrsi(tmsiollpioens)immigrationpolicy. There are several reasons for this failure. The first is that the flow of people and vehicles across the border is so large that policing it effectively is extremely difficult, regardless of the resources allocated to border control. Mexico is the United States’ third-largest trading partner, and most of that trade crosses by land. Every day, there are 1 million legal crossings of the United States–Mexico border. A quarter-million private vehicles and 12,000 trucks cross the border into the United States daily, without counting the traffic running in the opposite direction. Even with large budgets and modern equipment, the U.S. Border Patrol can only inspect a small fraction of the vehicles and persons entering the United States. In addition, tighter policing has made illegal border crossing more dangerous and expensive for migrants,bu tthis has neither deterred them from attempting to cross nor prevented them from succeeding. Those intent on crossing the border have found new ways to circumvent more stringent policing. Immigrants are increasingly turning to professional people smugglers, known as coyotes, whose fee for helping migrants cross has nearly quadrupled since the early 1990s to more than $2,000 per person today. Hiring a coyote virtually guarantees entry into the United States, and the promise of tenfold increases in earning power in the United States remains a powerful enticement for would-be immigrants. More illegal immigrants are also using legal ports of entry to enter the country with fake documents or by making false declarations of U.S. citizenship. According to a recent Government Accountability Office study using undercover investigators, the probability of a successful crossing through legal ports of entry is 93 percent. The increased costs and risks of crossing the border are having an unintended, negative effect for the United States: They are creating incentives for migrants to resettle permanently in the United States, rather than to go back and forth between the two countries based on shifts in U.S. labor demand. Meanwhile, enforcement of immigration laws inside the United States remains weak, primarily in the workplace. From 1986 to 2002, the U.S. government directed 60 percent of immigration enforcement funding to border control—six times the amount allocated to internal law enforcement. Among the OECD countries, the United States has some of the weakest employer sanctions for hiring illegal workers, and workplace enforcement in the United States is inconsistent and easily avoided. The failure of the U.S. Congress and federal government to agree on comprehensive immigration reform has led state and local governments to devise their own solutions, creating a patchwork of policies ranging from welcoming and inclusive to exclusionary and hostile. In 2007, 1,059 immigration- related bills and resolutions were introduced in state legislatures nationwide. Of these, 167 have been enacted. Many more initiatives and ordinances have been introduced at the city and county levels. So far, the problem of illegal immigration has been treated by the U.S. authorities mainly as a law enforcement problem tobe handled primarily, if not exclusively, by the United States. However, to develop more effective policies, migration needs to be framed in a wider context. Immigration is a transnational issue whose effective management requires cooperation between migrant-sending and -receiving countries. If migration from the LAC countries to the United States is to be legal, humane, and responsive to the economic needs of both the receiving and sending countries, both sides must accept certain responsibilities.
|
Brookings 8 (The Brookings Institution. November. Rethinking. U.S.–Latin American Relations: A Hemispheric Partnership for a Turbulent World http://www.brookings.edu/reports/2008/1124_latin_america_partnership.aspx)
|
Migration is a powerful and dynamic force changing economies and societies across the Western Hemisphere. the impact of immigration on the U.S. economy has been significant and positive Immigrants boost economic output by increasing the size of the U.S. workforce and the productivity of American firm Fifteen percent of the U.S. civilian labor force is foreign born, with about 40 percent of it coming from a LAC country immigrants pay enough or more in federal, state, and local taxes to offset what they consume in public services. Low-skilled immigrants contribute to the economy by complementing an increasingly educated native-born workforce. the U.S. economy will continue to demand immigrant labor. Because of historically low U.S. birthrates and the aging of the baby boom generation, Immigrants and their offspring will be crucial for filling those jobs, keeping the U.S. labor force young and dynamic, and for keeping the pension system in balance. For the hemispheric labor market to function, illegal immigration must be addressed. Its negative effects are a product of its illegal nature, not of immigration itse abuse. It also harms native-born workers and legal immigrants by making them less competitive in some segments of the labor market , the chief beneficiaries of illegal immigration are lawbreaking employers and smugglers of illicit goods and people. The current U.S. approach to immigration has failed to achieve its objectives Yet increases in funding, the construction of the border fence, and the expansion of the U.S. Border Patrol have not had a significant impact on illegal immigration flows. Since 2000, the size of the illegal immigrant population has grown by more than 40 percent The first is that the flow of people and vehicles across the border is so large that policing it effectively is extremely difficult, regardless of the resources allocated to border control. the U.S. Border Patrol can only inspect a small fraction of the vehicles and persons entering the United States. tighter policing has made illegal border crossing more dangerous and expensive for migrants,bu tthis has neither deterred them from attempting to cross nor prevented them from succeeding. Those intent on crossing the border have found new ways to circumvent more stringent policing More illegal immigrants are also using legal ports of entry to enter the country with fake documents or by making false declarations of U.S. citizenship The increased costs and risks of crossing the border are having an unintended, negative effect for the United States: They are creating incentives for migrants to resettle permanently in the United States, rather than to go back and forth between the two countries based on shifts in U.S. labor demand. develop more effective policies, migration needs to be framed in a wider context. Immigration is a transnational issue whose effective management requires cooperation between migrant-sending and -receiving countries. If migration from the LAC countries to the United States is to be legal, humane, and responsive to the economic needs of both the receiving and sending countries, both sides must accept certain responsibilities.
|
Hemispheric co-operation is key to preventing illegal immigration from collapsing the economy
| 7,849 | 93 | 3,186 | 1,206 | 12 | 499 | 0.00995 | 0.413765 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,262 |
In many ways, the core of the relationship between the United States and the LAC region is economic. U.S. companies and individuals have nearly $200 billion invested in the region, most of it in Mexico and Brazil. More than 18,000 U.S. companies have operations in Mexico, and a fifth of all U.S. trade is with the LAC countries. About 25 million U.S. residents travel to the LAC countries every year for business and pleasure. Households in the LAC countries received about $60 billion in remittance inflows in 2007 alone, much of it from relatives living in the United States. Mexico is by far the largest recipient of remittances in absolute terms, but in the small economies of El Salvador, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Jamaica, and Nicaragua, remittances represent a major share of national income. The flows also run the other way. The LAC countries invest heavily in the United States. In 2007 alone, the United States received capital inflows of $120 billion from the LAC countries. About 17 million people from these countries visit the United States every year. The United States is the main trading partner of countries as diverse as Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Venezuela. Trade and financial flows have grown over time, and in the process they have generated economic opportunities for all parties involved. Nowhere has deepening hemispheric integration been clearer than in trade. Between 1996 and 2007, the cumulative growth of U.S. exports to the LAC region was higher than to all other regions and to the world as a whole, as shown in figure 5. Mexico remains by far the United States’ most important trading partner in the LAC region (accounting for 58 percent of the region’s trade with the United States), but U.S. trade with other LAC countries, especially Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, and Peru, has been growing at double-digit rates. Trade with the LAC countries benefits the United States. It gives U.S. companies access to a $3.5 trillion market of 600 million people and access to low-cost suppliers, which increases their competitiveness in world markets. The LAC countries buy goods produced by skilled workers in the United States, and these workers benefit from greater demand for their labor and receive higher wages. Meanwhile, shareholders in U.S. companies benefit from more competitive and profitable firms, and American consumers enjoy access to lower-priced goods of greater quality and variety. At the same time, trade with the United States is critical to the economies of many LAC countries. Trade accounts for a third of Mexico’s economy, and more than 80 percent of its exports go to the United States. All the Central American, Caribbean, and Andean countries count the United States as their single most important export market, with between 40 and 50 percent of their total exports headed to the hemisphere’s largest economy. Hemispheric Trade: Running Out of Steam? Despite the benefits of hemispheric trade, domestic political support for trade liberalization is weakening in the United States. Between December 1999 and March 2007, the number of Americans who believe that trade agreements hurt the United States grew by 16 percentage points, to 46 percent, while the marginalized from the rest of the economy for geographic, ethnic, or political reasons are unlikely to partake in the benefits of free trade. Trade initiatives must work in tandem with targeted development and poverty-reduction policies. With the Doha Round gridlocked and the FTAA fading, bilateral trade deals have become the preferred method for expanding U.S.-LAC trade. Since 2003, the United States has signed trade agreements with Chile, Peru, Panama, Colombia, and—through the Central America–Dominican Republic–United States Free Trade Agreement—Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua. The Colombia and Panama agreements are still awaiting congressional approval in the United States. Figure 6 shows all the countries in the Americas with which the United States has signed bilateral trade agreements. The trend toward bilateral free trade agreements is not a welcome development. Compared with multilateral agreements, bilateral agreements are an inferior way to promote trade. These bilateral agreements create trade diversion, make trade rules and regulations complex and cumbersome, draw political and diplomatic resources away from multilateral trade negotiations, and put relatively small economies in bilateral negotiations with the United States, where they have limited leverage. Bilateral agreements should be seen, at best, as very imperfect substitutes for multilateral trade liberalization.
|
Brookings 8 (The Brookings Institution. November. Rethinking. U.S.–Latin American Relations: A Hemispheric Partnership for a Turbulent World http://www.brookings.edu/reports/2008/1124_latin_america_partnership.aspx)
|
More than 18,000 U.S. companies have operations in Mexico, and a fifth of all U.S. trade is with the LAC countries. About 25 million U.S. residents travel to the LAC countries every year for business and pleasure LAC countries invest heavily in the United States the United States received capital inflows of $120 billion from the LAC countries. About 17 million people from these countries visit the United States every year cumulative growth of U.S. exports to the LAC region was higher than to all other regions and to the world as a whole, Trade with the LAC countries benefits the United States. It gives U.S. companies access to a $3.5 trillion market of 600 million people and access to low-cost suppliers, which increases their competitiveness in world markets. The LAC countries buy goods produced by skilled workers in the United States, and these workers benefit from greater demand for their labor and receive higher wages shareholders in U.S. companies benefit from more competitive and profitable firms, and American consumers enjoy access to lower-priced goods of greater quality and variety. Despite the benefits of hemispheric trade, domestic political support for trade liberalization is weakening in the United States With the Doha Round gridlocked and the FTAA fading, bilateral trade deals have become the preferred method for expanding U.S.-LAC trade all the countries in the Americas with which the United States has signed bilateral trade agreements. These bilateral agreements create trade diversion, make trade rules and regulations complex and cumbersome, draw political and diplomatic resources away from multilateral trade negotiations, and put relatively small economies in bilateral negotiations with the United States, where they have limited leverage. Bilateral agreements should be seen, at best, as very imperfect substitutes for multilateral trade liberalization.
|
Hemispheric relations is key to regional multilateral trade
| 4,675 | 59 | 1,899 | 724 | 8 | 291 | 0.01105 | 0.401934 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,263 |
Anti-Americanism has become the political chant de jour for leaders seeking long-term as well as short-term gains in Latin American elections. In Venezuela, the anti-American rhetoric spewed by Hugo Chavez masks his otherwise autocratic tendencies, while countries like Bolivia and Ecuador tilt further away from Washington, both rhetorically and substantively. The former expelled the U.S. Ambassador in October 2008, and the latter has refused to renew Washington's lease on an airbase traditionally used for counter-narcotics missions. The systemic neglect for eight years during the Bush Administration meant that political capital was never seriously spent dealing with issues affecting the region. Because of this, President Bush was unable to get much headway with his proposal to reform immigration, and his free trade agreement with Colombia encountered significant opposition in Congress. Recent examples of U.S. unilateralism, disregard for international law and norms, and a growing financial crisis, have all been seized by a new generation of populist Latin American leaders who stoke anti-American sentiment.
|
Perez JD Yale Law School 2010 David “America's Cuba Policy: The Way Forward: A Policy Recommendation for the U.S. State Department” Harvard Latino Law Review lexis
|
Anti-Americanism has become the political chant de jour for leaders seeking long-term as well as short-term gains in Latin American elections. In Venezuela, the anti-American rhetoric spewed by Chavez masks his otherwise autocratic tendencies, while countries like Bolivia and Ecuador tilt further away from Washington, The systemic neglect for eight years during the Bush Administration meant that political capital was never seriously spent dealing with issues affecting the region Recent examples of U.S. unilateralism, disregard for international law and norms, and a growing financial crisis, have all been seized by a new generation of populist Latin American leaders who stoke anti-American sentiment.
|
Anti-Americanism is growing in Latin America – extending an olive branch to Cuba is necessary to re-establish our regional soft power
| 1,123 | 134 | 708 | 162 | 21 | 102 | 0.12963 | 0.62963 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,264 |
[*195] Third, the Obama Administration ignores Latin America at its own peril. Latin America's importance to the United States is growing by the day, and cannot be overstated. While the issue of U.S.-Cuba relations is obviously of smaller import than many other issues currently affecting the world (i.e., the ailing economy, climate change, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction), addressing it would also involve correspondingly less effort than those issues, but could potentially lead to a disproportionately high return by making regional cooperation more likely. n20 In order to confront any of the major world issues facing the United States, Washington must find a way to cooperate with its neighbors, who generally view U.S. policy toward Cuba as the most glaring symbol of its historic inability to constructively engage the region. These three reasons combine for a perfect storm: to the extent that a healthy U.S.-Cuban relationship would mean a healthier U.S.-Latin America relationship, the former should be pursued with an unprecedented vigor, one that has been absent for the last fifty years.
|
Perez JD Yale Law School 2010 David “America's Cuba Policy: The Way Forward: A Policy Recommendation for the U.S. State Department” Harvard Latino Law Review lexis
|
the Obama Administration ignores Latin America at its own peril. Latin America's importance to the U S is growing by the day, and cannot be overstated. While the issue of U.S.-Cuba relations is obviously of smaller import than many other issues currently affecting the world addressing it would also involve correspondingly less effort than those issues, but could potentially lead to a disproportionately high return by making regional cooperation more likely. n20 In order to confront any of the major world issues facing the U S Washington must find a way to cooperate with its neighbors, who generally view U.S. policy toward Cuba as the most glaring symbol of its historic inability to constructively engage the region. to the extent that a healthy U.S.-Cuban relationship would mean a healthier U.S.-Latin America relationship, the former should be pursued with an unprecedented vigor, one that has been absent for the last fifty years.
|
The plan leads to broader cooperation and influence in the region and globally
| 1,116 | 79 | 942 | 173 | 13 | 151 | 0.075145 | 0.872832 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,265 |
Cuba could be drilling for oil off its shores for the first time, as soon as next year. Spanish company Repsol plans to drill exploratory wells in waters 5,600 feet deep about 22 miles off Havana. Not surprisingly, American companies—still awaiting the BP blowout-inspired ban on offshore drilling to lift on November 30—want in. But the 1960s trade embargo with the communist state won’t allow it. According to McClatchy Newspapers, any ship or rig comprised of more than 10 percent U.S. parts can’t operate in Cuba. (Repsol will use an Italian rig equipped with an American-made blowout preventer only.) In the face of the embargo and possibly in the hopes of easing it, companies say they at least want to be able to help. You know, just in case Cuba experiences an offshore oil incident similar to our Gulf disaster. As rookies, Cuba lacks submersible robots, drilling platforms and other forms of deepwater clean-up capacity. Even with the experience and this technology (and some golf balls?), the U.S. took about 5 months to plug BP’s well. And the area where Repsol will be drilling is about 60 miles from the Florida Keys. Should a spill occur there, marine scientists have been reported estimating that oil could reach Florida within 3 days, and possibly get swept into the Gulf Stream. The New York Times: The prospect of an accident is emboldening American drilling companies, backed by some critics of the embargo, to seek permission from the United States government to participate in Cuba’s nascent industry, even if only to protect against an accident. [....] Any opening could provide a convenient wedge for big American oil companies that have quietly lobbied Congress for years to allow them to bid for oil and natural gas deposits in waters off Cuba. Representatives of Exxon Mobil and Valero Energy attended an energy conference on Cuba in Mexico City in 2006, where they met Cuban oil officials. Cuba, like many Caribbean islands, currently relies heavily on oil imports from Venezuela. After April’s Gulf spill, the government office that enforces foreign economic sanctions said licenses for American companies to aid Cuba’s offshore efforts could be granted in emergency situations. To put it mildly, the sentiments surrounding this issue—offshore drilling, communism, environment, employment, economic sanctions, humanitarian efforts—run deep. But whatever the political implications, Cuba needs a rapid response spill plan before any drilling commences.
|
Mahony 10 (Melisa, "An offshore Cuban oil crisis," Smartplanet, October 1, http://www.smartplanet.com/business/blog/intelligent-energy/a-offshore-cuban-oil-crisis/2944/)
|
Cuba could be drilling for oil off its shores for the first time, as soon as next year. Spanish company Repsol plans to drill exploratory wells in waters 5,600 feet deep about 22 miles off Havana. companies say they at least want to be able to help. You know, just in case Cuba experiences an offshore oil incident similar to our Gulf disaster. As rookies, Cuba lacks submersible robots, drilling platforms and other forms of deepwater clean-up capacity. Should a spill occur there, marine scientists have been reported estimating that oil could reach Florida within 3 days, and possibly get swept into the Gulf Stream. Cuba needs a rapid response spill plan before any drilling commences.
|
Cuba is on the verge of deepwater oil drilling – making an a short-term environmental catastrophe a likelyhood
| 2,480 | 110 | 689 | 396 | 18 | 116 | 0.045455 | 0.292929 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,266 |
Castro is right on the money in his criticisms. However, the fact is that Cuba, just like Venezuela, is also in thrall to unsustainable oil which places the Gulf of Mexico in environmental peril. Heavily energy dependent on other countries, Cuba has unfortunately sought to lure foreign investment to develop offshore oil deposits. Such investment could add to the region’s already worrying ecological profile. At this point, the last thing the region needs is more offshore oil operations going up just 50 miles off the Florida coast. Currently, Cuba produces approximately half its energy needs from onshore wells while receiving the remainder from Venezuela at favorable prices. Naturally, Cuba would like to develop more energy sovereignty and sees offshore development as crucial towards that effort. Indeed, according to a recent report issued by the U.S. Energy Information Administration (E.I.A.), "there has been considerable interest in exploration activities in Cuba's offshore basins, especially in the Gulf of Mexico." Cuba’s authorities estimate that its offshore basins could contain more than 20 billion barrels of undiscovered reserves, though that figure is somewhat disputed. The deposits are reportedly located in Cuba’s part of the Gulf of Mexico, which abuts the U.S. and Mexican areas of the gulf. "However," remarks the E.I.A. report, "actual exploratory drilling in the area has been, to date, quite limited." That scenario looks likely to change. Just this month, Reuters reported that Spanish oil giant Repsol YPF had contracted an Italian firm to construct an oil rig which could be bound for Cuban offshore oil operations. Back in 2004, Repsol drilled the only exploration well in Cuban waters and subsequently declared that it had found hydrocarbons. Later, other foreign oil companies joined the fray with Norwegian Statoil and a unit of India’s Oil and Natural Gas Corp establishing a partnership with Repsol. Ever since that first well was drilled, the oil industry has been chafing at the bit to enter Cuban waters full force. Reportedly, Repsol is moving ahead at long last towards drilling a second and maybe even a third exploration well. The work could start as early as the fall, and one source close to the project told Reuters "Things are moving forward, there will be no more delays." If Repsol drills that second well it could unleash an ominous Pandora’s Box. In the event the company is successful, Reuters writes that it "will open the door to full-scale exploitation of Cuba's offshore." Already, Cuba’s section of the Gulf of Mexico has been divided up into 59 blocks and 17 of those have been leased to Repsol and its partners. One of those partners is Venezuela’s state-owned oil company PdVSA. President Hugo Chávez says he is horrified by BP’s mess and recently declared he would send oil experts to Cuba to advise the island nation on how best to handle the spill. "This is very, very bad," Chávez said. On the other hand, Venezuela hardly inspires confidence: earlier this month the country had its own rig accident when a natural gas exploration rig leased by PdVSA nearly sank. Hopefully, the BP disaster will lead Cuba to permanently and irrevocably shelve its plans for offshore oil development. Yet, in order to do so the island nation will have to drastically reverse course from the past few years. In addition to Venezuela, Norway and India there are other significant players who have inked offshore oil agreements including big Russian and Brazilian energy companies. In the event that Cuba fails to heed the warning of the BP spill and goes ahead with offshore oil exploration in the long-term, it could be years before new wells are developed and significant oil is recovered. Simply put, the island nation lacks needed oil infrastructure, technology and skilled labor. That could be a boon to the environment, but don’t count Cuba out just yet: the authorities are already planning a deep sea terminal for supertankers in the northern port of Matanzas and seek to upgrade a long pipeline which stretches across the island to an old, Soviet-built refinery. From an environmental point of view, the prospect of offshore oil development going forward is not something to be taken lightly. Cuba is the most biologically diverse of all Caribbean islands and sports spectacular white sand beaches, vast coral reefs, and a wide range of fish populations. Cuba’s coastline and mangroves serve as breeding grounds for hundreds of species of fish as well as other marine organisms. Ocean currents carry important fish larvae from Cuba into U.S. waters, which in turn help to replenish ailing American fisheries. The U.S. and Cuba share an ancient deepwater coral system stretching all the way up to North Carolina. In addition, Cuba has more than 4,000 islets which support important reef fish such as grouper. The islets also support sea turtles, dolphins and manatees [the latter already in danger as a result of BP’s oil spill as I recently pointed out]. Crucially important, the islets serve as refuges for endangered species. If that was not enough reason to press the pause button on offshore oil, consider the plight of Caribbean birds. In recent days, the U.S. public has been subjected to the tragic spectacle of oiled pelicans in the Gulf. If oil production reaches Cuba we could have further disasters since important populations of North American migratory birds spend much of the year on the Caribbean island.
|
Kozloff 10 (Nikolas, "Left Must Fine Tune its Position on Cuba Embargo in Light of Oil Spill," Mongabay, May 26, http://news.mongabay.com/2010/0526-kozloff_cuba.html)
|
Cuba is also in thrall to unsustainable oil which places the Gulf of Mexico in environmental peril. Cuba has unfortunately sought to lure foreign investment to develop offshore oil deposit investment could add to the region’s already worrying ecological profile. Cuba’s authorities estimate that its offshore basins could contain more than 20 billion barrels of undiscovered reserves The deposits are reportedly located in Cuba’s part of the Gulf of Mexico, which abuts the U.S. and Mexican areas of the gulf If Repsol drills that second well it could unleash an ominous Pandora’s Box it "will open the door to full-scale exploitation of Cuba's offshore." the island nation lacks needed oil infrastructure, technology and skilled labo : the authorities are already planning a deep sea terminal for supertankers in the northern port of Matanzas and seek to upgrade a long pipeline which stretches across the island to an old, Soviet-built refinery. the prospect of offshore oil development going forward is not something to be taken lightly. Cuba is the most biologically diverse of all Caribbean islands and sports spectacular white sand beaches, vast coral reefs, and a wide range of fish populations. Cuba’s coastline and mangroves serve as breeding grounds for hundreds of species of fish as well as other marine organisms. Ocean currents carry important fish larvae from Cuba into U.S. waters, The U.S. and Cuba share an ancient deepwater coral system stretching all the way up to North Carolina. In addition, Cuba has more than 4,000 islets which support important reef fish such as grouper. The islets also support sea turtles, dolphins and manatees [ Crucially important, the islets serve as refuges for endangered species. If oil production reaches Cuba we could have further disasters since important populations of North American migratory birds spend much of the year on the Caribbean island.
|
That spills over globally
| 5,479 | 26 | 1,903 | 896 | 4 | 303 | 0.004464 | 0.33817 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,267 |
To be sure, there is excellent health care on Cuba — just not for ordinary Cubans. Dr. Jaime Suchlicki of the University of Miami’s Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies explains that there is not just one system, or even two: There are three. The first is for foreigners who come to Cuba specifically for medical care. This is known as “medical tourism.” The tourists pay in hard currency, which provides oxygen to the regime. And the facilities in which they are treated are First World: clean, well supplied, state-of-the-art.
|
National Review 7/30/2007 “The Myth of Cuban Health Care” http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/cuba/health-myth.htm
|
there is excellent health care on Cuba — just not for ordinary Cubans. there is not just one system, There are three. The first is for foreigners the facilities in which they are treated are clean, well supplied, state-of-the-art.
|
NO IMPACT – Cuban Health care cannot solve disease
| 538 | 51 | 230 | 90 | 9 | 39 | 0.1 | 0.433333 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,268 |
And now health services and education are becoming harder to access and getting worse. Secondary-school enrolment is below its 1989 peak. There is a surfeit of humanities graduates and a shortage of agronomists and engineers. Although infant mortality has continued to fall, maternal mortality has risen. Many drugs are in short supply. Hospital patients sometimes have to bring their own sheets. There are reports of doctors starting to demand payment. On a weekday morning in a village in the inappropriately named municipality of La Salud ("health"), south of the capital, this correspondent came across an elderly woman who had hurt her arm and was whimpering with pain, having found no doctors in attendance at two health clinics.
|
The Economist 3/24/2012 “The deal's off; Inequality” page proquest
|
health services are becoming harder to access and getting worse Although infant mortality has continued to fall, maternal mortality has risen. Many drugs are in short supply. Hospital patients have to bring their own sheets.
|
NOT UNIQUE - Health care declining – supplies & staff
| 735 | 54 | 224 | 117 | 10 | 35 | 0.08547 | 0.299145 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,269 |
HAVANA, Nov. 27 (Xinhua) -- Cuban medical authorities said on Tuesday a 50-year trade embargo imposed by the United States has severely undermined the country's healthcare system.
|
Xinhua News 11/28/2012 “Cuban healthcare weakended by U.S. embargo” http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/health/2012-11/28/c_132004531.htm
|
Cuban medical authorities said a 50-year trade embargo imposed by the U S has severely undermined the country's healthcare system.
|
LINK TURN - Embargo restricts Cuba from access to necessary medicines and tech
| 179 | 79 | 130 | 27 | 13 | 20 | 0.481481 | 0.740741 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,270 |
The negative impact of the US embargo on the Cuban health care system and on the right to health of Cubans during the 1990s has been documented in a 1997 report by the American Association for World Health (AAWH).45 The 300-page document is still the most comprehensive study on the issue. Based on a fact-finding mission to Cuba, the AAWH identified that the embargo contributed particularly to malnutrition affecting especially women and children, poor water quality, lack of access to medicines and medical supplies, and limited the exchange of medical and scientific information due to travel restrictions and currency regulations. The AAWH found that “a humanitarian catastrophe has been averted only because the Cuban government has maintained a high level of budgetary support for a health care system designed to deliver primary and preventive health care to all of its citizens… Even so, the U.S. embargo of food and the de facto embargo on medical supplies has wreaked havoc with the island's model primary health care system.”46
|
Amnesty International 2009 “ The US Embargo Against Cuba: Its Impact on Economic and Social Rights” http://www.amnestyusa.org/pdfs/amr250072009eng.pdf
|
The negative impact of the US embargo on the Cuban health care system has been documented in a report by the American Association for World Health the AAWH identified that the embargo contributed particularly to malnutrition lack of access to medicines and medical supplies, and limited the exchange of medical and scientific information due to travel restrictions and currency regulations. the U.S. embargo of food and the de facto embargo on medical supplies has wreaked havoc with the island's model primary health care system.”
|
LINK TURN - Embargo devastates health care system – supplies & lack of information exchange
| 1,039 | 91 | 531 | 167 | 15 | 84 | 0.08982 | 0.502994 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,271 |
HAVANA -- Cuba's system of free medical care, long considered a birthright by its citizens and trumpeted as one of the communist government's great successes, is not immune to cutbacks under Raul Castro's drive for efficiency.
|
Associated Press 8/25/2012 “Cuba Health Care: Budget Cuts Threaten Sector” Huffington Post http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/08/27/cuba-health-care_n_1832955.html
|
Cuba's system of free medical care, is not immune to cutbacks
|
Health care system is crumbling – budget cuts
| 226 | 45 | 61 | 36 | 8 | 11 | 0.222222 | 0.305556 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,272 |
However, challenges remain. Healthcare may be free and available for all Cuban citizens but medication is not. Pharmacies are often very poorly stocked and rationing of supplies is minimal. 13 There are claims that hospitals are often in poor conditions and doctors have to bring in their own supplies and equipment to allow them to treat their patients. 10 Despite the production of medical supplies and technology, it seems very little of this actually remains in Cuba. Every year Cuba exports huge amounts of medical aid, mostly to other Latin American countries for purely financial returns. 22 For example, Venezuela provides much-needed oil to Cuba and in exchange receives Cuban doctors and medical supplies. 14
|
Global Politics 2007 “The Challenges of Health Care in Cuba” http://www.global-politics.co.uk/issue9/hanna/
|
Healthcare may be free and available for all Cuban citizens but medication is not. Pharmacies are very poorly stocked and rationing of supplies is minimal. hospitals are in poor conditions and doctors have to bring in their own supplies and equipment to allow them to treat their patients. Despite the production of medical supplies and technology very little of this actually remains in Cuba. Every year Cuba exports huge amounts of medical aid
|
Cubans lack resources for necessary medicine and equipment
| 718 | 59 | 445 | 115 | 8 | 73 | 0.069565 | 0.634783 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,273 |
“Many of the problems with Cuba’s health care system are associated with the American embargo,” Berres said. “This prevents them from having access to the latest pharmaceutical and technological advances, so many of their facilities are very basic.”
|
SurfKY News 4/15/2013 “UK Delegation Visits Cuba, Learns About its Healthcare System” http://surfky.com/index.php/communities/303-lexington-fayette-county/29814-uk-delegation-visits-cuba-learns-about-its-healthcare-system
|
the problems with Cuba’s health care system are associated with the American embargo,” “This prevents them from having access to the latest pharmaceutical and technological advances, so many of their facilities are very basic.”
|
Embargo prevents access to necessary tech
| 249 | 42 | 227 | 38 | 6 | 34 | 0.157895 | 0.894737 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,274 |
LONDON, England (CNN) -- The U.S. trade embargo on Cuba is endangering the health of millions by limiting Cubans' access to medicines and medical technology, human rights group Amnesty International alleged Wednesday.
|
CNN 9/02/2009 “Report: U.S. sanctions put Cubans' health at risk” http://edition.cnn.com/2009/HEALTH/09/01/amnesty.cuba.health/
|
The U.S. trade embargo on Cuba is endangering the health of millions by limiting Cubans' access to medicines and medical technology,
|
Embargo prevents access to tech and medicine
| 217 | 45 | 132 | 32 | 7 | 21 | 0.21875 | 0.65625 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,275 |
The provision of health care has also suffered from the limitations and restrictions imposed by the embargo on the procurement of basic and specialized medical equipment and chemical components needed for the production of generic medicines.
|
Amnesty International 2009 “ The US Embargo Against Cuba: Its Impact on Economic and Social Rights” http://www.amnestyusa.org/pdfs/amr250072009eng.pdf
|
health care has also suffered from the limitations and restrictions imposed by the embargo on the procurement of basic and specialized medical equipment and chemical components needed for the production of generic medicines
|
Embargo restricts health care – equipment & chemicals
| 241 | 54 | 223 | 36 | 8 | 33 | 0.222222 | 0.916667 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,276 |
The increase in the costs for purchasing the necessary medicine or medical materials is hampering the implementation of UN development projects and programmes. The repercussions of these difficulties are ultimately felt by the intended beneficiaries of these programmes, who face long delays before having access to adequate medicine or treatment.
|
Amnesty International 2009 “ The US Embargo Against Cuba: Its Impact on Economic and Social Rights” http://www.amnestyusa.org/pdfs/amr250072009eng.pdf
|
increase in the costs for purchasing the necessary medicine or medical materials is hampering the implementation of UN development projects and programmes. beneficiaries of these programmes, face long delays before having access to adequate medicine or treatment.
|
Embargo hurts health care – hampers UN programs
| 347 | 48 | 263 | 50 | 8 | 37 | 0.16 | 0.74 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,277 |
The impact of economic sanctions on health and health services is not limited to difficulties in the supply of medicine. Health and health services depend on functioning water and sanitation infrastructure, on electricity and other functioning equipment such as X-ray facilities or refrigerators to store vaccines. The financial burden and commercial barriers have led to shortages or intermittent availability of drugs, medicines, equipment and spare parts. It has also hindered the renovation of hospitals, clinics and care centres for the elderly.64
|
Amnesty International 2009 “ The US Embargo Against Cuba: Its Impact on Economic and Social Rights” http://www.amnestyusa.org/pdfs/amr250072009eng.pdf
|
The impact of economic sanctions on health and health services is not limited to difficulties in the supply of medicine. Health and health services depend on functioning water and sanitation infrastructure, on electricity and other functioning equipment The financial burden and commercial barriers have led to shortages or intermittent availability of drugs, medicines, equipment and spare parts. It has also hindered the renovation of hospitals, clinics and care centres
|
Embargo hurts health care – infrastructure
| 552 | 43 | 472 | 81 | 6 | 69 | 0.074074 | 0.851852 |
Cuba Affirmative - Wyoming 2013.html5
|
Wyoming
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,278 |
Mexico is too dependent on oil and environmental degradation has accounted for a drop in gross domestic production, the OECD said.¶ Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto said overhauling the country's energy sector is a top priority for his administration. Reforms under consideration include letting national oil companies partner with their foreign counterparts to open the country to new investments.¶ U.S. lawmakers this week passed legislation that would open the Gulf of Mexico border with Mexico to energy explorers.¶ Oil made up about 16 percent of Mexico's export earnings in 2011 and the industry accounted for more than 30 percent of the government's revenue, the U.S. Energy Department's Energy Information Administration reports.¶ "While fiscal policy continues to be prudent, public debt has increased during the recession, as in other countries, and the government budget is overly dependent on oil," a review from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development states. "The risk of decline in oil output, in the absence of energy reform, is a threat to fiscal stability."¶ The U.S. Energy Department said natural gas imports increased 21 percent last year to 2.1 billion cubic feet per day year-on-year. Though Mexico is one of the 10 largest oil producers in the world, its production has declined steadily since 2004.¶ The OECD added that environmental degradation in Mexico represented a 5 percent loss of GDP and the country was behind other member states in terms of emissions.
|
Business Owners Direct 5/17 ( Business Owners Direct, “OECD warns Mexico on Oil dependence”, 5/17/13, http://www.businessownersdirect.com/sales/index.php/news/43-europe-business-news/5546-oecd-warns-mexico-on-oil-dependence ) Okuno
|
Mexico is too dependent on oil accounted for a drop in gross domestic production, the OECD said Nieto said overhauling the country's energy sector is a top priority Reforms under consideration include letting national oil companies partner with their foreign counterparts .¶ U.S. lawmakers this week passed legislation that would open the Gulf of Mexico border with Mexico to energy explorers the industry accounted for more than 30 percent of the government's revenue While fiscal policy continues to be prudent, public debt has increased during the recession the government budget is overly dependent on oil," The risk of decline in oil output, is a threat to fiscal stability. said natural gas imports increased 21 percent last year to 2.1 billion cubic feet per day year-on-year Mexico production has declined steadily since 2004. OECD added that environmental degradation in Mexico represented a 5 percent loss of GDP the country was behind other member states in terms of emissions.
|
Mexico is overly dependent on oil – leads to economic catastrophe and environmental destruction
| 1,508 | 95 | 988 | 236 | 14 | 157 | 0.059322 | 0.665254 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,279 |
Creating more economic opportunities will be Mexico's greatest weapon in the war on drugs, the country's president-elect said Tuesday.¶ "That, I think, is going to be the best way my government can prevent organized crime," President-elect Enrique Pena Nieto told CNN's Wolf Blitzer.¶ Without jobs and social programs, he said, "millions of my countrymen have no other option than to dedicate themselves sometimes to criminal activity."¶ The wide-ranging interview was recorded just a few hours before the incoming leader met with U.S. President Barack Obama in Washington. In his first meeting with Obama, Pena Nieto said he planned to focus on building trust and boosting economic ties to create jobs.¶ Mexican leader eyes economic ties with U.S.¶ "We've lost presence and competitiveness on the international market. ... There's still space, an opportunity, to achieve greater integration as far as productivity, which will allow us to improve the competitive conditions for creating jobs across North America," he said.¶ Pena Nieto, 46, said his security strategy will focus on reducing the drug-related violence that took 60,000 lives during his predecessor's six-year term, though he provided few specifics about how he would stem the violence or what aspects of outgoing President Felipe Caderon's strategy he will change.¶ "We will keep the policies that I think work," he said, "including cooperation with the United States to effectively fight organized crime."¶ The way that fight is waged may have to change, he said, in light of changing U.S. policies such as the recent referendums legalizing marijuana for recreational use in Colorado and Washington state.¶ "Personally, I am not in favor of legalization of drugs ... because it's not just about marijuana. It seems to me that is a gateway through which people will start taking much more harmful drugs," Pena Nieto said. "But it's clear that this thing that has happened in two states in the near future could bring us to rethinking the strategy."
|
Shoichet 2012 (Catherine, writes and edits breaking news and feature stories for CNN Digital. She is fluent in Spanish and works closely with CNN en Español to report on Latin America and immigration issues, 11/27/11, CNN Politics, http://www.cnn.com/2012/11/27/politics/mexico-president-interview ) Okuno
|
Creating more economic opportunities greatest weapon in the war on drugs That, I think, is going to be the best way my government can prevent organized crime Without jobs and social programs, he said, "millions of my countrymen have no other option than to dedicate themselves sometimes to criminal activity." Nieto said he planned to focus on building trust and boosting economic ties to create jobs.¶ Mexican leader eyes economic ties with U.S.¶ There's still space, an opportunity, to achieve greater integration as far as productivity, which will allow us to improve the competitive conditions for creating jobs across security strategy will focus on reducing the drug-related violence that took 60,000 lives during his predecessor's six-year term "We will keep the policies that I think work," including cooperation with the United States to effectively fight organized crime."¶ Personally, I am not in favor of legalization of drugs ... because it's not just about marijuana. But it's clear that this thing that has happened in two states in the near future could bring us to rethinking the strategy."
|
Strong Mexican Economy key to stopping proliferation of Drug cartels – collapse allows cartels to dominate
| 2,013 | 106 | 1,107 | 320 | 16 | 177 | 0.05 | 0.553125 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,280 |
Congress finds the following:¶ (1) The United States has vital political, economic, and security interests in the Western Hemisphere.¶ (2) Iran is pursuing cooperation with Latin American countries by signing economic and security agreements in order to create a network of diplomatic and economic relationships to lessen the blow of international sanctions and oppose Western attempts to constrict its ambitions.¶ (3) According to the Department of State, Hezbollah, with Iran as its state sponsor, is considered the `most technically capable terrorist group in the world’ with `thousands of supporters, several thousand members, and a few hundred terrorist operatives’, and officials from Iran’s IRGC’s Qods Force have been working in concert with Hezbollah since the 1990s.¶ (4) The IRGC’s Qods Force has a long history of supporting Hezbollah’s military, paramilitary, and terrorist activities, providing it with guidance, funding, weapons, intelligence, and logistical support, and in 2007, the Department of the Treasury placed sanctions on the IRGC and its Qods Force for their support of terrorism and proliferation activities.¶ (5) The IRGC’s Qods Force stations operatives in foreign embassies, charities, and religious and cultural institutions to foster relationships, often building on existing socio-economic ties with the well established Shia Diaspora, and recent years have witnessed an increased presence in Latin America.¶ (6) According to the Department of Defense, the IRGC and its Qods Force were involved in or behind some of the deadliest terrorist attacks of the past two decades, including the 1994 attack on the AMIA Jewish Community Center in Buenos Aires, by generally directing or supporting the groups that actually executed the attacks.¶ (7) Reports of Iranian intelligence agents being implicated in Hezbollah-linked activities since the early 1990s suggest direct Iranian government support of Hezbollah activities in the Tri-Border Area of Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay, and in the past decade, Iran has dramatically increased its diplomatic missions to Venezuela, Bolivia, Nicaragua, Ecuador, Argentina, and Brazil. Iran has built 17 cultural centers in Latin America, and it currently maintains 11 embassies, up from six in 2005.¶ (8) Iran has used its proxies in Latin America to raise revenues through illicit activities, including drug and arms trafficking, counterfeiting, money laundering, forging travel documents, pirating software and music, and providing haven and assistance to other terrorists transiting the region.¶ (9) According to the Department of Defense, Iran provides support for Hamas despite ideological differences, and there is concern that Hamas is active in the Western Hemisphere, most notably in Caracas.
|
112th congress of the United States (Bill to “Counter Iran in the Western Hemisphere” 1/1/12, http://www.govtrack.us/congress/bills/112/hr3783/text ) Okuno
|
The United States has vital political, economic, and security interests in the Western Hemisphere Iran is pursuing cooperation with Latin America by signing economic and security agreements to lessen the blow of international sanctions According to the Department of State, Hezbollah, with Iran as its state sponsor, is the `most technically capable terrorist group in the world’ thousands of supporters, several thousand members, and a few hundred terrorist operatives’ providing it with guidance, funding, weapons, intelligence, and logistical support Department of the Treasury placed sanctions on the IRGC for their support of terrorism and proliferation activities.¶ often building on existing socio-economic ties with the well established Shia Diaspora, and recent years have witnessed an increased presence in Latin America.¶ were involved in or behind some of the deadliest terrorist attacks of the past two decades Reports of Iranian intelligence agents being implicated in Hezbollah-linked activities since the early 1990s suggest direct Iranian government support of Hezbollah activities in the Tri-Border Area has dramatically increased its diplomatic missions Iran has built 17 cultural centers in Latin America, and it currently maintains 11 embassies Iran has used its proxies in Latin America to raise revenues through illicit activities, including drug and arms trafficking, counterfeiting, money laundering, forging travel documents, and providing haven and assistance to other terrorists transiting the region. Iran provides support for Hamas despite ideological differences, and there is concern that Hamas is active in the Western Hemisphere,
|
Iranian Terrorist groups are using Cartels to raise funds, and form a terror haven– no defense
| 2,770 | 94 | 1,663 | 407 | 16 | 238 | 0.039312 | 0.584767 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,281 |
Fusarium oxysporum: The potential use of genetic engineering in the production of biological weapons is illustrated by the on-going studies on the possible of the use of the mold Fusarium oxysporum as a candidate for drug plant eradication. (28) This fungus, which has devastated commercial crops (e.g. bananas & muskmelon), is being investigated for its potential to destroy coca and cannabis plants, from which cocaine and marijuana are derived. Preliminary studies indicate that host specificity is narrow and species "jumping" is rare; i.e., targets can be carefully selected without posing danger to other commercial crops. However, its use in the U.S. could devastate the economies of several regions of the U.S. Obviously, the same technology could be applied by terrorists to assail the commercial crops of perceived enemy states. Natural outbreaks of plant epidemics have repeatedly demonstrated, that the potato, corn, wheat and soybean mono-culturing techniques used to cultivate these crops offer optimal conditions for the spread of plant pathogens. Not only could rogue nations do this, it is possible (as depicted in James Bond movie, On Her Majesty’s Secret Service) that a criminal organization, such as a drug cartel, with its vast cash and organizational resources, could engage in such activities as retaliation for its economic loses. It is even possible that terrorists/criminals might hold a nation(s) up for ransom with the threat of using such a weapon. Assuming that the research is successful and target-specific F. oxysporum strains are developed, they would then be employed, to destroy coca and cannabis crops. The mold pathogen’s spores could be disseminated by conventional aerial crop-spraying techniques, by ground personnel or by small, self-propelled robots dropped into an area and guided by satellite to the targets (see below; Delivery of BW). Since it is known that environmental conditions, such as temperature, humidity, cloud cover etc. effect the efficacy of fungal diseases, release could be coordinated with satellite weather data. Bands of robots, equipped with analytical tools, could roam the countryside seeking out targeted crops on which they release their biological agent; i.e., chemical sensors that pick up the emanations from target plants would follow the gradient of the identifying substances to its source—much as insects do. Once the fungal genes involved in target specificity are known (through gene mapping and sequencing) and their manipulation becomes routine, new fungi strains could be developed rapidly to counter resistant cultivars constructed by the drug cartels. It is possible that a biological-arms race could occur with victims developing resistant plant cultivars and drug-agencies countering with new-strains of the pathogen capable of attacking the new plant varieties—ad infinitum.
|
Hulbert 2k [Dr. R. E. Hulbert is a professor for Washing State University in the science department “ ADDENDUM: BIOLOGICAL WEAPONS; MALIGNANT BIOLOGY” March, 2, 2000 http://www.slic2.wsu.edu:82/hurlbert/micro101/pages/101biologicalweapons.html accessed on July 30, 2013] JAKE LEE
|
The potential use of genetic engineering in the production of biological weapons is illustrated as a candidate for drug plant eradication being investigated for its potential to destroy coca and cannabis plants, from which cocaine and marijuana are derived However, its use in the U.S. could devastate the economies of several regions of the U.S. Obviously, the same technology could be applied by terrorists to assail the commercial crops of perceived enemy states that a criminal organization, such as a drug cartel, with its vast cash and organizational resources, could engage in such activities as retaliation for its economic loses. It is even possible that terrorists/criminals might hold a nation(s) up for ransom with the threat of using such a weapon i.e., chemical sensors that pick up the emanations from target plants would follow the gradient of the identifying substances to its source—much as insects do and their manipulation becomes routine, new fungi strains could be developed rapidly to counter resistant cultivars constructed by the drug cartels. It is possible that a biological-arms race could occur with victims developing resistant plant cultivars and drug-agencies countering with new-strains of the pathogen capable of attacking the new plant varieties—ad infinitum.
|
Your general bioterror defense does not apply - drug cartels have the money and the political standing to finance the development of bioweapons
| 2,862 | 143 | 1,294 | 431 | 23 | 198 | 0.053364 | 0.459397 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,282 |
Until recently, the Gorgeted Puffleg was rather obscure – in fact, until four years ago it did not officially exist.¶ But although the tiny hummingbird was discovered only in 2005, in a small and remote region of rainforest in south-western Colombia, it is about to take centre stage in the war on drugs as governments around the globe alert the younger generation to the dangers of cocaine.¶ Experts fear the bird is one of several hundred species that will become extinct within decades if Colombia's rainforests continue to be razed for the purposes of coca cultivation. Other animals under threat – and that appear in information packs distributed to European schoolchildren – include the harpy eagle, titi monkey, golden poison frog, tapir, spectacled bear and gorgona blue lizard.¶ Colombia, one of the largest environmental hubs in the planet, with a territory of more than 1 million square kilometres, has been warning about the dangers of "ecocide" caused by the country's drug cartels for several years. As one of the most biodiverse countries in the world, it is home to 50,000 plant species and 18% of the world's bird species. But now it is attempting to make children aware that the threats facing its rainforests are a global issue that will have an impact on climatic stability.¶ The move represents a tacit admission that the past strategy of highlighting the cocaine trade's links to violence and kidnappings has struggled to leave much of an impression on the drug's users. "The environment is an issue that is important to everyone," said the Colombian minister for the environment, Carlos Costa Posada. "We are tired of using images of violence. It is all people think about when they think about Colombia – people don't want to come here for tourism. We are not saying this issue [cocaine's role in the destruction of the rainforests] is the most important issue, but it is something people can identify with."¶ Cultivation of illicit crops has led to destruction of 2.2 million hectares of tropical forest in Colombia, an area slightly larger than Wales. For every hectare of coca grown, three of forest are cut down. This means that for each gram of cocaine used, four square metres of rainforest are cleared.¶ The gorgeted puffleg, only 90 millimetres long, is particularly vulnerable. Its habitat consists of only 1,200 hectares of rainforest, 100 of which are disappearing every year because of coca cultivation. "We have around 400 species that are facing extinction," Costa Posada said. "Violence is a local issue, but biodiversity is a world issue – deforestation is a major contributor to climate change."¶ Cocaine production creates other problems for Colombians. The jungle laboratories used to refine the coca leaf into powder require significant amounts of chemicals that end up dumped into local water sources. Among them are the "dirty dozen", which are highly toxic and resist biodegradation.¶ The Home Office minister Alan Campbell, who has recently returned from a fact-finding mission to Colombia, said the country was a key partner in the UK's war on the drugs trade. "Most of the cocaine coming into the UK comes from Colombia," Campbell said. "I've seen the damage the coca plantations are doing to Colombia at first hand and what it does to those communities."¶ He said that it was important to "refresh" the message about the harm cocaine can wreak. "Drug use is coming down in the UK, but cocaine has stuck and is drifting up in Europe," he said.¶ "We need to get people here and in Europe aware their actions will have a wider impact. Maybe people will not listen to a middle-aged minister saying drugs are harmful, but the message may carry more impact if they know the harm they are doing to the environment."¶ In conjunction with the Colombian government, the UK is backing "Shared Responsibility", a global campaign to highlight what it says is "the environmental catastrophe caused by illicit crop cultivation felt around the globe". The campaign allows children to play interactive games and learn about how cocaine production is putting the world's rainforests at risk.¶ Costa Posada acknowledged focusing on young children represented a new development in its awareness campaign, but one that could prove highly effective in the long run. "Children are now being taught about environmental awareness and their reaction to this is very strong," he said. "You have kids telling off parents for leaving the lights on or not taking out the recycling. When the time comes to act, adults sometimes don't think, but children do."
|
Jamie Doward, 2009, QUALIFICATIONS, The Guardian, October 24, 2009, http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2009/oct/25/colombia-endangered-species-cocaine Bafia
|
the Gorgeted Puffleg was rather obscure the tiny hummingbird was discovered only in 2005, in a small and remote region of rainforest in Colombia, it is about to take centre stage in the war on drugs as governments around the globe alert the younger generation to the dangers of cocaine.¶ Experts fear the bird is one of several hundred species that will become extinct within decades if Colombia's rainforests continue to be razed for the purposes of coca cultivation Other animals under threat Colombia has been warning about the dangers of "ecocide" caused by drug cartels Cultivation of illicit crops has led to destruction of 2.2 million hectares of tropical forest for each gram of cocaine used, four square metres of rainforest are cleared. Cocaine production creates other problems . The jungle laboratories used to refine the coca leaf into powder require significant amounts of chemicals that end up dumped into local water sources. Among them are the "dirty dozen", which are highly toxic and resist biodegradation.
|
Drug cartels are destroying the Amazon rainforests - increasing production of cocaine causes forest land to be destroyed
| 4,583 | 120 | 1,030 | 757 | 18 | 167 | 0.023778 | 0.220608 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,283 |
MEXICO CITY -- President Felipe Calderon says organized crime is threatening Mexico's democracy through involvement in elections.¶ Calderon says meddling by drug cartels in elections is "a new fact, a worrisome fact, a threat to everyone."¶ Calderon urged the country to block such interventions in a 90-minute speech marking his five years in office Sunday. He did not provide specifics on how he plans to stop cartels from manipulating July's national elections.¶ His sister recently lost the governor's race in the family's home state of Michoacan in an election fraught with accusations of criminal manipulation. Prosecutors are investigating a taped phone call in which a cartel figure threatened voters and accused a rival of financing a candidate.
|
Clare Richardson, 2011, Clare Richardson is the World editor at Reuters.com. She previously served as World editor and as an associate blog editor at The Huffington Post. She is a graduate of NYU., Huffington Post, December 4, 2011, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/12/04/felipe-calderon-drug-cartels_n_1128106.html Bafia
|
President Felipe Calderon says organized crime is threatening Mexico's democracy through involvement in elections. Calderon says meddling by drug cartels in elections is "a new fact, a worrisome fact, a threat to everyone." Prosecutors are investigating a taped phone call in which a cartel figure threatened voters and accused a rival of financing a candidate.
|
Drug cartels erode Mexican democracy - infiltrate and obstruct the "free and fair elections" process
| 756 | 100 | 363 | 117 | 15 | 55 | 0.128205 | 0.470085 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,284 |
During the last decade, few projects related to PV technology have been made to improve the quality of life in rural and isolated communities in Mexico but, there is one that we consider that is really fighting against poverty: the recently initiated, US$98-million Integrated Energy Services for Rural Mexico (IESRM) project that is a dedicated off-grid project that uses a variety of renewable energy technologies. The long-term national impact of this project is expected to be larger due to replication effects. According to the last population census (INEGI, 2005), Mexico had already achieved an electrification coverage of 96.6%, serving approximately all but 3.5 million of the 103 million population. These 3.5 million people represent about 812,000 households concentrated in small communities, the majority under 500 people. Electrifying the remaining households is challenging, since the majority of them are found in small, remote, isolated communities. Further, the un-electrified population is expected to increase by 20% through population growth over the next decade.About 60% of the people with no electricity are indigenous. Typically,. 70% of the un-electrified population in extreme poverty is concentrated in the Southern these communities also lack other basic services and infrastructure such as roads, water, telecommunications, education and health States.Poverty is a striking hindrance to human life quality, a hindrance to economic development worldwide, and can breed an immense amount of problems in the future, if not solved quickly. There are many definitions around the world for poverty, yet the same common element remains in most of them, which is the low quality of life and the little expectations there can be to overcome that particular situation. Several approaches have been taken in order to considerably and drastically reduce the percentage of poverty, although not all of them have been effective. Programs of general aid have turned out to be largely ineffective, mainly because they do not reduce the incapacities or obstacles that the least well off sector of society face, and which effectively hinder an improvement in their quality of life. In Mexico, a rich variety of programs have been implemented in order to reduce the levels of poverty. Nevertheless, very few have been successful in both reducing poverty, and having a lasting effect. PV technologies have managed to be a tool for improving quality of life unfortunately not all people can pay for it. With the use of these technologies, we could develop big changes; poor people just need the tools to be able to develop.
|
Ilaca et al ‘12 (Christiane, writer at Global Photovoltaic Business & Resources, “Sustainable Development as an Aid in Fighting Poverty”, INTERPV, June 2012, http://www.interpv.net/market/market_view.asp?idx=753&part_code=05, SD)
|
few projects have been made to improve the quality of life in rural and isolated communities in Mexico the un-electrified population is expected to increase by 20% through population growth over the next decade these communities also lack other basic services and infrastructure such as roads, water, telecommunications, education and health Poverty is a striking hindrance to human life quality, a hindrance to economic development worldwide, and can breed an immense amount of problems in the future, if not solved quickly. Several approaches have been taken in order to considerably and drastically reduce the percentage of poverty, although not all of them have been effective In Mexico, a rich variety of programs have been implemented in order to reduce the levels of poverty. Nevertheless, very few have been successful in reducing poverty
|
Advantage _____: Energy Poverty
| 2,632 | 31 | 846 | 410 | 4 | 132 | 0.009756 | 0.321951 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,285 |
Second, human rights are universally applicable. All individuals within a government’s territorial jurisdiction or subject to its control are entitled to benefit. Practically speaking, however, a human right to access energy will only marginally affect some States or will otherwise be consistent with declared intentions. Western Europe and North America have already attained near universal access to electricity for urban and rural households.123 Several Eastern European States including Slovakia also report universal accessibility. In contrast, expanding electricity grids to rural households is necessary in Northern and Southern Africa since energy supplies remain heavily dependent upon fuelwood. Gambia, Senegal, Sao Tome and Principe, South Africa, Zimbabwe, and Tonga each seek to increase energy access for all users, particularly lowincome households in remote and rural areas.124 ¶35 Also, a human rights orientation seeks to ensure equality between individuals. Approximately 1.7 billion individuals (almost one third of humanity) lack access to a basic electricity supply: eighty percent are located rurally and around ninety-nine percent reside in developing States.125 The governments of developing countries are “conscious that a sizeable portion of the world’s population in the developing countries does not have access to efficient, reliable and affordable forms of energy.”126 Regional disparities in household electrification rates are also irrefutable. Significantly, no group of States yet enjoys universal electrification: the OECD is around ninety-nine percent and Africa is the lowest at an average of thirty-four percent.127 ¶36 Further, the human rights framework raises awareness in favor of individuals currently lacking access. Human rights carry persuasive moral weight as well as authoritative legal stature which compel governments to intervene with special measures of protection. Governments become obligated to undertake initiatives which redirect electricity allocation toward particularly vulnerable social groups such as the poor, minorities, indigenous peoples, the elderly or disabled, prisoners, and others. National electrification programmes, for example, can prioritize expanding electricity access to rural areas, thereby enhancing quality of life and countering rural-to-urban migration.
|
Tully 6 – PhD from London School of Economics (Stephen Tully, “The Contribution of Human Rights to Universal Energy Access,” Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights, 4.3, Scholar, SD)
|
human rights are universally applicable. All individuals within a government’s territorial jurisdictio are entitled to benefit , a human right to access energy will only marginally affect some States Western Europe nd North America have already attained near universal access to electricity a human rights orientation seeks to ensure equality between individuals. Approximately 1.7 billion individuals (almost one third of humanity) lack access to a basic electricity supply The governments of developing countries are “conscious that a sizeable portion of the world’s population in the developing countries does not have access to efficient, reliable and affordable forms of energy.” the human rights framework raises awareness in favor of individuals currently lacking access. Human rights carry persuasive moral weight as well as authoritative legal stature which compel governments to intervene with special measures of protection Governments become obligated to undertake initiatives which redirect electricity allocation toward particularly vulnerable social groups such as the poor, minorities, indigenous peoples, National electrification programmes, for example, can prioritize expanding electricity access to rural areas, thereby enhancing
|
Access to energy is a fundamental right that ALL individuals are entitled to – only the plan offers such benefit
| 2,339 | 113 | 1,249 | 319 | 20 | 171 | 0.062696 | 0.53605 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,286 |
While energy is a multifaceted issue and needs a coordinated international response on many fronts, the issue that has attracted most the attention recently has been the need to provide universal access to modern energy services. This is something that is taken for granted in developed countries, which perhaps explains the tardiness of the world community in coming to grips with the issue. Somewhat belatedly, the link between poverty and the lack of access to modern energy services has been recognized, because without access to energy services, people are destined to live in poverty.3 The provision of such services many decades ago was the major factor lifting the standard of development in developed countries and is a key ingredient to providing a sustainable way of living for all the world’s population. The magnitude of the challenge is apparent from the fact that approximately two billion people, one-third of the world’s population, lack access to electricity supplies. Traditional energy sources principally include locally collected and unprocessed biofuels, such as animal dung, wood, and crop residues.4 Between 1970 and 1990, rural electrification programs in some countries, particularly in China, connected 800 million people to the electricity grid and provided 500 million with better cooking facilities. But the number without access to modern energy services remains at two billion as a result of increases in population.5 Consequently, the majority of the population of developing countries does not have electric lighting; clean cooking facilities; modern, efficient, and nonpolluting fuel supplies; or adequate clean water and sanitation systems6 that those in the developed countries take for granted. The former must rely on traditional energy sources for their basic needs, such as cooking.7 The lack of access to modern energy services constrains the ability of the population of developing countries to benefit from opportunities for economic development and increased living standards.8 Ironically, but importantly in terms of future planning, the amount of energy required to lift people out of poverty is extremely small by the standards of developed countries. It has been estimated that each person needs the energy equivalent of only 100 watts of electricity to meet their most basic energy needs.9 While there may be some scope to develop new and to extend existing electricity grid systems in developing countries, it is anticipated that in most cases access to electricity services would be provided by stand-alone systems based on renewable energy resources.10
|
Bradbrook and Graham 2006 (“Placing Access to Energy Services within a Human Rights Framework,” Human Rights Quarterly, 28.2, Muse,SD)
|
energy the issue that has attracted most the attention recently has been the need to provide universal access to modern energy services This is is taken for granted in developed countries the link between poverty and the lack of access to modern energy services has been recognized without access to energy services, people are destined to live in povert The magnitude of the challenge is apparent from the fact that approximately two billion people, one-third of the world’s population, lack access to electricity supplies Traditional energy sources principally include locally collected and unprocessed biofuels, such as animal dung, wood, and crop residues. the majority of the population of developing countries does not have electric lighting clean cooking facilities modern, efficient, and nonpolluting fuel supplies; or clean water and sanitation systems The lack of access to modern energy services constrains the ability of the population of developing countries to benefit from opportunities for economic development and increased living standard the amount of energy required to lift people out of poverty is extremely small by the standards of developed countrie
|
Energy poverty is high now – energy infrastructure like the plan is key to solve
| 2,606 | 80 | 1,174 | 398 | 15 | 178 | 0.037688 | 0.447236 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,287 |
Poverty-generated needs are so many and so vital that one is morally and professionally impelled to alleviate them. But these efforts, and the highly specialized knowledge required, should not detract from attempting to grasp the overall picture and forging alliances that are premised on broad agreements about a non-naturalized vision of what poverty and inequality are and what might done about them. Of course, remedial action should be praised: in terms of actual human beings it does make a lot of difference. Also praiseworthy is moral indignation leading to energetic condemnations of the situation and proposals for a much better world—but too often we are not told how to get from here to there, and in the meantime these invocations often include a disparaging tone toward ‘mere’ remedial actions. Somewhere in the middle there are various policy prescriptions, typical of reports of various commissions and international organizations, with which in most cases I agree.xii These include improving tax collection and making the tax system less regressive; investing more resources in social policies and finding more creative means of cooperation between the state and NGOs, churches, and business; correctly targeting some social policies; promoting popular participation; and other good ideas that I need not detail here. Although some progress in some policy areas has been registered in some countries, an obvious question is why so little of so much good advice has been actually implemented. The third hard fact is that the poor are politically weak. Their permanent struggle for survival is not conducive, excepting very specific (and usually short-lived) situations and some remarkable individuals, to their organization and mobilization. Furthermore, this weakness opens ample opportunity for manifold tactics of cooptation, selective repression, and political isolation. Democracy makes a difference, in that the poor may use their votes to support parties that are seriously committed to improving their lot. But, if elected, these parties face severe economic constraints. In addition, they must take into account that determined propoor policies will mobilize concerns not only among the privileged but also among important segments of the middle class who, after their own sufferings through economic crises and adjustments, feel that it is they who deserve preferential treatment.xiii These concerns, to which I will return, may coagulate in a veto coalition that threatens not only the policy goals of those governments but also whatever economic stability or growth has been achieved.
|
O’Donnell, 96 – (Guillermo, Helen Kellogg Professor of Government and International Studies, Academic Director of the Kellogg Institute for International Studies at the University of Notre Dame; “POVERTY AND INEQUALITY IN LATIN AMERICA: SOME POLITICAL REFLECTIONS,” http://-www.rrojasdatabank.info/225odonnell.pdf, SD)
|
Poverty-generated needs are so many and so vital that one is morally and professionally impelled to alleviate them , remedial action should be praised: in terms of actual human beings it does make a lot of difference praiseworthy is moral indignation leading to energetic condemnations of the situation and proposals for a much better world there are various policy prescriptions, typical of reports of various commissions and international organizations, with which in most cases I agree investing more resources in social policies and finding more creative means of cooperation between the state and NGOs, churches, and business; correctly targeting some social policies; an obvious question is why so little of so much good advice has been actually implemented the poor are politically weak. Their permanent struggle for survival is not conducive Democracy makes a difference, in that the poor may use their votes to support parties that are seriously committed to improving their lot
|
Policy-makers have an ethical obligation to endorse actions to promote energy as a universal right
| 2,612 | 98 | 987 | 397 | 15 | 154 | 0.037783 | 0.387909 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,288 |
Energy poverty poses a severe health risk and impedes the administration of modern health care. In 2004, the World Health Organization found that indoor pollution prematurely kills 1.6 million people a year. Indoor pollution occurs when biomass and charcoal are burned for cooking in confined quarters. When lumber is burned, it releases respirable particulates and carbon monoxide into the air. These pollutants lead to Acute Respiratory Infections and strike women and children most seriously. Other complications from indoor pollution include chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, lung cancer, cataracts, tuberculosis, asthma attacks, low birth weights and early infant death.10 Additionally, without access to electricity, it becomes exceptionally difficult to operate health clinics with modern services; many medications require refrigeration and even simple items, like clocks to time HIV medication, are unavailable without ready power.
|
IEF Symposium ’09 (“Reducing Energy Poverty”, IEF Symposium on Energy Poverty, December 8-9 2009, http://www.ief.org/_resources/files/content/events/ief-symposium-on-energy-poverty/background-paper.pdf, SD)
|
Energy poverty poses a severe health risk and impedes the administration of modern health care W H O found that indoor pollution prematurely kills 1.6 million people a year Indoor pollution occurs when biomass and charcoal are burned for cooking in confined quarters. without access to electricity, it becomes exceptionally difficult to operate health clinics with modern services
|
The lack of energy leads to millions of premature deaths
| 945 | 56 | 380 | 132 | 10 | 58 | 0.075758 | 0.439394 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,289 |
The traditional approach of governments to monopolistic electricity provision emphasized security of supply and sufficient capacity to cover demand at all times.1 However, it is also true that governments have historically made little effort to improve electricity access, particularly for the poor.2 National energy policies instead focused upon modern economic sectors (industry, transport, and urban infrastructure) to the neglect of rural development. Development institutions such as the World Bank, therefore, sought to provide financial and technical assistance to facilitate electricity access within rural areas and secure the energy sources required for essential social services.3 However, it also underestimated the complexity and time required for these contributions to achieve lasting and equitable outcomes.4 ¶3 Over time, the decline in public development financing for electricity sector investment from such donor institutions entailed greater national reliance upon private sector investment; indeed, this was made an explicit condition for continued lending.5 The objective of improving electricity access for disadvantaged social groups was effectively dropped in favor of improving energy sector efficiency. 6 It was also anticipated that tendencies to oversupply would be eliminated.7 With financial viability as the overriding concern, there was little political commitment at the national level to promoting sustainable development through electricity sector reforms. It quickly became evident that without conscientious governmental effort, market reforms would not support greater access.8 ¶4 Moreover, national governments believed that foreign direct investment would provide the principal financial capital for constructing the necessary energy infrastructure.9 Increasing private sector participation was expected to improve consumer choice in energy service provision, particularly for the poor.10 However, this liberalization model “may not be the complete answer,” particularly where private companies demonstrate little interest in expanding electricity supplies to rural areas.11 Indeed, electricity expenditure could increase as a proportion of income, especially for the poor, while consumption remains static.12 Furthermore, falling electricity tariffs typically have not matched productivity improvements, thereby implying that private operators shared with governments some of the gains through rents and higher tax revenue.
|
Tully 6 – PhD from London School of Economics (Stephen Tully, “The Contribution of Human Rights to Universal Energy Access,” Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights, 4.3, Scholar, SD)
|
governments have historically made little effort to improve electricity access, particularly for the poor National energy policies instead focused upon modern economic sectors to the neglect of rural development. the World Bank underestimated the complexity and time required for these contributions to achieve lasting and equitable outcomes , the decline in public development financing for electricity sector investment from such donor institutions entailed greater national reliance upon private sector investment 5 The objective of improving electricity access for disadvantaged social groups was effectively dropped in favor of improving energy sector efficiency there was little political commitment at the national level to promoting sustainable development through electricity sector reforms It quickly became evident that without conscientious governmental effort, market reforms would not support greater access foreign direct investment may not be the complete answer private companies demonstrate little interest in expanding electricity supplies to rural areas.
|
Globally, the status quo fails to recognize the need to provide universal access to energy - the market does not correct this either
| 2,468 | 132 | 1,076 | 328 | 23 | 145 | 0.070122 | 0.442073 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,290 |
An estimated 2 billion people worldwide, mostly in rural areas, continue to suffer from energy poverty (World Bank, 1996, Goldemberg et al., 2000). This remains one of the major challenges facing the development community. Although much attention has been focused towards this problem, only limited progress has been made in tackling it. The per-capita energy consumption of these individuals, comprising the poorest third of humanity, is a minuscule fraction of that of citizens of industrialized countries and much smaller than even that of urban dwellers in developing countries. They do not have access to safe, clean fuels and subsist mainly on traditional energy sources such as animal dung, crop residues, and wood (Reddy et al., 1997; Goldemberg et al., 2000). The continuing reliance of poor households on such forms of energy comes with major disbenefits including: * substantial, and often increasing, time and effort to procure firewood or other forms of biomass—for example, in rural sub-Saharan Africa, many women have to carry 20 kg of fuel wood an average of 5 km every day (IEA, 2002); * possibly high price per unit of energy services (since subsidies often increase as one goes up the energy ladder (Reddy et al., 1997)); and * severe and widespread health impacts associated with indoor air pollution resulting from the inefficient combustion of energy sources in poor households, with women and children facing particular risk (Smith, 1993). Recent estimates by the World Health Organization suggest that about 1.6 million premature deaths can be annually attributed to indoor air pollution from biomass and coal use in poor households in developing countries (WHO, 2002, cited in Smith, 2003), which makes it the sixth largest health risk factor in developing countries. Indoor smoke from these solid fuels is, in fact, responsible for about 38 million disability-adjusted lost years (DALYs)1 in developing countries with their attendant social and economic costs (WHO).
|
Sagar ’05 (Ambuj, is the Vipula and Mahesh Chaturvedi Professor of Policy Studies at the Indian Institute of Technology Delhi, “Alleviating Energy Poverty for the World’s Poor”, Energy Policy, Volume 33 Issue 11, p. 1367-1372, July 2005, http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0301421504000096#, SD)
|
An estimated 2 billion people worldwide continue to suffer from energy poverty This remains one of the major challenges facing the development community , only limited progress has been made in tackling it They do not have access to safe, clean fuels and subsist mainly on traditional energy sources The continuing reliance of poor households on such forms of energy comes with major disbenefits W H O 1.6 million premature deaths can be annually attributed to indoor air pollution from biomass and coal use in poor households in developing countrie which makes it the sixth largest health risk factor in developing countries.
|
The inability to access energy is creating poverty worldwide - leads to millions of premature deaths
| 1,989 | 100 | 625 | 312 | 16 | 102 | 0.051282 | 0.326923 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,291 |
Increased access to energy services alone will not eradicate poverty, but it can have immediate effects ( 2, 3). More than 1.5 billion people live without access to electricity, another billion only have access to unreliable electricity, and close to half the global population depends on traditional biomass fuels for cooking and heating ( 4). Energy poverty results in unmet basic needs and depressed economic and educational opportunities that are particularly pervasive among women, children, and minorities ( 5, 6). Electricity catalyzes rural economic activity ( 7– 10) and increases the quality of services available to meet basic business and domestic needs through improved lighting, labor saving devices, and access to information through TV, radio, and cellular telephones ( 11). Provision of highquality public lighting can increase security and improve delivery of health and education services ( 7, 11). Environmental shocks related to climate change will first and most severely affect vulnerable, poor populations, many living in rural areas ( 1, 12). Improving delivery of affordable, reliable energy services to rural communities is critical for helping them develop human and economic capacity to adapt in the face of a changing climate. Greenhouse gas emissions in industrialized countries are dominated by electricity generation and transportation, whereas the majority of emissions from the world’s poorest countries come from agriculture and changes in land use ( 1). However, with 1.5 billion people without access to electricity, combustion-related emissions from the rural power sector are expected to grow. Because of low capital costs and a large network of suppliers, diesel generators are often the technology of choice in rural areas, without suffi cient consideration of the volatility of fuel prices, resulting in expensive generation costs ( 9, 13). Given the relationships outlined above, every dollar spent on the transition to more effi cient low-carbon energy systems in rural areas has the potential to produce greater human development, savings, and carbon mitigation returns than in more industrialized areas (if economies of scale do not dominate). However, debates about climate change and vulnerability have been slow to highlight the energy-poverty-climate nexus. This has been due, in part, to the lack of meaningful metrics needed to stimulate social, economic, and technical innovation in this sector.
|
Casillas ’10 (Christian, has worked on the study, design, and implementation of energy efficiency projects and isolated diesel, photovoltaic, biomass, and wind systems in the US, Africa, and Latin America, “The Energy-Poverty-Climate Nexus”, Environment and Development, Science VOL 330, November 26th, 2010, http://rael.berkeley.edu/sites/default/files/Casillas,%20Kammen-%202010-%20Energy-Poverty-Climate-Nexus,%20Science.pdf, SD)
|
Increased access to energy services can have immediate effects More than 1.5 billion people live without access to electricity, close to half the global population depends on traditional biomass fuels for cooking and heating Energy poverty results in unmet basic needs Electricity increases the quality of services available to meet basic business and domestic needs Environmental shocks related to climate change will first and most severely affect vulnerable, poor populations ). Improving delivery of affordable, reliable energy services to rural communities is critical for helping them develop human and economic capacity to adapt in the face of a changing climate with 1.5 billion people without access to electricity, combustion-related emissions from the rural power sector are expected to grow. debates about climate change and vulnerability have been slow to highlight the energy-poverty-climate nexus
|
Access to electricity is a basic need – judge has a moral obligation to prevent energy poverty
| 2,447 | 94 | 911 | 368 | 17 | 133 | 0.046196 | 0.361413 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,292 |
What would a legal right to access to energy services consist of? The basic right would be designed to ensure access on the basis of equality and nondiscrimination to a sufficient, regular, reliable, efficient, safe, and affordable supply of (ideally clean and sustainable) energy.110 Clearly, any obligations imposed must be as realistic and achievable as possible. A realistic approach is relevant in a number of contexts. First and foremost, the supply of energy must match the primary needs of the community it will serve. As discussed earlier, the major need for energy in the household context is for cooking purposes, minimal refrigeration, and lighting in the evening. The implementation of the right should require the supply of sufficient energy to meet the most pressing needs of cooking, lighting, and refrigeration.111 For health services, and to a lesser extent educational purposes, a constant supply of energy is crucial. Therefore, the idea of regularity relates to ensuring an adequate supply for all these purposes. Moreover, there must be no arbitrary disconnections. Energy services are of limited assistance if they are haphazard and unreliable. Energy services are a crucial input to the primary development challenge of providing adequate food, shelter, clothing, water, sanitation, medical care, schooling, and access to information. Thus energy is one dimension or determinant of poverty and development, but it is vital. Energy supports the provision of basic needs such as cooked food, a comfortable living temperature, lighting, the use of appliances, piped water or sewerage, essential health care (refrigerated vaccines, emergency and intensive care), education aids, communication and transport. Energy also fuels productive activities, including agriculture, commerce, manufacture, industry, and mining. Conversely, lack of access to energy contributes to poverty and deprivation and can contribute to economic decline.17
|
O’Donnell, 96 – (Guillermo, Helen Kellogg Professor of Government and International Studies, Academic Director of the Kellogg Institute for International Studies at the University of Notre Dame; “POVERTY AND INEQUALITY IN LATIN AMERICA: SOME POLITICAL REFLECTIONS,” http://-www.rrojasdatabank.info/225odonnell.pdf, SD)
|
What would a legal right to access to energy services consist of? The basic right would be designed to ensure access on the basis of equality and nondiscrimination to a sufficient, regular, reliable, efficient, safe, supply of ( ) energy any obligations imposed must be as realistic and achievable as possibl , the supply of energy must match the primary needs of the community it will serve The implementation of the right should require the supply of sufficient energy to meet the most pressing needs of cooking, lighting, and refrigeration For health services a constant supply of energy is crucial . Energy services are of limited assistance if they are haphazard and unreliable. Energy services are a crucial input to the primary development challenge of providing adequate food, shelter, clothing, water, sanitation, medical care, schooling, and access to information energy is one dimension or determinant of poverty and development, but it is vital. Energy supports the provision of basic needs such as cooked food, a comfortable living temperature, lighting, the use of appliances, piped water or sewerage, essential health care Energy also fuels productive activities lack of access to energy contributes to poverty and deprivation and can contribute to economic decline
|
Implementation of energy services allows the poor to access their basic human needs ---- health, shelter, water, etc--- judge has moral obligation to prevent poverty in the sq
| 1,954 | 175 | 1,280 | 289 | 28 | 201 | 0.096886 | 0.695502 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,293 |
In the first quarter of this year, U.S. carbon emissions hit a 20-year low. As Figure 1 below demonstrates, the U.S. has observed substantial reductions in CO2 emissions over the last five years. These reductions contrast with the increases in CO2 emissions that the Energy Information Administration forecasted in 1998 when the U.S. was considering committing to CO2 emissions reductions in the Kyoto Agreement. At the time of these discussions, the EIA estimated that CO2 emissions would increase at a rate of approximately 1.3 percent annually through 2020. In fact, to reach the Kyoto Agreement target for 2012, the U.S. would have needed to reduce CO2 emissions to 7 percent below 1990 levels—to approximately 4,700 million metric tons.
|
Carey 2012 [Julie - energy economist with Navigant Economics, "Surprise side effect of shale gas boom: A plunge in U.S. greenhouse gas emissions", FORBES, http://www.forbes.com/sites/energysource/2012/12/07/surprise-side-effect-of-shale-gas-boom-a-plunge-in-u-s-greenhouse-gas-emissions/ ] bashir
|
In the first quarter of this year, U.S. carbon emissions hit a 20-year low. These reductions contrast with the increases in CO2 emissions that the Energy Information Administration forecasted in 1998
|
Shale gas decreases greenhouse gas emissions - it is displacing the use of coal
| 741 | 79 | 199 | 118 | 14 | 31 | 0.118644 | 0.262712 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,294 |
A healthy life is often closely associated with our sane judgment, enhanced dependability on modern technology, creating a risk free environment and efficient utilization of resources. It is the achievement of these conditions that have given rise to the recent growth and interest of the world in more natural and friendly energy sources, especially for motor vehicles. Concern for a swiftly-depleting environment has also triggered a parallel interest in the emergence of alternative fuels.¶ The risks that synthetic fuel poses to the environment are myriad. In contrast is a string of benefits associated with natural gas that almost guarantee one eco-safe, uninterrupted supply too. It's, by far, the right fuel by most standards. For one, there's little chance of disruption of supply.¶ Which brings us to the domestically abundant, Natural Gas which is perceived as a secure source of energy, besides offering a host of environmental benefits over other energy sources such as fossil fuels.¶ Natural gas can be used very effectively for transportation considering their performance is similar to gasoline or diesel vehicles with regard to power, acceleration and speed. However, owing to the energy-dense nature of gasoline or diesel as compared to natural gas, the driving range of NGVs is generally less. That, however, can be easily countered with extra natural gas storage tanks or the use of LNG to help increase range for larger vehicles.¶ Dual-fuel engines boost the complexity of the fuel-storage system by requiring storage of both types of fuel.¶ To produce the same amount of heat as petrol or diesel, natural gas emits 30 per cent less carbon dioxide than burning oil and 45 per cent less carbon dioxide than burning coal, thereby improving the quality of air.¶ Whether natural gas is compressed or liquefied, the domestically-produced alternative fuels are modern-day wonders. Their use in natural gas vehicles boosts energy security and ensures lower emissions thereby safeguarding the environment too.¶ Also, unlike most other fuel sources, natural gas just doesn't release by-products like ashes and odors that could create a mess. Acid rain, a huge environmental hazard in Eastern United States is known to damage crops, forests, wildlife populations and trigger a host of ailments in humans. Caused by a reaction of sulfur dioxide and nitrogen oxides with water vapor and other chemicals in the presence of sunlight, Acid Rain comprises a bouquet of acidic compounds. Coal-fired power plants are the main source of acid rain-producing pollutants. With natural gas emitting almost no sulfur dioxide and 80 percent less nitrogen oxides than the combustion of coal, the increased use of natural gas could provide for fewer acid rain causing emissions.¶ The surge in greenhouse gases is expected to hike temperatures around the world increasing in several disastrous, environmental effects. Global warming, as the phenomenon is widely known is a reality that stares humans in the face. Levels of the gases have been increasing annually owing to the widespread burning of fossil fuels and the surge in human population.¶ The increased use of increased use of natural gas in the place of other fossil fuels hugely lessened the emission of greenhouse gases in the United States. Ground level ozone known to create smog is formed by a chemical reaction of carbon monoxide, nitrogen oxides, volatile organic compounds and heat from sunlight.¶ The haze that can be perceived in larger cities mostly during summers is known to trigger huge respiratory issues that range from temporary discomfort to long-lasting, permanent lung damage. The pollutants that go on to create smog are derived from a string of sources that include vehicle emissions, paints and solvents. As the chemical reaction is dependent on heat, smog issues are the worst during summers.
|
TNN ’13 (Times of India, “Natural Gas: The new emerging efficient fuel”, India Times, June 20th, http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2013-06-20/developmental-issues/40093202_1_gas-storage-dioxide-natural-gas, SD)
|
a string of benefits associated with natural gas that almost guarantee one eco-safe, uninterrupted supply too. Natural Gas which is perceived as a secure source of energy, besides offering a host of environmental benefits over other energy sources such as fossil fuels natural gas emits 30 per cent less carbon dioxide than burning oil and 45 per cent less carbon dioxide than burning coal, thereby improving the quality of air natural gas just doesn't release by-products like ashes and odors that could create a mess. the increased use of natural gas could provide for fewer acid rain causing emissions The increased use of increased use of natural gas in the place of other fossil fuels hugely lessened the emission of greenhouse gases in the U S
|
Natural gas reduces greenhouse gases that contribute to warming
| 3,868 | 64 | 749 | 612 | 9 | 126 | 0.014706 | 0.205882 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,295 |
“The U.S. has been relying on natural gas more and more heavily, and the positive results of this have proven myriad,” opines Mathewson, in his press statement. “It’s good for the economy and it’s good for American energy independence, but, as this new data suggests, it is also good for the environment.” According to The Wall Street Journal, energy-related emissions of carbon dioxide—the greenhouse gas that many believe to be the primary culprit in global warming—have dropped by a staggering 12 percent since 2005. This means that they are at their lowest level since 1994. The article cites several potential factors contributing to this decline in emissions, with the “sluggish” national economy ranking high on the list; economic slowdown has meant that factories and power plants have been less active than normal. Even so, experts maintain that the single biggest factor in the emissions decline is the widespread switch from coal to natural gas as a means of electricity production. “Natural gas emits about half as much carbon dioxide as coal does, which makes it the environmentally superior option by a long shot,” claims Mathewson. “As such, greenhouse gas emissions have dropped significantly, and more than anyone ever could have expected.” These trends seem likely to continue. As new drilling technologies make natural gas easier and less expensive to access, and more areas in the U.S. are being discovered to have vast gas reserves more of America’s power will be coming from gas rather than coal. In 2012, 30 percent of the power generated in the U.S. came from burning natural gas and it will continue to increase over the next 10 years. As recently as 2005, that number was just 19 percent. “After nearly two decades of steady increases in carbon gas emission, emission levels are finally starting to decrease—a natural gas advantage that nobody saw coming,” concludes Mathewson. Joe R. Mathewson has worked in the oil & gas and environmental industry for forty years and counting. He and his company, Diversified Project Services International Inc. specialize in the development of Alternative Energy and Combined Heat and Power Projects utilizing oilfield and industrial waste gas, flare gas and “associated gas” to generate both heat, steam and electrical energy from this now overlooked natural gas resource.
|
PRWEB ’13 (Joseph R. Mathewson is a professional with more than four decades of experience in oil & gas engineering, heavy and marine construction, environmental permitting and hazardous waste remediation, “Joseph R. Mathewson Says Rise in Gas production is Good for Environment”, PRWEB, May 14th, http://www.prweb.com/releases/2013/5/prweb10723839.htm, SD)
|
“The U.S. has been relying on natural gas more and more heavily energy-related emissions of carbon dioxide the greenhouse gas have dropped by a staggering 12 percent since the widespread switch from coal to natural gas “Natural gas emits about half as much carbon dioxide as coal which makes it the environmentally superior greenhouse gas emissions have dropped significantly 30 percent of the power generated in the U.S. came from burning natural gas and it will continue to increase over the next 10 years emission levels are finally starting to decrease a natural gas advantage that nobody saw coming
|
Natural gas emits less carbon dioxide than any other means of electricity production
| 2,336 | 85 | 603 | 376 | 13 | 99 | 0.034574 | 0.263298 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,296 |
National environmental organizations focused on climate change, as well as organizations concerned with air-quality issues, have cautiously embraced the new technologies in anticipation that greater availability of low-cost natural gas may displace coal in electricity generation, thereby reducing carbon dioxide emissions and substantially decreasing emission of other pollutants, particularly mercury and sulfur. Indeed, U.S. coal consumption fell 10 percent between 2007 and 2011, while natural gas production rose by 15 percent. A common view, including that of a recent commission convened by U.S. Secretary of Energy Steven Chu, is that expanded natural gas activities are inherently good for climate change mitigation because natural gas has lower greenhouse gas emissions than coal, which gas will displace for use in electricity generation. A dissenting view is that methane leakage from shale gas extraction leads to greenhouse gas emissions as bad or worse than those produced from coal,3 although this view is ½ercely debated. Considering the timescale of the carbon cycle and the climate system, both of these perspectives are wrong, but for similar reasons. Leakage of methane is not as important as some have argued because its short lifetime limits its impact on anthropogenic climate change, which has a characteristic timescale of roughly one hundred years.
|
Schrag ’12 (Daniel P. Schrag is the Sturgis Hooper Professor of Geology at Harvard University, Professor of Environmental Science and Engineering, and Director of the Harvard University Center for the Environment, “Is Shale Gas Good for Climate Change?”, Harvard.edu Publications, Spring 2012, http://schraglab.unix.fas.harvard.edu/publications/128_Schrag.pdf, SD)
|
environmental organizations have cautiously embraced the new technologies in anticipation that greater availability of cost natural gas may displace coal reducing carbon dioxide emissions and substantially decreasing emission of other pollutants U.S. coal consumption fell 10 percent while natural gas production rose by 15 percent expanded natural gas activities are inherently good for climate change mitigation because natural gas has lower greenhouse gas emissions than coal dissenting view is that methane leakage from shale gas extraction leads to greenhouse gas emissions as bad or worse than those produced from coal both of these perspectives are wrong Leakage of methane is not important because its short lifetime limits its impact on anthropogenic climate change
|
Natural gas displace the use of coal in the electricity generation reducing carbon dioxide emissions
| 1,375 | 100 | 774 | 204 | 15 | 113 | 0.073529 | 0.553922 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,297 |
Whether the high leakage rates claimed in Colorado and Utah are typical across the US natural-gas industry remains unclear. The NOAA data represent a “small snapshot” of a much larger picture that the broader scientific community is now assembling, says Steven Hamburg, chief scientist at the Environmental Defense Fund (EDF) in Boston, Massachusetts.
|
Tollefson, 2013 (Jeff - Nature editor from Congressional Quarterly where he covered energy, climate and the environment, Knight fellow in science journalism at MIT, science reporter at the Santa Fe New Mexican, where he covered Los Alamos and the national labs among other topics, "Methane leaks erode green credentials of natural gas", http://www.nature.com/news/methane-leaks-erode-green-credentials-of-natural-gas-1.12123) Bashir
|
Whether the high leakage rates claimed in Colorado and Utah are typical across the US natural-gas industry remains unclear. The NOAA data represent a “small snapshot” of a much larger picture that the broader scientific community is now assembling, says Hamburg, chief scientist at the Environmental Defense Fund
|
The methane study conducted by NOAA is only a small snapshot - only studied two fields
| 351 | 86 | 312 | 53 | 16 | 48 | 0.301887 | 0.90566 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,298 |
Not only has investment in shale gas risen to record levels, but the natural gas industry now employs more of our citizens than ever before. That's especially good news at a time when the national unemployment rate holds at a staggering 16.7% for African Americans. In addition to making natural gas a more cost effective, more job creating industry, proactive leadership by state regulators and advances in production technologies have also made natural gas development through hydraulic fracturing an even more environmentally friendly. Natural gas companies now drill multiple wells at single location to reduce the footprint of development, while new regulations have drastically improved water recycling efforts to minimize waste. Smarter regulation of the industry's operation and better technology has won over a number of environmental advocates as well. Frank Matzner of the Natural Resources Defense Council said of natural gas in 2010, "we need to look at ways in which we can reduce our carbon footprint now and it's appealing that it has a smaller footprint" than traditional methods of oil and gas extraction. Others, like Carl Pope of the Sierra Club, view natural gas development as an environmentally friendly alternative to traditional methods: "Natural gas is an excellent example of a fuel that can be produced in quite a clean way, and shouldn't be wasted." While the record speaks for itself, it's important that we continue to support environmental improvement while also trumpeting the benefits of natural gas development. The balance between these forces has been the driver of U.S. progress in the past and can ensure continued advancement toward a healthier, more environmentally and economically sustainable future. As our national demand increases over the next several decades, technological advances coupled with proficient, competent regulation is important to our energy security and a prosperous future.
|
Stewart ’11 (Frank Stewart is the President and Chief Operating Officer (COO) of the American Association of Blacks in Energy (AABE), “Natural Gas: Good for the Economy, Good for the Environment”, Huffington Post, September 18th 2011, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/frank-stewart/natural-gas-shale_b_968752.html, SD)
|
In addition to making natural gas a more cost effective proactive leadership by state regulators and advances in production technologies have also made natural gas development through hydraulic fracturing an even more environmentally friendly Smarter regulation and better technology has won environmental advocates natural gas development as an environmentally friendly alternative Natural gas that can be produced in quite a clean way the benefits of natural gas development can ensure continued advancement toward a healthier, more environmentally sustainable future. ,
|
Natural gas is environmentally sustainable--- development through hydraulic fracturing is environmentally friendly
| 1,937 | 114 | 572 | 298 | 12 | 80 | 0.040268 | 0.268456 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
2,299 |
Even with the best regulation, gas production cannot be done with no impact on the environment, no trucks, accidents, leaks, spills, land disturbance. Yet, no form of energy production can meet that standard.
|
One of the major concerns about natural gas is what happens at the local level. Shale gas production is an industrial activity that brings to local areas drilling rigs, hydraulic fracturing pumps, trucks, and pipelines as well as lease payments, royalty checks, jobs, and cheap energy. It often creates new local sources of diesel air emissions and drilling waste water whose storage in deep caverns caused an earthquake felt at the surface in Youngstown, Ohio. During the first year of development of any shale well, shale gas is not a quiet, good neighbor, and it brings lasting challenges.
I saw the issues first-hand when I was Pennsylvania's environmental secretary as the state's Marcellus Shale drilling took off. Mistakes in the casing and cementing of gas wells caused methane to migrate to 18 water wells in Dimock, Pennsylvania, and five compressor stations have erupted in fire in Pennsylvania just since 2011. Gas drilling must be strongly regulated and reasonably taxed. Rules must be strong, regulatory staff big enough to enforce them, and political leaders must tell their regulators to enforce fully the rules. Excellent regulation can help minimize impacts and maximize benefits, but regulation of gas and energy production is too often poor.
|
Even with the best regulation, gas production cannot be done with no impact on the environment Yet, no form of energy production can meet that standard.
|
And, the impact is inevitable - EVERY form of energy creates some environmental hazard
| 208 | 86 | 152 | 33 | 14 | 26 | 0.424242 | 0.787879 |
Mexico Energy Affirmative - Wave 2 - Northwestern 2013 Sophomores.html5
|
Northwestern (NHSI)
|
Affirmatives
|
2013
|
Subsets and Splits
No community queries yet
The top public SQL queries from the community will appear here once available.