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CLASSIFICATION: Membranophone, Percussion Instrument (tuned)
HISTORY: The early timpani was used in Eastern military music and was brought to Europe in the 15th century. It was originally performed by the cavalry on horseback and eventually into the orchestra by the 17th century. Originally, pitch was changed by tightening or loosening the threaded bolts around the rim. This was changed in the late 18th century when a handle was fixed to the bolt to allow quicker changing of the pitch. Today, most timpani use a tuning mechanism that is operated by a foot pedal. The correct singular form of timpani is timpano although in America, timpani is typically used to describe one or multiple instruments. The abbreviation for timpani is Timp.
PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION: Also know as the kettledrums, timpani are made of hemispherical copper (or fiberglass) shells, each fitted with a head of plastic or calfskin which is held in place by a metal ring. A soft or hard padded mallet is used to play them; a pedal mechanism is attached to each timpani which changes the tension of the head, thus adjusting the pitch.
SOUND PROPERTIES: The timpani sound is created by striking the membrane, or head, with mallets causing the head to vibrate. The tension of the head determines the exact pitch. A looser tension creates a lower pitch and a tighter tension creates a higher pitch.
RANGE: The timpani comes in several standard sizes with each having a range of about a perfect fifth. The professional models can extend the range up to an octave. Standard sizes and ranges include 20 inch diameter, F3 to C4, 23 inch diameter, D3 to A3, 26 inch diameter, A2 to E3, 29 inch diameter, F2 to C3, and 32 inch diameter, D2 to A2.
Natalie Schafer, performer
Alexander Borodin: Prince Igor, "Polovetsian dances"
Camille Saint-Säens: Samson and Delilah, "Bacchanale"
Timpani Photo courtesy of Ludwig Percussion
See Also
[English] kettledrum ()
[French] timbale (f)
[French] timbales (f)
[German] Pauke (f)
[German] Pauken (f)
[German] Kesselpauke ()
[German] Kesseltrommel ()
[Italian] timpano
[Italian] timballo
[Italian] timballi
[Italian] tympani
[Spanish] timbal
[Spanish] timbals
[Spanish] atabal (f)
[Abbreviation] Timp. ()
[Abbreviation] Pk. ()
Last Updated: 2013-02-14 14:37:28
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Entail (Strict Settlement)
(493 words)
Historical Context Note
Following the Norman conquest, land could be held in “fee simple”, in which case any heirs could inherit, or in “fee tail” which meant that it could only pass to direct descendants. It was also possible to leave land to someone as a “life tenancy”, meaning the ownership would revert to the original owner or another named owner on the death of the incumbent. Life tenants were normally legally obliged to do nothing that would cause deterioration in the value of the property during their tenancy.
Combining “fee tail” and “life tenancy” to create a “tenant in tail” became known as “entail”, a practice commonly used to preserve the integrity of landed estates by willing the “contingent remainder” of …
Clark, Robert. "Entail (Strict Settlement)". The Literary Encyclopedia. First published 09 November 2009
[http://www.litencyc.com/php/stopics.php?rec=true&UID=340, accessed 27 August 2016.]
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Wikipedia has an article on:
Middle English explanen, from Old French explaner, from Latin explanō (I flatten, spread out, make plain or clear, explain), from ex- (out) + planō (I flatten, make level), from planus (level, plain); see plain and plane. Compare esplanade, splanade. Displaced native Middle English arecchen, irecchen (to explain, expound) (from Old English āreccan, ġereccan).
explain (third-person singular simple present explains, present participle explaining, simple past and past participle explained)
To explain a chapter of the Bible.
• 1909, Archibald Marshall, The Squire's Daughter, chapterI:
• 2012 March 1, Brian Hayes, “Pixels or Perish”, in American Scientist, volume 100, number 2, page 106:
2. To give a valid excuse for some past behavior.
3. (obsolete) To make flat, smooth out.
4. (obsolete) To unfold or make visible.
• John Evelyn (1620-1706)
The horse-chestnut is [] ready to explain its leaf.
Derived termsEdit
Related termsEdit
External linksEdit
Read in another language
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Lévy process
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
(Redirected from Independent increments)
Jump to: navigation, search
In probability theory, a Lévy process, named after the French mathematician Paul Lévy, is a stochastic process with independent, stationary increments: it represents the motion of a point whose successive displacements are random and independent, and statistically identical over different time intervals of the same length. A Lévy process may thus be viewed as the continuous-time analog of a random walk.
The most well known examples of Lévy processes are Brownian motion and the Poisson process. Aside from Brownian motion with drift, all other proper Lévy processes have discontinuous paths.[citation needed]
Mathematical definition[edit]
A stochastic process is said to be a Lévy process if it satisfies the following properties:
1. almost surely
2. Independence of increments: For any , are independent
3. Stationary increments: For any , is equal in distribution to
4. Continuity in probability: For any and it holds that
If is a Lévy process then one may construct a version of such that is almost surely right continuous with left limits.
Independent increments[edit]
A continuous-time stochastic process assigns a random variable Xt to each point t ≥ 0 in time. In effect it is a random function of t. The increments of such a process are the differences XsXt between its values at different times t < s. To call the increments of a process independent means that increments XsXt and XuXv are independent random variables whenever the two time intervals do not overlap and, more generally, any finite number of increments assigned to pairwise non-overlapping time intervals are mutually (not just pairwise) independent.
Stationary increments[edit]
To call the increments stationary means that the probability distribution of any increment XtXs depends only on the length t − s of the time interval; increments on equally long time intervals are identically distributed.
If is a Wiener process, the probability distribution of Xt − Xs is normal with expected value 0 and variance t − s.
If is the Poisson process, the probability distribution of Xt − Xs is a Poisson distribution with expected value λ(t − s), where λ > 0 is the "intensity" or "rate" of the process.
Infinite divisibility[edit]
The distribution of a Lévy process has the property of infinite divisibility: given any integer "n", the law of a Lévy process at time t can be represented as the law of n independent random variables, which are precisely the increments of the Lévy process over time intervals of length t/n, which are independent and identically distributed by assumption.[clarification needed] Conversely, for each infinitely divisible probability distribution , there is a Lévy process such that the law of is given by .
In any Lévy process with finite moments, the nth moment , is a polynomial function of t; these functions satisfy a binomial identity:
Lévy–Khintchine representation[edit]
The distribution of a Lévy process is characterized by its characteristic function, which is given by the Lévy–Khintchine formula (general for all infinitely divisible distributions):[1] If is a Lévy process, then its characteristic function is given by
where , , is the indicator function and is a sigma-finite measure called the Lévy measure of , satisfying the property
A Lévy process can be seen as having three independent components: a linear drift, a Brownian motion and a superposition of independent (centered) Poisson processes with different jump sizes; represents the rate of arrival (intensity) of the Poisson process with jump of size . These three components, and thus the Lévy–Khintchine representation, are fully determined by the Lévy–Khintchine triplet . In particular, the only (nondeterministic) continuous Lévy process is a Brownian motion with drift.
Lévy–Itō decomposition[edit]
Any Lévy process may be decomposed into the sum of a Brownian motion, a linear drift and a pure jump process which captures all jumps of the original Lévy process. The latter can be thought of as a superposition of centered compound Poisson processes.This result is known as the Lévy–Itō decomposition.
Given a Lévy triplet there exist three independent Lévy processes, which lie in the same probability space, , , such that:
• is a Brownian motion with drift, corresponding to the absolutely continuous part of a measure and capturing the drift a and diffusion ;
• is a compound Poisson process, corresponding to the pure point part of the singular measure W;
• is a square integrable pure jump martingale that almost surely has a countable number of jumps on a finite interval, corresponding to the singular continuous part of the singular measure W.
The process defined by is then a Lévy process with triplet .
The process can be further decomposed as a sum of two independent processes the first pure jump zero mean martingale of jumps less than In absolute value and the second a compound Poisson process describing the jumps bigger than one in absolute value.
See also[edit]
1. ^ Zolotarev, Vladimir M. One-dimensional stable distributions. Vol. 65. American Mathematical Soc., 1986.
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Definition from Wiktionary, the free dictionary
Jump to: navigation, search
Etymology 1[edit]
From Middle English clinken, from Old English *clincan (compare clynnan, clynian (to sound; resound)), from Proto-Germanic *klinganą (to sound), perhaps from Proto-Indo-European *glengʰ- (to sound), from Proto-Indo-European *gal(o)s-, *glōs-, *golH-so- (voice, cry), related to call. Cognates include Middle Dutch klinken and German klingen.
Maybe of onomatopoeic origin; as metal against metal.
clink (plural clinks)
1. (onomatopoeia) The sound of metal on metal, or glass on glass.
You could hear the clink of the glasses from the next room.
When Frere had come down, an hour before, the prisoners were all snugly between their blankets. They were not so now; though, at the first clink of the bolts, they would be back again in their old positions, to all appearances sound asleep.
clink (third-person singular simple present clinks, present participle clinking, simple past and past participle clinked)
1. To make a clinking sound; to make a sound of metal on metal or glass on glass; to strike materials such as metal or glass against one another.
The hammers clinked on the stone all night.
• Tennyson
the clinking latch
2. (humorous, dated) To rhyme.
Etymology 2[edit]
From the Clink prison in Southwark, London, itself presumably named after sound of doors being bolted or chains rattling.
clink (plural clinks)
1. (slang) Jail or prison, after the Clink prison in Southwark, London. Used in the phrase in the clink.
If he keeps doing things like that, he’s sure to end up in the clink.
2. Stress cracks produced in metal ingots as they cool after being cast.
Derived terms[edit]
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The Anatomy Word of the Day will return on January 2nd, 2008.
Happy holidays everyone!
From the archives:
Clavicle, the collarbone: the slender, sigmoid-shaped bone that links the manubrium of the sternum to the acromion of the scapula. From the Latin clavicula, ‘small key’, a translation of the Greek kleidion.
The word was coined in the 12 century by the translators of the 10 century Persian physician Abu Ali Sina (his name was often latinized as Avicenna) whose works were a mainstay of European medicine the until the mid-17th century. Ali Sina used alchiab, ("the key") for collarbone, this from his own translations of Latin anatomy treatises from ancient Rome.
Ala Sina's translators returned to the Latin, renaming alchiab the clavicula, the diminutive of clavis (key).
But why key? A common tale is that the Romans likened the collarbone to a clavis simply because of similarity in appearance. However, it was probably not Roman door keys, which do not resemble clavicles, that were alluded to but rather S-shaped lift-latches, a primitive type key type first seen the Iron Age and common in Rome.
A Roman lift-latch ca 350 BC:
designed to allow a door-latch
to be lifted through a hole in the door.
It acted as a simple key. England, ca 350 BC
It has also been suggested that the relationship of the clavicle to a key is metaphorical, given that the bone "locks" the shoulder girdle to the trunk. Of course neither of these explanations are mutually exclusive, as the key shape lends itself nicely to the metaphor.
Perhaps though, "key" was a mistranslation by Ali Sina: yet another explanation is that the name comes from the resemblance of the bone to a toy, a curved stick called a clavicula or clavis trochi used by Greek and Roman children to roll, or trundle, a hoop.
A clavicula or clavis trochi, a child's toy for trundling a wheel in ancient Greece and Rome; from the Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 3rd Edition by Anthony Rich. 1874
A minority view holds that the term has nothing to do with keys or trundles or metaphors but rather is named for the clavicle's resemblance to the sinuous tendrils of some plants. The Latin word for tendril is also clavicula.
The original Greek kleidion lives on in sternocleidomastoid muscle
Anatomically unrelated: the clavichord was the first keyboard instrument.
From the archives:
Finger comes unaltered from Old English (i.e. Anglo-Saxon). Indeed, the word is found, spelling unchanged, in most of the Germanic languages (e.g. German, Swedish, and Danish); The Dutch get by with vinger.
Each of the fingers have had their own Latin names. Some examples are given in the Aberdeen Beastiary, published in Scotland in the 14th century. (A bestiary is a collection of descriptions of all sorts of animals - some real, some imaginary - and other features of the natural or unnatural world.) From the Bestiary:
• "The [first] finger, index, is also known as salutaris or demonstratorius, the greeting or indicating finger, because we generally use it in greeting, showing or pointing."
• "The [second, middle] finger is called impudicus, lewd; it is frequently used to express the pursuit of something shameful."
• "The [third] is the ring finger, anularis, because it is the one on which a ring is worn. It is also called medicinalis, the medical finger, because it used by physicians to smear on ground-up salves."
• "The [fourth] finger is called auricularis, because we scrape our ear, auris, with it."
The image “http://www2.jpl.nasa.gov/galileo/images/finger.gif” cannot be displayed, because it contains errors.
A digital display: Galileo Galilee's impudicus finger is on exhibit at the Museo di Storia della Scienza in Florence, Italy. www2.jpl.nasa.gov/galileo/finger.html
From the archives:
Malar - relating to the cheek. From the Latin mala, cheek. The only remaining use for the word in anatomy is seen in "malar lymph nodes". The "cheek bone" was once called the malar, but the Terminologia Anatomica now only recognizes zygomatic bone.
Mala is probably derived from malus, Latin for apple; see the photo below for some evidence as to why apples and cheeks have been linked.
Definitely derived from malus is malic acid, first isolated in apple juice in the 18th century and responsible for the tart taste of apples, grapes, and rhubarb, among other foods.
From the archives:
From Wikipedia.com
A fasces was on the US dime from 1916-1945.
Coccyx, the tail bone, comes from kokkyx, Greek for cuckoo. One of the oldest words in anatomy, it was coined around 300 B.C. by Herophilus who, it is said, was inspired by the cuckoo's bill (probably that of the common cuckoo, Cuculus canorus). However, he was more likely taken by the anterior portion of the cuccko skull, which bears a greater resemblance to the coccyx than just the bill alone (see the photos below).
A more fanciful explanation of the link between cuckoo and coccyx was provided in the early 17th century by the French anatomist and surgeon Johann Riolan, who inexplicably insisted that the sound of flatus emanating from the coccygeal region was reminiscent of the call of a cuckoo and thus was the inspiration for Herophilus. Never mind that neither the male nor the female of any cuckoo species has a call that you'd confuse with flatulence (indeed, the classic sound of the cuckoo clock was patterned after the call of the male common cuckoo). Perhaps the professeur simply had a talented friend.
Nonetheless, the coccyx has been called the "whistle bone" for its proximity to the source of digestive tract toots.
Unrelated but interesting: The word "cuckold" (a man whose wife has cheated on him) also comes from cuckoo, derived from the female's nasty habit of laying eggs in nests not her own and thus tricking other birds into raising her young. Likewise, a cuckold may raise children that aren't his.
Image credits
coccyx from
The common cuckoo from
cuckoo skull
From the archives:
Achilles tendon: the common tendon of the gastrocnemius, soleus, and sometimes the plantaris muscles; also known as the calcaneal tendon. It attaches to the posterior portion of the calcaneus or heel bone.
The name comes indirectly from Greek mythology: After receiving a prophecy that her young son, Achilles, would die in battle, the goddess Thetis dipped him into the magical, protective waters of the river Styx. However, she held him by his heel which was not immersed and thus remained vulnerable. Years later, as luck would have it, Achilles was fatally wounded during the Trojan War: a poison arrow in the back of the foot, a region henceforth known as Achilles heel (and so, metaphorically, an "Achilles heel" is a seemingly insignificant but in fact critical weakness).
It wasn't until 1693 that the term Achilles tendon appeared (chorda Achillis in the original Latin), so named by the resourceful Dutch anatomist Philip Verheyen while dissecting his own amputated leg.
Thetis dipping Achilles in the river Styx.
Sculpture by Thomas Banks (1735-1805)
Victoria and Albert Museum, London
Philip Verheyen dissecting his Achilles tendon. Artist: anonymous; from the collection of Pieter Deheijde, Amsterdam
From the archives...
Sphincter was first used by Galen in the 2nd century, probably as an allusion to the talented constrictor that was the Sphinx of Greek mythology. A chimera with the head of a woman and the body of a winged-lion, and who received her name from the Greek sphingo, "I strangle", the Sphinx sat outside Thebes and demanded that all passersby answer her riddle: "Which creature travels in the morning on four feet, at noon on two, and in the evening upon three?" She strangled anyone unable to answer. Oedipus finally provided the correct response.
A fourth century BC kylix
from the Vatican Museum showing
Oedipus with the Sphinx
Note that the Grecian Sphinx is not the same as the sphinxes of Egypt: The Greek name "sphinx" was inexplicably applied some 2600 years ago to an Egyptian chimeric lion, even though it is wingless and has the head of a man not a woman. The original Egyptian name of this creature is unknown. The most famous of the Egyptian sphinxes is the Great Sphinx of Giza.
Colostrum, the first milk secreted by the mother after giving birth, comes from the Latin colostra, a word with the same meaning used by the Romans. Colostra appeared in English in the late 16th century, joining the equivalent terms of "beestings" and "green milk" (both of which, unfortunately, having since disappeared from the language).
By the early 19th century, the spelling had changed to colostrum.
Aulus Plautius, the politician and general who lead the Roman conquest of Britain in 43 A.D., used colostra as a word of endearment: Meum mel, meum cor, mea colostra: "my honey, my heart, my colostra".
Cornea, from the Latin, cornu, animal horn, and corneus, horny (i.e., tough and hard like a horn).
It seems strange for the cornea, the transparent and seemingly delicate anterior surface of the eye, to be etymologically related to an animal horn but it was recognized long ago that the structure,
when dissected, is surprisingly hard; thus its "horny" nature.
The stratum corneum, the name given to tough outer layer of the skin, also comes from cornu, as does the corniculate cartilage of the larynx (literally, corniculate means "shaped like a little horn").
Some other words derived from cornu include Capricorn (literally, a goat's horn), cornucopia (the horn of plenty), and cornet (which, like all musical horns, can trace its ultimate ancestry back to the animal horns used as musical instruments by prehistoric humans).
Note that although the coronoid processes of the mandible and ulna have a shape reminiscent of animals horns, "coronoid" is derived
not from cornu but from korone, Latin for crow, or korax, Latin for raven. Charitably, these structures also resemble a corvid's beak, though the Greeks often used korax for many structures with a slightly hooked or pointed tip, such as the handles of their doors (see coracoid).
Foramen is taken directly from the Latin word for hole, foramen, which in turn comes from the Latin forare, to pierce.
There are 40 named foramina in the Terminologia Anatomica; most are in the skeletal system and the majority of those are in the skull.
Perforate is also derived from forare.
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Blacks in Crimea (Crimean Khanate)
Blacks in Crimea (Crimean Khanate) were slaves imported to the Crimean Khanate and mainly served as eunuchs. They helped transmit Turkish culture to the Crimean Khanate which had become an Ottoman vassal.
In 1517, the Ottoman Empire conquered Egypt. It gained access to black slaves. Some of these slaves were directed to Crimea, the Crimean Khanate(1441-1783). Many of these slaves took the roles of eunuchs (those who survived the operation) in elite Khanate homes. Typically, every household had a chief eunuch and minor eunuchs, who overlooked, supervise, and guarded the harem. In his visit to Crimea , between 1665-1666 , Turkish traveler Evliya Çelebi noted many black eunuchs(kara hâdim ağalar). The Crimean Khanate seemed to have a preference for black eunuchs over white ones, a preference found in the Ottoman empire. Very little is known of the lives of black eunuchs. Blacks were used as eunuchs to the very end of the Khanate.
Black eunuchs were significant in two ways. One since most originated from the Turkish empire, they help transfer Turkish culture and establish Turkish norms to the Khanate, which became a vassal of the Ottoman Empire, integrating the khanate into the expanding Turkish world. They were also the only slave export from the Ottoman Empire. Most of the slaves were imports, who were not exported. The Crimean Khanate became a major slave exporting region. It raided surrounding areas for slaves and shipped them to Istanbul. Eastern Europeans-Russians, Ukrainians, Poles, Circassians - were captured and exported to the Ottoman Empire.
Works Cited
Mirzai, Behnaz A., Montana, Ismael Musah, and Lovejoy, Paul E.(2009). Slavery, Islam and Diaspora. Africa World Press, Inc. ISBN 1-59221-705-2
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“If indeed you must be candid, be candid beautifully.” Kahlil Gibran
“Tact is the art of making a point without making an enemy.” Isaac Newton
What is tact?
“Tact is the virtue of a person who is sensitive, understanding, and flexible.” David Heyd
Tact is typically praised as a virtuous character trait. However, its nature and appropriate use remain unclear. In his brilliant article, “Tact: Sense, sensitivity, and virtue,” David Heyd clarifies the nature of tact. He argues that tact entails preventing offence rather than preventing physical harm. Tact is a virtue of sensitivity in two senses: cognitive discrimination of the circumstances and empathetic considerateness of the other. Heyd further argues that tact is defined as the appropriate measure of sensitivity in particular circumstances; hence, a tactless comment may be offensive not due to its content, but rather due to the specific circumstances in which it is uttered. Accordingly, there is no such thing as an excessive measure of tact; tactful behavior can never be bad or wrong.
Heyd considers tact to be a virtue of sensitivity in two senses: cognitive discrimination of the circumstances and empathetic consideration of the other. I would add that also with other types of sensitivity, we can distinguish between the cognitive sensitivity of understanding the situation, and the sensitivity expressed in the normative reaction. The two types of sensitivity are different, and cognitive sensitivity can be associated with different types and degrees of the reaction (see here). In emotions, the normative reaction concerns the agent’s own harm. In tact, the normative reaction does not concern the agent’s harm, but rather the harm to other.
Heyd locates tact as situated in between morality and good manners. Unlike morality and good manners, tact is not governed by ruled since it refers to the particular and the unique. Hence, there are no general codes that govern tact. He asserts that tact involves selective silence, which cannot be interpreted as indifference; for example, a remark that would deflect the conversation without sounding over-protective or humiliating. As with good manners, tact is concerned with smoothing interpersonal relations, and as with morality, tact attempts to avoid harming and offending others. In this sense, the value of tact is a necessary complement to the value of morality and good manners.
In Truffaut’s 1968 film Stolen Kisses, Delphine Seyrig explains to her young lover the difference between politeness and tact. “Imagine you inadvertently enter a bathroom where a woman is standing naked under the shower. Politeness requires that you quickly close the door and say, ‘Pardon, Madame!’, whereas tact would be to quickly close the door and say, ‘Pardon, Monsieur!’” (cited by Slavoj Žižek).
In addition to sensitivity and empathetic consideration of the other, tact typically involves other related capacities, such as intuition, self-awareness, attentive listening, emotional intelligence, assertiveness, politeness, discretion, honesty, and courtesy. Some but not all of these skills can be acquired.
It is interesting to note that although the value of tact is immense in personal relationships, this virtue has become almost extinct in our society. Tact takes time and patience, which are rare commodities in our throwaway and restless society. In this society, quick results and replacing, rather than fixing, something problematic is the prevailing attitude, so that the patience required for tact has hardly any place.
Politeness in romantic relationships
“Don’t let the dog/cat sit next to you on the bed and watch you having sex.” A sexual etiquette rule suggested by Steph Auteri
It is evident that moral norms are part and parcel of loving relationships. Moral values, which seek to prevent harming the other, are just as, if not more, necessary in our dealings with those who are close to us. Since the role of good manners in romantic relationships is less obvious, my discussion will focus on comparing these with tact.
The deliberative quality of good manners is often in conflict with the spontaneity, sincerity, and openness typical of emotions. Emotions can hurt other people, and the main function of good manners is to prevent such harm; thus, good manners are a useful means of hiding genuine emotions. Teaching children good manners is to teach them, among other things, to hide their real emotions. At least in this matter, politicians are well-educated.
Good manners, which are based upon general, superficial conventions, are mainly valuable in our behavior toward strangers, who may wrongly interpret our behavior. Good manners are also of value in sensitive and highly emotional activities in which people’s meanings can easily be misunderstood. Sexual interactions are one such area and indeed there are rules governing sexual etiquette. Here are a few such examples (proposed by Gigi Engle, Sarah Stefanson, and Lindsay Tigar):
Do not underestimate the importance of foreplay, kissing, cuddling, and dirty talk;
Stop faking your orgasms;
Let him know if he is doing it right and what you want in bed;
Never push a girl’s head down if you don’t want teeth;
Do not rip her clothes;
This isn’t the library—you can make some noise;
Never try for the backdoor without a discussion beforehand;
A shower is not an invitation to sex;
Wait at least 90 seconds before you head off to the bathroom.
These rules are of different depth—some of them are very shallow; the deeper ones fall in the grey area between etiquette and tact. Accepting the above rules does not imply obeying all types of etiquette. Thus, one should not neatly fold one’s clothes when being undressed in the heat of sexual passion, as might be required by etiquette rules concerning folding clothes in other circumstances. Nor do these rules mean that one should be rude to one’s partner. Being rude in romantic relationships is more related to lack of respect, which is essential in such relationships, than to impoliteness.
Good manners are often deceptive. For example, flattery, which is a kind of insincere praise, is common in good manners. Thus, part of the wedding etiquette is to praise the bride's beauty, whether or not she is attractive. However, it is not part of romantic norms to tell someone that you love him just because he has declared his love for you. In this regard, there is a true story of a lawyer who in court referred to his rival lawyer as “My good friend.” The judge asked the lawyer why he didn’t add, as good manners recommend, the second commonly used phrase, “my esteemed colleague,” saying “My good friend and esteemed colleague.” The lawyer replied: “I cannot lie twice.”
There are, of course, also cases of deceptive tact in which people behave as if they care for the other profoundly, whereas actually they are just being polite. Distinguishing fake tact from the genuine one is easier in the long-term, where the tact needs to be manifested in actual profound deeds, and not merely in nice words.
The paradox of sensitivity and trust
“You always hurt the one you love
The one you shouldn't hurt at all
You always take the sweetest rose
And crush it till the petals fall
You always break the kindest heart
With a hasty word you can't recall
So If I broke your heart last night
It's because I love you most of all.” The Mills Brother (written by Allan Roberts and Doris Fisher)
In profound romantic relationships, sincerity and openness are of greater value than superficial, and often deceptive, good manners. Is the place of tact in profound love similar to that of good manners (whose role in such love is minimal) or to morality (which is essential to romantic love)?
In order to answer this question, I first discuss two relevant issues: (a) the paradox of sensitivity and trust, and (b) the distinction between preventing-focused behavior and promoting-focused behavior.
Profound love includes two seemingly conflicting virtues: (a) acute sensitivity to each other, and (b) profound trust in each other. Trust seems to be associated with indifference rather than with sensitivity.
Lovers are sensitive to each other’s deeds and sayings; hence, as the wonderful old song quoted above indicates, they are more vulnerable to hurting and being hurt by each other. The price of behaving freely without little attention to the nature of the behavior can be doing and saying hasty things that may hurt the one you love (see here). Moreover, since a romantic partner has firsthand, intimate knowledge of the other, inappropriate use of this knowledge hurts even more. Truth is often more painful than slander, since it is more difficult to dismiss.
Trust, in the sense of taking the other’s love for granted, is also typical of profound love. In the same way that profound lovers are not always on the alert or seeking for more external novel stimuli to fan their romantic flames, they should also not be always on the alert not to offend their partner (see here). Lovers should not be tiptoeing around each other; however, this does not imply being insensitive—it just excludes constantly worrying or being suspicious about the partner’s intentions and love. Profound lovers are sensitive, but they are not continually on guard. These two features of romantic love appear to be in conflict—calmness, which is associated with profound trust, seems closer to indifference than to sensitivity. Being sensitive to misdeeds may reduce trust.
The above paradox may be solved by introducing the notion of “tact,” which optimally combines the two seemingly opposed features of profound love. As tact involves the perception of the personal uniqueness of the situation, the tactful lover is in a position to provide specific help to the partner, and not merely to be satisfied with general rules of politeness. Unlike good manners, tact involves genuine sensitivity to the full extent of the (negative) circumstances, while still generally trusting the partner and continuously and empathetically promoting the partner. This is a kind of global adoration and specific accuracy. Thus, romantic partners may demonstrate a positive bias in their global perception of their partners, such as seeing them as "wonderful," yet are able to display greater accuracy in their perception of their partners’ specific attributes, such as being unpunctual (Neff & Karney, 2005). Similarly, tact involves a global empathetic attitude with acute sensitivity to specific deeds.
Promoting and preventing behaviors
“You give me hope and consolation, you give me strength to carry on” Elvis Presley
Tory Higgins (1997) distinguishes between promotion-focused behavior, which is concerned with strong ideals related to fulfilling hopes, and prevention-focused behavior, which is related to protection. In the prevention mode, interactions between people occur only when something is going wrong. The promotion mode is characterized by ongoing activities that create optimal conditions for fulfilling strong ideals. Unlike the prevention mode, where there is no sense of progress, the promotion mode involves a sense of progress toward fulfilling shared ideals. Promoting behavior focuses on nurturing, whereas preventing behavior is behavior focuses on protecting and securing the relationship. While romantic love involves both types of behavior, promoting behavior is of greater significance in long-term profound love.
Promoting behavior is associated with ongoing basic needs, whereas preventing behavior is concerned with more specific (in scope and time) aims and has more to do with survival than with flourishing. A manifestation of this difference in the romantic realm is the distinction between uniqueness and exclusivity. Uniqueness is characterized by positive terms that celebrate an ongoing ideal. Exclusiveness is characterized by negative terms referring to specific deeds. While romantic love involves both features, uniqueness is of much greater significance in the long run (Ben-Ze’ev & Goussinsky, 2008).
Good manners are mainly preventing-focused, whereas tact combines both preventing- and promotion-focused behavior; its distinctive value is in using the promotion mode, associated with trust, while being sensitive to particular negative circumstances. As the romantic relationship grows deeper, the role of promoting-focused behavior becomes greater. When you know and understand your beloved well, you are in a better position to promote and nurture the beloved and the relationship, and not merely to prevent negative circumstances.
The place of tact in romantic relationships
“Although tact is shown in the context of personal relationships, it does not standardly occur in intimate, that is, very close relationships.” David Heyd
The role of tact in romantic relationships is indeed disputable. It is true that when two people are very close to each other, tact may be less necessary since their profound knowledge of each other makes their interactions quite smooth. For example, when interacting with other people, one partner will not correct the other when the latter makes a minor mistake, but will choose to be silent. While this appears to be tactfulness, that choice is made out of a deep understanding and compassion for the other. Moreover, such intimate interactions may require a more profound tact, referring to deeper aspects of their life.
The role of tact in romantic relationships is indeed disputable. It is true that when two people are very close to each other, tact may be used less frequently; I believe, however, that tact in this case is more profound. The fact that tact involves empathetic sensitivity to unique personal circumstances makes it a valuable aspect in promoting very close relationships. Indeed, Heyd rightly claims that in addition to its function of preventing offence, tact has the more profound value of promoting intimacy given that it expresses personal attention to the uniqueness of the other. As promoting is an ongoing activity referring not merely to the generation of intimacy, but also to its development, tact should be present in profound relationships as well. Tact involves continuously trusting, empathetic sensitivity. I may add that a central aspect of profound love is to bring out the best in both lovers. Such love is demonstrated in claims such as: “I'm a better person when I am with her.” Tact has essential role in bring out the best in each other.
It should be noted that despite its profound value, tact is not appropriate in all circumstances—there are times when straightforward criticism is required in order to let the other comprehend your attitude. In these circumstances people may say something like “I refuse to believe I’ve lost my artful tact in the shadow of romance. I suppose he’d be happy.”
Tact often involves silence and discretion. However, as Samuel Butler said: “Silence is not always tact, but it is tact that is golden, not silence.” If tact indeed simply meant remaining silent, it will be easy to acquire this virtue. There are, of course, circumstances in romantic relationships where silence is a tactful attitude. For example, giving your current lover details about your ex-lovers may often be tactless. There is sometimes a certain value in romantic ignorance (see here).
The value of romantic tact and the (often deceptive) attempts to express it is illustrated in the following statements commonly used in romantic breakups: “It’s not you, it’s me”; "I think we need some space for a while"; “You deserve more”; ”I hope we can still be friends." These sentences may be seen as genuine expressions of tact that are attempts to lessen offence to the other; however, they are often fashionable, vain, and deceptive phrases intended to assuage the agent’s guilt. In order for these statements to be genuine, they should be accompanied by some specific details relevant to the given specific personal circumstances (which is a characteristic of tact). For instance, one might describe some of the real reasons for why the relationship should not continue despite the mutual appreciation and attraction (see here).
Nurturing tact
“Truth without love is brutality, and love without truth is hypocrisy.” Warren W. Wiersbe
“Tact is the ability to step on a man's toes without messing up the shine on his shoes.” Harry S. Truman
In light of the significant value of tact in personal relationships, the question of whether we can acquire tact becomes very important. Heyd argues that tact is a kind of perception that can be learnt, but cannot be formally taught; hence, there are no experts on tact. He believes that the acquisition of tact comes rather through imitations, following role models, and as part of the continuous formation of the overall personality.
In light of this view, we may not be able to teach tact as we teach mathematics, but we can educate people (particularly the young) in a way that will increase their interpersonal sensitivity and their ability to behave in a tactful manner. This is also true concerning the romantic realm; tact is indeed a great way to develop and nurture long-term profound love. Nurturing tact is a major challenge for our society in general and the educational system in particular.
Ben-Ze'ev, A. & Goussinsky, R. (2008). In the name of love: Romantic Ideology and its victims. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Heyd, D. (1995). Tact: Sense, sensitivity, and virtue. Inquiry38, 217-231.
Neff, L. A., & Karney, B. R. (2005). To know you is to love you: The implications of global adoration and specific accuracy for marital relationships. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 88, 480-497.
You are reading
In the Name of Love
“Only You” or “I've Two Lovers, and I Love Them Both"?
On flexible romantic partiality and moderate romantic diversity
How to Choose a Long-Term Romantic Partner
Three major ways we should not ignore.
Do Only Dead Fish Swim With the Stream?
Sometimes romantic drifting is beneficial
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Camp William Penn
HomeEducationUnit PlansCamp William Penn
Camp William Penn
Camp William Penn is a significant site in the history of the Civil War due to the fact that more African American soldiers trained there than any other training camp. Unfortunately, not much of the site remains. Situated in Cheltenham PA, what was formerly the largest training camp for black troops, is now about half a dozen urban blocks in north Philadelphia. Currently, the Camp William Penn Museum, in conjunction with Historic LaMott, is working to stimulate interest in the former site of the camp. They are determined to preserve not only what remains of the camp, but also the stories of Cheltenham Township throughout its history.
The purpose of these materials is to educate students about the significance of Camp William Penn, historic LaMott, and black history in Philadelphia. Students will learn not only about the camp, but also about those who fought for African American rights in Pennsylvania and across the nation during the War. Students will take from these lessons a greater understanding of slavery, abolition, and the Civil War as well as learn to appreciate the history near their homes and in their neighborhoods.
19th century
African American
Civil War
Big Ideas
US History
Essential Questions
What role does analysis have in historical construction?
Why is time and space important to the study of history?
Background Material for Teacher
End of Unit Assessment
Have students choose a landmark or historic site near their home and write a brief history about it to share with the class. Students should explain the sites historical significance and their reasoning for choosing it.
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As it were
Early sewers took quickest path to river
Today most people take sewers for granted. We assume that when we empty a sink, flush a toilet or drain a bathtub, the water is going to go somewhere underground far away from where we happen to be. And generally speaking, that is exactly what happens most of the time.
It was not always as confidently so.
How Columbus managed to dispose of waste water of all sorts over the years is a fascinating story. It is also a long one. We will tell a bit of the early part of it today.
Columbus was founded in 1812 to be the new state capital of Ohio. It grew slowly at first and only had a small population until the Ohio Canal and the National Road reached Columbus in the early 1830s. By 1834, 5,000 people called this place home and Columbus officially became a city. But it was a city without a sewer. Not even one.
To understand why, we need to know a bit about geography, land management and the way people lived in those days.
Stand at Mound and High Street some time and look in all four directions -- north, south, east and west. The land slopes away rapidly in all directions. Perhaps that is why Native Americans placed a forty foot mound at that place. It was the highest place around. Behind it to the south was a steep incline to a creek hurtling down the hill toward the river. Named for a local family who lived there, the creek was called Peters Run.
Unable or unwilling to disturb the mound, surveyor Joel Wright moved down the hill to a high plateau with apparently good water. Today we call it Statehouse Square.
Traveling further north along an old trail one came to another marshy spot and another creek moving east to west to the river. Comprised of the runoff of nearby springs, the creek gave its name to a street running by its side -- Spring Street. Until well into the 1830s, if one wanted to cross the creek at Spring Street at High Street, one used a footbridge to do so.
Columbus was laid out in the midst of a large and impressive forest of old growth walnut, maple, syca-more and chestnut trees. The average settler cleared enough land for a home and garden plot. The rest of nearby neighbors lay along country trails through that remaining forest.
In the backyard of each house, each newcomer dug a hole down through the topsoil and a layer of clay until water was found. It was not all that deep because below the soil and clay was a large deposit of limestone. Near the new well, the settler dug a separate privy pit over which he erected an outhouse of some sort. The two sites -- well and privy -- often affected each other and gave early residents typhoid, dysentery and worse.
It was not until 1841, almost 30 years after the founding of Columbus that the first sewer was completed. A few years later in 1849, a 3.5-foot brick pipe ran from what is now Jefferson Avenue 18 feet under Broad Street to the Scioto River. East Broad Street was beginning to become a popular place to be and the land around the Insane Asylum was wet and marshy. The new sewer helped alleviate that problem.
Over the next several years, other areas were addressed as well. The creek along Spring Street was "sewered and filled" from Front Street to Third Street in 1852. This was considered to be "an excellent thing for the north part of the city" which was quite wet and marshy at the time.
A completion of the Spring Street Sewer to the river was strongly urged to remove a large pool of sewage and filth between the end of the sewer and the river. Before that could happen a number of cellars along Spring Street were flooded when part of the sewer collapsed. Construction of brick sewers and their occasional collapse became a rather common story. For all of that, some of the brick sewers held and are still down there to this day.
The real problem was not the sewers themselves but the lack of any rhyme or reason to their construction. If one part of town needed a sewer, one eventually was built and emptied into the Scioto. An 1872 account noted that "the controlling motive had been to discharge the sewage into the river by the shortest possible route. Many of the conduits were so defectively constructed as to lodge the filth at their turning points, and discharge both fluids and gases through numerous leaks into the streets."
The problems continued. In 1883, a report on sewage suggested "the importance of choosing municipal officials on the basis of qualification rather than that of political belief."
Perhaps that was the one of the lasting lessons of the story of the sewers of early Columbus. Another was that a comprehensive rather than piecemeal approach to sewage and water treatment was needed. And in time, that is exactly what happened.
Local author and historian Ed Lentz writes the As it were column for ThisWeek News.
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spur gall
Gall-Peters projection
The Gall-Peters projection is one specialization of a configurable equal-area map projection known as the equal-area cylindric or cylindric equal-area projection. The Gall-Peters achieved considerable notoriety in the late 20th century as the centerpiece of a controversy surrounding the political implications of map design. Maps based on the projection continue to see use in some circles and are readily available, though few major map publishers produce them.
The projection is defined as:
x = frac{Rpilambda}{180^circsqrt{2}}; that is, x = frac{Rpilambdacos 45^circ}{180^circ}
y = R sqrt{2} sin phi; that is, y = frac{Rsin phi}{cos 45^circ}
where ,lambda is the longitude from the central meridian in degrees, ,phi is the latitude, and R is the radius of the globe used as the model of the earth for projection. For longitude given in radians, remove the pi/180° factors.
The various specializations of the cylindric equal-area projection differ only in the ratio of the vertical to horizontal axis. This ratio determines the standard parallel of the projection, which is the parallel at which there is no distortion and along which distances match the stated scale. There are always two standard parallels on the cylindric equal-area projection, each at the same distance north and south of the equator. The standard parallels of the Gall-Peters are 45° N and 45° S. Several other specializations of the equal-area cylindric have been described, promoted, or otherwise named.
Named specializations of the cylindric equal-area projection
Specialization Standard parallels N/S
Lambert cylindric equal-area equator
Behrmann cylindric equal-area 30°
Craster rectangular equal-area 37°04'
Trystran Edwards 37°24'
Hobo-Dyer 37°30'
Gall-Peters (= Gall orthographic = Peters) 45°
Balthasart 50°
Origins and naming
The Gall-Peters projection was first described in 1855 by clergyman James Gall, who presented it along with two other projections at the Glasgow meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (the BA). He gave it the name "orthographic" (no relation to the Orthographic projection), and formally published his work in 1885 in the Scottish Geographical Magazine..
The name "Gall-Peters projection" seems to have been used first by Arthur H. Robinson in a pamphlet put out by the American Cartographic Association in 1986.. Prior to 1973 it had been known, when referred to at all, as the "Gall orthographic" or "Gall's orthographic." Most Peters supporters refer to it only as the "Peters projection." During the years of controversy the cartographic literature tended to mention both attributions, settling on one or the other for the purposes of the article. In recent years "Gall-Peters" seems to dominate.
Peters World Map
Arno Peters, an amateur historian, devised a map based on Gall's orthographic projection in 1967 and presented it in 1973 as a "new invention." He promoted it as a superior alternative to the Mercator projection, which was suited to navigation but also used commonly in world maps. The Mercator projection increasingly inflates the sizes of regions according to their distance from the equator. This inflation results, for example, in a representation of Greenland that is larger than Africa, whereas in reality Africa is 14 times as large. Since much of the technologically underdeveloped world lies near the equator, these countries appear smaller on a Mercator, and therefore, according to Peters, seem less significant. On Peters's projection, by contrast, areas of equal size on the globe are also equally sized on the map. By using his "new" projection, poorer, less powerful nations could be restored to their rightful proportions. This reasoning has been picked up by many educational and religious bodies, leading to adoption of the Gall-Peters projection among some socially concerned groups.
Peters's original description of the projection for his map contained a geometric error that, taken literally, imply standard parallels of 46°02' N/S. However the text accompanying the description made it clear that he had intended the standard parallels to be 45° N/S, making his projection identical to Gall's orthographic. In any case, the difference is negligible in a world map.
Arno Peters was the son of social activists and probably gained his lifelong concern about equality from his parents, Lucy and Bruno Peters. In 1929, when Peters was 13, the famous African American activist and NAACP field secretary William Pickens visited the family and left a signed copy of his book Bursting Bonds. During the Second World War, Peters' father was imprisoned by the Nazis for refusing to obey the totalitarian regime.
At first, Peters's foray into cartography was largely ignored by the cartographic community. Campaigns for new projections spring up now and then, rarely making much of an impression. For one thing, the mathematics that governs map projections does not permit development of a world map that is significantly better in any objective sense than the hundreds of map projections already devised. Peters's map was no exception in that regard, and in fact Peters had (probably unwittingly) based it on a projection which was already over a century old. That projection - Gall's orthographic - passed unnoticed when it was announced in 1855. For another thing, inappropriate use of the Mercator projection in world maps and the size disparities figuring prominently in Peters's arguments against the Mercator projection had been remarked upon for centuries and quite commonly in the 20th century. Even Peters's politicized interpretation of the common use of Mercator was nothing new, with mention of a similar controversy in Kelloway's 1946 text. Cartographers had witnessed a similar campaign twenty years prior to Peters's efforts when Trystan Edwards described and promoted his own eponymous projection, disparaging the Mercator, and recommending his projection as the solution. Peters's map differed from Edwards's only in height-to-width ratio. Cartographers, who had long despaired over publishers' stubborn use of the Mercator, had no reason to think Peters would succeed any more than Edwards had, or, for that matter, any more than any of his predecessors had.
Peters, however, launched his campaign in a different world than Edwards had. He announced his map at a time when themes of social justice resonated strongly in academia and politics. Insinuating cartographic imperialism, Peters found ready audiences. The campaign was bolstered by the innuendo that the Peters projection was the only "area-correct" map. Other claims included "absolute angle conformality," "no extreme distortions of form," and "totally distance-factual."
All of those claims were erroneous. Some of the oldest projections are equal-area (the sinusoidal projection is also known as the "Mercator equal-area projection"), and hundreds have been described, refuting any implication that Peters's map is special in that regard. In any case, Mercator was not the pervasive projection Peters made it out to be: a wide variety of projections has always been used in world maps. Hence, it could be argued that Peters had simply set up a straw man to knock down. Peters's chosen projection suffers extreme distortion in the polar regions, as any cylindric projection must, and its distortion along the equator is considerable. Several scholars have remarked on the irony of the projection's undistorted presentation of the mid latitudes, including Peters's native Germany, at the expense of the low latitudes, which host more of the technologically underdeveloped nations. The claim of distance fidelity is particularly problematic: Peters's map lacks distance fidelity everywhere except along the 45th parallels north and south, and then only in the direction of those parallels. No world projection is good at preserving distances everywhere; Peters's and all other cylindric projections are especially bad in that regard because east-west distances inevitably balloon toward the poles.
The cartographic community met Peters's 1973 press conference with amusement and mild exasperation, but little activity beyond a few articles commenting on the technical aspects of Peters's claims. In the ensuing years, however, it became clear that Peters and his map were no flash in the pan. By 1980 many cartographers had turned overtly hostile to his claims. In particular, Peters writes in The New Cartography,
This incendiary attack did not endear cartographers, who themselves had long been frustrated by the favoritism publishers showed for Mercator's projection.
The two camps never made any real attempts toward reconciliation. The Peters camp largely ignored the protests of the cartographers. Peters maintained there should be "one map for one world"—his—and did not acknowledge the prior art of Gall until the controversy had largely run its course, late in his life. While Peters likely reinvented the projection independently, the unscholarly conduct and refusal to engage the cartographic community undoubtedly contributed to the polarization and impasse.
Frustrated by some very visible successes and mounting publicity stirred up by the industry that had sprung up around the Peters map, the cartographic community began to plan more coordinated efforts to restore balance, as they saw it. The 1980s saw a flurry of literature directed against the Peters phenomenon. Though Peters's map was not singled out, the controversy motivated the American Cartographic Association (now Cartography and Geographic Information Society) to produce a series of booklets (including Which Map is Best) designed to educate the public about map projections and distortion in maps. In 1989 and 1990, after some internal debate, seven North American geographic organizations adopted the following resolution, which rejected all rectangular world maps, a category that includes both the Mercator and the Gall-Peters projections:
The geographic and cartographic communities do not unanimously disparage the Peters World Map. For example, one map society, the North American Cartographic Information Society (NACIS), declined to endorse the 1989 resolution, though no reasons were given. Some cartographers, including J. Brian Harley, have credited the Peters phenomenon with demonstrating the social implications of map projections, at the very least. Crampton sees the condemnation from the cartographic community as reactionary and perhaps demonstrative of immaturity in the profession, given that all maps are political. Denis Wood sees the map as one of many useful tools. Lastly, Terry Hardaker of Oxford Cartographers Limited, sympathetic to Peters's mission, became the map's official cartographer when Peters, overwhelmed by the technical aspects of cartography, sought to pass on those responsibilities.
Uses in the media
The Peters projection map was featured in the United States television drama The West Wing (season 2, episode 16), in which the (fictitious) Organization of Cartographers for Social Equality is given access to the White House Press Secretary due to Big Block of Cheese Day. Dr. John Fallow (actor John Billingsley) explains why the President of the United States of America should champion the use of this map in schools, because it correctly represents the size of the countries and therefore gives due prominence to countries in less technologically developed parts of the world that are otherwise underestimated.
The map is also a favorite of military strategist Thomas Barnett, who has included it in his presentations of The Brief, which have aired on C-SPAN in the United States.
See also
External links
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Royal Society Publishing
Courtship dives of Anna's hummingbird offer insights into flight performance limits
Christopher James Clark
Behavioural displays are a common feature of animal courtship. Just as female preferences can generate exaggerated male ornaments, female preferences for dynamic behaviours may cause males to perform courtship displays near intrinsic performance limits. I provide an example of an extreme display, the courtship dive of Anna's hummingbird (Calypte anna). Diving male Anna's hummingbirds were filmed with a combination of high-speed and conventional video cameras. After powering the initial stage of the dive by flapping, males folded their wings by their sides, at which point they reached an average maximum velocity of 385 body lengths s−1 (27.3 m s−1). This is the highest known length-specific velocity attained by any vertebrate. This velocity suggests their body drag coefficient is less than 0.3. They then spread their wings to pull up, and experienced centripetal accelerations nearly nine times greater than gravitational acceleration. This acceleration is the highest reported for any vertebrate undergoing a voluntary aerial manoeuvre, except jet fighter pilots. Stereotyped courtship behaviours offer several advantages for the study of extreme locomotor performance, and can be assessed in a natural context.
1. Introduction
Female animals use diverse male signals to select a mate, including various morphological ornaments and behavioural displays (Andersson 1994; Prum 1998; Hebets & Papaj 2005). Differential male mating success based on these signals can place them under directional selection for exaggeration (Andersson 1994), resulting in the classic examples of exaggerated male morphological characters, such as the long tails of birds. Just as male morphological traits can become exaggerated, female preferences could also place behavioural displays under directional selection, causing them to become exaggerated in some way, until physiological, neurobiological or other performance limits are reached. Performance, broadly defined, could include any aspect of locomotion that stimulates the sensory systems of a female, or is of interest to a biologist, including whole-animal power output, endurance, velocity, acceleration, manoeuvrability, coordination and potentially many others (Dial et al. 2008). Understanding locomotor performance limits is a goal of the fields of animal behaviour and biomechanics.
Here, I demonstrate the use of courtship displays for the study of locomotion, using the aerial display dive of the Anna's hummingbird (Calypte anna). Aerial dives are a component of the courtship behaviour of many birds, including nighthawks (Miller 1925), snipes (Bahr 1907) and hummingbirds. Falcons (Tucker 1998; Tucker et al. 1998), kingfishers and pelagic seabirds also use aerial dives to attack prey. By trading potential for kinetic energy, an organism can rapidly attain very high velocities. Aerodynamic forces scale as approximately velocity squared, so I tested the hypothesis that high-speed courtship dives result in the production of large aerodynamic forces and concomitant accelerations. I calculated the velocities and accelerations of diving hummingbirds, and estimated the body drag coefficient and aerodynamic forces the birds experienced.
2. Material and methods
Male Anna's hummingbirds were located on their courtship territories at the ‘Albany Bulb’ in the East Shore State Park, Alameda Co., CA, USA in 2006, 2007 and 2008. This location is at sea level, and is flat and relatively devoid of obstructing topographical features, facilitating the collection of video in which diving birds were a few dark pixels silhouetted against the sky. Recordings were not made on windy days. Dives were elicited by placing a model—a stuffed mount of a hummingbird, or a live hummingbird in a cage—near a male's perch. Dives were recorded by combinations of digital video (DV) cameras (filming 60 fields s−1 with a resolution of 640 × 480 pixels), high-definition (HD) DV (60 fields s−1, 1900 × 1080 pixels) or high-speed video (Redlake MotionMeter, 500 frames s−1, 292 × 210 pixels; Fastec Troubleshooter, 500 frames s−1, 1280 × 1024 pixels; Vision Research Phantom HD, 400 frames s−1, 2048 × 1080 pixels).
The trajectory of a diving male usually lies within a vertical plane (the dive-plane), and males almost always dive towards the sun, rather than in a random direction (Stiles 1982), which allows prediction of the trajectory of a diving bird. Close up, high-speed videos of diving birds were collected to record the bird's wing and tail kinematics over the course of the dive. Sounds produced by the bird's wings and tail were recorded with a microphone, as described in Clark & Feo (2008).
To obtain two-dimensional trajectories of the males' dives, I placed a single camera normal to and 22–27 m from a bird's anticipated dive-plane. Videos in which the bird's dive-plane appeared to not coincide with the camera's image plane were discarded. A meter stick oriented horizontally and vertically at the bottom of the dive was used to calibrate distance.
In addition to these two-dimensional trials, the three-dimensional kinematics were recorded from a single male holding a territory with topography uniquely suited for filming from multiple directions. Six cameras (four DV, two HD) were placed 22–27 m (depending on camera pixel resolution) from the bottom of the dive, in two sets of three cameras. The two HD cameras were placed on opposite sides of the dive-plane, arrayed so that the bird's dive was nominally coincident to the image plane of each camera. The four DV cameras were flanked one on either side of each of the two HD cameras, so that the bird dove roughly 30° towards or away from each of the DV cameras. The cameras were synchronized to within 17 ms using two camera flashes, and spatially calibrated in the program Peak Motus 8 (Vicon, Centennial, CO, USA), using landmarks on a cube measuring 1.6 × 1.1 × 1.1 m that was placed in the volume at the bottom of the dives. The position error of this calibration was less than 1 per cent in all three dimensions. To test the accuracy of computed accelerations, a projectile was launched vertically to estimate the acceleration from gravity. This six-camera setup allowed three-dimensional kinematic analyses of dives, to confirm the validity of the assumption of minimal motion in the third dimension.
The videos used for the two-dimensional and three-dimensional trials were digitized using Peak Motus 8. Within Peak Motus, a quintic spline was used to smooth the position data and calculate the time-course of the bird's velocity and acceleration (Woltring 1985; Walker 1998). The spline's error variance was selected to smooth the trajectory of the calibration projectile sufficiently (known to be accelerating under the force of gravity and some drag), and that same error variance was used to smooth all the dives. After the spline was fit to the data, the first and last 10 samples were discarded to eliminate edge effects (Woltring 1985; Walker 1998). Estimates of the projectile's acceleration indicated acceleration errors of less than 10 per cent at <4 m of the calibration cube.
For the two-dimensional and three-dimensional trials, sets of one to eight dives were obtained from individual males, and each set of dives had a single calibration. Because calibration errors could be a significant source of variance between sets of dives, replicate dives within sets were averaged, and each set was treated as independent. Morphological measurements obtained from various males indicated an average body mass (m) of 0.0045 kg (n = 29), a projected frontal body area (A) of 2.6 cm2 (n = 7) and a pectoralis muscle mass of 7.8 × 10−4 kg (n = 8).
3. Results
The Anna's hummingbird's display dive is composed of five stages, summarized in figure 1, table 1 and the high-speed videos in the electronic supplemental material. Birds initiated the dive out of the frame of the videos (figure 1a,b). In stage 1, they descended into view, propelling themselves earthward on wings flapping at 55.5 ± 1.72 Hz (n = 16 high-speed videos), while producing a trill (figure 1c) with a temporal frequency of 55.4 Hz (Doppler-corrected; 59.2 ± 5.6 Hz uncorrected). In stage 2, the males ceased flapping and tucked their wings by their sides, and ceased producing the trill. Stage 2 was omitted in approximately 10 per cent of dives (missing in 2 of the 16 videos, and 12 of the 118 sound recordings). In stage 3, the birds spread their wings to glide (figure 1a,b), while producing a pure tone (figure 1c). This transitioned into stage 4 as the birds abruptly spread their tails at the bottom of the dive, which corresponds to the tail-generated sound described in Clark & Feo (2008). They then flapped their wings once and shut their tails in stage 5, which was the final stage of the dive. The kinematic stages 1–4 correspond one-to-one with sounds produced during the dive (table 1, figure 1c).
Figure 1.
Kinematic stages of the display dive of the male Anna's hummingbird, as indicated by high-speed video and sound recordings. Also see videos in the electronic supplemental materials. (a,b) Composite images from high-speed videos of birds diving towards and then past the camera. Consecutive images are 0.0125 s apart (a) or 0.01 s apart (b). See table 1 for descriptions of the five (1–5) stages of the dive kinematics. (c) A sound spectrogram of the sounds produced during the course of the dive.
View this table:
Table 1.
Stages of the courtship dive of the male Anna's hummingbird, as determined by high-speed videos (n = 16) and sound recordings (n = 118). Means are ±1 s.d. See figure 1.
Two-dimensional or three-dimensional dive trajectories suitable for analysis were obtained for 26 dives across nine sets. In one set, eight dives were recorded in three dimensions at 60 fields s−1, and in a second set, two dives were recorded in two dimensions at 500 frames s−1. The remaining 16 dives were two-dimensional, filmed at 60 fields s−1, and spread across the remaining seven sets (one to three dives per set). The three-dimensional dives indicated that, although there was a slight component of motion in Z (<1.5 m), neglecting this motion did not significantly affect calculations of X and Y velocity or acceleration. Similarly, the velocity and acceleration profiles from the two two-dimensional trials recorded at 500 frames s−1 were similar to the remaining dives, suggesting that the 60 Hz videos were not temporally undersampled relative to the velocity and acceleration profiles presented here (Walker 1998). Therefore, all nine sets of dives are combined for the remaining analyses presented.
Position, velocity and acceleration profiles of diving Anna's hummingbirds are presented in figure 2. The trajectory (figure 2b) of the dive resembled a tilted ‘J’, with the start of the dive at a height of roughly 30 m above the recipient of the display. The birds initially descended at a steep angle relative to the horizontal (stage 1), then pulled up during stages 2 and 3 so that by stage 4, they passed horizontally over the recipient. In stage 5, they ascended and transitioned to another behaviour.
Figure 2.
Position, velocity and acceleration profiles of diving Anna's hummingbirds. 1–5 indicate the kinematic stages of the dive (figure 1, table 1). (a) Two inertial coordinate systems were used in the analyses of diving male Anna's hummingbirds: a static, global coordinate system with the Yglobal axis opposite to gravity (g), Xglobal horizontal in the direction of the dive (solid lines), and Z normal to X and Y; quasi-bird-based coordinate system (dotted lines) in which the Xbird and Ybird axes were rotated by Θ° about the Z axis, so the Xbird axis was parallel to the bird's instantaneous velocity (Vbird), and tangent to the bird's XY trajectory (dashed line). This coordinate system was inertial (the origin did not move). (b) Bird trajectories at the bottom of the dive. Solid black line: a representative trajectory. Faint lines: all 26 individual dive trajectories. (c) Average velocity of diving Anna's hummingbirds in Xglobal, Yglobal and overall speed (black line) over the course of the dive (n = 9 sets). Bars are ±1 s.d. Dives were aligned temporally at the instant Y velocity = 0. (d) Average accelerations of diving Anna's hummingbirds in Xbird and Ybird (n = 9). Xbird acceleration is the bird's tangential acceleration and corresponds to changes in speed (black line) shown in (c). The Ybird acceleration is centripetal acceleration and corresponds to changes in direction that cause the curved trajectory evident in (b).
Velocities of diving hummingbirds, relative to the global coordinate system, are presented in figure 2c. During stage 1, the birds’ average vertical (Yglobal) velocity was in excess of −16 m s−1, but as the birds pulled up in stages 2 and 3 this velocity lessened as the horizontal (Xglobal) velocity increased. The horizontal velocity reached a maximum of 26.1 ± 2.8 m s−1 (n = 9 sets) just before stage 4. During this time, the bird's overall speed increased until the start of stage 3, at which time it reached a maximum of 27.3 ± 3.2 m s−1 (97 km h−1; n = 9). Given a body length (bl) of 7 cm, (including the tail but excluding the 1.5 cm bill), this was a top speed of 385 bl s−1.
The accelerations in a quasi-bird-based coordinate system are plotted in figure 2d. Tangential acceleration (Xbird), which corresponded to changes in the birds' speed (figure 2c), was initially positive during stages 1 and 2, as the birds sped up under a combination of the force of gravity and, in stage 1, thrust from flapping wings. At the start of stage 3, this acceleration switched sign and became negative, reaching a value of −23.5 ± 10.1 m s−2 (n = 9) at the middle of stage 4, at which point the birds were travelling horizontally, and thus were slowing down due to the force of drag (including drag on the spread wings and tail). Tangential acceleration reached an average peak of −32.2 m s−2 in stage 5, at which point the birds were ascending, and thus slowing both due to drag and transfer of kinetic energy into gravitational potential energy.
Centripetal accelerations (Ybird), indicative of changes in direction caused by lift, were initially low in stages 1 and 2, but exceeded 75 m s−2 (n = 9) in stage 3, and reached a maximum of 86.6 ± 13.1 m s−2 (n = 9), as the birds spread their wings. Because the birds were moving nearly horizontally at the point of maximum centripetal acceleration, they were simultaneously supporting their body weight with an additional mg of lift. Males thus experienced centripetal forces of approximately 0.43 N, nearly 10 times higher than what they would experience solely from g, gravitational acceleration (9.8 m s−2).
4. Discussion
During their courtship dive, male Anna's hummingbirds reach maximum speeds and accelerations that exceed the previous performance records for vertebrates undergoing a voluntarily aerial manoeuvre. These kinematic measurements extend the known limits for flight performance-related variables. It would appear sexual selection can cause behavioural displays to elaborate until performance constraints are reached, which in this case may be set by either velocity- or acceleration-related constraints, as discussed below. This example illustrates the potential use of courtship displays for the study of general limits to animal locomotor performance, in an ecologically relevant context.
(a) Dive speeds
Diving allows an animal to attain much higher speeds than can be attained in powered forward flight. Male Anna's hummingbirds reach an average maximum speed of 215 bl s−1 (15 m s−1) in forward flight in a wind tunnel (Clark & Dudley 2009), whereas the average maximum speeds reached during the dive were 385 bl s−1. I hypothesize that maximizing speed is an important component of the courtship display of Anna's hummingbirds, because the loudness of the sound produced by the tail feathers during stage 4 (see Clark & Feo 2008) may be correlated with air speed (C. J. Clark 2009, unpublished data).
The average maximum speed of 385 bl s−1 sets a new record for maximum length-specific speed attained by a vertebrate. This speed is nearly twice the maximum speed of 200 bl s−1 (70 m s−1) that has been reported for peregrine falcons (Falco peregrinus) diving in pursuit of prey (Tucker et al. 1998). It is also slightly higher than the very highest velocity of 350 bl s−1 (50 m s−1) reported for swallows diving from high altitude, at the culmination of migratory flights (Hedenström & Liechti 2001). Incidentally, it is also greater than the top speed of a fighter jet with its afterburners on, 150 bl s−1 (885 m s−1), or the space shuttle during atmospheric re-entry, 207 bl s−1 (7700 m s−1), although these aircraft operate at far higher Reynolds numbers than flying animals. Assuming the body drag coefficient (CD) α (Reynolds number)−1/2 (Vogel 1994), which may be valid for diving animals (but not the aircraft), length-specific terminal velocity is expected to be size-independent. Thus, the length-specific speed record set here is not simply an artefact of allometry.
One factor limiting the terminal velocity of a diving bird is CD. For bird bodies, wind tunnel and theoretical analyses have suggested a range of CD values that typically include 0.1–0.2, but also values as high as 0.4 (see Pennycuick et al. 1996; Tobalske 2007 and references therein). Hedenström & Liechti (2001) used dive speeds and descent angles to estimate CD, which they suggested to be no greater than 0.4 for small birds. The stereotyped dive kinematics of the Anna's hummingbird allow for a similar calculation of CD. The hummingbirds tucked their wings during stage 2, at which time they were descending with a dive angle (Θ) of 45° (figure 2b). By conservatively assuming that the speed of the bird during stage 2 is terminal velocity, the CD can be estimated as: Embedded Image4.1 (Tucker 1998) where A is 2.6 cm2, m is 0.0045 kg, the birds’ maximum speed (v) is 27 m s−1 (figure 2c) and air density (ρ) is 1.2 kg m−3. This results in an estimate of CD = 0.3. Because the birds only began to decelerate as they spread their wings in stage 3 (figure 2d), it is probable that the birds' top speed in stage 2 was less than the true terminal velocity, suggesting that 0.3 is an overestimate of the true CD.
(b) Dive accelerations
The instantaneous, centripetal accelerations that occur during stages 3, 4 and 5 of the dive reached nearly 10g and remained high for at least 0.3 s (figure 2d). This is greater than the previously reported accelerations for any organism undergoing aerial manoeuvres, except jet fighter pilots (Latham 1955). In level flight, directly powered by muscle contractions, cockatoos and swallows (Hirundinidae) manage accelerations ranging from 0.56 to 1.2g (Warrick 1998; Bowlin & Winkler 2004; Hedrick & Biewener 2007), whereas insects can achieve up to 2.6g during manoeuvres (Rüppel 1989; Schilstra & Hateren 1999), and hummingbirds can achieve nearly 4g in escape takeoffs (Tobalske et al. 2004). The much higher centripetal accelerations reached by diving Anna's hummingbirds appear possible because energy is stored in the form of gravitational potential energy and then released, analogous to the sudden release of stored elastic energy that produces the phenomenal accelerations attained by leaping fleas (Bennet-Clark & Lucey 1967) or the mandibles of trap-jaw ants (Patek et al. 2006).
Maximal accelerative performance will be subjected to physical constraints. Two potential physiological limits on dives are hydrostatic effects and wing torque. In fighter pilots, accelerations above roughly 7g can cause temporary blindness and blackouts resulting from circulatory fluid shifts, but these hydrostatic effects are primarily manifested in manoeuvres lasting longer than 1 s (Latham 1955), which is longer than the acceleration peak experienced by the diving Anna's hummingbird (figure 2d). Moreover, the shorter fluid columns of the hummingbird circulatory system may make them less sensitive to acceleration-generated changes in hydrostatic pressure (Larimer & Dudley 1995).
Wing torque on the shoulder was the reason Tucker et al. (1998) suggested their diving gyrfalcon did not attain accelerations higher than 1.6g. The average centripetal force of 0.43 N transiently experienced by the male Anna's hummingbird at the bottom of the dive is generated by lift produced by a combination of the body, tail and both wings. Assuming each wing produces 0.2 N, with a centre of pressure halfway down the wing, the resulting torque on each shoulder is 0.006 N m. Further, assuming the pectoralis inserts 3 mm from the wing's point of rotation (Welch & Altshuler 2009), this predicts the pectoralis muscles must each produce forces of 2 N to balance this torque during stage 3 of the dive, or nearly 3000 N kg−1. Owing to this muscle's complex architecture, an estimate of the physiological cross-sectional area is not yet available (K. Welch 2009, personal communication), but this could be close to the maximum isometric force the pectoralis muscle can generate. By contrast, I estimate this torque would apply maximum stresses of less than 10 MPa to the wing bones, well below the breaking strength of bone (Wainwright et al. 1976). Moreover, slight increases in bone size would greatly increase flexural strength, whereas increases in isometric force production of the pectoralis would require comparatively large increases in muscle size. Therefore, I hypothesize that diving hummingbirds may be constrained by the isometric force their pectoralis muscles can produce.
(c) Courtship displays provide the opportunity to study extreme performance
Extreme performances are of interest to both ecologists and physiologists. Physiological relationships are often the easiest to study in extreme examples (the Krogh principle: Krebs 1975). Moreover, extreme locomotor performances occur in ecological contexts that have large fitness consequences riding on the result, such as fights, attacks on elusive prey, escape behaviour (Irschick & Garland 2001; Husak 2006) or courtship displays. Courtship displays would appear to offer several advantages for scientific study over these other contexts.
Variability in the kinematic parameters that describe a successful interaction makes fights, attacks or escapes difficult to study. A prey escaping a predatory strike is selected to avoid capture, rather than maximize a performance variable like velocity or acceleration per se. In a given encounter, there may be several kinematic options available for success, and unpredictability may be beneficial, so escapes, fights and attacks tend not to be stereotypical. Courtship displays are frequently stereotypical, evidenced here by the similarity of the dive trajectories of different males (figure 1a).
Two other features that facilitate courtship displays for biomechanical study are their predictability, and the ability to elicit them in a natural context. The courtship displays studied here were often elicited by placing a crude, unresponsive mount of a female on a male's territory (see the electronic supplemental online videos), yet some ardent males would perform dozens of dives before becoming habituated. By contrast, it may be difficult to simulate the conditions of a natural fight in the laboratory, or to anticipate precisely where a natural fight will occur in the field. Likewise, natural predatory attacks are difficult to predict, and experimentally providing prey for a predator to attack (e.g. Webb 1983; Tucker et al. 1998) may not mimic the context for a natural predatory attempt; for example, the prey may not behave naturally.
There may be similar systems in which additional variables of behavioural and biomechanical interest could be examined using natural courtship behaviour. Many other highly visual organisms have complex visual courtship displays, like butterflies, jumping spiders (Elias et al. 2005) and hoverflies; for hoverflies, it has been suggested females may have visual sensory systems attuned to male flight (Nordström & O'Carroll 2006). Females could prefer a diverse array of visual aspects of male movements in these species, suggesting that courtship displays may offer the opportunity to study a range of interesting biomechanical questions about locomotion.
This research was approved by the UC Berkeley Animal Care and Use Committee.
I thank N. Reeder, J. Derbridge, A. Haiman, T. Feo, S. Weinstein, A. Schultz, A. Varma, J. Castillo, Z. Hanna, J. Marks, G. Byrnes, K. Butler, A. Harvey, T. Libby and the IB office staff for essential field assistance; A. Prum, B. Full and R. Dudley for use of the cameras; the Berkeley Biomechanics seminar, G. Byrnes, R. Buschwald, D. Evangelista, K. Welch, R. Dudley and two anonymous reviewers for suggestions and discussion; the MVZ and department of Integrative Biology for funding; and the USFWS, Cal. Fish & Game, California Parks Department, and East Bay Regional Parks for research and filming permits.
• Received March 26, 2009.
• Accepted May 13, 2009.
View Abstract
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Kids > Movies & More > Activities > How the Body Works Scavenger Hunt
How the Body Works Scavenger Hunt
Scavenger Hunt
Visit the How the Body Works section to find all the answers to these questions.
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1. You'll find that you have more than one "septum" in your body. Can you figure out where two of them are?
2. How many bones does an adult have?
3. Can you remember which part of your brain helps you remember things?
4. Which part of your digestive system is like a mixer?
5. What digestive juice from your liver helps to absorb fats in the bloodstream?
6. Name the three types of muscle in the body.
7. Assuming you're not bald, how many hairs do you have on your head?
8. Where can you find your pulse?
9. How fast is a sneeze?
10. What happens to your skin to make it wrinkled and soggy in water?
11. Which piece of computer equipment is about the size of a kidney?
12. These four pointy teeth help tear food. What are they called?
13. Your tongue is covered with a layer of bumps that contain taste buds. What are they called?
14. Which endocrine gland is in your neck and shaped like a bowtie or butterfly?
15. Your spleen works like a filter to remove germs from your system. Name another part of the immune system that also works like a filter.
16. Pee follows the urinary tract, which includes six parts. What are they? Hint: Two of the parts come in pairs.
17. What does the eustachian tube do?
18. What's the white part of the eyeball called?
19. What are nails made of?
20. What are the tiniest tubes in the lungs called?
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Spanish 1 Project
For the first Spanish project students had three options: create a game, a play or their dream house. Some decided to build their dream house, labeling everything in Spanish, using new vocabulary and making sure to have the correct Definite Articles (el, la, los, las). Students had to present their homes, describe the daily-chores and where they lived, saying as much as they could in Spanish. They all did and amazing job, students who created a game had their classmates very enthused, demonstrating what they have learned so far in Spanish class. The plays were well acted and well rehearsed; some were very funny.
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The Bosque Redondo Reservation was initially set aside for the Mescalero Apache. General Carleton promised them food and protection. But the Mescalero were not sowers of seed by any stretch of the imagination. They were wanderers, and every attempt to settle these people in closely supervised villages failed.
With the arrival of the Navajos at Bosque Redondo in late 1863, the problems of the Mescaleros were compounded. Insult was added to injury when the Army halted Apache planting and ordered the Mescalero to dig irrigation ditches to water Navajo farms.
By September 1864, the minority Apaches considered the Navajos enemies, and if the Army could not provide a separate reservation from them, then they’d much prefer take their chances gainst the Comanches and Kiowas.
As fall approached, the Mescaleros’ discontent with conditions at Fort Sumner was at an all time high. They decided that if General Carleton couldn’t keep his promise to adequately provide for the Apaches, then they should no longer be bound by their promise to stay on the reservation.
Chief Cadete and his people put a carefully crafted plan into action. If everybody left at once, he decided, most might get away. By late October, before winter set in, they were ready.
On November 3, 1865, all 400 Mescalero Apache deserted the fort and began their exodus back to their own country. As the normal evening campfires burned, they slipped away into the night. Only nine people, who were either too old or sick to travel, remained to keep the campfires burning to fool the military into thinking that all was normal.
On the morning of November 4th, the military realized the Mescalero were gone. Carleton initiated several pursuits, and several accounts indicate numbers of Mescalero men, women, and childern were killed, but most escaped. The Apaches used the tactic of scattering to create many trails and frustrate their pursuers. As one Mescalero stated, “So that some might live, they scattered and don’t stay together. Families were separated so that some might live.”
“When General Carleton met with Chief Cadette, and told him that he was going to place them on the reserve in Bosque Redondo, he promised that they would only be there for two years and all of the things that they were supposed to do for the tribe. However, none of
these things were kept, none of these promises were kept, and the problems that were going on continued, so Chief Cadete informed General Carleton’s people that they would be
leaving because he did not keep his promises, and he told them on several occasions. However, they didn’t believe that anything that he had said, so one night, I guess with all of this being planned for some time, they completely left the reserve—everyone except for nine
people. Nine people were left there to keep the fires burning and walk back and forth and make the appearance that everything was o.k.”
—Frederick Peso, N’de
©2010 Bosque Redondo Memorial
All rights reserved.
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Intro To Engineering: Question Preview (ID: 26557)
Below is a preview of the questions contained within the game titled INTRO TO ENGINEERING: Key Terms .To play games using this data set, follow the directions below. Good luck and have fun. Enjoy! [print these questions]
The first step in the engineering process is....
a) test it b) define the problem c) ask questions d) find a solution
Who invented the telephone
a) Hamilton Bell b) Alexander Graham Bell c) Henry Ford d) Henry Bell
Generally is applied to an artifact to take it to the next level
a) technology b) ergonomics c) invention d) constraint
Which of the following is an example of technology
a) television b) computer c) tennis shoe d) all of the above
True or False: Engineers get their designs correct the first time around.
a) True b) False c) d)
A system of moral principles
a) Christian b) culture c) enviornment d) ethics
A type of Engineer would be
a) civil b) electical c) materials d) all of the above
True or False: Most of us have engineered something at one time or another during our lifetime?
a) True b) False c) d)
Money, Building, Materials, and supplies are all examples of....
a) candy b) criteria c) capital d) civil engineering
a substance composed of two or more metals, or of a metal ot metals with a nonmetal, intimately mixed as by fusion or electrodeposition is called
a) mounting b) welding c) smelting d) alloy
To fuse or melt in order to seperate the metal contained means.....
a) ethics b) alloy c) smelting d) ergonomics
Pragmatic means
a) practical point of view for practical considerations b) behaviors and beliefs of characteristic of a particular social, ethic and or age group c) a standard of judgement or critism d) a system of moral principles
limitaion or restrictions that engineers face can be reffered to as...
a) constraints b) constant c) combination d) capital
An object made by human beings that is produced and shaped by human craft is called...
a) artifact b) chemical c) cycle d) invention
What does the word iterative mean?
a) science b) cycle c) standards d) start over
How many steps are in the Engineering Process?
a) 9 b) 5 c) 8 d) 7
What is a model of an engineered design?
a) steps it took to create it b) operation c) brainstorming d) prototype
What is the difference between invention and innovation
a) invention is something created for the first time, innovaiton is an improvement of an artifact b) invention is an improvement of an artifact, innovation is a new creation c) d)
The art of managing engines, in its modern and extended sense, the art and science by which mechanical properties matter are made useful to man in structures and machines is also known as...
a) Electricity b) Ethics c) Ergonomics d) Engineering
Knowledge of prociples and causes, especiall such as knowledge when it relates to the physical world and its phenomena is also reffered to as...
a) Physics b) Technnology c) Science d) Engineering
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Australia: The Land Where Time Began
A biography of the Australian continent
Oldest Human Remains in Australia
The Willandra Lakes in the central southeast of Australia is a system of freshwater lakes to the west of the Lachlan River situated between the Murray-Darling Basin and the fringe of the desert. These Lakes were full between 50,000-60,000 years ago, though at the present they are dry. They covered an area of about 1,000 km2 and were about 10 m deep. When the Aboriginal people encountered these lakes they camped along their margins and exploited the plentiful resources of the lakes, frogs, fish, yabbies, and shellfish. It is not common to find burnt bone around the lakes, but the few found indicating they were hunting bettongs, bandicoots, quolls, wombats, possums, small wallabies and eastern grey kangaroos and eastern red kangaroos. It is common to find burnt-out wombat burrows around the lakes, indicting that an ancient wombat hunting technique was to burn out or smoke out wombats from their burrows. They also hunted emus and collected their eggs, and starch grains found adhering to the stone implements proved to be starch from sweet potato. The earliest signs of settlement around these lakes, though slight, indicate that humans were present around the lakes between 45,700 - 50,100 BP (with a statistical variance suggesting the lakes could have been occupied 43,400 - 52,500 BP), The artefact densities increase over time, peaking between 43,000 and 45,000 years ago, and it has been assumed that the human population also peaked at that time.
A burial has been found in the sand dunes near the lake that contained the remains of an old man, often called Mungo Man. His skeleton had remained undisturbed for at least 38,000 years and possibly as much as 42,000 years. The age of the man at the time of death has been estimated as about 50. He was buried in a grave that was 80-100 cm deep with his hands clasped [clasping his penis See Mungo Man]. Red ochre covered his head, chest and groin, the quantity being used was enough to stain the surrounding sand. The author1 raises some questions such as how the ochre was applied? Was it rubbed into the skin of the man post mortem? Was it a decorative part of an ancient shroud? Was it sprinkled over the body? And where did the ochre come from?
The nearest source of ochre is 200 km away to the northwest in the Olary region, South Australia. People must have travelled 200 km to the mine or traded for it. Whichever way they obtained the ochre it would have entailed human effort and organisation. The author1 suggests the generous application of the ochre indicates some degree of emotional attachment and/or the high status of the man. The application of the ochre certainly implies some form of ancient funeral rite involved in his burial, the decorative treatment possibly suggesting concern for the afterlife. 'The sense of ritual attendance, the decorative consideration and careful placement of the corpse implies grief, communal concern and reverence'1. The importance of the burial is not only that it may be the first of its kind in the world, but that it also displays recognisable human emotions, creating an empathetic link with this ancient community over a period of 40,000 years.
The old man had an arthritic elbow, atlatl elbow or spear thrower elbow, an arthritic condition that results from years of throwing spears, an overuse injury that probably caused some degree of pain in his later years. The wear pattern of his teeth suggest he used them to strip plant fibres, possibly for the construction of nets, baskets or dilly bags. The author1 has observed desert people using their teeth to strip bark from herbaceous desert shrubs for use in the making of sandals to protect their feet from the hot desert sand in simmer, possibly he had made sandals for the hot dunes of the Willandra area. He also had no lower canine teeth, indicating that he may have had them removed as part of the initiation rites when he was a young man, if so it is the earliest known initiation ritual in the world. There are also the remains of a young woman who was buried around the same time, though the burials are not related. She was 148 cm tall, 4'10", and lightly built. Her head was oval, with a delicate, fine-featured face and small teeth, the gracility suggesting to the author1 that she was pretty. She had been cremated, following which her bones were smashed and placed in a small burial pit. Her burial is reminiscent of traditions of the desert where the dead are buried, leaving their spirits to roam until past scores have been settled. At this time friends and family try to disguise themselves in an attempt to avoid spiritual retribution. At this time they shave off their hair and remove all attachments to the life of the deceased in an attempt to avoid attracting the attention of the wandering spirit. The remains are eventually exhumed, the skeleton is smashed then reburied, as the spirit is now at rest and the people can carry on with their lives.
This woman is the earliest know incidence of cremation in the world. These are the earliest known traditions that were developed to deal with grief. Life and death at Willandra Lakes allows us to see how significant the ancient human response was , and the use of ritual to the way people dealt with the loss by way of considered burial.
Sources & Further reading
Author: M. H. Monroe
Last updated 23/11/2013
Journey Back Through Time
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Author: M.H.Monroe Email: Sources & Further reading
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Harvard professor Stephen Greenblatt (John Cogan University Professor of the Humanities) guides learners through an exploration of the Ghost in Hamlet, considering both its uncanny theatrical power and the historical contexts from which it emerged. Learners will be introduced to the narrative sources of Hamlet, the religious convictions that shaped how people in Renaissance England understood the afterlife, and the ways that Shakespeare’s Ghost would have thrilled and challenged its original audience. Learners will also be invited to share their own theatrical interpretations of Hamlet and to consider how the themes of death, mourning, and memory shape Shakespeare’s play as well as their own lives.
What you'll learn:
• Appreciate Shakespearean dramaturgy and language
• Identify historical contexts that illuminate Shakespeare’s artistic choices
• Explore the implications of different theatrical and performance interpretations
Meet The Faculty
Stephen Greenblatt
Stephen Greenblatt
Cogan University Professor of the Humanities, Harvard University
Areas of expertise:
Course Provided By
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Nitrogen Triiodide Detonation
A ring stand is set up with two rings, each holding a filter paper spread with nitrogen triiodide. The bottom filter paper is touched with a feather, causing an explosion that detonates the other sample of nitrogen triiodide.
Chemical Equation
2 NI3 === N2 + 3 I2
Think About It
1. What observable evidence indicates that a chemical reaction has taken place?
2. Classify the reaction shown on the video as combination, decomposition, exchange, or acid-base and give the reason for your choice.
explosions, loud, irritant
Nitrogen triiodide is a very unstable explosive substance when dry. It should only be handled when it is wet and only by those familiar with its properties. The explosive detonation of nitrogen triiodide can be extremely loud. Wear ear protection! Iodine vapor produced in this demonstration is an irritant to the respiratory system and eyes.
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In partnership with
Basic experiments with ripple tanks
Introducing the ripple tank, a powerful tool that can help students visualize wave behaviour in general. By pointing out that wavefronts are perpendicular to the direction of motion of the wave, you can link ripple tank experiments to experiments in optics, where rays show the direction of motion of the light.
This is a set of experiments on wave reflections. Students are introduced to ripple tanks and gain confidence in using them, by doing some simple experiments with pulses.
Simple circular pulses in ripple tanks
Simple straight pulses
Reflection of a straight pulse by a barrier
Reflection of a circular pulse by a barrier
Reflection at a parabolic barrier
Reflection of ripples at a circular barrier
Elliptical reflector
Vibrator to generate continuous waves
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Definitions for
Overview of verb deform
The verb deform has 6 senses? (no senses from tagged texts)
1. deform
(make formless; "the heat deformed the plastic sculpture")
2. contort, deform, distort, wring
(twist and press out of shape)
3. flex, bend, deform, twist, turn
4. deform
(become misshapen; "The sidewalk deformed during the earthquake")
5. deform, distort, strain
(alter the shape of (something) by stress; "His body was deformed by leprosy")
6. change shape, change form, deform
(assume a different shape or form) © 2001-2013, Demand Media, all rights reserved. The database is based on Word Net a lexical database for the English language. see disclaimer
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Hernando Cortez
The islet on which Mexico was built was connected with the mainland by three distinct causeways of stone, constructed with incredible labor and skill across the lake, and intersected at intervals by drawbridges, through which canoes might pass and repass with ease. The causeway by which the Spaniards must pass connected the island with the southern bank of the lake, about half way across to which it branched off into two lines, one leading to the city of Cojohuacan, the other meeting the mainland at a point not far from Iztapalapan, where the Spaniards were quartered. This causeway was about eight yards wide, and capable of accommodating ten or twelve horsemen riding abreast. It was divided, as before-mentioned, by several drawbridges; a circumstance which the Spaniards observed with no small alarm, for they saw that, by means of these drawbridges, their communication with the mainland could be completely cut off by the Mexicans.
On the morning of the 8th of November, 1519, the army left Iztapalapan, and advanced along the causeway towards the capital. First went Cortez, with his small body of horse; next came the Spanish foot, amounting to not more than four hundred men; after them came the Indian tamanes, carrying the baggage; and last of all came the Tlascalan warriors, to the number of about five thousand. As they moved along the causeway, the inhabitants of the city crowded in myriads to gaze at them, some finding standing-room on the causeway itself, others skimming along the lakes in canoes, and clambering up the sides of the causeway. A little more than half way across, and at a distance of a mile and a half from the city, the branch of the causeway on which the Spaniards were marching was joined by the other branch; and here the causeway widened for a small space, and a fort or gateway was erected, called the Fort of Xoloc. On arriving at the gateway, the army was met by a long procession of Aztec nobles, richly clad, who came to announce the approach of the emperor himself to welcome the Spaniards to his capital. Accordingly, when the remainder of the causeway had been almost traversed, and the van of the army was near the threshold of the city, a train was seen advancing along the great avenue. 'Amidst a crowd of Indian nobles, preceded by three officers of state bearing golden wands, the Spaniards saw the royal palanquin of Montezuma, blazing with burnished gold. It was borne on the shoulders of nobles, and over it a canopy of gaudy featherwork, powdered with jewels, and fringed with silver, and was supported by four attendants of the same rank. They were barefooted, and walked with a slow measured pace, and with eyes bent on the ground. When the train had come within a convenient distance, it halted; and Montezuma, descending from his litter, came forward, leaning on the arms of the lords of Tezcuco and Iztapalapan - the one his nephew, the other his brother. As the monarch advanced under the canopy, the obsequious attendants strewed the ground with cotton tapestry, that his imperial feet might not be contaminated by the rude soil. His subjects, of high and low degree, who lined the sides of the causeway, bent forward with their eyes fastened on the ground as he passed, and some of the humbler class prostrated themselves before him.'
Cortez and the Mexican emperor now stood before each other. When Cortez was told that the great Montezuma approached, he dismounted from his horse, and advanced towards him with much respect. Montezuma bade him welcome, and Cortez replied with a suitable compliment. After some ceremonies, and the exchange of presents, Montezuma and his courtiers withdrew, the Spaniards following. Advancing into the city, wondering at all they saw - the long streets, the houses which, in the line along which they passed, belonged mostly to the noble and wealthy Mexicans, built of red stone, and surmounted with parapets or battlements; the canals which here and there intersected the streets, crossed by bridges; and the large open squares which occurred at intervals - the Spaniards were conducted to their quarters, situated in an immense square in the centre of the city, adjoining the temple of the great Mexican war-god. Montezuma was waiting to receive them; and the Spaniards were surprised and delighted with the princely generosity with which he supplied their wants.
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Sorrento is a small town in Italy that overlooks the Bay of Naples. The town has a history that dates back over 2,000 years. Its origins are Roman, although the town has Greek influences.
In A.D. 79, Sorrento was damaged by an earthquake caused by the eruption of the volcano Vesuvius. The same volcano also destroyed the city of Pompeii.
Sorrento first became a popular vacation destination during the first half of the Imperial Age. To this day, it remains a popular place to spend the summer months.
Sorrento became an archbishopric around the year 420. It became a part of the Kingdom of Sicily in 1133.
In 1648, Giovanni Grillo of Sorrento led a revolt against Spanish domination.
The city of Sorrento flourished in the 19th century with new developments in trade, agriculture and tourism.
Sorrento became part of the Kingdom of Italy in the year 1861. In the 20th century, the town was a favorite tourist destination in Italy, and was frequently visited by famous and wealthy people.
Suggest an Article Correction
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Powhatan language
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Region Eastern Virginia
Southern Maryland
Extinct Late 18th century (1785- 1790's)
Language codes
ISO 639-3 pim
Glottolog powh1243[1]
Powhatan or Virginia Algonquian is an extinct language belonging to the Eastern Algonquian subgroup of the Algonquian languages. It was spoken by the Powhatan people of tidewater Virginia. It became extinct around the 1790s after speakers switched to English.[2][3] The sole documentary evidence for this language is two short wordlists recorded around the time of first European contact. William Strachey recorded about 500 words and Captain John Smith recorded only about 50 words.[4][5] Smith also reported the existence of a pidgin form of Powhatan, but virtually nothing is known of it.[6] Like many Algonquian languages, Powhatan did not have a writing system, so all that is left are the recordings from the 17th century and the piecing together that can be done using related Algonquian languages.
Strachey’s material was collected sometime between 1610 and 1611, and probably written up from his notes in 1612 and 1613, after he had returned to England. It was never published in his lifetime, although he made a second copy in 1618. The second copy was published in 1849, and the first in 1955.[5] Smith’s material was collected between 1607 and 1609 and published in 1612 and again in 1624. There is no indication of the location where he collected his material. In 1975, Frank Siebert, a linguist specializing in Algonquian languages, published a book-length study claiming the "reconstitution" of the phonology of the language.
Although the language had become extinct, some of the tribes that were part of the Powhatan chiefdom still remain close to their lands. These tribes include Nansemond, Chickahominy, Pamunkey and Patawomeck, all of whom are recognized by the Commonwealth of Virginia. Although there are clear efforts to reclaim their culture, recultivation of their language is not at the forefront of their campaign. There is also the Powhatan Renape Nation located on the Rankokus Indian Reservation in Burlington, New Jersey that is working to reclaim their culture and educate the public.
This table is based on the reconstruction that was done by Frank T. Siebert in his reconstruction of the language. He used the notes of John Smith but mostly the work of William Strachey in the 1600s. Siebert also used his knowledge of the patterns of other Algonquian languages in determining the meaning of Strachey's notes. This table not only used the practical symbols, but also the IPA symbols, which are in parenthesis.
Bilabial Alveolar Postalveolar Velar Glottal
Stop p [p] t [t] k [k]
Affricate č [tʃ]
Fricative s [s] h [h]
Nasal m [m] n [n]
Tap r [ɾ]
Glide w [w] y [j]
Siebert gives a very simplified table in his work with very little indication of whether a tone is high or low, but based on standard IPA, we can assume that "i" is high, "e" and "o" is mid and "a" is Low. He also mentions that the short "a" and "e" are weak vowels. As seen in the Constant chart, Sibert's original lettering and the IPA symbols are both represented in this chart wit the IPA symbols in parenthesis.
Front Central Back
High [iː], i [ɪ]
Mid [ɛː],e [ɛ] [oː], o [ʊ]
Low a [ʌ] [aː]
Syllable Structure[edit]
Siebert does not specifically go over the structure of syllables, but using the lexicon and examples that he does provide, the patterns can be determined. There is a wide use of the CVC pattern as well as the CVːC. There is also allowance to have two CVC patterns together.
The Powhatan language uses syncope to determine the stressed syllable in words, more specifically the syncopation of weak vowels, /a/ and /e/. Syllable weight is determined based on whether or not the first syllable contains a weak vowel. If it does, then even numbered syllables are heavy and odd numbered syllables are light. For example, /nepass/, which means sun, would be pronounced /ne|PASS/. If the word starts with a strong vowel, then it is the opposite, with the even numbered syllables being light and the odd numbered syllables being heavy. For example, /wiːngan/, which means good, would be pronounced /WIːN|gan/.
There are two kinds of syncope: major and minor. Major syncopation happens in morphemes that are three or more syllables in the middle of the word. This especially happens in light syllables ending in /s/ or /h/. Some examples of this are in the words spoon and broom. "Spoon" would be pronounced /eː | MEH | koːn/, but with major syncopation, it is pronounced /eːm | KOːN/. For "broom", it would pronounced /ČIː | keh | KAHI | kan/, but with the syncopation, it ends up /ČIːK| kahi | KAN/. Notice that the last example is a prime example of the light syllable that ends in /h/ being syncopated.
Minor syncopation tends to be optionally and only seen is specific dialects. Syllable weight is not a factor and instead it depends on if the word begins with /m/ or /n/ or ends with an /s/ or a cluster including /s/ such as /sk/. An example of this is in the word for five which would be pronounced /pa | REːN | eskw / and is instead pronounced as /pa | REːN| esk/ or /pa|REːN| sk/.
Historical Phonological Changes[edit]
Based on his work to reconstruct Powhatan, Siebert was able to compare the changes that the language might have made compared to Proto-Algonquian and Proto-Eastern Algonquian. Here are three of the most basic changes his research pinpointed:
All syllabic phonemes are the same in between Proto-Eastern Algonquian and Powhatan and the only change between those two and Proto-Algonquian is that word initial /ɛ/ became an /a/ in Powhatan and Proto-Eastern Algonquian. Ex: PA /ɛšpeːwi/ 'it is high' → /aspeːw/
Word final vowels are deleted if they are preceded by a consonant between Proto-Algonquian and Powhatan. Ex: PA /myeːneθki/ 'earthwork' → /meːnesk/
Powhatan drops the difference between /s/ and /š/ that is found in Proto-Algonquian. Similarly, PA /l/ becomes a /r/ in Powhatan, unless it in a word final position of a particle or inflectional morphemes, where it is deleted. Furthermore PA /θ/ becomes a /t/. Ex: PA /šiːˀšiːpa/ 'duck' → /siːssiːp/ ; PA /leːkawi/ 'sand' → /reːkaw/ ; PA /aθemwehša/ 'little dog' → /atemoss/
In Powhatan, nouns take inflective affixes depending on their class. There seems affixes only added to 3rd person noun. These nouns are not only categorized as singular and plural, but also animate and inanimate. For the animate group there are the Proximate and Obviative classes. This is quite common for Algonquian languages. The singular proximate class receives no affix, while the plural receives an /-ak/ suffix. For the obviative class, there is no distinction between singular and plural, both receiving an /-ah/ suffix. Finally, for inanimate nouns, singulars receive no suffix and plurals receive an /-as/ suffix.
Powhatan has 6 affixes for naming items diminutively. These affixes function by a rule of internal sandhi. The last ending in the list is the most commonly seen diminutive. The following are the affixes themselves:
• /-ins/ ex: /mehekwins/ "little stick"
• /-eːns/ ex: /piːmenahkwaːneːns/ "small cord"
• /-es/ or /-is/ ex: /mahkateːs/ "small coal"
• /iss/ ex: /metemsiss/"old woman"
• /eːss/ ex: /mossaskweːss/ "muskrat"
• /ess/ ex: /eːrikwess/ "ant"
There are 3 types of verb affixes of the Powhatan language, all of which are inflective. Powhatan is a language that follows an agglutinative pattern. Although it might have lost some of its strict rule, there is a clear pattern where the indication of person is pretty consistent regardless of the type or class of verb.
Animate Intransitive Independent (AI) Verbs[edit]
The chart below presents the affixes taken by Animate Intransitive Verbs. The first and second singular persons usually take the /ne-/ prefix, unless the verb end with a long "a", /aː/, in which it takes a /ne-m/ circumfix. In the plural, 1st person has 2 forms, 'we' inclusive and 'we' exclusive.
Animate Intransitive Indicative
1 /ne-/ /ne-m/
2 /ke-/ /ke-m/
3 /-w/
1p ( 'we' exclusive) /ne-men/
1 ('we' inclusive) /ke-men/
2p /ke-moːw/
3p /-wak/
Transitive Inanimate Independent Indicative[edit]
The second group of verbs is for Inanimate Transitive Verbs. These verbs only have singular subjects, but that does not prevent them from having a singular and plural form. These verbs also fall into 3 different classes of their own and well as two negative forms.
Person Classes
1 EX. /taːhteːh/ "to extinguish it" 2 EX. /peːt/ "to bring it " 3 EX. /nam/ "to see it"
1st singularː /ne-amen/ /netaːhteːhamen/ "I extinguish it" /ne-aːn/ /nepeːtaːn/ "I bring" /ne-en/ /nenamen/ "I see it"
2nd singular /ke-amen/ /ketaːhteːhamen/ "you extinguish it" /ke-aːn/ /kepeːtaːn/ "you bring" ke-en/ /kenamen/ you see it"
3 singular /o-amen/ /otaːhteːhamen/ "he extinguishes it" /-oːw/ /peːtoːw/ he brings" o-men/ /onammen/ "he sees it"
1st plural /-amena/ /taːhteːhamena/ "we extinguish it" /-aːna/ /peːtaːna/ "we bring" /-ena/ / namena/ "we see it"
2 plural /-amena/ /taːhteːhamena/ "you all extinguish it" /-aːna/ /peːtaːna/ "you all bring" /-ena/ / namena/ "you all see it"
3rd plural /-amena/ /taːhteːhamena/ "they extinguish it" - /-ena / namena/ "they see it"
Transitve Inanimate Negatives
Person Class 1 Class 3
1st /ne-amoːwen/ /ne-oːwen/
2nd /ke-amoːmen/ /ke-oːwen/
3rd /o-amoːwen/ /o-oːwen/
Transitive Animate[edit]
This class of verb is used to express action done to other people and things. Notice the hierarchy that occurs, especially in the 1st singular form with a 2nd singular object. When referring an I to you relationship, like /koːwamaːnes/ 'I love you', an variant of the 2nd person prefix, /ko-/ is used instead of the 1st person /ne-/ prefix even though "I" is the subject.
Person Relationship Affix
1st sing. - 3rd sing /ne-aːw/ /nemeraːmaːw/ "I smell him"
2nd sing - 3rd sing /ke-aːw/ /kemoːnasːw/ "you cut his hair"
1st sing - 2nd sing /ke-es/ /koːwamaːnes/ "I love you"
Negative 1st sing - 2nd sing /ke-eroːw/
Possibly due to the fact that Siebert's research was more focused on reconstructing Powhatan for the purpose of comparing it to Proto-Algonquian or because the notes of Smith and Strachey do not lend themselves to analyzing it, syntax is not discussed in Siebert's research nor are there any examples of what sentences might have been like. However, by looking at other languages in the same family as Powhatan, some basic patterns can be established:
It has been established that Powhatan is considered an agglutinative language, meaning that morphemes can be added on to words to communicate more descriptive meanings. This happens especially in verbs, allowing one long word to basically represent a whole sentence. This almost eliminates the importance of word order.
Other languages in the Algonquian family are marked with Obviative/Proximate endings, which clarify the subjects of focus, especially in telling stories.
There is not enough data recorded to put together a definite list of the imperatives, but Strachey documents imperatives being used. Therefore, using those lists and what is known about Proto-Eastern Algonquian, a tentative list can be created. Some examples of these imperatives are as follows: /pasekwiːs/ " arise you!" ; /pyaːk/ "come you all!" ; /ontenass/ "you take it away from there!" ; /miːčiːs/ "you eat it!" ; /miːčiːk/ "you all eat it!" ;
Person Animate Transitive Class 1 Transitve Class 3
2nd Singular /-s/ /-ass/ /-s/
2nd Plural /-ek/ */-amok/ /-ek/
• presumed ending
Finally, as explained in the transitive animate verbs section, there are circumstance of animacy hierarchy with direct objects in Powhatan. Instead of the hierarchy going 1st person, 2nd person, 3rd person, there is a pattern of 2nd person, 1st person, 3rd person. For example, to say "I strike him" it would be /nepakamaːw/, where the /ne-/ prefix for 1st person is first and the /-aːw/ for 3rd person is at the end. However to say something like " I feed you", it would be /keassakmes/ with the /ke-/ prefix for 2nd person at the beginning and a different /-es/ suffix for 1st person at the end. This might be a result of a practice of respect for others before oneself. "It is one of the few languages that give greater importance to the listener than the speaker," Dr. Blair Rudes, the linguist that worked on reconstructing the language for the movie The New World, remarked in an interview.
Dialect variation[edit]
Siebert's 1975 study also examined evidence for dialect variation. He found insufficient justification for assigning any apparent dialects to particular areas.[7][8] Strachey’s material reflects considerable lexical variation and minor phonological variation, suggesting the existence of dialect differentiation. A speculative connection to the Chickahominy and Pamunkey Virginia Algonquian tribes has been suggested, but there is no evidence to support this link.[5]
The table below gives a sample of words reflecting lexical variation. Each word is given as written by Smith or Strachey, followed by a proposed phonemic representation.[9]
Powhatan Words Representing Two Dialects
English Dialect A Orthographic Dialect A Transcription Dialect B Orthographic Dialect B Transcription
sun keshowghes, keshowse /ki·so·ss/ nepausche /nepass/
roe woock /wa·hk/ vsecān /osi·ka·n/
copper osawas /osa·wa·ss/ matassun, matassin /matassen/
he is asleep nuppawv̄, nepauū /nepe·w/ kawwiu /kawi·w/
(his) thigh apome /opo·m/ wÿkgwaus /wi·kkway/
arrow attonce /ato·ns/ asgweowan /askwiwa·n/
muskrat osasqaws /ossaskwe·ss/ mosskwacus /mossaskwe·ss/
raccoon aroughcan /a·re·hkan/ esepannauk (plural) /e·sepan/
Powhatan loan words in English[edit]
Siebert credited Powhatan with being the source of more English loans than any other indigenous language.[3] Most such words were likely borrowed very early, probably before Powhatan—English conflict arose in 1622. Among these words are: chinquapin (Castanea pumila), chum (as in chumming), hickory, hominy, matchcoat, moccasin, muskrat, opossum, persimmon, pokeweed, pone (as in corn pone), raccoon, terrapin, tomahawk, and wicopy.[3]
Reconstruction for the The New World[edit]
For the film The New World (2005), which tells the story of the English colonization of Virginia and encounter with the Powhatan, Blair Rudes made a tentative reconstruction of the language "as it might have been." A specialist in the American Indian languages of North Carolina and Virginia, he used the Strachey and Smith wordlists, as well as the vocabularies and grammars of other Algonquian languages and the sound correspondences that appear to obtain between them and Powhatan. More specifically, he used a Bible translated into Massachusett to piece together grammar and Proto-Algonquian to compare the words in Smith and Strachey's records. [4][10]
See also[edit]
Distribution of Carolina Algonquian speaking peoples
1. ^ Nordhoff, Sebastian; Hammarström, Harald; Forkel, Robert; Haspelmath, Martin, eds. (2013). "Powhatan". Glottolog 2.2. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology.
2. ^ Mithun 1999, p. 332.
3. ^ a b c Siebert 1975, p. 290.
4. ^ a b Lovgren 2006.
5. ^ a b c Siebert 1975, p. 291.
6. ^ Campbell 2000, p. 20.
7. ^ Siebert 1975, pp. 295–296.
8. ^ Feest 1978, p. 253.
9. ^ Siebert 1975.
10. ^ Rudes, Blair A. 2011. "In the Words of Powhatan: Translation across Space and Time for 'The New World'", In Born in the Blood: On Native American Translation, edited by Brian Swann.
• Campbell, Lyle (2000). American Indian Languages: The Historical Linguistics of Native America. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-514050-8.
• Feest, Christian. 1978. "Virginia Algonquin." Bruce Trigger, ed., Handbook of North American Indians. Volume 15. Northeast, pp. 253–271. Washington: Smithsonian Institution.
• Lovgren, Stefan. 2006. "'New World' Film Revives Extinct Native American Tongue", National Geographic News, January 20, 2006
• Siebert, Frank. 1975. "Resurrecting Virginia Algonquian from the dead: The reconstituted and historical phonology of Powhatan," Studies in Southeastern Indian Languages. Ed. James Crawford. Athens: University of Georgia Press, pp. 285–453.
• Wilford, John Noble. "Linguists Find the Words, and Pocahontas Speaks Again ." New York Times 6 Mar. 2006: n. pag. Print.
External links[edit]
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Difference Between Labor and Labour
Main Difference
The main difference between labor and labour is that labor is the spelling in American English, and labour is preferred throughout the English speaking world.
Labor vs. Labour
The term labor and labour are often confusing because of their close spelling and the same pronunciation. They also are interchangeable without changing the intimation of the sentence. But the words are different from each other as labor is the spelling in American English, and labour is preferred throughout the English speaking world.
Although there is no difference between the meaning of both the words. The word labor and labour are a verb as well as a noun. There is a direct demand for labor, and the demand for labour is indirect. Americans prefer the spelling “Labor.” They prefer the spelling “labour.” Labor or labour is the act of performing work. This word with different regional spelling is referring to anyone who performs the work.
The meaning of both words is almost similar or the same. Labor and labour both contribute to the economy by fulfilling their duty by putting hard work in it. The word labor/labour originates from Middle English, from an Old French word “labour” (noun), labourer (verb). Both of these words derive from Latin labor meaning ‘toil or trouble.’
The meaning of labor and labour is also perceived differently. Labor or labour the income which is generated for the labours. The labour gets that income after performing their duty. Labor is any physical or mental service which is rendered by the labours. Labor and labour are the essentials. There is no labor without labour. And there is no economy without labor.
Labor is a wage or monthly income or salary that is given as a reward of hard work. Labour is something humans always have to produce goods and services upon which our life depends. Both words have distinct regional pronunciation. Word labor is pronounced as “ley-ber.” Word labour is pronounced as “lei-bə.”
Labor is the monthly or weakly salary of a worker. Labour is a measure of work done by humans. Labor is also known as “a process by which the placenta and fetus leave the uterus. Labour also refers to the job market function through the interaction of employers and workers. Labor is now the American spellings. Labour is now the Australian spellings.
Both labor and labour have the same meaning, but their spellings are different due to the alphabet “u” modern English use “u” in labor spelling, i.e., Single.
Comparison Chart
Labor means to do work or effortLabour means a group of people to do work
Refers To
Hard-working, stamina, power efforts and skillsEmployees
Used In
American EnglishBritish English
Also Known As
Wage or monthly income is given to workersPain during the birth of the child
What is Labor?
The word “labor” is the amount of some social, mental, or physical efforts which are used to produce goods and services in the economy. It is the aggregate of all the human efforts to give products in response. Labor is just a primary factor of production. It is estimated by the size of a nation’s labor to its adult population.
Labor is also estimated by the extent of adults either they are working or preparing their labor for salary. “Labor” is meant to supply the services, workforce, and expertise, which a company or organization needed to convert raw material into useful finished products.
However, in return laborers receive their salaries to meet their needs and to buy services, goods or products that they don’t produce themselves. Those labors without any desired abilities, experience or skills don’t get paid a living wage. Many countries give a minimum salary to their labor that isn’t enough to cover the cost of living.
Labors are classified into different categories. The first category is skilled labor, and the second category is unskilled labor, which doesn’t need any training to start their work. Labor is also categorized based on the relationship with the employer. Such labors are wage employees mean a boss supervises them and also awarded with benefits and weekly or bi-weekly salary.
Contract labor is also another type of labor. It is up to the worker how many days they take to finish their work. The specific amount is paid to the workers. Semi-skilled labors required some education to get a desirable job.
What is Labour?
According to Professor Marshall Word, “Labour” means any effort of body or mind undertaken totally or partly to earn some money. S.E. Thomas said that “Labor connotes all human body or mental efforts which are done in the expectation of any reward that is said to be wage or salary.” According to Waugh, “Labour is all human efforts that are used in production.”
In other words, labour means that the work done is by the manual worker. Mostly the hard work done by unskilled workers refers to the labour. The term labor in economics means manual labour. It also includes mental work. Labour includes both the physical and the mental work in return for some monetary reward, which can be on a daily weekly or monthly basis.
Mostly the monetary reward for labours is in the form of daily wages. Sometimes, the educated and well off people are also labour as they are dedicating their skills and services to an organization or institution, e.g. doctors’ services in hospitals, advocates, officers, teachers, and workers working in factories.
Any physical and mental work which is done by the people not to get a salary or any reward but to help others to attain pleasure or happiness; they are not helping us as labour.
Furthermore, if a mother brings up her baby, the doctor treats his wife and teachers to teach her child these all activities are done by him/her are not considered as labour in economics. It is because of these all works are done by them to earn money. Just like it if a gardener works in the college garden here he is labour and gets a wage to do this. But if the same work is done by him in his house garden here he is not working as a labour and not paid for that work.
Key Differences
1. Labor is about performing work, whereas labour is the one who performs the work.
2. Labor is the preferred spelling in American English. On the contrary, labour is preferred throughout the English speaking world.
3. Word labor is used as an American spelling on the flip side term labour is used as worldwide spelling.
4. Labor has different spelling and pronunciation on the other side; labour has different spelling and pronunciation.
It is concluded that word labor is used in American English, and word labour is used at an international level English or British English.
Aimie Carlson
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In spite of the Depression, health care improved during this period. The Jameson Memorial Hospital opened in 1929 replacing the old Shenango Valley. It was a more up-to-date facility. The government also made a series of documentaries on health and exercise. These films explained proper diet, posture, and the benefits of an active life. Since the beginning of child labor laws and the eight hour day, there was the worry that the population would grow lazy.
Rural women still kept house much as they did in Civil War times. There was no electricity, running water, or indoor plumbing.
They had little time to worry about the dangers of idle hands. Their gardens and farm animals still made up most of their diet. They occasionally purchased canned goods at the grocery stores. But the city and country women now had the convenience of route salesmen. There was the Raleigh Man, the Fuller Brush Man, the bread man, and scores of others selling everything from patent medicines to baking needs. These companies also provided nutritional information.
Inoculations for childhood diseases began. Every child had to be vaccinated against smallpox before starting to school.
Several years later, a vaccine was developed for whooping cough, tetanus and diphtheria. More people began using hospitals. Babies were very seldom delivered at home. The Mary Evans Maternity Hospital was opened in 1943. In the late 30’s and 40’s hospitalization insurance policies became more readily available.
Medical research and science advanced during World War II. The wide use of sulfur drugs and penicillin for infections saved many lives. Blood plasma could be shipped and used everywhere — from the operating room at the Jameson Hospital to the beaches of Iwo Jima. Advances in science continued. We thought we were winning the war against disease. And we certainly had won some tough battles.
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Identifying Anger - Students 3
Continued Growth
Table of Contents
Enter your first name:
Enter your last initial:
Student Activity Sheet A
Directions: Answer each question.
1. Describe a time you were irritated.
2. Describe a time you were frustrated.
3. Describe a time you were angry.
Student Activity Sheet B
Directions: Answer the question.
1. How do you feel when others are angry or furious?
2. How can you respond to others when they are angry?
Student Topic Checkout
Directions: Answer the questions.
Write about a time when you were angry. What happened? How did you know you were angry? How did you handle feeling angry? How did others near you react?
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Death and the Brazzaville Railroad
Colonial violence did not cease after WWI. One of the most famous examples of colonial domination and unsparing violence took place in French Equatorial Africa, where the colonial government initiated and executed a plan to build a railroad from the town of Brazzaville to the Atlantic Coast, the Brazzaville-Pointe-Noir or the Brazzaville-Ocean line, constructed between 1924 and 1934. Colonial officials, for various (dubious) reasons, targeted the Chadian Sara people to provide labor for this grueling project. The line, a length of some 450 kilometers, required the digging of twelve tunnels, the clearing of thick forest, creating passes over swampland, and traversing long arid stretches. All of this work was done by hand with simple tools and little or no heavy machinery. The transportation of materials was accomplished by laborers carrying loads on their backs.
Labor was conscripted, meaning that the French authorities would set quotas and require area chiefs to supply a certain number of men per year for work on the line. Pay and working conditions were abysmal. In the early years of the project, workers on the Brazzaville line, working between nine and twelve hours a day, six days a week, were paid one French franc per month. Though later, in the early 1930s, pay rose to around one hundred francs per month, this was still a tiny fraction of the pay of the European overseers, who made two or three thousand francs per month plus considerable additional benefits. Beyond the meager pay, the workers on the line were fed poorly and had extremely bleak living and health conditions. Because the Sara people were coming from far away, they were exposed to diseases that they had previously never encountered, which caused significant mortality among the people, adding to the already extremely dangerous work itself. Workers routinely died from industrial accidents with dynamite, landslides, and so on. As knowledge of the dire working conditions reached home, the Sara people's resistance to French recruitment regimes intensified. Chiefs' demands were met with hostility and even violence, and on several occasions a chief or his family was attacked and killed. Though the Sara had been known for being peaceful, the demands of the Brazzaville rail project had pushed them into active opposition to their local leadership and the colonial regime. Resisting recruits would be led to the worksites chained together.
All told, around 120,000 Africans participated in this grueling labor project. While estimates vary, it is clear that tens of thousands of workers died in the course of the railroad’s construction between 1924 and 1934, perhaps up to fifty thousand people.
Could it be said that this tremendous human sacrifice was worth it? No. The Brazzaville line was conceived as a way to more efficiently exploit Congolese natural resources by the colonial power, the French (and to complete with the equally exploitative nearby Belgian railway). Since its completion, the railway has either continued operating for this purpose or has fallen into decay and disuse. Either way, the land and people of the Congo have gained little, unsurprising considering its roots were never planted with an eye toward benefiting the people there. The Brazzaville railroad stands as a shining example of the inherently exploitative nature of Western "investment" and "development" in colonial world, a story which continues today.
This page has paths:
This page references:
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Romani history
Russian Empire
The Russian Empire has exerted its influence over many peoples. Contrary to other countries in Europe the state policy of the Russian Empire towards the Roma initially and in the long term treated them as equal subjects of the Empire with full civil rights. The administrative efforts of the state aimed to make the Roma meet their obligations as citizens. This policy was above all a “mainstream” policy; “Gypsies” were seen as an inseparable part of societ, and were subject to general legislation.
Open Factsheet
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The Bangong suture zone is approximately 1200 km long and trends in an east–west orientation, and a key location in the central Tibet conjugate fault zone. Located in central Tibet between the Lhasa (southern block) and Qiangtang (northern block) terranes, it is a discontinuous belt of ophiolites and mélange that is 10–20 km wide, up to 50 km wide in places. The northern part of the fault zone consists of northeast striking sinistral strike-slip faults while the southern part consists of northwest striking right lateral strike-slip faults. These conjugate faults to the north and south of the Bangong intersect with each other along the Bangong-Nujiang suture zone.
The Bangong-Nujiang Suture is a ~1200 km long east-west trending zone that separates the Lhasa and Qiangtang terranes. It can be divided into three parts: Bangong Lake-Gertse (western sector), Dongqiao-Amdo (middle sector), and Dingqing-Nujiang (eastern sector). During the Middle to Late Jurassic, northward subduction of the Meso-Tethys Ocean between the Lhasa and Qiangtang terranes ceased, and during the Early Cretaceous, the Lhasa terrane began underthrusting beneath the Qiangtang terrane. Traces of the Meso-Tethys Ocean are left as fragments of obducted ophiolites within serpentinite-matrix mélange scattered along the BNS.
Collision and suture development
The geology of the suture includes Jurassic marine shale and conglomeratic strata, melange and ophiolites and volcanic rocks from multiple pulses of magmatism. Each of these lithologies can be tied to specific terranes, either island arcs or microcontinents, that were gathered in front of the Indian subcontinent as it drifted northward during the Mesozoic. During the Jurassic-Cretaceous collision of the Lhasa and Qiangtang terranes, the ancient Tethys ocean closed, creating the Bangong suture zone. Oceanic lithosphere (the Meso-Tethys) was consumed during this collision and subducted under the Qiangtang terrane. This led to obduction of ophiolites on the northern margin of the Lhasa terrane This period of obduction is generally accepted to mark the end of oceanic subduction beneath southern Qiangtang and the onset of Lhasa-Qiangtang collision. An important feature of the Bangong suture is the Amdo basement. This exposure of pre-Mesozoic crystalline basement is ~100 km long and ~50 km wide. Geology of the Amdo records Mesozoic metamorphism, magmatism, and exhumation and is composed of orthogneisses and metasediments which are intruded by undeformed granitoids.
Cenozoic reactivation
Suturing of microcontinents was followed by the continued northward drift of the Indian subcontinent, colliding with Eurasia during the Cenozoic, about 45-55 million years ago. Since the India-Eurasia collision, the convergence rate with Eurasia is predicted to have slowed by more than 40% between 20 and 10 Ma due to crustal thickening. The high Tibetan plateau resisted further crustal thickening leading to the slowing of convergence and subsequent migration of crustal shortening to the flanks of the plateau. The closure of the Neo-Tethys Ocean occurred at this time, as the southern edge of Eurasia (marked by the Lhasa terrane), collided with India. The penetration of the India into Eurasia reactivated the suture zone (which is located in the middle of the Tibetan Plateau), causing northward movement of both thrust faults and strike-slip faults. Strike-slip faults were responsible for moving mostly undeformed continental blocks eastward, away from the main convergent zone.
Implications of the Bangong suture
Classical interpretations of plate tectonics indicates that deformation from the Eurasian-Indian collision should be concentrated along the subduction zone. The Tibetan system does not act in this way, however, with significant deformation occurring along the north and north-east flanks of the Tibetan plateau. To solve this problem, two end-member models were proposed: a "soft Tibet" model and micro-plate tectonics. According to the "soft Tibet" model, the lithosphere behaves as a thin viscous sheet to accommodate broadly distributed shortening of both crust and lithospheric mantle. Micro-plate tectonics suggests that each terrane acts on its own, according to its own boundaries, and the sutures between them (including the Bangong suture between the Lhasa and Qiangtang) are reactivated in the Cenozoic.
End member model predictions
Each of the two models makes a different prediction for reactivation along the Bangong suture. The "soft Tibet" model suggests that a series of small multiple faults along the suture zone would occur, due to the ductile nature of the lithosphere. Based on the micro-plate tectonics model, large strike-slip faults with significant displacement should be present. Crustal extrusion (in the form of sinistral strike-slip faults) should also be present and would be caused by oblique subduction at the edges of the suture zone. Understanding the evolution and structure of these faults as well as other boundary faults (faults that surround the Tibetan plateau) is important to constraining the formation and deformation of the Tibetan Plateau. Research to identify features in the field that would satisfy either of these hypotheses is ongoing.
See also
* High pressure terranes along the Bangong-Nujiang Suture Zone
{{reflist Category:Geology of Tibet Category:Jurassic System of Asia Category:Cretaceous System of Asia Category:Prehistoric Tibet
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Home » Verbal Ability » Ordering of Sentences » Question
Direction: In each of the following questions, choose the most appropriate sequence of sentences from the given choices.
1. S1: If you hang out with programmers, you will notice that they have a strong belief that their favoured programming language is the only correct one.
(i) Python versus Java is a popular ongoing argument as is Java versus Google, or Java versus Ruby or really Java versus any other language.
(ii) Evidence of this is present in discussion fora where questions on which programming language to use gets innumerable replies.
(iii) The discussions turn into long thoughtful debates and often turn flame wars.
(iv) Java, an old workhorse of website app development, is very poorly regarded and lots of voices suggest its time has passed.
S6: More recently , a hot topic has been Objective-C, the language in which most iPhone apps are written, versus Apple's Swift.
1. (ii) (iii) (i) (iv)
2. (ii) (iv) (i) (iii)
3. (i) (iii) (ii) (iv)
4. (i) (iv) (ii) (iii)
Correct Option: A
The term 'the discussions' of (iii) refers to that in (ii). 'time has passed' leads to 'more recently'.
Your comments will be displayed only after manual approval.
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Trace the character of Silas Marner throughout the novel and explain the ideas that the writer conveys through him.
Extracts from this document...
Trace the character of Silas Marner throughout the novel and explain the ideas that the writer conveys through him. The writer of Silas Marner, George Elliot was born Mary Ann Evans is 1819 in Warwickshire. She had two older siblings, Christiana and Isaac who she got on especially well with. She also had two stepsiblings from her father's first marriage. She was a precocious child and was sent to boarding school with her sister where she suffered from homesickness and nightmares. At the age of nine she began being taught by a strict evangelical Maria Lewis who greatly influenced Evan's religious and moral beliefs. She had a very strong moral code. When Mary was sixteen her mother died, and her father, whom she was very close to, was left bringing her up. When her father died in 1849 she felt completely alone. Mary Ann Evans wrote under the pen name George Elliot because of her status (she was living with a married man) and she thought she wouldn't get published if she were known to be a women. She was a very intellectual woman and love and relationships were important to her. George Elliot wrote Silas Marner in 1861. It is a moral fable, not an autobiographical novel but it is influenced by parts of Elliot's life experience. For example, in the character Eppie, she has created someone who must live without a mother, as Elliot did from the age of sixteen. Elliot was highly inspired by the works of the poet William Wordsworth, and a quotation from his poem 'Michael', seems to be a kind of basis to the novel. In Silas Marner we are asked to take pity on a man who is outcasted by society. Silas is set up by his friend and wrongly accused of theft causing him to lose his faith in God and trust in people. Silas Marner was born and brought up in the large northern industrial town of Lantern Yard. ...read more.
When he arrives in there, all the men are shocked to see "the pale, thin figure of Silas Marner." They have never seen this man properly, especially not in their pub asking for their help. Silas immediately accuses the local poacher, Jem Rodney who is outraged at the accusation. We do see that the villagers want to help him as they feel sorry for him and are convinced by his distress; this is another aspect of country life that is different to city life, the villagers are all very close to each other and want to help their fellow villagers. At the end of this chapter we have seen another huge contrast in the story. Dunstan is once again used as a foil to Silas. We see how Silas is good as Dunstan is bad. Silas' only concern is that he gets him money back. He does not want to hurt or punish anyone. Dunstan however seem to enjoy the idea of stealing and making the Silas un-happy. We see that Silas is a very good man and we also see that he has regained a little of his faith in people as he rushes straight to the pub for help. While Godfrey and as the other villagers (bar Silas) are at the New years party at the Red House, Godfrey's secret wife is struggling through the snow, making her way to the party to show everyone the truth about Godfrey Cass. "This journey on New Year's Eve was a premeditated act of vengeance which she had kept in her heart ever since Godfrey, in a fit of passion, had told her he would sooner die than acknowledge her as his wife." Under one arm she has their child wrapped in a blanket and in the other hand she is clutching her bottle of opium which she is drinking every ten seconds. She is tripping and stumbling through the thick, icy snow. ...read more.
He loses his religion, his faith in his fellow human beings and his beloved fianc�e. The only way Silas knows how to deal with this pain is to shut himself of from all contact with people and God, the very people who he cares about more than anything have turned against him. Despite his antisocial behaviour Silas is at heart a deeply kind and honest person as we see throughout the story. At no point in the story does he do or say anything remotely malicious and, strangely for a miser, he is not selfish. Silas's love of money is the product of his desolation, and his hidden capacity for love and happiness manifests itself when he takes in and raises Eppie. Some of Elliot's other ideas include points about the class system at the time. It is often pointed out that the richer higher class gentry are not the only good men. Often the lower class people are more honest and less selfish. Another key point is about the important things in life; love and happiness, especially the love of a child. Money is not important or doesn't provide love or happiness to a person. In the case of Silas, he began to love his money because they were the only things in his life but the didn't love him back. With Eppie, it was a two way thing, Silas loved her and she loved him back, making that both happier. The money did not give Silas anything back for all the time he spent idolising them. The love of others is ultimately more fulfilling than the love of money. Making the right (moral) choices is life is extremely important. Sometimes you have to put others first and not think about yourself as many of the characters in the story did. The results of being kind to people and respecting them can be very rewarding and Silas Marner is the perfect example of how love can change a person. A* marked ?? ?? ?? ?? James Heard ...read more.
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Related GCSE George Eliot essays
1. How does the character of Silas Marner change and develop throughout the course of ...
This was a time when it was proved that Silas had complete faith in God, for when he was questioned about the theft he purely replied, "God will clear me", this showed that Silas placed his fate in the hands of God, in whom he had put the highest trust.
2. Exploring the theme of relationships in Silas Marner
on sliding stones" which hints at the fate of Dunstan works well and adds to the general appeal of the book. The use of symbolism is a large aspect of the novel. For example the hearth is used to represent the state of the family's relationships.
1. Discuss how Silas Marner changes in the novel Silas Marner by George Eliot.
Silas falls into a numbing routine of solitary work. He begins a life of solitude "he invited no comer to step across his door sill." His religion was replaced by sombre isolation. Silas weaved all day and collected the money that he earned. He spent as little as possible and every night he would take out his gold and count it, hold it and this soon became his routine.
would love to have a garden, after exploring the countryside of Raveloe. Obviously, Silas would have been unable to give her this due to his age and health. Although, this did not create a barrier between himself and Eppie. He devotes his life to make sure that she grows up properly.
1. Describe how the character of Silas Marner is presented in the novel and explain ...
The poor people of Raveloe thought he overcharged them. This reveals that in Elliot's society there is a difference in what class someone is in to the way they think. Silas Marner doesn't spend much of his money and does not go out of his house unless it is to get food or for business purposes.
2. Analyse the development of Silas Marner's character in the novel. Pay particular attention to ...
Now he can marry Nancy Lammeter without having to tell her about Molly. Silas decides to adopt Eppie. The villagers now begin to accept him into the community. After Eppie had arrived Silas was not money orientated or a work-a-holic anymore and he stopped having fits because he had something special in his life and was pre-occupied with Eppie.
1. Show how Silas Marner is drawn back into society with the coming of Eppie.
had a fit outside his house and than when he went back in his house he saw something gold near the fire and he couldn't clearly see it because his eye sight was very weak, so he thought that this gold thing that he saw
2. How Does Eliot Portray The Class System In The Novel &quot;Silas Marner&quot;
Eliot directs the reader to focus on Cass's wealth when only describing him through material possessions.
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Epicurus's Pursuit Of Happiness
Words: 518
Pages: 3
Epicurus was a Greek philosopher who started the school of thought called “Epicureanism” (Gill). Epicurus believed there was nothing wrong with people wanting to have a pleasurable life. Problems occur because people do not know what will make them happy and what we want is not what we need. Epicurus stated there were only three things needed for a person to be happy; friends, freedom and an analyzed life (de Botton). He also believed that money would not bring people happiness if they were lacking in any of three basic pleasures. When discussing friends, Epicurus believed that friends were not just someone you saw once in a while or even every day. He believed that a person needed to live with friends and spend every day with them. …show more content…
He thought it was essential for a person to take the time away from the day for quiet reflection (de Botton). When discussing Epicurus in his You Tube video, “Epicurus on Happiness, “de Botton explained that advertising seduces people because it associates things we want with what we need and this leads to confusion. For example, an advertisement for alcohol showing many friends having fun together is misleading because it associates the alcohol, something we don’t need, with the friends that we do need (de Botton). Also, in his Letter to Menoeceus, Epicurus discussed that people should not fear death because “when death is present, then we do not exist” (Epicurus: Letter to Menoeceus (Summary)). He also said we should try to obtain desires that are achievable. Epicurus explained there were three types of desire; natural and necessary desire, unnecessary and natural desire and unnatural and unnecessary desire. (Epicurus: Letter to Menoeceus (Summary)). He explained that the unnatural and unnecessary desire could be something like trying to become famous or rich because you don’t know ahead of time if that is going to be satisfactory (Epicurus: Letter to Menoeceus
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Solar collector
提供: 広島大学デジタル博物館
solar collector
• （日本語）
• (Español)
• Device for collecting and storing solar energy. For example, home water heating is done by flat panels consisting of a glass cover plate over a black background on which water is circulated through tubes. Short-wave solar radiation enters the glass and is absorbed by the black background. As long-wave radiation is emitted from the black material, it cannot escape through the glass, so the water in the circulating tubes is heated, typically to temperatures of 38° to 93°C.
広島大学 / デジタル自然史博物館 / 植物 / アルファベット順 / S | 仮名順 にもどる
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An Island in Times
Schokland stands as a symbol for the constant fight of the Netherland people against the sea. The area changed between sea, land, peninsula, island, moor or polder. Towards the end of the last ice age the glaciers transported rocks form Scandinavia to the Zuidersee.
When the ice dissappeared, it created a row of hills. The former island of Schokland was already inhabited in the Bronze Age. Traces of it have been found after the drainage of the polder.
Schokland was 4 km wide and in the beginning several km long. Because of the erosion the island became smaller and more difficult to live on. The water came closer and closer and around 1400 Schokland became an island in the stormy Zuidersee. It was a wave breaker for the dikes on the main land. The inhabitants loved their island and kept their traditions.
But island grew smaller and smaller, and the people living on it less and less. The community of Schokland was suspended on July, 1oth 1959, the inhabitants were relocated to other villages. The church built in 1834 is the only remaining building from these times.
After the drainage of the Noordoostpolder in 1941 the island changed to land forever.
In 1996 Schokland became UNESCO World Heritage. Till today one can see the former island rising in the very flat polder.
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FSU Science
Building Sediment Traps
Sediment traps are an oceanographic tool used to collect sinking material from the water column, much like how a rain gauge catches falling water droplets. Previously I’ve described some of the history of the sediment trap (link) as well as how they work (link), but now I’m going to share with you a brief overview how I made them for my latest cruise. If you find yourself making some oceanographic equipment and need a hand, just let me know!
The Tools Used
Not shown: a sharpie, ruler and a hand drill.
Steps in Assembly
After all of this, each sediment trap set was oriented and finalized with a set of three index screws, which holds all the central pieces together (can be seen in the photos below). Once assembled, the support pieces and final touches went on and the whole thing was bolted together.
Final Products
And there you have it, a brief overview of how to build a sediment trap. Five copies were made here.
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the copper cycle history
Natural fires turn out to be a small fraction of all vegetative fires (perhaps 10% [Andreae, 1991]). In reaction 1 there is a redox reaction from Cu to Cu2, reaction 2 was a precipitation reaction that
The total global loss of copper from fossil fuel combustion has been estimated at 72 Gg/yr [Klee and Graedel, 2004]; this is, at best, an order of magnitude estimate, but appears not very large compared with the flow magnitudes arising from the directed processing and use of copper. Cooper Bikes is the bicycle division of the Cooper Car Company, the company behind the original Mini Cooper and F1 champions in 1959 and 1960. Various estimates of copper concentrations in Earth's continental crust have been made [Rudnick and Fountain, 1995; Taylor and McLennan, 1995; Wedepohl, 1995; Shaw et al., 1986]. Reaction 2: [43] The mass of copper mined in 1994 is well quantified [Graedel et al., 2004]. In our analysis, this flow is an internal cycle within agricultural stock, so is not quantified explicitly. This mass was multiplied by the typical copper concentration of ocean crust, 78 ppm [Wedepohl and Hartmann, 1994]. In contrast, the natural repositories of Earth's core, mantle, and crust, and of the Moon, hold much higher stocks of copper (>1010 Gg) than do anthropogenic repositories (<106 Gg). History of the Chopper: Bikes Wanted! Read more. We scale the Yamasoe et al. To apportion Nriagu and Pacyna's [1988] number between these two reservoirs, an independent estimate was made for the amount of copper entering the oceans owing to sewage sludge dumping on the basis of a dumping rate of 12 Pg/yr [Ross, 1995] and approximate copper concentration in sewage sludge of 561 ppm [Lisk et al., 1992; Gutenmann et al., 1994; Mumma et al., 1984; Feiler, 1980]. Reference Module in Earth Systems and Environmental Sciences. The earliest workers in copper soon found that it could be easily hammered into sheets and the sheets in turn worked into shapes which became more complex as their skill increased. It commonly forms complexes in natural reservoirs, as opposed to the reduced mineral form commonly found in anthropogenic reservoirs. a mucus-like concentration. On modelling the global copper mining rates, market supply, copper price and the end of copper reserves. Although the sum total of copper in all reservoirs should account for every atom of copper in the Earth system, the flows do not account comprehensively for the total mass of copper mobilized and transformed per year. The total mass of subducting consolidated crust used in this study is 60 Pg/yr, taken from values of the global rock cycle [Mackenzie et al., 2004]. This work was followed a decade later by an update of certain atmospheric and water emission values [Nriagu and Pacyna, 1988]. YSTAFDB, a unified database of material stocks and flows for sustainability science.
In our study we take the results of Cu flow in sea salt derived by Richardson et al. Owing to these uncertainties, we use an average of all three values, which essentially constitutes a mean upper continental crust value. From the data available, it appears that only about 10% of the copper in agricultural crops derives from artificial fertilizer input [de Vries et al., 2002; Moolenaar, 1999; Moolenaar and Lexmond, 2000]. The total copper landfilled or lost to the environment is estimated, as of 1994, to be 175−225 Tg [Kapur, 2004]. However, only a preliminary attempt was made to quantify the human‐initiated stages of these cycles. However, others argue that the Moon is depleted in volatile elements and enriched in refractory elements [Morgan et al., 1978]. The purpose of this experiment was to cycle copper through a series of different chemical [1978] calculate a copper concentration of 6.4 ppm. [2000] estimate for global emission of copper from burning in savanna and tropical rain forests to the total amount of vegetative matter based upon total global dry matter mass burned [Andreae and Merlet, 2001]. OR SEARCH CITATIONS. Although Garrels and Mackenzie [1972] published a comprehensive analysis of the ocean‐atmosphere‐sediment biogeochemistry cycle, copper was not among the elements studied. [50] Conversely, the flows of copper are dominated by the anthropogenic system. Copper was the first metal used by man in any quantity. with the solution. Evidence suggests that virtually all the copper scrap produced at this stage is recycled, resulting in a recursive, internal flow of copper back into metal fabrication and manufacturing. Inorganic Chemistry. Using the same carbon to dry matter mass conversion ratio, 2.2, utilized by Smil [2000] in his assessment of the global phosphorous cycle, we convert the recent estimates of global NPP of land (56.4 Pg/yr of carbon) and of the ocean (48.5 Pg/yr of carbon) to total dry matter [Field et al., 1998]. [5] This paper couples the work of Graedel, Nriagu, and others into a comprehensive, anthrobiogeochemical Earth system cycle for copper. It looked like a lava lamp. Figure 1 depicts these flows. Estimates for the dissolved concentration of copper in groundwater vary, but for uncontaminated groundwater average 6 ppb [Page, 1981; Hussam et al., 2003]. Cu(NO3)2(aq)+2NaOH (aq) →Cu(OH)2(s) + 2 NaNO3(aq) and has a precipitation reaction. Our result for sedimentary rock is therefore less than half of Nriagu's, where our combined total copper stock in all sediments (6.5 × 1010 Gg) is still 1 × 1010 Gg less overall. Precipitation reactions occur when two solutions solution a grey color. Investigating the sustainability of the global silver supply, reserves, stocks in society and market price using different approaches. [14] The total global living biomass used in this analysis is 1800−1900 Pg [Whittaker, 1975], although recent evidence indicates that total global living biomass may be higher given the mass of living microorganisms below the surface [Parkes et al., 1994]. As with natural biomass burning, the amount of copper emitted to the atmosphere from human‐set fires can be computed from the vegetative volume of the anthropogenic fires, typical copper contents, and emissivity factors. However, prepared fertilizers contain trace amounts of metals [Moolenaar and Lexmond, 2000]. History. [47] The global mean copper concentrations used in some of the calculations are summarized in Table 1. [2005]. The flow of copper in subducting oceanic sediments has been quantified, assuming a copper concentration of 75 ppm [Plank and Langmuir, 1998]. An introduction to metals in fish physiology and toxicology: basic principles. Though more recent studies appear to have constrained this value to between 2 and 40 Gg/yr, further work remains to explain the greater than an order of magnitude variance between the results derived by different methodologies [Peucker‐Ehrenbrink, 1996; Karner et al., 2003]. [7] To be as comprehensive as possible, we include not only endogenic and exogenic reservoirs, but also Earth's orbital reservoirs. Owing to the lack of further data and the large percentage of standing freshwater that Nriagu's estimate represents, his copper concentration was used for all the world's freshwater lakes, as well as for marsh/wetland freshwater. [4] The term “anthrobiogeochemical” is used to emphasize the significant role humans take in mobilizing metals, as opposed to their more minor role, on a mass basis, in mobilizing the grand nutrients. Metals degas at these temperatures, and immediately condense into particulate form [Hinkley, 1991]. The copper fraction in natural airborne dust is unclear, as utilizing only average upper continental crust composition may be too generalized to be very accurate [Dias and Edwards, 2003].
Each of these reservoirs can be further subdivided, but clarity is lost in exchange for increased complexity. Terrestrial and oceanic soft sedimentary masses are subdivided, and copper concentrations in terrestrial sediment of 40 ppm and in oceanic sediment of 75 ppm are used to estimate the total copper masses in regolith [McLennan, 1995; Plank and Langmuir, 1998]. [48] Copper stocks were determined from Earth's core to the Moon in order to account for all copper within the gravitational orbit of Earth. Geophysics, Mathematical Anthropogenic arsenic cycles: A research framework and features.
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Franciscan-Amerindian Dialogs
Franciscan-Amerindian Dialogs: Multicultural, Multiracial, Multilingual
Description and Scope of the Project
In 1519, with the arrival of Hernán Cortés, Mesoamerica began to be integrated into the Spanish empire. Accompanying the conquistadores were Catholic religious orders, beginning with the Franciscans and continuing with the Dominicans, Augustinians, Mercedarians, and Jesuits. The interactions between the Mesoamerican Amerindians and the Catholic religious orders originating in Europe were momentous, transformative, and strikingly more benign than the European-Amerindian relationships in those parts of America under British or Dutch rule.
The San Francisco y las Américas/Saint Francis and the Americas (SFA) project has created Franciscan-Amerindian Dialogs (FAD) in order to identify, review, and post an extraordinary amount of relevant textual and visual information in the quest to better understand what happened in the encounter between native peoples and the Europeans, particularly focusing on the religious orders. Additionally, FAD will compare and contrast colonial Latin America with colonial polities governed by the British, the French, and the Dutch.
FAD is a major component within the SFA project. SFA treats St. Francis, the various Franciscan orders, and many other related topics world wide. It has many entries, including about 100 video clips that treat Franciscan topics in Europe. It has over 2,000 works of art in the public domain, mostly European and mostly medieval and Renaissance.
The SFA homepage is:
FAD is an integral yet separately categorized part of SFA. There are a large number of links between the smaller FAD and the larger SFA, most often indicated by tags, which are used extensively on the website.
FAD treats matters of language, race, ethnicity, and culture and situates them in a historical and geographic context. From a geographic perspective, FAD primarily covers North, Central, and South America, while SFA covers the world. From a historical perspective, SFA reviews the roots of the Franciscan culture, practice, and theology as far back, in some cases, as their original expression in the Old and New Testaments.
FAD primarily covers colonial Latin America, but it does treat to a limited degree information before the colonial period and after the War of Independence, which in Latin America begins in 1810.
Languages are at the heart of FAD. Latin, other European, and Amerindian languages and social registers are prominent components of SFA and of FAD. Among the topics of language use that we review in considerable detail are the following:
For a valuable understanding of the Franciscan reality, we treat some key components of thought, culture, and expression as they appeared in classical Latin and were developed in Medieval Latin or Ecclesiastical Latin (also called Liturgical Latin or Church Latin). The project recognizes Medieval Latin as the form of Latin used in the Middle Ages, primarily as a medium of scholarly exchange and as the liturgical language of the Roman Catholic Church, but also as a language of science, literature, law, and administration. Despite the clerical origin of many of its authors, Medieval Latin should not be confused with Ecclesiastical Latin. Medieval Latin is history-bound with a beginning and an end. Ecclesiastical Latin is not.
The project recognizes Ecclesiastical Latin as the language variant used in theological works, liturgical rites, and dogmatic proclamations. These often vary in style—syntactically simple in the Vulgate Bible, hieratic in the Roman Canon of the Mass, philosophically and theologically technical in Aquinas's Summa Theologica, and Ciceronian in Pope John Paul II's encyclical letter Fides et Ratio. Ecclesiastical Latin is a living and developing language, the official language of the Holy See and the only surviving sociolect of spoken Latin.
Some dimensions of Franciscan reality, including the use of the diminutive and other affixes, are very important to this project. These linguistic features are traced back to their first formation in the Latin language, and they are reviewed in their subsequent development, first in the emergence and subsequently in the flowering of the various Romance languages. One of these is Italian, and St. Francis of Assisi has an important role in its development. He is customarily acknowledged as the first oral composer in the Italian language (he wrote in Latin but spoke in the Umbrian proto-dialect).
The project continues this development to include contemporary language variants not only in Spanish, Italian, Portuguese, English, and other languages, but in language varieties especially important to the SFA including Chicano Spanish, Chicano English, and Chicano English-Spanish code-switching.
FAD focuses extensively on the interactions between Amerindians and Franciscans and other Europeans that are richly linguistic. FAD judges that the Franciscans realized the scientific achievement of the century in Mesoamerica in the area of applied linguistics. They were well trained in humanistic philology and believed that their Christian mission required that they learn mexicano (also known as Nahuatl) and teach it to others, expose Spanish to the Nahua, Maya, and other Mesoamerican populations, and teach the gospel and secular subjects—including, with notable success, agriculture—to the native Amerindians. All of the fundamental works that treat the mexicano language spoken by the Nahuas during the 16th century were written or compiled by the mendicant Order of Friars Minor (OFM). These works involved the creation of mexicanovocabularies, grammars, and dictionaries, some of them mexicano-Spanish or mexicano-Latin. The OFM involved itself in the teaching of native languages to Europeans, primarily friars and monks, and, conversely, the teaching to Amerindians of Catholic rite and theology in Latin, Spanish, or other European languages, as well as the practical, everyday vernacular in these European languages related to agriculture, silversmithing, and other trades.
FAD not only treats mexicano and Maya, but tarasco, chontal, and others.
FAD strives to treat all of the pertinent aspects of the Amerindian-Franciscan multiculture including places, peoples, racial and ethnic admixture, language contact and interaction, religion, texts, and foodstuffs. By way of illustration, its numerous features and components include:
• Locations. There is extensive review of the missions in California, New Mexico, Arizona, and Texas; the Eastern states of Florida and Georgia; and the Caribbean, including Cuba, Hispaniola, and Puerto Rico. There is considerable attention to Latin America, ranging from what is now Mexico to what is now Chile.
• Place names. Numerous place names are covered ranging from cities like San Francisco and Santa Clara, CA; St. Louis, MO; and St. Bonaventure, NY. Mountains, rivers, and other geological sites are included such as Mt. Irenaeus Franciscan Mountain, NY; The San Francisco Peaks, AZ; the San Antonio River, TX; the Sacramento River, CA; and the Riviere Longue, later changed to the Mississippi.
• The interchange of languages. FAD treats the exchange of new lexical items between European and Amerindian languages as well as the resulting expansion of knowledge and enrichment of the multiculture that resulted from those exchanges. Of course, the project will review the customary and well-known introduction of Mesoamerican foodstuffs and descriptors of culture, commerce, agriculture, skilled trades such as feather working, religion, and warfare into Spanish and from Spanish to other languages including English. Yes, we will include chicle and chile, chocolate, cucaracha, cocoa and the like. That’s just a start. For the sake of illustration, FAD will delve into the subtle differences between maní and cacahuatetlapalería and ferreteríacuate versus mellizopavo (from Latin pavus) versus guajolote (from huexolotl, large monster). It is a commonplace that tomate (and hence the English “tomato”) comes from tomatl. FAD explores the important differences between tomatillosjitomates and chamotes as well as the derivation of esquintle from xoloitzcuintle, a Mexican hairless dog commonly called xolo. With respect to Mesoamerican vegetables, we include the commonplace mango, papaya, and nopalitos. However, FAD goes way beyond that, reviewing jícamahuitlacocheHuauzontlehuaracheshorchata de tufoachiote, and epazote.
Class, Race, and Ethnicity
FAD reviews the system of castas during the Nueva España period and to a limited degree in the years beyond that. This a key area that requires clarification. The
casta was a Spanish hierarchical system of race classification created by white elites to describe the mixed ancestry of the post-Conquest peoples of the Americas. This classification system was a practical result of the ever-accelerating process of mestizaje of colonial Latin America, and it had important ramifications in that
the legally defined castas generally had certain privileges, responsibilities, and/or limitations. The system was increasingly expanded in an extra-legal manner in the language registers of common people, so that in addition to basic categories including peninsulares (who had a number of privileges reserved to them), criollos, and indios, there were popular ones such as torna atrás (throwback), lobo (wolf) and no te entiendo (I can’t figure you out).
A parallel system of categorization developed over time that was based on the degree of acculturation to Hispanic culture. It distinguished between gente de razón and gente sin razón.
FAD goes way beyond the commonplace explanation of the sistema de castas, which is often misleading especially when it supports the goals of the Black Legend created by the adversaries of Spain in their struggle for hegemony over specific parts of the Americas.
Part of FAD’s correction of the propaganda of the Black Legend is our treatment of the enduring ownership and control, gradually eroded over time, of the Aztec, Maya, Tlaxcalteca, and other nobility of some of their traditional ancestral lands and urban centers. Additionally, we review some of the families that attained the highest conceivable ranks of power and nobility both in Nueva España and Spain itself. Notable among them are the descendants of Moctecusoma II, Emperor of the Aztecs upon the arrival of Hernán Cortés. This family, five centuries later, is robust and numerous, and some members remain part of the Spanish nobility.
The emperor’s son, Pedro Johualicahualtzin Moctezuma, a pureblooded Aztec, married a cousin, Catalina Cuauhjochitl; their son, Diego Luis Ihuitemotzin, also a pureblooded Aztec, went to Spain and married doña Francisca de la Cueva. Their son became the first Count of Moctezuma.
Doña Isabel Moctezuma, born Tecuichpoch Ixcaxochiltzin (c. 1509–c. 1551), was a daughter and legitimate heir of the emperor and became one of the Amerindians granted an encomienda. She had a daughter out of wedlock, Leonor Cortés Moctezuma, with the conquistador Hernán Cortés. The sons of Leonor founded a line of Spanish nobility. The title of Duke of Moctezuma de Tultengo still exists. Isabel’s half-sister Marina (or Leonor) Moctezuma was also an encomendera.
Franciscans and Amerindians in History
FAD recounts the biographies of the first Franciscans in depth, including Jerónimo de Aguilar, Pedro de Gante, Martín de Valencia, Fray Toribio de Benavente “Motolinia,” Juan de Zumárraga, and many others. Their Franciscan adversaries or collaborators are profiled, such as Moctecusoma II and Cuauhtemoc, Juan Valeriano, Don Fernando Alvarado Tezozomoc, Juan Bautista de Pomar, and Fernando de Alva Cortés Ixtilxochitl. Saints and prominent personages include San Juan Diego Cuauhtlatoatzin, Junípero Serra, and Fray Bernardino de Sahagún. We cover important Amerindians or mestizos who are key to the history of Mesoamerica including Chimalpahin Cuauhtlehuanitzin; Diego Valadares; Martin Cortés, el mestizo; Garcilaso de la Vega, el Inca; and Don Diego de Torres.
FAD will identify and suggest the significance of a host of códicesanalesrelacioneslienzos, and the like such as the Códice franciscano, the Florentine Codex, the Relación de Michoacán, the Anales de Tlatelolco y México, and the Lienzo de Tlaxcala. There will be close attention to important religious texts such as the Nican Mopohua of the Huei tlamahuiçoltica.
Products of the Project
Bibliographic references are an integral part of FAD, and we have generated thousands of them broken down into large categories such as online codices, facsimile
manuscripts, published codices, art, linguistics, policy and law, electronic resources, and so on. When broken down, the subcategories number over one hundred. What, then, is an individual to do with this treasure trove? Well, one could treat the project rather like an encyclopedia and investigate the topic(s) of her or his own interest. However, the project is designed to be self-perpetuating. The references will continue to expand and be revised as they reflect the input of individuals and organizations world wide.
See:, which is updated regularly.
FAD has created over one hundred video clips and several documentaries of its own. It has identified and linked to thousands of works of art, especially two-dimensional and in the public domain. FAD follows the guidelines of the Wikipedia Image Use Policy, and is a supporter of and follower of the work of Creative Commons,
In addition to our website, we leave for future consideration the production or publication of additional websites, ebooks, and possibly books in hard copy, audio CDs and CD-ROMS, and DVD-ROMS, as well as conferences and related resources for interaction among researchers and opportunities for them to communicate their findings and conclusions.
Project Leadership and Participants
The Hispanic Research Center (HRC) of Arizona State University (ASU) is providing leadership, and Gary Francisco Keller, its director, has ultimate responsibility for FAD’s linguistic style and discourse. It is significant to mention this because the discourse reflects the idiosyncratic idiolect of Keller.
Franciscan-Amerindian Dialogs has no planned end date and no budget or funds to run out of, but it could end at any time, really. That depends on the level of commitment of those who find FAD useful. On the other hand, our goal is for FAD to take root and be perpetuated by its participating members, both organizational and individual.
There are numerous organizations involved in FAD. But there is no binding covenant, no bylaws or membership fees. Participation is determined by interest, and FAD is open to all sorts and sectors and to communications in various languages including Catalán, English, Italian, Latin, Maya, mexicano(Nahuatl), Quechua, Spanish, and Portuguese. One way to obtain a snapshot of the members at a given moment is to review that designated section of the Saint Francis and the Americas/San Francisco y las Américas (SFA) website. While SFA is even broader than FAD, there is a well-provisioned home for the latter in the former.
Timeliness and Duration
A project with the ambitions aspired to by FAD would not have been possible even 30 years ago. The most compelling reason for this assertion is the ability to access vast amounts of textual and visual information through the consultation of online archives, most of which are relatively or extremely new and all of which are expanding prodigiously. These online archives are producing valuable information that would have taken, without exaggeration, centuries for one or a small group of researchers to physically visit and access without even considering one’s ability to obtain permission to review precious materials. Now, on a weekend one can comfortably conduct research that would have taken a year or more before the posting online of manuscripts, codices, and all sorts of visuals that are freely accessible. FAD relies on material evidence, and there are hundreds of digital archives that have relevance to FAD and that permit this project to realize research not possible until recently. As a result of the accessibility of a vast and ever-increasing amount of textual and visual information, even the customary hard-copy, university press books, despite their notable modesty with respect to images, have increased their use dramatically, though with respect to the visual element, they cannot really compare with the electronic resource. Here are a few books published since 2010 in support of this observation; to find so many revolving around a delimited field devoid of general popularity or readership is quite striking:
Bernasocchi, Augusta López, and Manuel Galeote. Tesoro castellano del primer diccionario de América. Lemas y concordancias del Vocabulario español-náhuatl (1555) de Alonso de Molina. Madrid: Editorial Verbum, 2010.
Brittenham, Claudia. The Murals of Cacaxtla: The Power of Painting in Ancient Central Mexico. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2015.
Brownstone, Arni, ed. The Lienzo of Tlapiltepec: A Painted History from the Northern Mixteca. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2015.
Burkhart, Louise M. Aztecs on Stage: Religious Theater in Colonial Mexico. Translated by Barry D. Sell and Stafford Poole. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2011.
Chimalpahin Cuauhtlehuanitzin, Domingo Francisco de San Antón Muñón. Chimalpáhin y la conquista de México: La crónica de Francisco López de Gómara comentada por el historiador Nahua. Edited by Susan Schroeder, David Tavárez, and Cristián Roa-de-la-Carrera. Prologue by José Rubén Romero Galván. Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 2012.
Chimalpahin Cuauhtlehuanitzin, Domingo Francisco de San Antón Muñón. Chimalpahin's conquest. A Nahua historian's rewriting of Francisco López de Gómara's “La conquista de México.” Edited and translated by Susan Schroeder. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2010.
Chimalpahin Cuauhtlehuanitzin, Domingo Francisco de San Antón Muñón. Tres crónicas mexicanas: Textos recopilados por Domingo Chimalpáhin. Translated by Rafael Tena. Mexico City: Dirección General de Publicaciones del Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes, 2012.
Christensen, Mark Z. Nahua and Maya Catholicisms: Texts and Religion in Colonial Central Mexico and Yucatan. Stanford: Stanford Univeristy Press, 2013.
Christensen, Mark Z. Translated Christianities: Nahuatl and Maya Religious Texts. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2014.
Douglas, Eduardo de J. In the Palace of Nezahualcoyotl: Painting Manuscripts, Writing the Pre-Hispanic Past in Early Colonial Period Tetzcoco, Mexico. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2010.
Haag, Sabine, Alfonso de María y Campos, Lilia Rivero Weber, and Christian Feest, eds. El penacho del México antiguo. Alenstadt, Germany: ZKF Publishers, 2012.
MacLachlan, Colin M. Imperialism and the Origins of Mexican Culture. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015.
Mathers, Clay, Jeffrey M. Mitchem, and Charles M. Haecker, eds. Native and Spanish New Worlds. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2013.
Milbrath, Susan. Heaven and Earth in Ancient Mexico: Astronomy and Seasonal Cycles in the Codex Borgia. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2013.
Miller, Mary, and Claudia Brittenham. The Spectacle of the Late Maya Court: Reflections on the Murals of Bonampak. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2013.
Morrill, Penny C. The Casa del Deán: New World Imagery in a Nineteenth Century Mexican Mural Cycle. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2014.
Nesvig, Martin Austin. Forgotten Franciscans: Works from an Inquisitional Theorist, a Heretic, and an Inquisitional Deputy. Universty Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2011.
Poole, Stafford. Pedro Moya de Contreras: Catholic Reform and Royal Power in New Spain, 1571-1591. 2nd ed. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2011.
Schwaller, John Frederick. The History of the Catholic Church in Latin America: From Conquest to Revolution and Beyond. New York: NYU Press, 2011.
Téllez Nieto, Heréndira. Vocabulario trilingüe en español-latín-náhuatl atribuido a Fray Bernardino de Sahagún. Mexico City: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, 2010.
Turley, Steven E. Franciscan Spirituality and Mission in New Spain, 1514-1599. Farnham, UK: Ashgate, 2014.
Returning once more to digital archives, I refer you to the Electronic Resources section of FAD’s references as well as to General Primary Sources and Facsimile Manuscripts (often online). By way of illustration, a tiny fraction of online resources that inform FAD include: Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History; Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid; Archivo General de Indias; Biblioteca Digital Mexicana; Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes; Bibliothèque nationale de France; The Brigham Young University (BYU) William Gates Special Collection; Directorio Franciscano; Early Nahuatl Library; Electronic Resources from Smithsonian Institution Libraries; FAMSI @ LACMA, Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc.; La fundación de Zacatecas y el Camino de la Plata; John Pohl’s Mesoamerica; Library of Congress; Lilly Library, A Catalogue of Pre-1840 Nahuatl Works; and the New York Public Library.
There is another emerging contemporary phenomenon that results from the exploding worldwide access to primary sources in the humanities. The conditions under which researchers in the humanities and social sciences have traditionally operated were characterized by a marked lack of collaborators. This has always been in contrast to the sciences and especially Big Science.
Big Science, which has ever increased since World War II and the Manhattan Project and other analogous projects, has been described as often involved in basic or discovery research. It usually has huge staffs, big budgets, sometimes in the billions of dollars, and the big machines that go with them. Research is funded by governments, sometimes themselves in global partnership. Big science has big laboratories.
We think of FAD as a Big Humanities project. It draws on the expertise and interactions of hundreds of individuals and organizations. It has compiled a corpus of products that are subsequently described here. It is only a couple of years old but undoubtedly some of the intrepid researchers who need to have a book published will successfully achieve their goal by accessing some of the project’s data and networking resources.
Nevertheless, there are considerable differences between Big Science and FAD. Our project is involved in basic or discovery research, but it has a tiny budget. In fact it has no budget at all earmarked specifically for the project. We are just doing it.
How does FAD generate income? Through sales? No. FAD doesn’t sell anything, although a handful of affiliated groups, almost all academic presses, sell their books, posters, or prints on their own. We are happy to be modest in a Franciscan way when it comes to financial resources. FAD itself, focusing on the colonial Latin American period, is a component of the larger and even more meagerly funded project, San Francisco y las Américas/Saint Francis and the Americas (SFA).
FAD’s vibrant, ever expanding website is a key component. The website currently features numerous video documentaries, interviews, and clips that can be accessed and reviewed in the references. FAD follows the mission guidelines of SFA, which in the Open and Free Community section state that the SFA project:
provides a website; opportunities for students to research and write articles; opportunities for scholarly publication and blogging; and larger cooperative projects, such as DVD production. SFA is cooperative and based on voluntarism. It has no established budget, and no fees are charged to any member. Certain projects within the SFA scope are being sponsored, funded, and produced by specific member organizations from their own resources or through third parties. SFA is open-ended. SFA provides member organizations, nonmember groups, and interested individuals with the opportunity to collaborate on projects and explore and develop ideas. It provides links to other related websites, and its resources section provides links to other websites that the project has reviewed. Above all, SFA is not cast in stone. It is a work in progress, and its founding organizations, individual members, and other interested parties surely will discover new, imaginative, and valuable projects to pursue. In short, SFA is being shaped by the interests and needs of its members.
Big Science has big staffs. FAD has a few staff members primarily involved in producing raw video and editing it into video clips and documentaries, creating PowerPoints and the like, and designing web pages and the project home page. Well, staff needs to be further considered. Are graduate students working on a project staff? Or interns? As you wish. That’s a considerable part of the cohort in contrast to salaried employees.
Big Science has big machines such as cyclotrons, particle accelerators, the International Space Station, and the Human Genome Project, to name a few. FAD relies on the
Internet. Big Science has big labs such as Bell Labs; the Centre for Artificial Intelligence and Robotics (CAIR); a radio astronomy observatory, the Karl G. Jansky Very Large Array (VLA); and the Palo Alto Research Center Incorporated. FAD relies on the Internet, Skype, and academic space that is available to students and professors but not earmarked for this project.
Linguistic Praxis of FAD
Multilingualism, multiculturalism, and code switching are our métier, and currently we make liberal use of the latter between English and Spanish with a good dose of mexicano. There is some Catalán, Italian, Latin, and Portuguese as well, and we look forward to more participation in more languages. While we are on the topic, we use mexicanoregularly to describe the common language of the Aztecs and several other cultures of Mesoamerica. Our reasoning is that for the time span of this research and in fact for the first several centuries, mexicano was used to describe what is now usually called Nahuatl in English. The online etymological dictionary dates the English Nahuatl from 1822. Home page, Online Etymological Dictionary with the following entry:
In colonial Nueva España, the term nahua along with mexica were used to describe the people, and mexicano, their language. Mexico was synonymous with Tenochtitlan and did not become the name of the nation until after the 1810 War of Independence when it overtook Nueva España. Note the following early vocabularies and grammars:
Olmos, Fr. Andrés de. Arte para aprender lengua Mexicana, 1547.
Molina, Alonso de. Aquí comiença un vocabulario en la lengua Castellana y Mexicana, Compuesto por el muy reuerendo padre fray Alonso de Molina: Guardia[n] d[e]l couen[n]to d[e] sant Antonio d[e] Tetzcuco d[e] la orde[n] de los frayles Menores, 1555.
Molina, Alonso de. Arte de la lengua mexicana y castellana, 1571.
Covarrubias y Orozco, Sebastián de. Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española. 1611.
Carochi, Horacio. Arte de la lengua mexicana: Con la declaración de los adverbios della; edición facsimilar de la publicada por Juan Ruyz en la Ciudad de México, 1645.
Remigio Noydens, Benito. Parte primera del Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española and Parte segunda del Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española, 1674.
In Spanish texts, the vocabulary of the mexicano language is accented in accordance with Spanish rules—hence, Quetzalcóatl. We don’t use Spanish-language imposed accents when we express mexicano vocabulary, which has an entirely different set of rules. Ergo, Quetzalcoatl. Today we have Nahuatl (English), náhuatl (Spanish), and nahuatl(mexicano) in the rare case when the latter appears in this study. In the collaboratively contributed website, Origen de las palabras, home page, and entry page, appear some pertinent and valuable comments. One is:
la palabra nahuatl así escrita en itálicas es correcta, pues está en su lenguaje original, si bien se debe escribir náhuatl cuando se escribe en “español”. Hay que indicar que las palabras en nahuatl, no llevan acento ortográfico pues todas son llanas.
Another valuable comment is:
Aunque hoy en día erróneamente muchos tienden a convertir los topónimos de origen náhuatl en palabras agudas (Teotihuacán, Tenochtitlán, Michoacán) es casi cierto que todas las palabras de ese idioma con la excepción de los vocativos, que son agudos (“cihuaé” sería “¡eh, mujer!). En cuanto al uso de los tildes, “náhuatl” es palabra castellana para designar tal lengua (como “inglés”), por lo tanto se acentúa según las normas habituales.
Gary Francisco Keller
Coordinator, Franciscan-Amerindian Dialogs
Director, Hispanic Research Center
Arizona State University
August 2015
Wednesday, April 6, 2016
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Copernicus Sentinel-1 images the largest delta in the Arctic
Image: Lena River Delta
The Copernicus Sentinel-1 mission takes us over the Lena River Delta, the largest delta in the Arctic.
At nearly 4500 km long, the Lena River is one of the longest rivers in the world. The river stems from a small mountain lake in southern Russia, and flows northwards before emptying into the Arctic Ocean, via the Laptev Sea.
The river is visible in bright yellow, as it splits and divides into many different channels before meandering towards the sea. Sediments carried by the waters flow through a flat plain, creating the Lena River Delta. Hundreds of and ponds are visible dotted around the tundra.
This false-color image was captured on 14 January 2019, the peak of the Arctic winter, and shows a large amount of ice in the waters surrounding the delta. Cracks can be seen in the turquoise-colored ice at the top of the image, and several icebergs can also be seen floating in the Arctic waters to the right. Snow can also be seen in yellow on the mountains at the bottom of the image.
The delta's snow-covered tundra is frozen for most of the year, before thawing and blossoming into a fertile wetland during the brief polar summer—a 32 000 sq km haven for Arctic wildlife. Swans, geese and ducks are some of the that breed in the productive wetland, which also supports fish and marine mammals.
In 1995, the Lena Delta Reserve was expanded, making it the largest protected area in Russia.
The two identical Copernicus Sentinel-1 satellites carry radar instruments, which can see through clouds and rain, and in the dark, to image Earth's surface below. This is particularly useful for providing imagery for during , or monitoring areas prone to long periods of darkness, in this case, the Arctic.
Explore further
Image: Proba-1 view of Lena River Delta
Citation: Copernicus Sentinel-1 images the largest delta in the Arctic (2019, June 21) retrieved 17 June 2021 from https://phys.org/news/2019-06-copernicus-sentinel-images-largest-delta.html
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LetHx be a random variable denoting the handedness of an
LetHx be a random variable denoting the handedness of an individual x, with possible values l or r. A common hypothesis is that left-or right-handedness is inherited by a simple mechanism; that is, perhaps there is a gene Gx, also with values l or r, and perhaps actual handedness turns out mostly the same (with some probability s) as the gene an individual possesses. Furthermore, perhaps the gene itself is equally likely to be inherited from either of an individual’s parents, with a small nonzero probability m of a random mutation flipping the handedness.
a. Which of the three networks in Figure 14.20 claim that P(Gfather,Gmother,Gchild) = P(Gfather)P(Gmother )P(Gchild )?
b. Which of the three networks make independence claims that are consistent with the hypothesis about the inheritance of handedness?
c. Which of the three networks is the best description of the hypothesis?
d. Write down the CPT for the Gchild node in network (a), in terms of s and m.
e. Suppose that P(Gfather =l) = P(Gmother =l) = q. In network (a), derive an expression for P(Gchild =l) in terms of m and q only, by conditioning on its parent nodes.
f. Under conditions of genetic equilibrium, we expect the distribution of genes to be the same across generations. Use this to calculate the value of q, and, given what you know about handedness in humans, explain why the hypothesis described at the beginning of this question must be wrong.
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The Math That Explains the End of the Pandemic
The United States has vaccinated more than half of its adults against Covid-19, but it could be months until the country has vaccinated enough people to put herd immunity within reach (and much of the world is still desperately waiting for access to vaccines).
Places with rising vaccination rates, like the United States, can look forward to case numbers coming down a lot in the meantime. And sooner than you might think. That’s because cases decline via the principle of exponential decay.
Many people learned about exponential growth in the early days of the pandemic to understand how a small number of cases can quickly grow into a major outbreak as transmission chains multiply. India, for example, which is in the grips of a major Covid-19 crisis, is in a phase of exponential growth.
Exponential growth means case numbers can double in just a few days. Exponential decay is its opposite. Exponential decay means case numbers can halve in the same amount of time.
U.S. cases, 14-day average
Understanding exponential dynamics makes it easier to know what to expect in the coming phase of the pandemic: Why things will improve quickly as vaccination rates rise and why it’s important to maintain some precautions even after case numbers come down.
Exponential decay will cause infections to plummet
Total active cases
Cases fall faster when
numbers are high
But fall more slowly
as cases come down
Every case of Covid-19 that is prevented cuts off transmission chains, which prevents many more cases down the line. That means the same precautions that reduce transmission enough to cause a big drop in case numbers when cases are high translate into a smaller decline when cases are low. And those changes add up over time. For example, reducing 1,000 cases by half each day would mean a reduction of 500 cases on Day 1 and 125 cases on Day 3 but only 31 cases on Day 5.
The end of the pandemic will therefore probably look like this: A steep drop in cases followed by a longer period of low numbers of cases, though cases will rise again if people ease up on precautions too soon.
This pattern has already emerged in the United States: It took only 22 days for daily cases to fall 100,000 from the Jan. 8 peak of around 250,000, but more than three times as long for daily cases to fall another 100,000. This pattern has also been borne out among the elderly, who had early access to vaccination, and in other countries, such as Israel, that have gotten their Covid-19 epidemics under control.
Infections begin to taper off when herd immunity is reached
Total active cases
Tipping point reached
Transition to
Reaching herd immunity is a key goal. It drives cases toward zero by slowing the spread of the virus through a combination of vaccination and infection-acquired immunity to maintain exponential decay — even as society resumes normal activities.
But contrary to popular belief, reaching herd immunity doesn’t prevent all outbreaks, at least not initially. It simply means so few people are susceptible to infections that any outbreaks that do happen tend to be snuffed out and case counts decline. Over time, outbreaks themselves become less and less common.
It is possible to bring Covid-19 case numbers down quickly via exponential decay even before vaccination rates reach herd immunity. We just need to keep transmission rates below the tipping point between exponential growth and exponential decay: where every person with Covid-19 infects fewer than one other person, on average. Every single thing people can do to slow transmission helps — including wearing masks, getting tested and avoiding crowded indoor spaces — especially given concerns about current and future variants, since it could be what gets us past the threshold into exponential decay.
As more and more people get vaccinated, people can gradually ease precautions while cases continue to decline. Keeping cases down gets easier over time until — and this is the beauty of vaccine-driven herd immunity — it’s almost effortless, once enough people are vaccinated, to keep cases sustainably low. That’s the power of exponential decay.
Cases will rise again if restrictions are lifted too soon
Total active cases
Cases fall as
we vaccinate …
… but will rise if we relax
precautions too soon
You shouldn’t expect the road to herd immunity to be smooth, though. It’s natural for people to want to ease precautions when cases fall and to feel reluctant to step up precautions when cases rise again. The tricky part is that it can be hard to know how much to ease up while keeping cases trending downward so exponential growth doesn’t get out of control, as is happening in India.
Swings in case numbers are less dramatic when cases are lower
Total active cases
Cases rise and
fall as transmission
rates change …
… but swings shrink
as case numbers fall
Fortunately, the exponential dynamics that lead to wild swings in case numbers when cases are high lead to far less dramatic swings when cases are low. And as more and more people are vaccinated, the swings will also shrink, since fewer people are susceptible to infection.
Every vaccination helps keep us in the realm of exponential decay. So does everything else people do to slow the spread of the virus, like masking and distancing. Synchronizing these efforts magnifies their impact by making it nearly impossible for the virus to spread and breaking many transmission chains at once.
The United States is still a long way from reaching herd immunity, but things could improve a lot before then. The worst of the pandemic may be over sooner than you think.
All Rights Reserved for Zoë M. McLaren
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Gould Belt
From Simple English Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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The ρ Oph cloud complex is a star-forming region in the Gould Belt
The Gould Belt is a partial ring of stars in the Milky Way. It is about 3000 light years across, tilted toward the galactic plane by about 16 to 20 degrees. It contains many large and bright O- and B-type stars.[1]
The belt may be the local spiral arm to which the Sun belongs. At present the Sun is about 325 light years from the arm's centre. The belt is thought to be from 30 to 50 million years old, and of unknown origin. Benjamin Gould identified it in 1879.[2][3][4]
The belt contains bright stars in many constellations including (in order going more or less eastward) Cepheus, Lacerta, Perseus, Orion, Canis Major, Puppis, Vela, Carina, Crux (the Southern Cross), Centaurus, Lupus, and Scorpius (including the Scorpius-Centaurus Association).
Overview[change | change source]
Star-forming regions with bright O and B stars make up the Gould Belt. These regions include the Orion Nebula and the Orion molecular clouds, the Scorpius-Centaurus OB Association, Cepheus OB2, Perseus OB2, and the Taurus-Auriga Molecular Clouds.
A theory proposed around 2009 suggests that the Gould Belt formed about 30 million years ago when a blob of dark matter collided with the molecular cloud in our region. There is also evidence for similar Gould belts in other galaxies.[5][6]
References[change | change source]
1. Alves, João and others 2020. A galactic-scale gas wave in the solar neighbourhood. Nature Accelerated Article Preview. [1]
2. Patrick Moore, ed. (2002) [1987]. Astronomy Encyclopædia (Revised ed.). Great Britain: Philip's. p. 164. CS1 maint: discouraged parameter (link)
3. "The Gould Belt". The GAIA Study Report. Retrieved 2006-07-18. CS1 maint: discouraged parameter (link)
4. "Gould Belt". The Encyclopedia of Astrobiology, Astronomy and Spaceflight. Retrieved 2006-07-18. CS1 maint: discouraged parameter (link)
5. "Orion's dark secret: Violence shaped the night sky", New Scientist, 21 Nov. 2009, pp. 42–5.
6. Bekki, Kenji (2009). "Dark impact and galactic star formation: origin of the Gould belt". Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society: Letters. 398 (1): L36–L40. arXiv:0906.5117. Bibcode:2009MNRAS.398L..36B. doi:10.1111/j.1745-3933.2009.00702.x. Archived from the original on 2012-12-08.
Other websites[change | change source]
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The Canterbury Tales
Further Study
The Canterbury Tales as a Satire
Further Study The Canterbury Tales as a Satire
The Canterbury Tales is a satire, which is a genre of literature that uses humor—sometimes gentle, sometimes vicious—to ridicule foolish or corrupt people or parts of society. Satirists often avoid explicitly stating what about their target they find objectionable and instead rely on the ridiculousness of the scenarios they create to expose the issues. Boccaccio’s The Decameron, a widely popular Italian satire from 1353, almost certainly provided Chaucer with inspiration for the Tales. Like The Canterbury Tales, The Decameron is a frame narrative involving a storytelling contest that mocks societal concerns of its day, including lascivious, sexually promiscuous religious leaders and laypeople’s gullible acceptance of miracles and magic. The Decameron also spoofs genres such as the spiritual pilgrimage, exemplified by Dante’s The Divine Comedy. Similarly, Chaucer satirizes cultural norms in The Canterbury Tales, using humor to point out significant problems in medieval English culture. For example, his exaggerated praise of the Monk as “extremely fine” contrasts amusingly with the lengthy description of the Monk’s horses, greyhounds, and hunting gear. The foolishness of calling a man who cares more for hunting than religion a fine monk creates a humorous tone emblematic of satire.
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Indo-European Settlements
The Hitties came to Anatolia from Europe before 2000 BC. and expanded towards Syria. Despite internal troubles and coups, they became a major political power and strong rivals of the Egyptians. Though Wars fought between Egyptians and Hittites were settled through a peace treaty, internal troubles surfaced with the vassals wanting to gain independence and finally a weakened Hittite empire was defeated by the Aegeans and the mountainous Gashga people in 1200 BC.
Around the same period, the northwestern region of Anatolia was under the control of Trojans - another Indo European tribe. Troy too was ultimately destroyed by a Greek invasion in the Trojan War in1250 BC.
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Carlisle Castle and the Wars of the Roses
William Rufus captured the city of Carlisle in 1092 and built a castle at the northern edge of the settlement. This structure was later rebuilt in stone by order of his successor, Henry I, thirty years later, who initiated work on the keep. Carlisle was acquired by David I, king of Scots, in 1135, but was subsequently regained by Henry II in 1157. The latter was responsible for further building work including the construction of the inner gatehouse. Further works were periodically carried out, such as in the late fourteenth century, when the outer gatehouse was rebuilt. Carlisle’s border location meant that it was besieged on multiple occasions by the Scots, notably in 1315, when the defenders withstood a determined siege. It was for this reason that a permanent garrison was maintained in the castle, which served as the headquarters of the wardens of the west marches with Scotland.
Richard Neville, earl of Salisbury, was appointed as warden of the west march in 1420. He therefore played a leading role in the defence of the Anglo-Scottish border. He resigned the office in 1435 in protest at the late payment of his arrears, but later resumed his post in 1443. From that date onwards he received an annual peacetime wage of £1,000 for the wardenship, with the office was exercised on his behalf by lieutenants, namely Thomas, Lord Dacre, from 1450, and then by Salisbury’s son, Sir Thomas Neville, from 1457. The latter receiving a salary of £333 6s. 8d. per year to meet his expenses. Salisbury’s wardenship gave him significant financial and military resources, which he utilised in the campaigns of the 1450s. He was killed at the Battle of Wakefield in 1460 but after the Yorkist victory at Towton in the following year, his eldest son, Richard Neville, earl of Warwick, was appointed as warden by Edward IV.
In the summer of 1461, a Lancastrian-Scottish army laid siege to Carlisle. The defence of the city and castle was led by Richard Salkeld, esquire, who had recently seized control of it from the Lancastrians. Considerable damage was said to have been inflicted on the suburbs and surrounding area by the besiegers. However, the siege was soon broken by a Yorkist army led by John Neville, Lord Montagu, with many of the attackers killed. By 24 June, Warwick reached the city to oversee its defence, where he retained a gunner called John Faucon. Nine years later, following Warwick’s rebellion and flight, Edward issued verbal instructions to Edward Story, bishop of Carlisle, for the inhabitants of Carlisle to seize control of the castle there. They eventually captured it after a siege, with Salkeld later receiving a royal pardon. The king then appointed his youngest brother, Richard, duke of Gloucester, as warden of the west march in 1470, with Sir William Parr serving as his lieutenant. Edward was briefly deposed from power a short time later, with Warwick resuming the wardenship during the readeption of Henry VI, with Salkeld acting as his deputy. However, Edward regained power in the following year. Salkeld returned to his allegiance and later received £73 for his expenses in garrisoning Carlisle from 6 July to 15 August 1471. Later in 1482, the king created a palatinate for Gloucester, which comprised Westmorland and Cumberland, including Carlisle. Richard III subsequently appointed Humphrey, Lord Dacre, as his lieutenant in 1484. Following the Battle of Bosworth, a year later, the same office was conferred on his son, Thomas, Lord Dacre, by Henry VII. Responsibility for the castle and city was meanwhile entrusted to Richard Salkeld who received wages for a garrison of twenty mounted men.
I hope you enjoyed reading this post. If you want to find out more about Carlisle and other castles during the Wars of the Roses, then consider checking out my book
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Ocala- A Mayan Province in Florida
In 1539 the Hernando de Soto expedition heard fabulous stories about a province in Florida called Ocalé (pronounced Ocala, the namesake of modern-day Ocala, Florida.) It was the first location where he received reports of gold. Its inhabitants were named Uqueten and Potano. In 1564 the French settlement of Fort Caroline learned a tribe called Potonou was mining gold in the Appalachian Mountains and shipping it through Florida. Evidence suggests the province of Ocala was inhabited by various Chontal Maya tribes including the Poton and Yokot’an who were engaged in shipping natural resources back to Mexico including gold and silver.
Spanish Eyewitness Accounts
When the Spanish conquistador Hernando de Soto first landed in Tampa Bay, Florida in 1539 he immediately asked the local natives where he could find gold. The natives were unanimous in their replies– a province called Ocalé (pronounced Ocala.) In a letter De Soto wrote to the King of Spain, he noted:
“there is another town, called Ocalé. It is so large, and they so extol it, that I dare not repeat all that is said….They say there are many trades among that people, and much intercourse, an abundance of gold and silver, and many pearls.”
In this letter, De Soto referred to Ocale´ as a town but elsewhere he also referred to it as a province. He also recorded a small town named Etocale´. This suggests there was both a province and two towns within it all named Ocale´. In the written accounts of the Spanish expedition compiled in the book, The De Soto Chronicles, the first town recorded in the province of Ocale´ was named Uqueten:
“These people and their Governor arrived at the first town of Ocalé, which was called Uqueten…”
Another passage stated the next town after the town of Ocale´ was called Potano:
“On the eleventh of August of the same year, the Governor departed from Ocalé….The next day they went to Potano…” (p. 262)
Thus the province of Ocala contained two towns: Uqueten and Potano.
There was also a Maya people in Mexico called the Poton/Putun. The Poton/Putun Maya were the seafarers of Mexico. According to the book Maya History and Religion, they controlled all the coastal trade routes of Central America and provided trade goods to many civilizations including the Maya:
“There was regular sea trade, controlled by the Putun, which circled the peninsula of Yucatan from the delta lands and the Lagune de Terminos to the Sula Plain of Honduras, with numerous ports of call en route. The Putun were the Phoenicians of the New World.” (p.7)
If anyone could make it to Florida certainly the Putun/Poton Maya were it. The book goes on to explain how the Spanish spelled their name both Putun and Poton and that they were in possession of gold:
“Perhaps the chief Putun town was Potonchan (note poton [u-o interchange as in Toltec-Tultec, Olmec-Ulmec, Tochtlan-Tuxtla, and the like]…at the mouth of the Grijalva [River]…almost opposite Frontera…It was at Frontera that Cortes won a hard-fought battle, small quantities of gold, and his Indian mistress-interpreter Marina, whose knowledge of Putun and, through that, related lowland Maya tongues, as well as Nahuatl, was of stupendous value to Cortes.” (p.7)
The Poton were referred to as “Mexicanized Maya” by researchers because of their mashup of cultural traits. According to the book Maya History and Religion they lived in a province called Acala (sometimes Mexicanized to Acalan):
“…the Putun established themselves… naming their land Acala or Acalan, ‘Land of the Canoe People,’…” (p.4)
This book also notes that their neighbors were the Yokot’an who spoke a related dialect of Poton. (p.10)
Thus in both Mexico and Florida, there was a province named Acala/Ocala with people named Poton/Potano and Yokot’an/Uqueten living there and who traded in gold. Within the Florida province of Ocala, De Soto recorded two towns also named Ocala: Ocale´and Etocale´. Etocale´was described as a small town. Ocale´was described as the main town and said to be very large. This naming convention is identical to the Poton in Mexico. As researchers noted in the book, The Maya Chontal Indians of Acalan-Tixchel:
“Cortes describes the settlement, which he calls ‘Izancanac,’ as a large place with many temples. Bernal Diaz refers to it as Gueyacala, ‘great Acalan,’ to distinguish it from another town known as ‘small Acalan,’…”(p.52)
Is there any more evidence among the eyewitness accounts of the Spanish that the Potono and Uqueten living in the Ocale´province in Florida were related to the Poton and Yokot’an Maya from the Acala province in Mexico? In fact, there is. In a letter De Soto wrote to the King of Spain, he noted in regards to Florida’s Ocale´:
There is to be found in it a great plenty of all the things mentioned; and fowls, a multitude of turkeys, kept in pens, and herds of tame deer that are tended….
The Maya were known for raising turkeys and herds of deer so much so that early explorers noted, “This province is called in the language of the Indians Ulumil cuz yetel ceh, meaning ‘the land of the turkey and the deer.'”
In their paper, “Earliest Mexican Turkeys (Meleagris gallopavo) in the Maya Region,” researchers noted evidence for captive-raised turkeys among the Maya at the El Mirador site:
“Late Preclassic (300 BC–AD 100) turkey remains identified at the archaeological site of El Mirador (Petén, Guatemala) represent the earliest evidence of the Mexican turkey (Meleagris gallopavo) in the ancient Maya world….As the earliest evidence of M. gallopavo found outside its natural geographic range, the El Mirador turkeys also represent the earliest indirect evidence for Mesoamerican turkey rearing or domestication. The presence of male, female and sub-adult turkeys, and reduced flight morphology further suggests that the El Mirador turkeys were raised in captivity.”
In their paper, “Animal use at the Postclassic Maya center of Mayapan,” researchers noted similar farming of deer at Mayapan:
“…evidence suggests that white- tailed deer were either raised in captivity or were carefully managed in habitats surrounding the city.”
The Maya were the only known people in Mexico to raise deer and no tribes in the Southeastern U.S. were known to do this. The researchers further noted:
“The primary animals consumed at Mayapan … were white-tailed deer (23% of identified bone fragments), dog (4.4%), turkey (12.9%), and iguana (10.2%).”
As just noted, dog was another important part of elite diets at Mayapan. In the written accounts of the Spanish expedition compiled in the book, The De Soto Chronicles, De Soto also mentioned that towns in the province of Ocala raised dogs for meat:
“We arrived at this town, which was called Etocalé. It was a small town; we found some corn and beans and little dogs to eat…”(p.226)
He later mentioned that the dogs were mute and could not bark:
“…the Indians came forth in peace and gave them corn, although little, and many hens roasted on barbacoa, and a few little dogs, which are good food. These are little dogs that do not bark, and they rear them in the houses in order to eat them.” (pp. 280-281)
Techichi dog pot from Colima, Mexico
The only mute dog in the Americas was the techichi of Mexico. It was, indeed, fattened up and raised for food by several Mesoamerican groups including the Maya. In the paper, “Hot dogs: Comestible Canids in Preclassic Maya Culture,” researchers noted:
“In the Maya area at the time of the Spanish conquest a breed called techichi was noted as being Indis edulis, ‘eaten by the Indians,’ by Francisco Hernandez…and adds ‘that the Indians of Cozumel Island [off the coast of Yucatan in the northern part of the Maya area] ate these dogs as the Spaniards do rabbits. Those intended for this purpose were castrated in order to fatten them.” (p.820)
Chihuahua dog pot from Bull Creek site in Georgia
The techichi was frequently represented on dog pots in the Maya area. A people known as the Colima from West Mexico who had known contacts with the Maya are particularly famous for such pots. Numerous dog pots featuring this dog have been unearthed in Mexico. Similar dog pots have been unearthed in Georgia except they appear to represent the Chihuahua breed, not the techichi. Researchers have noted in the paper, “Genetic distance between three breeds of dogs based on selected microsatellite sequences” that Chihuahuas likely descended from techichis:
“The origin of Chihuahua is not clear, either. Probably, its direct ancestor was a dwarf dog, Techichi, bred by the Toltec people that had lived on the territory of present Mexico.” (p.96)
Thus we have both eyewitness accounts and archaeological evidence of two Mexican breeds of dogs being in Florida and Georgia. Like the Maya, the people of the Ocala province in Florida raised techichi dogs for food.
Not only were there turkeys, deer, and small dogs being raised for food but the province of Ocala was said to have an “abundance” of corn, enough to feed De Soto’s large expedition for three months:
“These people and their Governor arrived at the first town of Ocalé, which was called Uqueten, where they captured two Indians; and then he provided that some on horseback and the mules that they had carried from Cuba should go with corn to all those who were coming behind, since there they had found abundance…Having joined the army, they went to Ocalé, a town in a good region of corn…” (pp.260-261)
“He reached Calé and found the town without people…There came two horsemen whom the governor had sent, who told them that there was maize in abundance in Calé; at which all were rejoiced. As soon as they reached Calé, the governor ordered all the maize which was ripe in the fields to be taken, which was enough for three months.” (p.65)
Corn is a crop that originated in Mexico.
Thus, the Poton in both Florida and Mexico ate the same foods, raised the same animals and cultivated the same crops. De Soto noted there were many trades among Florida’s Potano and much intercourse or trading. De Soto also mentioned there were “broad roads” leading to their villages. All of these characteristics are consistent with the Poton Maya of Mexico.
De Soto never found the main town of Ocala. The native guides likely realized there would be dire consequences for themselves if they brought this band of thieving and murderous conquistadors into such a rich town. They simply told De Soto of other rich lands to the north and he hurriedly went on his way. The Poton Maya in Mexico used the precise same strategy when the Spanish arrived in their lands in Mexico, as recorded in the book, The Maya Chontal Indians of Acalan-Tixchel:
“At Teutiercas…the cacique…had ordered that the Spaniards should be led astray and diverted from the major Acalan settlements.” (p.108)
French Eyewitness Accounts
Nearly thirty years later in 1564, the French would build a settlement called Fort Caroline on the St. John’s River in modern-day Jacksonville, Florida which is northeast of Ocala. There they learned of a tribe called the Potanou (misprinted as Potavou in some printed editions of the written accounts according to the Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico). The Potanou, along with two other tribes, controlled the gold deposits in Georgia’s Appalachian Mountains.
As related by the French artist who accompanied the expedition in his account, The Narrative of Le Moyne:
“M. de Laudonniere had been sending out men to explore the remoter parts of the country, more particularly those in the vicinity of the great King Outina, the enemy of our own neighbor, and from whom, by the channel of some of our Frenchmen who had got into relations with him, a good deal of gold and silver had been sent to the fort…Upon this, M. de Laudonniere at once sent out a person…who returned to the fort reporting that he had certain information that all the gold and silver which had been sent to it came from the Apalatcy Mountains, and that the Indians from whom he obtained it knew of no other place to get it, since they had got all they had had so far in warring with three chiefs, named Potanou, Onatheaqua, and Oustaca, who had been preventing the great chief Outina from taking possession of these mountains. Moreover, La Roche Ferriere brought with him a piece of rock mined in those mountains, containing a sufficidently good display of gold and brass.” (pp.6-7)
Timucua leaders heading off to war wearing plates of gold and silver around their necks.
The French were amazed at the wealth of the Potanou:
“He was astonished at their civilization and opulence, and sent to M. de Laudonniere at the fort many gifts which they bestowed upon him. Among these were circular plates of gold and silver as large as a moderate-sized platter, such as they are accustomed to wear to protect the back and breast in war; much gold alloyed with brass, and silver not thoroughly smelted. He sent also some quivers covered with very choice skins, with golden heads to all the arrows; and many pieces of a stuff made of feathers, and most skillfully ornamented with rushes of different colors; also green and blue stones, which some thought to be emeralds and sapphires, in the form of wedges, and which they used instead of axes, for cutting wood. M. de Laudonniere sent in return such commodities as he had, such as some thick rough cloths, a few axes and saws, and other cheap Parisian goods, with which they were perfectly satisfied.” (p8)
The circular plates of gold sound similar to the golden disc artifacts unearthed in the sacred cenote at the Mayan site of Chichen Itza in the Yucatan by various archaeologists dating back to 1906.
Le Moyne then goes to explain how this gold was shipped from the Georgia mountains to the St. John’s River in Florida, the modern name of the Frenchmen’s River of May:
“A great way from the place where our fort was built, are great mountains, called in the Indian language Apalatcy; in which, as the map shows, arise three great rivers, in the sands of which are found much gold, silver, and brass, mixed together. Accordingly, the natives dig ditches in these streams, into which the sand brought down by the current falls by gravity. Then they collect it out, and carry it away to a place by itself, and after a time collect again what continues to fall in. They then convey it in canoes down the great river which we named the River of May, and which empties into the sea.” (p.15)
The southernmost deposits of gold in Georgia are in four rivers: Walnut Creek, Hard Labor Creek, Beaverdam Creek, and Apalachee River. All of these rivers/creeks eventually flow into the Altamaha River which flows into the Atlantic Ocean at Darien, Georgia. (See map below.)
Why would the Potanou of Georgia ship their gold to the east coast of Georgia, down the coast to north Florida, and then down the St. Johns River at Jacksonville, Florida? The St. Johns River happens to be the best short cut from the east coast of Florida to the west coast and Gulf of Mexico. This saves paddlers from having to traverse the entire peninsula of Florida. The river flows towards west Florida until it reaches the Ocklawaha River above Lake George. It then begins to turn back to the east and flows towards Titusville and Cape Canaveral.
The Spanish in the 1560s noted a tribe named the Mayaca lived at the southern end of Lake George. A shipwrecked Spaniard named Fontenada also mentioned this tribe in his accounts along with another named the Mayajuaca at Cape Canaveral and Mayaimi at Lake Okeechobee.
Above Lake George the Oklawaha River branches off the St. Johns and flows further west towards the Gulf of Mexico but without reaching it. The westernmost point is at Silver Springs in Ocala, Florida. It is in the Ocklawaha River Valley where the province of Ocala was most likely located. It appears the Potanou of Georgia were shipping their gold to the Potano of Ocala province in Florida although based on De Soto’s accounts it appears the gold was held at the main town of Ocala (which he nor archaeologists have never found) and not at Potano (where he encamped and made no mention of gold.) Archaeologists noted in the book, 1539, that they believe they have actually found the site of Potano near Orange Lake which is off of a tributary of the Ocklawaha River.
From Silver Springs, the gold would have to travel overland 24 miles before reaching another river system at Rainbow Springs. From here it could travel to the Gulf of Mexico via the Withlacoochee River.
Coincidentally, this is the exact route where the State of Florida attempted to build the Cross Florida Barge Canal in order to enable water traffic to go from the Gulf Coast to the Atlantic Coast. It appears the Poton Maya, master traders themselves, recognized this route centuries earlier.
Once here the Poton traders would travel around the Gulf of Mexico back to Mexico. This would explain why so few artifacts of gold have been found in the Southeastern United States. This gold was for an export market.
To the west of the province of Ocala are the archaeological sites of Crystal River and Robert’s Island. The Crystal River site features flat-topped pyramids, constructed of shell and limestone rocks, with a central plaza, the first such architecture and town plan in Florida. It also features pottery with Mayan glyphs and religious symbols. Silver and copper ear ornaments called ear spools were also unearthed here dating back to the first century AD. Clearly this mining operation had been going on for a very long time.
Archaeologists in their paper, “Evidence for stepped pyramids of shell in the Woodland period,” noted that the Robert’s Island complex, just a half mile down river and visible from the Crystal River site, featured stepped pyramids of shell similar to those at the Poton Maya port of Isla de los Cerros in Tabasco, Mexico.
“Perhaps the closest parallels for the stepped- pyramids of shell at Roberts Island may be found in prehispanic sites of the Yucatan. Ensor (2003) noted the presence of a number of multi-level shell mounds at the Isla de los Cerros complex, located in the Mexican state of Tabasco and dating to the Late Classic-Epiclassic/Early Postclassic period. These mounds were around the same size as the mounds at Roberts Island; some were larger at the base, but none were as tall as Mound A at Roberts Island.” (p. 359)
Isla de los Cerros was the main port for the Mayan city of Comacalco. The great Mayan city of Palenque likely traded through here as well because eventually, they conquered Comacalco most likely to control access to this port and its foreign goods.
Most importantly, this port is located on Mexico’s Isthmus of Tehuantepec, on a river system that makes a nearly all-water route to the Pacific Coast of Mexico. This is the precise location where the U.S. originally planned to build a Pacific to Gulf of Mexico canal before they finally chose Panama. It’s the shortest distance between the Pacific and Gulf of Mexico. Thus the location of this port was no accident and suggests these Poton Maya traders likely controlled trade routes along the western side of Mexico and Central America in addition to their eastern routes. Their ancestors, the Olmec, who lived in the same area of Mexico on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, appear to have controlled the same routes as indicated by sites such as Takalik Abaj– a site on the Pacific coast of Mexico that “has one of the greatest concentrations of Olmec-style sculpture outside of the Gulf of Mexico [and] is representative of the first blossoming of Maya culture that had occurred by about 400 BC.”
Thus the Poton and their ancestors, the Olmec, appear to have been savvy, ambitious, master traders.
"Mirror Bearer" Maya wood sculpture
This rare Maya wooden sculpture dates from 500 AD and possibly represents a Poton Maya Lord. (“Mirror-Bearer,” Michael C. Rockefeller Memorial Collection)
Multiple lines of evidence support the theory that the Ocala province encountered by De Soto in 1539 was a Mayan province. The name of the province and the two villages, Uqueten and Potano, are identical to the province of Acala in Mexico where the Poton and Yokot’an Maya lived. The people of Ocala grew corn and raised turkeys, deer, and techichi dogs for food just as their Mayan counterparts did in Mexico. They engaged in long-range trade in high-value commodities just as their counterparts in Mexico. The fact that the Crystal River site is due west of this province suggests this Mayan influence goes back centuries to at least 1 AD. The fact a tribe called the Mayaca lived due east of this province on Lake George is further evidence of this connection.
Gary C. Daniels
Gary C. Daniels
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"url": "https://lostworlds.org/ocala-mayan-province-florida/"
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Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.
Until it was dissolved in 1994, Venda was the smallest of the four independent homelands created inside South Africa. It consisted of an enclave within the Transvaal and was recognized as an independent republic only by South Africa.
Located just south of Zimbabwe, Venda shared a boundary to the southeast with the nonindependent black state of Gazankulu, South Africa. The Limpopo River flowed parallel to the northern border. Kruger National Park bordered Venda on the northeast. The republic covered an area of 2,771 square miles (7,177 square kilometers).
Venda had few natural resources and no large towns. The grazing of livestock was the major livelihood. Crops included corn (maize), peanuts (groundnuts), beans, peas, sorghum, wheat, fruits, and vegetables. There were large supplies of stone for construction. Small-scale industries included carpentry, leatherworking, welding, upholstering, sawmilling, and clothing manufacturing. Most citizens worked outside Venda as migrant contract workers in the Republic of South Africa, Venda’s major trade partner.
In 1962 South Africa made Venda a homeland for the Venda-speaking people, and a territorial authority was established. The territory was granted partial self-government in 1973. On Sept. 13, 1979, South Africa declared Venda an independent republic and Thohoyandou became the capital—replacing the former capital at Sibasa. In 1990 the president of Venda was overthrown in a military coup. The constitution in effect after South Africa’s first all-race elections in April 1994 abolished the black homeland, which was reabsorbed into South Africa. Population (1993 estimate), 590,000.
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Using ‘Estar’ and ‘Haber’ for ‘There Is’ and ‘There Are’
English phrases can be ambiguous
cattle in Argentina
Hay vacas en Argentina. (There are cattle in Argentina.). Picturegarden/Getty Images
It is often said that "there is" or "there are" is expressed in Spanish using the verb hay (a form of haber) — and indeed that is usually so. However, there are some instances where forms of the verb estar — typically está (singular) or están (plural) — should be used.
The difference is one in meaning:
• Hay is used to refer to mere existence.
• Está or están is used when describing a location.
As an example, examine this simple sentence: "There is a book." At least in writing, the English is ambiguous — the sentence could be phrased as "a book is there," meaning that a book is in a certain location. Or could be interpreted as "A book exists." In Spanish a different verb would be used for each interpretation.
• To say that the book is in a location, use a form of estar: El libro está allí. (The book is there.)
• But to say it merely exists, use a form of haber, in this case hay: Hay un libro. (A book exists.)
Eliminating Ambiguity in Translating 'There'
The same principle applies in many other cases where the English might be ambiguous:
• No hay dinero. (There isn't any money, because it doesn't exist.) El dinero no está. (The money exists, but it's not here.)
• No hay profesor. (There's no teacher, meaning, for instance, that one hasn't been hired.) El profesor no está. (There's a teacher, but the teacher isn't here.)
• Hay dos escuelas. (There are two schools, that is, two schools exist.) Dos escuelas están allí. (There are two schools, meaning, two schools are in the direction that is being pointed to.)
• Hay vacas en Argentina. (There are cows in Argentina.) Las vacas están en Argentina. (The specific cows are there, in Argentina.)
• Sólo hay una cosa importante. (There is only one important thing.) La cosa importante está en otro lado. (The important thing is on the other side. Here cosa refers to a specific object.)
Abstract nouns, or nouns that don't refer to an object that can exist in a specific location, normally are not used with estar, but with hay:
• Hay muchos problemas. (There are many problems.)
• No hay felicidad sin amor. (There is no happiness without love.)
• Hay un montón de cosas que quiero decirte. (There is a pile of things I want to say to you.)
• Hay dos tipos de dolor: el que te lastima y el que te cambia. (There are two kinds of pain: the kind that hurts you and the kind that changes you.)
Another way of understanding the differences involves looking the grammar of the English being translated. In sentences "there is" is translated using estar, "there" is functioning as an adverb of location. If "here" can be substituted for "there" and the sentence still makes sense, "there" is being used for location. However, when "there" is being used as a dummy word, haber is used in translation.
Estar vs. Haber in Other Tenses
Although examples in the present indicative tense were used above, the same rules apply in other tenses and in the subjunctive mood.
• Fui a su casa, pero no estaba. (I went to her house, but she wasn't there.)
• No había transportación porque no compré un coche. (There was no transportation because I didn't buy a car.)
• Si hubiera unicornios, la gente los verían. (If there were unicorns, people would see them.)
• Quiero que haya paz en el mundo. (I want there to be peace in the world.)
• No quiero que él esté allí. (I don't want him to be there.)
A Similar Use of Ser
When it is used to indicate mere existence, haber can be used only in the third person in standard Spanish. It is often possible to use ser in a similar way in the first- and second-person plural ("we" and "you," respectively). This use is especially common with numbers.
• Somos seis. (There are six of us.)
• Ya somos veinte en la clase. (Now there are 20 of us in the class.)
• Son ustedes cinco hombres. (There are five of you men.)
• Si sois siete, te ruego que me digas ¿cómo puede ser? (If there are seven of you, I beg that you tell me, how this can be?)
Key Takeaways
• Although forms of estar and haber can be used in translating "there is" and "there are," their meanings are not the same.
• Estar is used when suggesting existence in a location, while haber is used in referring to mere existence.
• Haber also is used with abstract nouns, which don't refer to objects.
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Your Citation
Erichsen, Gerald. "Using ‘Estar’ and ‘Haber’ for ‘There Is’ and ‘There Are’." ThoughtCo, Aug. 27, 2020, Erichsen, Gerald. (2020, August 27). Using ‘Estar’ and ‘Haber’ for ‘There Is’ and ‘There Are’. Retrieved from Erichsen, Gerald. "Using ‘Estar’ and ‘Haber’ for ‘There Is’ and ‘There Are’." ThoughtCo. (accessed April 22, 2021).
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Perpetual overbalanced wheel with mercury
This perpetual wheel is a development of the one described in the 7th century by the Indian mathematician and astronomer Brahmagupta. Its movement is based on the displacement of mercury within the hollow spokes supporting the rim. Bhāskara modified the wheel giving the spokes a curved contour that recalls the shape of the flower Tabernaemontana coronaria. Because the spokes are designed as sections of a circle, mercury follows an asymmetrical path, curved downwards in the direction of descent of the wheel and curved upwards in the direction of ascent. In this way it was believed that the more sudden movement of mercury, due to the convex trajectory, brought a mechanical advantage in the phase of descent compared to the phase of ascent when, due to the concave shape of the path, mercury anticipated its movement to the centre. Combining a series of hollow spokes of this kind would have produced a series of pulses capable of keeping the wheel in motion. This model of a wheel was due to resurface in the Arabic engineering tradition and then in the Western tradition, where mercury would be replaced by mobile spheres.
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"language_score": 0.9596059918403625,
"url": "https://mostre.museogalileo.it/motoperpetuo/en/before-leonardo/indian-and-arab-origins/perpetual-overbalanced-wheel-with-mercury.html"
}
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ERA Architects
Stanley Barracks
The Stanley Barracks is the sole remaining structure of the New Fort at York erected in 1841 by the British Army. The ‘New Fort’ was built to replace ‘Fort York’ as the primary Garrison in the Town of York. The Fort buildings were arranged around a central parade square within the grounds of today’s Canadian National Exhibition. The more substantial buildings, such as the Stanley Barracks and the East Enlisted Men’s Barracks, constructed of limestone.
After Confederation, the ‘New Fort’ site was transferred to the Canadian Government. Though there were periods of vacancy, the buildings maintained their military use up to the 1940’s, housing the Royal Canadian Regiment and the Royal Canadian Dragoons and finally acting as ‘Exhibition Camp’ during the Second World War. Though some auxiliary structures had been removed or replaced over time, the principal buildings of the fort remained until the 1950’s when all of the ‘Stanley Barracks’ buildings except the Officers’ Quarters were demolished. The Officers’ Quarters became commonly known as the Stanley Barracks.
Archaeological remains of the East Enlisted Men’s Barracks remained below the paved surface to the north-east of the Stanley Barracks. They were exposed though archaeological excavation in the spring of 2012.
As part of the Hotel X development at Exhibition Place, strategies to interpret the significant history of the ‘New Fort’ site were incorporated into the project. The main components of the heritage interpretation for the site were the conservation and adaptive reuse of the Stanley Barracks building, the excavation and conservation of the East Enlisted Men’s Barracks foundations and the erection of a steel frame with artwork panels over the foundations to represent the form of the original building.
The foundations and interpretive steel frame structure were incorporated into the design for the principle entrance to the new Hotel X complex. An outdoor bridge spans over the ruins and under the steel frame, and leading to an enclosed glass vestibule with glass floor, where part of the ruins is protected in a climate-controlled environment.
Photo credits: ERA Architects and City of Toronto Archives
Renderings: Studio Kimiss
2010 to the present (10-044)
Heritage Impact Assessment
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"url": "https://www.eraarch.ca/project/stanley-barracks/"
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Here are some observation about the episode of Super Why! that features the story of “The Little Mermaid.”
Use of Standard English
The characters are pleasant and well-spoken. In one episode I was surprised and delighted to hear the following standard grammar in the mouths of a pig and a mermaid:
Pig: I’m different from you. (as opposed to “to you” or “than you”)
Mermaid: Mermaids can flip really well. (as opposed to “good”)
That word “kid”
A negative is that, like most children’s programming, Super Why! overuses the word “kid” as a generic, not only for “child,” but apparently for “human being” as well.
Confusing phonics instruction
The producers of this show, no doubt upon consultation with “whole language” reading specialists, ignore the existence of letter combinations that represent single sounds.
An example from the episode that featured the story of “The Little Mermaid” is the combination sh.
The sh spelling stands for a sound that does not have a corresponding letter in the alphabet. The sound of sh is not a combination of the sounds of s and h.
The Super Why! template
Each episode of Super Why! follows a template. The characters are faced with a social problem; for example, being different in some way. A traditional fairy tale is chosen to illustrate the problem. Some aspect of the original tale is changed in order to make it suit contemporary attitudes.
In the original version of “The Little Mermaid,” for example, the mermaid hides her tail from human beings. In the Super Why! episode she shows them her tail.
The viewer is shown a list of words, each of which begins with a different letter. On the mermaid episode list one of the words is hides and another is shows. The character Super Why tells viewers that the word they are looking for has “an s at both ends.”
The word shows does have an s at the end, but it begins with the spelling symbol sh. The exercise conveys false information. It also encourages the bad habit of approaching a word from other than left to right.
Super Letter Search
Another less than helpful approach to beginning reading instruction is the Super Letter Search.
In each episode the viewers are shown the scrambled letters of a word. The letters are shown in red and, during the course of the adventure, children are given an opportunity to identify one of the letters in the midst of some other letters.
In the mermaid episode the superletters are RPUDO.
As each letter is located, it is placed in its correct place in blanks on Super Why’s computer screen. For example, at one point Super Why shows us the incomplete spelling P R _ O _ .
The final word the children are looking for is PROUD.
The vowel sound in proud is is represented by the letter combination ou. Like the sound of sh, the vowel sound in proud cannot be represented by a single letter. Yet the children viewing Super Why! are taught to look at the inseparable combination ou as if it were o+u. The word proud is spelled with five letters, but it is made up of four sounds. True phonics instruction teaches the sound/symbol correspondences.
Left to Right is the way to read
Another negative aspect of the Super Letter Search element in Super Why! is the way the letters are scrambled.
Reading games that an experienced reader can enjoy may not be appropriate for the beginner.
For the beginner, everything is new–including the direction in which a word is to be read.
Games or exercises that require the beginner to look at words in any direction other than from left to right are confusing and potentially damaging.
At one point the Super Letter word PROUD appears this way on Super Why’s computer screen: P R _ U _. The next letter to be added is the final letter D and then, last of all, the letter O which is, as we have seen, part of the inseparable combination OU.
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"url": "https://americanenglishdoctor.com/reading/super-why/the-little-mermaid/"
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From 2013.igem.org
Our solution
Volatile monoterpenes and sesquiterpenes have been shown to be emitted from flowers and other aerial parts of the plant, and their release is often developmentally regulated or induced by damage.
Monoterpenes contain a 10-carbon backbone and are all synthesized from the common precursor geranyl diphosphate (GPP) by the action of various monoterpene synthases.
Taking advantage of the properties of these compounds (they smell and they can repel insects), our team has carried out a genetic engineering approach to obtain the gene responsible for the formation of the volatile monoterpene 1,8-cineole, a terpene synthase from Arabidopsis thaliana (able to repel some insects) and the S-linalool synthase gene from Clarkia breweri, responsible of the aroma. We inserted them inside yeast, so the repellent would always be expressed (constitutive expression) and the aroma would have induced expression, with activation depending on the addition of a specific substrate, in this case, cupper.
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"url": "https://2013.igem.org/Team:Valencia-CIPF/OurSolution"
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Wednesday, 16 November 2011
by Dr Vincent Gray.
NOVEMBER 16th 2011
Arrhenius put his stamp on science?
The Greenhouse Effect, based on carbon dioxide is claimed to have been first established by the Swedish chemist Svante Arrhenius in his paper
Arrhenius S 1896, On the Influence of Carbonic Acid in the Air upon the Temperature of the Ground, London, Edinburgh, and Dublin Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science (fifth series), April 1896. vol 41, pages 237–275.
I have examined this paper in detail, as part of my paper "The Greenhouse and its Effects" at which said:
"Arrhenius made no measurements of infra red absorption himself, but was entirely dependent on the measurements of Samuel Pierpont Langley and his assistant Frank Very."
Langley made a series of measurements of the full moon’s radiation with his instrument called the "Bolometer" at the Alleghany Observatory in 1997. He made measurements at different angles with the moon.
Arrhenius had the idea that by finding out the difference he got from different angles he could calculate the absorption of the moon’s radiation by the earth’s atmosphere. By assuming that the radiation from the moon was approximately the same as that of the earth he could calculate the absorption of the earth’s atmosphere by the trace absorbent gases water vapour and carbon dioxide.
Erren H 2011, "Langley Revisited".
has shown that Langley’s measurements used by Arrhenius were preliminary and had serious errors. They became less accurate as they approached the region used by Arrhenius, the measurements were exaggerated, and did not reach far enough to include the major absorption frequency of carbon dioxide. He concludes from his study that Langley’s observations were of little use in studying the influence of carbon dioxide on the climate".
(The correctness of Erren's argument can be shown by this passage from Arrhenius' paper:
"For angles greater than 38 degrees (>9.5m) we possess no direct observations of emission or absorption of the two gases"
This means that the figures do not contain the main CO2 absorption band at 14.99 microns. but only the two minor ones at 2.7 and 4.3 microns.
Langley’s figure for the temperature of the moon was 45ºC. Today’s figure is an average of 107ºC for the day temperature, the one Langley measured. This huge discrepancy means that Langley’s figures must be treated as completely unreliable, and so are the results calculated from them by Arrhenius.
Arrhenius assumed that the ratio of carbon dioxide (K) to water vapor (W) in the earth’s atmosphere was K/W where K is 1.5 and W is 0.88, a ratio of 1.7.
The concentration of carbon dioxide in the earth’s atmosphere is now thought to be 0.039%. The average concentration of water vapour is not known. Since it varies from place to place from 0 to 4% take 2% as typical. This means that the ratio of water vapour and carbon dioxide is about 50 to 1.
So, about 98% of Arrhenius’ figures and calculations, even if soundly based, apply to water vapour and not to carbon dioxide."
I think, on reflection, that my estimate of 98% water vapour was an overestimate.
It is amazing what an edifice has been built up on this hopelessly incorrect paper.
Vincent Gray
Barack spreads his warmth around Australia
While POTUS Obama is in Australia, spreading warmth, what is happening back in the US?
Russia says No; Midnight in Moscow for Kyoto 2.
This blog previously reported "Death at Durban. Kyoto Killed." The Moscow Times reports that Russia will not sign a new Kyoto agreement.
Russia's chief climate negotiator said the country will "never" sign up to extend the Kyoto Protocol for a second implementation period, casting further doubt on chances of a deal at the international climate conference in South Africa at the end of this month.
"We will never sign Kyoto 2 because it would not cover every country," Oleg Shamanov, director of international cooperation on the environment at the Foreign Ministry, said late last week.
Refusal by Russia, Japan and Canada to renew Kyoto for a second period dashed hopes of an agreement at the Cancun climate talks last year.
Looks like Death at Durban could be an accurate warning to the alarmists. Reuters reports that a new a broader climate deal is out of reach for now.
The view is recognition that agreement on a pact that commits all major greenhouse gas polluters to curbing the growth in planet-warming emissions is slipping further away, in part because of sluggish economic growth and a mounting debt crisis.
Negotiators from nearly 200 nations meet from Nov 28 to Dec 9 in Durban, South Africa, for an annual summit on climate change. Previous talks have failed to secure a successor to Kyoto -- the main global accord on tackling climate change.
As reported by the Global Warming Policy Foundation (from the Times of India) The European Union is also backing away from a new Kyoto agreement.
EU insists that it will sign on to Kyoto II only if emerging economies agreed to binding targets by 2015 and start talks for it right away - a substantial shift from its position a year ago. But its attempt to formulate a 'coalition of the willing' seems doomed.
Consensus eluded a meeting of key countries on climate change, including India, EU, China and the US, called by Spain along with South Africa and Mexico at Madrid recently.
The meeting called days before the official UN climate talks start in Durban ended without agreement between countries on the need to kick-start negotiations on a new climate compact in Durban which puts binding commitments on emerging economies as well.
Thanks to GWPF
Also recommended to readers today is Steve Goddard of Real Science and his post discussing the adjusting of temperatures:
Following The Paper Trail Of Mike’s Nature Trick
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Modus ponens and modus tollens
Modus ponens and modus tollens, (Latin: “method of affirming” and “method of denying”) in propositional logic, two types of inference that can be drawn from a hypothetical proposition—i.e., from a proposition of the form “If A, then B” (symbolically AB, in which ⊃ signifies “If . . . then”). Modus ponens refers to inferences of the form AB; A, therefore B. Modus tollens refers to inferences of the form AB; ∼B, therefore, ∼A (∼ signifies “not”). An example of modus tollens is the following:
If an angle is inscribed in a semicircle, then it is a right angle; this angle is not a right angle; therefore, this angle is not inscribed in a semicircle.
For disjunctive premises (employing ∨, which signifies “either . . . or”), the terms modus tollendo ponens and modus ponendo tollens are used for arguments of the forms AB;A, therefore B, and AB; A, therefore ∼B (valid only for exclusive disjunction: “Either A or B but not both”). The rule of modus ponens is incorporated into virtually every formal system of logic.
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"url": "https://www.britannica.com/print/article/387439"
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William Shakespeare
Teachers and parents! Struggling with distance learning? Our Teacher Edition on Coriolanus can help.
Coriolanus Symbols
Read our modern English translation.
Hunger, Food, and Cannibalism
Hunger and food are immediately introduced as the crucial driving force of the riots that open the play: the people are hungry and they demand corn, mirroring food revolts from Shakespeare’s own time. And as…
read analysis of Hunger, Food, and Cannibalism
Body Parts
The renaissance trope of the “body politic” (an analogy comparing various parts of a nation to various body parts) is used throughout the play to describe the political relationship between the government and the governed…
read analysis of Body Parts
Wounds and Blood
Given the play’s obsession with body parts and its heavy investment in violence, it makes sense that wounds and blood are another important symbol. Blood represents family and passion, but mostly it relates to violence…
read analysis of Wounds and Blood
As explained in the Language and Names theme, voices refer to literal voices and language, to opinions, and to votes, and ultimately they also represent the common people themselves. When Cominius prepares to give a…
read analysis of Voices
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"url": "https://www.litcharts.com/lit/coriolanus/symbols"
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kids encyclopedia robot
MacGillivray's warbler facts for kids
Kids Encyclopedia Facts
Quick facts for kids
MacGillivray's Warbler
Geothlypis tolmiei Hungry Horse MT 1, crop.jpg
Conservation status
Scientific classification
Oporornis tolmiei map.svg
breeding overwintering
Oporornis tolmiei
MacGillivray's warbler (Geothlypis tolmiei) is a species of New World warbler. These birds are sluggish and heavy warblers, preferring to spend most of their time on, or near the ground, except when singing.
Oporornis tolmieiMFEMP19CB
A MacGillivray's warbler pair by Bruce Horsfall
The MacGillivray's warbler was named by John James Audubon in honor of Scottish ornithologist William MacGillivray, although the proper credit to its discovery goes to John Kirk Townsend. The specific name was given in honor of William Fraser Tolmie.
Adult MacGillivray's warblers are an olive-green color on their upperparts and dull yellow below. Males have black heads and breasts, while females and immature birds have drab light gray heads; both males and females have broken white eye-rings. The song is a series of repeated two-note phrases, gradually increasing in volume, ending with two single notes: jeeter jeeter jeeter JEETER JEETER jeet jeet. MacGillivray's warblers are very similar to their eastern counterpart, the mourning warbler, the primary difference between the two species being the mourning warbler's lack of an eye-ring.
• Length: 3.9-5.9 in (10-15 cm)
• Wingspan: 7.5 in (19 cm)
MacGillivray's warblers are migratory and spend their summers in temperate forests in the western United States, and in boreal forests of west Canada. In autumn, these birds migrate to Central America, where they stay in temperate shrublands for the winter.
kids search engine
MacGillivray's warbler Facts for Kids. Kiddle Encyclopedia.
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St Vincent's Catholic Primary School
Caritas Christi Urget Nos
How has technology changed over the last 200 years?
LKS2’s project this term began with exploring this clip of Barack Obama. We explored their opinion on the video and the positives and negatives of social media. It also helped us discuss how the video links to our Vincentian Value: ‘We are respectful of the dignity and wishes of the individual’. We discussed how technology, in particular social media, should be used in today’s world especially in this current pandemic.
We tried to identify how technology has changed over the last 200 years by looking at the Victorian Era. During the reign of Queen Victoria, Britain emerged as the most powerful trading nation in the world so we found out what truly happened in Victorian times and what their contribution was to technology today.
We did research on Queen Victoria, who she was and why she was significant. We learnt about the Industrial Revolution and the Great Exhibition. We tried to understand if the Industrial Revolution had a positive or negative effect on the people of Britain. We created our own leaflets/posters and imagined what the Great Exhibition would be like if it occurred in 2021.
We looked into Victorian Inventors and Inventions and the children looked at the impact these inventions have on today. We explored Victorian railways and how Victorians responded to it. The children also explored the developments in medicine and hygiene since Victorian times which brought up fantastic conversation linking it to the current pandemic.
We explored what life was like for Victorians especially if you were poor and used the book The Secret Diary of Jane Pinny, Victorian House Maid. This helped children identify and imagine how different life could be depending on who you were or how much money you earnt. We specifically looked at children in the Victorian era, education for children , workhouses and compared it to the children’s lives today. We looked at Victorian children’s games and highlighted how different technology is today. The children also explored what working life was like for Victorian children which they were very surprised by. They wrote a short diary entry imagining they were a Victorian child and tweeted as if they were a Victorian child.
In art, they looked at the style of Victorian houses and the clothes Victorians would wear.
Alongside of this, we dived in deeper into understanding how to stay safe online, what a digital footprint is, what our impact on social media is and what a critical consumer is. We discussed the importance of a safe password, how to create one, how to be mindful of what we put online and how others see us online. This led us on to discussions of cyberbullying and applied this to the online platform Seesaw that we are using for our online learning. Children post comments on each other’s work on their blog so it helped us understand what comments are appropriate to make towards each other.
We focused on how to be internet sharp and alert, we discussed someone’s online reputation and how we need to stay safe online. We shared scenarios and discussed what we would do if certain situations occurred.
The children will be spending the last week before half term creating their own Victorian games. *Pictures/Videos coming soon
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Common Butterflies ID chart in Welsh
You can print this chart off as 2 pages, put them back-to-back and laminate them. Kids can then take them outside on a sunny day and tick off which butterflies they see and note how many, with a wipe-off pen. At the end of a week or month you can help them draw a graph (on a school whiteboard if you are a teacher) using their data. It doesn't really matter if they get some of their ID wrong - this will give them an interest in mathematical data and how to present it because they have collected it themselves.
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Monadnock is an originally Native American term for an isolated hill or a lone mountain that stands above the surrounding area, typically by surviving erosion. Geologists took the name from Mount Monadnock in southwestern New Hampshire. It is thought to derive from the Abenaki language, from either menonadenak (“smooth mountain”) or menadena (“isolated mountain”). In this context, monadnock is used to describe a mountain that rises from an area of relatively flat and/or lower terrain. For instance, Mount Monadnock rises 2,000 feet above its surrounding terrain and stands, at 3,165 feet, nearly 1,000 feet higher than any mountain peak within 30 miles. (source: Wikipedia)
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最終処分の話をしようや (4): 最終処分とは? 放射性廃棄物と放射能減衰の推移
We talked about what is the nuclear waste, how it is generated and what kind of process we need to do in order to put it in a final disposal storage. Since we still do not have a practical (cost effective) nuclide conversion technology, the most practical method to render nuclear waste innocuous is its long term management. In the next section, we will review the property of nuclear waste. That will bring up what kind of problems we have with the final disposal of waste.
Transition of used fuel radioactive decay
A chart of radioactive decay over time
When used fuel is taken away from a reactor it is highly radioactive. Thus we need to store it in somewhere and wait for the radioactivity to become lower. At the meeting we saw a radioactivity attenuation chart, which shows that it takes a long time.
Yamauchi’s memorandum
How long do we need to store the used fuel? If we only need to store the used fuel for a few months and the radioactivity level became low enough, nuclear waste management might not be a big issue. However, it is not so easy.
Figure 3 shows the radioactivity attenuation of used fuel over time. You can find this chart at the web site of Research organization for Information Science & Technology (RIST) [1], that refers to the web site of Japan nuclear cycle development institute asthe source of the data.
radioactive_timeline_2_enFigure 3: Radioactivity attenuation of vitrified waste over time. The x-axis is time in years, the center is 0 years. The y-axis is labeled `1 ton nuclear fuel (MTU) corresponding radioactivity [GBq]’
[Original figure] Japan nuclear cycle development institute: 2nd period of research and development of deep geologically repository, summary report I-4 (1999-11-26)
How to read Figure 3:
Let me show you how to read this chart. First, please notice the graph scale is log-log. What does this mean? Both axes of a log-log graph are described by exponent. You may be familiar with a linear graph. In a linear graph, one tick of an axis means usually +1 (or +n), but one tick of this chart is × 10. For example, one tick of this chart means ‘times ten’ instead of ‘plus one’. If you go two ticks, the value increases 100 times more.
The vertical axis shows the radioactivity in Becquerel. When the used fuel was taken from a reactor, the radioactivity indicated 1010 GBq/t.
1010 means 10 zeros after 1. Therefore, it is 10000000000, which is 10 billion. The character ‘G’ (Giga) before the unit `Bq’ is a SI-prefix, and it means 109. If you are familiar with computers, you know the memory size is represented as GBytes, which is 1000 times larger than MBytes. This means, 1010 GBq is 10,000,000,000 GBq = 10,000,000,000,000,000,000 Bq = 10 quintillion.
According to the criterion of the Japanese government, though it depends on nuclide and food, we should avoid eating food with an activity of more than 100 Bq per kg. Compare to this number, radioactivity of the used fuel is enormous. It seems beyond my imagination.
There is the 0 on the x-axis at the center of the graph. This is the time when the fuel is first used. To make Uranium useful as fuel, it is enriched, i.e., its radioactivity is increased. As we go to the right, time passes. The axis ticks increases 100 years, 102 years, and so on.
The exponent number of 10 has the same meaning as in the last example about Bq, how many zeros after the 1. This means, 100 years is one year (zero zeroes after 1), 102 years is 100 years, 104 years is 10,000 years, and 108 years is 100,000,000 years.
The graph shows a horizontal blue dotted line. This line shows the radioactivity when Uranium ore is in a mine. The cross point of the red line and the blue line is between 104 and 105 years. Therefore, it takes about 10000 to 100000 years until the radioactivity of used fuel reaches the level of naturally occurring Uranium ore.
By the way, it is unfair to compare the 100 Bq/kg for food and 10 quintillion Bq/t for used fuel. Note that the units are different: Bq/kg and Bq/t. This means that radioactivity of 1 Bq/kg is 1000 times higher than 1 Bq/t. Therefore a fair comparison is between 100 Bq/kg for food and 10 quadrillion Bq/kg for used nuclear waste. We sometimes miss the unit difference. Sometimes we could find these units are not consistent in some news articles. The different units are not technically a mistake, but it is still misleading. When we use the same unit here, 100 and 10 quadrillion are quite different.
These large numbers are hard to see. We do not know what 10 quintillion or 10 quadrillion are. Scientist usually use the scientific notation to write these numbers. The scientific notation uses exponent. In other words, this is how many zeros are in the number. 100 has two zeros after one, in exponent writing this is 102. 1 quadrillion is 10,000,000,000,000,000. This has 16 zeros after 1, it is 1016. Many advertisements use large numbers since they have a high impact when heard. For example, a sport drink in Japan claimed that was an 1000 mg effective medicine dosage, but this has the same effect as 1g of medicine dosage. Still, 1000 has makes an impression on us, so it is a good advertisement strategy. This is fine for an advertisement, however, I recommend to be careful about units an article about radioactive contamination for the news.
How long shall we keep the used nuclear fuel?
If you search about radioactivity attenuation of nuclear waste (Figure 3) you find many similar figures on the Web. I later realized that this figure only shows it takes more than 10 thousand years for the used fuel radioactivity to decay to the same level of an Uranium mine. I found nothing about the safety of the level of an Uranium mine. My first impression was, “wow, at least 10 thousands years, that’s a long time!” But I never asked the question: “is it safe after 10 thousands years?”
The blue line in the figure indicates 1000GBq/t, which means 1GBq/t (one billion Bq/t). 1 GBq/t is quite a large radioactivity value. Though one thing is not clear here that in the explanation, “1 ton nuclear fuel (MTU) corresponding radioactivity [GBq]”, I assume that this unit means GBq/t. If I convert it to Bq/kg, this is 1000 MBq/kg, that is 1GBq/kg, and this is 10 billion Bq/kg. As we mentioned before, the recommendation of safety for food is 100 Bq/kg according to Japanese government, and a value that is 10 million times larger does not safe to me.
I do not know what is blue line in Figure 3 means. Can I safely get near to some radioactive substances if the level is lower than this blue line? As a citizen, I am more interested in safety, so I try to connect this figure to safety, but this is not even labelled as radioactive dosage. I think this figure only shows the relationship between time and radioactivity attenuation, but that is not related to safety.
Progress of radioactive decay and waste management
Figure 3 shows the progress of radioactive decay over time. When the fuel is taken out of the reactor, its radioactivity is 10 billion GBq/t. After three to five years of cooling down in the fuel water tank, it becomes a few tens of million GBq/t. Then, after 30 to 50 years the radioactivity of vitrified waste in interim storage becomes a bit less than ten million GBq/t. Until the radioactivity drops to the level of a Uranium mine, we need to wait approximately ten thousand years. The final disposal process starts after the interim storage stage. Let’s see what is planned for that.
1. Research Organization for Information Science and Technology (RIST: 高度情報科学技術研究機構), “Safety problems of high level nuclear waste and its processing (高レベル放射性廃棄物と処分対策の安全問題), note: the decay graph of vitrified waste can be accessed from this page)”, http://www.rist.or.jp/atomica/data/dat_detail.php?Title_Key=05-01-01-03, [Online; accessed 2015-7-1]
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Siren (mythology)
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Siren Mythology
NAMA Sirène.jpg
Attic funerary statue of a Siren, playing on a tortoiseshell lyre, c. 370 BC
In Greek mythology, the Sirens (Greek singular: , Seir?n; Greek plural: , Seirênes) were dangerous creatures, who lured nearby male sailors with their enchanting music and singing voices to shipwreck on the rocky coast of their island. Roman poets placed them on some small islands called Sirenum scopuli. In some later, rationalized traditions, the literal geography of the "flowery" island of Anthemoessa, or Anthemusa,[1] is fixed: sometimes on Cape Pelorum and at others in the islands known as the Sirenuse, near Paestum, or in Capreae.[2] All such locations were surrounded by cliffs and rocks.
According to the Greek Neoplatonist philosopher Proclus, Plato said there were three kinds of Sirens: the celestial, the generative, and the purificatory / cathartic. The first were under the government of Zeus, the second under that of Poseidon, and the third of Hades. When the soul is in heaven the Sirens seek, by harmonic motion, to unite it to the divine life of the celestial host; and when in Hades, to conform the soul to eternal infernal regimen; but when on earth their only job to "produce generation, of which the sea is emblematic".[3]
Archaic perfume vase in the shape of a Siren, c. 540 BC
The etymology of the name is contested. Robert S. P. Beekes has suggested a Pre-Greek origin.[4] Others connect the name to (seirá "rope, cord") and ? (eír? "to tie, join, fasten"), resulting in the meaning "binder, entangler",[5][better source needed] i. e.one who binds or entangles through magic song. This could be connected to the famous scene of Odysseus being bound to the mast of his ship, in order to resist their song.[6]
The English word "siren", referring to a noise-making device, derives from the name.
Moaning Siren statuette from Myrina, first century BC
Sirens were believed to look like a combination of women and birds in various different forms. In early Greek art, they were represented as birds with large women's heads, bird feathers and scaly feet. Later, they were represented as female figures with the legs of birds, with or without wings, playing a variety of musical instruments, especially harps and lyres.
The seventh-century Anglo-Latin catalogue Liber Monstrorum says that Sirens were women from their heads to their navels, and instead of legs they had fish tails.[7] The tenth-century Byzantine encyclopedia Suda says that from their chests up, Sirens had the form of sparrows, and below they were women or, alternatively, that they were little birds with women's faces.[8]
By the Middle Ages, the figure of the Siren had transformed into the enduring mermaid figure.[9]
Originally, Sirens were shown to be male or female, but the male Siren disappeared from art around the fifth century BC.[10]
The first-century Roman historian Pliny the Elder discounted Sirens as a pure fable, "although Dinon, the father of Clearchus, a celebrated writer, asserts that they exist in India, and that they charm men by their song, and, having first lulled them to sleep, tear them to pieces."[11] In his notebooks, Leonardo da Vinci wrote, "The siren sings so sweetly that she lulls the mariners to sleep; then she climbs upon the ships and kills the sleeping mariners."
Odysseus and the Sirens, eponymous vase of the Siren Painter, c. 475 BC
Although a Sophocles fragment makes Phorcys their father,[12] when Sirens are named, they are usually as daughters of the river god Achelous,[13] with Terpsichore,[14]Melpomene,[15]Calliope[16] or Sterope. In Euripides's play, Helen (167), Helen in her anguish calls upon "Winged maidens, daughters of the Earth (Chthon)." Although they lured mariners, the Greeks portrayed the Sirens in their "meadow starred with flowers" and not as sea deities. Roman writers linked them more closely to the sea, as daughters of Phorcys.[17] Sirens are found in many Greek stories, notably in Homer's Odyssey.
List of Sirens
Their number is variously reported as from two to eight.[18] In the Odyssey, Homer says nothing of their origin or names, but gives the number of the Sirens as two.[19] Later writers mention both their names and number: some state that there were three, Peisinoe, Aglaope and Thelxiepeia[20] or Parthenope, Ligeia, and Leucosia;[21]Apollonius followed Hesiod gives their names as Thelxinoe, Molpe, and Aglaophonos;[22]Suidas gives their names as Thelxiepeia, Peisinoe, and Ligeia;[23]Hyginus gives the number of the Sirens as four: Teles, Raidne, Molpe, and Thelxiope;[24][25]Eustathius[26] states that they were two, Aglaopheme and Thelxiepeia; an ancient vase painting attests the two names as Himerope and Thelxiepeia. Their individual names are variously rendered in the later sources as Thelxiepeia/Thelxiope/Thelxinoe, Molpe, Himerope, Aglaophonos/Aglaope/Aglaopheme, Pisinoe/Peisinoë/Peisithoe, Parthenope, Ligeia, Leucosia, Raidne, and Teles.[27][28][29][30]
Comparative table of Sirens' names, number and parentage
Relation Names Sources
Hesiod Homer Sophocles (Sch. on) Apollonius Lycophron Strabo Apollodorus Hyginus Servius Eustathius Suidas Tzetzes Vase painting Euripides
Parentage Chthon ?
Achelous and Terpsichore ? ?
Achelous and Melpomene ? ? ? ?
Achelous and Sterope ?
Achelous and Calliope ?
Phorcys ?
Number 2 ? ? ? ?
3 ? ? ? ? ? ?
4 ?
Individual name Thelxinoe or Thelxiope ? ?
Thelxiepia ?
Thelxiepe ?
Thelxiepeia ? ? ? ?
Aglaophonus ? ?
Aglaope ?
Aglaopheme ? ?
Molpe ? ? ?
Aglaonoe ?
Parthenope ? ? ?
Leucosia ? ? ?
Ligeia ? ? ?
Peisinoe or Pisinoe ? ? ?
Himerope ?
Odysseus and the Sirens, painting by Léon Belly, 1867
According to Ovid (43 BC-17 AD), the Sirens were the companions of young Persephone.[38]Demeter gave them wings to search for Persephone when she was abducted by Hades. However, the Fabulae of Hyginus (64 BC-17 AD) has Demeter cursing the Sirens for failing to intervene in the abduction of Persephone. According to Hyginus, Sirens were fated to live only until the mortals who heard their songs were able to pass by them.[39]
The Muses
It is said that Hera, queen of the gods, persuaded the Sirens to enter a singing contest with the Muses. The Muses won the competition and then plucked out all of the Sirens' feathers and made crowns out of them.[40] Out of their anguish from losing the competition, writes Stephanus of Byzantium, the Sirens turned white and fell into the sea at Aptera ("featherless"), where they formed the islands in the bay that were called Leukai ("the white ones", modern Souda).[41]
In the Argonautica (third century BC), Jason had been warned by Chiron that Orpheus would be necessary in his journey.[42] When Orpheus heard their voices, he drew out his lyre and played his music more beautifully than they, drowning out their voices. One of the crew, however, the sharp-eared hero Butes, heard the song and leapt into the sea, but he was caught up and carried safely away by the goddess Aphrodite.
Odysseus was curious as to what the Sirens sang to him, and so, on the advice of Circe, he had all of his sailors plug their ears with beeswax and tie him to the mast. He ordered his men to leave him tied tightly to the mast, no matter how much he might beg. When he heard their beautiful song, he ordered the sailors to untie him but they bound him tighter. When they had passed out of earshot, Odysseus demonstrated with his frowns to be released.[43] Some post-Homeric authors state that the Sirens were fated to die if someone heard their singing and escaped them, and that after Odysseus passed by they therefore flung themselves into the water and perished.[44]
Sirens and death
Miniature illustration of a Siren enticing sailors who try to resist her, from an English Bestiary, c. 1235
Odysseus and the Sirens, Roman mosaic, second century AD (Bardo National Museum)
Statues of Sirens in a funerary context are attested since the classical era, in mainland Greece, as well as Asia Minor and Magna Graecia. The so-called "Siren of Canosa"--Canosa di Puglia is a site in Apulia that was part of Magna Graecia--was said to accompany the dead among grave goods in a burial. She appeared to have some psychopomp characteristics, guiding the dead on the afterlife journey. The cast terracotta figure bears traces of its original white pigment. The woman bears the feet, wings and tail of a bird. The sculpture is conserved in the National Archaeological Museum of Spain, in Madrid.
The Sirens were called the Muses of the lower world. Classical scholar Walter Copland Perry (1814-1911) observed: "Their song, though irresistibly sweet, was no less sad than sweet, and lapped both body and soul in a fatal lethargy, the forerunner of death and corruption."[45] Their song is continually calling on Persephone.
The term "siren song" refers to an appeal that is hard to resist but that, if heeded, will lead to a bad conclusion. Later writers have implied that the Sirens were cannibals, based on Circe's description of them "lolling there in their meadow, round them heaps of corpses rotting away, rags of skin shriveling on their bones."[46] As linguist Jane Ellen Harrison (1850-1928) notes of "The Ker as siren": "It is strange and beautiful that Homer should make the Sirens appeal to the spirit, not to the flesh."[47] The siren song is a promise to Odysseus of mantic truths; with a false promise that he will live to tell them, they sing,
We know all the pains that the Greeks and Trojans once endured
on the spreading plain of Troy when the gods willed it so--
all that comes to pass on the fertile earth, we know it all![48]
"They are mantic creatures like the Sphinx with whom they have much in common, knowing both the past and the future", Harrison observed. "Their song takes effect at midday, in a windless calm. The end of that song is death."[49] That the sailors' flesh is rotting away, suggests it has not been eaten. It has been suggested that, with their feathers stolen, their divine nature kept them alive, but unable to provide food for their visitors, who starved to death by refusing to leave.[50]
Christian belief and modern reception
The Siren, by John William Waterhouse, c. 1900, depicted as a fish-chimera
By the fourth century, when pagan beliefs were overtaken by Christianity, the belief in literal sirens was discouraged. Although Saint Jerome, who produced the Latin Vulgate version of the bible, used the word sirens to translate Hebrew tann?m ("jackals") in Isaiah 13:22, and also to translate a word for "owls" in Jeremiah 50:39, this was explained by Ambrose to be a mere symbol or allegory for worldly temptations, and not an endorsement of the Greek myth.[51]
The Siren, Edward Armitage, 1888
The early Christian euhemerist interpretation of mythologized human beings received a long-lasting boost from Isidore's Etymologiae:
They [the Greeks] imagine that "there were three Sirens, part virgins, part birds," with wings and claws. "One of them sang, another played the flute, the third the lyre. They drew sailors, decoyed by song, to shipwreck. According to the truth, however, they were prostitutes who led travelers down to poverty and were said to impose shipwreck on them." They had wings and claws because Love flies and wounds. They are said to have stayed in the waves because a wave created Venus.[52]
By the time of the Renaissance, female court musicians known as courtesans filled the role of an unmarried companion, and musical performances by unmarried women could be seen as immoral. Seen as a creature who could control a man's reason, female singers became associated with the mythological figure of the siren, who usually took a half-human, half-animal form somewhere on the cusp between nature and culture.[53]
Sirens continued to be used as a symbol for the dangerous temptation embodied by women regularly throughout Christian art of the medieval era; however, in the 17th century, some Jesuit writers began to assert their actual existence, including Cornelius a Lapide, who said of woman, "her glance is that of the fabled basilisk, her voice a siren's voice--with her voice she enchants, with her beauty she deprives of reason--voice and sight alike deal destruction and death."[54]Antonio de Lorea also argued for their existence, and Athanasius Kircher argued that compartments must have been built for them aboard Noah's Ark.[55]
Charles Burney expounded c. 1789, in A General History of Music: "The name, according to Bochart, who derives it from the Phoenician, implies a songstress. Hence it is probable, that in ancient times there may have been excellent singers, but of corrupt morals, on the coast of Sicily, who by seducing voyagers, gave rise to this fable."[56]John Lemprière in his Classical Dictionary (1827) wrote, "Some suppose that the Sirens were a number of lascivious women in Sicily, who prostituted themselves to strangers, and made them forget their pursuits while drowned in unlawful pleasures. The etymology of Bochart, who deduces the name from a Phoenician term denoting a songstress, favors the explanation given of the fable by Damm.[57] This distinguished critic makes the Sirens to have been excellent singers, and divesting the fables respecting them of all their terrific features, he supposes that by the charms of music and song they detained travellers, and made them altogether forgetful of their native land."[58]
The Siren of Canosa, statuette exposing psychopomp characteristics, late fourth century BC
Other cultures
The theme of perilous mythical female creatures seeking to seduce men with their beautiful singing is paralleled in the Danish medieval ballad known as "Elvehøj", in which the singers are elves. The ballad is also conserved in a Swedish version. A modern literary appropriation of the myth is to be seen in Clemens Brentano's Lore Lay ballad, published in his novel Godwi oder Das steinerne Bild der Mutter (1801).[]
In the folklore of some modern cultures, the concept of the siren has been assimilated to that of the mermaid. For example, the French word for mermaid is sirène, and similarly in certain other European languages.[]
Siren Lake in Antarctica is named after the mythological creature.
See also
1. ^ "We must steer clear of the Sirens, their enchanting song, their meadow starred with flowers" is Robert Fagles's rendering of Odyssey 12.158-9.
2. ^ Strabo i. 22; Eustathius of Thessalonica's Homeric commentaries §1709; Servius I.e.
3. ^ Brewer, E.Cobham (1883). Brewer's Dictionary of Phrase and Fable. London: Odham Press Limited. pp. 1003 f.
4. ^ Robert S. P. Beekes, Etymological Dictionary of Greek, Brill, 2009, p. 1316 f.
5. ^ Cf. the entry in Wiktionary and the entry in the Online Etymology Dictionary.
6. ^ Homer, Odyssey, book 12.
7. ^ Orchard, Andy. "Etext: Liber monstrorum (fr the Beowulf Manuscript)". members.shaw.ca. Archived from the original on 2005-01-18.
8. ^ "Suda on-line". Archived from the original on 2015-09-24. Retrieved .
9. ^ Mittman, Asa Simon; Dendle, Peter J (2016). The Ashgate research companion to monsters and the monstrous. London: Routledge. p. 352. ISBN 9781351894326. OCLC 1021205658.
10. ^ "CU Classics - Greek Vase Exhibit - Essays - Sirens". www.colorado.edu. Archived from the original on 2016-06-25. Retrieved .
11. ^ Pliny the Elder, Natural History X, 70.
12. ^ Sophocles, fragment 861; Fowler, p. 31; Plutarch, Quaestiones Convivales - Symposiacs, Moralia.
13. ^ Ovid XIV, 88.
14. ^ Nonnus, Dionysiaca 13.309; John Tzetzes, Chiliades, 1.14, line 338.
15. ^ John Tzetzes, Chiliades, 1.14, line 339.
16. ^ Servius, Commentary on the Aeneid of Vergil, Book 5, 864.
17. ^ Virgil, V.846.
18. ^ Page, Michael; Ingpen, Robert (1987). Encyclopedia of Things That Never Were. New York: Viking Penguin Inc. p. 211. ISBN 0-670-81607-8.
19. ^ Odyssey 12.52
20. ^ Tzetzes, ad Lycophron 7l2; Pseudo-Apollodorus, Bibliotheca E7. 18
21. ^ Eustathius, loc. cit.; Strabo v. §246, 252 commentary on Virgil's Georgics iv. 562
22. ^ Scholiast on Homer's Odyssey 12. 168, trans. Evelyn-White
23. ^ Suidas s.v. Seirenas
24. ^ Fabulae, praefat. p. 30, ed. Bunte
25. ^ Apollodorus. Apollodorus: The Library, with an English Translation by Sir James George Frazer, F.B.A., F.R.S. in II Volumes, 1921.[1]
26. ^ Eustathius Commentaries §1709
27. ^ Linda Phyllis Austern, Inna Naroditskaya, Music of the Sirens, Indiana University Press, 2006, p.18
28. ^ William Hansen, William F. Hansen, Classical Mythology: A Guide to the Mythical World of the Greeks and Romans, Oxford University Press, 2005, p.307
29. ^ Ken Dowden, Niall Livingstone, A Companion to Greek Mythology, Wiley-Blackwell, 2011, p.353
30. ^ Mike Dixon-Kennedy, Encyclopedia of Greco-Roman Mythology, ABC-Clio, 1998, p.281
31. ^ Hesiod, The Catalogue of Women 27.
32. ^ a b c Pseudo-Apollodorus, Bibliotheca VII, 18.
33. ^ Strabo, Geographica VI, 1.1.
34. ^ Lycophron, Alexandra 720.
35. ^ Lycophron, Alexandra 724.
36. ^ a b Hyginus, The myths, Introduction 30.
37. ^ Lycophron, Alexandra 716.
38. ^ Ovid, Metamorphoses V, 551.
39. ^ Pseudo-Hyginus, Fabulae 141 (trans. Grant).
40. ^ Lemprière 768.
42. ^ Apollonius Rhodius, Argonautica IV, 891-919.
43. ^ Odyssey XII, 39.
44. ^ Hyginus, Fabulae 141; Lycophron, Alexandra 712 ff.
45. ^ Perry, "The sirens in ancient literature and art", in The Nineteenth Century, reprinted in Choice Literature: a monthly magazine (New York) 2 (September-December 1883:163).
46. ^ Odyssey 12.45-6, Fagles' translation.
47. ^ Harrison 198
48. ^ Odyssey 12.188-91, Fagles' translation.
49. ^ Harrison, 199.
50. ^ Liner notes to Fresh Aire VI by Jim Shey, Classics Department, University of Wisconsin
51. ^ Ambrose, Exposition of the Christian Faith, Book 3, chap. 1, 4.
52. ^ Grant, Robert McQueen (1999). Early Christians and Animals. London: Routledge, 120. Translation of Isidore, Etymologiae (c. 600-636 AD), Book 11, chap. 3 ("Portents"), 30.
53. ^ Dunbar, Julie C. (2011). Women, Music, Culture. Routledge. p. 70. ISBN 978-1351857451. Retrieved 2019.
54. ^ Longworth, T. Clifton, and Paul Tice (2003). A Survey of Sex & Celibracy in Religion. San Diego: The Book Tree, 61. Originally published as The Devil a Monk Would Be: A Survey of Sex & Celibacy in Religion (1945).
55. ^ Carlson, Patricia Ann (ed.) (1986). Literature and Lore of the Sea. Amsterdam: Editions Rodopi, 270.
56. ^ Austern, Linda Phyllis, and Inna Naroditskaya (eds.) (2006). Music of the Sirens. Bloomington, IN: University of Indiana Press, 72.
57. ^ Damm, perhaps Mythologie der Griechen und Römer (ed. Leveiow). Berlin, 1820.
58. ^ Lemprière 768. Brackets in the original.
Further reading
• Siegfried de Rachewiltz, De Sirenibus: An Inquiry into Sirens from Homer to Shakespeare, 1987: chs: "Some notes on posthomeric sirens; Christian sirens; Boccaccio's siren and her legacy; The Sirens' mirror; The siren as emblem the emblem as siren; Shakespeare's siren tears; brief survey of siren scholarship; the siren in folklore; bibliography"
• "Siren's Lament", a story based around one writer's perception of sirens. Though most lore in the story does not match up with lore we associate with the wide onlook of sirens, it does contain useful information.
External links
Music Scenes
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Differing Measures
One of the largest and most powerful warships of its day, and the pride of Gustav II Adolf, the King of Sweden, was launched on August 10, 1628. The “Vasa, named after the ruling Vasa Dynasty, boasted an array of 64 bronze cannons, was crewed by 150 sailors and capable of carrying some 300 soldiers. She was in excess of 200 feet in length with a displacement of over 1,400 tons. With over 13,000 square feet of sail, this 17th century vessel was a force to be reckoned with.
An excited public watched and celebrated along the shores of Strömmen, as the great ship prepared to depart on its maiden voyage. On that particular Sunday morning, the Vasa hosted over a hundred crew members, along with family and guests, which were allowed to join the ship for the first leg of its passage through the Archipelago.
Incredibly, after having been under construction for over two years, the maiden voyage lasted only twenty minutes. The Vasa traveled less than one mile before a gust of wind unexpectedly caused the ship to heel over to its port side. The resulting massive flooding, as water rushed into the open lower gun ports, sank the ship within minutes, taking with it the lives of thirty people.
Subsequent inquests spread the blame for the untimely sinking amid a variety of people and causes, but no one cause or person was identified as the primary reason for the ship’s demise; the inquest concluded that the ship was “inherently unstable.” The actual mechanical reasons that caused the instability of the Vasa would remain entombed with the ship for nearly four hundred years.
In 1961, the remains of the incredibly well preserved Vasa were located and raised, and over a period of several years the ship was restored and ultimately placed in a Swedish museum for others to view and study. Archeologists studying the Vasa identified several factors that might have contributed to the ship’s sinking; including a lack of adequate ballast and a top heavy design. But these factors by themselves did not possess sufficient explanatory power to fully explain Vasa’s hasty demise.
In June of 2012, a major four year study was completed in the hopes of identifying the source of her instability. The study was headed by Vasa Museum’s director of research Fred Hocker. The project set out to document and measure all the timbers used in the construction of the Vasa. Doing so required the team to map some 80,000 separate points on the ship, using advanced digital 3D technology.
To their surprise, after analyzing the data, the project team learned that the ship was actually built in an asymmetric shape.
The ship was built lopsided.
In this case, there were more ship building materials on the port side of the ship, than on the starboard side. If this had been unknown at the time of construction, then the ship would indeed have been highly unstable, and likely to roll to the left side when faced with a strong wind or rough ocean.
But how did such an error, which resulted in this unstable shape, insert itself into the final construction work at the shipyard?
As part of their examination of the Vasa, Hocker and his team had earlier discovered within the ship, four rulers left behind by the original shipbuilders. The significance of this piece of historical evidence had not been fully understood at the time of its discovery. But that would change.
Upon careful examination, it turned out that these rulers were based on two different measurement standards.
The team also determined from historical records that the carpenters who built the Vasa, originated from both Holland and Sweden.
Two of the rulers were in Swedish feet and the others were in Amsterdam feet, which were slightly different in lengths. As the ship was being built, it was speculated that each carpenter used their own measuring standard to cut the timbers used for the ship.
Because no single objective measuring standard was used, the resulting vessel that was built came out lopsided and therefore highly unstable. This final part of the puzzle provided the last explanatory piece of data to close out the mystery behind the mighty Vasa’s demise.
Scientists concluded that the lopsided ship tended to naturally lean to its port side, because it was built based upon two different definitions of how long a “foot” was, and when the gust of wind arose on that fateful day, the ship simply keeled over to its naturally heavy side. Because the ship was not balanced properly, and was considered top heavy, when the water flooded in, it was not able to recover and return to an upright position. Instead it remained on its side and immediately sank.
Thankfully, in today’s world, we generally have agreement on objective standards to determine how long a foot is, how much volume a gallon actually contains, or how hot or cold something might be. Having objective standards allows us to operate in a predictable and safe manner.
But are such objective standards limited only to physical attributes in our lives? What about behavioral standards of conduct that govern how we relate to God and one another? Are there objective standards available for us to live our lives by? If so, what are the consequences of attempting to live outside of God’s ideal for us?
Jesus was once asked by a religious official, with respect to the laws and commandments they lived by, which one was the most important? Jesus responded by citing not one, but two commandments; “Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with your entire mind and with all your strength.’ The second is this: ‘Love your neighbor as yourself.’ There is no commandment greater than these.” (Mark 12:30–31)
In his response Jesus looked past the legalistic and religious intent of this official, and responded by summarizing all of the commandments into two simple objective relationship truths.
In essence, these principles state that the most important relationship we could ever have is the one we have with God. We need to give our all to God, our heart, Soul, and Mind. If that relationship is healthy, we will have the foundation to carry out the second great relationship truth, and that would be to love those around us and to love ourselves. Choosing to adopt God’s objective truths about relationships permits us to live our lives fully, as Jesus intended us to do. (John 10:10)
Of course, when we as a people choose to reject God’s truth claims, and substitute our own personal truths, our relationships in this life inevitably become unstable. In the end, by choosing to use a multitude of differing “measurement rulers” to live by, we are left with no objective standard to assess what is healthy in our relationships, no basis in which to grapple with real world issues. Instead we are armed only with a shifting social framework, dictated by the winds of an ever changing public opinion. Frequently God’s “Truth” with a capital “T” becomes lost in the myriad of individual truths, with a lowercase “t.”
No one has to be a sociological expert to recognize that we live in an incredibly unstable society. For the most part, much of our society has accepted, as normative, a variety of unhealthily relationship models that lie outside of what God desired for his creation. Additionally, our news is filled with stories of theft, corruption and embezzlement, along with a seemingly endless list of violent acts that we as humans seem so easily and capable of perpetrating upon one another.
Yet despite all of our poor choices, Jesus still loves us. (Romans 5:8) He knows that true love can only be true, if the object of his love responds willingly and voluntarily to Him and his offer of an eternal relationship. With that relationship, and obedience to God’s objective truths, come peace and purpose in this life. (Proverbs 3:1-2)
God will never force his plan for our eternal salvation upon us. It becomes our choice entirely as to how we will choose to respond to His love for us. Our behaviors are ultimately a product of our choices. Our choices a product of what we believe is true.
In this life we have the choice to either humble ourselves and willingly trust and obey God’s objective truths, or to trade these truths for our own contrived, and often self-serving concepts of truth with predictable results. (John 3:19)
How do I want to live and build my life? Do I want a life built like the Vasa was built, with many differing standards, or will I anchor my life securely in God, resting upon His set of objective principles as revealed in the Scriptures?
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Sunday, September 9, 2012
Welcome to the Week of September 9, 2012
I hope you had a wonderful weekend and are relaxed, refreshed, and ready for another wonderful week at Ellis. This week in math we will be focusing on finding the greatest common factor (GCF) of two numbers. It is really important that you are not getting it mixed up with LCM that we studied last week. I want you to really focus on using the two interchangeably without getting confused. Get ready for some classwork and homework that will prepare you for a quiz on GCF and LCM this Thursday. If you feel you need additional lessons on either, please don't hesitate to ask one of your classmates or me for a review. Finally, i'm assigning you another TenMarks math assignment that must be completed by Friday. Remember, this can be classwork or homework.
For science, Ms. Cathy will stop by on Monday to say hello. Remember, she is a wonderful resource to help you with your research you are conducting on minerals. On Monday, i'll also talk to you briefly about how minerals are mined. This week, please use your worktime to learn as much as you can about the topics we've covered concerning minerals. You will also get a journal starter about minerals. Your 5 sentence journal response is due Thursday. Your "Minerals Tic Tac Toe" choice sheet is due Friday. You will have a test on Minerals this Friday, too. To help you prepare for the test, please refer to this study guide:
What is a mineral?
Minerals must:
1. be naturally formed
2. be inorganic (nonliving)
3. be a solid
4. have a definite crystalline structure
How are minerals identified?
1. by their color
2. by their luster
a. metallic (bright, reflective)
b. submetallic (dull, reflective)
c. nonmetallic (no reflective)
3. by their streak (the color of the powder formed when rubbing it on a piece of unglazed porcelain)
4. by it’s cleavage or fracture
a. cleavage- breaking along smooth, straight lines
b. fracture- breaking along uneven, jagged, or irregular surfaces
5. Hardness
a. Moh’s scale is used to identify a mineral’s hardness
i. 1 is soft (like talc) and 10 is hard (like diamond). All minerals will fit somewhere between 1 and 10
6. Density (the measure of how much matter is in a given amount of space)
7. Other special properties
a. Chemical reaction (will react when it comes into contact with a weak acid)
b. Taste
c. Radioactivity (giving off radioactive energy)
d. Magnetism (act as magnets)
e. Fluorescence (glowing under ultraviolet light)
How are minerals mined?
1. Surface mining- the top layer of earth is removed from an area where minerals are found. The minerals are removed and the earth is put back into place.
2. Subsurface mining- Deep passageways are dug into the earth to mine such minerals.
If you are planning on ordering a book from our Scholastic Book Club, please have your order to me by Thursday. Also, if your parents are writing a check, make sure it is written to "Charles Ellis Montessori Academy". As a special bonus, keep in mind that every dollar spent will also go towards earning free books for our classroom library!
See you Monday AM,
Mr. Trent
1. hi Mr.Trent
Do we have the schedule posted on this website? -Becca
2. Yes, here's a link to the post.
Have a great weekend!
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Banners, Warriors, Weapons, Battle-Cries
The terms applied to military commanders were taoiseach, taoiseach-buidhne, flaith, cean-feadhna (or head of a force) cean-sloigh (or the leader of a host); and the terms laoch, curraidh, gaisgidh, or gaisgidheach, and urradh were applied to champions, chieftains, and heroes. The chief terms for weapons were the following:—Claidheamh [clava] a sword; tuagh or tuagh-catha, a battle-axe: laighean, a spear; lann, a lance or javelin; craoiseagh, a lance, javelin or halberd; ga gath, or gai, a dart; saighead, an arrow or dart; bolg-saighead, a bag or pouch for arrows or a quiver; sgian or skian, a dagger or large knife (this weapon was carried by all the Irish soldiers, as well by the chiefs, and used in close combat); the ancient sling was called crann-tabhuil. The armour consisted of the luireach (Lat., lorica), a coat of mail, the shield, buckler, and target, were termed sciath; and the helmet, cathbharr (from “cath,” a battle, and “barr,” the head or top).
The banners of the ancient Irish were termed bratach; and the standard, meirge; the standard-bearer was called meirgeach; and a banner-bearer, fear-brataighe. The bards attended battle-fields and raised the rosg-catha or war-song. The Irish rushed into battle with fierce shouts of defiance, and loud battle-cries; their chief cry, according to Ware, was “Farrah, Farrah,” which, according to some, means to fight valiantly, or like a man; and according to others, it is the same as the word “Fairé, Fairé,” which signifies to watch, watch, or be on your guard; and the word “Hurrah” is supposed to have come from the same source.
The war-cry “Abu” was used by the Irish, and was derived from the Irish word “Buaidh” [bo-ee], which signifies victory. This word was anglicised “Aboo:” hence, the various chieftains are said to have their war-cries, as O’Neill Aboo, O’Donnell Aboo, O’Brien Aboo; which means respectively, “victory to O’Neill,” “victory to O’Donnell,” “victory to O’Brien,” etc. The great Anglo-Irish families adopted similar war-cries: the Fitzgeralds had Crom Aboo, derived, it is said, from the castle of Crom in Limerick, one of the ancient fortresses of the Fitzgeralds: the Butlers of Ormond had Butler Aboo; the Burkes had Clanrickarde Aboo, and MacWilliam Aboo; and various other families had similar cries. The Irish chiefs had each his own banner and battle-cry: the O’Neills had for their battle cry Lamh dearg an-Uachtar or the Red Hand Uppermost (a red or bloody hand being their crest, and borne on their banners). In later times The O’Neills assumed the heraldic emblem of the ancient Kings of Emania, which was, The Red Hand of Ulster; together with the battle-cry of Lamh-dearg Aboo or the Red Hand for Ever. The battle-cry of the O’Briens of Thomond was Lamh laidir a n-Uachtar or the Strong Hand Uppermost.
The Irish forces were composed of kerns, gallowglasses, and cavalry; the word “kearn” (in Irish “ceatharnach”), signifying a battler, being derived from “cath,” a battle; and the word “galloglas” (in Irish, “Gall-og-laoch,” a foreign warrior, or) a foreign young champion. The Scots had likewise, at an early period, their kerns and galloglasses; and in Shakespeare’s Macbeth is mentioned—“the merciless MacDonald from the Western Isles (or Hebrides), with his kerns and galloglasses.” The kerns were the light foot of the Irish, armed with long spears or pikes, javelins, darts, skians or daggers, bows and arrows, and (in the early ages) also with slings. These active soldiers made rapid and irregular onsets into the ranks of the enemy; not fighting in exact order, but rushing and attacking on all sides, then rapidly retreating and coming on again at an advantageous opportunity. The javelins or short spears and darts of the kerns, were favourite weapons; the handles were generally of ash, to which was fitted a long sharp-pointed iron or steel head. This javelin was tied to the arm or shoulder by a thong or cord of great length, so that they could hurl it at the enemy at several yards distance, and recover the weapon again. These darts and javelins were whirled rapidly round the head, and then cast with such force, that they penetrated the bodies of men, even through their armour; and killed their horses at a great distance.
In the account of the expedition of King Richard the Second in Ireland, Froissart in his “Chronicle” says:
“the Irish soldiers were so remarkably strong and active, that on foot they could overtake an English horseman at full speed, leap up behind the rider and pull him off his horse.”
The kerns were divided into bodies of spear-men, dart-men, slingers, and archers, and (in aftertimes) musketeers; the archers were very expert, and their bows were made chiefly of ash and yew. The galloglasses were the heavy infantry of the Irish, a sort of grenadiers; being select men of great strength and stature, armed with swords and battle-axes; and also generally wore armour, as helmets and breast-plates of iron, coats of mail composed of a net work of small iron rings, and sometimes armour made of strong leather; and their shields or bucklers were made of wood, sometimes covered with skins of animals. The Irish commanders all wore armour, helmets, coats of mail, shields, etc. The cavalry of the Irish might be considered as mounted kerns, being chiefly a kind of light horse. The term “Marcach” was applied to a horseman or cavalry soldier; and “Marc-shluagh” signified a host, army, or troop of cavalry. “Ridire” signified a knight, and was the name applied to an English chief in armour. The predatory troops of the Irish are mentioned under the name of Creach-sluagh (from “creach,” plunder, and “sluagh,” a host); and their hired troops were called Buanaighe (from “Buan,” bound); and these mercenaries are mentioned by English writers as Bonnoghs or Bonnoghts.
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When you visit the U.S. Capitol building in Washington, D.C. try not to get too caught up in the splendor and instead, look down. Chances are you’ll see a tiny little elf-door somewhere along the wall. In fact, they are scattered throughout the U.S. Capitol building but most visitors never notice them.
The tiny doors serve as more than just a conversation piece or humorous Reeko’s Mad Scientist Lab article. At one time, they served an important function. But we have to look way back in time to understand how those tiny little doors kept the Capitol building safe.
The Christmas Eve Capitol fire
On Christmas Eve in 1851, a guard (John Jones) was making his rounds through the Capitol building when he noticed a flicker of light through one of the windows on the second floor. He had no key to the room so he broke down the door. Inside, a fire was beginning to grow. It was 1851 and plumbing was not as common as it is today. There was no source of water on the floor. He ran downstairs and gathered water in a bucket. When he returned, the fire had spread throughout a second-floor library.
Jones ran downstairs, straight past the water trough, to a nearby fire station where he waved frantically and pointed towards the Capitol building. Seven fire stations responded to the fire which took all night to extinguish. Sadly, the fire destroyed important documents, including many of the books once owned by Thomas Jefferson.
The fire department determined that the fire began with a spark from a fireplace in the room below. Jones himself pointed out that he could have easily put out the fire if he had water nearby. His testimony led to Captain Montgomery C. Meigs of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers being assigned to a project to ensure the most important building in the country could not easily burn to the ground.
Meigs built the Washington Aqueduct, a system that transported water from the nearby Potomac River into the Capitol building. Meigs sought to ensure the historic deco in the Capitol retained its grandeur. The pipes were placed inside the walls and faucets scattered throughout the building, hidden behind tiny little doors.
The cubby holes behind the 30-inch-tall doors also served as a convenient closet for janitors to store their buckets of water that they used to mop the floor (the roads and pathways outside were dirt so mud was a big problem inside the Capitol building).
Ultimately their purpose evolved to be conversation starters for eagle-eyed visitors. So the next time your are touring the U.S. Capitol building, find one of the doors, stop the group and shout, “Hey, I didn’t know the Capitol had elves working here!”
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Texas History
The New London School Explosion
Disaster caused by natural gas leak claimed nearly 300 lives—mostly students—in 1937
IMAGE: photo archives
During the 1930s, as the gloom of the Great Depression lingered across America, East Texas experienced a financial boom because of the discovery of oil. The newfound resource brought a population surge and unexpected prosperity.
New London became home to one of the richest rural school districts in the nation. A modern facility for grades K–11 (there was no 12th grade) was completed in 1932. The campus encompassed busy oil derricks and pipelines, and included an elementary school, a junior/senior high school, a gymnasium and the first-in-the-area lighted stadium for Friday night football games.
No expense was spared. Yet, to save $300 per month, school officials decided to tap into a residue line of Parade Gasoline Company and obtain free natural gas, then considered a valueless byproduct from the oil wells. The oil companies had no use for the gas, and siphoning some of it from a pipeline for homes and businesses was a common money-saving practice. At that time, natural gas had no distinctive odorized additive.
Unknown to anyone, an estimated 64,000 cubic feet of natural gas leaked from a faulty connection and accumulated in the basement beneath the junior/senior high school building. At 3:17 p.m. on Thursday, March 18, 1937, as high school classes were about to adjourn, the machine shop teacher flipped a switch to turn on a power sander.
The switch ignited the gas, and the building exploded with a force that could be felt for miles. The main school building’s walls and roof collapsed, crushing victims in a massive pile of debris.
Hundreds of people rushed to the scene and began digging through the rubble. Desperate parents struggled to find their children. Rescue workers, including nurses and doctors, law enforcement, oil field roughnecks and Texas Rangers, rushed to the site. Buildings in the area were converted into morgues and field hospitals. Floodlights were set up, and rescuers searched for victims through the night. Seventeen hours after the blast, the site was clear. The grief-stricken community reeled in shock.
Of the 500 students and 40 teachers in the building, approximately 294 died in the explosion, making it the third-deadliest disaster in Texas history. Only the 1900 hurricane in Galveston, in which 6,000–8,000 people perished, and the 1947 Texas City ship explosion, which claimed 576 lives, killed more people.
Every family in New London was affected. Ten days later, when classes resumed in the gymnasium and makeshift tents, only about half of the original students were in attendance. A new building, which would become today’s West Rusk High School, opened its doors two years later. Many New London residents would not recover from the tragedy. Some moved away; some never spoke of it.
The world shared the community’s grief. Hundreds wired their condolences. Funds for a monument were donated, and in 1939, a 32-foot tall granite cenotaph was erected near the site. The names of the victims are engraved around its base.
Parents filed charges of negligence, but all lawsuits were eventually dismissed, and no individual was found to be liable or directly responsible. The Texas Legislature mandated that all utility gas be odorized so that leaks can be more easily detected; other states and countries followed suit. Today, natural gas and propane emit the distinctive rotten-egg odor of the harmless but pungent chemical mercaptan.
The London Museum opened in 1998 across from the explosion site on Texas Highway 42. Visitors can view a collection of photographs and newspaper clippings, telegrams and letters of condolence, transcripts of survivor accounts and personal artifacts gathered from the wreckage.
The museum also offers a working 1938 soda fountain and small café. Volunteers, including head docent John Davidson, whose older sister died in the explosion, are dedicated to promoting awareness of the tragedy and keeping alive the memories of those who died that day.
“There is an old saying,” says Davidson, “ ‘No one is ever dead, truly dead, until no one remembers them and no one speaks their name.’ We remember.”
<p>--------------------<br/><em>Cyndy Irvine is a San Antonio native.</em></p>
Cyndy Irvine is a San Antonio native.
TAGS: 1701, Texas History, New London, explosion, natural gas leak, East Texas
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Between Markers (simplified) Between Markers (simplified)
English RU
You are given a string and two markers (the initial one and final). You have to find a substring enclosed between these two markers. But there are a few important conditions.
This is a simplified version of the Between Markers mission.
• The initial and final markers are always different.
• The initial and final markers are always 1 char size.
• The initial and final markers always exist in a string and go one after another.
Input: Three arguments. All of them are strings. The second and third arguments are the initial and final markers.
Output: A string.
between_markers('What is >apple<', '>', '<') == 'apple'
How it is used: For text parsing.
Precondition: There can't be more than one final and one initial markers.
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Blade with a Bite: The Shark Tooth Swords of the Gilbert Islands
Club Sword (Te Toanea), mid 19th Century
I-Kiribati culture; Gilbert Islands, Republic of Kiribati, Micronesia
Wood, shark teeth, fiber, tapa and human hair; 34 1/2in.
Gift of Mark Blackburn
Whirling Dervish
Barring the outlandish Sharknado franchise, when we hear the phrase “shark attack,” the assumption is that we would have to be in the ocean to be in any real danger. This rule did not necessarily hold true to the Gilbert Islands in the modern-day Republic of Kiribati, Micronesia. Here the razor sharp, serrated teeth of sharks were attached to swords using a complex binding technique. The result was weapons, some of which could be up to 18 feet in length, which were lined with shark teeth. This post looks at one such new acquisition to the Bowers Museum, an approximately 3-foot-long shark tooth sword.
Detail of 2018.9.1 illustrating both the binding technique and the chipping resulting from usage.
Tide and Tied
Based on a study of the Gilbert Islands’ weaponry, first published in 1923, thirteen different varieties of weapons were traditionally used on the islands. These ranged widely in length and function; but the Bowers’ new acquisition is a sword club referred to in the I-Kiribati vernacular as te toanea, te winnarei, or te tuangai. The wooden element of the club generally came from coconut wood sanded down to shape, but the major work of the sword went into acquiring and securing the teeth to the blade. Shark fishing was only done by experts. The larger size of the prey required fishermen to travel farther away from shore and employ methods including remarkable deep-sea hooks. When the teeth had been removed from the sharks, two methods were employed to secure them to swords. The first of these was a socketing technique. Small grooves were carved into the wood and the teeth were further stabilized with fiber cord. The technique used in the Bowers sword involves drilling small holes through the teeth themselves. Two thicker sections of palm fiber are then used to stabilize the teeth, and a more complex binding is used to ensure that the entire array of teeth is locked in place. This second method allows for the rare underlying layer of bark cloth we see in this example. The darker sections of fiber wrapping are human hair, used in almost every recorded example of Kiribati weaponry. The purpose of using hair was almost certainly magical—but little is definitively known about it.
I-Kiribati man in full armor, c. 1915
Photo: George Hubert Eastman, © Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Cambridge
War in Kiribati’s islands took place for any of the usual reasons. As sides faced off, combat usually began with projectiles—mostly stones, but in this case shark-barbed spears were also used. The next phase involved using the incredibly long spears to pierce armor and weaken one’s enemy. When the distance between the two war parties had been closed, the shark tooth sword clubs were used. These swords were not only threatening in appearance but were extremely effective at inflicting both shallow lacerations and blunt force trauma. Ceremonial duels between the champions of feuding villages were often settled using te toanea as well. Combat on the Gilbert Islands tended to inflict many injuries, but relatively few fatalities. One of the reasons for this is the immensely effective armor used by I-Kiribati warriors. This included a visually impressive pufferfish helmet, but the real strength of the armor was a woven coir suit which covered the entire body. A second double-thick layer woven from sturdier materials protected the chest, neck and head from club blows.
Shark teeth were hardy enough against skin and fiber, but anything tougher could shatter them. Warriors returning home to replace broken teeth was an unglamorous epilogue to almost every combat. The shortcomings of the medium indicate that its true importance was psychological and magical. As with many Micronesian and Polynesian cultures, sharks played an important cultural role for the I-Kiribati: sharks are involved in the origin mythology of the islands and they played a major part in cult initiation ceremonies. Using part of the great creatures in a weapon would imbue it with some of the shark’s strength. We can see too that sharks have continued to play an important role in Kiribati. By identifying teeth used in Gilbert Islands weaponry, researchers from Columbia University and the Field Museum were able to prove that at least two of the sharks once used for these weapons were no longer endemic to the region. Not three years later Kiribati created the world’s second largest shark sanctuary.
The Clay Day of Papuan Vessels
McCloskey to a Heart
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Comments 1
Guest - Richard on Saturday, 29 June 2019 07:50
What is the value of the sword style if it is in very good shape.
Sunday, 09 May 2021
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"url": "https://www.bowers.org/index.php/collection/collection-blog/blade-with-a-bite-the-shark-tooth-swords-of-the-gilbert-islands"
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Python finite state machine
A finite state machine (FSM) is a mathematical model of computation with states, transitions, inputs and outputs. This machine is always in a one state at the time and can move to other states using transitions. A transition changes the state of the machine to another state.
A large number of problems can be modeled using finite state machines. Simple examples of state machines used in modern life are vending machines, elevators and traffic lights. Advanced usage are artificial intelligence, language parsing and communication protocol design.
Related course
Python Programming Bootcamp: Go from zero to hero
Finite State Machine Example
First install the Fysom module:
sudo pip install fysom
We can define a Finite State Machine (FSM) with two states: sleeping and awake. To move between the states we will define the transitions wakeup() and sleep().
finite state machine Finite state machine. States: awake, sleeping. Transitions: sleep, wake up
from fysom import *
fsm = Fysom({'initial': 'awake',
'final': 'red',
'events': [
{'name': 'wakeup', 'src': 'sleeping', 'dst': 'awake'},
{'name': 'sleep', 'src': 'awake', 'dst': 'sleeping'}]})
print(fsm.current) # awake
print(fsm.current) # sleeping
print(fsm.current) # awake
Finite State Machines
There are several implementations of Finite State Machines in Python:
Leave a Reply:
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<urn:uuid:70f9f5db-1497-4b9e-965f-c23dcc367af7>
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"edu_score": 3.90625,
"fasttext_score": 0.12561696767807007,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.6918722987174988,
"url": "https://pythonspot.com/python-finite-state-machine/"
}
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[ in-dahyt-muhnt ]
/ ɪnˈdaɪt mənt /
Save This Word!
an act of indicting.
the state of being indicted.
Question 1 of 7
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Origin of indictment
1275–1325; indict + -ment; replacing Middle English enditement<Anglo-French (see indite)
non·in·dict·ment, nounre·in·dict·ment, nounsu·per·in·dict·ment, noun
What does indictment mean?
An indictment is an official accusation stating that a person is being charged with a crime and that a criminal trial will be held.
An indictment is the final step in the evidence-gathering process before a person is put on trial for a serious crime, especially a felony. In the U.S., such indictments are presented by a grand jury—the group of people responsible for determining whether there is enough evidence of a crime for a suspect to be put on trial.
Indictment can also be used in a more general way, outside of a legal context, to mean an accusation, strong criticism, or something that has the effect of revealing something as being deserving of criticism.
Indictment is a noun form of the verb indict, which can be used in the sense of making formal criminal charges or in the more general sense of accusing or criticizing.
Example: According to the indictment, the suspect is being charged with armed robbery.
Where does indictment come from?
The first records of the word indictment come from around 1300. Its base word, indict, comes from the Latin indīctus, a form of the verb indīcere, meaning “to announce” or “to proclaim.”
An indictment is a formal announcement officially accusing someone of a crime. An indictment is issued only after a prosecutor and a grand jury have determined that police investigators have gathered enough evidence to charge someone with a crime. In the U.S. and the U.K., the law requires an indictment in order to charge someone with a serious crime or felony. This process is intended to ensure that a case only goes to trial if there is sufficient evidence.
Outside of the courtroom, indictment is often used in the context of strong criticism of serious wrongdoing, especially when it’s delivered in a formal way, as in Today’s opinion piece is a serious indictment of the administration. In this sense, an indictment isn’t always a statement—someone’s bad behavior could be an indictment of their character.
Did you know ... ?
What are some other forms related to indictment?
• nonindictment (noun)
• reindictment (noun)
• superindictment (noun)
• indict (verb)
What are some synonyms for indictment?
What are some words that share a root or word element with indictment
What are some words that often get used in discussing indictment?
How is indictment used in real life?
Indictments usually involve serious crimes or wrongdoing. High-profile criminal indictments often make the news.
Try using indictment!
True or False?
An indictment is presented at the end of a criminal trial.
Example sentences from the Web for indictment
British Dictionary definitions for indictment
/ (ɪnˈdaɪtmənt) /
noun criminal law
a formal written charge of crime formerly referred to and presented on oath by a grand jury
any formal accusation of crime
Scot a charge of crime brought at the instance of the Lord Advocate
the act of indicting or the state of being indicted
Cultural definitions for indictment
[ (in-deyet-muhnt) ]
A formal accusation of a crime, presented to the accused party after the charges have been considered by a grand jury.
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<urn:uuid:26f68f74-d9a3-48d2-9ac8-d177c0581fb3>
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{
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"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.6875,
"fasttext_score": 0.6287230253219604,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.8993514776229858,
"url": "https://www.dictionary.com/browse/indictment"
}
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Heroine of the American Revolution Martha Bell
A monument honoring Bell at Guilford Courthouse National Military Park
On September 9, 1820, Martha McFarlane McGee Bell, heroine of the American Revolution, died at her home in Randolph County. The wife of a Deep River gristmill owner, Bell and her husband were ardent supporters of American independence, and their mill became a gathering place for local patriots during the war. There is also evidence that the Continental Army used the mill to store supplies.
Bell’s credit as heroine, though, stems from an incident following the Battle of Guilford Courthouse. British General Charles Cornwallis camped at the Bells’ Mill for two days, needing to grind corn for his troops and time to rest and treat the wounded. Bell treated the British hospitably and nursed the injured in return for Cornwallis’s promise that his troops would do her property no harm. The British left without incident.
When American General “Lighthorse” Harry Lee arrived at the mill shortly after the British departed, he encouraged Bell to visit Cornwallis at his next camp on a ruse related to property damage. Bell acted as a spy for the patriots, noting details as to Cornwallis’ troops and supplies.
A monument on the grounds of Guilford Courthouse National Military Park honors Bell.
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<urn:uuid:4d9d6a43-fd9b-425c-bfc2-a94da95f7447>
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"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.65625,
"fasttext_score": 0.031971514225006104,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9384745955467224,
"url": "https://www.ncdcr.gov/blog/2014/09/09/heroine-of-the-american-revolution-martha-bell"
}
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Historic Barn Etchings Tell Tale of Hard-Working Children
Since Canadian Confederation, it was the policy of the Canadian government to provide education to Aboriginal peoples through a system of church-run Residential Schools. The idea was that by separating the children at an early age from their parents’ influence, they might be more easily assimilated into white Canadian society, including the Christian religion. (A very similar fate befell Australian Aboriginal children after 1931.) The Methodist and Presbyterian churches, and the United Church of Canada, explicitly supported the goals of assimilation and Christianization.
Mount Elgin Industrial School, operating near London, Ontario between 1851 and 1946, was one such institution. Apart from attending school itself, the native children had to work day and night at a nearby barn. Recently, scholars discovered words and drawings all over the barn walls left behind by some of the 1,200 children forced to work there. Described as the “Dead Sea Scrolls” of this dark chapter in Canadian history, the words tell a moving tale of children isolated from friends and families, working very hard under less than ideal circumstances.
On June 20 2012, a monument to the survivors of Canadian residential schools will be unveiled on the site of Mount Elgin Residential School.
Here are some historical photos of Mount Elgin Residential School.
Open Culture was founded by Dan Colman.
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"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.515625,
"fasttext_score": 0.04783785343170166,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9528217911720276,
"url": "https://www.openculture.com/tag/ontario"
}
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감정 표현하기
Jeesun's Rotten Day
Recognizing and naming emotions and understanding how to deal with sadness.
조기 학습
Tell the children you will read them a story about Jeesun.
Explain that Jeesun has had a rotten or very bad day.
Show the children the illustration for this lesson.
Read the following story aloud:
This morning, Jeesun’s mom woke her up at the usual time, but she was still sleepy. She got up and started to
get dressed, but her favorite dress was dirty, so she had to wear a different one. Jeesun’s dad served her oatmeal for breakfast, but Jeesun doesn’t like oatmeal.
Jeesun went to school. Her friend Maddox accidentally kicked a ball, which splashed mud on Jeesun. Now she was very dirty. Later, Jeesun hit her toes on a rock and her foot hurt a lot. In the afternoon, Jeesun couldn’t wait to get home and eat some juicy strawberries. However, her younger sister, Nari, had taken all of the fruit.
Jeesun felt very upset about her rotten day. She went to her room and cried about all of the things that had gone wrong. When she finished crying, she took some deep breaths and felt better.
Jeesun went to the kitchen to find a different snack. Nari handed Jeesun some of her strawberries and Jeesun felt very happy that Nari had shared with her. Maybe it wasn’t such a rotten day after all.
Consider asking questions like:
• Do you ever have rotten days like Jeesun’s rotten day?
• How does Jeesun feel when things are going wrong?
• How do you feel when things are going wrong?
Tell the children to work with a building buddy to build how Jeesun looks while she experiences one of the problems in the story.
Ask the children to take turns, acting out with their building buddies, how Jeesun felt and what she did in the story.
Consider asking questions like:
• How does Jeesun show how she feels?
• What does Jeesun do to feel better?
• What else helps Jeesun feel better?
Tell the children to work with their building buddy to build Nari and some strawberries.
Ask them to act out the part of the story where Jeesun and Nari share the fruit.
Did you notice?
• Children are able to recognize and name emotions.
• Children are able to cooperate with a partner.
교사 지원
Children will :
Understand that taking time to work through sadness is healthy.
Children are able to recognize and name emotions.
Children are able to cooperate with a partner.
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<urn:uuid:504c05c6-7a15-4e8a-bae7-5933dd36b246>
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"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 4.40625,
"fasttext_score": 0.18400263786315918,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9740727543830872,
"url": "https://education.lego.com/ko-kr/lessons/preschool/jeesuns-rotten-day"
}
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Monday, 30 January 2017
What is Operations Research?
What is Operations Research?
What is Operations Research?
Question: Define Operations Research. How did it start?
Answer: Operations Research (OR) is a scientific method of providing executive with an analytical and objective basis for decisions.
Development of Operations Research (OR)
The main origin of OR was during World War II.
During WW II, the commanders of Allied forces (mainly UK and USA commands) engaged several inter-disciplinary teams of scientists to undertake scientific research into startegic and tactical military operations.
Their mission was to formulate specific plans to aid Military officers to arrive at a decision on optimal utilization of scarce military resources.
The OR teams were not actually engaged in wars but they were advisors and significantly instrumental in winning the war by applying scientific approaches.
After the world war, it motivated to continue this research and led to formation of 'Operations Research'
Thus OR is associated with,
"an art of winning the war without actually fighting it."
After the end of World War, OR techniques got the attention of Industrial managers who were seeking solutions to their decision making and resource utilization related complex problems.
The first mathematics technique in this field, called Simplex Method of Linear Programming was developed in 1947 by an American Mathematician, George B. Dantzig.
Dantzig - A genius Mathematician
When Dantzig was a graduate student in Berkley, one day he arrived late in his class. Before his arrival, his professor, Jerzy Neyman, wrote two examples of famously unsolved statistics problems on the blackboard. Dantzig assumed that these two were part of homework assignment and solved them down. Later his professor told Dantzig that he had solved two of the most famous unsolved problems in statistics.
Question: What are the management applications of Operations Research (OR)?
Give applications of OR in Industry?
Answer: OR techniques are widely used in timely management decisions and often used as corrective measure. A few are outlined below:
Finance (Budgeting and Investments)
Cash-flow analysis, Dividend policies, Investment Portfolios etc.
Credit policies, Credit risks and delinquent account procedures
Claim and complaint procedure
Purchasing, Procurement and Exploration
Rules for buying, supplies, stable or varying prices
Bidding policies, replacement policies
Determination of quantities and timing of
Production Management
Location of warehouses, distribution centres, retail outlets
Facilities planning: Number and location of factories, warehouses etc. Loading and Unloading facilities for railroads, trucks, computing transport schedule etc.
Manufacturing: Production Schedule and Sequencing
Maintenance and Project Scheduling
Personnel Management
Selection of suitable personnel with minimum salary.
Recruitment policies, mixes of age and skills.
OR has replaced management by persoanlity.
Product selection, competitive actions etc.
Salesmen, frequency of calling, advertisements with respect to costs and time.
Research and Development
Determination of areas of concentration of R & D.
Project selection, computing time cost tradeoffs.
Reliability and Alternative designs.
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Post a comment
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"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9485282301902771,
"url": "https://www.ipumusings.com/2017/01/what-is-operations-research.html"
}
|
article-imageA saltwater crocodile (photograph by Heather Paul)
During World War II, Ramree Island off the coast of Burma was the site of a number of military battles, but the truly terrifying action only began after the military maneuvers ended.
On January 26, 1945, British troops made their way to Ramree Island so that they could establish a new airbase. However, first they had to drive off the Japanese invasion force which had already claimed the island. After a bloody but successful campaign against the Japanese, the British soldiers managed to drive nearly 1,000 enemy combatants into the dense mangrove swamp that covered some ten miles of Ramree. While this may have seemed a fine opportunity to slip into the wilderness and regroup, most of the Japanese soldiers would never be heard from again.
British soldiers landing on Ramree (via Wikimedia)
Unfortunately for the fleeing men, the mangrove jungle on Ramree Island is home to an unknown number of the largest reptilian predator in the world — the saltwater crocodile. These prehistoric holdovers can grow to over 20 feet in length and over 2,000 pounds in some cases, and although examples that size are rare, even a mid-sized crocodile of the species could easily kill a full grown adult human.
In addition, saltwater crocodiles are far from a misunderstood monster. The crocodiles have a long history of attacking humans who wander into their habitats, seeing them as little more than taller, more awkward prey. So when nearly 1,000 panicked soldiers came dripping blood and sweat into the cramped confines of the Ramree mangrove swamp, the giant lizards likely had the feast of their lives.
A saltwater crocodile (via Wikimedia)
Around 500 Japanese soldiers are thought to have escaped those mangrove swamps, and 20 of them were eventually recaptured by the British forces who had set up a perimeter around the thick wilderness. However there were around 500 more of the escaping men who never left the swamp. The survivors are reported to have told horrific tales of dozens of crocodiles attacking the soldiers en masse, and appearing out of seemingly nowhere to drag off some poor soul. The nights were said to have been filled with dire screams, gunfire, and the sounds of animal attacks.
A massive saltwater crocodile (via Wikimedia)
The story of the Ramree massacre was reported in a number of papers, but the tale is still largely apocryphal. However this has not stopped the Guinness Book of World Records to name the incident the “Most Number of Fatalities in a Crocodile Attack.” A dubious distinction for a horrible event, no matter the real numbers.
Animal Week is November 18 - 22, 2013 on Atlas Obscura.
Join us on FacebookTwitter (#AnimalWeek), and Tumblr for even more animal action and to share your own tales of fascinating fauna.
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"edu_score": 3.5,
"fasttext_score": 0.040383756160736084,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9478074312210083,
"url": "https://www.atlasobscura.com/articles/the-ramree-island-massacre"
}
|
In two experiments we tested the hypothesis that music, in the form of a familiar melody, can serve as an effective mnemonic device. Prior research has provided very little support for this commonly held belief. In both studies, participants learned a list of names that they heard either spoken or sung to a familiar tune. In Experiment 1, the melody was "Pop Goes the Weasel"; in Experiment 2, the melody was "Yankee Doodle." We measured the number of trials to learn the list initially and the number of trials to relearn the list a week later. In both studies, there was no advantage in initial learning for those who learned the names to the musical accompaniment. However,in both studies, participants who heard the sung version required fewer trials to relearn the list of names a week later than did participants who heard the spoken version.
This content is only available via PDF.
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<urn:uuid:1faf7ba1-52e8-4150-9cf0-cd8c8dc65b14>
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.578125,
"fasttext_score": 0.21157687902450562,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9654507637023926,
"url": "https://online.ucpress.edu/mp/article-abstract/20/2/173/62130/The-Effect-of-Familiar-Melodies-on-Initial?redirectedFrom=fulltext"
}
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Share/Like This Page
Print Instructions
NOTE: Only your test content will print.
Cause and Effect Scenarios (Grade 3)
Print Test (Only the test content will print)
Name: Date:
Cause and Effect Scenarios
Read the sentences.
Chris woke up to the sounds of thunder. He knew the class picnic would be canceled.
Which shows the effect?
1. It was thundering.
2. Chris couldn't sleep.
3. The picnic would be canceled.
Since no one signed up for the school talent show, the teachers decided to cancel it and try again next year. What is the cause?
1. No one signed up for the school talent show.
2. They canceled the show.
3. They will try again next year.
4. Many kids signed up for the talent show.
Joan did not study for her test so she made an "F". What is the cause?
1. She did not study.
2. She played outside.
3. She made an "F".
She slipped on the sidewalk because her shoes were untied. What is the cause?
1. Banana peel
2. Her shoes were untied
3. She slipped
If a balloon gets stuck with a rose thorn, it will pop. What is the cause of the balloon popping?
1. The rose thorn is sharp and sticks the balloon.
2. The balloon starts floating away.
3. The balloon is old.
4. The rose thorn is too soft to pop the balloon.
You need to be a member to access free printables.
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<urn:uuid:4c74a8cb-1427-40a8-9d0a-7ee5be102b3e>
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.53125,
"fasttext_score": 0.9985942840576172,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9404734373092651,
"url": "https://www.helpteaching.com/tests/300691/cause-and-effect-scenarios"
}
|
Current activities
Dating dieback - the unique role of dendrochronology
To understand why dieback is happening now, we need to know exactly when it occurred in the past. Tree rings offer a pathway to answer these questions. Using samples collected over decades, we can date long-dead trees, opening a window to the past. Using an array of tree-ring properties, we aim to reconstruct the history of dieback and identify the external events that lead to outbreaks.
An example of snow-gum tree-ring dating is shown below. The dark blue time series depicts ring width from samples collected on the Rams Head Range in the 1970s. The light blue, ring width recorded by trees sampled in the Perisher Valley in 2019. The consistency in year-to-year variability between series allows precise dating - a precision unmatched by other data sources.
Identifying and understanding the culprit
Although the damage that leads to dieback is consistent with longicorn (Phoracantha sp.) beetles, the species-level identity of the insect driver of snow-gum dieback remains unclear. Using an array of trapping techniques and experiments, we aim to identify the insect species involved. While interesting in itself, identification of the species is just the start - we need to know when the insects are out and how this corresponds with the vulnerability of the trees they attack. We also need to identify the key factors that determine selection of host trees and survival of larvae.
In addition to the relentless task of checking traps daily and night-time experiments, the entomological aspects of our work involve nigh-time surveys that, as shown below, offer insights to the diversity of Australia's invertebrate diversity
Dendrochronology and Xylology lab
Fenner School of Environment & Society
Australian National University
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<urn:uuid:9f76f527-5e10-469f-87b0-524a66799452>
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.796875,
"fasttext_score": 0.02488642930984497,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9048985242843628,
"url": "https://www.saveoursnowgum.org/research"
}
|
Sexual Selection
The evolution of elaborated traits in most species is mainly driven by sexual selection mechanisms. Particularly, among birds a variety of spectacular ornaments is observed, like wonderful colors, extravagant feathers or extremely larger tails. One mechanism favoring the expression of such traits is intersexual selection through mate choice, where individuals with more exaggerated characters are chosen. Those individuals that show the most exaggerated trait can also gain extra-pair copulations thereby increasing their fitness. However, the evolution of some traits that evolve through sexual selection can be limited by natural selection. This is the case of birds’ tails that play an important role during flight. Nowadays, there is a controversy about how sexual and natural selection drive tail evolution in birds.
Researchers and students involved in this areaJ. C. Reboreda and D. T. Tuero.
by Diego T. Tuero
Fork-tailed Flycatcher (Tyrannus savana)
The Fork-tailed Flycatcher is a neotropical migratory bird that breeds at south temperate latitudes of South America (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay) and overwinters at north tropical latitudes of South America (Brazil, Colombia and Venezuela). The main characteristic of this species is its sexual dimorphism in tail length. On average, the male’s tail is longer than the female’s (25 cm vs. 18 cm). Despite their abundance along their distribution area, the main aspects about their biology, such as their reproductive biology, breeding system, or tail role during mate choice and migratory travels, is unknown.
Since 2009 we have studied this species at the protected area El Destino in Buenos Aires, Argentina. We are interested in how sexual and natural selection drives the evolution of tail length in birds. We are studying individual breeding success, extra-pair paternity, breeding system, mate choice and tail length variability in this species. Also, we are interested in how tail length can affect the parental care or migratory performance both in males and females.
Reserva El Destino, Buenos Aires province, Argentina (D. Tuero)
Related links
Aves Internacionales
Aves Internacionales (YouTube)
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"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.875,
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Weeping Window will travel throughout the U.K. through 2018. (Michael Bowles/Getty Images/1418 NOW)
Poppy seeds can take decades to germinate and need disturbed earth to grow. (hennasabel - Flickr/Creative Commons)
Poppies were used to recruit soldiers and sell war bonds, as in this Canadian poster from 1918. (Wikimedia Commons/Public Domain)
The poppies in Weeping Window are ceramic. (Ric Jackson - Flickr/Creative Commons )
The exhibition was initially shown at the Tower of London, but preserved for the public after its widespread success. (Marissa - Flickr/Creative Commons)
Keeping you current
How the Poppy Came to Symbolize World War I
Red blooms help the world commemorate a bloody war
A century ago, “the war to end all wars” raged throughout Europe—a war that racked up nearly 38 million casualties, including upwards of 8.5 million deaths. More than 900,000 of the dead were British soldiers, and since 2014, 100 years after the war began, thousands of people in the U.K. have seen a huge field of red ceramic poppies, the symbol of war remembrance throughout the Commonwealth, pop up around well-known landmarks like the Tower of London.
The installation is called Poppies: Weeping Window, and it’s now on view in Wales at the Caernarfon Castle. The evocative work began touring the U.K. last July. Created by artist Paul Cummins and designer Tom Piper, the display started out as part of an exhibition at the Tower of London and grew in size and scale as huge numbers of visitors—an estimated five million in all—came to see the bloody beauty of hundreds of thousands of red poppies pouring out of a window, each honoring a British or Colonial serviceman who died during the war. Since then, the exhibition, which was initially planned to be temporary, has been preserved and is touring the rest of the nation in two parts, Weeping Window and Wave. As the BBC reports, the exhibition’s current stop has already drawn thousands of visitors.
But why poppies? The answer is half biology, half history. The common or “corn” poppy, also known as Papaver rhoeas, grows throughout the United States, Asia, Africa and Europe and is native to the Mediterranean region. Its seeds need light to grow, so when they're buried in the earth, they can lay dormant for 80 years or even longer by some accounts, without blooming. Once soil is disturbed and the seeds come to light, poppies nobody knew existed can then bloom.
During World War I, this beautiful phenomenon took place in a Europe decimated by the first truly modern war. In Belgium, which was home to part of the Western Front in its Flanders provinces, the soil was torn up by miles of trenches and pocked by bombs and artillery fire. The Battles of Ypres, which took part in a portion of Flanders known as Flanders Fields, were particularly deadly and took a toll on the physical environment, too. Hundreds of thousands of soldiers, many of them British, breathed their last on soil laid bare and churned up by the mechanics of war.
After the Second Battle of Ypres, a Canadian doctor named John McCrae noticed red poppies growing near one of Flanders' Fields' mass cemeteries. He wrote a poem, “In Flanders Fields,” in 1915, which was eventually published in Britain. “In Flanders fields the poppies blow,” wrote McCrae, “Between the crosses, row on row.” It went on to become the war’s most popular and most recognized poem in the United States and Great Britain.
The poem, which muses on the existence of poppies in a cemetery and encourages people to take up the torch in honor of their fallen countrymen, became a powerful recruiting tool for the Allies. (Lines from the poem and red poppies even appeared on the back of the Canadian $10 bill for a time.) Red poppies began to appear not just on posters encouraging people to sign up for the army or to buy war bonds, but in ceremonies honoring the war dead.
As the BBC reports, an American woman named Moina Michael read McCrae’s poem and vowed to wear a red poppy every day until she died. She began to distribute silk poppies and her work led women from Allied nations to sell artificial poppies to raise funds for war victims after the war. A symbol had been born—one that persists to this day. Today, people throughout the Commonwealth wear paper poppies on Remembrance Sunday, a day that commemorates the dead of both World War I and World War II. But not everybody prefers poppies: As The Week reports, some people see the symbol as glorifying war and use white poppies to show their objection to war.
Today, poppies still dot the places that were once scarred by World War I. But in the U.K., a larger initiative called 14-18 NOW is working to make sure that the war is not forgotten by commissioning artwork about World War I. Poppies and other exhibitions will pop up around the country until 2018 at sites notable for their connections to the war. But long after the installation has been retired, poppies will persist on the lapels of public figures and ordinary Britons—a blooming symbol of a bloody conflict that changed the world forever.
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Boreus elegans Carpenter
The Boreidae (from the Greek "Boreas" -- the North Wind, the North) or snow scorpionflies are small, flightless mecopterans that resemble minute grasshoppers. The Holarctic genus Boreus, one of two known in the family in British Columbia (the other is the rare Caurinus), was chosen to represent the province for several reasons. British Columbia is a province of mountains and snow, the characteristic habitat of these insects. They are distinctive, with interesting and unusual behaviour. Five of the seven known Canadian species live in the province.
Boreus elegans Carpenter
The Society's Official Insect, a female Boreus elegans Carpenter in silhouette. Order: Mecoptera, the Scorpionflies and Hangingflies. Family: Boreidae, the Snow Scorpionflies. Illustrated by Rob Cannings, 1981.
Boreus elegans is the most distinctive of the British Columbia snow scorpionflies. It is considerably larger and redder in colour than the other four species of Boreus; as its name suggests, it is considered by some as the most striking of the genus. In Canada it occurs only in British Columbia. Although it is not distributed as widely in the province as some of the other species (e.g., B. californicus, B. pilosus, B. reductus), it inhabits the Coast Range and lives among the mountains by the sea, the two features most often associated with our province (and now linked with the image of Boreus on the ESBC seal).
Boreus adults are dark, long-legged insects that appear in the fall and winter. They are often found hopping and walking on the surface of the snow, where they are conspicuous because of their unusual movement and contrasting colour. The male has vestigial, bristle-like wings with which he grasps the female during mating. In the female, the wings are further reduced to small scales. The female has a long and conspicuous ovipositor.
The larvae are C-shaped grubs with a well-developed head capsule and three pairs of thoracic legs. They live among the moss and clubmoss plants on which they feed.
This is a slightly modified and updated version of an article in the inaugural issue of Boreus (April 1981), written by the editor at the time, Rob Cannings.
At the ESBC executive meeting on 27 November 1980, those present chose the genus Boreus (Mecoptera: Boreidae) to represent the Society on a new logo. Dr. Cannings was given the task of recommending a particular species of Boreus for this honour. His only instructions were: "Make sure you choose a good species…we don't want the Society's insect to end up as a forgotten synonym in a few years!" Boreus elegans Carpenter was the final choice as the Society’s official insect. Cannings also illustrated the female of the species in silhouette as the Society’s logo and printed it on the covers of the newsletter, suitably named Boreus. The logo was subsequently incorporated into the Society’s seal by Cannings and Peter Belton.
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• A wolverine
Wolverines require large areas of intact forest habitat for hunting, scavenging and raising young and, according to new research, will actively avoid even lightly-used roads. (Photo: Andrew Manske)
The sight of a road can strike fear into the heart of one of Canada's toughest predators, according to new research on wolverines in Alberta.
Wolverine biologist Matt Scrafford spent three winters capturing a number of these wily predators in northern Alberta. The wolverines were then fitted with GPS collars and tracked across an area of the province crisscrossed with logging and oil and gas service roads.
Scrafford, who joined Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS) Canada in 2017, had a strong hunch that the wolverines would do their best to stay away from the roads, but he sought to create a more detailed picture of how wolverines react to roads. He and his team tracked not only where the wolverines went in their Alberta forest habitat, but also how they behaved in different parts of their extensive territories. To do that, they used the GPS tracking to also calculate how quickly wolverines were moving and how much time they spent in specific areas, especially near roads.
Wolverines require very large areas of habitat to scavenge, hunt, and raise young. When an area has a high density of resource access roads (i.e. for oil and gas exploration, forestry and mining), it becomes risky for wolverines to travel and makes it difficult for the animals to find large, intact areas where the risk is lower. Further, roads can also increase the time it takes a wolverine to navigate through its territory if the animal is inclined to avoid roads.
Scrafford’s research, published this month in Behavioral Ecology, indicates that wolverines both avoid roads and, when in the vicinity of roads, move quickly to reduce the time spent near them. Their actions suggest that they perceive roads and surrounding areas to be high-risk areas. Wolverines are not unique in their apprehensions about roads, but different species react differently when encountering roads. For example, some pause and assess, some speed across or away, and others simply avoid roads altogether. Wolverines, Scrafford found, tended to avoid roads, but also picked up the pace when in the vicinity of roads, making them “speeders and avoiders.”
But Scrafford also wanted to know if behavior changed depending on the type of road. To do this, he had to quantify traffic levels on everything from lightly used resource roads to busy highways. Fixed cameras left in place over a period of time were used to calculate traffic levels on backcountry roads in the study area, while provincial data was used to estimate traffic flow on a busier highway running through the area.
Not surprisingly, Scrafford’s team found that wolverines spent as little time as possible near busy roads. But, interestingly, they found that wolverines also had a strong tendency to avoid even lightly used roads. This behaviour may be linked to a fear of being exposed to predators while crossing resource roads — particularly wolves, which may use the roads to hunt. This fear might not be unjustified: during his fieldwork, Scrafford found three male wolverines killed by wolves near winter roads.
Wolverines may avoid roads out of fear of being exposed to predators, especially wolves. (Photo: Andrew Manske)
This work on wolverines has strong parallels with research on grizzly bears in British Columbia carried out by WCS Canada research fellow Clayton Lamb. Lamb’s research found that grizzly bear density was lower in areas with higher road densities. The low population density near roads is due to both direct bear mortality near roads and bears avoiding habitats near roads. In fact, grizzly populations were three times higher in areas with few roads, and populations increased by close to a third in areas where roads had been closed to general public use. Where Lamb’s research quantified the effects of roads on grizzly bear population density, Scrafford’s wolverine research looked at behavior and what it suggested about the displacement and mortality threat roads pose to wolverines.
These findings led both researchers to a similar set of recommendations. The first and foremost is to limit road building as much as possible in high quality habitat areas for wolverines and grizzly bears. The second is to reduce the overall road footprint by “clustering” roads in an area as much as possible, especially high traffic routes. Finally, Scrafford and Lamb note that roads that do run through key habitat areas must be carefully managed. Public access to backcountry roads, for example, should be restricted when wolverines are denning. Similarly, disused roads should be decommissioned to reduce stress and mortality for wildlife.
Wolverines are listed as a Species of Special Concern in Canada and may be at risk in Alberta, though due to the elusive nature of the animal, precise population data is lacking. Still, unchecked road building in the forests predators depend on is a key factor in the disappearance of these and other iconic animals. If we want wolverines (and grizzlies) to thrive in our wild areas, we need to put up a stop sign on indiscriminate road building.
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argument top image
Did British colonial powers invent the Indian caste system?
Back to question
The caste system derives from a Portuguese labeling system.
There was a history of religious conflict in Portugal that led to the development of a kind of classification system. When Portuguese colonists came to India, they applied similar practices to the native people.
< (1 of 1)
The Argument
In the 1300s, the Christian Portuguese were persecuting the Jewish people. Under pressure from the empire, many Jews converted to Christianity. However, when those converts rose to prominent positions in the Church, they drew the resentment of "original" Christian clergy. Furthermore, those converts' subsequent affiliation with tax collectors made them unpopular with poor Christians. Thus, persecution continued against Jewish-descended Christians. Christian leaders began to declare that only "original" Christians were worthy of acknowledgement. The idea of a "casta," a classification based on descent, was formed. And members of the Jewish "casta" were barred from opportunity. When Portuguese colonists came to India, they applied the same classification system to the native people. They believed that different groups stayed separate to preserve a purity of bloodline, just as they did in Portugal. This idea propagated in India and became integral to its history. Not only the title, but also the very nature of the caste system, was given by the influence of the Portuguese.
Counter arguments
The Portuguese influence on the caste system was nothing more than putting a name to a pre-existing practice of separation they observed on arrival, as Guha's article implies. They didn't invent the practice; they simply gave it the name we know it by today. But the practice itself has deep historical roots - far earlier than when the Portuguese arrived.
Rejecting the premises
This page was last edited on Thursday, 16 Jul 2020 at 23:53 UTC
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"url": "https://www.parlia.com/a/caste-system-derives-from-portuguese-labeling"
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Euphorbia are a large family with many species suitable for garden use, although their sap is somewhat poisonous. Some of them are superhydrophobic and some are not. The superhydrophobic ones funnel water to their centre, with their upturned leaves, and it spills down to the roots.
Euphorbia uses hairlike structures to create superhydrophobicity, like the Lady’s Mantle, but not as regimented. The fibers are randomly arranged over the surface and appear to be tangled, as shown in the picture on the right. All parts of the plant are similar in surface structure and repel water quite well. We believe they channel water in a different way to Lady’s Mantle and suggest that this is a highly efficient way of collecting water from fine rain and mist (read more in the publication below).
There are other plants in the large family including non-superhydrophobic ones and some that look like Cactii but are more strictly examples of convergent evolution (for more information click here).
SEM image of Euphorbia
Learning from superhydrophobic plants: The use of hydrophilic areas on superhydrophobic surfaces for droplet control
N.J. Shirtcliffe, G. McHale and M.I. Newton
Langmuir 25 (24) (2009) 14121-14128
via ACS server
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"language_score": 0.9436564445495605,
"url": "https://naturesraincoats.com/euphorbia/"
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Monday, 5/17/17- A Day- Welcome Back from Spring Vacation!
Core Ideas:
• Each atom has a charged sub-structure consisting of a nucleus, which is made of protons and neutrons, surrounded by electrons.
Learning Activities:
1. Do Now– Get out your science notebook and add to the Table of Contents- “Protons, Neutrons, Electrons p.70” (Left Side); Head page 70 properly with “Protons, Neutrons, & Electrons-Simulation & Demonstration-4/17/17.”
2. SimulationBalloons & Static Electricity PhET- Visualize what happens to electrons when a charged balloon is brought to a wall with the simulation. Set up page 70 with title. Cut & tape diagram to page 70. Write captions beneath each diagram explaining what happened between the balloon and the wall in the simulation.
3. DemonstrationBalloon and Stream of Water video- On page 70, record your observations of what happened when the charged balloon was held near a stream of water and explain why it happens.
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Life cycles
Nematodes all have a similar developmental pattern. Eggs are produced, within which a first larval, or juvenile, stage develops (= L1 or J1). There are four larval stages, separated from one another by a molt, or ecdysis.
The most common life cycle pattern among parasitic nematodes is the direct one. However, several taxa use an indirect cycle with 2 hosts. Three host cycles are rare. Usually the first, but in some species the second, juvenile stage hatches from the egg. In direct life cycles, it is usually the L3, but occasionally the L2, that is the infective stage to the host. In indirect cycles, generally it is the L1 or L2 which is infective to the intermediate host (if present), and the L3 which is infective to the final host. There is a molt to the L4 stage and then the adult stage occurs in the final host.
Nematodes exploit a variety of invertebrates and vertebrates as both intermediate and definitive hosts. They are common in terrestrial and aquatic hosts.
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"url": "http://www.biology.ualberta.ca/parasites/ParPub/text/text/nemat01c.htm"
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Unformatted text preview: o in effect nominal anchor means that the monetary authority targets the selected anchor by keeping it at a predetermined level or range. A major advantage of the nominal anchor is that it can reduce the time inconsistency problem. 3 Time Inconsistency Problem It is a situation where decision makers’ preferences change through time. So lets say that the decision maker makes a commitment today at time t, but after time passes, at time t+n, she might decide to not to commit to that decision and act differently. Some examples of time inconsistency: ► Smokers’ long term health requires them to quit smoking. A smoker might decide to quit smoking tomorrow. But when tomorrow comes she might change her mind and decide to smoke one more to enjoy the pleasures of smoking in the shortrun! ► To encourage research, the government announces that it will give a temporary monopoly to companies that discover new drugs. But after a drug has been discovered, the government is tempted to revoke the patent or to regulate the pric...
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"url": "https://www.coursehero.com/file/8976129/Amajoradvantageofthenominalanchoristhatit-canreducethetimeinconsistencyproblem-3-TimeInconsistenc/"
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Skip to 0 minutes and 5 secondsOK, so I will try to make an inscription here in ancient cuneiform, using some plasticine tablet and a stylus. Originally, of course, the stylus would have been a lot prettier than this, and it would have been made of reed growing on the river banks of the rivers, the Euphrates or the Tigris. This one was made by Glenn, I think, on his way to work from some twig that he found. It's not very pretty, but it will do. So let's see what we can do. I'm going to start by writing a number. It's very easy. One, two, three. It's really ugly I don't do this very often. Some of my colleagues do this a lot. I don't.
Skip to 0 minutes and 48 secondsLike that now Because I like the administrative text, so I'm going to do an administrative text here. I'm going to do this. One, two, three, four, five. And that now means-- it's ugly, but it's readable to an ancient scribe.
Cuneiform Demonstration
In this video, Magnus will spell out a sentence he has found in an accountants clay tablet. He demonstrates how cuneiform was actually written by scribes with the help of a stylus.
At the end of the clip, Magnus has written ‘Three Great Goats’. Can you figure out which cuneiform word translates as which English word based on the things you have learnt over the last few steps? We’ve not shown you the word for ‘goat’ yet, but can you guess which cuneiform word it must be?You’ll notice some variation in the way words can be written, so you’ll need to be flexible in your approach!
Well done. This is far from easy to teach in a short space of time, but hopefully you’ve got a sound, basic understanding of how cuneiform works. Not bad for an hour or two’s work!
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This video is from the free online course:
Superpowers of the Ancient World: the Near East
University of Liverpool
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Kidaptive Blog
Practice patterns through rhythm
Recognizing, following, and creating patterns is an important skill that prepares kids for early math learning and other important cognitive tasks, like problem solving and spatial reasoning. Patterns can exist almost anywhere, from colors that we see to rhythms that we hear. Engaging your child in a rhythm game allows them to explore patterns in a multi-sensory way, and because it doesn’t require any materials, you can play it anywhere—whether you’re hanging out at home, waiting at the doctor’s office, or enjoying an afternoon at the park!
Tell your child that you’re going to create a pattern of sounds and it will be their job to repeat it back to you. Start with a simple AB pattern. For example, you might clap your hands and then pat your lap. (The pattern would be clap, pat, clap, pat.) If your child struggles with the pattern, say, “Listen one more time,” while you slow down the pattern for them to hear. As your child gets more confident with the game, you can make the patterns more complex:
ABC: Clap, pat, stomp, clap, pat, stomp
AABB: Pat, pat, stomp, stomp, pat, pat, stomp, stomp
ABB: Clap, pat, pat, clap, pat, pat, clap
You can also try practicing the same patterns with different movements and sounds, like an AB pattern where you jump and click your tongue instead of clapping and patting your lap. You can even offer to let your child be the pattern creator while you imitate!
Patterns present themselves in a variety of ways in the world around us, but rhythmic patterns allow your child an opportunity to embody the pattern itself and don’t require any specific tools—making them extra fun and flexible! Ready, set, clap!
We would love to hear your suggestions on future topics to cover! Please e-mail them to
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Charcoal drawn face from a cave in Mona, Puerto Rico
Cave Art in the Dark: Thousands of Indigenous Pre-Columbian Paintings Brought to Light
(Read the article on one page)
A team of British and Puerto Rican archaeologists claim to have uncovered the long-lost art of a forgotten civilization on a tiny and remote uninhabited island in the Caribbean. Experts suggest that the specific indigenous civilization may have contributed more to modern culture than we originally thought.
Thousands of Previously Unknown Taino Drawings and Paintings Discovered
Almost 500 years after it was severely damaged by the Spanish conquistadors, a team of British and Puerto Rican archaeologists have rediscovered what is considered to be the largest concentration of Taino art on earth, as The Independent reports . Located on a very small and distant uninhabited island called Mona, midway between Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic, thousands of previously unknown Taino drawings and paintings have been revealed in thirty caves on the island. According to the Independent , it is estimated that over a hundred more caves have yet to be explored, a fact that makes archaeologists believe that many more artworks most likely remain to be found.
Additive and extractive designs from the dark zones of three caves on Mona. A) charcoal drawn motifs; B) finger-fluted motifs and area of systematic extraction (right hand side); C) charcoal drawn face; D) finger-fluted face with limbs and appendages.
The scientific analysis of the newly found art so far shows that most of the drawings and paintings date from the 14th and 15th centuries. As archaeologists suggest, most of them portray a perplexing diversification of often hybrid animal and human faces, blended and twined together with avowedly conceptual geometric and curvilinear patterns.
The Taino Civilization
Taino Indians, a subgroup of the Arawakan Indians, inhabited the Greater Antilles in the Caribbean Sea at the time when Christopher Columbus arrived at the New World. It is believed that this was the very first major New World culture that Columbus came in contact with. The Arawakan achievements included construction of ceremonial ball parks whose boundaries were marked by upright stone dolmens, development of a universal language, and creation of a complicated religious cosmology.
Finger fluted face with limbs and appendages. These images would have been painted in limited light or complete darkness.
Finger fluted face with limbs and appendages. These images would have been painted in limited light or complete darkness. ( Journal of Archaeological Science CC BY 4.0 )
The Taino peoples lived in theocratic kingdoms and had hierarchically arranged chiefs or caciques. They were divided in three social classes: the naborias (work class), the nitaínos or sub-chiefs and noblemen (which includes the bohiques or priests and medicine men) and the caciques or chiefs, of which each village or yucayeque had one. Both sexes painted themselves on special occasions, they wore earrings, nose rings, and necklaces, which were sometimes made of gold.
Skilled at agriculture and hunting, Tainos were also good sailors, fishermen, canoe makers, cooks and navigators. As The Independent suggests , the European explorers first learnt about rubber, tobacco, sweet potatoes, sweet corn and various fruits from the Tainos, while a number of modern English words such as canoe, hammock, tobacco, hurricane and barbecue among others, derive from the Taino language.
Research Reveals the Techniques of Taino Artists
The research has also “betrayed” the techniques Taino artists used to create the beautiful artwork. “The paintings were made with bat excrement which had over many decades absorbed naturally-occurring yellow, brown and red minerals from the cave floors. Sometimes plant resin was added to help the bat excrement (guano) paint adhere to the walls of the caves. Other images were created merely through the use of charcoal crayons,” academics write in the paper titled ‘ Artists before Columbus: A multi-method characterization of the materials and practices of Caribbean cave art .’
Many of the paintings were made with fingers and paint.
Many of the paintings were made with fingers and paint. ( Journal of Archaeological Science CC BY 4.0 )
The researchers also noticed that the vast majority of the paintings were made by the artists dragging their fingers across the soft surface of the cave walls. “Scientific analyses from the team have provided the first dates for rock art in the Caribbean – illustrating that these images are pre-Columbian made by artists exploring and experimenting deep underground,” Dr. Alice Samson of the University of Leicester and co-director of the archaeological project on Mona said as The Independent reports . By doing so, the artists detached the darker-colored thick surface layer of naturally corroded calcite, thereby exposing the caves lighter-colored solid rock. The technique may sound primitive to most Western artists, but it was undeniably effective, given as these finger drawings have survived for more than five centuries.
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Myths & Legends
Right: Detail of a statue of a reclining Attis. The Shrine of Attis is situated to the east of the Campus of the Magna Mater in Ostia. Statue of Jesus Christ as a shepherd with a lamb.
Recently, it has been popular to suggest in some circles that Christianity was influenced, or even derived from, the ancient Roman mystery religions – religions often known to have orgiastic rituals and connection to a personal god.
Human Origins
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"url": "http://www.ancient-origins.net/news-history-archaeology/cave-art-dark-thousands-indigenous-pre-columbian-paintings-brought-light-021689"
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A plant is dioecious if male and female forms exist in separate individuals.
Indeed, the word translates roughly to "two houses", which makes a useful mnemonic. About 6% of the world's flowering plants (i.e. angiosperms) are dioecious. Dioecy is believed to convey an evolutionary advantage to a species because it helps prevent inbreeding; a dioecious plant cannot fertilize itself. Thus, a dioecious population can avoid inbreeding depression, the exposure of harmful mutations. Despite this hypothesized advantage, dioecy is less frequent than one would be led to believe.
See also: gynodioecious, monoecious.
Reference: Heilbuth JC. 2000. American Naturalist 156: 221-241.
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"url": "https://everything2.com/title/dioecious"
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Endangered Species
In Danger of Extinction: Tell the story that led to the listing of your animal as an endangered or threatened species. Be sure to tell when your species became listed in California and if and when your species was listed federally This is the most important part of your project and should be the focus! Must be at least 250 words.
Use images that show the reason why your species has experienced a population decline. Provide a caption with each image and include the source.
You must use at least one chart/graph/map that shows the decline OR recovery of the species, use a caption to explain the chart/graph/map and include the source.
Otter CountInclude a caption for every image that you use. Put your caption in italics!
Information and Media Sources:
List the titles of websites where you found information AND where any media is linked from. This goes at the bottom of every page.
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"url": "http://bdsa.unist.ac.kr/endangered-species"
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Tamburlaine the Great
Tamburlaine the Great Symbols, Allegory and Motifs
The Crown (Symbol)
The crown is used as a symbol for regal power. When the kings conquered by Tamburlaine are left without their crown, they are left without the power they once had. Mycetes is the only one who tries to hide his crown, by putting it into a hole. Mycetes confuses they symbol of his power with kingship itself and tries to keep it safe. In Marlowe’s play, the crown is a symbol used to express the desirability of earthly power over heavenly status. Tamburlaine recognizes the significance that the crowns have, and therefore fights for them.
Pride (Motif)
Pride is a recurring idea, or motif, in Tamburlaine the Great. Pride can be found in almost every character, from Tamburlaine to the kings he conquers. Tamburlaine’s capital sin is pride and the belief that he can become equal to God or even higher than him. Bajazeth is another character whose pride leads to his downfall. Even though he is Tamburlaine’s captive, he refuses to please Tamburlaine through a humble attitude and in the end ends up killing himself instead of being humiliated.
Zenocrate (Allegory)
Zenocrate is an allegory used in the play. As a queen, she represents a maternal figure, without which Tamburlaine’s conquests would be insignificant. Tamburlaine needs not only the lands he conquers but also a queen to justify and give meaning to his actions. When Zenocarte dies, Tamburlaine automatically starts to search for greater challenges. The presence of an influential queen in Tamburlaine is an allegory of European colonial practice, directly relating to England’s Queen Elizabeth.
Tamburlaine (Symbol)
Tamburlaine can be considered one of Marlowe’s first atheist characters. Marlowe was known for challenging the ideas accepted by the Church and was even accused of atheism, disagreeing with the dogmas that the Church imposed in a time when standing up against religion was a dangerous thing. Instead of criticizing religion directly, Marlowe uses Tamburlaine as a flexible symbol against religion and the Catholicism promoted in his time.
Faustian motif
Tamburlaine, just like Faust, lost his soul. Unlike Faust, who sold his soul to the devil in exchange for more knowledge and wealth, Tamburlaine gradually loses his soul through his actions and choices that make him dammed. His humanity and soul are lost when Zenocrate dies, she being the one who gave meaning to his actions, and also when Tamburlaine kills his own son, symbolizing the loss of his humanity.
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"url": "http://www.gradesaver.com/tamburlaine-the-great/study-guide/symbols-allegory-motifs"
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Coastal Migration
Shortages of agricultural workers were another result of the shift in crop growing patterns. The amount of food required by the whalers was greater than the amount that could be supplied by the native peoples. More native men were going to work on the whale ships or were building and supplying labor in other areas that benefited the Americans and Europeans. Those who did go to work on the ships learned new skills and sometimes were able to use these skills to assist their own people. Catching whales offshore, rather than at sea helped the community. But more often, it was to benefit the Americans and Europeans.
As contact between native populations and the whalers increased, the native peoples could be more demanding about the goods they wanted to receive in trade. And increasingly, they wanted guns. Guns changed the balance of power within the native populations. Those groups that got guns had an advantage over those who didn’t. As with the iron tools, the native populations living closer to the shorelines where the whalers anchored got more of the benefit of trade with the whalers than did those living inland. That meant that the coastal inhabitants could become more powerful than those living in the interior. Change happened at a quicker pace at the coast than it did inland.
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image of roman_crew_march1870
National Archives and Records Administration
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"url": "http://www.girlonawhaleship.org/jernapp/main/narr.do?ID=16&pg=4&cardType=artifact&shortName=roman_crew_march1870&1st=t"
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Sunday, 16 January 2011
The Origin of the Cloven Hoof
Foot of a giraffe
The shape of the feet in mammals falls into one of three categories (ignoring those that don't really have feet, such as dolphins). Plantigrade animals, such as humans, walk on the soles of the feet, with both the heel and the toes touching the ground. This might seem the obvious way of doing things, but its actually fairly unusual among large mammals. More common is the digitigrade stance, which we can see in, for example, cats and dogs. Here, the animal effectively walks on tip-toe, with the ankle held well clear of the ground. The part of the foot in between the ankle and the balls of the feet is generally elongated and narrow, so that the ankle looks rather like a backward-pointing knee.
This pattern is thought to allow the animals to move more quickly, making the limbs longer and more flexible, with an extra joint that can bend in the direction of motion. This is usually more important in the hindlimbs than the forelimbs, because they are the ones that push against the ground to propel the animal forwards, while the forelimbs are more important for braking. As a result, there are a few animals, such as raccoons, that have evolved digitigrade hindlimbs, but never got around to doing the same with the forelimbs.
The third possible stance is called unguligrade. These animals go even further than the digitigrade ones, standing only on the very tips of their toes, like a balancing ballerina. Such animals are usually hoofed, and an obvious example is the horse. Yet, while the evolution of horses and their single hooves has been described in many places, the origin of the cloven hoof is perhaps less well known. This, despite the fact that are far more animals with cloven hooves than there are species of modern horse. But then, for the same reason, the story is also rather more compliacted.
The group that these animals belong to (the "even-toed ungulates") includes ten families, although, admittedly, not all of them actually have hooves. These families can be placed into five broader groups, as follows:
Other cloven Chevrotains Hippos
hoofed animals etc.
^ ^ ^ Pigs
| | | etc.
2 | | ^ Camels
| | | ^
4 | | |
| 4 2
| | |
| 4
| |
When it comes to fossil animals, it's often difficult to determine exactly how they walked, since skeletons are rarely found in a perfectly articulated form. When they are mounted for museums, a fair degree of guesswork has to go into how the bones all fit together, and sometimes those guesses are going to be wrong. Fortunately, with mammals, unlike older and arguably stranger, fossils, like those of dinosaurs, its possible to compare the animals with living forms that look fairly similar. Comparing such things as the proportions and shapes of the limbs can reveal a lot of information about how mammals long vanished from the world moved and lived when they were still alive. An article recently published in the Journal of Vertebrate Palaeontology used this approach to examine some of the details of how the cloven hoof evolved.
Like the ancestors of horses, the ancestors of cloven-hoofed animals originally had five toes. Among their living relatives today, this is only true of the two species of hippopotamus, an animal whose large size makes it very different from its distant ancestors. Indeed, the living animals whose feet most resemble those of these early creatures appear to be the dogs.
For the most part, their feet were fairly typical of other early mammals, although the thumb/big toe was already quite small, and some of the bones do have a similar shape to those found in dogs (and, to a lesser extent, cats). It seems likely that, just as dogs are fast running animals because they want to catch their dinner, these early ancestors of the cloven hoofed animals would have been fast running because they wanted to avoid becoming dinner.
If this is right, then the first animals of this group would have lacked many of the distinctive features that the group has today. Their toes probably weren't strong enough to support their body weight without some assistance from the balls of the feet; in other words, they would have been digitigrade rather than resembling modern hoofed animals. They may even have had pads on the soles of their feet, as dogs do, although that's the sort of thing that can be difficult to know for certain.
These animals, then, would already have been quite good at running. The next step was the loss of the thumb/big toe. This was clearly a useful adaptation, because it appears to have happened more than once. We can tell this, because hippos, which still have all five toes, are not the most primitive members of the group. This means that the evolution of a four-toed pattern must have happened at all of the points marked '4' on the diagram above - and this ignores some extinct groups that don't appear to be the direct ancestors of anything around today.
In addition to the disappearance of the thumb, the index finger/2nd toe and little finger/5th toe also become much shorter. At the same time, the other two toes become stronger, able to take more of the weight of the animal, and the muscles that, in most mammals, move the toes apart are replaced by a tough ligament. There are also changes in the structure of the wrist or ankle to accommodate the changing arrangement of muscles.
The most obvious modern example here is the pig, which has a true cloven hoof, but also has two additional toes on each foot that do not reach the ground. So it should be at this stage that fossil mammals evolved from a more typical digitigrade stance to something at least much closer to the unguligrade one. At least one group of extinct mammals, one thought to be related to the ancestors of camels, does quite closely fit this description.
Some other extinct four-toed animals in the group, however, are a little different. Their feet look more like those of their primitive ancestors, with only some of the changes found in their living four-toed counterparts. Their joints are not quite the hinge-like shape found in pigs, although they are certainly more so than in dogs, and some of the other changes also seem less extreme. It would seem that this represents the actual change from digitigrade to an unguligrade stance, a stage reached with the three-toed Mesohippus in the evolution of horses. It seems likely - although far from certain - that these animals still had a foot pad, and not hooves, and that (unlike pigs) they used all four toes to walk.
Its obviously tempting to assume that these animals were the transition between the 5-toed and "more evolved" animals, such as pigs. There's probably some truth in that, but it can't be the full story, because at least some of these groups never evolved into anything else. Perhaps the best known such group, the Protoceratids, survived with more or less this arrangement for around 40 million years - about two thirds of the total timespan since the extinction of the dinosaurs. So its obviously a pretty effective way of moving about, something that works well in its own right, without being just a necessary transition to anything 'better'.
Nonetheless, in three groups, the outer two toes became more radically reduced, leaving only two true toes - the middle finger/3rd toe and the ring finger/4th toe - on each foot. Two of these groups are shown in the tree above, marked with a '2', but the other is extinct, and exactly where they belong really isn't clear.
Quite what happened to the other two toes varies quite a bit between different groups, but in all cases at least some of the bones disappear altogether. For example, in goats, only the very last bone in each toe survives, as a sort of small dewclaw at the back of the foot, while in camels, the toes vanish entirely. At the same time, the limbs became longer, especially between the ankle ("hock") and the foot, allowing a further increase in running speed. The shape of the joints also changed, to allow for the newly vertical posture of the foot, and to create hinge joints more suitable for fast running.
Again, the pattern isn't entirely neat. While there is a lot of similarity between the way that the cloven hoof formed in the three groups, there are also some differences, reflecting the fact that this happened more than once, instead of being a simple linear progression. In the case of camels, for example, the animals lost the unguligrade stance of their ancestors, and went back to being digitigrade, with a foot pad instead of a hoof. Flat splayed feet are, after all, more use in a sandy desert than sharp hooves.
[Picture from Wikimedia Commons]
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Dough rounding machine
Dough rounding is used in commercial baking to produce ball-shaped pieces.
Dough Rounding
What is Dough Rounding?
Dough rounding is used to produce a ball-shaped piece with a smooth outer skin by stretching the gluten on the outside of the dough, except one particular spot on the base. This step is after the dough divider and before the intermediate proofer.
For smaller dough pieces like hamburger buns, the dough piece on the rounder bars, forms the shape of the V by rotating on its axis between the two inner surfaces of a ‘V’, where one side is driven and the other fixed or moving at a lower speed. Many rounders have profiled rounding tracks to give a more spherical shape. The V-angle, the differential speed, the length of moulding track and the shape of the track all determine the moulding effect and the shape of the dough ball.
Different types and shapes of rounders have been developed to modify the action on the dough.
1. Conical Rounders: the most common type that consists of a cone which is rotated about a vertical axis, with the track of the fixed moulding surface located in a spiral pattern about the outside of it.
2. Cylindrical Rounders: a variation on the conical rounder using a track around a cylindrical drum.
3. Rounding Belts: classified as ‘V’-type (two belts orientated in a V, at least one of which is driven), vertical type (similar manner to cylindrical moulders, with a track wrapped around a conveyor belt with the end-roller axis in a vertical orientation) and horizontal types (a track is placed upon or across a conveyor with its axis in the horizontal plane).
4. Reciprocating Rounders: neither of the two faces of the rounder may be driven but at least one will reciprocate to present a ‘tucking’ action to the dough piece and give an action similar to hand moulding.
Some breadmaking processes require the rounder to impart a degassing effect. However, if the dough has been accurately machine divided, or comes from a breadmaking process which leaves little gas in the dough, then such a requirement is unnecessary.
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"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9466965794563293,
"url": "http://bakerpedia.com/processes/dough-rounding/"
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If you had to write five journal entries based on Napoleon's experience in George Orwell's Animal Farm, what would you write about?
Expert Answers
Lori Steinbach eNotes educator| Certified Educator
A journal entry is usually a chance for someone to express his inner thoughts, and your teacher obviously wants to hear what you think Napoleon might be thinking throughout Animal Farm, by George Orwell. In this case, you might enjoy imagining what Napoleon is thinking about during several key events of the novel. For example, what happened and what was Napoleon thinking at this moment:
What is Napoleon thinking as he hides in the barn during the rebellion, how does he train the puppies to become his killer bodyguards, what is it like to live in the luxury of a farmhouse for the first time, how does he develop a plan to get rid of his primary competition, Snowball--these are all interesting things which we know must have happened but which we never actually read about in the novella.
Another approach to journal-writing is to simply record events which have happened. In this case, a pre-rebellion entry might include a kind of "day-in-the-life" description of life as a "normal" pig before everything changed. The same kind of entry might be effective at the end of the book, when Napoleon has simply become another farm owner. I do not know how much leeway you have to be creative, but it might also be interesting to read an imagined obituary of Napoleon's life.
As you ponder your choices, make a list of all the "big moments" of the novel and determine how Napoleon observed them, planned them, or reacted to them. Obviously, both of these approaches can be effective in telling Napoleon's story in Animal Farm, and perhaps a combination would be an interesting presentation of his life over the course of the novel.
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"language_score": 0.9792309403419495,
"url": "https://www.enotes.com/homework-help/you-had-write-five-journal-entry-based-napoleons-446506"
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Patient A vs. Patient B
In the file below are the microscope images of the patients A and B’s blood cells. Diagnose them based on the differences that are visible in each picture.
Use the patient history and symptoms, your observations of the blood cells and the background information about the four diseases to provide evidence that supports your diagnosis.
Patient Files
Make a claim as to which disease discussed in class is affecting which patient. Provide evidence and logical reasoning to support your claims in an organized fashion. You should have a response for Patient A and B diagnoses. Follow the rubric provided on Schoology and turn in your responses to the designated patient diagnoses assignments.
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"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.851054310798645,
"url": "https://bowenbiology.wordpress.com/2017/01/24/patient-a-vs-patient-b/"
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You are in site section: Kspace
Primary source study
Caution: This website may include images and names of deceased people that may cause distress to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.
Primary source study
Spearhead flaked on both sides with serrated edges, rounded base and a sharp point at the opposite end.
A white stone Kimberley point spearhead, measuring 80mm x 30mm. National Museum of Australia. Photo: Jason McCarthy.
Kimberley point spearhead
This arrow-like Kimberley point spearhead is part of a long tradition in the Kimberley region of Western Australia.
Print the Kimberley point spearhead study (PDF 609kb)
Print this page on A3 paper for best results
View a large version of the Kimberley point spearhead image for projection
Cultural history
The cultural history of the Kimberley goes back more than 40,000 years. It is rich in ancient stories, rock art and traditions unique to the region.
Stone spearheads in the form of an arrow-like point have a long tradition in the Kimberley. Following European contact, Aboriginal people began to produce points made from glass, ceramics and porcelain.
The combination of skilled and intricate workmanship and new materials of varying colours, textures and translucencies, produced spearheads of great beauty.
These valued objects were traded within the Kimberley and further afield for items such as metal, which was a sought after material.
This spearhead was collected in the first half of the 20th century by Keith Goddard, whose family were keen collectors of Indigenous artefacts.
Keith served in the First World War and saw action in Gallipoli. In 1926, he moved to northern Australia and worked as a manager on various pastoral stations, including Nicholson Station in the east Kimberley.
How does the design and shape of this Kimberley point relate to its function as a tool?
Why would so much time have been invested in making a Kimberley point?
What do the different materials that were used to create Kimberley points before and after European contact reveal about the effects of colonisation on Indigenous communities? What do the changes reveal about the continuity of Aboriginal culture?
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"url": "http://www.nma.gov.au/kspace/teachers/kimberley/resources/study"
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General Aztecs Maya Tocuaro Kids Contact 20 Aug 2018/5 Rabbit
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Article suitable for Top Juniors and above
Dr. Ross Hassig
Question for August 2013
How did a warrior put on the skin of an eagle if the bird was smaller than he was? Asked by Edgewood Primary School. Chosen and answered by Dr. Ross Hassig.
Spanish v Aztecs: Codex Duran fol. 30a
Spanish v Aztecs: Codex Duran fol. 30a (Click on image to enlarge)
Although eagle warriors were one of the knightly orders among the Aztecs, the suits they wore just looked like eagles. They were not actually made out of eagle skins. The point of the suits was two-fold. First, they indicated the warrior status of the wearer, and second, the suit was meant to protect the wearer. All Aztec warriors engaged in hand to hand combat wore armor made of quilted cotton. It was usually an inch or two of raw cotton quilted between two pieces of cotton cloth, and in the form of a jerkin, so it protected the trunk of the wearer’s body which was most vulnerable to injuries. If the body cavity was punctured, say by an arrow, the medicine of the day could not treat it adequately if any of those organs, such as the stomach or intestines, were pierced and the man would sicken and die, hence the importance of protecting that part of the body. The arms and legs were not armored.
An artist’s impression of Aztec cotton body armour
An artist’s impression of Aztec cotton body armour (Click on image to enlarge)
In an earlier civilization, at Teotihuacan, full body armor was used in the fifth through seventh centuries, but combat then did not involve the swords and thrusting spears used by the later Aztecs, so the point was full protection without as much need for agility. After Teotihuacan, nobody used full body armor because more hand-to-hand weapons were used and it would slow the wearer down. Also, cotton couldn’t grow in the climate of central Mexico and it had to be imported from more tropical coastal regions, which made it very expensive. Anyway, the eagle suits covered the limbs, but did not especially protect them. The eagle suits, like most of the other warriors suits, were made out of cloth - undoubtedly cotton, although none have survived to be examined - and then covered with whatever was appropriate to the wearer, appropriately colored feathers in the case of eagle warriors, though not likely with actual eagle feathers, most of which would be too large and inflexible for the suits.
Picture sources:-
• Main picture: scanned from our own copy of Códice Durán - Historia de las Indias de Nueva España e Islas de Tierra Firme, Arrendedora Internacional, Mexico City, 1990
• Aztec body armour: illustration by Adam Hook, courtesy of Osprey Publishing.
Dr. Ross Hassig has answered 4 questions altogether:
When the Aztecs went to war, did they use any [special] tactics?
Did the Aztecs believe in going to war BEFORE they reached and settled in Tenochtitlan?
Why did Aztec shields have patterns on them?
Comment button
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"url": "http://www.mexicolore.co.uk/aztecs/ask-experts/how-did-a-warrior-put-on-the-skin-of-an-eagle"
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