Unnamed: 0
int64 0
241k
| Full-Document
stringlengths 96
265k
| Citation
stringlengths 1
50k
| Extract
stringlengths 34
30.6k
| Abstract
stringlengths 8
8.56k
| #CharsDocument
int64 96
265k
| #CharsAbstract
int64 8
8.56k
| #CharsExtract
int64 34
30.6k
| #WordsDocument
int64 20
41.6k
| #WordsAbstract
int64 4
1.34k
| #WordsExtract
int64 11
4.68k
| AbsCompressionRatio
float64 0
0.99
| ExtCompressionRatio
float64 0
1
| OriginalDebateFileName
stringlengths 19
104
| DebateCamp
stringclasses 30
values | Tag
stringclasses 15
values | Year
stringclasses 11
values |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
2,400 |
The U.S.–India economic relationship is undeniably expanding. The question is how to maximize it. A recent report published by The Heritage Foundation, “Unleashing the Market in the U.S.–India Economic Relationship, Part I,” begins to answer that very question. The publication sheds light on what could happen if the largest economy (the U.S.) and the fourth-largest economy (India) in the world capitalized on their economic strengths.¶ The report is the first of an ongoing series intended to enhance economic relations between the two nations by focusing on the proper role of government, the positive strides that can be made in the private sector despite poor government policies, and recommended additional actions that the U.S. and India should take to facilitate greater exchange between the two markets.¶ U.S.–India bilateral trade, at just $58 billion, is fairly small, especially when compared to U.S. trade with South Korea that comes to around $100 billion. While trade in services is flourishing, trade in goods fails when measured against the natural benefits of comparative advantage. Other barriers to increased trade levels include India’s underdeveloped intellectual property rights system, as well as immigration restrictions on high-skilled workers wanting to come to the U.S or go to India.¶ There is hope for the future if foreign direct investment (FDI) in India is realized by working at the state level, relaxing immigration barriers to high-skilled workers wanting to work in both India and the U.S., and passing a Bilateral Investment Treaty (BIT). The private sector also offers great opportunities for growth that require less political change and expedites the process of investment. The combination of these action steps will make for a more open and economically prosperous environment.¶ Are U.S.–India relations growing? The answer is: They could be growing much more, if both sides would unleash the power of the free market.
|
Olivia Enos, Research Assistant, Asian Studies at The Heritage Foundation 1-18-2013 http://blog.heritage.org/2013/01/18/unleash-the-market-u-s-india-economic-relations/
|
The U.S.–India relationship is expanding The question is how to maximize it U.S.–India bilateral trade is fairly small especially compared to U.S. trade with South Korea barriers to increased trade include immigration restrictions on high-skilled workers wanting to come to the U.S Are U.S.–India relations growing? The answer is: They could be growing much more if sides would unleash the power of the free market.
|
And- there’s a question of depth- even if some relations are inevitable it’s about maximizing cooperation- CIR solves
| 1,961 | 117 | 415 | 303 | 18 | 65 | 0.059406 | 0.214521 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,401 |
Military cooperation between India and the United States has remarkably quickened since Sept. 11, with a burst of navy, air force and army joint exercises, the revival of American military sales to India and a blur of high-level visits by generals and admirals. The fledgling relationship between American and Indian military leaders will be important to Mr. Rumsfeld in talks intended to put to rest fears of war between India and Pakistan. ''We can hope this translates into some influence and trust, though I don't want to overstate it,'' a senior American defense official said in an interview on Thursday. ''I don't want to predict this guarantees success.'' The American diplomatic efforts yielded their first real gains on Saturday when India welcomed a pledge by Pakistan's military ruler to stop permanently the infiltration of militants into Kashmir. India indicated that it would soon take steps to reduce tensions, but a million troops are still fully mobilized along the border -- a situation likely to persist for months -- and the process of resolving the crisis has just begun. India has linked the killing of civilians in Kashmir to a Pakistan-backed insurgency there and has presented its confrontation with Pakistan as part of the global campaign against terrorism. India itself made an unstinting offer of support to the United States after Sept. 11, and Washington responded by ending the sanctions placed on India after its 1998 nuclear tests. With that, the estrangement that prevailed between the world's two largest democracies during the cold war, when India drew close to the Soviet Union and the United States allied with Pakistan, has eased. India, for decades a champion of nonalignment, seeks warmer ties with the United States in hopes of gaining access to sophisticated military technology and help in dealing with Pakistan. From the start of President Bush's term, some influential officials in his administration saw India as a potential counterweight to that other Asian behemoth, China, whose growing power was seen as a potential strategic threat. But since Sept. 11, the priority has been terrorism. The United States is hoping its deeper military and political ties with India will give it some measure of leverage to prevent a war between India and Pakistan that could lead to a nuclear holocaust and would play havoc with the hunt for Al Qaeda in Pakistan.
|
Dugger, ’02 (Celia “Wider Military Ties With India Offer U.S. Diplomatic Leverage”, NYT, http://www.nytimes.com/2002/06/10/world/wider-military-ties-with-india-offer-us-diplomatic-leverage.html, 6/10)
|
The relationship between American and Indian leaders will be important to put to rest fears of war between India and Pakistan. India, for decades a champion of nonalignment, seeks warmer ties with the United States in hopes of gaining access to sophisticated military technology and help in dealing with Pakistan. deeper military and political ties with India will give it some measure of leverage to prevent a war between India and Pakistan that could lead to a nuclear holocaust and would play havoc with the hunt for Al Qaeda in Pakistan.
|
Relations check Indo Pak war
| 2,398 | 28 | 541 | 390 | 5 | 91 | 0.012821 | 0.233333 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,402 |
If I am permitted to digress a bit, let me say parenthetically, that advancing the growth of Indian power, as the Administration currently intends, is not directed, as many critics have alleged, at “containing” China. I do not believe that a policy of containing China is either feasible or necessary at this point in time. (India too, currently, has no interest in becoming part of any coalition aimed at containing China.) Rather, the Administration’s strategy of assisting India to become a major world power in the twenty-first century is directed, first and foremost, towards constructing a stable geopolitical order in Asia that is conducive to peace and prosperity. There is little doubt today that the Asian continent is poised to become the new center of gravity in international politics. Although lower growth in the labor force, reduced export performance, diminishing returns to capital, changes in demographic structure, and the maturation of the economy all suggest that national growth rates in several key Asian states—in particular Japan, South Korea, and possibly China—are likely to decline in comparison to the latter half of the Cold War period, the spurt in Indian growth rates, coupled with the relatively high though still marginally declining growth rates in China, will propel Asia’s share of the global economy to some 43% by 2025, thus making the continent the largest single locus of economic power worldwide. An Asia that hosts economic power of such magnitude, along with its strong and growing connectivity to the American economy, will become an arena vital to the United States— in much the same way that Europe was the grand prize during the Cold War. In such circumstances, the Administration’s policy of developing a new global partnership with India represents a considered effort at “shaping” the emerging Asian environment to suit American interests in the twenty-first century. Even as the United States focuses on developing good relations with all the major Asian states, it is eminently reasonable for Washington not only to invest additional resources in strengthening the continent’s democratic powers but also to deepen the bilateral relationship enjoyed with each of these countries—on the assumption that the proliferation of strong democratic states in Asia represents the best insurance against intra-continental instability as well as threats that may emerge against the United States and its regional presence. Strengthening New Delhi and transforming U.S-Indian ties, therefore, has everything to do with American confidence in Indian democracy and the conviction that its growing strength, tempered by its liberal values, brings only benefits for Asian stability and American security. As Undersecretary of State Nicholas Burns succinctly stated in his testimony before this Committee, “By cooperating with India now, we accelerate the arrival of the benefits that India’s rise brings to the region and the world.”
|
Tellis, Senior Associate at the Carnegie Endowment, 11/16/2005 (Ashley, Testimony before the House Committee on International Relations, http://www.carnegieendowment.org/publications/index.cfm?fa=view&id=17693&prog=zgp&proj=znpp,zsa,zusr)
|
, the Administration’s strategy of assisting India to become a major world power is directed towards constructing a stable geopolitical order in Asia that is conducive to peace An Asia that hosts economic power of such magnitude, along with its strong and growing connectivity to the American economy, will become an arena vital to the United States the Administration’s policy of developing a new global partnership with India represents a considered effort at “shaping” the emerging Asian environment to suit American interests the proliferation of strong democratic states in Asia represents the best insurance against intra-continental instability as well as threats that may emerge against the United States and its regional presence. Strengthening New Delhi and transforming U.S-Indian ties has everything to do with American confidence in Indian democracy and the conviction that its growing strength, tempered by its liberal values, brings only benefits for Asian stability and American security
|
Relations key to Asian stability and the US economy.
| 2,970 | 52 | 1,003 | 460 | 9 | 150 | 0.019565 | 0.326087 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,403 |
Few if any experts think China and Taiwan, North Korea and South Korea, or India and Pakistan are spoiling to fight. But even a minor miscalculation by any of them could destabilize Asia, jolt the global economy and even start a nuclear war. India, Pakistan and China all have nuclear weapons, and North Korea may have a few, too. Asia lacks the kinds of organizations, negotiations and diplomatic relationships that helped keep an uneasy peace for five decades in Cold War Europe. “Nowhere else on Earth are the stakes as high and relationships so fragile,” said Bates Gill, director of northeast Asian policy studies at the Brookings Institution, a Washington think tank. “We see the convergence of great power interest overlaid with lingering confrontations with no institutionalized security mechanism in place. There are elements for potential disaster.” In an effort to cool the region’s tempers, President Clinton, Defense Secretary William S. Cohen and National Security Adviser Samuel R. Berger all will hopscotch Asia’s capitals this month. For America, the stakes could hardly be higher. There are 100,000 U.S. troops in Asia committed to defending Taiwan, Japan and South Korea, and the United States would instantly become embroiled if Beijing moved against Taiwan or North Korea attacked South Korea. While Washington has no defense commitments to either India or Pakistan, a conflict between the two could end the global taboo against using nuclear weapons and demolish the already shaky international nonproliferation regime. In addition, globalization has made a stable Asia, with its massive markets, cheap labor, exports and resources, indispensable to the U.S. economy. Numerous U.S. firms and millions of American jobs depend on trade with Asia that totaled $600 billion last year, according to the Commerce Department.
|
Jonathan S. Landay, National Security and Intelligence Correspondent, -2K [“Top Administration Officials Warn Stakes for U.S. Are High in Asian Conflicts”, Knight Ridder/Tribune News Service, March 10, p. Lexis]
|
Few think China and Taiwan, North and South Korea, or India and Pakistan are spoiling to fight. But even a minor miscalculation by any of them could destabilize Asia, jolt the global economy and start nuclear war. India, Pakistan and China all have nuclear weapons, and North Korea too. Asia lacks the organizations, negotiations and diplomatic relationships that helped keep peace in Cold War Europe. “Nowhere else are the stakes as high and relationships so fragile,” said Gill, director of northeast Asian policy studies at Brookings the convergence of great power interest with no institutionalized security mechanism are elements for disaster.” There are 100,000 U.S. troops in Asia committed to defending Taiwan, Japan and South Korea, and the U S would instantly become embroiled India or Pakistan conflict could end the global taboo against using nuclear weapons and demolish the shaky nonprolif regime. globalization has made a stable Asia, with massive markets, cheap labor, exports and resources, indispensable to the U.S. economy. Numerous U.S. firms and millions of American jobs depend on trade with Asia
|
Conflicts in East Asia go nuclear
| 1,840 | 33 | 1,118 | 287 | 6 | 175 | 0.020906 | 0.609756 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,404 |
Immigrants like Marisol show us that immigration reform is more than simply a matter of human rights for undocumented immigrants. It is a matter of survival for the poorest. No child of God should ever have to leave her family at 5 years of age to be able to eat and survive in our world. Like the majority of people who cross the border, these are not terrorists or drug smugglers but our brothers and sisters.¶ The growing anti-immigrant sentiment in our country since 9/11 did not happen because people suddenly wanted to become cruel and heartless. It began because people started believing a lie about who we Latinos are, both documented and undocumented.¶ This is why immigration is a defining issue that is about us—all of us Latinos—and about how we will shape the future of our church and our country. There is a saying in Spanish, "La mentira nos trae la muerte." Lies bring death.¶ The lie is that immigrants, and by association all of us Latinos, are disposable as human beings and not worthy of human dignity and respect. And this lie is killing us.¶ An immigrant recently told me, "I've been sacrificing myself for my family, but in this country I am worth nothing." Latinos and immigrants encounter racism, resentment, and extreme hostilities against them, and they masquerade as patriotism and now also as national security.¶ By now we are familiar with the countless problems immigrants endure as a result of this lie: an increase in border deaths to more than 400 a year; raids, arrests, and deportations separating families; a backlog in family reunification and visa requests; militarization of the border; sexual exploitation of women immigrants traveling north; abuses in detention centers.¶ Arizona has recently made national headlines for passing harsh anti-immigrant laws, but today more than 20 states have introduced even harsher laws than Arizona. The solutions these laws propose perpetuate lies, persecute innocent people, expose all of us Latinos to racial profiling, and cause death and suffering to the poor. Those who say that they are not against immigrants yet support such oppressive laws are practicing backdoor racism at its worst.¶ Sure, every nation has a right to protect its borders against impending threats, but immigrants working to feed their children are not a threat to anyone. Their presence is not a threat, it is a human right; and we support their right to a better life.¶ Many today scapegoat the poor for self-serving political gain, for economic greed, and security fears. Their lies blind people from seeing Christ in others and keep them from hearing the gospel call to hospitality of the stranger among us. These lies are being used to justify injustice and foster racism that causes pervasive exploitation of immigrants, who are demonized as illegal, as alien, as suspicious human beings.¶ Since the majority of the more than 90 nationalities that daily cross our borders are from the Americas, it is our Latinidad itself that is being attacked. We know that the root causes of immigration include extreme poverty, unemployment, political and military corruption, and government instability in the countries of origin. However, we Latinos and Latinas throughout the Americas also know that the United States shares in the responsibility for these conditions that drive immigrants north across our borders.¶ It is not a secret that once the estimated 12 to 20 million currently undocumented immigrants become citizens, our country will be different. This process has already begun, but wait until we get to vote, buy homes, graduate from universities, and become elected officials.¶ Es mentira, it is a lie that immigrants will not learn English. In our parish we have some 100 people learning English to become citizens, and similar programs exist all over.¶ Es mentira that all immigrants are here illegally. The truth is that the majority are here on some type of visa.¶ Es mentira that stronger enforcement along the U.S.-Mexico border will stop immigrants from crossing the border. It is jobs that bring immigrants to the United States.¶ Es mentira that immigrants are draining our health care and educational systems. The fact is that immigrants contribute about $90 billion in taxes, much more than the $5 billion they use in services.¶ Despite these lies I feel optimistic because this is our time, this is Latino time. We are coming of age, and we want to help fashion a new nation: one that is more just, equal, and free for all citizens, especially the poorest.¶ But we will need to do this the Latino way, grounded in a new vision we inherited from our indigenous ancestors, who said, "Tu eres mi otro yo," you are my other self. This is a profound spiritual vision of life, an economic program for justice, a cultural solution for peace, and an authentic reform for human dignity.¶ Tu eres mi otro yo is the Latino way. We are all linked as one. We stand together, or we fall together. We are each other, and we need to help each other. Our ancestors teach us: If I despise you, I despise myself. And if I promote the good in you, I promote the goodness in me and everyone else.¶ Our fathers, mothers, and abuelos have always taught what Christ teaches us: that we were made good and for good. When we see life from this decidedly Latino worldview, we discover that there are more good people in the world than bad, that the world is in truth moving toward this oneness. This is the Latino good news.¶ I believe that our greatest meaning in life comes from our solidarity with others, especially the struggling poorest among us. As long as they do not eat, have health care, get a good education, live in decent housing, get treated with respect and dignity, then we all remain incomplete in ourselves and as a nation.¶ In a time of such propaganda, lies, drastic poverty, violence, racism, and war, in this time when human life seems so dirt cheap, we must proclaim that each person matters, that they matter enormously to us because tu eres mi otro yo.¶ As a Latino from the border I have reason to feel optimistic about life and our future because in us we carry this deep Latino desire to live out our God-given oneness; at the end of all our human struggles, we will see that it is our oneness that will win over lies, divisions, hate, and racism. In the end the glory will go to those who know how to embrace tu eres mi otro yo. In the end victory comes in our togetherness.¶ I look at our Latino history in terms of the biblical story of the Exodus: Some have crossed the sea into the Promised Land of no more borders. Others are still in the water trying to make it to land. And some arrived late and are still wandering in the desert. Moses told them to be at the edge of the sea by 10 a.m., but, being Latino, they arrived at noon. They are still out there dreaming and wondering what it will be like when they get to the other side. Some of them are dying without water, acceptance, lack of health care, food, or shelter.¶ But today we say, "Come, venganse," we are with you because our ministries represent solidarity in the struggle for human rights for all people.¶ The divisive border wall exists also in our hearts. When the border fence went up, I was part of a march protesting it. I remember walking up to the ugly steel barrier. I put my fingers through the fence, and I felt deep anger. I wanted to tear it down with my bare hands.¶ I kept remembering the Raramuri children in our parish missions in Mexico's northern Sierra Tarahumara, who do not have enough to eat, whose fathers and brothers search for ways to feed their families. Holding the fence I remembered their empty stomachs. I could hear Ester ask her mother, "Are we going to eat today?"¶ Holding the fence in my hands, I said a prayer. I asked Jesus to forgive us. And I asked la Virgen de Guadalupe to protect her children. What the fence says is: "I don't want you to be my other self."¶ Those of us who live on the border question whether the racial make-up of our families has anything to do with the fact that Canada and the Atlantic and Pacific coasts do not have disgusting walls, yet their combined border miles far exceed our 2,000-mile-long southwest border.¶ This immoral wall along our border and in our nation's heart is causing moral damage to the nation's soul with long-term consequences far beyond the fears we have of terrorists. It says that we have stopped dreaming of the possibilities to help each other as human beings in the land of the free. It says that we have given in to smallness of our hearts because of the fear-filled lies that claim doom when we welcome the strangers in our midst.¶ This ugly $242 billion wall is a wake-up call that our national leadership has failed to help us and that it is time for us to offer a better vision for national problems. We need to stop the further construction of this wall, tear it down, and make good use of the materials. What we need instead is just, comprehensive immigration reform, which will help America become a decent nation.¶ This is an historic moment for us. We have never been this close to immigration reform, and we are not backing down because we are not afraid of those who oppose us. I have seen in the faces of Latinos all over the country that we are ready to show our resolve, our conviction, and our dedication to the immigrants and to reform. We want to do what it takes because we deeply believe that justice will triumph over hate, that love will conquer racism, and that common compassion will overcome the lies.
|
Banuelas 10 Arturo, "The lies are killing us: The need for immigration reform," US Catholic, October,www.uscatholic.org/culture/social-justice/2010/10/lies-are-killing-us-need-immigration-reform
|
immigration reform is more than simply a matter of human rights It is a matter of survival for the poorest No child should ever have to leave her family at 5 years to be able to survive these are not terrorists or drug smugglers but our brothers and sisters This is why immigration is a defining issue that is about us An immigrant recently told me, "I've been sacrificing myself for my family, but in this country I am worth nothing Latinos and immigrants encounter racism, resentment, and extreme hostilities against them, and they masquerade as patriotism and now also as national security we are familiar with the countless problems immigrants endure as a result of this lie: an increase in border deaths to more than 400 a year; raids, arrests, and deportations separating families; a backlog in family reunification and visa requests; militarization of the border; sexual exploitation of women immigrants traveling north; abuses in detention centers more than 20 states have introduced even harsher laws than Arizona Those who say that they are not against immigrants yet support such oppressive laws are practicing backdoor racism at its worst immigrants working to feed their children are not a threat to anyone Their presence is not a threat, it is a human right; and we support their right to a better life Many scapegoat the poor for self-serving political gain These lies are being used to justify injustice and foster racism that causes pervasive exploitation of immigrants, who are demonized as illegal, as alien, as suspicious human beings. our greatest meaning in life comes from our solidarity with others, especially the struggling poorest among us In a time of such propaganda, lies, drastic poverty, violence, racism, and war, in this time when human life seems so dirt cheap, we must proclaim that each person matters, enormously to us This immoral wall is causing moral damage to the nation's soul with long-term consequences far beyond the fears we have of terrorists. It says that we have stopped dreaming of the possibilities to help each other as human beings What we need instead is just, comprehensive immigration reform which will help America become a decent nation.¶ We have never been this close to immigration reform, and we are not backing down because we are not afraid of those who oppose us we believe that justice will triumph over hate, that love will conquer racism, and that common compassion will overcome the lies.
|
CIR is key to reducing structural violence against immigrants
| 9,567 | 61 | 2,457 | 1,677 | 9 | 410 | 0.005367 | 0.244484 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,405 |
This paper has argued that the afflictions experienced by trans-Mexican migrants ¶ needs to be understood as a case of structural violence. This approach allowed us to grasp ¶ the complexities and the dynamics of the violence encountered in the migrant route such ¶ as the different kinds of violence afflicting migrants, its systematic perpetration, and the ¶ social structures that hold this systems of oppression in place. Through the life stories of ¶ Julio and Marilú, which are representative of the suffering of thousands of trans-Mexican ¶ migrants, we observe how the constraining of agency and the physical marginalization of ¶ migrants are crucial elements in allowing for the systematic perpetuation of both direct ¶ and indirect violence. The case of trans-Mexican migration also sheds light on the role of ¶ indirect violence as a perpetuator for direct violence and a guarantor for the impunity of ¶ its perpetrators. Moreover, in looking at the patterns of the focalization of violence along ¶ the route, we perceive that the dynamics of violence are different from place to place and ¶ that they constantly evolve and adapt to changes in the migrant flux and to broader sociopolitical trends.¶ The task of understanding the violence of the migrant route has also contributed ¶ in exploring how structures of violence are constructed around trans-migrants as a ¶ particular social group. Admittedly, this is an un-orthodox application of the structural ¶ violence framework. Unlike most pieces written by “anthropologists of suffering”¶ 12¶ ¶ 12¶ See Schepper-Hughes 1992; Farmer 2005.¶ which look broadly at groups or people “who belong to the lowest social strata” as the ¶ object of inquiry (Kleinman 2000, 226), this paper looks at a group which dwells in a ¶ geographically constrained universe within society. Thus, they are trapped in a parallel ¶ machinery of oppression from that affecting the poorest and most disenfranchised of ¶ Mexican citizens. The implications of the existence of this parallel structure of violence ¶ are noteworthy. The complete powerlessness of trans-Mexican migrants derived from ¶ their physical marginalization and their inability to access justice opens up the machinery ¶ of oppression for anyone that wants to partake. Everyone—from a poor villager, to a power-thirsty policeman, to some of the most-dangerous drug-traffickers in the world—¶ can take their share of profit from the violence suffered by trans-migrants. This way, the ¶ structural violence affecting trans-migrants links up as escape valve for other parallel ¶ structures of violence.
|
Jacome 12 Felipe, "Trans-Mexican Migration: a Case of Structural Violence," London School of Economics, March 7, clas.georgetown.edu/files/Trans-Mexican%20Migration%20-%20Felipe%20Jacome.pdf
|
the afflictions experienced by migrants needs to be understood as a case of structural violence This approach allowed us to grasp the complexities of the violence encountered in the migrant route such as the different kinds of violence afflicting migrants and the ¶ social structures that hold this systems of oppression in place the constraining of agency and the physical marginalization of ¶ migrants are crucial elements in allowing for the systematic perpetuation The case of trans-Mexican migration also sheds light on the role of ¶ indirect violence as a perpetuator for direct violence dynamics of violence constantly evolve and adapt to changes in the migrant flux and to broader sociopolitical trends The task of understanding the violence of the migrant route has also contributed ¶ in exploring how structures of violence are constructed they are trapped in a parallel ¶ machinery of oppression from that affecting the poorest and most disenfranchised of ¶ Mexican citizens The implications of the existence of this parallel structure of violence ¶ are noteworthy The complete powerlessness of trans-Mexican migrants derived from ¶ their physical marginalization and their inability to access justice opens up the machinery ¶ of oppression for anyone that wants to partake Everyone can take their share of profit from the violence suffered by trans-migrants the ¶ structural violence affecting trans-migrants links up as escape valve for other parallel ¶ structures of violence.
|
This impact outweighs and internal link turns all of their aff and their criticisms of the politics disadvantage
| 2,606 | 112 | 1,490 | 411 | 18 | 232 | 0.043796 | 0.564477 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,406 |
How Do Politicians Treat Immigration¶ It seems that the whole issue really revolves around the underlying question, "who benefits from undocumented workers?" So the first ones to benefit are the employers quite obviously. However, we live in a very complex society and economy. That raises the question, how do politicians benefit from not offering real solutions to this issue?¶ The first level seems simple enough. Politicians don't become politicians from a vacuum. They have former experience in a field and in the economy quite generally. It would be interesting to see how many politicians have undocumented landscapers, or housekeepers, or other employers on their own, or rather off of their books. I would not be surprised if those numbers were staggering.¶ The second level becomes a little more deeply ceded. Politicians depend on the contributions of influential people to continue to hold office. If you are a politician in a society that depends on winners and losers, you depend on their being losers, and receiving funding from those who aren't losing. Correct me if I am wrong, please correct me because I want to be wrong in this case! If politics are all about power and personal gain, than it seems clear this should occur. People who have power want to keep it, and they keep it through the work of individuals who have been losing.¶ The third and final is the most villainous and I have the most hope that I am wrong on this assertion. Politicians need galvanizing issues. Many have made many bold steps and gains in the polls by convincing poor and middle class workers that the illegal and undocumented workers are stealing their jobs. Pundits have done an excellent job rallying a base of people down on their luck into this camp. It isn't the workers that are robbing the people, it is the government who fails to act, and the employers who have acted in their own best interest.¶ Continuing on the third point the other side of the argument has rallied voters especially from Hispanic constituencies, by telling them how heartless the other side is. It makes me think that it is a closed cycle in which no one truly has a stake in fixing the problems that are present. They tell the people how heartless their opponent is, and then do nothing to solve the real issues involved.¶ What Can I Do?¶ We have to be loud enough for politicians to hear us. The only political issues that I personally get revved up about are those that apply directly to the respect and acknowledgement of human dignity. Immigration is probably the second most important human dignity issue that our society faces today.¶ We cannot quite compare this issue to slavery, but it does create two classes of people. The citizen class and an under class of individuals who are not looked upon as equals or as worthy of respect. Many claim that they are criminals. The most interesting fact is that there is no federal criminal law regarding illegal immigration. Illegal immigrants are breaking civil and not criminal law. Therefore, prosecution of such issues is not the same. This is part of why I am in favor of some sort of amnesty program. Better to get people out of the shadows and settle the civil issues than to vilify people who came to this great country for many of the same reasons our ancestors did.¶ What we can do is tell our politicians that we want real reform. This means making the process of immigration more efficient and open to legal immigration. Helping along legal immigration isn't enough. Those who are already here in breach of the civil law should be brought out of the shadows and registered as guest workers with the option of citizenship in the future. Finally and less pressingly the borders should be better secured. Those who are already here should be brought from the shadows, but coming here in a way that is unbecoming of their human dignity should be dissuaded.¶ Petition your Congressmen. Demand to be heard, and restore to these people their human dignity. No one should be used as property, or an indentured servant in this time. Besides employers should be required to pay taxes and benefits for their employees. Only under those circumstances will citizens and undocumented workers be protected.
|
McGuire 11-15 Michael, studied in the fields of political science, Thomistic philosophy and Roman Catholic Theology and pastoral ministry on the level of Graduate Studies., "Immigration Reform Now!," jmichaelmcguire.hubpages.com/hub/Immagration-Reform-Now
|
how do politicians benefit from not offering real solutions to this issue Politicians depend on the contributions of influential people to continue to hold office Politicians need galvanizing issues. Many have made many bold steps and gains in the polls by convincing poor and middle class workers that the illegal and undocumented workers are stealing their jobs Pundits have done an excellent job rallying a base of people down on their luck into this camp It isn't the workers that are robbing the people, it is the government who fails to act it is a closed cycle in which no one truly has a stake in fixing the problems that are present We have to be loud enough for politicians to hear us The only political issues that I personally get revved up about are those that apply directly to the respect and acknowledgement of human dignity Immigration is probably the second most important human dignity issue it does create two classes of people The citizen class and an under class of individuals who are not looked upon as equals or as worthy of respect Many claim that they are criminals What we can do is tell our politicians that we want real reform This means making the process of immigration more efficient and open to legal immigration Helping along legal immigration isn't enough Demand to be heard, and restore to these people their human dignity No one should be used as property, or an indentured servant in this time
|
Their criticisms of politics don’t apply to this disadvantage—there is a direct connection between lack of political debate over immigration and the marginalization of illegal immigrants
| 4,236 | 186 | 1,432 | 727 | 26 | 250 | 0.035763 | 0.343879 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,407 |
However the actual picture is a bit different. There is no doubt that the failure to raise the debt ceiling would be very bad news for the economy. If the government had to default on its debt, it would shake the financial markets even more than the collapse of Lehman in September of 2008. We would see a freeze-up of lending and companies would be forced to dump millions of workers, as they could no longer meet their payrolls. But, even in this disaster scenario, there would still be a tomorrow. In other words, after the financial crisis, the economy would still be there. We would still have the same capital stock, infrastructure, skilled work force and state of technical knowledge as we did the day before the crisis. The government and the Federal Reserve Board would have the power to reflate the economy to get it back on its feet just as they did when they engaged in the massive spending needed to fight World War II. While the country will still be left standing after a debt default, there is one important sector that will not be standing: Wall Street. A debt default would almost certainly make all the major banks insolvent as they would have to mark down the value of U.S. government debt, which had been held as a completely safe asset. The loss of value would also apply to all the assets backed by the government, such as the mortgage backed securities issued by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. Even when the economy revived, the U.S. financial sector would never hold the same place in the world as it does today. Without the ironclad financial backing of the U.S. government standing behind them, the Wall Street gang could never again be the dominant actor in international financial markets. This fact is essential in understanding the endgame on the debt ceiling. Suppose that we get to the dates in August when the Treasury has reached the limit of its ability to shuffle accounts and literally can no longer pay its bills. Secretary Geithner will at that point make an announcement that in three days there is an X billion payment on Treasury bonds coming due. He will say that the government does not have the money in the bank and will therefore have to miss this payment. The markets will then go into turmoil. We will see the same sort of plunge in the stock market that we saw when the House voted down the TARP the first time back in September of 2008. At that point, the Wall Street boys will be screaming their heads off at Speaker Boehner and the rest of the Republican leadership. The news media would all be running clips with depression footage, telling us that another Great Depression looms just around the horizon. In this context the Republicans will do exactly what they did with the TARP.
|
Baker 11 (Dean, Dr. Dean Baker is a macroeconomist and Co-Director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research in Washington, D.C. He previously worked as a senior economist at the Economic Policy Institute, The Endgame on the Debt Ceiling, http://www.opednews.com/articles/The-Endgame-on-the-Debt-Ce-by-Dean-Baker-110620-413.html, MM)
|
the failure to raise the debt ceiling would be very bad news If the government had to default it would shake the financial markets even more than 2008 We would see a freeze-up of lending and companies would be forced to dump millions of workers, important sector that will not be standing: Wall Street. debt default would almost certainly make all the major banks insolvent The loss of value would also apply to all the assets backed by the government, The markets then go into turmoil another Great Depression looms just around the horizon.
|
Failure to raise debt ceiling triggers immediate depression
| 2,733 | 59 | 541 | 487 | 8 | 94 | 0.016427 | 0.193018 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,408 |
Lastly, American economic weakness undercuts U.S. leadership abroad. Other countries sense our weakness and wonder about our purported decline. If this perception becomes more widespread, and the case that we are in decline becomes more persuasive, countries will begin to take actions that reflect their skepticism about America's future. Allies and friends will doubt our commitment and may pursue nuclear weapons for their own security, for example; adversaries will sense opportunity and be less restrained in throwing around their weight in their own neighborhoods. The crucial Persian Gulf and Western Pacific regions will likely become less stable. Major war will become more likely.
|
O’Hanlon and Lieberthal 12 Michael O’Hanlon, Ph.D., is a senior fellow at The Brookings Institution, specializing in defense and foreign policy issues. Kenneth Lieberthal, Ph.D., is a senior fellow in Foreign Policy and Global Economy and Development at Brookings. “The real national security threat: America's debt,” July 3, LA Times Op-Ed, http://articles.latimes.com/2012/jul/03/opinion/la-oe-ohanlon-fiscal-reform-20120703
|
American economic weakness undercuts U.S. leadership Other countries wonder about our decline. If this perception becomes more widespread Allies will pursue nuclear weapons adversaries will be less restrained Major war will become more likely.
|
US economic decline makes global nuclear war likely
| 690 | 51 | 243 | 103 | 8 | 34 | 0.07767 | 0.330097 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,409 |
With an anxious eye toward the coming debt-ceiling negotiations, House Republicans are drafting what members call a “menu” of mandatory spending cuts to offer the White House in exchange for raising the country’s borrowing limit. This menu is more a matrix of politically fraught options for the Obama administration to consider: Go small on cuts and get a short extension of the debt ceiling. Go big – by agreeing to privatize Social Security, for example – and get a deal that will raise the ceiling for the rest of Obama’s term. It’s a strategy meant to show the GOP is ready to deal. But even conservatives admit that this gambit might do little to help them avoid blame should the negotiations reach a crisis stage. President Obama says he will not negotiate the debt ceiling, warning that Congress should not threaten the credit-worthiness of the United States by bartering over the borrowing limit. And while House Republicans think he’s bluffing, they fear Obama will stall until the last minute and then strike a bipartisan deal with the Senate, forcing the lower chamber to either accept an unfavorable agreement or take heat for a default on the nation’s obligations and a downgrade on the U.S. credit rating.
|
National Journal July 7th [2013 “House Republicans Draft Their Debt-Ceiling Playbook”
|
House Republicans are drafting what members call a “menu” of mandatory spending cuts to offer the White House in exchange for raising the country’s borrowing limit. This menu is more a matrix of politically fraught options for the Obama administration to consider It’s a strategy meant to show the GOP is ready to deal this gambit might do little to help them avoid blame should the negotiations reach a crisis stage. Obama says he will not negotiate the debt ceiling, warning that Congress should not threaten the credit-worthiness of the United States by bartering over the borrowing limit. Republicans fear Obama will stall until the last minute and then strike a bipartisan deal with the Senate, forcing the lower chamber to either accept an unfavorable agreement or take heat for a default on the nation’s obligations and a downgrade on the U.S. credit rating.
|
Obama will force the GOP to compromise on the debt ceiling
| 1,220 | 58 | 865 | 206 | 11 | 144 | 0.053398 | 0.699029 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,410 |
The closer the debt-ceiling fight gets to 2014 and the midterm elections, however, the less appetite there may be for a showdownat least, among a majority of Republicans and Democrats. "Most people have come to the conclusion that messing around with the debt ceiling is not politically constructive," says former Senate Budget Committee Chairman Judd Gregg, R-N.H. "I don't think leadership sees it as a significant moment for brinksmanship." Yet the loud and influential tea-party group in the House, specifically sent to Washington by its constituents to cut spending, may pose problems for the House Republican leadership, particularly Speaker John Boehner. These tea partiers are not pushing for a default, but they have been loath to support budget legislation not deemed conservative enough. And they do not always line up behind the speaker, regardless of the public-relations damage it inflicts on the caucus. (Exhibit A: the recent failure of the farm bill in the House. Conservative Republicans did not support the measure despite deep cuts to the food-stamp program.) Many congressional aides and budget experts predict the fall's To Do list of appropriations, a potential replacement for sequestration, and the debt-ceiling increase will get wrapped into one big legislative package. Obama and congressional Democrats insist they will not negotiate around the debt ceiling, but folding it into a broader package would give Democrats more room to maneuver. It would also give Republicans the opportunity to push for some items on their legislative wish list, such as tax reform, the Keystone pipeline, or some smaller-scale entitlement changesincluding ones Obama previously proposed, such as cutting reimbursements to hospitals and doctors. There is even less of an appetite now among Democrats for wholesale entitlement changes, given the recent slowdown in federal health care spending and the rapid decline in the annual budget deficit. This political reality has forced even House Republicans to shift their message as they look to the fall. Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan, for instance, now promotes tax reform instead of major entitlement cuts as the next big legislative priority for the House, come September and October. The only concrete takeaway, so far, from the debt-ceiling fight is that no one on either side is predicting a historic budget deal, as some lawmakers did with the super committee and the fiscal-cliff showdown. After two years of basically nonstop budget fights, the political will and appetite for a grand bargain may no longer exist.
|
The National Journal June 27th [2013 “If You Thought the Fiscal Cliff Was Bad, Wait Until This Year's Debt-Ceiling Showdown”]
|
The closer the debt-ceiling fight gets to midterm s, however, the less appetite there may be for a showdown Most have come to the conclusion that messing with the debt ceiling is not politically constructive I don't think leadership sees it as a significant moment for brinksmanship." Yet the tea-party group in the House may pose problems experts predict the fall's To Do list of appropriations, and the debt-ceiling increase will get wrapped into one big legislative package. the rapid decline in the annual budget deficit. has forced even Republicans to shift their message
|
Obama and Republicans will come to a debt ceiling deal, but it will be controversial in the House
| 2,582 | 97 | 576 | 403 | 18 | 94 | 0.044665 | 0.233251 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,411 |
But The Must-Pass Bills Will Be Passed Despite our less rosy outlook on the two major reform bills described above, we maintain our view that the US government will take care of the must-pass legislative business this year: raising the debt ceiling bill by October or early-November and reaching a funding deal for the federal government for the next fiscal year by September 30. While the fiscal budget deficit is narrowing, the US government will come up against its self-imposed borrowing limit this fall. Although this ceiling was once routinely raised as a matter of course, the issue became politicized in 2011, when conservative members of the House of Representatives tried to exact spending cuts in exchange for raising the debt ceiling. Indeed, the final bargain that saw the debt ceiling raised in 2011 was what set up the budget sequester that went into effect this year. We see two reasons why the debt-related legislative brinksmanship of 2011 is unlikely to make a comeback on this issue. First, it is now fairly clear that the public supports passage of raising the debt ceiling, as failure to do so would result in the US defaulting on its debts. With the fiscal position improving substantially since 2011, we believe the public will be less sympathetic to attempts to hold the debt ceiling issue captive to other legislative demands. Second, there will be significant pressure within the national Republican Party to avoid being perceived as reckless on the debt issue. With Republicans poised to pick up seats in the Senate in 2014, we believe there will be strong pressure on Boehner to ensure that his caucus is not seen as unnecessarily obstructionist, as this would hurt their chances at the polls. Similarly, we believe that these dynamics will ultimately ensure that a government shutdown is avoided and some form of spending package for fiscal year 2014 is passed.
|
US Business Forecast Report June 21st [2013 Major Reform Drives Increasingly In Doubt”]
|
the US government will take care of the must-pass legislative business this year: raising the debt ceiling bill by October the public supports passage of raising the debt ceiling, as failure to do so would result in the US defaulting . With the fiscal position improving substantially the public will be less sympathetic to attempts to hold the debt ceiling issue captive . Second, there will be significant pressure within the national Republican Party to avoid being perceived as reckless there will be strong pressure on Boehner to ensure that his caucus is not seen as unnecessarily obstructionist
|
Debt ceiling will ultimately pass
| 1,891 | 34 | 601 | 315 | 5 | 98 | 0.015873 | 0.311111 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,412 |
CQ Roll Call (6/13, Ota, Subscription Publication, 19K) reported yesterday morning that Speaker John Boehner reaffirmed the "Boehner rule" on ABC's "Good Morning America," saying, "I believe that if we're going to increase the debt limit, there ought to be cuts and reforms in place that are greater than the increase in the debt limit." Roll Call says that Treasury Secretary Jack Lew and other Administration officials have held talks with lawmakers on the debt limit in recent days, pushing for action close to Labor Day. Roll Call says that "several Republicans" were "skeptical" of Lew's request, quoting Sen. John Thune (R-SD) as saying, "I think that we're all for doing it. We'd just like to see some debt reduction." The Los Angeles Times (6/13, Puzzanghera, 692K) also discusses Lew's position on the debt limit, noting that he "held a private meeting with Senate Finance Committee members last week" on a debt ceiling hike. The Times says that Sen. Barbara Boxer (D-CA) yesterday announced legislation preventing lawmakers from being paid if they do not raise the debt limit in order to pressure lawmakers to act. The Hill (6/13, Wasson, 21K) reports on the legislation in its "On The Money" blog, quoting Boxer as saying, "President Obama is clear he is not going to allow hostage taking over thedebt ceiling." Politico (6/13, Everett, 25K) also reports on the debt ceiling debate.
|
The Frontrunner June 13th [2013 “Boehner Affirms Eponymous Rule As Lew Pushes For Debt-Ceiling Rise”]
|
Jack Lew and other Administration officials have held talks with lawmakers on the debt limit in recent days pushing for action close to Labor Day President Obama is clear he is not going to allow hostage taking over thedebt ceiling."
|
Obama standing strong on debt ceiling, will get action by labor day
| 1,393 | 67 | 233 | 230 | 12 | 40 | 0.052174 | 0.173913 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,413 |
The Huffington Post (6/20, Johnson) reported that in an appearance on CNBC Thursday, House Speaker Boehner insisted that House Republicans will "negotiate a debt-ceiling increase with spending cuts," despite President Obama having declared, "I'm not going to negotiate on the debt limit." Boehner is quoted as saying, "We're spending more money than what we're bringing in. We have to deal with this problem. And if we're going to raise the debt limit then we've got to do something about what's causing us to spend more money than what we bring in."
|
The Frontrunner June 21st [2013 “Boehner: Debt Limit Increase Must Be Paired With Spending Cuts”]
|
Boehner insisted that House Republicans will "negotiate a debt-ceiling increase with spending cuts We have to deal with this problem.
|
GOP will agree to debt ceiling in return for spending cuts
| 550 | 58 | 133 | 91 | 11 | 20 | 0.120879 | 0.21978 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,414 |
BOEHNER’S DOLLAR-FOR-DOLLAR RULE IS OUT The menu concept’s focus on adjustments to mandatory spending programs marks a strategic shift from Boehner’s previous demand for a dollar in spending cuts for every dollar in new debt. The dollar-for-dollar rule was meant to produce immediate savings and reduce the short-term deficit. But now, thanks to sequestration, discretionary spending has been slashed to the point where even conservatives say there aren't significant savings to be found. "Dollar for dollar is difficult," Price said. "The discretionary spending itself is $1 trillion a year, and if you're running a $1 trillion deficit annually, it's tough to find the savings solely in discretionary spending to match the increase in debt-limit."
|
National Journal July 7th [2013 “House Republicans Draft Their Debt-Ceiling Playbook”
|
BOEHNER’S DOLLAR-FOR-DOLLAR RULE IS OUT The rule was meant to produce immediate savings But now, thanks to sequestration, discretionary spending has been slashed to the point where even conservatives say there aren't significant savings to be found.
|
Even Republicans admit that demanding further cuts in exchange for debt ceiling is impossible
| 748 | 93 | 249 | 114 | 14 | 37 | 0.122807 | 0.324561 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,415 |
Washington's policy makers could still hit a triple bank shot and reach a big budget agreement later this year. Or the whole thing could end in an epic fiasco: They don't raise the debt ceiling and Treasury runs out of enough money to pay all its bills, causing turmoil in financial markets and damage to the economy. A third possibility is Washington does what it does best and cobbles together a small deal, punting the tough decisions until later. Here is how each scenario could play out: Triple bank shot. The White House's chief of staff, Denis McDonough, and its budget director, Sylvia Mathews Burwell, continue reaching out to Senate Democrats and Republicans to see which tax and spending changes could be part of a large-scale budget deal. House Republican leaders continue to rethink their 2011 debt-ceiling strategy, in which they demanded spending cuts in exchange for a vote to increase the borrowing limit. They rebrand the GOP economic platform, focusing more on growth and less on austerity measures. Budget negotiations intensify in the early fall, and the two sides agree to a large package including some sort of "tax reform" that enables both parties to claim victory. They make changes to the Medicare and Social Security programs that go far enough to win Republican support but not too far for most Democrats. Chance of this happening: 10% Epic fiasco. The immigration fight turns ugly, poisoning the well for any compromise. The White House gives up trying to broker a big budget agreement, assuming Capitol Hill will come up with some short-term fix. Meanwhile, President Barack Obama knows he has a limited amount of political capital left and doesn't want to use it on more deficit-reduction talks. The liberal wing of the Senate digs in and says it won't accept a bipartisan compromise, believing that there is little need for cuts to Medicare given estimates that the program's finances have improved slightly. Perhaps this wing grows larger than the White House thought was possible. Conservative House and Senate Republicans say they won't agree to any deal that could raise taxes. They insist that any debt-ceiling increase include a repeal of Mr. Obama's signature health law. House GOP support never jells around a specific proposal. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R., Ky.), who is up for re-election in 2014, stays on the sidelines. Business leaders refuse to get involved, still stung by the failure of their efforts to push for a big budget deal late last year during the fiscal-cliff fracas. The situation begins to resemble a pop fly into shallow center field where two outfielders and an infielder converge, and then retreat thinking the ball will be caught by someone else. The ball drops in between them all, the markets crash, and frantic finger pointing ensues. Chance of this happening: 25% Punt. The White House says it won't negotiate but also doesn't want a politically created financial crisis to derail Mr. Obama's second-term agenda. Some Senate Democrats, particularly those facing re-election in 2014, decide they need something to show for a vote to raise the debt ceiling, which could be used in campaign ads against them. They propose midsize deficit reductions, via spending cuts and tax changes, that reduce the deficit by roughly $500 billion over 10 years. Mr. Boehner persuades many rank-and-file House Republicans not to risk taking a stand that could lead to a stock-market plunge, worried that a negative reaction could harm them at the ballot in 2014. They offer their own proposed budget changes but avoid politically charged issues like the health law. Negotiations go down to the wire—both sides must look like they are holding out for the best possible deal—but the House proposal is similar enough to the Senate plan that Democrats and Republicans hash out a compromise that raises the debt ceiling $500 billion or so. Then they revisit the whole issue again sometime in 2014 or 2015. Chance of this happening: 65%
|
Wall Street Journal June 30th [2013 “How Next Debt-Ceiling Fight Could Play Out”
|
Washington's policy makers could reach a big budget agreement Or the whole thing could end in an epic fiasco: They don't raise the debt ceiling A third possibility Washington cobbles together a small deal, Here is how each scenario could play out: Triple bank shot Chance of happening: 10% Epic fiasco. 25% Punt Negotiations go down to the wire— but the House proposal is similar enough to the Senate plan that Democrats and Republicans hash out a compromise Chance of happening: 65%
|
Debt ceiling raise likely but not certain
| 3,995 | 41 | 483 | 660 | 7 | 82 | 0.010606 | 0.124242 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,416 |
Although federal budget deficits are on the wane, Republicans in Congress are still playing politics with the debt ceiling. House Speaker John Boehner (R-OH) has demanded[1] additional spending cuts as a condition for another debt ceiling increase. Are we really on the road to another debt ceiling crisis? How serious is this? One of the best sources of insight into the thinking of those who will face this decision can be found in Bob Woodward's book, The Price of Politics, which provided a behind-the-scenes account of the debt ceiling crisis in 2011. That crisis may seem like a long time ago. But while the year was different, the players were the same and the stakes were just as high. According to Woodward's account: Bruce Reed, Biden's chief of staff, thought it felt like a modern-day Cuban Missile Crisis. But instead of the fate of the planet being at stake, it was the fate of the economy. It was harrowing. Reed, a Rhodes Scholar, former chief domestic advisor to President Clinton, and executive director of the Simpson-Bowles fiscal commission, was soft-spoken and known for his calmness. But he wasn't calm this day. They didn't dare tell anyone on the outside how bad it looked, he concluded, but it looked pretty bad. He felt they were staring into the abyss with no idea what the outcome might be. A task force was created at the Treasury Department to work out how a default would work. They called it the "Armageddon Project." Despite the stakes, President Obama felt like he was being pulled in two directions. Even at great political cost, he was going to have to be responsible, be the adult. There was the chance that the economy would go under. If that happened, it would be on his head. The Republicans would bear some responsibility, but the headlines and the history books would record unambiguously that the economy sank during the Obama presidency. [White House advisor David] Plouffe had been sitting in on the pre-briefs. There was no more important business. He agreed with the president's constant assertion, "We can't default." But the president's instincts to be the "responsible adult" ran in two directions. The issue was not just about the economics, it was also about the presidency. After weighing his decision, the president met with his budget and economic team in the Oval Office on July 13, 2011 and told them unequivocally that he would not buckle under a debt limit threat. "I want you to understand, I am not going to do it. This is altering the presidency. I am not going to take a short-term extension, no matter what. I want everyone to understand it, and I want it to be in all your body language when you talk. Because you need to understand: I have made a decision. I am not going to do this." People, Republicans, anyone can criticize us, he said, they can fight, they can shut down the government. He would not permit the Republicans or anyone else to hold the creditworthiness of the United States hostage, to threaten to put the country into default as a budget or political tactic. "I am not going to do it. This hurts the presidency." Obama knew that if he gave in, Republicans would keep using the tactic again and again. It would not end until he brought it to an end. When the final deal was struck on the Budget Control Act that year, Obama turned to his White House staff and told them, "We're not going to negotiate on the debt limit ever again." The president's hard line seemed to pay dividends early this year when, faced with another debt ceiling standoff, Boehner decided to shuffle the deck[2], shifting the fight to sequestration and the possibility of a government shutdown. Despite this decision, however, the fight may not be over. The reason? Former Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner had insights about this from the fight in 2011. According to Woodward, Geithner felt that too many members of Congress do not fear a crisis, they want one. Republicans, Geithner said, some in the Senate and many in the House, did not understand the risk of default. Some of these people talked openly and publicly about how a default was the only way to get Washington to change, and how a downgrade in the nation's credit would be good. On the one hand, Geithner knew from his contacts on Wall Street that Boehner himself was not willing to go that far. As the former New York Fed president and current treasury secretary, he had direct pipelines to Wall Street. The current masters of the universe there reported to him that Boehner was making calls to reassure the markets--and the Republicans' growing campaign base--that everything was going to be fine. "Boehner was calling New York," Geithner reported to his senior staff. "They were calling all the guys in New York who were f--king tearing their hair out saying, 'Don't worry, it's just a bunch of politics. We're not going to take it to the edge, and we're not going to default.'" On the other hand, Boehner did not control his caucus. "Get your ass in line," Boehner told them in a closed-door meeting before an important budget vote that year. "I didn't put my neck on the line and go toe-to-toe with Obama to not have an army behind me." But his troops did not listen and Boehner had to pull the bill. When the Budget Control Act finally passed the House, it needed support from Democrats to cross the finish line. Boehner's weak hold on his own caucus became most apparent last December when his caucus refused to back his plan to avert the fiscal cliff, dubbed 'Plan B.' Embarrassed, he pulled that bill from the floor, too, and has retreated from direct negotiations with the president on the budget ever since.
|
The Fine Print June 12th [2013 “Playing with Armageddon: The Politics of the Debt Ceiling”]
|
Republicans in Congress are still playing politics with the debt ceiling. has demanded[1] additional spending cuts as a condition for another debt ceiling increase. while the year was different, the players were the same and the stakes were just as high the fight may not be over. too many members of Congress do not fear a crisis, they want one. Republicans , did not understand the risk of default. , Boehner did not control his caucus. Boehner's weak hold became most apparent last December when his caucus refused to avert the fiscal cliff
|
Debt ceiling crisis is still possible—Republicans don’t care about default
| 5,640 | 74 | 543 | 984 | 10 | 93 | 0.010163 | 0.094512 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,417 |
When lawmakers return to the Capitol in September, they will be facing another financial crisis as they debate raising the country's debt ceiling. The four- to six-week countdown toward extreme limitations on government payments to Social Security or military operations will do two things: It will suck all the life out of any deliberative legislative effort, immigration included, and it will polarize the political parties. It will be far from fertile ground for the biggest immigration overhaul in 30 years.
|
National Journal June 23rd [2013 “Time's Up. Immigration Won't Pass This Year”]
|
When lawmakers return to the Capitol , they will debate raising the country's debt ceiling It will suck all the life out of any deliberative legislative effort, immigration included,
|
Debt ceiling trumps everything else, including immigration
| 511 | 58 | 182 | 80 | 7 | 29 | 0.0875 | 0.3625 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,418 |
Separately, Republicans and Democrats on the Senate Finance Committee met behind closed doors with Treasury Secretary Jack Lew about whether there should be conditions tied to boosting the U.S. debt limit. But the two sides remain at an impasse on how to proceed on that hugely controversial issue. The Treasury Department expects to hit the borrowing limit in October.
|
Politico June 10th [2013 “D.C. fall: Shutdown, debt ceiling fight”]
|
The Treasury Department expects to hit the borrowing limit in October
|
Debt ceiling limit coming in October
| 369 | 36 | 69 | 59 | 6 | 11 | 0.101695 | 0.186441 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,419 |
Now we are at a pivotal point that will determine whether Congress breaks out of the dysfunctional pattern of political standoffs that has taken the place of deliberative budgeting over the past few years. The House and Senate both passed budget resolutions in March, and President Obama presented his budget proposal to Congress in April. All that remains to reach a budget agreement for the upcoming fiscal year is for congressional leaders to appoint a Conference Committee and start the hard work of negotiation. Unfortunately, after months of criticizing the Senate for not producing a budget proposal, Speaker Boehner is refusing to work out differences between the chambers and refusing to negotiate with President Obama. He believes his party-s agenda is better served by allowing the "sequester" to take effect, and leveraging concessions this fall when the country drifts back to the brink of default as the debt ceiling is reached.
|
Huffman June 11th [Jared, Democratic Rep from California, “Straight Talk on America-s Budget” Congressional Documents and Publications]
|
Now we are at a pivotal point that will determine whether Congress breaks out of the dysfunctional pattern of political standoffs Unfortunately, Boehner is leveraging concessions this fall when the country drifts back to the brink of default as the debt ceiling is reached
|
Now is the key time for debt ceiling negotiations—We’re on the brink of default
| 942 | 79 | 272 | 151 | 14 | 44 | 0.092715 | 0.291391 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,420 |
There are two widely discussed scenarios that could unfold in Washington this summer. The first, embraced by the White House and some Democrats, is upbeat: The immigration bill passes the Senate with a big margin, making it almost impossible for House Republicans to resist; more people start signing up for President Barack Obama’s health care law, and even though no fiscal grand bargain is in the offing, an improving economy gives the president a stronger hand in dealing with Republicans on extending the debt ceiling and spending bills. The so-called scandals recede: It becomes clear there was no political interference with the Internal Revenue Service, and the other controversies don’t resonate. The Middle East is still a cauldron, but it hasn’t gotten worse and the administration’s pivot to Asia seems sensible. The second sequence of events, foreseen by many Republicans and a few Democrats, is more dire: The once bright hopes for an immigration bill this year slip amid the usual petty partisanship; all other legislation and appointments are stalled, and an ugly fight over the debt limit rattles markets and hampers the economy. Interest in the health care exchanges remains lackadaisical as insurance premiums increase in anticipation of the law taking effect. An investigation by the Justice Department of the I.R.S. controversy lacks credibility, and the scandal persists. In Syria and Iran, either the United States becomes embroiled in dangerous confrontations or Mr. Obama is seen as a feckless wimp. Republicans are licking their chops about winning control of the Senate next year and increasing their majority in the House, making the final Obama years a nightmare of recrimination, investigations and veto fights. Mr. Obama, who prides himself on taking the long view and not getting caught up in the passions of the moment, rejects the notion of such make-or-break moments. Only a little more than 10 percent of the second term is complete. Yet it isn’t unusual to establish a framework for success or failure of U.S. presidencies by the end of the first summer of the second term. Eight years ago, George W. Bush’s high post-re-election hopes were dashed by Labor Day after an ill-considered effort to overhaul Social Security, a botched response to Hurricane Katrina and an increasingly discredited war in Iraq. Two decades earlier, Ronald Reagan, despite the subsequent Iran-Contra debacle, set the benchmark for success: He was guided by Treasury Secretary James A. Baker 3d on the domestic front, and a sweeping tax overhaul measure was on course. In foreign policy, Secretary of State George P. Schultz, working privately with Nancy Reagan, was taking control of a more measured, less bellicose approach. There are, to be sure, events that could change the dynamics of the final three years: a real scandal, a war or terrorist act, or a national tragedy that rallies the public. Nevertheless, if the bad-case scenario plays out, it’s hard to see how the president recovers momentum. Alternatively, if he is able to make progress in enacting two of the most significant domestic achievements in years — health care and immigration reform — while presiding over an economy recovering from the worst crisis since the Depression and the ending of two wars, the question might be: Which coin or dollar denomination will eventually bear his likeness? In general, there’s not that much Mr. Obama can do this summer to affect the outcome. The administration has been slow in the critical task of enlisting people to sign up for the health exchanges. Ultimately, success will depend on the psychology of healthy young people, whether they see a perceived need for health insurance. On immigration, success or failure largely rests with inside calculations on Capitol Hill. There also isn’t much in the president’s toolbox to improve the economy. Congressional Republicans are interested only in thwarting Mr. Obama. What matters are the Federal Reserve and consumer confidence. The president has much more latitude on foreign affairs, although there is little indication so far of any clear policy. It may be that on all these issues, he comes out even, doing better in some, less well in others. It’s just as likely that the next three months will be either be Mr. Obama’s seminal season or his summer of discontent.
|
New York Times June 23rd [2013 “2 Alternatives for Obama's Summer”
|
There are two widely discussed scenarios that could unfold this summer. The first, is upbeat an improving economy gives the president a stronger hand in dealing with Republicans on extending the debt ceiling The second sequence of events an ugly fight over the debt limit rattles markets and hampers the economy. it isn’t unusual to establish a framework for success or failure of U.S. presidencies by the end of the first summer of the second term. the next three months will be either be Mr. Obama’s seminal season or his summer of discontent
|
Summer politics determines Obama’s future success over the debt ceiling
| 4,343 | 71 | 544 | 705 | 10 | 93 | 0.014184 | 0.131915 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,421 |
The president's personal outreach comes alongside substantive policy outreach as well. The White House publicly released a detailed planof spending cuts, revenue increases and entitlement reforms that include Social Security savings estimated at $130 billion, and more means testing for Medicare health care for the elderly - proposals that infuriate liberal congressmen. Now the question is whether Republicans will agree to close some tax loopholes to raise revenue at the risk of angering their activist class - or risk compounding their reputation for recalcitrance. With another dumb debt ceiling fight looming in May, now is the time for the president to use his re-election political capital to push for resolution. The passage of other ambitious but achievable priorities, including immigration reform, hangs in the balance. The basic fact of divided government means that compromise is required. All politics is personal and at the end of the day, in a representative democracy, decisions are made by people in a room. But the poisonous atmosphere of hyper-partisanship has made reasoning together more difficult, despite significant areas of policy overlap. That's why President Obama's renewed personal diplomacy to Republicans matters - real outreach from the bully pulpit can help break through the groupthink gridlock that is holding America's recovery hostage.
|
The Telegraph 2013 [3/19 “lamb and lobster, and a mission to woo the Republicans”
|
The president's personal outreach comes alongside substantive policy outreach With another debt ceiling fight looming now is the time for the president to use his re-election political capital to push for resolution All politics is personal President Obama's renewed personal diplomacy to Republicans matters - real outreach from the bully pulpit can help break through the groupthink gridlock
|
Obama political capital key getting debt ceiling raise
| 1,375 | 54 | 393 | 207 | 8 | 58 | 0.038647 | 0.280193 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,422 |
But there are big risks with both approaches. The political capital of re-elected presidents is often more limited than they think. If the President is too combative, he risks squandering his capital by putting off independent voters and his more centrist supporters. The glaring omission from most of the previews is deficits. If Obama doesn't make an overture here, Republicans aren't likely to vote for other initiatives they find unappealing - such as new taxes in place of some automatic budget cuts. Most House Republicans, with comfortable majorities in partisan districts, aren't susceptible to the presidential bully pulpit. Republicans may be open to a deal on budgets, University of Akron political scientist John Green argues. But Obama will need to offer larger future spending cuts in exchange for, say, closing tax lurks and spending more money to try to boost jobs and growth now. For the President, there's the chance of a long-term debt-ceiling extension if he meets some of the Republicans' demands. That would be valuable. The Republicans took the debt ceilingoff the table for a few months to allow more time for talks. But they can bring it back later if they don't like what they see in the coming weeks.
|
Australian Financial Review 2013 [2/13 “Speech is political skills test”]
|
The political capital of re-elected presidents is often more limited than they think. If the President is too combative, he risks squandering his capital For the President, there's the chance of a long-term debt-ceiling extension if he meets some of the Republicans' demands
|
Obama has finite political capital—He’ll have to save it to raise the debt ceiling
| 1,227 | 83 | 274 | 203 | 14 | 43 | 0.068966 | 0.211823 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,423 |
Instead, the White House had to battle House Republicans in two seemingly avoidable crises - the debt ceiling in 2011 and the fiscal cliff in 2012. In both cases, the White House ended up as the nominal winner, but the administration had to spend a lot of political capital to do it.
|
Tampa Bay Times 2013 [2/17 “BLAMING OR CREDITING OBAMA FOR ECONOMY AMOUNTS TO GUESSWORK”
If you're grading Obama's performance, it's important to note that he could only do so much with the House in Republican hands. His ideas were often non-starters with the Republican-controlled House - and likewise, the Republican ideas were stymied by Obama and the Democrats who controlled the Senate.
|
the White House had to battle House Republicans in two seemingly avoidable crises - the debt ceiling in 2011 the White House ended up as the nominal winner, but the administration had to spend a lot of political capital to do it
|
Empirically Obama political capital key to raising debt ceiling
| 283 | 63 | 228 | 52 | 9 | 42 | 0.173077 | 0.807692 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,424 |
Step One: we need to break the grip of conservative austerity policies.
Cong. John Conyers and colleagues have introduced a simple bill[4] that would get rid of the sequester. Conservative economists a Macroeconomic Advisers estimate that would prevent the eradication of at least 700,000 jobs and allow the economy to grow by close to 1 percentage point faster. So, let's convince Congress to act[5]. Another debt ceiling fight is looming. President Obama has promised that this time (in September or October), he won't give in to conservatives demands for job-killing conditions. Let's back him up: No more damage to our fragile recovery.
|
The Huffington Post July 7th [2013 “Austerity Discredited, Not Defeated. Time to Fight for Jobs and Growth”
|
we need to break the grip of conservative austerity policies Another debt ceiling fight is looming. Obama has promised that this time he won't give in to conservatives demands for job-killing conditions
|
Obama needs to stand up to conservatives to get debt ceiling raised
| 640 | 67 | 202 | 102 | 12 | 32 | 0.117647 | 0.313725 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,425 |
On the matter of the debt ceiling, House Speaker John Boehner said Thursday in an interview with CNBC that President Barack Obama will have to negotiate with Republicans on increasing the debt ceiling, despite Obama's protestations that he will never negotiate again over the debt ceiling. "Get over it," Boehner said in reference to the president's debt ceiling stance. Obama has said he is willing to discuss additional deficit reduction, but only in a separate negotiation. Bixby said Obama's insistence the debt ceiling be discussed separately from deficit reduction is largely a semantic distinction. "You can say the two negotiations are separate if you want. Or you can say you're not really negotiating. But the fact is the president and Congress need to find an accommodation on the debt ceiling. I think that's a negotiation," Bixby said.
|
The Main Wire June 21st [2013 “US Budget Week: GOP Farm Bill Chaos Is Bad Omen For Debt Hike”]
|
Obama will have to negotiate with Republicans on increasing the debt ceiling, despite Obama's protestations that he will never negotiate Obama's insistence is largely a semantic distinction. You can say the two negotiations are separate if you want But the president and Congress need to find an accommodation that's a negotiation
|
Obama will inevitably have to negotiate over the debt ceiling
| 848 | 61 | 330 | 137 | 10 | 51 | 0.072993 | 0.372263 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,426 |
BOEHNER WARNS OF ANOTHER DEBT CEILING SHOWDOWN - Jen Bendery: "House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio) said Thursday that he would negotiate a debt-ceiling increase with spending cuts, potentially setting up another fight with President Barack Obama and congressional Democrats. 'Well, you know, I could say the sun's not going to come up tomorrow, but guess what? It is. So the president can say, "I'm not going to negotiate on the debt limit." Get over it,' he told CNBC, in an interview scheduled to air later Thursday. 'We're spending more money than what we're bringing in. We have to deal with this problem. And if we're going to raise the debt limit then we've got to do something about what's causing us to spend more money than what we bring in.' 'So guess what? We're going to have a debate and we're going to have a negotiation,' said Boehner." [HuffPost[3]]
|
The Huffington Post June 20th [2013 “HUFFPOST HILL - Let Them Buy Their Own Cake”]
|
BOEHNER WARNS OF ANOTHER DEBT CEILING SHOWDOWN - he would negotiate a debt-ceiling increase with spending cuts, potentially setting up another fight with Obama the president can say, "I'm not going to negotiate on the debt limit." Get over it,' We're going to have a debate and we're going to have a negotiation,
|
Obama and Boehner will inevitably have a showdown over the debt ceiling
| 865 | 71 | 312 | 149 | 12 | 53 | 0.080537 | 0.355705 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,427 |
Now, it’s an even easier lift. Reforming the electronic communications law allows legislators to check the privacy box without wading into the intelligence debate. Rank-and-file lawmakers have recognized this — and want a piece. A House companion to the Leahy-Lee reform bill — introduced by GOP Reps. Kevin Yoder of Kansas and Tom Graves of Georgia — has more than 100 co-sponsors, 22 of whom came after the first NSA disclosures. “Everyone’s hearing about it from their constituents from home, and so they want to have legislation they can sign on to respond to it,” Yoder said. That’s if they can move the bill forward. The Senate, in particular, needs to figure out how to handle civil agencies that don’t have the authority to secure a warrant. They fear the requirement would crush their investigative capabilities. And in the House, it comes down to time. Reforms face a legislative calendar already jammed with immigration legislation and a debt ceiling debate.
|
Politico July 8th [2013 “NSA backlash hits privacy legislation”]
|
in the House, it comes down to time. Reforms face a legislative calendar already jammed with immigration legislation and a debt ceiling debate
|
The House calendar is filled—It can’t handle any issues beyond debt ceiling and immigration
| 969 | 92 | 142 | 160 | 14 | 23 | 0.0875 | 0.14375 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,428 |
Representative Gerald Connolly, a Virginia Democrat, said he sees the measures most likely to pass this year -- farm legislation, a debt-limit increase, an annual bill to reauthorize defense programs and perhaps immigration -- as small items considering that Americans are still struggling in a slow economy. Even less will probably get done next year as midterm elections loom, he said. “That’s close to the agenda for the rest of the year,” Connolly said in an interview. “There’s so much not addressed, in terms of jobs and infrastructure and dealing with sequestration,” he said, referring to automatic budget cuts that kicked in earlier this year.
|
Bloomberg News July 7th [2013 “Vilified U.S. Congress Shows Few Signs of Ending Gridlock”]
|
he sees the measures most likely to pass this year -- farm legislation, a debt-limit increase, an annual bill to reauthorize defense programs and perhaps immigration as small items That’s close to the agenda for the rest of the year
|
Agenda already filled for the next year with debt ceiling and immigration
| 652 | 73 | 232 | 105 | 12 | 40 | 0.114286 | 0.380952 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,429 |
Page Content The debt limit is the total amount of money that the United States government is authorized to borrow to meet its existing legal obligations, including Social Security and Medicare benefits, military salaries, interest on the national debt, tax refunds, and other payments. The debt limit does not authorize new spending commitments. It simply allows the government to finance existing legal obligations that Congresses and presidents of both parties have made in the past. Failing to increase the debt limit would have catastrophic economic consequences. It would cause the government to default on its legal obligations – an unprecedented event in American history. That would precipitate another financial crisis and threaten the jobs and savings of everyday Americans – putting the United States right back in a deep economic hole, just as the country is recovering from the recent recession. Congress has always acted when called upon to raise the debt limit. Since 1960, Congress has acted 78 separate times to permanently raise, temporarily extend, or revise the definition of the debt limit – 49 times under Republican presidents and 29 times under Democratic presidents. In the coming weeks, Congress must act to increase the debt limit. Congressional leaders in both parties have recognized that this is necessary. Recently, however, a number of myths about this issue have begun to surface.
|
US Department of the Treasury, 6/26/2013 ["Debt Limit", http://www.treasury.gov/initiatives/pages/debtlimit.aspx]
|
Failing to increase the debt limit would have catastrophic economic consequences. It would cause the government to default on its legal obligations – an unprecedented event in American history. That would precipitate another financial crisis and threaten the jobs and savings of everyday Americans – putting the United States right back in a deep economic hole, just as the country is recovering from the recent recession. Congress has always acted when called upon to raise the debt limit. Since 1960, Congress has acted 78 separate times to permanently raise, temporarily extend, or revise the definition of the debt limit – 49 times under Republican presidents and 29 times under Democratic presidents. Congress must act to increase the debt limit leaders in both parties have recognized that this is necessary.
|
Refusal to increase debt limit leads to economic collapse, history proves Congress has always acted in the past.
| 1,414 | 112 | 814 | 222 | 18 | 129 | 0.081081 | 0.581081 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,430 |
What happens if no deal is reached? Nothing short of economic catastrophe, according to the administration and most economists. Though it's impossible to say exactly how a breach of the debt ceiling - something that has never occurred - will play out, lack of action could mean the U.S. dollar loses its "dominant role in the international financial system," as Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner has put it, as the failure of the nation to meet its obligations prompts the world's creditors to seek alternatives to U.S. debt. If the U.S. defaults to its creditors it could create worldwide economic chaos as U.S. Treasuries - long considered the safest bet there is, and thus held by governments worldwide - suddenly become less attractive. Some in Congress say the nation could potentially avoid default by prioritizing payments to creditors like China once it can no longer borrow money. But that would mean some extremely painful choices, such as suspending pay for military personnel, cutting off Social Security checks and/or many other seemingly unthinkable options. Not only is that politically untenable, the administration and many economist consider it default by another name.
|
Montopoli 11 – Political analyst for CBS ( 7/12/11, Brian, “The debt limit fight: A primer” http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-503544_162-20078566-503544.html,bs)
|
What happens if no deal is reached? Nothing short of economic catastrophe Though it's impossible to say exactly how a breach of the debt ceiling - something that has never occurred - will play out, lack of action could mean the U.S. dollar loses its "dominant role in the international financial system as the failure of the nation to meet its obligations prompts the world's creditors to seek alternatives to U.S. debt. If the U.S. defaults to its creditors it could create worldwide economic chaos as U.S. Treasuries - long considered the safest bet there is, and thus held by governments worldwide - suddenly become less attractive. Som in Congress say the nation could potentially avoid default by prioritizing payments to creditors like China once it can no longer borrow money cutting off Social Security checks and/or many other seemingly unthinkable options. Not only is that politically untenable, the administration and many economist consider it default by another name.
|
Failure to pass the debt ceiling will be catastrophic
| 1,189 | 54 | 981 | 189 | 9 | 159 | 0.047619 | 0.84127 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,431 |
In just seven weeks, America could run out of borrowed money. Exactly one month ago, the Treasury Department began issuing IOUs rather than bonds to some government pension funds. That allowed for continued auctions of so-called "risk-free" Treasury bonds until Aug. 2. Unless Congress acts by then, the world's richest nation — unable to borrow $4 billion a day to pay its bills — would risk default. Or would it? To hear Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner tell it, interest rates would spike, stock and home values would sink, savings and investment would dry up, jobs would disappear, businesses would fail, and everything from tax refunds to troops' salaries would go unpaid. Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke says it would lead to "severe disruptions" in financial markets, lower credit ratings and damage to the dollar and Treasury securities. The centrist Democratic think tank Third Way claims the gyrations in labor, financial and stock markets would cost 642,500 jobs, add $19,175 to every mortgage in process and lop $8,816 from the typical 401(k) account. Others say the doomsday scenarios are hogwash. Sen. Pat Toomey, R-Pa., says it would take a simple law laying out who gets paid first when the government no longer can borrow 41 cents of each dollar it spends. As long as bond holders collect interest on time, he says, there would be no default — just "sudden, drastic spending cuts" such as furloughing federal workers or delaying welfare payments. Virtually no one expects this to happen, but the White House and Congress haven't yet found a way to avoid it. During the past six months, Washington has faced partisan showdowns over tax cuts, then spending cuts. Now comes the need to increase the government's $14.3 trillion debt limit — the amount of money it can owe creditors ranging from China to the Social Security Trust Fund. The ceiling was reached May 16, and only action by a reluctant Congress can raise it. The federal government relies on borrowed money like a fish needs water. Threaten to take it away, and you risk a global crisis with economic, political, diplomatic and even moral implications.
|
Wolf 6/16/11 (Richard, political analyst for USA Today, Debate over U.S. debt limit is going down to the wire, http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2011-06-15-debt-limit-debate_n.htm?csp=34news, MM)
|
In just seven weeks, America could run out of borrowed money. Exactly one month ago, the Treasury Department began issuing IOUs rather than bonds to some government pension funds. That allowed for continued auctions of so-called "risk-free" Treasury bonds until Aug. 2. Unless Congress acts by then, the world's richest nation interest rates would spike, stock and home values would sink, savings and investment would dry up, jobs would disappear, businesses would fail, and everything from tax refunds to troops' salaries would go unpaid. it would lead to "severe disruptions" in financial markets, lower credit ratings and damage to the dollar and Treasury securities the White House and Congress haven't yet found a way to avoid it During the past six months, Washington has faced partisan showdowns over tax cuts, then spending cuts. Now comes the need to increase the government's $14.3 trillion debt limit — the amount of money it can owe creditors ranging from China to the S S T F The ceiling was reached May 16, and only action by a reluctant Congress can raise it. The federal government relies on borrowed money like a fish needs water. Threaten to take it away, and you risk a global crisis with economic, political, diplomatic and even moral implications.
|
Debt Ceiling key to the global economy
| 2,137 | 38 | 1,268 | 355 | 7 | 210 | 0.019718 | 0.591549 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,432 |
The US is fast approaching its debt ceiling of US $14.29trillion (S $17.7trillion), and only Congress can raise this limit. A failure to do so would lead to Washington defaulting on some of its obligations, an event that could trigger a financial crisis worse than the one in 2008. On top of these policy dilemmas, there are also concerns about how the ongoing unrest in the Middle East and the disasters in Japan will impact economic growth going ahead. 'A very important theme in our discussions (involved) developing the Fund's ability to anticipate crises, and member countries' ability to collaborate in trying to avoid or reduce prospects of the next crisis,' Mr Tharman noted. 'We have seen in the last two years that nothing is isolated. The risks in one region, one sphere can rapidly be transmitted to the rest of the world.'
|
Chin Hon 4/18 (Chau, US Bureau Chief, The Straits Times “IMF must be on high alert to ward off major crisis: Tharman; World economy still fragile and significant risks remain, he says” Lexis)
|
Washington defaulting on obligations could trigger a financial crisis worse than the one in 2008 On top of these policy dilemmas, there are also concerns about how the ongoing unrest in the Middle East and the disasters in Japan will impact economic growth going ahead developing the Fund's ability to anticipate crises, and member countries' ability to collaborate in trying to avoid or reduce prospects of the next crisis nothing is isolated. The risks in one region, one sphere can rapidly be transmitted to the rest of the world.'
|
Freeze in the economy will spillover worldwide
| 835 | 46 | 534 | 143 | 7 | 89 | 0.048951 | 0.622378 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,433 |
Conservative strategists are warning that the GOP should not push the debt ceiling debate too close to the breaking point. “If there is a vote on raising the debt ceiling and it fails, there will be a significant market reaction,” said Tony Fratto, a former Treasury and White House official in the Bush administration. “Investors already believe that Congress doesn’t understand the financial markets. A failure to raise the debt ceiling will confirm this to them." If the markets get spooked, U.S. treasury bond yields will spike, driving up interest rates and increasing the price of borrowing money for everyone from the federal government to municipalities to consumers, Fratto warned. The cascading effects on the economy would be severe and long-lasting. The negative market reaction would "come quickly,” Fratto said. “I think you can virtually guarantee that, and I hear it from everyone that I talk to in the markets, here and abroad.” He added, “I’m uncomfortable about the number of [Congress] members who don’t seem to understand that.” But the market’s reaction to any debt vote will depend on what expectations are set by political actors in Washington, cautions Doug Holtz-Eakin, a former top adviser to Sen. John McCain’s (R-Ariz.) 2008 presidential campaign.
|
Ward 4/22/2011 - Jon, senior political reporter, was Washington Correspondent for The Daily. He was previously White House Correspondent for The Daily Caller (Conservative Strategists Warn GOP About Economic Risks Of Pushing Debt Ceiling Debate Too Far, Huffington Post, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/04/22/conservative-debt-ceiling-debate_n_852718.html)
|
the GOP should not push the debt ceiling debate too close to the breaking point Investors already believe that Congress doesn’t understand the financial markets. A failure to raise the debt ceiling will confirm this to them. The cascading effects on the economy would be severe and long-lasting. The negative market reaction would "come quickly, .
|
Impact will happen quick – based off investor perception
| 1,276 | 56 | 347 | 204 | 9 | 56 | 0.044118 | 0.27451 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,434 |
Most economists, including those in the White House and from former administrations, agree that the impact of a government default would be severe. Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke has labeled a U.S. default a "recovery-ending event" (WSJ) that would likely spark another financial crisis. But short of default, officials warn that legislative delays in raising the debt ceiling could also inflict significant harm on the U.S. economy. Geithner has argued that congressional gridlock will sow significant uncertainty in the bond markets and place upward pressure on interest rates. He warns that the increase would not only hike future borrowing costs of the federal government, but would also raise capital costs for struggling U.S. businesses and cash-strapped homebuyers. In addition, rising interest rates would divert future taxpayer money away from much-needed capital investments such as infrastructure, education, and health care. Estimates suggest that even an increase of twenty-five basis points on Treasury yields could cost taxpayers as much as $500 million more per month. Jamie Dimon, head of JP Morgan Chase & Co., cautioned against "playing chicken" with the debt cap, asserting that the consequences of inaction would start to accelerate in the weeks ahead of an actual default. He added that JP Morgan would take drastic precautionary measures "way ahead of time."
|
Masters 4/22/2011 - Jonathan, Associate Staff writer for the Council on Foreign Relations (U.S. Debt Ceiling: Costs and Consequences, Council on Foreign Relations, http://www.cfr.org/international-finance/us-debt-ceiling-costs-consequences/p24751)
|
Bernanke has labeled a U.S. default a "recovery-ending event that would likely spark another financial crisis. But short of default, officials warn that legislative delays in raising the debt ceiling could also inflict significant harm on the U.S. economy. congressional gridlock will sow significant uncertainty in markets rising interest rates would divert money away from much-needed capital investments such as infrastructure, education, and health care . the consequences of inaction would start to accelerate
|
Even if there’s no default the impacts will still occur
| 1,388 | 55 | 514 | 212 | 10 | 74 | 0.04717 | 0.349057 |
Politics Core - UTNIF 2013.html5
|
Texas (UTNIF)
|
Disadvantages
|
2013
|
2,435 |
Thomas Hobbes published Leviathan in l65l, beginning modem English discourse concerning the state. Hobbes' state consisted of the "Soveraigne" and the "Subject" in a dominion (l968:228). I accept this Hobbesian notion of a state as a sovereign government and a subject civil society, and my concern in the present article is to introduce an approach that helps to explain the emergence of the modem version of this Leviathan. So, in a sense, I tell a whale of a story, but do so using the logical approach introduced below. The "logics" of what I call the new social anthropology. as opposed to those of mathematics, concern directions taken as a result of complex actions, with it understood that "complexes" are groups of institutions in which force is concentrated' There have been logics of "capital accumulation" that move in the direction of increasing and concentrating capital force in capitalist complexes. There have also been logics of "predatory accumulation" that move in the direction of increasing and concentrating violent force within government complexes. Scholars have recognized that changes internal to Atlantic European states"˜ capitalist complexes increased their capital accumulation and were influential in the emergence of the modem state. Few scholars have contemplated any such role for predatory accumulation. and systematic analysis of the relationships between the two logics in the making of the Leviathan has been virtually ignored. I argue in this article thata military-capitalist complex, based upon two mutually reinforcing logics of predatory and capital accumulation. contributed to the formation of the modern state because the complex allowed the reciprocating logics to produce more violent and capital force than was possible when they operated alone. 'Die military capitalist complex. then. might be imagined as a sort of structural steroid that bulked up stately whales into Hobbes' "great Leviathan." a creature with the forces of a "mortal God" ( l968:227) that-luckily for England-turned out by |763 to be England.
|
Reyna, Associate researcher at the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology 99 (Stephen P., Deadly Developments: Capitalism, States and War, Psychology Press, 1999, University of Michigan Libraries)//AS
|
my concern is to introduce an approach that helps to explain the emergence of the modem version of this Leviathan There have been logics of "capital accumulation" that move in the direction of increasing and concentrating capital force in capitalist complexes. There have also been logics of "predatory accumulation" that move in the direction of increasing and concentrating violent force within government complexes a military-capitalist complex, based upon two mutually reinforcing logics of predatory and capital accumulation. contributed to the formation of the modern state because the complex allowed the reciprocating logics to produce more violent and capital force than was possible when they operated alone
|
Empirics disprove—Iraq war was about oil-driven profit motive
| 2,063 | 61 | 717 | 317 | 8 | 106 | 0.025237 | 0.334385 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,436 |
Armed with their simple master narrative about the inexorable force of economic globalization, neoliberals famously hold that the global extension of free-market reforms will ultimately bring worldwide peace and prosperity. Like Modernity and Development before it, Globalization is thus narrated as the force that will lift the whole world out of poverty as more and more communities are integrated into the capitalist global economy. In the most idealist accounts, such as those of New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman (1999:xviii), the process of marketized liberalization is represented as an almost natural phenomenon which, “like the dawn,” we can appreciate or ignore, but not presume to stop. Observers and critics of neoliberalism as an emergent system of global hegemony, however, insist on noting the many ways in which states actively foster the conditions for global integration, directly or through international organizations such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Trade Organization (Gill 1995). Under what we are identifying as neoliberal geopolitics, there appears to have been a new development in these patterns of state-managed liberalization. The economic axioms of structural adjustment, fiscal austerity, and free trade have now, it seems, been augmented by the direct use of military force. At one level, this conjunction of capitalism and war-making is neither new nor surprising (cf Harvey 1985). Obviously, many wars—including most 19thand 20th-century imperial wars—have been fought over fundamentally economic concerns. Likewise, one only has to read the reflections of one of America’s “great” generals, Major General Smedley Butler, to get a powerful and resonant sense of the long history of economically inspired American militarism. “I served in all commissioned ranks from Second Lieutenant to Major General,” Butler wrote in his retirement, [a]nd during that period, I spent most of that time being a high-class muscle-man for Big Business, for Wall Street and for the Bankers. Neoliberal Geopolitics 887In short I was a racketeer, a gangster for capitalism. I suspected I was part of a racket at the time. Now I am sure of it. I helped make Honduras “right” for American fruit companies in 1903. I helped make Mexico, especially Tampico, safe for American oil interests in 1914. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenues in. I helped in the raping of half a dozen Central American republics for the benefit of Wall Street. The record of racketeering is long. I helped purify Nicaragua for the international banking house of Brown Brothers in 1909–1912. I brought light to the Dominican Republic for American sugar interests in 1916. In China I helped to see to it that Standard Oil went its way unmolested. (quoted in Ali 2002:260) If it was engaged in a kind of gangster capitalist interventionism at the previous fin-de-siècle, today’s American war-making has been undertaken in a much more open, systematic, globally ambitious, and quasicorporate economic style. Al Capone’s approach, has, as it were, given way to the new world order of Jack Welch.
|
Roberts and Sparke, Professors of geography at the Universities of, respectively, Kentucky and Washington 03 (Susan and Matthew, “Neoliberal Geopolitics”, Antipode 35:5, 2003, Wiley Online)//AS
|
Armed with their simple master narrative about the inexorable force of economic globalization neoliberals famously hold that the global extension of free-market reforms will ultimately bring worldwide peace and prosperity . Observers of neoliberalism as an emergent system of global hegemony, however, insist on noting the many ways in which states actively foster the conditions for global integration there appears to have been a new development in these patterns of state-managed liberalization. The economic axioms of structural adjustment, fiscal austerity, and free trade have now been augmented by the direct use of military force this conjunction of capitalism and war-making is neither new nor surprising today’s American war-making has been undertaken in a much more open, systematic, globally ambitious, and quasicorporate economic style
|
Neoliberal expansion is used to justify a new kind of modern war
| 3,180 | 64 | 848 | 500 | 12 | 123 | 0.024 | 0.246 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,437 |
(Henry, “Regional Perspectives...from Latin America : Social work in Latin America History, challenges and renewal,” International Social Work Vol 50.4, 560-64. Sage Publishing)//SG
Latin America1 has a long history of struggle for social justice and human rights. Recently, neo-liberal ideologies and globalization have spurred numerous acts of resistance across Latin American states. The neo-liberal agenda adopted by Latin America, also called capitalismo salvaje, or savage capitalism, has intensified the poverty and social instability in the region and led to the further marginalization and social exclusion of extensive populations(Renique, 2006: 37). Actions in Venezuela, Mexico, Argentina, Central America and Chile are among such responses against the intrusion of international global capital into Latin America (Grassi and Alayon, 2005; Mendoza, 2005). In this current context of resistance, social workers are struggling to define a role for their profession that is relevant to those with whom they work. This is not a new challenge for the social work pro- fession in Latin America, which has struggled to find a place for itself since the first school of social work was established in Chile in 1925.The current situation differs, however, in the prominence of social movements across the continent and particularly of indi- genous activists who, according to Landa (2005: 12), ‘have raised their own voice, clearly indicating that they do not need to be repre- sented by people outside their own communities’. This article exam- ines current attempts by the social work profession in Latin America to shift its practice from one that works on behalf of others and thereby represents their voice, to one that works alongside others who speak for themselves. The current context of resistanceThere are numerous examples of the ongoing social and political upheavals throughout Latin America against neo-liberalism and globalization. Mass mobilizations in Peru, Argentina, Bolivia, Ecua- dor and Mexico have made it clear that the Washington Consensus has been received with resistance(Ellner, 2006; Gindin, 2006; Mendoza, 2005; Saad-Filho, 2005a, 2005b). The indigenous peoples, particularly from Bolivia, Ecuador, Mexico and Peru have also challenged neo-liberalism. Indigenous identity is closely related to oppression, poverty and marginalization(Nash, 2006: 126). Accord- ingly,indigenous people have presented a strong front against neo- liberalism, arguing that its accompanying structural reforms have furthered their marginalization.Indigenous resistance to neo-liberal policies is clearly seen in Bolivia’s two recent popular mobilizations, namely, the water and gas rebellions.In 2000, indigenous Bolivians reacted to the privati- zation of water and the increase of household water bills by 200 per- cent. Then, in October 2003, they protested against the repressive regime of Sanchez De Lozada, especially his gas and oil policies, which provided generous benefits to foreign companies and little benefit to Bolivians(Hylton and Thomson, 2006: 161–72). In Bolivia, a country with a population in which 62 percent claim indi- genous identity, previous indigenous movements sought to establish alliances with unions and middle-class oppositional forces, but these relationships were tentative and temporary due to distrust and overt racism. In contrast, the October 2003 social mobilization ‘confirmed thatBolivia has entered a new revolutionary cycle in which indi- genous actors have taken the leading role’ (Hylton and Thomson, 2006: 161).Social movements, including the Bolivian rebellions, have affected the professional identity of Latin American social workers. Indigen- ous peoples, women, workers, students and other social groups have demanded to be part of the civil society from which they have been excluded for so long(Conway, 2004; Renique, 2006). They are asking that social work engage in a new relationship, one which includes political listening by academics and practitioners, as well as the development of social and political responses in the form of policies, advocacy and community participation. Social movement participants argue that social workers should be engaged in allowing the voices of the excluded to be heard by the privileged (Matus and Ponce de Leon, n.d.). The historical development of social work in Latin America Social work in Latin America has gone through four important per- iods or paradigm changes. The first involved the establishment of social work as discipline with its own knowledge, skills and prac- tices. There was a strong ‘philanthropic and moralizing . . . remedial’ tone in its practice (Aguerrebere, 2001: 22). This form of social work emphasized individualistic interventions and reflected North American social work practices. A strong positivistic paradigm influenced the training of social workers during this period, most of whom were educated at a technical level (Aguerrebere, 2001; Velez, 2003). The main goal during this period was to establish a legitimate space for social work to be recognized as a discipline that was useful to the state (Friedson, 1994). The second period was characterized by the attempt to integrate social science epistemology into social work, using a somewhat eclectic approach. Tremendous emphasis was placed on the use of the so-called scientific method and on the development of technical-methodological modes of social work practice. As a result, the gap between theory and practice widened. On the one hand, the development of social science objectives and methodolo- gies required that social work adopt some of these forms of knowl- edge. On the other hand, state institutional demands required that social work respond to different kinds of social problems, thereby creating a schism between theory and practice (Velez, 2003). The third period, also called the re-conceptualization movement, is the most extensively studied (Aguerrebere, 2001; Alayon, 2005; Dieguez, 2004; Grassi and Alayon, 2005; Mendoza, 2005). The re- conceptualization process was, in effect, a political reaction to the dissatisfaction with social work as it was taught in Latin American universities, and to the kind of social work practiced in state institu- tions (Aquin, 2005). Political events that influenced the development of this conceptual movement in Latin America included the students’ revolt in Paris in 1968, the Cuban revolution, and certain American political actions such as the Vietnam war and the failed attempts to invade Cuba by the Kennedy administration. Theoreti- cal influences included the theory of development, Marxism, Freire’s concientizacio ́n proposals and the theology of liberation (Alayon, 2005). Many social workers talked of a ‘re-conceptualized . . . a cri- tical . . . a dialectical . . . a Marxist social work practice’ (De Paula Faleiros, 2005: 57).Each country in Latin America experienced re-conceptualization differently, depending on the level to which social work had devel- oped as a discipline. A heterogeneous movement, it responded to national political circumstances experienced by social workers, social work academics and the general population. But they shared a strong reaction to North American influence, not only in social work but in all socio-economic aspects of Latin American life.One consequence of re-conceptualization was that social work as a discipline and as a profession was devalued, forcing many social workers to abandon it for other forms of political action. By and large, the desire of social workers to become politically engaged with marginalized groups resulted in a discipline that became vague and diffuse (Alayon, 2005; Araneda, 2005; Velez, 2003).The fourth period of social work represents a response to the adoption of a neo-liberal agenda in Latin American countries. At this time, new rules of capitalism, which affected Latin America and its relationship with first-world countries, were introduced. These rules included the disciplining of labor and management to benefit financial sectors, the diminishing intervention of the state in the areas of social welfare and social services, the privatization of public companies and the strengthening of transnational corpora- tions(Dumenil and Levy, 2005).The ensuing changes affected the capacity of the state to provide services such as education, health care and pensions. Further, the state institutions that provided these services were the main sources of jobs for social workers, thus leaving many of them unemployed. Those social workers who remained in the system had to transform their practices once again. Social work was reintroduced as ‘neo-philanthropic in which intervention is not based on social rights but in an intervention based on individual charity and moralistic values’ (Aguerrebere, 2001: 31; Velez, 2003). New managerialism as a form of practice has also become a domi- nant discourse in Latin American national institutions. The new managerialism introduced a technocratic model, the main goal of which is to widen the social control of social workers (Aguerrebere, 2001; Sewpaul and Holscher, 2004). Efficiency, efficacy, outcome- based measures, market competitiveness and accountability are some of the new expectations of social workers who continue to work within the state welfare system. As a result of the reality created by neo-liberalism and globaliza- tion, there is a need for social work to renegotiate its position through new forms of networking and the creation of new Latin American social work organizations
|
Parada, Professor of International Social Work and Graduate Research Seminar at Ryerson University, 6/18/2007
|
Latin America1 has a long history of struggle for social justice and human rights. Recently, neo-liberal ideologies and globalization have spurred numerous acts of resistance across Latin American states. The neo-liberal agenda adopted by Latin America, also called capitalismo salvaje, or savage capitalism, has intensified the poverty and social instability in the region and led to the further marginalization and social exclusion of extensive populations The current situation differs, however, in the prominence of social movements across the continent and particularly of indi- genous activists who, according to Landa (2005: 12), ‘have raised their own voice, clearly indicating that they do not need to be repre- sented by people outside their own communities’ There are numerous examples of the ongoing social and political upheavals throughout Latin America against neo-liberalism and globalization. Mass mobilizations in Peru, Argentina, Bolivia, Ecua- dor and Mexico have made it clear that the Washington Consensus has been received with resistance ). The indigenous peoples, particularly from Bolivia, Ecuador, Mexico and Peru have also challenged neo-liberalism. Indigenous identity is closely related to oppression, poverty and marginalization indigenous people have presented a strong front against neo- liberalism, arguing that its accompanying structural reforms have furthered their marginalization. In 2000, indigenous Bolivians reacted to the privati- zation of water and the increase of household water bills by 200 per- cent. Then, in October 2003, they protested against the repressive regime of Sanchez De Lozada, especially his gas and oil policies, which provided generous benefits to foreign companies and little benefit to Bolivians Bolivia has entered a new revolutionary cycle in which indi- genous actors have taken the leading role Social movements, including the Bolivian rebellions, have affected the professional identity of Latin American social workers. Indigen- ous peoples, women, workers, students and other social groups have demanded to be part of the civil society from which they have been excluded for so long Each country in Latin America experienced re-conceptualization differently, depending on the level to which social work had devel- oped as a discipline. A heterogeneous movement, it responded to national political circumstances experienced by social workers, social work academics and the general population One consequence of re-conceptualization was that social work as a discipline and as a profession was devalued The fourth period of social work represents a response to the adoption of a neo-liberal agenda in Latin American countries. At this time, new rules of capitalism, which affected Latin America and its relationship with first-world countries, were introduced. These rules included the disciplining of labor and management to benefit financial sectors, the diminishing intervention of the state in the areas of social welfare and social services, the privatization of public companies and the strengthening of transnational corpora- tions The ensuing changes affected the capacity of the state to provide services such as education, health care and pensions
|
Neoliberalism’s class system pushes indigenous populations to the periphery, stripping them of their identidy while also hurting the State’s ability to provide education and health care. This spurs mass violence and revolutions
| 9,592 | 227 | 3,229 | 1,430 | 32 | 471 | 0.022378 | 0.329371 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,438 |
The new religion of neoliberalism combines a commitment to the extension of markets and logics of competitiveness with a profound antipathy to all kinds of Keynesian and/or collectivist strategies. The constitution and extension of competitive forces is married with aggressive forms of state downsizing, austerity financing, and public- service "reform." Andwhile rhetorically antistatist, neoliberals have proved adept at the (mis)use of state power in the pursuit of these goals.For its longstanding advocates in the Anglo-American world, neoliberalism represents a kind of self-imposed disciplinary code, calling for no less than monastic restraint. For its converts in the global south, neoliberalism assumes the status of the Latinate church in medieval Europe, externally imposing unbending rule regimes enforced by global institutions and policed by local functionaries. Meanwhile, if not subject to violent repression, nonbelievers are typically dismissed as apostate defenders of outmoded institutions and suspiciously collectivist social rights.
|
Peck and Tickell, Canada Research Chair in Urban & Regional Political Economy ,Professor of Geography, University of British Columbia and Professor at Canada Research Chair in Urban & Regional Political Economy and Professor of Geography, University of British Columbia respectively, 02 (Jamie and Adam, “Neoliberalizing Space”, Antipode 34:3, July 2002
|
The new religion of neoliberalism combines a commitment to the extension of markets with a profound antipathy to all kinds of Keynesian and/or collectivist strategies while rhetorically antistatist, neoliberals have proved adept at the (mis)use of state power in the pursuit of these goals.For its longstanding advocates in the Anglo-American world neoliberalism represents a kind of self-imposed disciplinary co For its converts in the global south, neoliberalism assumes the status of the Latinate church externally imposing unbending rule regimes enforced by global institutions if not subject to violent repression, nonbelievers are typically dismissed as apostate defenders of outmoded institutions and suspiciously collectivist social rights.
|
Note: DO NOT READ WITH DEMOCRACY LINK
| 1,057 | 37 | 748 | 145 | 7 | 104 | 0.048276 | 0.717241 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,439 |
Having low expectations of the state, it comes to be bypassed, even despised, by all and sundry. This, in turn, creates a political vacuum that may be seized by kleptocrats and political parties pursuing sectarian agendas. Unwilling or unable to provide state goods and services, yet desirous of legitimacy, opportunistic leaders – democratic and authoritarian alike – may be inclined to seek it on the basis of a shared religion or ethnic heritage. This, of course, is best accomplished by presenting one’s own group as under threat by a nefarious and hostile “other.”2 Racially or ethnically divisive politics, then, can be a substitute for responsible or citizencentered governance (Sheth 2004). Knowing this, a neoliberal “comprador” class might be inclined to ally itself with a prominent ethnic group or religious party to facilitate the advancement of a narrow or self-serving agenda. Such considerations undoubtedly contribute to the otherwise uneasy alliance between elements of the financial elite and evangelical Christians in the United States. When the state is discredited and ongoing economic stagnation is the likely prognosis, ruling coalitions must be established on alternative grounds if the needs of the majority are to be denied.
|
Prasch 12 – Department of Economics, Middlebury College (Robert E. Prasch, “Neoliberalism and Ethnic Conflict” Review of Radical Political Economics, 2012, Sage Publications) MR
|
Having low expectations of the state, it comes to be bypassed, even despised This creates a political vacuum that may be seized by kleptocrats and political parties pursuing sectarian agendas. Unwilling or unable to provide state goods and services, yet desirous of legitimacy, opportunistic leaders may be inclined to seek it on the basis of shared religion or ethnic heritage. This is best accomplished by presenting one’s own group as under threat by a nefarious and hostile “other.” Racially or ethnically divisive politics can be a substitute for responsible or citizencentered governance neoliberal “comprador” class might ally itself with a prominent ethnic group or religious party to facilitate a narrow self-serving agenda When the state is discredited and ongoing economic stagnation is the prognosis, ruling coalitions must be established on alternative grounds if the needs of the majority are to be denied.
|
In a world of neoliberalism, ruling coalitions can supplant the will of the majority
| 1,253 | 85 | 922 | 193 | 14 | 142 | 0.072539 | 0.735751 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,440 |
Neoliberal forms of rationality are largely instrumental and are concerned with finding the best means to achieve calculated ends. For neoliberals, primary motivations are understood in a possessively individualistic framework. Motivation is provided by fear and greed, and is reflected in the drive to acquire more security and more goods. Yet, any significant attempt to widen this pattern of motivation would entail an intensification of existing accumulation and consumption patterns, tending to deplete or to destroy the eco-structures of the planet, making everyone less secure and perhaps more vulnerable to disease (even the powerful). Thus, if North American patterns of accumulation and consumption were to be significantly extended, for example to China, the despoliation of the global eco-structure would be virtually assured. Even so, the central ideological message and social myth of neoliberalism is that such a possibility is both desirable and attainable for all: insofar as limitations are recognised, this is at best through a redefinition of the concept of "˜sustainable development' so as to make it consistent with the continuation of existing patterns of accumulation and consumption."
|
Gill, Distinguished Research Professor of Political Science at York University, 95 (Stephen, “Globalisation, Market Civilisation, and Disciplinary Neoliberalism”, Millennium - Journal of International Studies 24:3, 1995, Sage Publications)//AS
|
Neoliberal forms of rationality are largely instrumental and are concerned with finding the best means to achieve calculated ends. primary motivations are understood in a possessively individualistic framework. Motivation is provided by fear and greed any significant attempt to widen this pattern of motivation would entail an intensification of existing accumulation tending to deplete or to destroy the eco-structures of the planet, making everyone less secure and more vulnerable to disease if North American patterns of accumulation and consumption were to be significantly extended the despoliation of the global eco-structure would be virtually assured Even so, the central ideological message and social myth of neoliberalism is that such a possibility is both desirable and attainable for all
|
Empirics disprove—environmental degradation massively worse since the industrial revolution
| 1,210 | 91 | 801 | 179 | 9 | 117 | 0.050279 | 0.653631 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,441 |
Meanwhile, environmental management remains on a permanent collision course with the neoliberal, agro-export model of production. The incessant search for expansion, consuming ever more non-renewable resources in the process, fails to assume the accompanying environmental costs and results in an irreversible deterioration. Technological innovation concentrated in the hands of just a few private transnational corporations is unable to act as an engine for social transformation and reduction of environmental risk, instead serving as a vehicle for intensifying exploitation of labour, social exclusion, and environmental destruction.Globalisation and the growth of industrial production and commercial advertising have created new patterns of consumption catering only to select sectors while increasing the production of wastes and pollution. At the same time, there has been no corresponding rhythm of increasing the capacity for waste reduction or even recycling the valuable resources being lost in waste, including water. This loss of balance has degraded ecosystems to an alarming extent. In the last 50 years, the overall level of deterioration has sharply accelerated. Climatic change is increasingly providing us with a painful reminder of this. The availability of water per capita is now less than half of what once existed and these supplies are being contaminated by pesticides, fertilisers, and untreated human wastes. Air quality is likewise worsening, resulting in at least a 50% increase in registered respiratory infections. Five times more combustible fuels are being burned and four times as much emissions of carbon monoxide are The Dual Debt of Neoliberalism • 43being produced. The proportion of urban inhabitants relative to the total has grown from 17% to 50%, while the investments being made in urban infrastructure are being reduced. The use of cement has multiplied four-fold and the expansion of built areas has limited the natural drainage capacity, especially in urban areas, causing more frequent and more severe flooding. Over the last 25 years, the planet has lost a third of its natural resources in terms of forests, fresh water, and marine species. Meanwhile, a high proportion of vegetation that fulfils a hydro-regulating role has been lost, and global warming has come to threaten our future as a species (UNDP 1998).4 Growing environmental risks therefore constitute an additional negative consequence of the dominant development model. Coupled with increased social vulnerability, the result is a breeding ground for the so-called “natural” disasters that continue to increase in frequency and intensity
|
De La Barra, Chilean political activist, international consultant and former UNICEF Latin America Public Policy Advisor 07-- (Ximena, “THE DUAL DEBT OF NEOLIBERALISM”, Imperialism, Neoliberalism and Social Struggles in Latin America”, 9/1/09, edited by Dello Bueno and Lara, Brill Online)//AS
|
environmental management remains on a permanent collision course with the neoliberal model of production. The incessant search for expansion, consuming ever more non-renewable resources in the process, fails to assume the accompanying environmental costs and results in an irreversible deterioration Technological innovation is unable to act as an engine for social transformation and reduction of environmental risk, instead serving as a vehicle for intensifying exploitation of labour, social exclusion, and environmental destruction of industrial production have created new patterns of consumption catering only to select sectors while increasing the production of wastes and pollution. This loss of balance has degraded ecosystems to an alarming extent. In the last 50 years, the overall level of deterioration has sharply accelerated. The availability of water per capita is now less than half of what once existed and these supplies are being contaminated by pesticides, fertilisers, and untreated human wastes. Air quality is likewise worsening . Over the last 25 years the planet has lost a third of its natural resources in terms of forests, fresh water, and marine specie Growing environmental risks therefore constitute an additional negative consequence of the dominant development model. Coupled with increased social vulnerability, the result is a breeding ground for the so-called “natural” disasters that continue to increase in frequency and intensity
|
Neoliberalism destroys the environment—resources are being irreversibly depleted—tech can’t fix
| 2,649 | 95 | 1,469 | 394 | 10 | 214 | 0.025381 | 0.543147 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,442 |
To sustain economic growth and higher profits in the new global economy, American companies are increasingly adopting ecologically unsustainable systems of production. Motivated by the growing costs of doing business and threat of increased international competition in the era of globalization, corporate America initiated a political movement beginning in the early 19805 for "regulatory reform', ie the rollback of environmental laws, worker health and safety, consumer protection, and other state regulatory protectionsseen as impinging upon the "˜free' market and the profits of capital. Termed "˜neo- liberalism'the recent effect has been a general increase in the rate of exploitation of both working people (human nature) and the environment (mother nature), as witnessed by the assaults upon labour, the ecology movement and thewelfare state. Coupled with increased trade advantages brought about by corporate-led globalization and significant innovations in high technology and service related industries in the "˜new economy', the US experienced a record-breaking economic boom under the Clinton administration during the l990s, However, this economic "˜prosperity' was to a large degree predicated upon the increased privatized-maximization of profits via the increased socialized-minimization of the costs of production, iethe increased displacement of potential business expenses onto the American public in the form of pollution, intensified natural resource exploitation and other environmental problems. Though progress was made on a number of critical issues, thc ecological crisis continued to deepen during the 1990s.
|
Faber and McCarthy, Professor of Sociology at Northeastern University and Director of the Northeastern Environmental Justice Research Collaborative and Assistant Professor of Sociology and Anthropology at the college of Charleston 03 (Daniel and Deborah, “Neo-liberalism, Globalization and the Struggle for Ecological Democracy: Linking Sustainability and Environmental Justice”, Just Sustainabilities: Development in an Unequal World, 2/28/03, http://books.google.com/books/about/Just_Sustainabilities_Development_in_an.html?id=I7QBbofQGu4C)//AS
|
To sustain economic growth American companies are increasingly adopting ecologically unsustainable systems of production corporate America initiated a political movement beginning in the early 19805 for "regulatory reform', ie the rollback of environmental laws, worker health and safety, consumer protection, and other state regulatory protectionsseen as impinging upon the "˜free' market Termed "˜neo- liberalism'the effect has been a general increase in the rate of exploitation of working people and the environment as witnessed by the assaults upon labour, the ecology movement and thewelfare state economic "˜prosperity' wa predicated upon the increased displacement of potential business expenses onto the American public in the form of pollution, intensified natural resource exploitation and other environmental problems
|
Neoliberal expansion is unsustainable and causes pollution, diminishing resources, and environmental destruction
| 1,637 | 112 | 829 | 228 | 12 | 113 | 0.052632 | 0.495614 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,443 |
lf it was not clear before, it became increasingly apparent over the course of 2008 thatagriculture is one of the decisive battlegrounds of neoliberal globalization-l would say the decisive battleground.This latest effort to remake agriculture in the image of capital-this time, as a composite of agro- export platforms whose variance with the global factory can be found only in the former's direct relation with the soil-has entered a phase of rapidly declining returns for capital as a whole. The worm has turned on the neoliberal agro-ecological project.We shouldn't let the short-run profiteering around food or oil obscure this. Rising food costs-the highest in real prices since 1845, or so The Economist reports (December 6, 2007)-mean that the systemwide costs of (re)producing the world's working classes are going up, a situation that cannot be resolved(as it was in the long nineteenth century) by incorporating vast peasant reservoirs in the colonial world. Marx's "latent" reserve army of labor has dwindled to a wisp of what it was a century ago, or even twenty-five years ago, on the eve of China’s breakneck industrialization.
|
Moore, Assistant Professor of Environmental History atUmeå University, 2008 (Jason W., Ecological Crises and the Agrarian Question in World-Historical Perspective,Lunds University Monthly Review, pages 54-55, November 2008, http://www.sam.lu.se/upload/Humanekologi/Moore2008.pdf)//CS
|
agriculture is one of the decisive battlegrounds of neoliberal globalization This latest effort to remake agriculture in the image of capital-this time, as a composite of agro- export platforms whose variance with the global factory can be found only in the former's direct relation with the soil-has entered a phase of rapidly declining returns for capital as a whole. The worm has turned on the neoliberal agro-ecological project. Rising food costs-the highest in real prices since 1845 mean that the systemwide costs of (re)producing the world's working classes are going up, a situation that cannot be resolved
|
Alt solves—absent neoliberalism lack of profit drive means everyone gets the food they need
| 1,144 | 91 | 614 | 180 | 14 | 97 | 0.077778 | 0.538889 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,444 |
The article's conclusions are two-fold, First, "free trade" is a misnomer. The neoliberal trade regime institutionalizes a double standard that permits protectionism in developed countries while requiring developing countries to open their markets to highly subsidized foreign competition. This double standard reinforces pre-existing patterns of trade and production that undermine the livelihoods of rural smallholders, degrade the natural resource base necessary for food production, and impede the economic diversification necessary for food security at the national level. Second, as explained in Part V of the article, even if the neoliberal model were applied in an even-handed manner to both developed and developing countries, it would nevertheless have a negative impact on food security and ecological sustainability. In order to assess the impact of trade liberalization in the agricultural sector, it is important to grasp four counter-intuitive points developed in Parts I and II of the article. First, hunger is a function of poverty rather than food scarcity. Food production has kept far ahead of population growth for nearly half a century. People go hungry because they lack the resources with which to purchase or grow food. Consequently, measures that increase poverty will have a negative impact on food security. Second, nearly eighty percent of the world's undernourished people reside in rural areas in the developing world. Most of these malnourished people are small farmers whose livelihoods depend on selling their agricultural output. Policies that depress agricultural prices (such as food aid or production-enhancing programs like the Green Revolution) exacerbate hunger by rendering small farmers destitute, thereby depriving them of the income with which to purchase agricultural inputs, pay taxes, and purchase consumer goods and food not produced on the farm. Third, economic diversification is necessary to achieve food security at the national level. A food secure country is one that can grow or import the food necessary to feed its population. The most food insecure countries are those that rely on one or two agricultural commodities to finance the importation of food products." These countries are vulnerable to world market price fluctuations and to the declining terms of trade for agricultural commodities relative to manufactured goods. Economic policies that directly require or indirectly reinforce specialization in a handful of primary agricultural commodities exacerbate food insecurity by hindering economic diversification. Fourth, biological diversity is necessary for ecosystem health and for the integrity of the food supply. Consequently, monocultural production techniques that maximize the production of a few crops degrade the natural resource base necessary for food production by eroding biological diversity, promoting pest and disease infestation. depleting soil fertility, and requiring massive application of harmful agrochemicals. Taken together, these insights highlight the misguided nature of international efforts to solve the problem of hunger by providing free or subsidized food, by promoting monocultural production based on the theory of comparative advantage, and by maximizing the supply ol' food without regard to the impact on poverty and inequality. The significance of these observations is often obscured by the fact that the relevant research has been undertaken in different disciplines. For example, the ecological literature on sustainable agriculture and the economic literature on food security make analogous critiques of the theory of comparative advantage as applied to the agricultural sector. Contrary to the theory of comparative advantage, economic specialization in the cultivation of monocultures is inimical to the biological diversity essential to ecosystem health. This economic specialization is also an obstacle to the economic diversification necessary to promote food security. One of the contributions of this article is to bring together insights from a variety of disciplines in order to explain the links among hunger, rural poverty, and environmental degradation and to explore the roots of these problems in historical and contemporary international trade and agricultural policy. It is important to emphasize that trade liberalization did not create the patterns of trade and production that produce food insecurity and environmental degradation in the developing world. Rather, these patterns have their genesis in colonialism, in the post-colonial integration of many developing countries into the global trading system, and in the unintended consequences of post-World War ll development assistance programs (such as the Green Revolution). Trade liberalization under structural adjustment and under the WTO trade regime aggravates hunger and natural resource degradation precisely because it reinforces these underlying trade and production patterns.
|
Gonzalez 04 (Carmen G., Professor of Law at Seattle University School of Law, “Trade Liberalization, Food Security, and the Environment: The Neoliberal Threat to Sustainable Rural Development”, Symposium: Whither Goes Cuba: Prospects for Economic & Social Development: Part II of II: Cuba's Future in a Globalized World, Fall 2004, University of Michigan Libraries)//AS
|
"free trade" is a misnomer The neoliberal trade regime institutionalizes a double standard that permits protectionism in developed countries while requiring developing countries to open their markets to highly subsidized foreign competition This inforces pre-existing patterns of trade and production that undermine the livelihoods of rural smallholders, degrade the natural resource base necessary for food production, and impede the economic diversification necessary for food security even if the neoliberal model were applied in an even-handed manner it would nevertheless have a negative impact on food security and ecological sustainability. , it is important to grasp four counter-intuitive points developed in Parts I and II hunger is a function of poverty rather than food scarcity. Food production has kept far ahead of population growth for nearly half a century People go hungry because they lack the resources with which to purchase or grow food nearly eighty percent of the world's undernourished people reside in rural areas in the developing world Policies that depress agricultural price exacerbate hunger by rendering small farmers destitute depriving them of the income with which to purchase agricultural inputs Third, economic diversification is necessary to achieve food security at the national level. A food secure country is one that can grow or import the food necessary to feed its population. The most food insecure countries are those that rely on one or two agricultural commodities to finance the importation of food products Economic policies that directly require or indirectly reinforce specialization in a handful of primary agricultural commodities exacerbate food insecurit Fourth, biological diversity is necessary for ecosystem health and for the integrity of the food supply. Consequently, monocultural production techniques that maximize the production of a few crops degrade the natural resource base necessary for food production by eroding biological diversity these insights highlight the misguided nature of international efforts to solve the problem of hunger by providing free or subsidized food significance of these observations is often obscured by the fact that the relevant research has been undertaken in different disciplines One of the contributions of this article is to bring together insights from a variety of disciplines in order to explain the links among hunger, rural poverty, and environmental degradation and to explore the roots of these problems in historical and contemporary international trade and agricultural policy that trade liberalization did not create the patterns of trade and production that produce food insecurity Rather, these patterns have their genesis in colonialism Trade liberalization under structural adjustment and under the WTO trade regime aggravates hunger and natural resource degradation precisely because it reinforces these underlying trade and production patterns.
|
Neoliberal economic policies exacerbate food insecurity at individual and state levels—reduce income and prevent necessary export diversification in developing countries
| 4,968 | 169 | 2,963 | 716 | 20 | 434 | 0.027933 | 0.606145 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,445 |
As detailed in Part Ill, the structural adjustment programs mandated by the IMF and World Bank exacerbated the problem of economic specialization and ecologically harmful monocultures by requiring developing countries to increase agricultural exports in order to boost the foreign exchange earnings available to service the foreign debt. In addition, developing countries were required to eliminate agricultural subsidies and to lower tariffs and eliminate non-tariff barriers. Because these policy prescriptions did not apply to industrialized countries, structural adjustment promoted a double standard that plagues the agricultural sector to this day: protectionism in wealthy countries; liberalized trade in poor countries. While developing countries opened their markets to foreign competition, the United States and the European Union (EU) increased agricultural subsidies and utilized both tariff and non-tariff barriers to keep out developing country exports. Structural adjustment had a devastating impact on food security and the environment in the developing world. The reduction or elimination of (tariff and non-tarifl) import barriers resulted in an influx of cheap, subsidized food from the United States and the European Union. Small farmers were rendered destitute, and hunger increased at the household level. By depressing food prices, the cheap imports also discouraged domestic food production. At the same time, the protectionist import barriers and trade- distorting subsidies maintained by the United States and the European Union reduced developing country export revenues. Food security declined at the national level as developing countries produced less food and had less foreign exchange with which to purchase imports. Finally, the export-oriented policies favored by the World Bank and the IMF degraded the environment by promoting the expansion of chemical-intensive, monocultural production techniques (industrial agriculture). The widespread adoption of industrial agriculture has contributed to a wide range of ecological problems. including soil degradation, loss of agricultural productivity, depletion of freshwater resources, contamination of water supplies by pesticides and fertilizers, loss of biological diversity, and loss of ecosystem resilience."
|
Gonzalez 04 (Carmen G., Professor of Law at Seattle University School of Law, “Trade Liberalization, Food Security, and the Environment: The Neoliberal Threat to Sustainable Rural Development”, Symposium: Whither Goes Cuba: Prospects for Economic & Social Development: Part II of II: Cuba's Future in a Globalized World, Fall 2004, University of Michigan Libraries)//AS
|
structural adjustment programs mandated by the IMF and World Bank exacerbated economic specialization and ecologically harmful monocultures by requiring developing countries to increase agricultural exports to boost the foreign exchange earnings In addition, developing countries were required to eliminate agricultural subsidies and to lower tariffs these policy prescriptions did not apply to industrialized countries structural adjustment promoted a double standard that plagues the agricultural sector protectionism in wealthy countries; liberalized trade in poor countries Structural adjustment had a devastating impact on food security and the environment in the developing world. The reduction or elimination of import barriers resulted in an influx of cheap, subsidized food from the U S Small farmers were rendered destitute, and hunger increased at the household level By depressing food prices, the cheap imports also discouraged domestic food production Food security declined at the national level as developing countries produced less food and had less foreign exchange with which to purchase imports export-oriented policies favored by the World Bank degraded the environment by promoting the expansion of chemical-intensive, monocultural production techniques industrial agriculture has contributed to soil degradation, loss of agricultural productivity, depletion of freshwater resources, contamination of water supplies loss of biological diversity, and loss of ecosystem resilience."
|
Neoliberal policies perpetuate a double standard that prevents food diversification in developing countries and devastates individuals’ ability to buy food
| 2,293 | 155 | 1,503 | 316 | 20 | 203 | 0.063291 | 0.642405 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,446 |
Many proponents of trade liberalization would agree with the above analysis and would argue that the solution is simple: level the playing field by requiring the United States and the EU to eliminate agricultural subsidies and reduce tariffs. As explained in Part V, dismantling the protectionist barriers of the United States and the EU would certainly reduce the inequities in the global trading system, but trade liberalization is not sufficient to promote food security and ecological sustainability in the long term. First, trade liberalization in the industrialized world is not sufficient to address the distortions and inequities caused by the monopolization of agricultural markets by a handful of transnational corporations. For example, live agrochemical companies currently control over sixty-five percent of the global pesticide market. Many of these companies have merged with companies that produce seeds and fertilizers. These companies can extract monopolistic prices for key agricultural inputs. A similar concentration of market power exists among the transnational corporations that process and market agricultural output. These companies utilize their market power to dictate agricultural commodity prices. Farmers are increasingly squeezed between the handful of transnational corporations that supply inputs and the handful of transnational corporations that purchase their agricultural output. The monopolization of agricultural trade by transnational agribusiness places developing country farmers at an enormous competitive disadvantage and threatens to perpetuate poverty and hunger. Second, trade liberalization impedes the economic diversification necessary to promote food security at the national level. Contrary to the free market prescriptions of the IMP, the World Bank, and the WTO, virtually all industrialized countries (including the United States, France, Germany, Japan, and the United Kingdom) relied on tariffs, subsidies, and other interventionist measures to industrialize. Most recently, the newly industrializing countries of South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore successfully industrialized their economies using a combination of tariffs, subsidies, and regulation of foreign investment. 'trade liberalization deprives developing countries of the very tools used by industrialized countries to diversify and industrialize their economies. Finally, trade liberalization poses a threat to the biological diversity necessary to maintain healthy agroecosystems. The elimination of U.S. and EU subsidies and import barriers is anticipated to increase crop specialization in the developing world in aocordance with the dictates of global markets. This development would continue the erosion of crop diversity and the displacement of sustainable agricultural production techniques by chemical-intensive monocultures.
|
Gonzalez 04 (Carmen G., Professor of Law at Seattle University School of Law, “Trade Liberalization, Food Security, and the Environment: The Neoliberal Threat to Sustainable Rural Development”, Symposium: Whither Goes Cuba: Prospects for Economic & Social Development: Part II of II: Cuba's Future in a Globalized World, Fall 2004, University of Michigan Libraries)//AS
|
proponents of trade liberalization would argue that the solution is simple level the playing field by requiring the U S to eliminate agricultural subsidies and reduce tariffs. dismantling the protectionist barriers is not sufficient to promote food security and ecological sustainability in the long term trade liberalization in the industrialized world is not sufficient to address the distortions and inequities caused by the monopolization of agricultural markets by a handful of transnational corporations . These companies can extract monopolistic prices for key agricultural inputs. companies utilize their market power to dictate agricultural commodity prices monopolization of agricultural trade by transnational agribusiness places developing country farmers at an enormous competitive disadvantage and threatens to perpetuate poverty and hunger , trade liberalization impedes the economic diversification necessary to promote food security at the national level Contrary to the free market prescriptions virtually all industrialized countries relied on tariffs, subsidies, and other interventionist measures to industrialize 'trade liberalization deprives developing countries of the very tools used by industrialized countries to diversify and industrialize their economie
|
Even fair trade rules can’t solve food security—existing economic disparities make recovery impossible within the neoliberal system
| 2,853 | 131 | 1,283 | 389 | 17 | 172 | 0.043702 | 0.442159 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,447 |
That which begins with the lack of respect for the dignity of a single human life ends too quickly with disaster for entire nations. All humans that inhabit this planet have the right to a life full of dignity, and the fundamental condition to achieve dignity is sovereignty and food security for all. The fight against social, political, economic and cultural exclusion converts into one of the most powerful forces to inspire social movements to work for the construction of a more just and humane society. In a world that daily witnesses deepening inequality between human beings, our vision and our actions cannot remain passive before the reality of injustice that transcends the barriers between countries and confronts us in two worlds: one of misery and one of opulence. Neoliberal globalization has made poverty and food insecurity a reality for millions of people around the world. The United Nations’ most recent reports on human wealth reports that the income of the richest 1% is equal to the income of the world’s poorest 57 percent. The divide of inequality between rich and poor is every day greater. The richest 5% of the world’s population earns 114 times more than the poorest 5 percent. The concentration of wealth in few hands is obliging 300 million people in the world to live on less than 1 dollar a day. This new form of neocolonialism – called neoliberal globalization – advances by giant steps, creating free trade areas for large transnational businesses around the world, creating areas where they can trade without obstacle. The interests of domination and concentration of capital leave in [their] wake destruction and contamination of the environment. The reality of social exclusion gives rise to forced displacement of the world’s people, depriving them of the right to live in their homes of origin in front of the declining opportunities that they face. It is apparent that development is possible for a few, while the vast majority will live in conditions of underdevelopment and poverty. The advance of this new form of neocolonialism in the hands of transnational corporations puts in grave danger the sovereignty and self-determination of all people. This new mercantilism obliges the reduction of the functions of the state and leaves open the way for large transnational capital to impose regulations that without a doubt serve only their individual, particular interests. [The results of] this unlimited drive for riches that the large corporations have [are that] one day they install themselves in a certain country, the next day they move on to whatever country offers them the best conditions for profit, without respect for labor rights or those of human beings and development itself. The assembly plant maquiladoras (sweatshops), the capitalist organizations, are an example of this type of development, where the conditions of work convert into a second slavery. Now in the beginning of this new millennium … in the era of technological advancement, the development of civilization should drive us toward real human development, putting people as the central axis of this process. [However, in reality], thousands of peasants see themselves obliged to abandon in a forced manner the arena of their survival – agriculture – [in the face of] this lack of viable policies to support alternative development for this sector. This leaves them in a situation of misery and hunger in their world. In Latin America, millions of campesinos (peasants) have migrated to the United States and other countries in search of better conditions of life, bringing along with it huge consequences in terms of disintegration of families and the loss of human resources for the development of underdeveloped countries. The voraciousness of markets renders impossible free competition with equal conditions, given the reality that always the most powerful will survive, leaving at a disadvantage small competitors. According to the World Food Program, this reality presents itself both within and among countries. For this reason, there cannot be food security in the world as long as the face of social exclusion is expressed through malnutrition that millions of children suffer around the world. There cannot be food security while the life expectancy in many countries of the world does not surpass 40 years. For this reason, our fight should get underway to defeat hunger and misery – the principal enemies of humanity – and not to waste resources that destroy other human beings.
|
Palma 03 (Juvelina, delegate from MOFGA [Maine Organic Farmers and Growers Association] ’s sistering organizations in El Salvador, “The Challenges to Food Security Posed by Neoliberal Globalization”, MOFGA, 2003, http://www.mofga.org/Publications/MaineOrganicFarmerGardener/Winter20032004/ChallengestoFoodSecurity/tabid/1416/Default.aspx)//AS
|
That which begins with the lack of respect for the dignity of a single human life ends too quickly with disaster for entire nations All humans that inhabit this planet have the right to food security Neoliberal globalization has made poverty and food insecurity a reality for millions of people around the world income of the richest 1% is equal to the income of the world’s poorest 57 percent The divide of inequality between rich and poor is every day greate This new form of neocolonialism – called neoliberal globalization – advances by giant steps, creating free trade areas for large transnational businesses around the world, creating areas where they can trade without obstacle The interests of domination and concentration of capital leave in [their] wake destruction and contamination of the environment . It is apparent that development is possible for a few, while the vast majority will live in conditions of underdevelopment and poverty . This new mercantilism obliges the reduction of the functions of the state and leaves open the way for large transnational capital to impose regulations that without a doubt serve only their individual, particular interests they move on to whatever country offers them the best conditions for profit, without respect for labor rights or those of human beings and development itself This leaves them in a situation of misery and hunger in their world. In Latin America, millions of campesinos ) have migrated in search of better conditions of life, bringing along with it huge consequences in terms of disintegration of families there cannot be food security in the world as long as the face of social exclusion is expressed through malnutrition that millions of children suffer around the world
|
Neoliberal globalization serves only the interests of transnational corporations—enforces poverty that prevents food security for millions
| 4,514 | 138 | 1,746 | 729 | 16 | 285 | 0.021948 | 0.390947 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,448 |
In short the world is demanding more food, more fiber, and more industrial crops grown on less land using less water. If the population continues to increase at the current rate (7000 more people per hour), one can predict that the world will experience critical resource shortages during the lifetime of young people alive today. Despite all this doom and gloom, most people are not hungry. In fact, the food supply has become more stable, especially for the more developed countries. During the twentieth century, growth in world economies and standards of living exceeded growth in population.
|
Gardiner 2008 (Duane T. Gardiner, Texas A&M University, and Raymond W. Miller, Late, Utah University, Soils in Our Environment, 2008, p. 21)//NR
|
can predict that the world will experience resource shortages Despite all this doom and gloom most people are not hungry In fact, the food supply has become more stable, especially for developed countries During the twentieth century, growth in economies and standards of living exceeded growth in population
|
No famine- countries will always have sufficient access to food
| 596 | 63 | 308 | 97 | 10 | 48 | 0.103093 | 0.494845 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,449 |
The literature that emerged in the early 1990s showing the gender blindness of neoclassical economics and the markedly negative effects of neoliberal policies on women (see, for example, Elson 1992; Sparr 1995) has been complemented in recent years by a new wave of studies which1document some of the perverse consequences of a swing of the pendulum as development agencies have turned their attentions to women (see, for example, Batliwala and Dhanraj 2004). A new direction emerging in recent critical work is a focus on the normative dimensions of development programmes, and, in particular on the implicit or explicit heteronormativity that lies at the heart of the development industry (Bedford 2005; Griffin 2006). A number of studies highlight the extent to which the anti-poverty programmes that have arisen in part to mitigate the effects of neoliberal economic reforms have a marked tendency to reproduce and reinforce deeply conservative notions of womanhood and of women’s role within the family (Molyneux 2006). Others explore the confluence of influences, including the scale of the influence exerted by neo-conservative elements within foreign and national institutions, that have come to play a decisive role in shaping policy responses in many countries (see contributions by Bradshaw and Bedford, this IDS Bulletin). Paradoxically, while those in the mainstream development institutions who have championed neoliberal economic policies have never really been able to grasp the concept of gender, they appear to have acquired a growing interest in women. Where feminists once highlighted the systematic institutional bias against women in economic policy, we now see institutions like the World Bank and the Department for International Development (DFID) lauding the importance of giving women more of a role in economic development. Women become, in the language of DFID’s glossy Gender Equality at the Heart of Development (2007), a ‘weapon’ in the fight against poverty, as the World Bank proclaims that investing in women entrepreneurs is ‘Smart Economics’ (Buvinic and King 2007). The scene has shifted. Women are no longer on the sidelines, or ignored altogether. And yet when we take a closer look at the way in which women come to be represented, it becomes evident that what appears may be far from what feminists might have desired. Hawkesworth evokes the tenor of the way women come to be represented in these new narratives: Women are simultaneously hailed as resourceful providers, reliable micro-entrepreneurs, cosmopolitan citizens, and positioned as ‘disposable domestics’, the exploited global workforce, and as displaced, devalued and disenfranchised diasporic citizens. (Hawkesworth 2006: 202)
|
Cornwall et. al, professor of anthropology and development in the school of global studies at the University of Sussex 08 (Andrea, Jasmine Gideon, and Kalpana Wilson, “Introduction: Reclaiming Feminism: Gender and Neoliberalism “, IDS Bulletin 39:6, 12/08, Wiley Online Library)//AS
|
The literature that emerged in the early 1990s showing the gender blindness of neoclassical economics and the markedly negative effects of neoliberal policies on women has been complemented by a new wave of studies which1document some of the perverse consequences of a swing of the pendulum as development agencies have turned their attentions to women A new direction emerging is a focus on the normative dimensions of development programmes in particular on the implicit or explicit heteronormativity that lies at the heart of the development industry ( anti-poverty programmes to mitigate the effects of neoliberal economic reforms have a marked tendency to reproduce and reinforce deeply conservative notions of womanhood while those in the mainstream development institutions who have championed neoliberal economic policies have never really been able to grasp the concept of gender, they appear to have acquired a growing interest in women Women become weapon’ in the fight against poverty yet when we take a closer look at the way in which women come to be represented, it becomes evident that what appears may be far from what feminists might have desired Women are simultaneously hailed as resourceful providers, reliable micro-entrepreneurs, cosmopolitan citizens, and positioned as ‘disposable domestics’, the exploited global workforce, and as displaced, devalued and disenfranchised diasporic citizens
|
Neoliberal policies are distinctly heteronormative and treat women as disposable
| 2,730 | 80 | 1,415 | 414 | 10 | 212 | 0.024155 | 0.512077 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,450 |
I want to draw out some of the different means of dissolving the public realm used by neo-liberalism (and in its alliances with neo-conservatism). The starting point must be the powerful and complex insistence on the primacy of the private. In neo-liberal discourse, the ‘private’ means a number of inter-locking things, each of which is naturalised by being grounded in extra-social or pre-social forms. First, it designates the market as the site of private interests and exchange. Private interests in this sense are both those of the abstract individual (known as ‘economic man’ for good reason) and the anthropomorphised corporation, treated as if it was an individual. This personifying of the corporation extends to its having needs, wishes, rights and even feelings. Corporations are, in a sense, doubly personified – both in the persons of their heroic leaders (Chief Executive Officers) and in the corporate entity itself (Frank, 2000). This personification enables some distinctive populist rhetorics characteristic of neo-liberalism. Both types of individual (economic man and the corporation) suffer the burdens of taxation, the excesses of regulation, the interference with their freedom and shackling of the ‘entrepreneurial spirit’ by ‘big government’. Government/the state/public institutions are challenged in the name of what Frank (2000) calls ‘market populism’. But the individualist definition of the private is also a point of crossover between the market and the familial/domestic meaning of private. ‘Economic man’ is also ‘family man’, motivated by the interests of himself and his family. The individual of neo-liberalism is profoundly, normatively and complexly gendered (Kingfisher, 2002: 23–5). Kingfisher argues that the ‘possessive individualist’ form of personhood involves distinctive understandings of ‘independence’ and ‘self-sufficiency’: ‘Autonomy, the pursuit of rational selfinterest and the market are mutually constitutive in this formulation...there is an equivalence between individualism and self-sufficiency’ (2002: 18). This conception of the independent individual – detached from social relationships – is grounded in the distinction between public and private in a different form:32 john clarke In this construction, ‘independence’ is displayed in the public realm, while ‘dependence’ is sequestered to the private sphere ...the public, civil society generated by means of the social contract is predicated on the simultaneous generation of a private sphere, into which is jettisoned all that which is not amenable to contract. (2002: 24) This distinction between public and private is deeply gendered (Pateman, 1988; Lister,1997). It has two implications for neo-liberalism. On the one hand, it is the site of potential alliances with a range of other political discourses that sustain a gendered and familialised conception of social order (from Catholic familialism to Christian Socialism, for example). On the other, it is a focus for tensions and conflicts around women’s dual role (articulating public and private realms in the ‘dual shift’ of waged and unwaged labour). Welfare reform – in the US, UK and elsewhere – has been partly about the resolution of these tensions in relation to lone motherhood (Kingfisher, 2002).
|
Clarke, Professor of Social Policy (Social Policy and Criminology) in the Faculty of Social Sciences at The Open University 04 (John, “Dissolving the public realm?: The logics and limits of neo-liberalism”, Journal of Social Policy 33:1, 2004, http://oro.open.ac.uk/4377/1/download.pdf)//AS
|
some of the different means of dissolving the public realm used by neo-liberalism The starting point must be the powerful and complex insistence on the primacy of the private the ‘private’ means a number of inter-locking things, each of which is naturalised by being grounded in extra-social forms. Private interests in this sense are both those of the abstract individual and the anthropomorphised corporation personifying of the corporation extends to its having needs, wishes, rights and even feelings. Both types of individual suffer the burdens of taxation, the excesses of regulation, the interference with their freedom and shackling of the ‘entrepreneurial spirit’ by ‘big government’. The individual of neo-liberalism is profoundly, normatively and complexly gendered the ‘possessive individualist’ form of personhood involves distinctive understandings of ‘independence’ and ‘self-sufficiency’ , ‘independence’ is displayed in the public realm, while ‘dependence’ is sequestered to the private sphere This distinction between public and private is deeply gendered is a focus for tensions and conflicts around women’s dual role
|
Neoliberalism grounds economic value in masculinity—undermines feminism
| 3,269 | 71 | 1,134 | 485 | 7 | 164 | 0.014433 | 0.338144 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,451 |
Such changes have involved significant – and largely invisible – transfers between the public and private realm, including transferring costs from public resources to (typically unmeasured) household resources. This form of privatisation assumes the existence of a stable nuclear family as the norm of household formation, and the persistence of a gendered division of domestic/caring labour. The conception of infinitely elastic female labour continues to underpin such privatisation, even in the face of substantial change in the patterns of women’s paid employment. Policy makers have clung on to these beliefs with remarkable consistency despite the impact of social and economic change, and despite the political struggles that have challenged this complex of familial, patriarchal and heterosexual norms. Of course, this ‘privatisation’ is not merely a process of transfer to an unchanged private space. The private is reworked in the process – subject to processes of responsibilisation and regulation; and opened to new forms of surveillance and scrutiny. Both corporate and state processes aim to ‘liberate’ the private – but expect the liberated subjects to behave responsibly (as consumers, as parents, as citizen-consumers). Whether such subjects come when they are called is a different matter.
|
Clarke, Professor of Social Policy (Social Policy and Criminology) in the Faculty of Social Sciences at The Open University 04 (John, “Dissolving the public realm?: The logics and limits of neo-liberalism”, Journal of Social Policy 33:1, 2004, http://oro.open.ac.uk/4377/1/download.pdf)//AS
|
changes have involved significant – and largely invisible – transfers between the public and private realm including transferring costs from public resources to household resources. This form of privatisation assumes the existence of a stable nuclear family and the persistence of a gendered division of domestic/caring labour The conception of infinitely elastic female labour continues to underpin such privatisatio despite the political struggles that have challenged this complex of familial, patriarchal and heterosexual norms. The private is reworked in the process – subject to processes of responsibilisation and regulation; and opened to new forms of surveillance and scrutiny processes aim to ‘liberate’ the private – but expect the liberated subjects to behave responsibly (as consumers, as parents, as citizen-consumers)
|
Neoliberalism relies on antiquated, heterosexist and patriarchal notions of societal structure
| 1,305 | 94 | 830 | 194 | 11 | 119 | 0.056701 | 0.613402 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,452 |
Masculine and feminine roles in agriculture are constructed within the gender-specific division of labour and in the context of the dual agricultural production system – commercial, chemical-intensive monocultures, on the one hand, and mixed cultures geared towards local markets and self-sufficiency, on the other. Under the influence of local regional and global market forces and in the socio-cultural allocation of gender-specific tasks and capacities, traditional responsibilities and social ascription of masculinity and femininity are entangled in ever-new ways and transform power relations(Krishna 2004; Rupp 2007). The Guatemalan peasant women who design their kitchen garden like many spirals turning into each other of corn, sweet potatoes and other vegetables are tied by a mixture of survival pragmatism, ancestor worship and natural philosophy to their land and biodiversity. They treat both as an inheritance from their ancestors, from which they are not allowed nor want to separate themselves through sale. The plots should remain in the clan or in the ethnic community, in order to ensure their survival and well-being.The peasant women have had their own understanding of biodiversity and of the seed as their own means of production ‘for centuries’. They see their work self-consciously as value-creating activity and their knowledge as productive capacity, with the help of which they have not only maintained the genetic stock, but have productively further developed it. Furthermore, they have accumulated detailed knowledge of the nutritional value and healing powers of local species. Traditional knowledge in these reproduction contexts is a constitutive element of survival spaces and a central livelihood resource (Kuppe 2002).The women peasants therefore understand themselves as investors: they give value to the plants and develop their productivity, which in its turn ensures that the women enjoy esteem in the community. Their practical and strategic interest in biodiversity and in food security often brings the women peasants into conflict with their men. Official government agricultural advisors offer the men commercial seeds and praise the advantages and earning possibilities of monocultures, recently above all those of organic fuel. In Burkina Faso, many peasants followed the desire of the government and planted cotton, reducing the fields of the women, in order to have more land available for the allegedly lucrative cotton. The women nevertheless continued to foster and care for biodiversity in the kitchen gardens. It was precisely that which ensured their food supply when ¶ the cotton prices on the world market fell into the basement. Peasant women in Tanzania had a similar experience. In a subversive action, they planted banana trees and cabbage between the coffee trees, even though the government had forbidden mixed farming on the export fields.
|
Wichterich, member of the scientific advisory council of Attac Germany andactive in WIDE (Women in Development Europe),2009 (Christa, “Women peasants, food security and biodiversity in the crisis of neoliberalism” Development Dialogue Issue 51, http://rosalux-europa.info/userfiles/file/DD51.pdf#page=173)//CS
|
Under the influence of local regional and global market forces and in the socio-cultural allocation of gender-specific tasks and capacities, traditional responsibilities and social ascription of masculinity and femininity are entangled in ever-new ways and transform power relations The peasant women have had their own understanding of biodiversity and of the seed as their own means of production ‘for centuries’. They see their work self-consciously as value-creating activity and their knowledge as productive capacity, . The women peasants therefore understand themselves as investors: they give value to the plants and develop their productivity, which in its turn ensures that the women enjoy esteem in the community. Their practical and strategic interest in biodiversity and in food security often brings the women peasants into conflict with their men. Official government agricultural advisors offer the men commercial seeds and praise the advantages and earning possibilities of monocultures, recently above all those of organic fuel
|
Neoliberalism constructs gender-specific division of labor that ascribes traditional identities based on gender and encourages patriarchy.
| 2,905 | 139 | 1,045 | 436 | 16 | 152 | 0.036697 | 0.348624 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,453 |
These challenges to feminist engagement come at a time when the wider changes wrought by the impact of neoliberal economic policies and ideology have taken their toll on feminist activism. Hawkesworth notes that neoliberal policies "˜cut back the very aspects of the state that feminist activists seek to build up' (2006: 121) and were accompanied by a gendered reconfiguration of responsibilities between dtizens and the state. Once the burden of social service provision had been shifted decisively onto poor women and community level "˜civil society organisations', 'civil society' itself was cast in an ever more significant role: as an all-purpose intermediary which would simultaneously keep the state in check, make up for its shortcomings, use proximity to "˜the poor' to help them to help themselves, and represent the masses who could not speak for themselves. As this implies, 'civil society' has increasingly come to be regarded by development agencies and donors as a key space for intervention and control. Donor funding for non-governmental organisations (NGOs) on a massive scale has led to women's movements and organisations in many countries undergoing a process of depoliticising 'NGOisation' (Fllvaiez 1998) - with damaging consequences for the mobilisation of women, as Islah Jad (this IDS Bulletin) shows This has contributed to a lack of political muscle, as once-active feminist organisations become (or are displaced by) increasingly depoliticised service providers, reliant on contracts from the state or grants from the development industry, As the 'invited spaces' of neoliberal governmentality have come to displace and be used to delegitimise the "˜invented spaces' (Miraftab 2004) of social mobilisation, "empowerment has come to be associated with individual self- improvement and donor interventions rather than collective struggle (Sardenberg, this IDS Bulletin). Contemporary development policy narratives speak not just of women, but of the term that became a rallying cry for southern feminists in the early 19905; 'women's empowerment'. With this has come a series of narratives about women as more efficient and responsible that accentuate women's compliance with normative expectations. Women appear in these narratives as hard-pressed mothers struggling for the wellbeing and betterment of their families. Development is presented as giving women a well- deserved chance to improve their circumstances, so as to be able to benefit their families, communities and their nations The World Bank's Buvinic and King (2007) for example, offer a neat chain of causalities that begins with empowering women and girls and leads to economic growth and poverty reduction. Similar stories are told in the promotional materials of a number of agencies. Words like 'agency' and even 'power' come to be appropriated for this purpose (see, for example, Alsop 2005) Indeed, contributors to this IDS Bulletin highlight how, along with 'empowerment', an entire lexicon of terms that were once associated with feminist activism have come to be laden with the attributed meanings of development agencies. Srilatha Batliwala, author of a foundational 1994 report that helped to put "˜women's empowerment' on the development map, reflects on how the term 'empowerment' has been eviscerated of its original political content (Badiwala 2007). As Kalpana Wilson argues, 'agency' has become a particularly troubling object for neoliberal appropriation. Reduced to the exercise of individual preference - or even to the acquisition of assets, in the World Bank's framework - 'agency' joins "˜choice' in a coupling of concepts that permits little scope for any talk about power, inequities or indeed any structural constraints at all.
|
Cornwall et. al, professor of anthropology and development in the school of global studies at the University of Sussex 08 (Andrea, Jasmine Gideon, and Kalpana Wilson, “Introduction: Reclaiming Feminism: Gender and Neoliberalism “, IDS Bulletin 39:6, 12/08, Wiley Online Library)//AS
|
wider changes wrought by the impact of neoliberal economic policies and ideology have taken their toll on feminist activism neoliberal policies "˜cut back the very aspects of the state that feminist activists seek to build up Once the burden of social service provision had been shifted decisively onto poor women 'civil society' itself was cast in an ever more significant role: as an all-purpose intermediary which would simultaneously keep the state in check, make up for its shortcomings, use proximity to "˜the poor' to help them to help themselves, and represent the masses who could not speak for themselves. Donor funding has led to women's movements undergoing a process of depoliticising 'NGOisation' with damaging consequences for the mobilisation of women This has contributed to a lack of political muscle "empowerment has come to be associated with individual self- improvement rather than collective struggle Women appear in these narratives as hard-pressed mothers struggling for the wellbeing and betterment of their families Development is presented as giving women a deserved chance to improve their circumstances, so as to be able to benefit their families Words like 'agency' and even 'power' come to be appropriated for this purpose along with 'empowerment', an entire lexicon of terms that were once associated with feminist activism have come to be laden with the attributed meanings of development agencies 'agency' has become a particularly troubling object for neoliberal appropriation
|
Neoliberalism appropriates the feminist agenda for its own purposes while removing their political agency
| 3,747 | 105 | 1,512 | 565 | 14 | 232 | 0.024779 | 0.410619 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,454 |
Neoliberal empowerment narratives not only empty ‘empowerment’ of any contentious political content, they also make money – microcredit loans, conditional cash transfers, enhanced access to markets and livelihood assets – the magic bullet, as if that were somehow enough to effect wholesale transformations in women’s lives. As Charmaine Pereira, reflecting on the package of interventions promised in the Nigerian Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy, notes: The assumption here is that a package that brings together single measures to address women’s concerns will, in and of itself, bring about empowerment. This is a far cry from challenging the ideologies that justify gender inequality, changing prevailing patterns of access to and control over resources (as opposed to providing the resources themselves), and transforming the institutions that reinforce existing power relations. [p45] That a concern for women finds its way into national economic policies is, of course, some mark of success. Indeed one might think surely feminists ought to be glad to see that the issues that they fought so hard to get onto the agenda are now appearing in the pronouncements of development agencies with such regularity and apparent commitment. Yet, if we look at the shape that this success has taken, or been translated into, a positive reading of development’s absorption of the language of ‘gender’ is harder to sustain. Josephine Ahikire talks of the ‘apparent divergence between the terms gender and feminism’ in Uganda. It has come to be the case in many contexts that ‘gender’ has come to gain a softer, more conciliatory touch, its use a device to distance the user from association with ‘feminism’. And when ‘gender’ is used by mainstream agencies to talk about women, as it generally is, the women who come into view are not everywoman. Rather, the predominant representation of women is as those who lack agency and opportunities. One of the problems, as Ahikire points out, is that the: … broad motive to highlight the plight of women, the fact that women tend to be the worst victims of poverty, wars, disease (such as the HIV/AIDS pandemic) unfortunately translates into a field of ‘lamentations’ that may in the end carry a critical anti-feminist message. [p30] A consequence, Ahikire goes on to highlight, is that the language of vulnerability and marginalisation that 4 has come to be associated with ‘gender’, runs the risk of infantilising women, lumping them together with children as the deserving objects of intervention. It is precisely the nature of the response to the victim narrative that a number of the contributors to this collection highlight as one of the contradictions produced by the convergence of Gender and Development and neoliberal thinking and practice. Any vestige of a more dignified way of talking about women who are living in poverty falls away. The stereotypical woman that these discourses evoke is always heterosexual, usually either with an abusive or useless husband or a victim of abandonment struggling to survive as a female-headed household. She is portrayed as abject and at the same time as eager to improve herself and her situation if only she could be ‘empowered’.
|
Cornwall et. al, professor of anthropology and development in the school of global studies at the University of Sussex 08 (Andrea, Jasmine Gideon, and Kalpana Wilson, “Introduction: Reclaiming Feminism: Gender and Neoliberalism “, IDS Bulletin 39:6, 12/08, Wiley Online Library)//AS
|
Neoliberal empowerment narratives not only empty ‘empowerment’ of any contentious political content, they also make money – the magic bullet, as if that were somehow enough to effect wholesale transformations in women’s lives This is a far cry from challenging the ideologies that justify gender inequality, changing prevailing patterns of access to and control over resources (as opposed to providing the resources themselves), and transforming the institutions that reinforce existing power relations It has come to be the case in many contexts that ‘gender’ has come to gain a softer, more conciliatory touch, its use a device to distance the user from association with ‘feminism’ the predominant representation of women is as those who lack agency and opportunities the: … broad motive to highlight the plight of women, the fact that women tend to be the worst victims of poverty, wars, disease unfortunately translates into a field of ‘lamentations’ that may in the end carry a critical anti-feminist message Any vestige of a more dignified way of talking about women who are living in poverty falls away. The stereotypical woman that these discourses evoke is always heterosexual, usually either with an abusive or useless husband or a victim of abandonment struggling to survive as a female-headed household. She is portrayed as abject and at the same time as eager to improve herself and her situation if only she could be ‘empowered’.
|
Neoliberalism strips empowerment of political meaning and imposes economic standards of success while generalizing women’s condition
| 3,231 | 132 | 1,443 | 516 | 16 | 231 | 0.031008 | 0.447674 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,455 |
Commentators in a number of jurisdictions have noted that governments pursuing a neoliberal agenda have often displayed a hostility to women’s policy agencies, which has been reflected in their transfer to more peripheral locations within the public service, staffing and funding cuts, or outright elimination. This was evident in Australia during the late 1990s, when the right-wing government led by John Howard eliminated a number of federal women’s policy agencies and implemented significant cuts to the resources available to those that remained (Sawer 1999, 43-8). Similar policies have been pursued by governments at the state level in Australia (Chappell 1995; Sawer 1999, 41), as well at the federal and provincial levels in Canada (Burt 1997; Malloy 1999) as neoliberalism has taken root in the corridors of power. Such changes have often been carried out as part of a wider restructuring and downsizing of the bureaucratic state. As a result, the staff of women’s policy agencies have found that, in addition to a reduction in the material resources available to them, their work has been made more difficult by significant disruptions to their working relationships with staff in other government departments. As Sawer has argued, writing in the Australian context, one result of this “increased volatility of bureaucratic structures and the continuous change environment” is that “it is difficult to sustain the structures needed for long-term projects such as improving the status of women, and there is a continuing loss of corporate memory. ... [In addition], there is a devaluing of process, including the information sharing that has been central to feminist work” (Sawer 1999, 42). The demotion or elimination of women’s policy agencies reflects that element within neoliberalism that frames feminist and other identity-based forms of politics undertaken by marginalized groups, as the illegitimate and unrepresentative expression of “special interests”. This formulation contrasts these interests and the groups articulating them, presented as particularistic and self-serving, with the interests and policy preferences of gender-neutral “ordinary citizens” and “consumers”, understood to be expressive of a broader public interest (Brodie 1995). In this discursive framework, which was particularly30 - Katherine Teghtsoonian prominent in Canada during the 1990s, the activities – indeed, the very existence – of women’s policy agencies seem suspect.
|
Teghtsoonian, Professor of Policy and Practice at the University of Victoria 03 (Katherine, “W(h)ither Women's Equality? Neoliberalism, Institutional Change and Public Policy in British Columbia”, Policy and Society 22:1, 2003, ScienceDirect)//AS
|
governments pursuing a neoliberal agenda have often displayed a hostility to women’s policy agencies reflected in their transfer to more peripheral locations within the public service, staffing and funding cuts, or outright elimination the staff of women’s policy agencies have found that, in addition to a reduction in the material resources available to them, their work has been made more difficult by significant disruptions to their working relationships with staff in other government departments it is difficult to sustain the structures needed for long-term projects such as improving the status of women, and there is a continuing loss of corporate memory there is a devaluing of process, including the information sharing that has been central to feminist work reflects that element within neoliberalism that frames feminist and other identity-based forms of politics undertaken by marginalized groups, as the illegitimate and unrepresentative expression of “special interests”. In this discursive framework activities – indeed, the very existence – of women’s policy agencies seem suspect.
|
Neoliberal policies marginalize and attempt to eliminate feminist politics—viewed as illegitimate special interest
| 2,472 | 114 | 1,100 | 368 | 13 | 162 | 0.035326 | 0.440217 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,456 |
While neoliberalism may be archetypically associated with the individual as atomistic rational agent, its roots lie in liberal theory, which has always excluded women from this notion of individuality. So perhaps we should not be surprised if, as several of the contributions to this IDS Bulletin demonstrate, neoliberalism subsumes women into an image of the protective mother who will translate any gains from the market into the means for household survival, and will be prepared to make unlimited personal sacrifices to provide the household with a safety net against the ravages of neoliberal macroeconomic policies. Ideologically, this works to re-embed women within familial relations. As a result, the family becomes a key site for the exercise of neoliberal governmentality. Sarah Bradshaw and Kate Bedford (this IDS Bulletin) draw attention to the extent to which Latin American social policies both presuppose and reinforce a model of the family that has the heterosexual couple at its heart. Bradshaw shows how contemporary social protection programmes divert attention away from the female householdhead to the nuclear family. Bedford, focusing on a World Bank-funded family strengthening programme in Argentina, explores the extent to which programmes like these are reinscribing and renaturalising a particular form of heterosexual IDS Bulletin Volume 39 Number 6 December 2008 5intimate and familial relations. ‘Good mothers’ come to be coupled with ‘responsible men’ as ‘partners’, as the state retreats further from supportive social provision. Bedford shows the defining role that was played by the bank in the programme, naturalising private provision of care within the family as ‘an efficient and empowering way to resolve tensions between paid and unpaid labour’. The net result, she contends, is reduced policy space for domestic violence, greater policy openings for conservative religious organisations concerned with ‘the family’ and difficulties arguing for social provision outside the family, such as institutionalised childcare. She highlights the ironies of the extent to which an articulation of the problem that seemed to address long-standing feminist concerns led to a solution that few feminists might agree with: After all, many feminists wanted men to stop shirking domestic work and International Financial Institutions to take care seriously. However we did not necessarily want childcare erased as a policy priority, replaced by more shared (but still privatised) caring labour within couples ... [or] poor men held responsible for women’s poverty. [p64–5]
|
Cornwall et. al, professor of anthropology and development in the school of global studies at the University of Sussex 08 (Andrea, Jasmine Gideon, and Kalpana Wilson, “Introduction: Reclaiming Feminism: Gender and Neoliberalism “, IDS Bulletin 39:6, 12/08, Wiley Online Library)//AS
|
neoliberalism roots lie in liberal theory, which has always excluded women from this notion of individuality neoliberalism subsumes women into an image of the protective mother who will translate any gains from the market into the means for household survival, and will be prepared to make unlimited personal sacrifices to provide the household with a safety net against the ravages of neoliberal macroeconomic policies this works to re-embed women within familial relations. the family becomes a key site for the exercise of neoliberal governmentality. Latin American social policies both presuppose and reinforce a model of the family that has the heterosexual couple at its heart contemporary social protection programmes divert attention away from the female householdhead to the nuclear family programmes like these are reinscribing and renaturalising a particular form of heterosexual relations. Good mothers’ come to be coupled with ‘responsible men’ as ‘partners’ The net result, she contends, is reduced policy space for domestic violence, greater policy openings for conservative religious organisation and difficulties arguing for social provision outside the family
|
Neoliberal policies reentrench heterosexist structures and prevent aid for domestic violence victims
| 2,598 | 100 | 1,177 | 388 | 12 | 172 | 0.030928 | 0.443299 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,457 |
By the late 19705, the tenets of neoliberalism began to influence American public policy at home and abroad. Ronald Reagan's firstterm as president marks the shift to neoliberal principles of governance which are associated with less restraint on free-market policies, pro-corporatism, privatization, and in particular, the transfer of public services to private organizations. This shift significantly affected the already established feminist anti-violence movement in its attempts to reform the criminal justice programs and build up victim services. The call for state responsibility for preventing and treating victims was in direct contrast to the new ethics of personal responsibility that was the cornerstone of the neoliberal agenda. This contradiction was resolved, but the cost was the incorporation of the feminist anti violence movement into the apparatus of the regulatory state. For example, the rationale for providing services for women was transformed by the neoliberal agenda." The organizers ofthe shelter movement saw the necessity of encouraging women to take advantage of available government benefits, but only as a temporary means to provide for their children. Importantly, seeking government help was part ofa growing recognition both within shelter organizations and in the feminist movement more generally of the fundamental insecurity of marriage as an institution. Now, in many battered women's shelters women are required to apply for all appropriate state benefits as part ofa process of showing that they are taking all necessary steps to gain self-suH'iciency. These requirements entangle women in an increasingly value-laden welfare program tied to the promotion of the traditional nuclear family, fear of dependency, and distrust of women as mothers." These ties, moreover, come with fewer benefits as the "de volution" of welfare systems has brought about cutbacks in services and rescaling to the local level. "' At the same time, the welfare system has become more linked to other forms of state involvement, in~ cluding probate court actions concerning custody, paternity hearings, child protective serwdces, and relationships with school officials. As a result, when women seek help from shelters, it now produces an inevitable dependency on the state.
|
Bumiller, Professor of Political Science and Women's and Gender Studies at Amherst College 08 (Kristin, “In an Abusive State: How Neoliberalism Appropriated the Feminist Movement against Sexual Violence”, Duke Univeristy Press, 4/25/08, http://books.google.com/books/about/In_an_Abusive_State.html?id=6m3GzvoBWYkC)//AS
|
the tenets of neoliberalism began to influence American public policy Reagan's firstterm marks the shift to neoliberal principles of governance associated with in particular, the transfer of public services to private organizations This shift significantly affected the feminist anti-violence movement in its attempts to reform the criminal justice programs and build up victim services The call for state responsibility for preventing and treating victims was in direct contrast to the new ethics of personal responsibility that was the cornerstone of the neoliberal agenda. he cost was the incorporation of the feminist anti violence movement into the apparatus of the regulatory state seeking government help was part ofa growing recognition both within shelter organizations and in the feminist movement more generally of the fundamental insecurity of marriage as an institution in many battered women's shelters women are required to apply for all appropriate state benefits These requirements entangle women in an increasingly value-laden welfare program tied to the promotion of the traditional nuclear family when women seek help from shelters, it now produces an inevitable dependency on the state.
|
Neoliberalism overtakes feminist movements and prevents access to aid for victims of domestic violence
| 2,295 | 102 | 1,207 | 341 | 14 | 178 | 0.041056 | 0.521994 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,458 |
But the consequences of neoliberal resistance to understanding gender as a relevant and legitimate dimension of politics extend far beyond the terrain of the state. Feminist scholars and activists alike have noted the debilitating impact that the policy agenda flowing from neoliberal orientations has had for diverse groups of women in a number of countries in the industrialized west, including Canada, New Zealand, Australia and the United States (Brodie 1995; Bunkle 1995; Hancock 1999; Kingfisher 2002). Women’s economic and social well-being has been undermined by significant reductions in the supports available to women who experience a variety of barriers to participation in the paid labour force (including caregiving responsibilities, disability, and racism); cuts to funding for community-based organizations advocating for, and providing services to, women; and an exponential increase in unpaid caregiving work, as services are cut back and women take up the slack in their families and communities. And yet the gendered impacts of key features of the neoliberal program are erased within neoliberal discourse. As Janine Brodie has argued, the elements of neoliberalism “act simultaneously to intensify gender inequality and to erode the political relevance of gender” (Brodie 2002, 99). It is important to note that the emergence of neoliberalism as a logic informing government priorities has not waited on, or required, the electoral victory of parties of the right. In many cases, neoliberal impulses have been reflected in the policies pursued by (ostensibly) social democratic administrations, coexisting uneasily with more progressive policy directions (Hancock 1999). Certainly a tension between neoliberal and social justice commitments was visible in the governing agenda of the left-of-centre New Democratic Party (NDP), in office in British Columbia during the 1990s (Teghtsoonian 2000), and was particularly pronounced under the Fourth Labour Government in New Zealand between 1984 and 1990 (Larner 1996). Attending to these internal complexities within government programs assists us in identifying important threads of continuity, as well as disjunctures, when the partisan composition of government changes. Neoliberal continuities across the left-right divide are discernible not just in the content of particular policies, but in the more general “strategies of rule” that neoliberalism prescribes (Larner 1996; 2000).W(h)ither Women’s Equality? - 31 Nikolas Rose (1996, 1999) argues that, rather than trying to exert direct control over service providers and agencies, governments deploying neoliberal strategies of rule govern indirectly, “at a distance”. Various “technologies” of accountability, audit and budgetary discipline that are mobilized by government exert a significant constraining influence on the decisions and self-understandings of organizations outside of government, even as these appear to be autonomous agencies, free to define their organizational structures, priorities and modes of working. Although Rose is interested primarily in understanding the network of relationships between government and the panoply of agencies and organizations outside of it, we can observe many of the “technologies” that he identifies also being deployed within government itself, accumulating over time under the aegis of governments of both the left and the right. As with other elements of neoliberalism, there is an important gendered dimension to these strategies of rule which will be explored in the discussion below.
|
Teghtsoonian, Professor of Policy and Practice at the University of Victoria 03 (Katherine, “W(h)ither Women's Equality? Neoliberalism, Institutional Change and Public Policy in British Columbia”, Policy and Society 22:1, 2003, ScienceDirect)//AS
|
the consequences of neoliberal resistance to understanding gender as a relevant and legitimate dimension of politics extend far beyond the terrain of the state the debilitating impact that the policy agenda flowing from neoliberal orientations has had for diverse groups of women Women’s economic and social well-being has been undermined by significant reductions in the supports available to women who experience a variety of barriers to participation in the paid labour force (including caregiving responsibilities, disability, and racism And yet the gendered impacts of key features of the neoliberal program are erased within neoliberal discours , the elements of neoliberalism “act simultaneously to intensify gender inequality and to erode the political relevance of gender rather than trying to exert direct control over service providers and agencies, governments deploying neoliberal strategies of rule govern indirectly technologies” of accountability, audit and budgetary disciplin exert a significant constraining influence on the decisions understandings of organizations outside of government, even as these appear to be autonomous agencie
|
Neoliberlaism simultaneously ignores and exacerbates women’s oppression and removes the consideration of gender in politics
| 3,565 | 123 | 1,154 | 514 | 15 | 163 | 0.029183 | 0.317121 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,459 |
This failure to address the intersections among multiple dimensions of marginalization in women’s lives arguably reflects the neoliberal antipathy to identity-based politics discussed earlier. We see this orientation embedded in the Liberal Party’s approach to the value of “equality” as outlined in the “New Era” documents it produced prior to the 2001 election indicating the directions that it planned to pursue if returned to office. Thus, in “A New Era of Equality” (the second-to-last of thirty-three pages) the Liberals prioritized the need to get “a fair shake” for the province of British Columbia within the Canadian federal system and to attend more carefully to the interests of “rural British Columbians”, rather than the interests of identitybased groups. These latter were delegitimized in the following terms:The NDP have ... treated equality issues as so-called ‘wedge issues’, using women, aboriginals, seniors, gays and lesbians, multicultural groups and others as political pawns to try to gain partisan advantage. That’s no way to build our future. We must start treating all citizens fairly, equally, and with respect, regardless of where they live or who they are. A BC Liberal Government will be guided by the principle of equality. ... Equality of opportunity, responsibility and rights is what our Constitution guarantees. And all British Columbians are entitled to no less. (BC Liberals 2001, 32) With the exception of the promise to “ensure that all aboriginal governments have the same legal status in BC as they do in every other province” (intended to minimize, rather than enhance, that status), the twelve commitments presented as avenues to “A New Era of Equality” discuss plans for “British Columbians”, “Canadians”, “rural communities”, and “local government” – conceptual containers which render invisible the specific interests of identity-based groups, including (multiply-marginalized) women.6 The transformation of Women’s Equality into Women’s Services and Social Programs has been accompanied by a number of shifts in the unit’s responsibilities and priorities. One of the most noticeable of these has been the return of responsibility for support for child care services, which had been transferred from Women’s Equality to the Ministry for Children and Families in 1997. The return of child care services to the branch might appear to be a positive move for women: the significant increase in the women’s policy agency budget resulting from this transfer could enhance its “clout” within government. Further, the reintegration of child care services into a bureaucratic context charged with gender analysis might auger well for ongoing sensitivity in policy decisions to women’s particular interest in access to affordable, quality child care for their children. And yet this is not how events have unfolded. Instead, the Liberal government moved quickly to undo progressive changes to child care policy that had been adopted by the previous administration. For example, it repealed the NDP’s Child Care Services Act, which went into effect on January 1, 2001 and was providing funding that reduced the cost to parents of after-school child care from $12 to $7 per day per child up to the age of twelve years. In addition to the material benefit to families that this policy entailed (estimated by the government at $1,100 per child annually for the average family), it was intended by the NDP government as one component of an on-going process of reframing access to quality, affordable child care as a universal service, rather than as a meanstested benefit. By contrast, the Liberals have insisted that government subsidies should be restricted to those who are most in need; in their view, as Lynn Stephens has argued, reduced government spending on child care is necessary in order to make the system “more affordable for taxpayers”.7 As a further contribution to this latter goal, the funding provided by Women’s Services and Social Programs for the forty-seven child care resource and referral agencies throughout the province will be cut to zero effective March 2004.8 Women’s Services will continue to fund and administer transition and second-stage houses, to support related services for women and their children who are fleeing families in which they have been the targets of violence by intimate partners, and to fund anti-violence projects more generally. However, the thirty-seven community-based Women’s Centres, which provide a range of information, referral and advocacy services to women throughout the province, have suffered a very different fate. The funding they receive from Women’s Services – which amounted to $1.9 million during the final year of the NDP administration – is to be eliminated entirely as of 31 March 2004. In addition, the $4.7 million provided by the Ministry of Women’s Equality under the previous government to support the province’s innovative bridging programs, designed to facilitate a transition to employment for women who have experienced violence, will also be eliminated at the conclusion of the 2003/04 fiscal year (MWE 2001a, 15; CAWS 2002a, 12). The elimination of these expenditures from the Women’s Services’ budget have been accompanied by deep and wide-ranging cuts to programs and community-based organizations funded through other government departments.9 These cutbacks, which have impeded girls and women’s access to health services, education, housing, disability supports, social assistance benefits, and legal and advocacy services, have been driven by the legislated requirement that the provincial government bring in a balanced budget in fiscal year 2004/05 and subsequently. Their magnitude reflects the need to compensate for sizable tax cuts that the Liberal government announced immediately after the 2001 election, and which have delivered the greatest benefits to the most well-off individuals in the province (Lee 2001). with higher incomes may benefit from the tax cuts, but most women in the province are paying a significant price one way or another for the policy package as a whole. And, far from having an advocate for their interests within government, they have a Minister of State for Women’s Equality who has indicated that “I agree with everything our government does”.10
|
Teghtsoonian, Professor of Policy and Practice at the University of Victoria 03 (Katherine, “W(h)ither Women's Equality? Neoliberalism, Institutional Change and Public Policy in British Columbia”, Policy and Society 22:1, 2003, ScienceDirect)//AS
|
This failure to address the intersections among multiple dimensions of marginalization in women’s lives arguably reflects the neoliberal antipathy to identity-based politics discussed earlier These latter were delegitimized in the following terms:The NDP have ... treated equality issues as so-called ‘wedge issues’, using women, aboriginals, seniors, gays and lesbians, multicultural groups and others as political pawns to try to gain partisan advantage Liberals have insisted that government subsidies should be restricted to those who are most in need cutbacks, which have impeded girls and women’s access to health services, education, housing, disability supports, social assistance benefits, and legal and advocacy services, have been driven by the legislated requirement that the government bring in a balanced budget Their magnitude reflects the need to compensate for sizable tax cuts which have delivered the greatest benefits to the most well-off individuals women in the province are paying a significant price one way or another for the policy package as a whole
|
Neoliberal policies ignore women’s concerns—especially when they intersect with other identity groups
| 6,305 | 101 | 1,076 | 974 | 12 | 158 | 0.01232 | 0.162218 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,460 |
Based on empirical research among women's antiwar organizations worldwide, the article derives a feminist oppositional standpoint on militarization and war. From this standpoint, patriarchal gender relations are seen to be intersectional with economic and ethno-national power relations in perpetuating a tendency to armed conflict in human societies. The feminism generated in antiwar activism tends to be holistic, and understands gender in patriarchy as a relation of power underpinned by coercion and violence. The cultural features of militarization and war readily perceived by women positioned in or close to armed conflict, and their sense of war as systemic and as a continuum, make its gendered nature visible. There are implications in this perspective for antiwar movements. If gender relations are one of the root causes of war, a feminist programme of gender transformation is a necessary component of the pursuit of peace.
|
Cockburn, feminist researcher and writer, is Honorary Professor in the Department of Sociology at the University of Warwick, 10 (Cynthia, “Gender Relations as Causal in Militarization and War”, International Feminist Journal of Politics 12:2, 2010, Taylor and Francis)//AS
|
Based on empirical research the article derives a feminist oppositional standpoint on militarization and war patriarchal gender relations are seen to be intersectional with economic and ethno-national power relations in perpetuating a tendency to armed conflict The feminism tends to be holistic, and understands gender in patriarchy as a relation of power underpinned by coercion and violence If gender relations are one of the root causes of war, a feminist programme is a necessary component of the pursuit of peace
|
Feminist movements are essential for peace—patriarchal institutions are a root cause of war
| 937 | 91 | 518 | 141 | 13 | 80 | 0.092199 | 0.567376 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,461 |
In many countries and regions around the world, women are organizing inwomen-only groups and networks to oppose militarism and militarization,to prevent wars or bring wars to an end, to achieve justice and sustainablepeace. From early in 2005 I carried out two years’ fulltime empirical researchinvestigating the constitution and objectives, the analyses and strategies ofsuch organizations.2The research involved 80,000 miles of travel to twelvecountries on four continents, and resulted in case studies of ten countrybased groups, fourteen branches of Women in Black in five countries andthree other transnational networks – the Women’s International League forPeace and Freedom, Code Pink and the Women’s Network against Militarism.Yet this was only a slender sample of the movement of movements that iswomen’s engaged opposition to militarization and war in the contemporaryworld.In this article I summarize or encapsulate the unique feminist analysis of warthat women seemed to me to be evolving from their location close to armedconflict combined with their positionality as women, and the activism towhich they had been provoked. I draw out here only the boldest of itsthemes, the ‘strong case’ on gender and war. It is that patriarchal genderrelations predispose our societies to war. They are a driving force perpetuatingwar. They are among the causes of war. This is not, of course, to say that genderis the only dimension of power implicated in war. It is not to diminish thecommonly understood importance of economic factors (particularly an everexpansive capitalism) and antagonisms between ethnic communities, statesand blocs (particularly the institution of the nation-state) as causes of war.Women antiwar activists bring gender relations into the picture not as analternative but as an intrinsic, interwoven, inescapable part of the very samestory.
|
Cockburn, feminist researcher and writer, is Honorary Professor in the Department of Sociology at the University of Warwick, 10 (Cynthia, “Gender Relations as Causal in Militarization and War”, International Feminist Journal of Politics 12:2, 2010, Taylor and Francis)//AS
|
women are organizing to prevent wars or bring wars to an end I carried out two years’ fulltime empirical researchinvestigating the constitution and objectives, the analyses and strategies ofsuch organization patriarchal genderrelations predispose our societies to war. They are a driving force perpetuatingwar. They are among the causes of war. This is not, of course, to say that genderis the only dimension of power implicated in war. It is not to diminish thecommonly understood importance of economic factors (particularly an everexpansive capitalism) Women antiwar activists bring gender relations into the picture not as analternative but as an intrinsic, interwoven, inescapable part of the very samestory
|
Patriarchal institutions cause war—feminist movements are integral in peace--empirics
| 1,863 | 85 | 712 | 275 | 9 | 105 | 0.032727 | 0.381818 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,462 |
Masculinity and politics have a long and close association. Characteristics associated with "manliness," such as toughness, courage, power, independence, and even physical strength, have, throughout history, been those most valued in the conduct of politics, particularly international politics. Frequently, manliness has also been associated with violence and the use of force, a type of behavior that, when conducted in the international arena, has been valorized and applauded in the name of defending one's country. This celebration of male power, particularly the glorification of the male warrior, produces more of a gender dichotomy than exists in reality for, as R. W. Connell points out, this stereotypical image of masculinity does not fit most men. Connell suggests that what he calls "hegemonic masculinity," a type of culturally dominant masculinity that he distinguishes from other subordinated masculinities, is a socially constructed cultural ideal that, while it does not correspond to the actual personality of the majority of men, sustains patriarchal authority and legitimizes a patriarchal political and social order. Hegemonic masculinity is sustained through its opposition to various subordinated and devalued masculinities, such as homosexuality, and, more important, through its relation to various devalued femininities. Socially constructed gender differences are based on socially sanctioned, unequal relationships between men and women that reinforce compliance with men's stated superiority. Nowhere in the public realm are these stereotypical gender images more apparent than in the realm of international politics, where the characteristics associated with hegemonic masculinity are projected onto the behavior of states whose success as international actors is measured in terms of their power capabilities and capacity for self-help and autonomy.
|
Tickner, distinguished scholar in residence atthe Schoolof International Services at American University92 (J. Ann, “Gender in International Relations Feminist Perspectives on Achieving Global Security”, Columbia University Press, 1992, http://www.ces.uc.pt/ficheiros2/files/Short.pdf)//AS
|
manliness has also been associated with violence and the use of force, a type of behavior that, when conducted in the international arena, has been valorized and applauded in the name of defending one's country This celebration of male power produces more of a gender dichotomy than exists in reality hegemonic masculinity," a is a socially constructed cultural ideal that sustains patriarchal authority and legitimizes a patriarchal political and social order Hegemonic masculinity is sustained through its opposition to devalued masculinities, such as homosexuality, and devalued femininities
|
Patriarchal hierarchies must be resisted—cause war and violence
| 1,881 | 63 | 594 | 266 | 8 | 87 | 0.030075 | 0.327068 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,463 |
The social impacts of neoliberalism have been dismal. The processes of social exclusion and polarisation that sharpened in the 1980s across Latin America have continued with faltering per capita incomes and massive informal sector growth, in the order of an astonishing 70-80 percent of new employment, to the present. With ECLA long having declared the 1990s Latin A1nerica's second lost decade, it will soon have to do so for a third.'0 Here Venezuela records the same numbing neoliberal patternsof reproduction of social inequality as elsewhere: some 80 percent of the population lives in poverty, while 20 percent enjoy the oligarchic wealth produced by rentier oil revenues; the worst performance in per capita GDP in Latin American from the late 1970s to the present, with peak income levels cut almost in halt, a collapse of rural incomes leading to massive migration into the cities, with close to 90 per cent of the population now in urban areas, particularly Caracas, one of the world's growing catalogue of slum cities; 3/4 of new job growth estimated to be in the informal sector, where half of the working population is now said to "˜work'; and recorded unemployment levels (which have quite unclear meaning given the extent of reserve armies of under-employed in the informal economy) hovering between 15 to 20 per cent for a decade. The tally of social ills produced by neoliberal models of economic development makes for sober reading. These all impinge on any attempt an alternate direction for the Venezuelan state, although the booming oil sector allows for far more room for redistributional policies and potential to convert oil revenues into "˜endogenous development' than elsewhere. However, to date, there has been only some modest increase in incomes for waged workers and poorer sections, which can largely be attributed to the economic recovery. There has been no radical redistribution of income and only modest shiiis in high-income tax burdens.
|
Albo, Department of Political Science, York University, 06 (Gregory, “The Unexpected Revolution: Venezuela Confronts Neoliberalism”, Presentation at the University of Alberta, International Development Week, 1/06, http://socialistproject.ca/theory/venezuela_praksis.pdf)//AS
|
social impacts of neoliberalism have been dismal social exclusion and polarisation have continued with faltering per capita incomes and massive informal sector growth Here Venezuela records the same numbing neoliberal patterns 80 percent of the population lives in poverty, while 20 percent enjoy the oligarchic wealth unemployment levels hovering between 15 to 20 per cent for a decade social ills produced by neoliberal models of economic development makes for sober reading . There has been no radical redistribution of income and only modest shiiis in high-income tax burdens
|
Neoliberalism exacerbates wealth gaps and leads to tremendous poverty
| 1,974 | 69 | 579 | 317 | 9 | 88 | 0.028391 | 0.277603 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,464 |
Neoliberalism, compromised by the soft approach of Chicago economics towards concentrations of wealth in market—dominating corporations, and further compromised by having created, through banking deregulation, markets that thrive on inadequate information, has led us into a trap: We can secure our collective welfare only by enabling a very small number of individuals to become extremely rich and politically powerful. The essence of this trap is perfectly expressed in what is now happening to the Welfare state. Governments have to make deep cuts in social services, health and education programmes, pension entitlements and social transfers to the poor and unemployed. They have to do this to satisfy the anxieties of the financial markets over the size of public debt, the operators in these markets being the very same people who benefited from the bank rescue, and who have already begun to pay themselves high bonuses — bonuses ‘earned’ because their operations have been guaranteed against risk by the government spending that created the public debt.
|
Crouch 11 – English sociologist and political scientist, former Professor of Governance and Public Management in the University of Warwick Business School until 2011 (Colin Crouch, “The Strange Non-death of Neo-liberalism” Winner of the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung prize, Polity Press, August 8 2011) MR
|
Neoliberalism has led us into a trap We can secure our collective welfare only by enabling a very small number of individuals to become extremely rich and powerful. Governments have to make deep cuts in social services, health and education and social transfers to the poor and unemployed to satisfy the anxieties of the financial markets the operators in these markets being the very same people who benefited from the bank rescue, and who have already begun to pay themselves high bonuses because their operations have been guaranteed against risk by the government
|
Neoliberalism is a trap that secures the subordination of the poor to satisfy the rich
| 1,061 | 87 | 567 | 164 | 15 | 93 | 0.091463 | 0.567073 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,465 |
On the other hand, it has been amply demonstrated that high levels of social development can be reached even in the absence of robust economies. This can only happen if the correct priorities are set and the necessary political will is present. One study of ten national case studies suggested that the redistribution of goods and income will not happen automatically and that there is no guarantee that the distribution of income in a market economy is going to be neutral (Lewis 1997). The study concluded by affirming public policy makers will do well to build upon the potential synergy that exists between investments in education, water and sanitation, and health and nutrition in order to maximise the possible levels of social development in a context of highly limited resources. The study also concluded that growth in itself will not reduce poverty in terms of income nor in terms of human development, unless there are public policies that are specifically oriented to this objective (Lewis 1997).
|
De La Barra, Chilean political activist, international consultant and former UNICEF Latin America Public Policy Advisor 07—(Ximena, “THE DUAL DEBT OF NEOLIBERALISM”, Imperialism, Neoliberalism and Social Struggles in Latin America”, 9/1/09, edited by Dello Bueno and Lara, Brill Online)//AS
|
it has been amply demonstrated that high levels of social development can be reached even in the absence of robust economies there is no guarantee that the distribution of income in a market economy is going to be neutral that growth in itself will not reduce poverty in terms of income nor in terms of human development
|
Growth can’t solve poverty—social development can exist without economic growth
| 1,009 | 79 | 320 | 166 | 10 | 57 | 0.060241 | 0.343373 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,466 |
Globally, neoliberal policies have been imposed on developing countries through the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Their policies used the ideal of free trade to open up markets to multinational corporations often to the detriment of local production, especially in agriculture (Shiva, 2000), and scaled back government spending on social services, if not privatizing them (Jomo, 2007). Consequently, in many developing countries the role of government has been diminished to guaranteeing minimum standards and welfare and creating conditions favourable for capital investment, leading to what some have described as the hollowing out of the state (Clapham, 1996). As Harvey (2006) writes: “the fundamental mission of the neoliberal state is toa create a ‘good business climate’ and therefore to optimize conditions for capital accumulation no matter what the consequences for employment or social well-being. This contrasts with the social democratic state that is committed to full employment and the optimization of the wellbeing of all its citizens subject to the condition of maintaining adequate and stable rates of accumulation.” (p. 25) While the primary aim of neoliberalism is to restore corporate profitability over the welfare of its citizens, proponents claim that giving free reign to corporations and 174 D.W. Hursh and J.A. Henderson Downloaded by [Emory University] at 11:52 28 June 2013 unleashing individuals to pursue their own economic self-interests is the best way to ensure economic growth and, therefore, to provide for an improved standard of living for those in developed and developing countries and for the poor worldwide. However, as Jomo (2007) and Berry and Serieux (2007) write, since the rise of globalization and neoliberalism in the 1970s, economic growth has slowed and the ‘income inequality has worsened in most countries in the world in recent decades’ (Jomo, 2007, p. xix). Even in the USA, long held up as the exemplar of capitalist development, under neoliberalism household income has grown only because of the rise of two-worker households, men earn less than their fathers did, and, as measured by the Gini coefficient, income inequality has grown (The Economist, 2010).
|
Hursh and Henderson, associate professor of education at the University of Rochester and PhD at the Warner Graduate School of Education and Human Development 11 (David and Joseph, “ Contesting global neoliberalism and creating alternative futures”, Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education 32:2, May 2011, Routledge)//AS
|
, neoliberal policies have been imposed on developing countries through the ideal of free trade to open up markets to multinational corporations often to the detriment of local production, especially in agriculture in many developing countries the role of government has been diminished to guaranteeing minimum standards and creating conditions favourable for capital investment the fundamental mission of the neoliberal state is to optimize conditions for capital accumulation no matter what the consequences for employment or social well-being proponents claim that giving free reign to corporations is the best way to ensure economic growth and, therefore, to provide for an improved standard of living since the rise of globalization and neoliberalism in the 1970s, economic growth has slowed and the ‘income inequality has worsened in most countries in the world in recent decades’
|
Proponents are wrong—neoliberalism only increases economic inequality
| 2,239 | 69 | 886 | 343 | 7 | 133 | 0.020408 | 0.387755 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,467 |
Peasant/Indian intervention in politics has long been manifested through everyday acts of resistance. These remained fragmented and localized, however, until the second half of the 20th century. Landlord and state responses to subaltern defiance rested on the systematic use of violence and the deepening of colonial forms of domination and exploitation – what Anı´ balQuijano calls the coloniality of power. In his essay, Quijano examines the political trajectory of Indian resistance in Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador, describing the current power crisis in terms of the crisis of coloniality. He suggests that the achievement of autonomy and of a pluri-ethnic state will not only mark the end of the Eurocentric nation-state but will also force the redefinition of both the national question and the problem of political democracy.Gonza´lez Casanova argues similarly, in his essay on the EZLN, thattheZapatista forms of autonomous self-government (caracoles or conches) express what he describes as a “culture of power” forged in 500 years of resistance to colonialism and to the Eurocentric logic of state power. In place of the latter, Zapatista forms of people’s power offer an idiosyncratic form of direct rule aimed on the one hand at strengthening democracy, dignity, and autonomy, and, on the other, at building an alternative way of life, thereby helping to revitalize the universal struggle for democracy, liberation, and socialism.
|
Renique, Associate Professor in the Department of History at the City College of the City University of New York ( Gerardo, “Latin America today: The revolt against neoliberalism”, Socialism and Democracy 10--, 19:3, 9/20/10, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/08854300500284561#.UcnZQvnVCSo)//AS
|
Peasant/Indian intervention in politics has long been manifested through everyday acts of resistance These remained fragmented until the second half of the 20th century state responses to subaltern defiance rested on the systematic use of violence and the deepening of colonial forms of domination and exploitation He suggests that the achievement of autonomy and of a pluri-ethnic state will not only mark the end of the Eurocentric nation-state but will also force the redefinition of both the national question and the problem of political democracy. forms of people’s power offer an idiosyncratic form of direct rule aimed on the one hand at strengthening democracy, dignity, and autonomy, and, on the other, at building an alternative way of life, thereby helping to revitalize the universal struggle for democracy, liberation, and socialism.
|
Resisting capitalism is critical to liberate the subjugated masses in Latin America
| 1,438 | 83 | 845 | 220 | 12 | 130 | 0.054545 | 0.590909 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,468 |
One vehicle for the emergence of this situation has been policies that tend to subject the majority to market forces whilst preserving social protection for the strong (e.g., highly skilled workers, corporate capital, or those with inherited wealth). These policies are cast within a neoliberal discourse of governance that stresses the efficiency, welfare, and freedom of the market, and self-actualisation through the process of consumption. However, the effects of these policies are hierarchical and contradictory, so that it is also possible to say that the neoliberal turn can itself be interpreted as partly a manifestation of a crisis of governmental authority and credibility, indeed of governability, within and across a range of societies. It represents what Gramsci called "˜a rift between popular masses and ruling ideologies' expressed in widespread "˜scepticism with regard to all theories and general formulae and to a form of politics which is not simply realistic in fact...but which is cynical in its immediate manifestations
|
Gill, Distinguished Research Professor of Political Science at York University, 95 (Stephen, “Globalisation, Market Civilisation, and Disciplinary Neoliberalism”, Millennium - Journal of International Studies 24:3, 1995, Sage Publications)//AS
|
One vehicle for the emergence of this situation has been policies that tend to subject the majority to market forces whilst preserving social protection for the strong These policies are cast within a neoliberal discourse of governance that stresses the efficiency of the market, and self-actualisation through the process of consumption effects of these policies are hierarchical and contradictory the neoliberal turn can itself be interpreted as partly a manifestation of a crisis of governmental authority It represents what Gramsci called "˜a rift between popular masses and ruling ideologies' expressed in widespread "˜scepticism
|
Neoliberal policies privilege the wealthy and commercialize self-worth
| 1,044 | 70 | 634 | 158 | 8 | 93 | 0.050633 | 0.588608 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,469 |
From a socio-historical perspective a remarkable feature of contemporary world society is how more and more aspects of everyday life in _OECD nations have come to be premised upon or pervaded by market values, representations, and symbols, as time and distance are apparently shrunk by scientific- technological innovation, the hyper-mobility of financial capital, and some types of information flows. Commercialisation has configured more aspects of family life, religious practice, leisure pursuits, and aspects of nature. Indeed, processes of commodification have progressively encompassed aspects of life that had been viewed as inalienable." Increasingly, patent rights over human genes and tissue, plants, seeds, and animal hybrids are obtained routinely by pharmaceutical and agricultural corporations, including the DNA of "˜endangered peoples' (that is, aboriginal or native peoples). These private "˜inte1lectual' property rights are being intemationalised and extended into the legal regimes of the world through the new World Trade Organisation. Such developments are taking place when, in much of the OECD, there has been little political debate over the repercussions of biotechnology and genetic innovation, to say nothing of the privatisation of life-forms." At the same time, large numbers of people are almost totally marginalised from enjoyment of the fruits of global production.
|
Gill, Distinguished Research Professor of Political Science at York University, 95 (Stephen, “Globalisation, Market Civilisation, and Disciplinary Neoliberalism”, Millennium - Journal of International Studies 24:3, 1995, Sage Publications)//AS
|
a remarkable feature of contemporary world society is how more and more aspects of everyday life have come to be premised upon market values Commercialisation has configured family life, religious practice, leisure pursuits, and aspects of nature processes of commodification have progressively encompassed aspects of life that had been viewed as inalienable patent rights over human genes plants, seeds, and animal hybrids are obtained including the DNA of "˜endangered peoples' (that is, aboriginal or native peoples there has been little political debate over the repercussions of biotechnology to say nothing of the privatisation of life-forms At the same time, large numbers of people are almost totally marginalised from enjoyment of the fruits of global production
|
Neoliberalism commodifies life and marginalizes the non-wealthy
| 1,401 | 64 | 771 | 200 | 7 | 115 | 0.035 | 0.575 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,470 |
The transformations of labour markets introduces the wider theme that neoliberal reform has been associated with negative effects in such social areas as income distribution and poverty. These negative effects can be seen in the impact of neoliberal reforms in at least five areas of the labour market (Bulmer-Thomas, 1996). (1) Unemployment rate: trade liberalisation, fiscal andlabourmarket reform have combined to substantially increase unemployment during the economic crisis and the process of economic restructuring. Those companies unable to compete with foreign firms in the domestic market lay off workers, govemments drastically reduce the numbers of civil servants and short-term contracts make temporary unemployment more common. (2) Real minimum wage: labour market and fiscal reforms have normally operated to reduce the minimum wage in real terms--both to save govemment spending on social provision and to maximise employment during economic restructuring. Although the real minimum wage declines during the economic crisis, it can subsequently increase once economic growth becomes more sustained (as in Chile since the late l980s). Real wages: trade liberalisation, fiscal and labour market reform have all tended to exert downward pressure on real wages-as companies face more competition from overseas firms, as governments increase wages and salaries at lower rates than inflation and as greater flexibility enters the labour market. Again a distinct sequencing can be found, with real wages declining during the first phase of economic restructuring but with slight increases occurring once the labour market subsequently tightens. Wealth effects: the impact of fiscal reform, the liberalisation of trade and domestic capital markets and increased inflow of foreign capital has been to substantially increase the wealth of the top two deciles of income earners the capitalist class in general and entrepreneurs in particular. (5) The urban informal sector. This corresponds to that pan of the urban economy that is small-scale, avoids regulation and covers a wide variety of activities. During the phase of economic restructuring the informal sector tends to expand as more enterprises wish to enter the unregulated sector. However, subsequently it can decline as it becomes easier for small-scale enterprises to comply with the more limited regulations required of a deregulated formal sector. It has been argued (de Soto, 1989) that the urban market does offer opportunities for many (as in petty commerce). However, as Thomas (1996) and Roberts (1995) point out, these are basically survival strategies and enterprises will normally remain with low levels of capital accumulation and therefore income. It would be interesting to know the level of support for the economic model from these sectors. Again support would probably emerge when economic growth resumes. Increased subcontracting from larger firms to small-scale informal enterprises would be one example of such trickle-down mechanisms operating.
|
Gwynne and Kay, professors at the School of Geography, University of Birmingham and the Institute of Social Studies at the Hague respectively 00, (Robert and Cristóbal, “Views from the periphery: futures of neoliberalism in Latin America”, Third World Quarterly 21:1, 2000, JSTOR)//AS
|
neoliberal reform has been associated with negative effects in such social areas as income distribution and poverty trade liberalisation and market reform have combined to substantially increase unemployment have normally operated to reduce the minimum wage in real terms increased inflow of foreign capital has been to substantially increase the wealth of the top two deciles of income earners the capitalist class in general enterprises will normally remain with low levels of capital accumulation and therefore income
|
Neoliberal influence disproportionately hurts the poor
| 3,031 | 54 | 520 | 449 | 6 | 77 | 0.013363 | 0.171492 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,471 |
Space stations or lunar settlements won’t help mankind avoid numerous types of extinction risks. This is because 1) any colony would remain near-completely dependent on Earth unless very large and in possession of advanced nanotechnology, and 2) the greatest danger, from superintelligence, could easily reach its long arm into space and crush any human colony if it wanted to.¶ This is not a challenge we can run away from. We have to stay here and fix it. Space will not swoop down and save the day.¶ Regarding self-replicating threats, it’s likely that a deep underground self-sufficient bunker would be nearly equivalent in its protective value to a space station, not to mention thousands of times cheaper. On Earth, there is air, organic and inorganic building materials, water, radiation shielding, proximity to other humans, and many other amenities. Even if you completely nuked the face of the planet, it would still remain the most habitable neighborhood in the solar system, hands down. This might have something to do with the fact that we descend from a lineage that has lived here and adapted to the environment for billions of years.¶ When dealing with extinction risks, we have to be practical, not fanciful, with visions of expensive space stations or lunar bases. That’s reality.
|
Anissimov 08 (Michael, managed Singularity Summit and worked as media director for the Machine Intelligence Research Institute, “We Are in Trouble”, Accelerating Future, 9/22/13, http://www.acceleratingfuture.com/michael/blog/2008/09/we-are-in-trouble/)//AS
|
Space stations or lunar settlements won’t help mankind avoid extinction any colony would remain near-completely dependent on Earth the greatest danger, from superintelligence, could easily reach its long arm into space and crush any human colony if it wanted to This is not a challenge we can run away from. We have to stay here and fix it. Space will not swoop down and save the day that a deep underground self-sufficient bunker would be nearly equivalent in its protective value not to mention thousands of times cheaper Even if you completely nuked the face of the planet, it would still remain the most habitable neighborhood in the solar system When dealing with extinction risks, we have to be practical, not fanciful, with visions of expensive space stations or lunar bases. That’s reality.
|
Empirically disproven—USSR went to space under a communist regime—their card says free markets are key to space tech innovation but I’m pretty sure the USSR beat the US into space
| 1,298 | 179 | 798 | 212 | 30 | 133 | 0.141509 | 0.627358 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,472 |
HUMAN EXPANSION across the Solar System is an optimist’s fantasy. Why? Because of the clash of two titans: physics versus chemistry.¶ In the red corner, the laws of physics argue that an enormous amount of energy is required to send a human payload out of Earth’s gravitational field to its deep space destination and back again.¶ In the blue corner, the laws of chemistry argue that there is a hard limit to how much energy you can extract from the rocket fuel, and that no amount of ingenuity will change that.¶ Start with a lightweight payload – a dozen astronauts collectively weighing less than a tonne. Now add the life support systems for a one-year journey, with sufficient food, water, oxygen and an energy source to keep their living quarters warm and bright. Fifty tonnes, perhaps?¶ Add the rockets and rocket fuel for mid-course corrections, and for landing somewhere interesting then taking off to return to Earth, and the mass spirals to excess.¶ The laws of physics are immutable. According to these laws, accelerating that large mass and fighting against planetary gravitational fields requires a tremendous amount of energy.¶ Now consider the laws of chemistry. You can’t change them by legislation. The energy content that can be liberated from rocket fuel, and the propulsion force that can be generated, depend on the mass of the fuel, the molecular bond energies and the temperature at which the chemicals burn.¶ Scientists and rocket engineers have known this for more than a century and have worked hard to optimise all the parameters. But at the end of the day, there is only so much that you can get out of the rocket fuel – and it’s not enough.¶ SOMEHOW, THE FACT that this clash of the titans restricts our ability to undertake deep space flights doesn’t feel right. Surely the magic of our success in electronics and information systems should apply?¶ Moore’s law tells us that every two years the number of transistors in an integrated circuit doubles. Futurologists assure us that the total volume of humanity’s knowledge doubles every five years. Why, then, shouldn’t our ability to lift a payload double every five, 10 or even 20 years?¶ Sadly, the analogy does not apply. In the case of electronics and information systems, we are dealing with soft rules, related to the limits of human ingenuity. In the case of space flight, we are dealing with hard rules, related to the limits of physics and chemistry.¶ Rocket engineers and scientists have been battling these limits of physics and chemistry for years, with diminishing prospects for further gains.¶ Add to these hard limits the fear of failure from nervous governments worried about the political backlash if something goes wrong and, no surprise, the added weight for redundant safety and life-support systems makes return trips to other planets utterly impractical.
|
Finkel 11 (Alan, “Forget space travel: it’s just a dream”, Cosmos, 4/11/11, http://www.cosmosmagazine.com/planets-galaxies/the-future-space-travel/)//AS
|
HUMAN EXPANSION across the Solar System is an optimist’s fantasy Because of the clash of two titans: physics versus chemistry the laws of physics argue that an enormous amount of energy is required to send a human payload the blue corner, the laws of chemistry argue that there is a hard limit to how much energy you can extract from the rocket fuel, and that no amount of ingenuity will change that Start with a lightweight payload Now add the life support systems with sufficient food, water, oxygen Add the rockets and rocket fuel and for landing somewhere i , and the mass spirals to excess The laws of physics are immutable accelerating that large mass and fighting against planetary gravitational fields requires a tremendous amount of energy Now consider the laws of chemistry. You can’t change them by legislation The energy content liberated from rocket fuel, depend on the mass of the fuel, the molecular bond energies and the temperature at which the chemicals burn Surely the magic of our success in electronics and information systems should apply?¶ Why, then, shouldn’t our ability to lift a payload double every five, 10 or even 20 years?¶ Sadly, the analogy does not apply In the case of electronics and information systems, we are dealing with soft rule In the case of space flight, we are dealing with hard rules, related to the limits of physics and chemistry.
|
Space colonization is terminally impossible—hard laws of science prohibit
| 2,856 | 73 | 1,379 | 475 | 9 | 236 | 0.018947 | 0.496842 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,473 |
I write SF for a living. Possibly because of this, folks seem to think I ought to be an enthusiastic proponent of space exploration and space colonization. Space exploration? Yep, that's a fair cop — I'm all in favour of advancing the scientific enterprise. But actual space colonisation is another matter entirely, and those of a sensitive (or optimistic) disposition might want to stop reading right now ...¶ I'm going to take it as read that the idea of space colonization isn't unfamiliar; domed cities on Mars, orbiting cylindrical space habitats a la J. D. Bernalor Gerard K. O'Neill, that sort of thing. Generation ships that take hundreds of years to ferry colonists out to other star systems where — as we are now discovering — there are profusions of planets to explore.¶ And I don't want to spend much time talking about the unspoken ideological underpinnings of the urge to space colonization, other than to point out that they're there, that the case for space colonization isn't usually presented as an economic enterprise so much as a quasi-religious one. "We can't afford to keep all our eggs in one basket" isn't so much a justification as an appeal to sentimentality, for in the hypothetical case of a planet-trashing catastrophe, we (who currently inhabit the surface of the Earth) are dead anyway. The future extinction of the human species cannot affect you if you are already dead: strictly speaking, it should be of no personal concern.¶ Historically, crossing oceans and setting up farmsteads on new lands conveniently stripped of indigenous inhabitants by disease has been a cost-effective proposition. But the scale factor involved in space travel is strongly counter-intuitive.¶ Here's a handy metaphor: let's approximate one astronomical unit — the distance between the Earth and the sun, roughly 150 million kilometres, or 600 times the distance from the Earth to the Moon — to one centimetre. Got that? 1AU = 1cm. (You may want to get hold of a ruler to follow through with this one.)¶ The solar system is conveniently small. Neptune, the outermost planet in our solar system, orbits the sun at a distance of almost exactly 30AU, or 30 centimetres — one foot (in imperial units). Giant Jupiter is 5.46 AU out from the sun, almost exactly two inches (in old money).¶ We've sent space probes to Jupiter; they take two and a half years to get there if we send them on a straight Hohmann transfer orbit, but we can get there a bit faster using some fancy orbital mechanics. Neptune is still a stretch — only one spacecraft, Voyager 2, has made it out there so far. Its journey time was 12 years, and it wasn't stopping. (It's now on its way out into interstellar space, having passed the heliopause some years ago.)¶ The Kuiper belt, domain of icy wandering dwarf planets like Pluto and Eris, extends perhaps another 30AU, before merging into the much more tenuousHills cloud and Oort cloud, domain of loosely coupled long-period comets.¶ Now for the first scale shock: using our handy metaphor the Kuiper belt is perhaps a metre in diameter. The Oort cloud, in contrast, is as much as 50,000 AU in radius — its outer edge lies half a kilometre away.¶ Got that? Our planetary solar system is 30 centimetres, roughly a foot, in radius. But to get to the edge of the Oort cloud, you have to go half a kilometre, roughly a third of a mile.¶ Next on our tour is Proxima Centauri, our nearest star. (There might be a brown dwarf or two lurking unseen in the icy depths beyond the Oort cloud, but if we've spotted one, I'm unaware of it.) Proxima Centauri is 4.22 light years away.A light year is 63.2 x 103 AU, or 9.46 x 1012 Km. So Proxima Centauri, at 267,000 AU, is just under two and a third kilometres, or two miles (in old money) away from us.¶ But Proxima Centauri is a poor choice, if we're looking for habitable real estate. While exoplanets are apparently common as muck, terrestrial planets are harder to find; Gliese 581c, the first such to be detected (and it looks like a pretty weird one, at that), is roughly 20.4 light years away, or using our metaphor, about ten miles.¶ Try to get a handle on this: it takes us 2-5 years to travel two inches. But the proponents of interstellar travel are talking about journeys of ten miles. That's the first point I want to get across: that if the distances involved in interplanetary travel are enormous, and the travel times fit to rival the first Australian settlers, then the distances and times involved in interstellar travel are mind-numbing.¶ This is not to say that interstellar travel is impossible; quite the contrary. But to do so effectively you need either (a) outrageous amounts of cheap energy, or (b) highly efficient robot probes, or (c) a magic wand. And in the absence of (c) you're not going to get any news back from the other end in less than decades. Even if (a) is achievable, or by means of (b) we can send self-replicating factories and have them turn distant solar systems into hives of industry, and more speculatively find some way to transmit human beings there, they are going to have zero net economic impact on our circumstances (except insofar as sending them out costs us money).
|
Stross 07 (Charlie, British writer of science fiction, “The High Frontier, Redux”, Economist’s View, 6/16/07, http://economistsview.typepad.com/economistsview/2007/06/the_economics_o.html)//AS
|
actual space colonisation is another matter entirely the idea of space colonization isn't unfamiliar Historically, crossing oceans and setting up farmsteads on new lands conveniently stripped of indigenous inhabitants by disease has been a cost-effective proposition But the scale factor involved in space travel is strongly counter-intuitive let's approximate one astronomical unit the distance between the Earth and the sun to one centimetre Our planetary solar system is 30 centimetres, roughly a foot, in radius. But to get to the edge of the Oort cloud, you have to go half a kilometre our nearest star is just under two and a third kilometres But Proxima Centauri is a poor choice, if we're looking for habitable real estate terrestrial planets are harder to find; Gliese 581c is roughly 20.4 light years away, or using our metaphor, about ten miles. it takes us 2-5 years to travel two inche But the proponents of interstellar travel are talking about journeys of ten mile distances and times involved in interstellar travel are mind-numbing But to do so effectively you need either outrageous amounts of cheap energy, or a magic wand in the absence of (c) you're not going to get any news back from the other end in less than decades Even if (a) is achievable they are going to have zero net economic impact on our circumstances
|
Space colonization is logically impossible—takes thousands of years and technology that will never exist
| 5,190 | 104 | 1,336 | 905 | 14 | 224 | 0.01547 | 0.247514 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,474 |
The problems with Hawking’s solution is that while it may save a “seed” of human life- a few lucky specimens- it won’t save Earth’s inhabitants. The majority of Earthlings would surely be left behind on a planet increasingly unfit for life.¶ In a futuristic mode similar to Hawking, both Steven Dick, chief NASA historian and Carnegie-Mellon robotics pundit, Hans Moravec, believe that human biological evolution is but a passing phase: the future of mankind will be as vastly evolved sentient machines capable of self-replicating and exploring the farthest reaches of the Universe programmed with instructions on how to recreate earth life and humans to target stars.¶ Dick believes that if there is a flaw in the logic of the Fermi Paradox, and extraterrestrials are a natural outcome of cosmic evolution, then cultural evolution may have resulted in a post-biological universe in which machines are the predominant intelligence.¶ Renowned science-fiction writer, Charlie Stross, argued last week in his High Frontier Redux blog that space colonization is not in our future, not because it's impossible, but because to do so effectively you need either outrageous amounts of cheap energy, highly efficient robot probes, or "a magic wand."¶ "I'm going to take it as read that the idea of space colonization isn't unfamiliar," Stross opens his post, "domed cities on Mars, orbiting cylindrical space habitats a la J. D. Bernal or Gerard K. O'Neill, that sort of thing. Generation ships that take hundreds of years to ferry colonists out to other star systems where — as we are now discovering — there are profusions of planets to explore."¶ "The obstacles facing us are immense distance and time -the scale factor involved in space travel is strongly counter-intuitive."¶ Stross adds that "Planets that are already habitable insofar as they orbit inside the habitable zone of their star, possess free oxygen in their atmosphere, and have a mass, surface gravity and escape velocity that are not too forbidding, are likely to be somewhat rarer. (And if there is free oxygen in the atmosphere on a planet, that implies something else — the presence of pre-existing photosynthetic life, a carbon cycle, and a bunch of other stuff that could well unleash a big can of whoop-ass on an unprimed human immune system."¶ Stross sums up by saying that while "I won't rule out the possibility of such seemingly-magical technology appearing at some time in the future in the absence of technology indistinguishable from magic that, interstellar travel for human beings even in the comfort of our own Solar System is near-as-dammit a non-starter."
|
The Daily Galaxy 07 (“Space Colonization -Our Future or Fantasy?”, 6/20/07, http://www.dailygalaxy.com/my_weblog/2007/06/space_colonizat.html)//AS
|
while it may save a “seed” of human life it won’t save Earth’s inhabitants. The majority of Earthlings would surely be left behind on a planet increasingly unfit for life Stross, argued last week that space colonization is not in our futur The obstacles facing us are immense distance and time -the scale factor involved in space travel is strongly counter-intuitive Planets that are already habitable insofar as they orbit inside the habitable zone of their star, possess free oxygen in their atmosphere, and have a mass, surface gravity and escape velocity that are not too forbidding, are likely to be somewhat rarer
|
Space colonization can’t save humanity—only a seed even with massive technology improvements
| 2,636 | 92 | 621 | 427 | 12 | 103 | 0.028103 | 0.241218 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,475 |
Life on Earth is more urgently threatened by the destruction of the biosphere and its life ¶ sustaining habitat due environmental catastrophes such as climate change, ocean ¶ acidification, disruption of the food chain, bio-warfare, nuclear war, nuclear winter, and ¶ myriads of other man-made doomsday prophesies. If we accept these threats as ¶ inevitabilities on par with real astronomical dangers and divert our natural, intellectual,¶ political and technological resources from solving these problems into escaping them, ¶ will we playing into a self-fulfilling prophesy of our own planetary doom? Seeking space ¶ based solutions to our Earthly problems may indeed exacerbate the planetary threats we face. This is the core of the ethical dilemma posed by space colonization: should we put ¶ our recourses and bets on developing human colonies on other worlds to survive natural ¶ and man-made catastrophes or should we focus all of our energies on solving the ¶ problems that create these threats on Earth?
|
Williams 10 (Lynda, professor of engineering and physics at Santa Rosa Junior College, “Irrational Dreams of Space Colonization”, Peace Review, a Journal of Social Justice 22:1, Spring 2010, http://www.scientainment.com/lwilliams_peacereview.pdf)//AS
|
Life on Earth is more urgently threatened by the destruction of the biosphere and environmental catastrophes such as climate change, ocean ¶ acidification, disruption of the food chain, bio-warfare, nuclear war, nuclear winter, and man-made doomsday we accept these threats as ¶ inevitabilities and divert our natural, intellectual,¶ political and technological resources from solving these problems into escaping them, ¶ will we playing into a self-fulfilling prophesy of our own planetary doom? Seeking space ¶ based solutions may indeed exacerbate the planetary threats we face This is the core of the dilemma posed by space colonization
|
Space colonization distracts from earthly problems caused by neoliberalism that will cause extinction in the near term
| 1,012 | 118 | 640 | 160 | 17 | 96 | 0.10625 | 0.6 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,476 |
If we direct our intellectual and technological resources toward space exploration without ¶ consideration of the environmental and political consequences, what is left behind in the ¶ wake? The hype surrounding space exploration leaves a dangerous vacuum in the ¶ collective consciousness of solving the problems on Earth. If we accept the inevitability ¶ of Earth’s destruction and its biosphere, we are left looking toward the heavens for our ¶ solutions and resolution. Young scientists, rather than working on serious environmental ¶ challenges on Earth, dream of Moon or Martian bases to save humanity, fueling the ¶ prophesy of our planetary destruction, rather than working on solutions to solve the ¶ problems on Earth. ¶ Every space faring entity, be they governmental or corporate, face the same challenges.¶ Star Trek emboldened us all to dream of space, the final frontier. The reality is that our ¶ planet Earth is a perfect spaceship. We travel around our star the sun once every year, and ¶ the sun pull us with her gravitational force around the galaxy once every 250 million ¶ years through star systems, star clusters and all the possible exosolar planets that may ¶ host life or be habitable for us to colonize. The sun will be around for billions of years ¶ and we have ample time to explore the stars. It would be wise and prudent for us as a ¶ species to focus our intellectual and technological knowledge now into preserving our ¶ spaceship for the long voyage through the stars, so that once we have figured out how to ¶ make life on Earth work in an environmentally and politically sustainable way, we can¶ then venture off the planet into the final frontier of our dreams.
|
Williams 10 (Lynda, professor of engineering and physics at Santa Rosa Junior College, “Irrational Dreams of Space Colonization”, Peace Review, a Journal of Social Justice 22:1, Spring 2010, http://www.scientainment.com/lwilliams_peacereview.pdf)//AS
|
If we direct our intellectual and technological resources toward space exploration without ¶ consideration of the environmental and political consequences, what is left behind in the ¶ wake? The hype surrounding space exploration leaves a dangerous vacuum in the ¶ collective consciousness of solving the problems on Earth Young scientists, rather than working on serious environmental ¶ challenges dream of Moon or Martian bases fueling the ¶ prophesy of our planetary destruction Every space faring entity face the same challenges our ¶ planet Earth is a perfect spaceship The sun will be around for billions of years ¶ and we have ample time to explore the stars. It would be wise and prudent for us as a ¶ species to focus our intellectual and technological knowledge now into preserving our ¶ spaceship for the long voyage through the stars once we have figured out how to ¶ make life on Earth work in an environmentally and politically sustainable way, we can¶ then venture off the planet into the final frontier of our dreams.
|
We must solve earth-based problems first—space colonization focus dooms us to extinction
| 1,699 | 88 | 1,033 | 291 | 12 | 173 | 0.041237 | 0.594502 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,477 |
This article explores the impact of neoliberalism on group and social movement politics through a comparison of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT)2 organising at the local level in the city of Toronto and LGBT organising at the federal level3 in Canada. The constitution of neoliberalism as a set of policies and as a discursive construction of the new ‘common sense’ of politics entails a reformulation of the relationship between the individual, the market, the state and the intermediary organisations – interest groups, voluntary sector organisations and social movement organisations – that represent and articulate the interests and identities of civil society (Jenson and Phillips, 1996; Jenson, 1999). In Canada, as in other countries, the credibility and capacity for collective political advocacy has been undercut by attacks on the labour movement (Panitch and Swartz, 2003), by social policy downloading to the local level, by the dismantling of federal programmes that used to fund advocacy for disadvantaged groups, and by the accelerating trend of public consultation through depoliticised models of ‘partnership’, ‘charity’ and service provision (Jenson and Phillips, 1996; Jenson, 1999; McKeen and Porter, 2003). The delegitimation of advocacy and collective action reinforces the discursive and ideological impact of neoliberalism, helping to cement political and electoral coalitions behind neoliberal political leaders and to shift the terms of political discourse in ways that reduce democratic choice and present neoliberal policies and social practices as natural and unavoidable (Brodie, 1996; Hindess, 1997).
|
Smith, professor in the Department of Social Science at York University 05 (Miriam, “Resisting and reinforcing neoliberalism: lesbian and gay organising at the federal and local levels in Canada”, Policy and Politics 33:1, 2005, IngentaConnect)//AS
|
the impact of neoliberalism on group and social movement politics through a comparison of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT)2 organising neoliberalism as a set of policies and as a discursive construction of the new ‘common sense’ of politics entails a reformulation of the relationship between the individual, the market, the state and the intermediary organisations – that represent and articulate the interests and identities of civil society capacity for collective political advocacy has been undercut by attacks on the labour movement social policy downloading to the local level the dismantling of federal programmes that used to fund advocacy for disadvantaged groups The delegitimation of advocacy and collective action reinforces the discursive and ideological impact of neoliberalism, o shift the terms of political discourse in ways that reduce democratic choice and present neoliberal policies and social practices as natural and unavoidable
|
Not reverse causal—no reason activism can’t continue in the world of the alt
| 1,644 | 76 | 965 | 239 | 13 | 141 | 0.054393 | 0.589958 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,478 |
Supporting Our Youth (SOY) is a Toronto non-profit organisation that offers services¶ and support to LGBT youth in the city5¶ . SOY was organised in response to perceived¶ needs in the LGBT youth community in Toronto, which were defined in part by¶ LGBT professionals working in social services. In their view, LGBT youth are¶ more vulnerable to poverty, suicide, street involvement and violence than straight¶ youth because they are more likely to lack family support or to have been turned¶ out of the family home before they are able to be independent. These vulnerable¶ youth face a social services system that does not recognise their specific needs for¶ shelter, food, education, freedom from violence and adult nurturing and guidance¶ (Lepischak, 2002; Purdy, 2002; SOY, 2003). In the view of those working in local¶ social service groups such as SOY, cuts to social services, welfare and education in¶ the city of Toronto have had important and specific effects on LGBT youth.¶ According to SOY’s leaders, local voluntary sector groups in Toronto are on the¶ receiving end of social service cuts – where the ‘rubber hits the road’ – when they¶ see young people who live in the street because of their inability to access affordable¶ housing and who are victims of suicide, violence and gay-bashing in part because¶ they do not have a home (Purdy, 2002; Lepischak, 2002; Xtra, 23 May 1996). As¶ one SOY leader explains:¶ I think that the reductions in welfare and the more stringent qualifications¶ have had a huge impact. The cost of housing has escalated and no new housing¶ has been built to support it…. So the availability of housing is shrinking and¶ … so people are staying on the streets or in the shelter system longer, having¶ a much harder time getting out of that system and into some kind of stable¶ housing. I also think that we are seeing kids coming out younger and younger¶ now, and the reactions that they are getting from their families aren’t any¶ better…. Some of the youth … have been in the shelter system for like five¶ years or six years.… I think the cuts have had a huge major negative effect.¶ (Lepischak, 2002)
|
Smith, professor in the Department of Social Science at York University05 (Miriam, “Resisting and reinforcing neoliberalism: lesbian and gay organising at the federal and local levels in Canada”, Policy and Politics 33:1, 2005, IngentaConnect)//AS
|
LGBT youth are¶ more vulnerable to poverty, suicide, street involvement and violence than straight¶ youth because they are more likely to lack family support vulnerable¶ youth face a social services system that does not recognise their specific needs cuts to social services, welfare and education have had important and specific effects on LGBT yout young people who live in the street because of their inability to access affordable¶ housing and who are victims of suicide, violence and gay-bashing in part because¶ they do not have a home
|
Neoliberal policies cut social welfare critical for LGBT youth—dooms them to violence and poverty
| 2,146 | 97 | 541 | 366 | 14 | 87 | 0.038251 | 0.237705 |
Neolib K -- AT Impact Cards - Michigan7 2013.html5
|
Michigan (7-week)
|
Kritiks
|
2013
|
2,479 |
In the decade since the first World Social Forum in 2001 made it famous, the rallying cry of the global justice movement that ‘another world is possible’ has undergone a significant shift. Reflecting the influence of movements like the Zapatistas, a radical awareness of pluralism has been coupled with a widely shared desire for more popular democracy and a critique of all forms of pensamientos u´nicos to propel a pluralising of alternative visions. Many other worlds are possible, and the shared struggle is for a world in which many worlds fit. For the Zapatistas and the movements of the World Social Forum these are visions and struggles posed against the authoritarian imposition of neoliberal globalisation on every society in the world and against the new relations of imperialism it enacts. Arturo Escobar calls this process a ‘new US-based form of imperial globality, an economic– military–ideological order that subordinates regions, peoples, and economies world-wide’.1 One face of this imperial globality is the US-led drive to export Western-style liberal democracy as the only legitimate mode of governance globally and a precondition for recognition, aid and trade with the West (albeit highly selectively applied). As James Tully argues, ‘the dominant forms of representative democracy, self-determination and democratisation promoted through international law are not alternatives to imperialism, but, rather, the means through which informal imperialism operates against the wishes of the majority of the population of the post-colonial world’.2 The imbrication of democracy with the globalisation of Western capitalist modernity has enormously complicated efforts by scholars aligned with the global justice movements to theorise democracy in global perspective. Many critical theories of ‘global democracy’ unwittingly participate in the imperial globality to which Escobar refers when they fail to recognise the Western capitalist–modernist underpinnings of their proposals and knowledges, and their imbrication in furthering imperial domination of the Third and Fourth Worlds.
|
Conway and Singh 11 (Janet, Department of Sociology at Brock University, and Jakeet, Department of Political Science at Uni Toronto, “Radical Democracy in Global Perspective: notes from the pluriverse”, Third World Quarterly, vol. 32, no. 4, pp. 689-706)-jn //DDI13
|
the rallying cry of the global justice movement that ‘another world is possible’ has undergone a significant shift. a radical awareness of pluralism has been coupled with a widely shared desire for more popular democracy Many other worlds are possible For the Zapatistas these are visions and struggles posed against neoliberal globalisation and the new imperialism it enacts. a ‘new US-based form of imperial globality, an economic– military–ideological order that subordinates regions, peoples, and economies world-wide’. One face of this imperial globality is the US-led drive to export Western-style liberal democracy as the only legitimate mode of governance globally and a precondition for recognition, aid and trade with the West the dominant forms of representative democracy, self-determination and democratisation promoted through international law are not alternatives to imperialism, but, rather, the means through which informal imperialism operates against the wishes of the majority of the population of the post-colonial world Many critical theories of ‘global democracy’ unwittingly participate in the imperial globality when they fail to recognise the Western capitalist–modernist underpinnings of their proposals and knowledges, and their imbrication in furthering imperial domination of the Third and Fourth Worlds.
|
Liberal democracy is a racist western fantasy that subjugates non-western peoples—conditioning aid on democracy is directly imperialist
| 2,101 | 135 | 1,335 | 307 | 17 | 189 | 0.055375 | 0.615635 |
Venezuela Oil Negative - DDI 2013 AC.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,480 |
Critical, diverse and radical discourses of democracy abound on the ground in oppositional movements around the world. Self-sufficiency, autonomy and territory are among the latter’s new political demands, marking a significant sea-change in the terms of emancipatory politics as it has been imagined by oppositional movements arising within the modern West and contesting hegemony within the parameters of Western capitalist modernity. In this article we problematise one articulation of ‘radical democracy’ from within Western political theory and look towards alternative approaches to theorising democracy and difference in global perspective, grounded in an appreciation of the struggle of subaltern peoples’ movements to defend their life spaces, their local economies and their ways of life. Our project is theoretically informed by the Latin American ‘modernity/ coloniality’ perspective,3 which holds that coloniality has been constitutive of the modern world system from its inception in 16th century European conquest of the Americas into the present. Coloniality is the constitutive underside of modernity and is a condition of its possibility; there is no modernity without coloniality. ‘Colonial difference’ is that which has been invalidated, shunned, suppressed, and thus been ‘disappeared’ from world history through the global hegemony of discourses centred on Western civilisation; it is, in other words, that which has been rendered inferior or invisible through the coloniality of power. Western-centric forms of knowledge have silenced the colonial other through their peculiar claims to universality, their systematic rejection of their own historical–geographical particularity, their discrediting of other knowledges as unscientific, and their narratives of the emergence of modernity as a process internal to Europe. This ‘epistemic ethnocentrism’, including of the left, makes inclusive political philosophies grounded solely in Western traditions virtually impossible.4 Those working within this framework contend that solutions to the problems created by the modern/colonial world system cannot be generated strictly from within the traditions of Western knowledge nor, indeed, from within modernity.5 The alternative knowledges and practices that carry some possibility of redressing conditions of coloniality are those which have been suppressed by modernity and which expose Western cosmologies and rationalities as limited, particular and geographically and historically specific. In this framework ‘colonial difference’ is an alternative standpoint and privileged In the search for alternative futures, for ‘worlds and knowledges otherwise’, Escobar advocates paying attention to the concrete practices of contemporary social movements from the perspective of colonial difference and rethinking theory through the political praxis of subaltern groups, particularly the politics of difference enacted by those who more directly and simultaneously engage with imperial globality and global coloniality.7
|
Conway and Singh 11 (Janet, Department of Sociology at Brock University, and Jakeet, Department of Political Science at Uni Toronto, “Radical Democracy in Global Perspective: notes from the pluriverse”, Third World Quarterly, vol. 32, no. 4, pp. 689-706)-jn //DDI13
|
Coloniality is the constitutive underside of modernity and is a condition of its possibility; there is no modernity without coloniality. ‘Colonial difference’ is that which has been invalidated, shunned, suppressed, and thus been ‘disappeared’ from world history through the global hegemony of discourses centred on Western civilisation that which has been rendered inferior or invisible through the coloniality of power. Western-centric forms of knowledge have silenced the colonial other through their peculiar claims to universality, their systematic rejection of their own historical–geographical particularity, their discrediting of other knowledges as unscientific, and their narratives of the emergence of modernity as a process internal to Europe. This ‘epistemic ethnocentrism’, including of the left, makes inclusive political philosophies grounded solely in Western traditions virtually impossible. solutions to the problems created by the modern/colonial world system cannot be generated strictly from within the traditions of Western knowledge nor from within modernity. The knowledges that carry some possibility of redressing coloniality are those which have been suppressed by modernity and which expose Western cosmologies and rationalities as limited ‘colonial difference’ is an alternative standpoint
|
The rhetoric of liberal democracy is uniquely Western—reproduces epistemic colonialty that silences the Global South
| 3,035 | 116 | 1,319 | 418 | 15 | 179 | 0.035885 | 0.42823 |
Venezuela Oil Negative - DDI 2013 AC.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,481 |
the vigorous invasion of the logic of capitalist accumulation into the last vestige of relatively autonomous space in the periphery under late capitalism is propelled not only by the desire for incorporating every fabric of the society into the division of labor but also by the desire for "pure" destruction/extermination of the periphery." The penetration of capital into the social fabric and the destruction of nature and preexisting social organizations by capital are not separable. However, what we have witnessed in the phase of late capitalism is a rapid intensification of the destruction and extermination of the periphery. In this context, capital is no longer interested in incorporating some parts of the periphery into the international division of labor. The emergence of such "pure" destruction/extermination of the periphery can be explained, at least partially, by another problematic of late capitalism formulated by Ernest Mandel: the mass production of the means of destruction." Particularly, the latest phase of capitalism distinguishes itself from the earlier phases in its production of the "ultimate" means of destruction/extermination, i.e., nuclear weapons. Let us recall our earlier discussion about the critical historicalconjuncture where the notion of "strategy" changed its nature and became deregulated/dispersed beyond the boundaries set by the interimperial rivalry. Herein, the perception of the ultimate means of destruction can be historically contextualized. The only instances of real nuclear catastrophe perceived and thus given due recognition by the First World community are the explosions at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, which occurred at this conjuncture. Beyond this historical threshold, whose meaning is relevant only to the interimperial rivalry, the nuclear catastrophe is confined to the realm of fantasy, for instance, apocalyptic imagery. And yet how can one deny the crude fact that nuclear war has been taking place on this earth in the name of "nuclear testing" since the first nuclear explosion at Alamogordo in 1945? As of 1991, 1,924 nuclear explosions have occurred on earth.28 The major perpetrators of nuclear warfare are the United States (936 times), the former Soviet Union (715 times), France (192 times), the United Kingdom (44 times), and China (36 times).29 The primary targets of warfare ("test site" to use Nuke Speak terminology) have been invariably the sovereign nations of Fourth World and Indigenous Peoples. Thus history has already witnessed the nuclear wars against the Marshall Islands (66 times), French Polynesia (175 times), Australian Aborigines (9 times), Newe Sogobia (the Western Shoshone Nation) (814 times), the Christmas Islands (24 times), Hawaii (Kalama Island, also known as Johnston Island) (12 times), the Republic of Kazakhstan (467 times), and Uighur (Xinjian Province, China) (36 times)." Moreover, although I focus primarily on "nuclear tests" in this article, if we are to expand the notion of nuclear warfare to include any kind of violence accrued from the nuclear fuel cycle (particularly uranium mining and disposition of nuclear wastes), we must enlist Japan and the European nations as perpetrators and add the Navaho, Havasupai and other Indigenous Nations to the list of targets. Viewed as a whole, nuclear war, albeit undeclared, has been waged against the Fourth World, and Indigenous Nations. The dismal consequences of "intensive exploitation," "low intensity intervention," or the "nullification of the sovereignty" in the Third World produced by the First World have taken a form of nuclear extermination in the Fourth World and Indigenous Nations. Thus, from the perspectives of the Fourth World and Indigenous Nations, the nuclear catastrophe has never been the "unthinkable" single catastrophe but the real catastrophe of repetitive and ongoing nuclear explosions and exposure to radioactivity. Nevertheless, ongoing nuclear wars have been subordinated to the imaginary grand catastrophe by rendering them as mere preludes to the apocalypse. As a consequence, the history and ongoing processes of nuclear explosions as war have been totally wiped out from the history and consciousness of the First World community. Such a discursive strategy that aims to mask the "real" of nuclear warfare in the domain of imagery of nuclear catastrophe can be observed even in Stewart Firth's Nuclear Playground, which extensively covers the history of "nuclear testing" in the Pacific: Nuclear explosions in the atmosphere ... were global in effect. The winds and seas carried radioactive contamination over vast areas of the fragile ecosphere on which we all depend for our survival and which we call the earth. In preparing for war, we were poisoning our planet and going into battle against nature itself." Although Firth's book is definitely a remarkable study of the history of "nuclear testing" in the Pacific, the problematic division/distinction between the "nuclear explosions" and the nuclear war is kept intact. The imagery of final nuclear war narrated with the problematic use of the subject ("we") is located higher than the "real" of nuclear warfare in terms of discursive value. This ideological division/hierarchization is the very vehicle through which the history and the ongoing processes of the destruction of the Fourth World and Indigenous Nations by means of nuclear violence are obliterated and hence legitimatized. The discursive containment/obliteration of the "real" of nuclear warfare has been accomplished, ironic as it may sound, by nuclear criticism. Nuclear criticism, with its firm commitment to global discourse, has established the unshakable authority of the imagery of nuclear catastrophe over the real nuclear catastrophe happening in the Fourth World and Indigenous Nations almost on a daily basis.
|
KATO 93 [MASAHIDE, Dept. of Political Science at the University of Hawaii, “Nuclear Globalism: Traversing Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear war via the Strategic Gaze,” Alternatives 18, 1993, pp. 339-360]
|
the vigorous invasion of the logic of capitalist accumulation is propelled by the desire for incorporating every fabric of the society into the division of labor but also by the desire for "pure" destruction/extermination of the periphery Particularly, the latest phase of capitalism distinguishes itself from the earlier phases in its production of the "ultimate" means of destruction/extermination, i.e., nuclear weapons. The only instances of real nuclear catastrophe perceived and thus given due recognition by the First World community are the explosions at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the nuclear catastrophe is confined to the realm of fantasy, for instance, apocalyptic imagery. And yet how can one deny the crude fact that nuclear war has been taking place on this earth in the name of "nuclear testing" As of 1991, 1,924 nuclear explosions have occurred on earth The major perpetrators of nuclear warfare are the United States The primary targets of warfare ) have been invariably the sovereign nations of Indigenous Peoples although I focus primarily on "nuclear tests" in this article, if we are to expand the notion of nuclear warfare to include any kind of violence accrued from the nuclear fuel cycle nuclear war, albeit undeclared, has been waged against the Indigenous Nations The dismal consequences of "intensive exploitation," "low intensity intervention," or the "nullification of the sovereignty" in the Third World produced by the First World have taken a form of nuclear extermination from the perspectives of Indigenous Nations, the nuclear catastrophe has never been the "unthinkable" single catastrophe but the real catastrophe of repetitive and ongoing nuclear explosions and exposure to radioactivity. Nevertheless, ongoing nuclear wars have been subordinated to the imaginary grand catastrophe by rendering them as mere preludes to the apocalypse. As a consequence, the history and ongoing processes of nuclear explosions as war have been totally wiped out from the history and consciousness of the First World community. The imagery of final nuclear war narrated with the problematic use of the subject ("we") is located higher than the "real" of nuclear warfare in terms of discursive value. This ideological division/hierarchization is the very vehicle through which the history and the ongoing processes of the destruction of Indigenous Nations by means of nuclear violence are obliterated and hence legitimatized. The discursive containment/obliteration of the "real" of nuclear warfare has been accomplished, ironic as it may sound, by nuclear criticism. Nuclear criticism, with its firm commitment to global discourse, has established the unshakable authority of the imagery of nuclear catastrophe over the real nuclear catastrophe happening in Indigenous Nations almost on a daily basis.
|
Their war scenarios are a perfect example of the blindness of the modern/colonial episteme—emperically, focus on nuclear wars enabled the massive destruction of indigenous peoples—their discourse of nuclear extinction both ignores that histories and authorizes continued genocide
| 5,840 | 279 | 2,821 | 884 | 37 | 427 | 0.041855 | 0.483032 |
Venezuela Oil Negative - DDI 2013 AC.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,482 |
The courage, inventiveness and organisation of the people of North Africa, particularly in Tunisia and Egypt as the new year of 2011 was turning, have provided renewed enthusiasm for ‘people power’ and a popularly driven process of mass mobilisation in which people can not only force the resignation of dictators and seemingly the (partial or full) collapse of authoritarian states, but also crucially demand a greater say in the running of their own lives. In standing up against oppression in this manner, people assert that they are no longer victims but full blown political subjects.[1] Yet the appearance of the masses on such a broad scale on the political scene for the first time since independence cannot be assumed to mean that they will remain there, and not only because coercive military power has yet to be transformed. Given the fact that this process is generally understood as one of ‘democratisation’, it becomes sooner or later systematically accompanied by an invasion of experts on ‘good governance’, ‘democracy’, ‘empowerment’, ‘civil society’ and ‘transitional justice’ inter alia who all purport to provide advice to the struggling people on how to consolidate their hard won gains, via a transitional process of reconciliation between erstwhile enemies, into a functioning democracy.[2] In particular these experts do so because they and their funders are concerned with the plight of victims of violence. But they rarely see people from the Global South as knowledgeable rational subjects of their own history, but as sad pathetic victims in need of ‘empowerment’ who thus require the benevolent support of the West upheld since the nineteenth century by an ideology of ‘trusteeship’.[3] As experts from Western governments, multinational agencies and international NGOs descend from on high like clouds of locusts, voraciously eating up the new shoots of ‘people power’, it may be important to rethink some of the assumptions upon which such theories of transition – perhaps most explicitly outlined in the notion of ‘transitional justice’ – are founded.[4] These are so common and so pervasive in their apparent ethical ‘goodness’ that they rarely elicit criticism. Fundamental to this thinking is the assumption that democracy – understood as a form of state of course, and not as a popular practice – must be accompanied by a ‘culture of rights’ which itself is seen as inimical to the deployment of violence. The reason being the belief that democracy implies an acceptance by all contenders for power of ‘the rules of the game’, that a consensual value system based on the mutual respect for each other’s rights and the rule of law excludes violence as a way of resolving differences, and that the commitment to such a consensus, built during a period of transition through the judging of past abuses (gross violations) of human rights through legitimate legal procedures, can lead to (elite) political reconciliation and consequently to (popular) social peace. The core assumption is that ‘transition’ is to be understood as a process of change from a state of authoritarianism and violence to a state of democracy and peace, the idea being that violence should decline as a ‘transition to democracy’ and a ‘culture of rights’ is gradually realised. A number of characteristics of this form of reasoning are evident even at this stage of the argument. It is manifestly a variant of the old historicist notion of change from the ‘traditional’ to the ‘modern’ made famous by the hegemony of modernisation theory in the immediate postcolonial period in Africa in particular. What appears to be ‘the past’, seen as an undifferentiated whole, is simply defined negatively in relation to an idealised (future) state of affairs. Much as the term ‘traditional’, the predicate ‘authoritarian’ refers here to any form of state – irrespective of its historical location – which deviates from the Western liberal-democratic model, now global in its scope. It includes most obviously the past ‘communist’ states in Eastern Europe, the old militaristic states in Latin America as well as African post-colonial states whose secular nationalism diverged from the neoliberal ideal until around the late 1980s when formal universal suffrage was adopted by elites worried at the prospect of losing their power under democratising pressures from ‘above’ (by the ‘Washington Consensus’) and from ‘below’ (by the popular masses). African states in particular were seen as having embarked at the time on a ‘transitional’ process of ‘democratisation’ as ‘multi-party elections’, ‘good governance’, ‘civil societies’ and ‘human rights’ were promoted inter alia through the use of ‘political conditionalities’ by the ‘Washington Consensus’ as part of a process of incorporation into the globalised ‘New World Order’ of neo-liberal capitalism and democracy.[5]
|
Neocosmos 11 [Michael. Professor in the Department of Sociology, University of South Africa, UNISA. “Mass mobilisation, ‘democratic transition’ and ‘transitional violence’ in Africa” Pambazuka News 2011-03-31, Issue 523 http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/72163]
|
The courage, inventiveness and organisation of the people of North Africa, particularly in Tunisia and Egypt as the new year of 2011 was turning, have provided renewed enthusiasm for ‘people power’ and a popularly driven process of mass mobilisation in which people can not only force the resignation of dictators and seemingly the (partial or full) collapse of authoritarian states, but also crucially demand a greater say in the running of their own lives. In standing up against oppression in this manner, people assert that they are no longer victims but full blown political subjects.[1] Yet the appearance of the masses on such a broad scale on the political scene for the first time since independence cannot be assumed to mean that they will remain there, and not only because coercive military power has yet to be transformed. Given the fact that this process is generally understood as one of ‘democratisation’, it becomes sooner or later systematically accompanied by an invasion of experts on ‘good governance’, ‘democracy’, ‘empowerment’, ‘civil society’ and ‘transitional justice’ inter alia who all purport to provide advice to the struggling people on how to consolidate their hard won gains, via a transitional process of reconciliation between erstwhile enemies, into a functioning democracy these experts do so because they and their funders are concerned with the plight of victims of violence. But they rarely see people from the Global South as knowledgeable rational subjects of their own history, but as sad pathetic victims in need of ‘empowerment’ who thus require the benevolent support of the West As experts from Western governments, multinational agencies and international NGOs descend from on high like clouds of locusts, voraciously eating up the new shoots of ‘people power’, it may be important to rethink some of the assumptions upon which such theories of transition are founded These are so common and so pervasive in their apparent ethical ‘goodness’ that they rarely elicit criticism.
|
Western support for democracy reduces the Global South to victims in need of empowerment and undermines struggles.
| 4,868 | 115 | 2,024 | 767 | 17 | 321 | 0.022164 | 0.418514 |
Venezuela Oil Negative - DDI 2013 AC.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,483 |
Dussel, Quijano, and Wynter lead us to the understanding that what happened in the Americas was a transformation and naturalization of the non-ethics of war—which represented a sort of exception to the ethics that regulate normal conduct in Christian countries—into a more stable and long-standing reality of damnation, and that this epistemic and material shift occurred in the colony. Damnation, life in hell, is colonialism: a reality characterized by the naturalization of war by means of the naturalization of slavery, now justified in relation to the very constitution of people and no longer solely or principally to their faith or belief. That human beings become slaves when they are vanquished in a war translates in the Americas into the suspicion that the conq uered people, and then non-European peoples in general, are constitutively inferior and that therefore they should assume a position of slavery and serfdom. Later on, this idea would be solidified with respect to the slavery of African peoples, achieving stability up to the present with the tragic reality of different forms of racism. Through this process, what looked like a "state of exception" in the colonies became the rule in the modern world. However, deviating from Giorgio Agarnben's diagnosis, one must say that the colony--long before the concentration camp and the Nazi politics of extermination--served as the testing ground for the limits and possibilities of modernity, thereby revealing its darkest secrets." It is race, the coloniality of power, and its concomitant Eurocentrism (and not only national socialisms or forms of fascism) that allow the "state of exception" to continue to define ordinary relations in this, our so-called postmodern world.
|
Nelson Maldonado-Torres, associate professor of comparative literature at Rutgers, ‘8 [Against War: Views from the Underside of Modernity, p. 217-21] //DDI13
|
what happened in the Americas was a transformation and naturalization of the non-ethics of war into a more stable and long-standing reality of damnation, and that this epistemic and material shift occurred in the colony. Damnation, life in hell, is colonialism: a reality characterized by the naturalization of war by means of the naturalization of slavery That human beings become slaves when they are vanquished in a war translates in the Americas into the suspicion that the conq uered people, and then non-European peoples in general, are constitutively inferior and that therefore they should assume a position of slavery and serfdom the colony--long before the concentration camp and the Nazi politics of extermination--served as the testing ground for the limits and possibilities of modernity, thereby revealing its darkest secrets It is race, the coloniality of power, and its concomitant Eurocentrism that allow the "state of exception" to continue to define ordinary relations
|
Coloniality generates a permanent state of exception that is the root cause of the death ethics of war and underwrites a hellish existence where death, murder, war, rape, and racism are ordinary
| 1,743 | 195 | 987 | 272 | 32 | 152 | 0.117647 | 0.558824 |
Venezuela Oil Negative - DDI 2013 AC.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,484 |
Inspired by these Fanonian insights l have articulated elsewhere the idea of a weak utopian project as bringing about the Death of European Man.67 I think that the peculiar intricacies between "estadounidense" patriotism, Eurocentrism, the propensity to war, and the continued subordination of the theoretical contributions of peoples from the south call for a reformulation of this idea.68 Today, after the post- 1989 and post-September 11 patriotism we shall call more directly simply for the Death of American Man.6 By American Man I mean a concept or figure, a particular way of being-in-the-world, the very subject of an episteme that gives continuity to an imperial order of things under the rubrics of liberty and the idea of a Manifest Destiny that needs to be accomplished. American Man and its predecessor and still companion European Man are unified under an even more abstract concept, Imperial Man. Imperial gestures and types of behavior are certainly not unique to Europe or "America." A radical critique and denunciation of Latin American Man, and of ethno-class continental Man in general, is what 1 aim at in my critique. "Man," here, refers to an ideal of humanity, and not to concrete human beings. It is that ideal which must die in order for the human to be born.
|
Maldonado-Torres ‘5 (Nelson, associate professor of comparative literature at Rutgers “Decolonization and the New Identitarian Logics after September 11,” Radical Philosophy Review 8, n. 1 (2005): 35-67) //DDI13
|
Inspired by these Fanonian insights l have articulated bringing about the Death of European Man the peculiar intricacies between "estadounidense" patriotism, Eurocentrism, the propensity to war, and the continued subordination of the theoretical contributions of peoples from the south call for a reformulation of this idea Today, after post-September 11 patriotism we shall call more directly simply for the Death of American Man a concept or figure, a particular way of being-in-the-world, the very subject of an episteme that gives continuity to an imperial order of things under the rubrics of liberty and the idea of a Manifest Destiny that needs to be accomplished American Man and its predecessor and still companion European Man are unified under an even more abstract concept, Imperial Man. Imperial gestures and types of behavior are certainly not unique to Europe or "America." A radical critique and denunciation of Latin American Man, and of ethno-class continental Man in general, is what 1 aim at in my critique. "Man," here, refers to an ideal of humanity, and not to concrete human beings. It is that ideal which must die in order for the human to be born
|
Our alternative is to seek the Death of American Man.
| 1,285 | 53 | 1,172 | 212 | 10 | 191 | 0.04717 | 0.900943 |
Venezuela Oil Negative - DDI 2013 AC.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,485 |
Maduro adopts Beijing-friendly approach of predecessor¶ The new government of Venezuela will continue to prioritize its relations with China and expects to learn from China's development, Venezuelan Vice-President Jorge Arreaza said in Beijing on Thursday.¶ Arreaza, who began an official five-day visit to China on Wednesday, made the remarks while meeting Vice-President Li Yuanchao at the Great Hall of the People.¶ Observers said there is no need to worry about changes in Venezuela's China policies in the post-Chavez period. Frequent high-level visits showed that the two nations are trying to consolidate ties.¶ "Apparently, Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro has adopted Chavez's policies on China," said Wu Baiyi, deputy head of the Institution of Latin American Studies under the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.¶ "Besides, the Venezuelan economy's steady development and its oil exports are closely linked to China," he said.¶ Li told Arreaza that the two nations should maintain closer high-level contacts, expand cooperation in the areas of energy, finance and agriculture, step up exchanges regarding experience in governance and deepen their strategic partnership.¶ China and Venezuela forged a strategic partnership of common development in 2001.¶ Li said the two nations should jointly develop a blueprint for the future development of bilateral links.¶ Arreaza said his government will continue to prioritize its relations with China, adding that the country is ready to learn from China's experience in development and strengthen cooperation in all fields.¶ The late Venezuelan leader Hugo Chavez visited China six times after he took office in 1999 and greatly encouraged boosting ties.¶ Bilateral trade reached $23 billion in 2012. According to the Chinese embassy in Venezuela, China has provided more than $30 billion in financing to Venezuela to push forward nearly 300 projects of mutual cooperation.¶ There have been concerns among Chinese investors that favorable policies on China might change under the new government.¶ Maduro told a visiting high-ranking Chinese official after Chavez's funeral in March that the best way to pay tribute to the late leader was to keep deepening the strategic partnership with China.¶ Beijing and Caracas have maintained frequent mutual visits of high-level officials since then.¶ Li Yuanchao visited Venezuela for five days in May and met with key leaders including Maduro, Arreaza, and President of the Venezuelan National Assembly Diosdado Cabello.¶ The Foreign Ministry said the visit was of great importance because the two countries had just completed a transition of leadership.¶ Cabello paid a visit to China in July, several days before Arreaza's China trip.¶ Cabello said ahead of the visit that Venezuela's relations with China were stable and that cooperation between the two nations would continue.¶ He said Venezuela would like to be an important partner in China's energy imports. China is a major source of Venezuela's export income, he said.¶ Cabello, who is also the first vice-president of the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela, said the party will dispatch 50 party members to learn in China in September. He said such communication will help the development of the country and the party.¶ Venezuelan Oil and Mining Minister Rafael Ramirez also came to Beijing in June.¶ Ramirez told reporters that Venezuela exported 626,000 barrels of oil per day to China in the first four months of this year, 18 percent more than the same period last year. He said the figure is expected to reach 1 million barrels per day within two years.¶ In 2005, the figure was only 49,000 barrels per day.¶ "Chinese enterprises are expanding investment in Venezuela, a reflection of their confidence in the Venezuelan economy, and its relations with China," said Wu Baiyi.¶ Wang Zhen, former Chinese ambassador to Venezuela, said many other political parties in Venezuela, including the opposition, also attach great importance to ties with Beijing.
|
China Daily 7-19-13 (http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/epaper/2013-07/19/content_16799317.htm)
|
Maduro adopts Beijing-friendly approach The new government of Venezuela will continue to prioritize its relations with China and expects to learn from China's development Frequent high-level visits showed that the two nations are trying to consolidate ties. Maduro has adopted Chavez's policies on China, Besides, the Venezuelan economy's steady development and its oil exports are closely linked to China," Li told Arreaza that the two nations should maintain closer high-level contacts, expand cooperation in the areas of energy, finance and agriculture, and deepen their strategic partnership Arreaza said his government will continue to prioritize its relations with China the country is ready to learn from China's experience in development and strengthen cooperation in all fields Bilateral trade reached $23 billion in 2012 China has provided more than $30 billion in financing to Venezuela to push forward nearly 300 projects of mutual cooperation Beijing and Caracas have maintained frequent mutual visits of high-level officials . China is a major source of Venezuela's export income Venezuela exported 626,000 barrels of oil per day to China in the first four months of this year, 18 percent more than last year the figure is expected to reach 1 million barrels per day within two years Chinese enterprises are expanding investment in Venezuela, a reflection of their confidence in the Venezuelan economy, and its relations with China,
|
Counterplan Text: The People’s Republic of China should _________
| 4,021 | 65 | 1,446 | 621 | 9 | 222 | 0.014493 | 0.357488 |
Venezuela Oil Negative - DDI 2013 AC.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,486 |
9.1 The Draft Bill creates an obligation on the principal regulator to do all that it "reasonably can to meet the compliance objective in relation to the charity".[ 45] The Draft Bill defines the compliance objective as "to increase compliance by the charity trustees with their legal obligations in exercising control and management of the administration of the charity".[ 46] 9.2 Although the word "increase" is used in relation to the functions of a number of statutory bodies,[47] such examples demonstrate that "increase" is used in relation to considerations to be taken into account in the exercise of a function, rather than an objective in itself. 9.3 HEFCE is concerned that an obligation on principal regulators to "increase" compliance per se is unworkable, in so far as it does not adequately define the limits or nature of the statutory duty. Indeed, the obligation could be considered to be ever-increasing.
|
HEFC 4 (Higher Education Funding Council, http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/jt200304/jtselect/jtchar/1 67/167we98.htm# n43)
|
the word "increase" used in relation to considerations to be taken into account in the exercise of a function, rather than an objective in itself an obligation on regulators to "increase" is unworkable as it does not adequately define the limits the statutory duty
|
Increase must be a direct mandate, not a potential result
| 922 | 57 | 264 | 149 | 10 | 44 | 0.067114 | 0.295302 |
Venezuela Oil Negative - DDI 2013 AC.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,487 |
Clarity over who will be running state-oil producer PDVSA will be equally important, Luft said. "The company has been battered by terribly ineffective personnel changes and removal of competent leadership which has been replaced by political appointees," he said. "Once we begin to see changes in the company's leadership, reflecting professionalism and competence, that could mean the company is making a U-turn, becoming attractive for investors."¶ Meanwhile, a former executive at PDVSA told CNBC that Venezuela has lost its ability to influence global oil markets because years of under investment in the OPEC (Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries) member's petroleum industry has constrained production.¶ "Venezuela is a weak OPEC hawk, as it has no sufficient production to influence prices," said Gustavo Coronel, a founding member of the board of state-oil firm Petroleos de Venezuela. "Venezuela is no longer a factor that can really upset the markets as it was the case 20 years ago."¶ Furthermore, the energy boom in the U.S. has helped cut dependence of Venezuelan net crude and oil products and exports to the U.S. have dropped to levels last seen nearly 30 years ago. "The U.S. would not miss Venezuelan oil very much," Coronel said. "Whatever disruption would be almost entirely psychologically induced."¶ A founding member of the OPEC, Venezuela's total deposits stood at an estimated 296.5 billion barrels at the end of 2011, according to BP's 2012 annual Statistical Review of World Energy. That compared to Saudi Arabia's 265.4 billion barrels.¶ However, Ed Morse, global head of commodities research for Citigroup Global Markets, described the statistic as "irrelevant" because the Latin American producer is struggling to secure enough investment and technical expertise to unlock the resource.¶ "The issue is not what's in the ground and commerciable, rather how quickly it can be put into production and so long as there's no capital flowing into the upstream in Venezuela, especially capital by the companies that have the technology to develop the heavy oil reserve base, the resource levels are going to remain kind of irrelevant," he said last JuneClarity over who will be running state-oil producer PDVSA will be equally important, Luft said.
|
Jegarajah 3-5-13 (Sri, Market reporter for CNBC Asia Pacific, “Venezuela—The Next Risk for Oil Markets,” http://www.cnbc.com/id/100520892)
|
PDVSA has been battered by ineffective personnel changes and removal of competent leadership zuela has lost its ability to influence global oil markets because years of under investment in the petroleum industry has constrained production Venezuela is a weak OPEC hawk it has no sufficient production to influence prices Venezuela is no longer a factor that can really upset the markets as it was the case 20 years ago. the energy boom in the U.S. has cut dependence of Venezuelan oil and exports have dropped to levels The U.S. would not miss Venezuelan oil very much The issue is not what's in the ground rather how quickly it can be put into production so long as there's no capital flowing upstream in Venezuela the resource levels are going to remain kind of irrelevant,
|
Venezuela oil shocks won’t affect global econ—substantially weakened
| 2,281 | 69 | 777 | 356 | 8 | 133 | 0.022472 | 0.373596 |
Venezuela Oil Negative - DDI 2013 AC.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,488 |
Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro had harsh words on Saturday for Samantha Power, President Barack Obama’s nominee to be the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations.¶ The 42-year-old appeared before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee last week, where she spoke on a variety of topics, from Syria, to Israel, to Venezuela.¶ “A woman named Samantha Power, a person very close to Obama, has been nominated to be the ambassador of the United States at the UN and when she went before Congress, she went crazy. She began to attack Venezuela, freely, and she began to say that she would go to the UN to keep an eye on and make clear what is repression in Venezuela against political and civil organizations, that she would go to the UN to confront the lack of democracy in Venezuela. She is going to the UN to defend the United States or to attack the countries of the world?” said Maduro.¶ Her confirmation is expected to win strong support in both the committee and full Senate. The foreign relations panel will likely vote on Power’s nomination next Tuesday, said Senator Robert Menendez, its chairman. The committee’s approval would pave the way for a vote in the 100-member Senate shortly afterward. Maduro had strong words against her confirmation.¶ “So I spoke to the foreign minister and we put out a very clear statement that I want to ratify here. I hereby terminate all conversations that began in Guatemala with John Kerry and reject and repudiate this aggression of Samantha Power and I tell you my policy as president. I say it to the United States. My policy is zero tolerance for the aggressions of Americans against Venezuela. Zero tolerance. I won’t stand for a single attack on Venezuela, whether it be verbal, political, diplomatic, no. Enough,” he said.¶ Nominated to replace new National Security Adviser Susan Rice, Power also took a tough line on attitudes in the United Nations on Israel.¶ She promised to end what she termed “unacceptable bias and attacks” against the close U.S. ally, and criticized Iran, calling for tightened sanctions.¶ She also said she would lobby for Israel to get a seat on the U.N. Security Council, a U.S. policy that has been blocked by the large number of countries that are cold or hostile toward the Jewish state.¶ Power had been criticized by some conservatives for seeming to suggest, in a 2002 interview with an academic, that the U.S. Army might be needed to police the Middle East conflict if either Israel or the Palestinians move toward genocide.¶ Power has disassociated herself many times from that comment.¶ On Wednesday, she called it part of “a long, rambling and remarkably incoherent response to a hypothetical question that I should never have answered.”
|
Channels 7-20-13 (News website, “Its Zero tolerance for aggression of americans against Venezuela”, http://www.channelstv.com/home/2013/07/20/its-zero-tolerance-for-aggression-of-americans-against-venezuela-maduro/)
|
Maduro had harsh words on for Samantha Power nominee to be the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations Maduro had strong words against her confirmation I spoke to the foreign minister and we put out a very clear statement that I want to ratify here I hereby terminate all conversations that began in Guatemala with John Kerry and reject and repudiate this aggression of Samantha Power My policy is zero tolerance for the aggressions of Americans against Venezuela I won’t stand for a single attack on Venezuela, whether it be verbal, political, diplomatic,
|
Can’t solve relations—Maduro strictly anti-American
| 2,724 | 52 | 554 | 460 | 5 | 93 | 0.01087 | 0.202174 |
Venezuela Oil Negative - DDI 2013 AC.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,489 |
On 14 June, Member States gave the European Commission the green light to start trade and investment talks with the United States.¶ The launch builds on the report of a High-Level Working Group on Jobs and Growth, published in February 2013. In March 2013, the European Commission proposed negotiating guidelines to the Member States and released an impact assessment on the future of the EU-US trade relations and an in-depth independent study on the potential effects of the EU-US TTIP.¶ When negotiations are completed, this EU-US agreement would be the biggest bilateral trade deal ever negotiated – and it could add around 0.5% to the EU's annual economic output.¶ The European Union and the United States have the largest bilateral trade relationship and enjoy the most integrated economic relationship in the world.¶ Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership¶ in focus¶ The EU and US have decided to take their economic relationship to a higher level by agreeing to launch negotiations for a comprehensive trade and investment agreement.¶ More information on TTIP¶ Trade picture¶ Total US investment in the EU is three times higher than in all of Asia.¶ EU investment in the US is around eight times the amount of EU investment in India and China together.¶ EU and US investments are the real driver of the transatlantic relationship, contributing to growth and jobs on both sides of the Atlantic. It is estimated that a third of the trade across the Atlantic actually consists of intra-company transfers.¶ The transatlantic relationship also defines the shape of the global economy as a whole. Either the EU or the US is the largest trade and investment partner for almost all other countries in the global economy.¶ The EU and the US economies account together for about half the entire world GDP and for nearly a third of world trade flows.
|
EC 6-18-13 (European commission, http://ec.europa.eu/trade/policy/countries-and-regions/countries/united-states/)
|
States gave the European Commission the green light to start trade talks with the United States the European Commission proposed negotiating guidelines to the Member States and released an assessment on the future of the EU-US trade relations When negotiations are completed, this EU-US agreement would be the biggest bilateral trade deal ever negotiated it could add 0.5% to the EU's annual economic output The European Union and the United States have the largest bilateral trade relationship and enjoy the most integrated economic relationship in the world. The EU and US have decided to take their economic relationship to a higher level by agreeing to launch negotiations for a comprehensive trade and investment agreement Total investment is three times higher than in all of Asia EU investment is eight times the amount of investment in India and China together investments are the real driver of the transatlantic relationship contributing to growth and jobs on both sides of the Atlantic. The transatlantic relationship also defines the shape of the global economy as a whole Either the EU or the US is the largest trade and investment partner for almost all other countries in the global economy. The EU and the US economies account together for about half the entire world GDP and for nearly a third of world trade flows.
|
Latin America not key to US economy—Europe trade ties stronger now
| 1,855 | 66 | 1,332 | 306 | 11 | 219 | 0.035948 | 0.715686 |
Venezuela Oil Negative - DDI 2013 AC.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,490 |
The United States traditionally has had close relations with Venezuela, a major supplier of foreign ¶ oil to the United States, but there has been significant friction with the Chávez government. For ¶ several years, U.S. officials have expressed concerns about human rights, Venezuela’s military ¶ arms purchases (largely from Russia), its relations with Cuba and Iran, its efforts to export its ¶ brand of populism to other Latin American countries, and the use of Venezuelan territory by ¶ Colombian guerrilla and paramilitary forces. Declining Venezuelan cooperation on antidrug and ¶ antiterrorism efforts also has been a U.S. concern. Since 2005, Venezuela has been designated ¶ annually (by President Bush and President Obama) as a country that has failed to adhere to its ¶ international anti-drug obligations. Since 2006, the Department of State has prohibited the sale of ¶ defense articles and services to Venezuela because of lack of cooperation on antiterrorism efforts.
|
Sullivan 1-10-13 [Mark P. Sullivan, Specialist in Latin American Affairs for the Congressional Research Service, “Venezuela: Issues for Congress,” http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R40938.pdf]
|
The United States traditionally has had close relations with Venezuela but there has been significant friction U.S. officials have expressed concerns about human rights, Venezuela’s military arms purchases its relations with Cuba and Iran, its efforts to export its brand of populism to other Latin American countries, and the use of Venezuelan territory by Colombian guerrilla and paramilitary forces Declining Venezuelan cooperation on antidrug and antiterrorism efforts also has been a U.S. concern
|
Alt cause to relations- human rights, drugs, Cuba and Iran
| 987 | 58 | 505 | 153 | 10 | 73 | 0.065359 | 0.477124 |
Venezuela Oil Negative - DDI 2013 AC.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,491 |
CARACAS, Venezuela – The Andean nation is free from illicit crops following Operation Sierra 24 in December, according to Interior Minister Néstor Reverol, who has been the director of the National Anti-Drug Office since 2007.¶ A total of 1,600 members of the National Armed Forces of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela participated in the operation, which focused on eradicating illegal crops along the country’s border with Colombia. But just because narcotics-producing crops aren’t grown in the country doesn’t mean the Andean nation isn’t being used as a transshipment point.¶ “Over the past 14 years, the government has strengthened the operations being carried out by the National Bolivarian Armed Forces in this important region of our country with intensified patrols and actions,” Reverol said.¶ Operation Sierra 24 also focused on dismantling narco-trafficking groups along the Colombian border, as forces destroyed 36 clandestine airstrips, two camps and seven drug laboratories, Reverol said.¶ The operation was the latest initiative Venezuelan officials have used to bolster their counter-narcotics fight.¶ In September of last year, authorities arrested Colombian Daniel “El Loco” Barrera – allegedly one of the region’s most powerful narco-traffickers – before extraditing him to his native country, a move that was trumpeted by Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos.¶ U.S. officials have accused Barrera of sending more than 100,000 kilograms of cocaine to the U.S. through Venezuela.¶ “It’s the most important blow that we have landed against the drug trade in Venezuela,” said then-Interior Minister Tarek el Aissami during a press conference to announce Barrera’s arrest.¶ In 2012, Venezuelan authorities seized a total of 27,177 kilograms of cocaine and 17,846 kilograms of marijuana, while also dismantling 24 drug laboratories.¶ In 2011, they confiscated a total of 42.33 metric tons of drugs, including 26.3 metrics tons of cocaine.¶ Venezuela’s recent success in its counter-narcotics fight, which has included the arrests of several Los Zetas members in the Andean nation, can be partly attributed to its improved relations with Colombia following Santos’ inauguration in August 2010.
|
Dalmau 2-18-13(Beth, writer for Infosurhoy, http://infosurhoy.com/cocoon/saii/xhtml/en_GB/features/saii/features/main/2013/02/08/feature-01)
|
The Andean nation is free from illicit crops following Operation Sierra A total of 1,600 members of the National Armed Forces participated in the operation focused on eradicating illegal crops along the country’s border with Colombia. the government has strengthened the operations being carried out by the National Bolivarian Armed Forces in this country with intensified patrols and actions Operation Sierra used on dismantling narco-trafficking groups along the Colombian border, The operation was the initiative Venezuelan officials have used to bolster their counter-narcotics fight. last year, authorities arrested Colombian Daniel Barrera one of the most powerful narco-traffickers It’s the most important blow that we have landed against the drug trade in Venezuela In 2012 Venezuelan authorities seized 27,177 kilograms of cocaine and 17,846 kilograms of marijuana, while also dismantling 24 drug laboratories Venezuela’s recent success can be partly attributed to its improved relations with Colombia following Santos’ inauguration in August 2010
|
US not key—Venezuelan drug trafficking under control heightened security and anti-narcotics initiatives
| 2,219 | 104 | 1,062 | 330 | 12 | 151 | 0.036364 | 0.457576 |
Venezuela Oil Negative - DDI 2013 AC.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,492 |
“If Iran is intent on spreading its political influence, it will not find a hospitable environment in Latin America,” said Michael Shifter, president of the Inter-American Dialogue. “Most governments may want more breathing space from Washington, but they are not looking to be aligned strategically with Tehran.”¶ The trip, Mr. Ahmadinejad’s sixth official visit to the region since becoming president in 2005, seems intended as a counterstrike against Iran’s increasing international isolation. But his previous trips have not always gone smoothly; his one visit to Brazil, in 2009, was met with protests.¶ “Dealing with Iran has been nettlesome for Brazil,” said Stephen C. Johnson, director of the Americas program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. “There’s not a lot of enthusiasm for welcoming Iran’s president at this time, particularly as sanctions begin to tighten and there are continuing indications that Iran is developing a nuclear weapon.”¶ When Brazil’s previous president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, went to Tehran in 2010 to help negotiate a deal for Iran to exchange uranium, he stirred up a hornet’s nest of criticism that Mr. Ahmadinejad had used him to try to derail United Nations sanctions against Iran. It was widely interpreted as a blot on Mr. da Silva’s otherwise enviable legacy, causing the kind of friction with Washington that Brazil’s current president, Dilma Rousseff, might try to avoid.¶ “I’m not sure if Dilma wants to cause a big uproar at this point,” said Oliver Stuenkel, a professor of international relations at the Getulio Vargas Foundation in São Paulo.¶ Iran remains an important trading partner for Brazil, passing Russia last year as the top export market for Brazilian beef. It is also a large buyer of Brazilian sugar and soybeans.¶ But the relationship is asymmetrical and may be more important to Iran. In 2010, Brazil was Iran’s 10th largest trading partner, ranked by the value of goods exchanged, according to data compiled by the European Union’s directorate general for trade. But Iran ranked 27th among Brazil’s trading partners.¶ As for Iran’s trade with some other countries in the region, including Ecuador, it has grown considerably in a short time, but still remains relatively small.¶ President Hugo Chávez of Venezuela is Mr. Ahmadinejad’s most vociferous ally in the region, but Iran ranks 42nd on the list of Venezuela’s trading partners, accounting for less than 0.1 percent of Venezuela’s total imports and exports, according to the European Commission data.¶ With the international sparring over Iran’s nuclear program escalating, the visit gives Mr. Ahmadinejad the chance to glad hand with leaders from other countries who have shown sympathy and solidarity. He will attend the inauguration of President Daniel Ortega of Nicaragua on Tuesday.¶ The visit also brings benefits for Mr. Ahmadinejad’s hosts, giving them the opportunity to thumb their noses at the United States in front of their own political constituents.¶ “You shore up your base,” Mr. Johnson said of the impact of the visit for leaders like Mr. Chávez in Venezuela. “You enhance your standing as an actor on the global stage.”¶ Elsa Cardozo, a professor of international studies at the Central University of Venezuela, said the Iranian president’s visit gave Mr. Chávez a chance to strike a combative pose as he embarks on a nearly yearlong re-election campaign, allowing him to “project his own style and radical message.”¶ “His core supporters are very radical and he doesn’t want to lose them,” Ms. Cardozo said.¶ Last month, President Obama addressed the Venezuela-Iran relationship in written responses to questions from El Universal, a newspaper in Caracas.¶ “Ultimately, it is up to the Venezuelan people to determine what they gain from a relationship with a country that violates universal human rights and is isolated from much of the world,” Mr. Obama said. “Here in the Americas, we take Iranian activities, including in Venezuela, very seriously.”¶ Mr. Chávez responded by lambasting Mr. Obama, calling him a fraud and an embarrassment and telling him to mind his own business.¶ Iran appears eager to exploit seams in hemispheric relations at a time that the United States’ sway has diminished. The Organization of American States, a traditional mechanism for Washington to project its influence, was weakened last year when Brazil delayed its annual $6.5 million payment to the body. The dispute arose after the organization’s human rights commission called on Brazil to suspend construction of its Belo Monte dam complex in the Amazon River basin.¶ Countries in the region are also seeking new alliances to counterbalance the traditional weight of the United States. A meeting of heads of state from Latin America and the Caribbean, including Cuba, which is excluded from the O.A.S., was held in Caracas in December. The United States was not invited.¶ The regional dynamic has also shifted as other major countries, particularly China, make large investments and take an increasing role in trade.¶ In that context, Iran is a minor player but one that can be particularly problematic. Iran appears to have used its relations with some Latin American countries to try to circumvent international sanctions on its financial operations.
|
Neuman and Romero 12--- (WILLIAM NEUMAN is a writer for the New York Times and SIMON ROMERO is the Brazil bureau chief for The New York Times, January 6, 2012, “Increasingly Isolated, Iranian Leader Set to Visit Allies in Latin America”, New York Times, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/01/07/world/middleeast/iranian-leader-set-to-visit-allies-in-latin-america.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0)
|
“If Iran is intent on spreading its political influence, it will not find a hospitable environment in Latin America,” said Michael Shifter, president of the Inter-American Dialogue. “Most governments may want more breathing space from Washington, but they are not looking to be aligned strategically with Tehran.”¶ Mr. Ahmadinejad’s have not always gone smoothly; his one visit to Brazil, in 2009, was met with protests.¶ There’s not a lot of enthusiasm for welcoming Iran’s president at this time, particularly as sanctions begin to tighten and there are continuing indications that Iran is developing a nuclear weapon.”¶ Elsa Cardozo, a professor of international studies at the Central University of Venezuela, said “His core supporters are very radical and he doesn’t want to lose them,” President Obama addressed the Venezuela-Iran relationship in written responses to questions from El Universal, a newspaper in Caracas.¶ “Ultimately, it is up to the Venezuelan people to determine what they gain from a relationship with a country that violates universal human rights and is isolated from much of the world,” Mr. Obama said. “Here in the Americas, we take Iranian activities, including in Venezuela, very seriously.”¶ In that context, Iran is a minor player but one that can be particularly problematic. Iran appears to have used its relations with some Latin American countries to try to circumvent international sanctions on its financial operations.
|
Venezuela is Iran’s last supporter in the region
| 5,307 | 49 | 1,459 | 843 | 8 | 226 | 0.00949 | 0.26809 |
Venezuela Oil Negative - DDI 2013 AC.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,493 |
Iran's leadership, though hostile and unpleasant in many ways, is not a gaggle of suicidal lunatics. Thus, as Schelling suggests, it is exceedingly unlikely it would give nuclear weapons to a group like Hezbollah to detonate, not least because the rational ones in charge would fear that the source would be detected, inviting devastating retaliation.
|
Mueller 12 --- (John Mueller is professor of political science at Ohio State University. He is the author of Atomic Obsession, February 16, 2012, “Comment: False nuclear fears cloud our judgment on Iran: A rational approach to preventing proliferation could avoid thousands of unnecessary deaths”, The Guardian, http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/feb/16/iran-false-nuclear-fears)
|
Iran's leadership, though hostile and unpleasant in many ways, is not a gaggle of suicidal lunatics. it is exceedingly unlikely it would give nuclear weapons to a group like Hezbollah to detonate,
|
Iran proliferation not dangerous
| 351 | 33 | 196 | 55 | 4 | 32 | 0.072727 | 0.581818 |
Venezuela Oil Negative - DDI 2013 AC.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,494 |
Mérida, August 21st 2009 (Venezuelanalysis.com) - Trade between Venezuela and the United States decreased by more than half in the first semester of this year. Meanwhile, Venezuela continued to diversify its trading partners in South America and abroad, most recently through a series of bilateral accords with Brazil, while Russia increased its investments in the Orinoco Oil Belt fivefold.¶ According to a recent report by the Venezuelan-American Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Venamcham), trade between the U.S. and Venezuela was valued at $25.7 billion in the first half of 2008, and declined by nearly 53% to just over $12 billion during the first half of 2009.¶ During April and June of this year, Venezuela's exports to the U.S. totaled $6.4 billion, which is nearly 56% less than its exports to the U.S. during April and June of last year, when exports were worth $14.5 billion, according to the report. Venezuela's imports from the U.S. totaled $2.3 billion in April and June of this year, a 22% decline in comparison to April and June of 2008, when imports were worth $3 billion.¶ Overall, the Venamcham report shows that Venezuela's oil sector accounted for 96% of exports to the U.S. in the first semester of this year, which is roughly the same as last year. Non-oil goods accounted for roughly 93% of Venezuela's imports from the U.S. in the first semester of this year. ¶ Meanwhile, Venezuela continues to diversify its trade amongst countries in South America and abroad. In a meeting in Caracas on Friday, the foreign relations ministers, trade ministers and other officials from Brazil and Venezuela signed a series of bilateral accords to increase cooperation in food security and electricity generation, and to boost Venezuela's capacity to produce glass products, valve, PVC plastic products, industrial refrigeration, and electrical appliances.¶ Venezuelan Foreign Relations Minister Nicolás Maduro said the accords are not only aimed at boosting Venezuela's economy and bilateral relations with Brazil, but convey "the vision of the great South American Nation."¶ Colombia was Venezuela's biggest trading partner in South America last year, and its second largest trading partner overall, after the U.S.¶ However, since Colombia and the U.S. signed a deal in late July to allow the presence of thousands of U.S. military personnel on seven Colombian bases, Venezuela has vowed to replace its imports from Colombia with imports from the rest of South America.¶ Before going into Friday's meeting with Brazilian officials, Venezuelan Commerce Minister Eduardo Samán said Venezuela could replace as much as 60% of its imports from Colombia within six months through deals with Argentina, Brazil, and the member countries of the Caribbean and South American integration bloc known as ALBA.¶ Moreover, Russia, the biggest investor in Venezuela's Orinoco Oil Belt according to the Venezuelan newspaper Panorama, has pledged to invest a total of $30 billion so far this year in the exploitation of the giant reserve, which is estimated to be the world's second largest with 235 billion barrels of crude.¶ The deal with Russia was signed last week and includes the formation of a mixed enterprise between a consortium of Russian companies and Venezuela's state oil company, PDVSA. It boosted Russia's total investment in the Orinoco to five times greater than it was at the start of the year.¶ Russia's investment follows an $8 billion investment by Japan and a $6 billion investment by China in the Orinoco, deals which were signed during Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez's tour of the region last April. On that occasion, Chavez made clear his government's intention to diversify its trading partners.¶ "Japan is interested in diversifying its supplies from energy providing countries, and Venezuela complements this with its desire to broaden the destinations of its oil exports... the United States is no longer the only country interested in our oil," said President Chavez.¶ Venezuela's Central Bank (BCV) reported this week that the GDP decreased by nearly two and a half percent in the second quarter of this year, compared to the second quarter of last year. This marks an overall contraction of 1% in the Venezuelan economy when including the first quarter of this year.¶ Oil-related activity declined by 1.6%, while non-oil related activity declined by 4.2%, the BCV reported. The sharpest declines were registered in the chemical, metallurgy, mining, and plastics industries, while growth was registered in the construction and electricity industries, meat, grains, and vegetable production, and services sector. ¶ Bearing the effects of the world economic downturn that was sparked by the U.S. financial crisis last year, Venezuela's economic growth shrank to 0.5% in the first quarter of this year, following more than twenty-two consecutive quarters of economic growth.
|
Suggett 2009 (8-21, James, political analyst, “Venezuelan Trade Declines with US, Increases with Brazil, Russia, China, Japan”, http://venezuelanalysis.com/news/4738
|
Trade between Venezuela and the United States decreased by more than half Venezuela continued to diversify its trading partners in South America and abroad, through a series of bilateral accords with Brazil, while Russia increased its investments in the Orinoco Oil Belt fivefold trade between the U.S. and Venezuela was valued at $25.7 billion and declined by nearly 53% Venezuela's imports from the U.S. totaled , a 22% decline in comparison to April Venezuela continues to diversify its trade amongst countries in South America and abroad foreign relations ministers Brazil and Venezuela signed a series of bilateral accords to increase cooperation in food security and electricity generation, and to boost Venezuela's capacity to produce glass products, valve, PVC plastic products, industrial refrigeration, and electrical appliances. Colombia was Venezuela's biggest trading partner last year since Colombia and the U.S. signed a deal to allow the presence of .S. military personnel Venezuela has vowed to replace its imports from Colombia with imports from the rest of South America Russia, the biggest investor in Venezuela's Orinoco Oil Belt has pledged to invest $30 billion The deal with Russia includes mixed enterprise between sian companies and PDVSA. It boosted Russia's total investment to five times Russia's investment follows investment by Japan and China Chavez made clear his government's intention to diversify its trading partners. Japan is interested in diversifying its supplies from energy providing countries, and Venezuela complements this the United States is no longer the only country interested in oil
|
Trade with US not key—others buy Venezuelan oil
| 4,902 | 47 | 1,633 | 774 | 8 | 247 | 0.010336 | 0.319121 |
Venezuela Oil Negative - DDI 2013 AC.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,495 |
Meanwhile, a former executive at PDVSA told CNBC that Venezuela has lost its ability to influence global oil markets because years of under investment in the OPEC (Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries) member's petroleum industry has constrained production.¶ "Venezuela is a weak OPEC hawk, as it has no sufficient production to influence prices," said Gustavo Coronel, a founding member of the board of state-oil firm Petroleos de Venezuela. "Venezuela is no longer a factor that can really upset the markets as it was the case 20 years ago."¶ Furthermore, the energy boom in the U.S. has helped cut dependence of Venezuelan net crude and oil products and exports to the U.S. have dropped to levels last seen nearly 30 years ago. "The U.S. would not miss Venezuelan oil very much," Coronel said. "Whatever disruption would be almost entirely psychologically induced."
|
Jegarajah 3-5-13 [Sri, Market reporter for CNBC Asia Pacific, “Venezuela—The Next Risk for Oil Markets,” http://www.cnbc.com/id/100520892]
|
Venezuela has lost its ability to influence global oil markets because years of under investment in the petroleum industry has constrained production it has no sufficient production to influence prices Venezuela is no longer a factor that can really upset the markets as it was the case 20 years ago The U.S. would not miss Venezuelan oil very much," Coronel said. "Whatever disruption would be almost entirely psychologically induced
|
Venezuelan oil doesn’t cause price shockss
| 877 | 42 | 434 | 140 | 6 | 69 | 0.042857 | 0.492857 |
Venezuela Oil Negative - DDI 2013 AC.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,496 |
As U.S. retail gasoline prices once again near $4.00 a gallon, does this pose a threat to the economy and President Obama's prospects for re-election? My answer is no.¶ The graph below plots average U.S. gasoline prices, adjusted for inflation, over the last decade. This is now the fourth time we've been near the $4 threshold. It first happened in June 2008, again in May 2011, and again in April of this year. In fact, on each of those previous 3 occasions the average U.S. retail price of gasoline was higher than it is today.¶ The first time something like this happened in 2008, it was quite a jolt to consumers and to the economy. In fact, the U.S. is still in the process of adjusting to that shock 4 years ago. The vehicles that many Americans were driving at the time just don't make sense if you have to pay $60 or more every time you visit the gasoline station. Even so, you don't get rid of the old gas-guzzler right away, but make sure you change when you buy a new one. The average fuel economy of new U.S. cars purchased has been steadily increasing since 2008.¶ Total vehicle miles traveled also takes time to adjust, as people change their home, job locations and other habits.¶ The initial adjustments associated with that process were quite disruptive to the economy. For example, sales of light trucks and SUVs manufactured in North America plunged in the first half of 2008, and the hit to the auto sector made an important contribution to the first year of the Great Recession. Sales of this category for August of this year were still 20% below the average August value over 2003-2007.¶ By contrast, sales of lighter cars are now back up near their historical average, allowing the auto sector to be able to make a solid contribution to recent U.S. economic growth.¶ It's also interesting to look at how the response of consumer sentiment to gasoline prices has changed over time. The blue line in the graph below shows the same real gasoline price series plotted in Figure 1 above, except now drawn on a negative scale (shown on the right-hand axis); that is, the lower the blue line, the higher the price of gasoline. I plot it this way to highlight its relation to consumer sentiment, shown in black and labeled on the left-hand axis. When real gasoline prices first reached $3.50/gallon in 2005, consumer sentiment plunged sharply. When it happened again in 2006, the response was more modest, and on the third time in 2007, it didn't seem to faze consumers. It was only when gasoline prices went on from there to make new highs in 2008 that we saw sentiment plunge again.¶ By the second time gas threatened $4/gallon in the spring of 2011, the memory of 2008 had receded somewhat, and consumer sentiment fell sharply. It was much more muted when the same thing happened again just one year later. And right at the moment? Consumers seem to be shrugging it off. Nobody is surprised this time, having seen the same thing twice before over the last year and a half. Many of the adjustments people are making today were in fact set in motion 4 years ago.¶ There is quite a bit of empirical support for the claim that the second or third time oil prices move back near a previous high, the economic disruption is significantly less than the first time; see for example the evidence and literature reviewed in my 2003 Journal of Econometrics paper (ungated version here) and two recent surveys [1], [2].¶ $4/gallon? Been there, done that.
|
Hamilton ‘12(9-19, James, Professor of Economics, http://www.econbrowser.com/archives/2012/09/thresholds_in_t.html)
|
As U.S gas prices once again near $4.00 does this pose a threat to the economy My answer is no This is now the fourth time we've been near the $4 threshold. It first happened in June 2008, again in May 2011, and again in April of this year. on each of those occasions the average price was higher than it is today in 2008 it was a jolt to consumers and to the economy When it happened again in 2006, the response was modest, and the third time in 2007, didn't seem to faze consumers Nobody is surprised this time having seen the same thing twice before over the last year and a half Many of the adjustments people are making today were set in motion 4 years ago There is empirical support that the second or third time oil prices move back economic disruption is significantly less than the first time
|
High prices won’t collapse economy—empirically proven
| 3,461 | 53 | 801 | 613 | 6 | 153 | 0.009788 | 0.249592 |
Venezuela Oil Negative - DDI 2013 AC.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,497 |
The United States isn’t quite as reliant on foreign oil as it used to be.¶ Workers in the Bakken oil fields, North Dakota (Washington Post)¶ Imports of crude oil and other petroleum products are on pace to drop to 6 million barrels per day by 2014, according to new forecasts by the Energy Information Administration. That’s the lowest level since 1987. It’s also just half as much liquid fuel as the country was importing back in 2005, at 12.5 million barrels per day. ¶ So what’s responsible for the drop? For starters, the United States is producing more of its own crude. New drilling techniques such as hydraulic fracturing for shale have helped companies access “tight oil” in places like North Dakota and Texas. The EIA expects that to continue for the foreseeable future (though be wary of wild claims that the United States will soon surpass Saudi Arabia in oil production):¶ Source: EIA¶ Source: EIA¶ And the less-noticed flip side is that Americans are using less oil. Consumption of liquid fuels plummeted during the recession, and it isn’t expected to rebound anytime soon. The EIA projects that Americans will be driving slightly more over the next few years as the economy recovers, but that will be offset by more-efficient vehicles and the retirement of older cars and trucks:¶ liquid fuels consumption¶ Combine those two trends together, and U.S. imports are falling rapidly. By 2014, the EIA expects the country to import just 32 percent of its oil, down from 60 percent in 2005. ¶ Now, it’s worth being clear about precisely what sorts of benefits this will bring. Lower imports do help shrink the U.S. trade deficit. And a booming domestic oil industry can certainly bolster the economy — in 2011, the oil and natural gas industries directly generated roughly $481 billion in economic activity, according to a recent estimate from PriceWaterhouseCoopers.¶
|
Washington post 1-9-13 (The Washington Post, “US Oil Imports are Falling to Their Lowest Level since 1987”, http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2013/01/09/u-s-oil-imports-are-falling-to-their-lowest-level-since-1987/)
|
The United States isn’t reliant on foreign oil as it used to be Workers in the oil fields, Imports of crude oil and other petroleum products drop to 6 million barrels per day by 2014 That’s the lowest level since 1987 It’s half as much liquid fuel as the country was importing back in 2005 the United States is producing more of its own crude New drilling techniques such as hydraulic fracturing have helped companies access “tight oil Americans are using less oil Consumption of liquid fuels plummeted during the recession, and it isn’t expected to rebound anytime soon Americans will be driving slightly more over the next few years that will be offset by more-efficient vehicles and the retirement of older cars and trucks EIA expects the country to import just 32 percent of its oil booming domestic oil industry can certainly bolster the economy
|
US less reliant on foreign oil
| 1,878 | 30 | 852 | 313 | 6 | 146 | 0.019169 | 0.466454 |
Venezuela Oil Negative - DDI 2013 AC.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,498 |
The next Democratic president will be looking straight down into Woodrow Wilson's grave -- unless we just stop trying and failing to ratify these things as treaties. Instead, we should just do what we do when we pass a trade bill. A "law," or "Executive-Congressional agreement," or whatever you want to call it is just as good. "But doesn't it still have to go through the House and Senate?" Yes, but if the House is Democratic, everything gets through the House. It's an electoral dictatorship, and Nancy Pelosi is like a Gordon Brown dealing with a British Parliament. The House, thank God, will pass damn near anything. The problem is the Senate -- but there's a way around the problem. In a law-journal article in 2004, George Washington University law professor Steve Charnovitz proposed a fast-track–type scheme for these laws to replace treaties. Congress indeed has rules exempting some bills (fast track, budget resolutions) from filibusters. Now to some, a mere law passed by two houses of Congress is not as good as a treaty: "If it's not a treaty, it's not binding." But a treaty is not binding, either, if we decide not to abide by it, as Bush stopped abiding by the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty. In some ways, a law is really much better than a treaty, because it is more likely we can go to court to hold the United States to it. That can happen with a treaty, too. But as a lawyer, I'd much rather sue to enforce a statute. Treaties make judges nervous.
|
Geohegan, 6/18/2007 (Thomas – J.D. from Harvard Law, Forget Those Treaties! It’s Time to Do Away with Treaties and Start Passing Laws to Bring American Back in Step with the Rest of the World, Prospect, p. http://www.prospect.org/cs/articles?article=forget_those_treaties) [MN]
|
stop trying to ratify law binding A B M U S
|
The United States federal government should enact a Congressional-Executive Agreement in order to codify the Transboundary Hydrocarbon Agreement.
| 1,471 | 145 | 43 | 259 | 18 | 11 | 0.069498 | 0.042471 |
Hydrocarbons Negative - DDI 2013 CM.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
2,499 |
The interbranch cooperation required to pass the legislation necessary to create congressional-executive agreements has deep significance for the level of cooperation required at the point of termination. Termination of congressional-executive agreements by the President is more complicated than is withdrawal from Article II treaties. Congress cannot prevent the President from communicating with foreign governments about the termination of a congressional-executive agreement (as long as the termination is consistent with the terms of the statute that created the agreement). Hence the President could unilaterally withdraw the United States from a congressional-executive agreement by communicating the withdrawal to the foreign parties. Yet the act of withdrawing from the international agreement does not undo the statute on which the agreement rests—which cannot be undone without the cooperation of Congress. Even though the President may be able to “unmake” the international commitment created by a congressional-executive agreement as a matter of international law, the President cannot unmake the legislation on which the agreement rests. 32 As the Supreme Court stated in INS v. Chadha, “Amendment and repeal of statutes, no less than enactment, must conform with Art. I,” including the requirements of bicameralism and presentment.33 The President is not able to terminate a statute unilaterally, and hence cannot terminate the statutory enactment that gives rise to a congressional-executive agreement. And insofar as the statute specifies a course of action by the United States, the President is required to execute it unless and until the underlying statute is repealed or superseded. This understanding of withdrawal—that the President may unilaterally withdraw from a congressional-executive agreement but not the statute on which it rests—marks out the distinct areas of authority of each branch. Congress approves the legislation necessary to authorize (in the case of ex ante agreements) or to approve (in the case of ex post agreements) the agreement. The President, on the other hand, manages the negotiations of the agreement with the foreign government and registers the formal assent of the United States to the agreement (based on the authority or assent offered by Congress), thereby binding the country as a matter of international law. Neither can craft an agreement without the other. Congress cannot encroach on the President’s foreign affairs power, for it cannot communicate assent to the agreement on behalf of the United States—only the President can do so. What it can do without the President is enact legislation. Congress could not commit the United States to a free trade agreement without the President, for Congress cannot speak with a legally binding voice on behalf of the United States on the international stage. But it might achieve a similar result by passing a statute that unilaterally reduces tariffs on goods imported from a particular country.34 Moreover, as already noted, Congress can condition its consent to a congressional-executive agreement through detailed legislation.35 The bottom line is that while there are some similarities between treaties and ex post congressional-executive agreements at the time of withdrawal, the President is on the whole likely to find it more difficult to withdraw unilaterally from a congressional-executive agreement than an Article II treaty. This is because Congress can, as part of the legislation authorizing the agreement, commit the country to a certain course of action even in the absence of a formalized international commitment. A congressional-executive agreement therefore can create a more reliable commitment than an Article II treaty.
|
Hathaway, May 2008 (Oona – Associate Professor of Law at Yale Law School, Treaties’ End: The Past, Present and Future of International Lawmaking in the United States, Yale Law Journal, p. Lexis-Nexis) [MN]
|
deep significance without the cooperation of Congress underlying statute is repealed Neither can craft an agreement without the other more difficult to withdraw even in the absence of a formalized international commitment more reliable commitment
|
CEAs solidify interbranch cooperation and relations --- it’s the most reliable signal of commitment.
| 3,748 | 100 | 246 | 559 | 14 | 35 | 0.025045 | 0.062612 |
Hydrocarbons Negative - DDI 2013 CM.html5
|
Dartmouth DDI
|
Case Negatives
|
2013
|
Subsets and Splits
No community queries yet
The top public SQL queries from the community will appear here once available.