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dye meaning
EN[daɪ] [-aɪ]
• Both dyes and pigments are colored because they absorb some wavelengths of light more than others. In contrast to dyes, pigments are insoluble and have no affinity for the substrate.
Definition of dye in English Dictionary
• NounPLdyesPLdice
1. A colourant, especially one that has an affinity to the substrate to which it is applied.
1. Alternative spelling of die.
2. VerbSGdyesPRdyeingPT, PPdyed
1. VT to colour with dye.
2. More Examples
1. Used in the Middle of Sentence
• Vitamin D 3 was fluorescently labeled using a phenothiazinium dye and added to cultures of D.
• I told my daughter to get her hair dyed at a salon, but she had to swim upstream and do it herself. Now it's a mess.
• Extracts were supplemented with an internal standard to a concentration of either 0.3 mM tocopherol acetate (Sigma) or 1.25 μg ml -1 of the lipophilic metalloorganic dye VIS682A (QCR Solutions Corp).
2. Used in the Beginning of Sentence
• Dye steadily injected into the fluid at a fixed point extends along a streakline.
• Part-of-Speech Hierarchy
1. Nouns
• Countable nouns
• Singularia tantum
• Uncountable nouns
• Verbs
• Transitive verbs
Related Links:
1. en dyer
2. en dyestuff
3. en dyed-in-the-wool
4. en dyet
5. en dyes
Source: Wiktionary
0 0
Meaning of dye for the defined word.
Grammatically, this word "dye" is a noun, more specifically, a countable noun and a singularia tantum. It's also a verb, more specifically, a transitive verb.
Difficultness: Level 3
Easy ➨ Difficult
Definiteness: Level 8
Definite ➨ Versatile
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"url": "http://www.wordow.com/english/dictionary/dye"
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kids encyclopedia robot
Quartering Acts facts for kids
Kids Encyclopedia Facts
Quartering Act is the name given to two Acts of the British Parliament in the 18th century. These acts ordered the local governments of the American colonies to give British soldiers housing and food when they needed it.
Each of the Quartering Acts was an amendment to the Mutiny Act. The Parliament renewed them each year. The Acts were passed to solve the problems of the French and Indian War. They caused tension between the Thirteen Colonies and the government in London. These problems led, in part, to the Revolutionary War.
• Text of the Act of 1774
kids search engine
Quartering Acts Facts for Kids. Kiddle Encyclopedia.
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"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9456506371498108,
"url": "https://facts.kiddle.co/Quartering_Acts"
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The Queen Snake is a non-venomous and semi-aquatic snake species endemic to North America. The scientific name of Queen snake is Regina septemvittata and the word Regina in Latin means “queen”, hence the name.
Queen snakes are known to bask in shrubs that overhang the water allowing them to drop into the water if disturbed.
Crayfish is the primary food source for Queen snake and the abundance of crayfish in an area can regulate the presence or absence of these snakes. These species are dependent on high water quality to maintain a stable food source and they are particularly susceptible to water pollution. Rapid urbanization and other forms of developments such as channelization, siltation and damming of streams are impacting these species.
While their population is considered stable across North America, they are now considered as one of the rarest snakes in New York State, and they are listed as endangered in New Jersey — while some experts believe this species has actually been extricated from NJ.
Join me Shravan Regret Iyer @shravanregretiyer3lenses and explore ‘This is America’
Also visit @regretiyerproductions @shravanregretiyer & for more immersive stories from the natural world.
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"url": "https://shravanregretiyer.com/2020/07/12/2583/"
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|
Skip navigation
The Core Curriculum
Odysseus and the Sirens, red figure stamnos vase, c. 480-460 BCE
Relates to:
In this stamnos, a large jar used to store liquids, Odysseus is tied to the mast of his ship as his companions row and the Sirens swoop around him, singing their beguiling song. Here, the Sirens are represented as birds with female heads who have presumably flown from their island to meet the passing ship, though there is no such description in Homer.
British Museum, London. Images via Wikimedia Commons.
Contemporaneous Resource
Access Level:
Public Domain
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"fasttext_score": 0.10534477233886719,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9315282702445984,
"url": "http://www.college.columbia.edu/core/content/odysseus-and-sirens-red-figure-stamnos-vase-c-480-460-bce"
}
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A Lesson Before Dying
Ernest J. Gaines
Chapters 6–8
Summary Chapters 6–8
Professor Antoine, for all his cynical condemnation of whites, plays a role in propagating racism. Since he has white blood, he feels superior to black people, and he stayed in the South because he enjoyed this feeling of superiority. Antoine says mulattoes hate blacks because mulattoes know whites have the most financial and social worth and want to associate themselves with whites. The more white blood in a person, the higher he stands on the rungs of the social ladder. In order to deny their blackness, Antoine says, mulattoes avoid working with blacks. Antoine’s is a self-hating ethos.
Grant’s inner conflict stems from his experiences in education, including his exposure to the cynical Antoine. Inspired by years of study, Grant wants to make great changes in his hometown. Grant’s behavior defies stereotype, but in order to live, he must follow certain rules that make his small moments of defiance futile. The losing battle between small rebellions and survival becomes clear in Grant’s conversation with Guidry. Grant takes pride in flouting Guidry’s racist expectations by using grammatical English and maintaining his poise, but then he feels he has been “too clever” and adopts a humble demeanor. Like the nameless black narrator in Ralph Ellison’s Invisible Man, Grant, no matter how much he asserts himself, can control only the superficialities of his life. He can use grammatical English and get an education, but the wrath of society would descend on him if he did something truly to step out of line.
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"fasttext_score": 0.04632163047790527,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9643831253051758,
"url": "https://www.sparknotes.com/lit/lessonbefore/section3/page/2/"
}
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The evolution of early symbolic behavior in Homo sapiens
How did human symbolic behavior evolve? Dating up to about 100,000 y ago, the engraved ochre and ostrich eggshell fragments from the South African Blombos Cave and Diepkloof Rock Shelter provide a unique window into presumed early symbolic traditions of Homo sapiens and how they evolved over a period of more than 30,000 y. Using the engravings as stimuli, we report five experiments which suggest that the engravings evolved adaptively, becoming better-suited for human perception and cognition. More specifically, they became more salient, memorable, reproducible, and expressive of style and human intent. However, they did not become more discriminable over time between or within the two archeological sites. Our observations provide support for an account of the Blombos and Diepkloof engravings as decorations and as socially transmitted cultural traditions. By contrast, there was no clear indication that they served as denotational symbolic signs. Our findings have broad implications for our understanding of early symbolic communication and cognition in H. sapiens.
Sider (fra-til)4578-4584
StatusUdgivet - mar. 2020
Se relationer på Aarhus Universitet Citationsformater
ID: 181862811
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"edu_score": 3.765625,
"fasttext_score": 0.5158080458641052,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.8185725808143616,
"url": "https://pure.au.dk/portal/da/publications/the-evolution-of-early-symbolic-behavior-in-homo-sapiens(e762d625-7be9-46bd-bc4f-7bcd349d9834).html"
}
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Subscribe to The Fermi Project. Answer a weekly question. Get a surprise delivered when you answer correctly.
Estimate the volume of an Oil Spill
An oil slick in the ocean is a thin layer of oil covering a large area, many square kilometres in extent.
The variables needed for this problem are:
- the area the spill covers
- average thickness over that area.
How do we measure the area spill?
Usually, this is done with the help of satellite imagery (a line is traced around the visible edges of the slick and the area inside that boundary is computed)
A good rule of thumb is to try to estimate the minimum volume, i.e - we try to estimate the minimum average thickness. Reasonably, this can stand at about 1 micron, or 0.000001 meters.
To illustrate
If there is an observed slick of oil covering 1 km^2, then the minimum volume of the oil covering this surface can be calculated in meters:
1000 m * 1000 m * 0.000001 m
Or, 1 * 10^6 m^2 * 1 *10^-6 m
Or, 1 m^3
Substitute 1 km^2 for any other area to and multiply with 1 micron to get the minimum estimate of the volume for an oil spill.
Recent Posts
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"fasttext_score": 0.08910179138183594,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.8427590727806091,
"url": "https://www.fermiproblems.in/post/estimate-the-volume-of-an-oil-spill"
}
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Hermann Knaus (1892-1970)
By the end of the 1920’s, with an understanding of the fertile and infertile days in the female cycle, the Austrian gynaecologist Hermann Knaus had helped women, couples, and doctors all over the world to better understand fertility. He revolutionized family planning.
Herman Knaus made three important findings concerning:
o the female egg's ability to become fertilized;
o the male sperm's ability to fertilize; and
o the standard time period between ovulation and subsequent menstruation.
Knaus' observation that the female egg is capable of fertilization for only a few hours was accepted immediately. He wrote that his colleagues in the scientific community accepted his theory without requiring any further evidence.
However, his report that male sperm could fertilize for no longer than 5 days was adamantly rejected by the same scientific community and required ten years of further discussion and evidence. We can only speculate as to why the information on the sperm's "weakness" led to such reactions. Perhaps the male-dominated medical field at the time was emotionally touchy.
Knaus' third finding was a standard time period between ovulation and subsequent menstruation, which allowed for the first time a more or less accurate calculation of the fertile and infertile days. Prior to his research, there were widely divergent opinions. Some scientists maintained, for example, that women were fertile every single day.
Since Knaus' theory changed ethical and ideological positions, it took decades for it to achieve wide approval. Furthermore, Knaus' personality was polarizing, as clearly shown by this 1943 quote from his Berlin collegue Georg August Wagner: "He is brilliant as shown by both his scientific achievements and surgical results, which no other gynaecological surgeon was able to obtain... He enjoys international standing. But in one question, namely the only possible time period for conception, he is obstinate and has antagonized a great number of people through his crude rejection of every divergent view.”
Who was Herman Knaus? Born in 1892 into a well-off middle-class family of tradesmen in the Austrian district of Carinthia, he was a lifelong avid mountaineer, skier, and rider. His studies of medicine in Graz and Innsbruck were interrupted by WW1. Knaus enjoyed his professor's support, and in 1924 he used a Rockefeller research grant for a term with Professor A.J. Clark in London where he was introduced to experimental work with animal uterine muscles. Back at the Universitäts-Frauenklinik Graz, on January 31, 1927, Knaus made an important discovery: "On this day, I saw for the first time an unknown function of the yellow body in a pregnant rabbit's uterus: elimination of the muscle's sensitivity to pituitrine in order to immobilize the muscle and allow the undisturbed development of the egg...“ This reaction can be observed in the rabbit exactly 22 hours after ovulation.
In May 1928, at the Universitäts-Frauenklinik Berlin, Knaus observed under X-ray the forceful movements of the human uterus, while at other times those same muscles were flabby and inactive. Encouraged by these observations, he began (at Graz University) to graphically log human uterus movements. He learned that the same relaxing and flagging effects from the yellow body towards the muscle could be observed in the human uterus. This effect starts approximately 12 days prior to menstruation.
To determine the exact date of ovulation, Knaus asked his patients for notes on their menstruation. He learned that there are exactly 48 hours between the start of the yellow body’s activities and ovulation. From there he could calculate 14 days between ovulation and next menstruation due to the regularity of the yellow body’s cycle of growth and then decline once the egg burst.
In 1929, Knaus presented his new findings at a gynaecologists’ conference in Leipzig. In 1934, he published his menstruation diary and recommended it to every woman to help her understand her own cycle.
As early as 1923, the Japanese gynaecologist Prof. Kyusaku Ogino (1882-1975) had published his method for calculation in the „Hokuetsu Medical Journal“. But at the time, Japanese publications were not known in English or German-speaking science communities. Since Ogino’s and Knaus’ methods were very similar and were published nearly at the same time, they became known as their conjoint discovery.
The Knaus-Ogino-Schema was not only opposed because of scientific conviction. With the advent of national socialism, contraception quickly became an unpopular topic, later even a forbidden one. It took some time to realize that Knaus’ theory not only helped to pinpoint one’s infertile days, but also the fertile days. The following quote is from 1942: „Only now we have started to use Knaus’ theory of relatively infertile days since we saw that it also helps us to calculate the period of fertility. Today it seems prudent to make his theory widely known, since more than a few marriages thank him for their children.“
Hermann Knaus was not as widely honoured in Austria as he deserved, but he still enjoyed an international reputation. He was frequently invited for lectures and lavishly praised. As a pious Catholic, his most precious honour was the approval of his method by Pope Pius XII, as the sole contraception method tolerated by the church. This occurred in 1951 during a lecture for the Association of Catholic Italian Midwifes.
The calculation of fertile and infertile days ("counting days") became popular quickly since it gave couples great relief. It only took a backseat with the introduction of the Pill and other safe contraceptive methods. However, even today it is used by cycle computers for contraception and for couples wanting a child ("Babycomputer" and "Ladycomputer").
Due to the Vatican’s approval, the Knaus-Ogino method became commonly known as "Catholics' roulette" or "Roman roulette," since its safe use is subject to two important conditions. First, the woman’s cycle must be very regular without shifts due to stress, travelling, and other influences. Secondly, human sexual needs must be controllable in order to confine unprotected intercourse only to the relatively few "safe" days.
Knaus also spoke out on the Pill but rejected it strongly - on medical as well as moral grounds. His former assistant Heinz Braitenberg-Zenoberg wrote: „While more and more gynaecologists have prescribed the Pill over the last years, and many respectable and an even greater number of less respectable papers described and praised it, Knaus was one of its first opponents. The recent Pope asked Knaus for his expert opinion ... and there is no doubt that Knaus was a leader in rejecting it.“
Hermann Knaus died at the age of 78 in Graz. On his deathbed, he was visited by the Apostolic Nuntius in Austria who presented him with the Pope’s blessings. He was buried in his home town.
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"url": "https://muvs.org/en/topics/pioneers/hermann-knaus-1892-1970-en/"
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In this quick article, you'll learn how to use the forEach() method to loop a List or a Map object in Java 8 and higher.
Map Example
The following example demonstrates how you can use forEach() with lambda expression to loop a Map object:
// create a map
Map<String, Integer> salaries = new HashMap<>();
salaries.put("John", 4000);
salaries.put("Alex", 5550);
salaries.put("Emma", 3850);
salaries.put("Tom", 6000);
salaries.put("Bena", 4500);
// print map elements
salaries.forEach((k, v) -> System.out.println(k + " salary is " + v));
The above code will output the following:
Alex salary is 5550
Tom salary is 6000
John salary is 4000
Bena salary is 4500
Emma salary is 3850
List Example
Just like a Map, you can also use the forEach() method to loop a List object in Java 8 and higher:
// create a list
List<String> users = Arrays.asList("John", "Alex", "Emma", "Tom", "Bena");
// print list elements
users.forEach(u -> System.out.println("Hey, " + u));
Here is the output of the above program:
Hey, John
Hey, Alex
Hey, Emma
Hey, Tom
Hey, Bena
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"edu_score": 3.71875,
"fasttext_score": 0.7551469802856445,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.7290321588516235,
"url": "https://attacomsian.com/blog/java-foreach"
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Understanding Townships
This entry focuses on a part of our earlier discussion, Understanding Location Data. For greater context on what we will be addressing, please read that post first.
One of the more confusing aspects of the Public Land Survey System (PLSS) is the concept of “townships.” A “township” can refer to two different things. Both are part of the PLSS measurement system but have different uses. To know which township is being referenced requires some context.
PIC 1: Township line
Township Lines
One type of township refers to a line that runs parallel to the baseline (east to west). When surveying a section of land, it divided into a grid. Surveyors start by assigning one main line running north to south (the Meridian) and one line running east to west (the Baseline). From that baseline, a series of parallel township lines (normally 6 miles apart) are drawn above and below the baseline to divide the land into horizontal strips similar to latitude lines. This way, surveyors can refer to a number of townships to describe how far above or below the meridian a piece of land can be found.
Township square, defined by bordering township and range lines.
PIC 2: Township square, defined by bordering township and range lines.
Township Squares
Another type of township refers to a square parcel of land, generally 36 square miles. These squares of land are defined by a grid that is formed when the township lines (described above) cross range lines (which run north to south). Since both township and range lines are spaced about 6 miles from each other, the township square is (on average) 36 miles square. Claims can be described as being inside of one of these township squares.
Telling the difference*
Aside from context or some indication that a township is a square or a line, another way to tell the difference is looking at the township name. A shorter township name refers to township lines. The township line in PIC 1 would be called “T1N”. “T1N” refers to a Township line that is the 1st township line North of the baseline. Township lines are a higher level measurement and don’t require the same amount of information to describe them.
On the other hand, a square township has a longer name. This name is defined by the township and range lines that border it’s farthest sides from the baseline and meridian. So, a township square could be on the township line from before, “T1N” but will have the additional range descriptor. The township in PIC 2 would be called “T1N R1E”. That township covers land that is between the baseline and the 1st north township line and between the meridian and 1st east range line. As a comparison: township “T2S R5W” would contain the land between the 1st and 2nd south township lines and between the 4th and 5th west range lines.
In terms of context, township lines are usually as a form of measurement while township squares are used to describe a plot of land in which something else is contained.
Township Pages
Some users of The Diggings may have noticed that we now have township pages. These pages refer to the square townships and list mining claims that fall within that township. As townships are smaller than counties, this allows for a greater degree of specificity when defining the location of your claim.
Learn more about the history of townships on wikipedia: Township (United States)
*Note: another form of township that little to do with the PLSS is the civic township. These are part of local government administration and voting purposes. While the outlines of civic townships in the west often were originally based on the preexisting PLSS townships, these serve different purposes and can change in ways that survey townships do not.
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"url": "https://news.thediggings.com/understanding-townships/"
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Several boys were using blocks and tracks to build a road system for their cars. Very wisely they all agreed they would need a petrol station to refuel their vehicles and tried to figure out where to put it.
It needs go here so my car get in.” One child suggested.
But my bus can’t get through there!”
this was followed by “an’ your cars blocking the track now!”
On hearing this debate, Mrs J suggested looking at how real petrol stations worked on the computer but the children had a better idea, “Why not go look at our garage on the road!” someone suggested.
Having checked the local map of where we would need to go, the children went off to get their coats whilst staff completed a safety check-list for outings.
Whilst out on the walk we came across a car that had broken down. The RAC man was working hard to get it going and explained what he was doing. Inside his van he had lots of tools and equipment.
We finally made it to the petrol station and we could see how it was at the side of the road rather than on it, with different lanes for going in and out to avoid traffic jams. The children could compare their petrol pumps with the real thing and watch as drivers fuelled up their cars and vans.
What it means
These children were able to find their own solution to their conundrum of where to place their petrol station. Rather than falling into arguments and disagreements when faced with a problem in their construction they were supported to find a way to solve this problem. Using the opportunities available they have been able to find out about the jobs people do and the community and place where they live. Communication and language skills have enabled them to ask pertinent questions and extend their vocabulary.
From our observation of these children throughout this activity we are able to observe and learn about their interests and then assess where they are in their stage of development. We can then plan further play opportunities to develop, extend and consolidate their understanding further. E.g. mark making equipment to enable them to plan and draw more garage designs or create a tally chart of how many vehicles they have seen.
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"edu_score": 3.671875,
"fasttext_score": 0.03181666135787964,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.986942708492279,
"url": "http://alderleyedgepreschool.co.uk/what-we-have-been-up-to/the-great-petrol-station-adventure"
}
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Psyche 16, the asteroid made of gold
Psyche 16, the asteroid made of gold
Could a future gold rush take place in space? This is the question that some people are asking themselves in NASA. Thus, the asteroid Psyche 16, discovered in 1852 by the Italian astronomer Annibal de Gasparis, could contain more gold than the Earth would need for centuries to come.
Bringing all this gold back to our planet would not necessarily be a good idea for the global economy and finance. Gold had nevertheless remained a safe investment, the arrival of such a quantity of yellow metal would have disastrous consequences on monetary and financial balances.
At the current gold price, 700 quintillions of gold would arrive. To give an idea of the amount this represents, the total world wealth in 2018 was 317 trillion dollars, or 2.25 billion times less than the value of the gold contained in the asteroid Psyche 16.
This astronomical (that’s the word!) amount would not last very long because a spill on the markets of such an amount of gold would immediately drop the value of the metal whose rarity would be weakened.
Another problem is how to exploit such a deposit located billions of kilometres from Earth, by sending equipment and ensuring an attractive return on investment.
In the meantime, NASA wants to send a probe in 2022 to land there in 2026 to explore this giant nugget.
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"edu_score": 3.671875,
"fasttext_score": 0.15433448553085327,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9539938569068909,
"url": "https://buyinggold.ch/psyche-16-the-asteroid-made-of-gold/"
}
|
Hypocentre of the 1925 Charlevoix-Kamouraska earthquake
The main shock was recorded by 29 seismograph stations worldwide. The evening of the main shock, seismologist E.A. Hodgson located the epicentre at about 70 km downstream from Quebec City using the horizontal component records from the station at Ottawa. He first deduced the azimuth from the relative amplitudes on the North-South and East-West components; then he calculated the epicentral distance from the difference in arrival times between the P and the S waves. The same evening, he was able to tell the press about the epicentre!
The epicentre location in Charlevoix-Kamouraska was confirmed by the analysis of seismograms recorded on numerous seismograph stations. In Canada, five stations recorded this earthquake: Ottawa, Halifax, Toronto, Saskatoon and Victoria. Field trips, conducted by E.A. Hodgson during the next two years confirmed the location of the epicentre (see scientific work).
According to more recent work (Stevens, 1980), the earthquake occurred near Île aux Lièvres, an area where numerous earthquakes with magnitudes larger than 4.0 have occurred during the XXth century. Another study has established the focal depth at about 10 km beneath the surface (Bent, 1993), a depth similar to the average for Charlevoix earthquakes.
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"fasttext_score": 0.029317498207092285,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9392132759094238,
"url": "https://www.earthquakescanada.nrcan.gc.ca/historic-historique/events/19250301-epi-en.php"
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|
Functions for Flexibility
Not everyone wants to eat hamburgers.
We could write a new function for each new sandwich type, but that takes a lot of work and risks making mistakes.
Instead, we’ll generalize the hamburger function to a sandwich function. This new sandwich function will still make a bread-topping-topping-bread combination, but the toppings may change based on inputs to the function:
function makeSandwich(topping1, topping2) {
Add bread
Add topping1
Add topping2
Add bread
We’ve renamed the function makeSandwich() and given it two inputs, or parameters. Each time we call the function, we’ll give actual values for each input, called arguments.
For example, we make a ham-and-cheese sandwich with makeSandwich("ham", "cheese"). We call the function with the arguments “ham” and “cheese”. Those will be the values for the topping1 and topping2 parameters.
Instead of writing a different function for each type of sandwich, we have one function that can make them all!
Call the makeSandwich() function with the arguments "ham" and "cheese".
Notice how the instructions change with different inputs.
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<urn:uuid:21ca49f8-1f69-489e-9c96-c03a2f4336da>
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"url": "https://production.codecademy.com/courses/cs-101-livestream-series/lessons/bop-functions/exercises/flexibility"
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What is a Dendritic Spine?
Geisha A. Legazpi
A dendritic spine, or simply a spine, is a knob-shaped protrusion from the dendrite of a neuron. It looks like a bulb with a thin neck or stalk. The bulb is also called spine head. A dendritic spine is in close proximity to an axon. It receives signal inputs from the neighboring axons, and functions in memory storage and signal transmission.
Dendritic spines are found in most neurons.
Dendritic spines are found in most neurons.
Dendritic spines are found in most neurons in the central nervous system, including the pyramidal neurons in the cortex; spiny neurons of the putamen, caudate nucleus, and internal capsule; and Purkinje cells in the cerebellum. The dendritic spine density can reach up to 50 spines per 10-micrometer stretch of a neuron’s dendrite. Spines are denser in the cerebellar Purkinje cells than in the pyramidal and hippocampal neurons.
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The appearance of a dendritic spine depends on the strength and duration of spine-synapse contacts. A spine head has a volume that ranges from 0.01 to 0.8 cubic micrometer. Some spine heads are described as mushroom-like, stubby, thin, or branched. Generally, the larger the spine head, the stronger and more mature the synaptic contact.
Nevertheless, the strength and maturity of synaptic contact depend on environmental factors. Dendritic spines change in volume, shape, and quantity depending on their exposure to these factors. This characteristic is known as plasticity.
Spines are plastic because they contain the protein actin. This is the same protein present in muscles for contraction and in cytoskeletons for cell division. Based on studies, it has been observed that the actin in spines has an average cycling time of 44 seconds. This dynamic property brought about by actin remodeling means that a dendritic spine could change its volume and shape in a few seconds or minutes. Additionally, spines can appear and disappear completely in a spontaneous manner.
It has been postulated that the plasticity of spines is the basis of memory. In particular, long-term memory is believed to be dependent on the formation of new dendritic spines or the growth of existing ones when reinforced by a learning environment. Among young people, there is a net loss or disappearance of dendritic spines, which is said to reflect their capacity for learning. In adults, most spines do not disappear and instead become more stable. This explains why memories become firmly established in adulthood.
Many scientists believe the apparent association between dendritic spines and memory. A causal relationship, however, is not yet established. Additionally, a theory has been proposed that the increase in the volume or size of the spine heads has greater contribution to memory retention than the formation of new spines.
Sections of the spine.
Sections of the spine.
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"url": "https://www.wisegeek.com/what-is-a-dendritic-spine.htm"
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National Memorial Fort Breendonk
Originally built to defend Antwerp, Fort Breendonk was a Nazi concentration camp from September 1940 till September 1944. Around 3,500 prisoners passed through this camp. Fort Breendonk is one of the best conserved concentration camps in Europe and is a symbol that perpetuates the memory of the suffering, the torture and the death of so many victims.
Early in the 20th century Fort Breendonk was built to protect the port and city of Antwerp. During the Second World War the Fort became officially the Auffanglager Breendonk, a transit camp and a major centre for the Sicherheitspolizei-Sicherheitsdienst (SIPO/SD), the German political police.
During the first year of the German occupation, Jews made up half the total number of prisoners in Fort Breendonk. From 1942 onwards Kazerne Dossin (Dossin Barrack) in Mechelen was the place where the Jews were assembled before their departure to the extermination camps. Fort Breendonk then mainly housed political prisoners and members of the Resistance. The prisoners stayed on average three months at the fortress, before being deported to a concentration camp in Germany, Austria or Poland. Even though Fort Breendonk was a small camp, the regime set up here by the Nazis hardly differed from that of the concentration camps in Germany. In Breendonk too undernourishment and forced labour wore down the bodies and minds of the prisoners. Here too the ever-present physical cruelty caused the death of prisoners.
On 31 August 1944 the Germans emptied the camp and sent their prisoners to Camp Vught in the Netherlands. Five days later the British liberators took over the camp and locked up German prisoners of war and ‘inpatriotic people‘.
In 1947 the Belgian Parliament made plans for the creation of the Memorial of Breendonk. Now, every year the National Association of Breendonk Survivors organizes a national pilgrimage on the site. A complete renovation of the exhibition area was carried out in 2003. The mission of the museum is to transmit to a new generation a message of tolerance, respect and human values.
National Memorial Fort Breendonk
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Inside Matelotage, The Same-Sex Partnerships Between Colonial-Era Pirates
During the Golden Age of Piracy, some buccaneers engaged in matelotage, a form of civil union. Sometimes these arrangements were purely financial — but often they were affectionate, romantic, or sexual.
Pirate symbols and myths are strong, but there are under-discussed elements to their communities, like matelotage.
Pirates have been an endless source of fascination for centuries — their rootless ways, their quests for treasure, and their sophisticated and stateless societies hold a strong appeal. But one little known aspect of their culture is matelotage – a sort of pirate civil union.
In pirate communities of the 17th and 18th centuries, ships were male-dominated, tightly packed, and the ship’s crew largely formed their own mores and rules. Matelotage developed in that environment where crew mates often knew one another more intimately than the wives and children they’d left behind on land.
In some cases, matelotage was affectionate, even fraternal; in others, it was romantic and sexual. But regardless of the nature of each relationship, pirates took the bonds of matelotage very seriously.
What Was Matelotage?
The crew of English pirate and slaver William Dampier is said to have engaged in matelotage.
As far as historians can tell, matelotage began during the 1600s. The word derives from the French matelot, which means sailor or seaman. “Matey” likely also derives from matelot, making it a sort of cousin-word to matelotage.
It’s believed that matelotage began as a strictly economic partnership. One pirate would agree with another that they could inherit the lion’s share of their fortune after leaving “part to the dead man’s friends or to his wife,” according to The Invisible Hook by Peter T. Leeson. Some historians describe it as something like an informal will.
While a work of fiction, Édouard Corbière’s 1832 novel, Le Négrier, produces a definition of matelotage: “This amatelotage of sailors among themselves, this hammock camaraderie, establishes a type of solidarity and commonality of interests and of goods between each man and his matelot.”
In Sodomy and the Pirate Tradition: English Sea Rovers in the Seventeenth Century Caribbean, Professor Barry Richard Burg writes that matelotage was “an institutionalized linking of buccaneer and another male — most often a youth — in a relationship with clearly homosexual characteristics.”
This arrangement could sometimes parallel the pederastic relationships of ancient Greece. Young matelots explicitly traded sex for stability, advancement, and often money. Other forms of matelotage were built around passengers or sailors trading sexual favors for food, security, or as a form of payment for outstanding debts.
Burg gives an account when a privateer commander, George Shelvocke, had the ship’s cabin boy promoted, with astronomic speed, to first mate. The boy was ill-suited to the task, but favoritism borne from his relationship with Shelvocke allowed for his rapid advancement.
The crew groused that “the boy gave us all a kind of emulation, wondering what rare qualifications Shelvocke could discover in a fellow, who but a few days before rinsed our glasses and filled us our wine.”
These relationships clearly offered benefits to both parties, but how widespread were they really?
How Common Was Matelotage?
Captain Bartholomew Roberts was said to have had a violent encounter with a crew member and his matelot.
Matelotage manifested in many different ways, but among pirates in the Caribbean in the 18th century, it generally denoted a sexual relationship. Even Captain Robert Culliford, the English pirate who defied Captain Kidd, engaged in the practice.
A register from Calendar of State Papers: Colonial Series records a John Swann, who was known as a “great consort of [Captain] Culliford’s, who lives with him.” The note is ambiguous, but clearly a relationship greater than economic convenience had developed between the sailors.
Jealousy and passion were often interwoven in matelotage. The entanglement of money, love, and sex on a pirate ship was bound to end in calamity from time to time.
One story tells of a matelot‘s outrage at losing his partner under Captain Bartholomew Roberts.
A sailor insulted the captain, and in response Roberts stabbed him with a sword, killing him on the spot. Learning of the deed, the sailor’s matelot, Jones, grew irate and confronted Roberts, unleashing a tirade against his captain.
Roberts took this fresh round of abuse as well as he’d taken the former and stabbed Jones as well. Furious, Jones threw Roberts over a gun and “beat him soundly.”
For his impudence, Jones was ultimately sentenced to receive two lashes from every man on the boat.
An early map showing the island of Tortuga, off the coast of what is Haiti today.
Though the bonds of matelotage were respected on board pirates’ ships, same-sex unions were still highly stigmatized on land. All but the wealthy elite could be jailed or even killed for homosexuality.
Even in the pirate world, homosexuality wasn’t quite accepted as the norm. In Tortuga, a hotspot for buccaneers in the Caribbean, Governor Le Vasseur wrote to France in 1645 requesting that the government send 2,000 prostitutes to the colony, in hopes that the presence of more women would curb the prevalence of matelotage.
However, the plan backfired when some pirates began marrying prostitutes, only to share them with their matelotage partners. It seems the custom offered pirates a kind of security and companionship that they couldn’t find onshore and wasn’t so easily gotten rid of.
In terms of exactly how common same-sex romance was among pirates, historians today generally believe that rates of homosexuality likely mirrored what would have been found in the population at large. Unfortunately, without written matelotage records and only a handful of anecdotes documenting this practice, it’s impossible to say just how far-reaching it was.
Ultimately, whether their relationships were romantic or platonic, matelotage partnerships gave pirates a modicum of safety as they navigated a life of crime on the high seas.
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Ants prefer salty snacks to sweet stuff
Image: Ants and salt
Ants far from the coast are more attracted to a dilute salt (NaCl) solution than to a more concentrated sugar solution, probably because plant-eating ants in salt-poor inland areas are salt-starved.
/ Source: LiveScience
Ants have less of a sweet tooth and more of a preference for salty snacks, at least when they live in salt-poor areas far from the ocean, a new study finds.
All animals — from ants to humans — need salt to maintain their body's nerve and muscle activity and water balance.
Ants, though, typically swarm over sources of sugar because they need it for energy.
But researchers suspected those taste differences might vary with location and tested the salt-versus-sweet preferences of ants at various distances from the ocean, a source of salt.
The study, detailed in the Oct. 27 issue of the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, was sponsored in part by the National Geographic Society and the Amazon Conservation Association.
The "cafeteria experiment" offered the ants a choice of cotton balls soaked in salt or sugar solution. Ants that lived more than 60 miles (100 kilometers) inland preferred the salt solution (which was less concentrated than the sugar solution).
This preference was mainly true of plant-eating ants, since carnivorous ants get enough salt from their prey. (Similarly herbivorous animals such as cows and deer get their salt from salt licks, while wolves and other predators get it from the bloody meat they eat.)
The researchers want to see if this pattern holds for all insects and even microbes. In particular, study lead author Michael Kaspari plans to see if spraying salt on forest leaf litter cranks up ecosystem activity, just as Gatorade improves the performance of sports teams.
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star-like dot
A raw image from NASA's Cassini mission showing Saturn's small moon Skathi. Credit: NASA/JPL-Caltech/Space Science Institute | › Full image and caption
Skathi was discovered on Sept. 23, 2000, by Brett J. Gladman, John J. Kavelaars, Jean-Marc Petit, Hans Scholl, Matthew J. Holman, Brian G. Marsden, Phillip D. Nicholson, and Joseph A. Burns using the 3.6-m Canada-France-Hawaii reflector on Mauna Kea, Hawaii, with adaptive optics. They discovered seven other Saturnian moons at the same time: Tarvos, Ijiraq, Thrymr, Siarnaq, Mundilfari, Erriapus, and Suttungr.
Skathi (formerly called Skadi) has a mean radius of 2.5 miles (4 kilometers), assuming an albedo (a measure of how reflective the surface is) of 0.06. It orbits Saturn at an inclination of about 151 degrees and an eccentricity of about 0.3. At a mean distance of 9.7 million miles (15.6 million kilometers) from Saturn, the moon takes about 728 Earth days to complete one orbit.
Skathi is a member of the Norse group of moons. These "irregular" moons have retrograde orbits around Saturn — traveling around in the opposite direction from the planet's rotation. Skathi and the other Norse moons also have eccentric orbits, meaning they are more elongated than circular.
Like Saturn's other irregular moons, Skathi is thought to be an object that was captured by Saturn's gravity, rather than having accreted from the dusty disk that surrounded the newly formed planet as the regular moons are thought to have done. Skathi appears to be a member of a subgroup that also includes Skoll, Hyrrokkin, S/2006 S1, Bergelmir, Farbauti, S/2006 S3, and Kari.
Skathi, and another member of the Norse group, Ymir, may be the sources of material that coats the dark side of Iapetus and, to a lesser extent, the surface of Hyperion.
How Skathi Got Its Name
Originally called S/2000 S8, Skathi was named for Skadi, a giantess in Norse mythology. Skadi donned armor and traveled to Asgard, home of the Norse gods, to avenge her father's death at their hands. However, she settled for an agreement that she could pick a husband from their ranks by inspecting only their feet, and that the gods would make her laugh. The latter was accomplished when Loki engaged in a tug of war with a goat, using a cord tied to the goat's beard and to a particularly sensitive part of Loki's anatomy.
Originally the name was spelled Skadi, but in 2005 International Astronomical Union changed the spelling to Skathi. The two versions are alternate transliterations of the Norse word, Skadi, with the letter D (eth).
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The Arecibo Message
The original Arecibo message was designed by Dr. Frank Drake, with the help of Dr. Carl Sagan and the Arecibo Observatory (AO) staff (previously named NAIC - National Astronomy and Ionosphere Center), and was sent out on Nov 16th, 1974, characterizing the most powerful (3x1012 W) broadcast ever beamed into the deep space at the time.
In the 1974 transmission, a set of one-s and zero-s were combined into the famous 1679-bit picture representing a message from Earth to our possible extraterrestrial neighbors, telling them our address in the Solar System and a little bit of our nature.
The Arecibo message was sent in the direction of the globular star cluster M13, in the Hercules constellation, hoping to be heard by any kind of intelligent civilization living in the edge of the Milky Way.
At that time, there was no knowledge about Exoplanetary systems (the first Exoplanet was discovered at Arecibo Observatory in 1992) and no debate about the possible risks of interestellar messaging. Moreover, today we are able to use our communication on social medias as an example of the impacts of sharing personal information without filtering the recipients.
Message Content
Numbers from 1 to 10 (white pixels): this shows how numbers are represented throughout the rest of the message. In all places where a number is shown, the pixels are colored white
Atoms (purple pixels): the atomic numbers (the number of protons, which uniquely identify each kind of atom) of hydrogen, carbon, nitrogen, oxygen, and phosphorus. These are the basic atoms needed for the biochemical description of life
Sugars and bases (green pixels): the chemical formulae, using the atoms described above, that are the sugars and bases that make up the nucleotides, the building blocks of DNA.
Double Helix (blue pixels): the DNA double helix; the number it winds around is the number of nucleotides in a strand of human DNA
Human Figure (red pixels): the DNA terminates on the organism it represents, the human figure. On the left is a bar and number representing the average height of a human (in wavelength = 1110x12.6=1.764m), and on the right is the total population of humans on Earth (4.29 bi in 1974)
Solar System Map (yellow pixels): a map of the solar system from where the message came; the third planet is offset toward the figure, indicating this is the organism that sent the message
Arecibo Telescope (purple pixels): a graphic of the telescope that sent the message, with a line and number underneath it telling how large it is: in wavelengths = 2430 x 12.6 ~ 300m.
The Arecibo message of November, 1974 The Arecibo message of November, 1974
Paper Abstract:
On November 16, 1974, the Arecibo Observatory transmitted at 2380 MHz at an effective bandwidth of 10 Hz a message directed at the globular cluster M13. The message consists of a 1679-bit picture portraying a counting scheme, five biologically significant atoms (H, C, O, N, and P), the genetic structure of the four purines and pyrimidine bases of DNA; a schematic of the DNA double helix with an order-of-magnitude estimate of the number of base pairs; a representation of a human being and his or her dimensions; a depiction of the solar system with an indication that human beings inhabit the third planet and an estimate of the human population of the Earth; and finally, a schematic representation of the Arecibo Observatory and a description of its dimensions. - Received 16 June 1975, Available online 26 October 2002 through Cornell University Library.
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Brahmanical Triad
Asian Art
The Hindu gods Brahma and Vishnu are depicted here flanking the god Shiva, who appears in the form of the lingam, his phallic emblem. The placement of the Shiva lingam in the center emphasizes the god’s importance. Shiva is a quintessentially masculine deity, symbolizing physical power, energy, and self-discipline. Despite Shiva’s defining role as Destroyer, however, he is also a physically powerful progenitor; the phallic symbol represents his ability to “inseminate” and provide the seeds for new creation. It is believed that the lingam offers a more evocative emblem of Shiva’s power than a figural representation of him could because human qualities would limit the viewer’s understanding of the god’s abstract yet generative potency.
MEDIUM Chlorite
• Place Made: Kashmir, India
• DATES early 8th century
DIMENSIONS 7 5/16 × 6 5/16 × 2 3/8 in. (18.5 × 16 × 6 cm) (show scale)
MUSEUM LOCATION This item is not on view
CREDIT LINE A. Augustus Healy Fund and Asian Art Acquisition Fund
RIGHTS STATEMENT Creative Commons-BY
CAPTION Brahmanical Triad, early 8th century. Chlorite, 7 5/16 × 6 5/16 × 2 3/8 in. (18.5 × 16 × 6 cm). Brooklyn Museum, A. Augustus Healy Fund and Asian Art Acquisition Fund, 78.209. Creative Commons-BY (Photo: Brooklyn Museum, 78.209_SL1.jpg)
IMAGE overall, 78.209_SL1.jpg. Brooklyn Museum photograph
CATALOGUE DESCRIPTION Brahma and Vishnu with personified attributes flank Shiva in lingam form. Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva constitute the principle deities of Brahmanism. Traditionally, Brahma is considered to be the Creator, Vishnu the Preserver, and Shiva the Destroyer. Here, at left, the four-armed Brahma is shown as an ascetic Brahmin priest with matted locks and large hoop earrings, wearing monastic robes and carrying a staff and water pot in his left hands. Two geese are shown at his feet. At the center is a lingam, the phallic symbol of Shiva. To the right, stands four-armed Vishnu, accompanied by his personified attributes: the female to the right symbolizing the mace and the male to this left representing the wheel of law. He also carries the conch and lotus in his upper hands. A miniscule image of an earth goddess is shown between his feet. Condition: The surface is abraded along the edges of the relief, but generally it remains in fine condition. The face of the left figure and his two left hands are void and the front of the lingam is rubbed. The top of the relief has been worn unevenly as is the base on which the deities stand, but there are no recent breaks or abrasions.
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Tectonic development associated with the East Coast of Canada
The East Coast of Canada is usually split into three areas: the Nova Scotian margin within the south, the Newfoundland margin at the heart and eastern, while the Labrador margin within the north (Figure 1). These margins formed in the past 200 million years since the supercontinent of Pangea rifted apart, first as North America separated from Africa after which because it separated from European countries and Greenland (Figure 2). These episodes of rifting thinned and heated the continental crust and lithosphere, which in turn subsided to make a complex pair free teenchat of marginal basins. Huge amounts of sediment have actually since accumulated within these basins and created sources and traps for hydrocarbon deposits. Exploration task to get and exploit these resources, mainly from seismic pages and boreholes of history three decades, has lead to the current creation of oil off Newfoundland and gasoline off Nova Scotia. Exploration tasks of both commercial and medical activities have additionally yielded a wealth of fundamental information which includes significantly enhanced our comprehension of might procedures of lithospheric expansion and continental rifting that have actually created these margins and their hydrocarbon resources.
Figure 1. Map of Eastern Canada with places of Nova Scotian, Newfoundland and Labrador margin that is continental. (continue reading…)
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Quick facts
Common name: whitethroat, common whitethroat
Scientific name: Sylvia communis
Family: Sylviidae
Habitat: scrub, farmland, wetland
Diet: insects and invertebrates, fruit
Predators: birds of prey, predatory mammals
Origin: native
What do whitethroats look like?
As the name suggests, a clear white throat is the key distinguishing feature of this otherwise grey-brown bird. Males have a grey head and a more prominent throat patch than females, which have a brownish head.
Whitethroats are roughly the size of a great tit and have a long, flicking tail. Not to be confused with the lesser whitethroat, which is smaller, much less common and has dark cheek feathers.
Credit: John Bridges / WTML
What do whitethroats eat?
Insects and invertebrates are the main food source for whitethroats. It will forage in low vegetation, snatching any bugs, beetles and other minibeasts it comes across. Berries and other soft fruit may also be taken if available.
Did you know?
Whitethroats typically live for just two years, but the oldest bird recorded in the UK was nearly eight years old.
How do whitethroats breed?
A nest is constructed within the cover of bushes, shrubs and other lower vegetation. Typically, four to five eggs are laid between May and July. The chicks will hatch after around two weeks and first leave the nest after roughly 14 days.
Credit: John Bridges / WTML
Do whitethroats migrate?
Whitethroats are summer migrants to the UK, flying all the way from sub-Saharan Africa and Asia to breed here. The first birds tend to arrive in April, with the last leaving by early October.
It's possible that the behaviour of migratory birds like whitethroats is being affected by climate change. You can help us monitor this impact by recording when you first see a whitethroat on our Nature's Calendar website.
Did you know?
A drought in the western Sahel region of Africa in 1968 caused a 90% drop in the number of whitethroats breeding in the UK. Numbers are yet to fully recover from this crash according to the British Trust for Ornithology.
Where do whitethroats live?
Whitethroats are typically found in open habitats with plenty of low vegetation like scrubs, bushes and brambles. They are common in hedgerows and may occasionally nest in woodland edges. The species occurs throughout the UK.
Credit: John Bridges / WTML
Signs and spotting tips
Look out for whitethroats in suitable habitat from mid-April onwards. Males often perch conspicuously on the top of a bush while singing. The song has a distinctive 'scratchy' sound.
Whitethroat song
Audio: Andrew Harrop / xeno-canto.org
Threats and conservation
Around 1.1 million pairs of whitethroats are thought to breed in the UK each summer. Numbers have been growing in recent decades, with a 30% rise estimated between 1995 and 2015.
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Inhabiting the Batanes, a chain of small islands at the northernmost point of the Philippines, were the Ivatans. Of the island chains, only three islands were inhabited: Batan, Itbayat, and Sabtang. The Ivatans of today are considered to be the Christianized surviving group of the ancient people who once inhabited all the islands of Luzon and Taiwan. The ancients spoke a language, Chirin nu Ibatan, or simply Ivatan; an Austronesian language spoken exclusively in the Batanes Islands was characterized by the dominant use of the letter “v”, as in valuga, vakul, and vanuwa. In addition, each Ivatan dialect was unique to a specifc island: The Northern dialect spoken in Basco, the capitol; Itbayat in Itbayat Island; and Southern Sabtang in Sabtang Island.
Culturally, the Ivatans have been influenced by the climate of Batanes – often times, exposed to high risks of agricultural disruption, they adopted strategies that ensured their survival. Due to the frequency of typhoons and drought, they planted root crops that were more resilient to the destructive forces of the environment; these include yam, sweet potato, taro, garlic, ginger, and onion. In addition, the Ivatans possessed a unique skill to predict weather, namely thru the study of animal behavior, sky color, wind, and clouds. For example, upon seeing their livestock take shelter, they too sought shelter. Although abundant exclusively in the months of March to May, the Ivatans also depend on the flying fish, dibang, and dolphinfish, aravu, that are present on the shores of Batanes. Unique to their culture is their stone houses adopted from the Spaniards and made of limestone; the walls were as thick as one-meter and able to withstand the terminal passage of typhoons in the Philippines. The roofs, on the other hand, retained the traditional thick-fabrication of cogon grass designed to weather the buffeting winds. The vakul, a traditional headgear designed to shield the wearer from the sun and rain, is another cultural feature unique to the Ivatans.
Absolute Astronomy, http://www.absoluteastronomy.com/topics/Ivatan_people
Ivatan, http://litera1no4.tripod.com/ivatan_frame.html
Hidalgo, Cesar A. The Making of the Ivatans, The Cultural History of Batanes. Cognita TRC. Pasig, Manila. 1996.
Photo of the Week
People visit Andres Bonifacio Monument in Manila
Keeping a safe distance: People waiting in line in front of a supermarket in Quezon City
For Questions and Comments send us an email.
World Connections
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Henry IV, Part 1
William Shakespeare
Main Ideas
Main Ideas Motifs
1 Henry IV explores many different sides of a few major themes. Its primary technique for this multifaceted exploration is one of simple contrast. The differences between Harry and Hotspur make a statement on different perceptions of honor, just as the differences between the Boar’s Head Tavern and the royal palace make a statement on the breadth of England’s class differences. In utilizing contrast as a major thematic device, the play creates a motif of doubles, in which characters, actions, and scenes are often repeated in varied form throughout the play. For instance, Falstaff and the king act as doubles in that both are father figures for Harry. Harry and Hotspur act as doubles in that both are potential successors to Henry IV. Falstaff’s comical robbery in Act II, scene ii serves as a kind of lower-class double to the nobles’ Battle of Shrewsbury, exploring the consequences of rebellion against the law.
British Cultures
As befits the play’s general multiplicity of ideas, Shakespeare is preoccupied throughout much of 1 Henry IV with the contrasts and relationships of the different cultures native to the British Isles and united under the rule of the king. Accents, folk traditions, and geographies are discussed and analyzed, particularly through the use of Welsh characters such as Glyndwr and Scottish characters such as the Douglas. Shakespeare also rehearses the various stereotypes surrounding each character type, portraying Glyndwr as an ominous magician and the Douglas as a hotheaded warrior.
A strong current of magic runs throughout the play, which is primarily a result of the inclusion of the wizardly Glyndwr. Magic has very little to do with the plot, but it is discussed by different characters with uncommon frequency throughout the play. As with the subject of honor, a character’s opinion about the existence of magic tends to say more about the character than it does about the subject itself. The pragmatic and overconfident Hotspur, for instance, expresses contempt for belief in the black arts, repeatedly mocking Glyndwr for claiming to have magical powers. The sensuous and narcissistic Glyndwr, by contrast, seems to give full credence to the idea of magic and to the idea that he is a magician—credence that says more about Glyndwr’s own propensity for self-aggrandizement than about the reality of magic itself.
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Science is a Process, not an Object.
Honors Chemistry
Blog Entries
Practice Problems
Example 1
The sodium chloride lattice enthalpy is ΔH for NaCl
→→ Na+ + Cl is 700 kJ/mol. To make 1M NaCl the solution heat is +5.0kJ/mol. Determine the heat of hydration of Na+ and Cl-, where the heat of hydration of Cl- is -300kJ/mol.
Given data
Lattice energy = 700 kJ/mol
Heat of solution = 5.0kJ/mol
Heat of hydration of Cl
= -300kJ/mol
Here is a link to a
"chemlibre" page on enthalpy of solution with a problem or two.
MathJax Font
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"url": "http://docpelletier.com/HonorsChem/?post=practice-problems"
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What is Rubinstein-Taybi Syndrome
Rubinstein-Taybi Syndrome, read this article otherwise known as Rubinstein’s Palsy, is a disease that affects the muscles of the hands and feet. It is normally caused by rubella virus (also known as German measles) but can occur due to other viruses and bacteria as well.
Rubinstein-Taybi Syndrome occurs due to the breakdown in the motor nerves in the body of Rubinstein’s palsy. Rubinstein’s palsy is caused by weakness in the muscles in the legs and arms and the main symptoms of Rubinstein’s Palsy include loss of appetite and weight loss, difficulty in walking, swallowing, breathing, moving of extremities, and excessive sweating. These symptoms appear after a specific period of time after exposure to rubella virus.
Rubinstein’s palsy affects the limbs only in the upper body; the legs and feet are unaffected. The condition of the limbs may vary from one patient to another. Rubinstein’s Palsy is very rare, affecting only about one to three cases out of every hundred million cases of rubella. However, it is not fatal, though there is a possibility of permanent paralysis.
Rubinstein’s Palsy is treated using drugs that help reduce the muscle weakness, and in some cases, it is also used to reduce inflammation of the muscles. This form of treatment is known as neurosurgery and its success depends largely on how well the patient responds to the drugs.
Rubinstein’s Palsy was once thought to be the result of rubella infection but now it is known to be caused by rubella virus and other viruses and bacteria that can cause this condition. In most patients, treatment with drugs is effective; the symptoms can be relieved within a few months of starting the treatment. However, in some patients, the effects of drugs may not be long lasting.
Rubinstein-Taybi Syndrome is a condition that needs to be diagnosed immediately before it causes permanent damage to the body. If left untreated, it can lead to irreversible damage to the body.
Rubinstein-Taybi Syndrome can be avoided if children are properly immunized against rubella and the parents of infants are aware of the risk factors associated with rubella. Prevention is better than cure and this is especially important for young children. Parents should also make sure that their babies have proper health care, immunizations, a healthy diet, regular checkups and regular physical examinations.
Rubinstein-Taybi Syndrome is diagnosed based on a complete medical history. Diagnosis is usually done through an examination of the child’s spleen and testicular fluid and X-rays of the brain and spinal cord. If the condition is not detected at an early stage, it is easy to treat but if it is detected in its early stages, treatment can have a lot of benefits.
Rubinstein-Taybi Syndrome is a serious medical condition and requires immediate medical attention to prevent complications. Children affected with this condition need to be monitored closely to monitor the development of the child’s immune system, if they develop any infections or suffer from complications like infections and deformities.
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"url": "http://www.insectsinternational.com/what-is-rubinstein-taybi-syndrome/"
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Raven skull carvings
In Greek mythology, ravens are associated with Apollo, the god of prophecy. They are said to be a symbol of good luck, and were the god's messengers in the mortal world. According to the mythological narration, Apollo sent a white raven, or crow in some versions to spy on his lover, Coronis. Raven is the messenger of the Sun Gods, both Helios and Apollo.
The pagan Danes and Vikings used the raven banner on their ships, in Odin's honor. These flags, usually sewn by the daughters of great warriors and kings, were tokens of luck on their voyages. Houses where ravens nested were also thought to be lucky.
Odin had two ravens - Huginn (thought) and Muninn (memory) who flew about the world, delivering messages, gathering knowledge and reporting back to him. One of Odin's many titles is Hrafna-Gud, the God of the Ravens. Odin's daughters, the warlike Valkyres, were sometimes said to take the shape of ravens.
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"url": "https://aristia.co.uk/crystals/crystals-o-p-q-r/raven-skull-carvings/"
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Why Do We Sing Shanties?
Sea shanties are work songs that helped sailors pull together. They also helped keep up the spirits of the men, particularly after hours of hard work. This movie shows how coordinating pulling makes for more effective work, and it notes that shanties help coordinate pulling by providing a rhythm. We are assisted in this movie by the second graders of Lincolnville Central School. Thanks!
Hauling up the Halyard Demonstration
Hauling up the yard with the halyard took a lot of strength and coordination on a large sailing ship. To help get everyone to haul together, sailors used sea shanties, or work songs of the sea. We demonstrate on Penobscot Marine Museum's Yard-in-the-Yard demonstration model how to raise the sail with the yard to which it is attached. We are assisted by the second grade class at Lincolnville Central School. Thanks!
Furling Sail, Yard in the Yard at Penobscot Marine Museum
Furling a square sail on Penobscot Marine Museum's Yard-in-the-Yard demonstration model and tying a gasket.
Working a Capstan Demonstration
We demonstrate how a capstan works pulling up an anchor or hauling in any other line. The Hyde Windlass Company capstan at Penobscot Marine Museum is similar to that used on many Down Easters in the late nineteenth century.
Five Bells Ringing
The sound of five bells on a ship's clock goes: ding-ding, ding-ding, ding.
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Ancient people discovered cotton 34 thousand years ago
Ancient people discovered cotton 34 thousand years ago
Cotton came into use by the ancient people and had become a part of their everyday life from around 34 thousand years ago.
This could prove to scientists under the leadership of Professor Bar-Joseph of Harvard University after the survey of the cave Dzudzuana in Georgia was revealed.
The cave is known to archaeologists because it is one of the most preserved places in the world, and inhabited by ancient people.
They are "tame" for embroidery cotton and isolation of their clothes to make thread or the strengthening of leather bags.
"We tried to determine exactly when the cave was inhabited, how its inhabitants lived, what tools are hunted and how they use the hunting trophies such as bones and horns of animals. 'Discovered was the oldest known evidence of the use of cotton yarn from people', said Bar-Joseph to the magazine Science.
Finding Kvavadze Ellis from the National Museum in Tbilisi, Georgia, participating in the expedition. With a microscope Ellis found in the cave plenty of cotton fibers with a length of ten microns to one millimeter. Some of the fibers may have been decorated with natural dyes.
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"url": "https://mysteries24.com/n3-4594-Ancient_people_discovered_cotton_34_thousand_years_ago"
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The Miwok The word Miwok means “people” in their native language (a branch of the Penutian language family). Like the Wappo and the Pomo they lived in small bands, without a centralized political authority. They were hunter-gatherers and fishers, eating meals according to appetite and enjoying a leisurely life.
The Miwok enjoyed organized athletic games, had domestic dogs as pets, and cultivated tobacco. These were the people that met with Sir Francis Drake for several days in 1579, when he claimed California for England. Chaplain Fletcher, who was with that expedition, wrote: “They are of a free and loving nature, without guile or treachery.”
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"url": "https://www.glenellenhistoricalsociety.org/the-miwok/"
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John P.Reid
In a Defiant Stance
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The minimum of violence accompanying the success of the American Revolution resulted in large part, argues this book, from the conditions of law the British allowed in the American colonies. By contrast, Ireland's struggle for independence was prolonged, bloody, and bitter largely because of the repressive conditions of law imposed by Britain.
Examining the most rebellious American colony, Massachusetts Bay, Professor Reid finds that law was locally controlled while imperial law was almost nonexistent as an influence on the daily lives of individuals. In Ireland the same English common law, because of imperial control of legal machinery, produced an opposite result. The Irish were forced to resort to secret, underground violence.
The author examines various Massachusetts Bay institutions to show the consequences of whig party control, in contrast to the situation in 18th-century Ireland. A general conclusion is that law, the conditions of positive law, and the matter of who controls the law may have more significant effects on the course of events than is generally assumed.
This book is currently unavailable
434 printed pages
Original publication
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History & references
From the summer of 1940 until the autumn of 1944, Switzerland was surrounded by the Axis powers and was particularly threatened by the Third Reich, who would have eventually included them in its “New Order”. Taken aback after the lightening defeat of France, Switzerland organised itself around its “national redoubt”; Fort Chillon was the Western gateway.
The history of the Second World war will never be an easy subject to broach, as an analysis made 10 years after the Bergier Report said:” Perceptions have become so polarized that two very different stories are told, and both have found their audience. One evokes a Switzerland and its highly developed industry and its close association with the Axis powers. The other highlights the will of a people to defend itself and the political, social and cultural independence of a small neutral state. Separating the two interpretations of history reveals two opposing myths; a business orientated and immoral Switzerland verses a brilliant Switzerland with a successful survival strategy” (Source: Memorado.ch.The Bergier report 10 years later)
During the period 39 – 45, four main actors came together to communicate and interact both inside and outside the country.
• The Federal council
The Federal council received the right to full authority from both chambers on August 30, 1939 and ruled the country without referring to any other governing body during the war period.
• Le Général Guisan
The two chambers almost unanimously elected General Guisan on the same day (204 votes out of 229). He was omnipresent both among the troops and the civilian population and became immensely popular.
• Finance
The National Bank, public and private banking, insurance, law firms and fiduciaries.
• The economy
The Vorort, heavy and precision industries continued to develop their exploitations.
The Bergier report only dealt in depth with the attitude of the Federal council with regards to the asylum and repression policy, the role of the economy and forced labour in the subsidiaries of Swiss companies in Germany, train transit
and the SNB’s gold and dormant funds. They drew the appropriate conclusions by publishing evidence of events. However, military threat or Switzerland’s role as an intelligence hub were never discussed.
On the other hand, the Army, with its strategy of national redoubt and led by a charismatic general remained almost unchallenged until the end of the Cold War
Switzerland avoided invasion with its National redoubt strategy. Was it a bluff or the reality? Why not both?
Anyway, the stage was set and the myth was born. General Guisan made a success by playing his “joker card” and thus made his mark in history.
The “redoubt” remained the common thread running through the strategy of the Swiss army until the end of the Cold war. The Redoubt has become a part of Switzerland’s DNA; Do the Swiss not build fallout shelters in their our own homes?
Vigilant Switzerland (Film shown at EXPO64)
An overview of the Swiss army (youtube)
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King Charles II
King Charles II King Charles II
King Charles II was considered a gambling man, not only in card games but in the moves he made to restore the English Monarchy. Born on the 29 May 1630 and referred to as the “Merry King’. In 1679 Charles II dissolved Parliament as he was tired of conflict and ruled alone for his remaining years and his years of reign in English history are known as the Restoration period.
This beguiling Ruler had his childhood ripped away from him by the Civil War, and the execution of his father in 1649 shattered his world.
King Charles II Favourite Form of Gambling
King Charles II considered himself a somewhat professional Jockey. He was obsessed with sport and placing bets on horse racing. He even built a palace for his convenience at Newmarket, the racecourse he frequented. Today Newmarket is considered the headquarters of British Horseracing and hosts two of England’s five Classic Races, the 1000 and the 2000 Guineas.
Gambling was so popular amongst British Royalty that King Charles II and many other Monarchs had their own personal croupier named Sir Thomas Neale. He provided royalty with cards, dice and would oversee the bets and payouts between Kings and their subjects. He also found opponents for the King that were more than willing to lose, which kept The King happy and entertained continuously.
Gambling during this era:
The aristocracy believed gambling set a bad precedent and did not want the lower class to come into wealth. Particularly not via this channel and King Charles II shut down all gambling dens throughout London. Furthermore, he ensured the commoners had no access to any form of gambling. The Monarchy also thought such activities disrupted society and distracted them from working. Only members of the Royal Court were allowed to gamble.
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Real(ly) Numbers
Overturning Fracsum
Building Tetrahedra
Leonardo's Problem
Age 14 to 18
Challenge Level
Three people (Alan, Ben and Chris), collectively own a certain number of gold coins. Respectively they own a half, one third and one sixth of the total number.
All the coins were piled on a table and each of them grabbed a part of the pile so that none were left.
After a short time:
Alan returned half of the coins that he had taken.
Ben returned a third of the coins that he had taken.
Chris returned one sixth of the coins that she had taken.
Finally each of the three got an equal share of the amount that had been returned to the table.
Surprisingly, each person had exactly the number of coins that really belonged to them.
What is the smallest number of coins that this strange transaction will work for?
How much did each person grab from the pile?
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"language_score": 0.9619410634040833,
"url": "https://nrich.maths.org/1941"
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Drought vs Deluge – How Will Grasslands Cope with Climate Change?
1. Drought and diversity in the UK (DIRECT)
2. Rainfall extremes (DRI-grass)
3. Elevated CO2 impacts on forest nutrient cycling (EucFACE)
Figure 1. Plant traits selection for the DIRECT experiment
Image: Grantham Institute, Imperial College London (4).
• Current levels;
• Prolonged drought – 30% drop in rainfall; and
Learn more:
Weaker Mussels in Warm Water?
You’d be forgiven for thinking that mussels attach to rocks and other substrates using a muscular foot. After all, that’s what their name implies. But mussels actually hang on using byssal threads – small fibres constructed by the mussel that are very strong while also being highly flexible.
MusselFoot300x267Researchers at the University of Washington are looking at the impacts of environmental conditions on the strength of byssal threads. They found the strength and flexibility of the threads varies with temperature and ocean pH, which could have far reaching consequences in the not too distant future.
Mussel foot (right) and byssal thread (left). Photo: Laura Coutts
The researchers compared the strength of byssal threads at 10oC and 25oC. In warmer water the mussels produced fewer threads and those that were produced were weaker than the corresponding threads created in cooler conditions. These changes were seen even as a result of short-term variations in temperature.
The warming of the ocean due to climate change could impact mussel populations by reducing their attachment strength. They may not be able to hold on as tightly to the substrate and could be washed away by waves and currents. Existing sites may no longer be habitable by mussels and there could be increased mortality if feeding is impacted by the inability to remain attached to the substrate.
Byssus threads 300x271When these temperature impacts are combined with other environmental stressors, such as ocean acidification and a change in the frequency and intensity of storms, mussels could be detrimentally affected. Mussels have a larval stage at the beginning of their life cycle, so the colonisation of cooler and calmer environments is theoretically possible.
Mussels attaching to substrate using byssal threads. Photo: Emily Carrington
Mussel migration due to changes in ocean temperature has the potential to dramatically impact intertidal ecosystem composition and dynamics. Changes in water temperature and mussel attachment strength will also have ramifications for the aquaculture industry as mussel attachment to ropes is important for productive mussel farming.
The mussel species in these experiments was Mytilus trossulus which lives mainly in the intertidal zone of the northern Pacific Ocean. Mussels are also found in warmer environments around the world, but these findings seem to imply that they may not be able to hang on to the substrate in turbulent conditions as well as their counterparts in cooler environments.
Maybe mussels in warmer environments may be more successful in habitats with calmer conditions? It would be interesting to extend these experiments to warmer conditions and possibly freshwater mussels to see if the same limitations apply to their byssal threads.
To find out more:
Newcomb LA, Carrington E, George MN & O’Donnell MJ (2014). Short−term exposure to elevated temperature and low pH alters mussel attachment strength. Abstract of presentation to The Society of Integrative & Comparative Biology, Austin, Texas, 3-7 January.
O’Donnell MJ, George MN & Carrington E (2013). Mussel Byssus Attachment Weakened by Ocean Acidification. Nature Climate Change. doi: 10.1038/nclimate1846.
Hear Professor Emily Carrington discussing this research and Professor Phillip Messersmith talking about the applications of mussel attachment for medical research on the ‘The Science Show’ Radio National podcast here.
Unrealistic current estimates of climate change mitigation?
Current energy and climate policies around the world aim to deliver climate change mitigation in order to limit global warming to 2 degrees above pre-industrial levels. The backbone of this policy is that this mitigation will be delivered by increased energy efficiency and ‘clean’ energy technology. The underlying force of increased energy consumption is being driven by larger populations with more resource intensive lifestyles.
Image courtesy of digitalart at freedigitalphotos.net
Arvesen, Bright and Hertwich (2011) argue that the current policies are based on simplified models of complex social and physical systems that don’t include links between climate and other environmental pressures or the indirect effects of the mitigation measures themselves. Using a narrow view of systems and mitigation effects means environmental impacts can be underestimated and mitigation success can be overestimated.
The Copenhagen Accord national emissions-reduction pledges are not sufficient for global warming to be limited to 2 degrees, especially in the face of lopsided CO2 emissions for 2000-2009 (321 Gt emitted out of 1000 Gt goal for 2000-2049). Of great concern is the speed of climate change and combined with the disregard of long term feedbacks the modelled amount of climate change mitigation may be grossly overestimated. In addition there are many other environmental factors, such as habitat change and loss of biodiversity, which could impact on the rate of climate change.
The authors examine six areas they believe are not sufficiently considered in the development of energy and climate policy:
1. Transitioning to ‘clean’ energy supply will reduce climate impacts
Even though there is no fossil fuel combustion in the operation of energy converters (e.g. photovoltaic solar cells converting solar energy into electricity) emissions still occur in processes that support these ‘clean’ technologies, such as the manufacturing of solar cells.
2. Realised net climate change mitigation from energy efficiency is unlikely to live up to its expectations
Negative costs – modelling often shows that negative costs are associated with reducing emissions, but individual end consumers can often be faced with real costs even if the modelling shows this is not the case in aggregate.
Rebound effects – the reduction in the price of energy from increased efficiency may not reduce the amount of energy consumed as the lower price may result in increased demand and/or the income available for consumption may increase.
Image courtesy of ponsulak at freedigitalphotos.net
3. Developing fossil energy with carbon capture and storage (CCS) and renewable energy in parallel may lower system-wide performance
Technological, institutional or social factors can hinder the implementation of greenhouse gas saving mechanisms, leading to the continuation of fossil fuel dependence.
4. The notion of absolute decoupling is not supported by historical records (absolute decrease in environmental impact as income grows).
5. Linkages between environmental pressures are likely to complicate mitigation
Biophysical and social systems are highly complex (so much so that a large portion of the complexity is not understood) so models of their function don’t encompass all of the complexity. A risk of this reduction in complexity is that interactions that aren’t modelled could lead to unforseen impacts. This could lead to problem shifting (generating a problem while solving another) and/or the hindering of solutions to overcome a biophysical limit by other physical constraints.
6. Future demands for energy services may be underestimated
Current energy models account for upscaling demand in existing categories of energy consumption, but not new categories of demand that may arise. There may also be unexpected growth in existing areas of energy demand (e.g. energy for pumping, treatment and desalination of water).
In this paper Arvesen, Bright and Hertwich dispute the idea that energy efficiency and ‘clean’ energy technologies (without social and economic structural changes) can produce the amount of climate change mitigation necessary to limit global warming to 2 degrees. The complexity of environmental and social systems doesn’t seem to be taken into account in the principles underlying energy and climate policy. Combining this complexity and other impacts on climate change could lead to unforeseen consequences for energy consumption and global warming in the future.
Read more:
Arvesen A, Bright RM, Hertwich EG (2011) Considering only first-order effects? How simplifications lead to unrealistic technology optimism in climate change mitigation. Energy Policy, 39, 7448-7454.
Travelling geckos – coping with climate change
Researchers from Macquarie University have been studying geckos (Gehyra variegata) in arid areas of Australia to determine the impacts of climate change and the possible responses of gecko populations.
The pace of the change in climate expected over the next 70 years is greater than any other change in climate in human history. Even with effective climate policy and major changes in greenhouse gas emissions the world over there is still a significant possibility of exceeding a 2 degree temperature increase that will have major negative impact on ecosystems.
Increases in global average temperature, changes in rainfall patterns and more extreme events (such as drought, fire, flood and cyclones) are the major factors that all organisms on earth potentially have to face. Each of these factors will have differing levels of impacts so the actual changes in climate and ecosystems will differ between areas.
Animals have an advantage over plants when it comes to adapting to and coping with climate change as they can move to new areas. To achieve a 1 degree temperature change an animal needs to move 100m upwards in altitude or 125km south (in the southern hemisphere or north in the northern hemisphere). This means that to combat a 2 degree temperature rise a shift of 250km would be required if a mountainous habitat was not suitable or available (and Australia is a very flat country – 99% percent of the continent is <1000m above sea level).
Paul Duckett and other scientists from Macquarie University used models to identify suitable habitats for the geckos and what proportion would make it to these new habitats. A startling conclusion they came to was that although there are places for the geckos to move to which would mitigate the effects of climate change the problem would be in them actually getting there.
Gehyra variegata – Sturt National Park NSW Australia (Wikipedia)
The modeling showed that over 40% of the gecko populations would not reach suitable areas before climate change has negative impacts on the populations, such as small population sizes and the associated genetic consequences. There are also suitable areas to colonise that won’t be used as the geckos won’t be able to migrate that far within the time span of the change in climate.
As the data used in these models is based on past conditions it is possible that the rates of gecko dispersal may differ from the model under actual climate change conditions. For example, the geckos in the past may have dispersed under specific rainfall and aridity conditions, but these may not be the same conditions under which the geckos will disperse in times of climate change as the Australian continent is expected to experience increasing aridity. In addition the predicted future distribution of these geckos is expected to overlap with areas utilised by humans, so fragmented environments may have additional impacts on the persistance of gecko populations.
And even if the geckos do make it to their new and suitable habitats far to the south of their current locations what is the chance that their food source also made the journey successfully?
Read more:
Duckett PE, Wilson PD, Stow AJ (2013). Keeping up with the neighbours: using a genetic measurement of dispersal and species distribution modelling to assess the impact of climate change on an Australian arid zone gecko (Gehyra variegata). Diversity and Distributions, DOI: 10.1111/ddi.12071
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Deixis and its Different types
• Categories English Lesson
• Total Enrolled 0
• Last Update February 22, 2021
Deixis in Pragmatics
Deictic Words:
Words or phrases that require contextual information to convey meaning are deictic. (Levinson, 1983:54)
A word that depends on deictic indicators is called a deictic word,
and is bound to a context. Hence, words that are deictic hold a denotational meaning which varies depending on time and/or place, and a fixed semantic meaning (Levinson, 1983). Deictic terms are words whose meaning shifts depending on the point of view of the speaker.
Kinds of Deixis:
1. Spatial Deixis (here, there)
2. Temporal Deixis (now, then, tense)
3. Person Deixis (pro-nominals)
4. Discourse Deixis (co-reference or reference to prior talk)
5. Social Deixis (honorification and any indicators of social identity or status relations among participants and contexts).
1. Spatial Deixis:
The most salient English examples are the adverbs “here” and “there” and the demonstratives “this” and “that”, e.g.:
I enjoy living in this mountain house
Where we will place the statue
she was sitting over there.
2. Temporal Deixis:
Time, or temporal, deixis concerns itself with the various times involved in and referred to in an utterance.
This includes time adverbs, e.g. “Now”, “then”, “soon”, etc. And also different tenses
example: tomorrow denotes the consecutive next day after every day. The “tomorrow” of a day last year was a different day from the “tomorrow” of a day next week.
3.Person Deixis:
The first and second person pronouns I, me, my, mine, we, us, our, you, your, yours are always deictic because their reference is entirely dependent on context. Bear in mind that e.g. in a conversation each person shifts from being ‘I to being ‘you’ constantly.
4. Discourse Deixis:
Discourse deixis, also referred to as text deixis, refers to the use of expressions within an utterance to refer to parts of the discourse that contain the utterance — including the utterance itself: e.g. This is a great story.
5. Social Deixis:
Concerns the social information that is encoded within various expressions, such as relative social status and familiarity.
Two major forms of it are the so-called T–V distinctions and honorifics.
T–V distinctions, named for the Latin “tu” and “vos” – the name given to the phenomenon when a language has two different second-person pronouns.
The varying usage of these pronouns indicates something about
between the interactants, e.g. the T form might be used when speaking to a friend or social equal, whereas the V form would be used speaking to a stranger or social superior – common in European languages.
About the instructor
Waseem Ahmad
Lecturer in English at UCMS
3.76 (46 ratings)
12 Courses
138 students
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I was reading this question
Why do mammalian red blood cells lack a nucleus?
According to my understanding, a nucleus is the cell's control center (like the brain). All the functions in the cell are carried out according to the nucleus's command.
Then how can a red cell survive without a nucleus? Why does it still perform all the functions correctly without the nucleus?
• $\begingroup$ I think the loss of nucleous renders the structural protein synthesis of Rbcs but their further survial depends upon the ir initial metabolic process which help them to survive till their periods. $\endgroup$ – Nadeem mushtaq Mar 13 at 10:47
As explained in the previous answer, the RBC loses its nucleus only at maturity. The nucleus contains the DNA and which can in turn produce protein. No nucleus means - no protein/ mRNA synthesis. Also, obviously, the cell loses its capability to divide.
Hemoglobin too is a protein. Knowing that it would lose its nucleus, hemoglobin is synthesized in the precursor stages of RBC. A mature RBC can not synthesize new Hb. Hence, the RBC keeps ready its store of enzymes and structural proteins (not only Hb, all proteins it would need for normal functioning) since it can not form new stuff once it has lost its nuclues.
The lack of a nucleus also limits the cell's repair capabilities. So human RBCs are cleared from circulation once they are about 4 months old. Damage (mostly from oxidative stress) to their structural proteins leads to loss in membrane flexibility. Since, the RBC can't replace the stuff, it gets gulped in by macrophages.
It is not surprising that the cell doesn't have a nucleus. The loss of a nucleus renders it better oxygen carrying capability. Even platelets donot have a nucleus. There too, enzymes are prepared and stored beforehand.
Hope that helps!
• $\begingroup$ Probably worth mentioning that RBCs don't hang around that long - about four months in adults. $\endgroup$ – arboviral Jul 20 '16 at 15:53
• $\begingroup$ @arboviral, I thought so, but then, there are WBCs too which last for just a week! But I'll add in something like that! $\endgroup$ – Polisetty Jul 20 '16 at 15:55
• $\begingroup$ True - I guess 'not that long' is subjective... $\endgroup$ – arboviral Jul 20 '16 at 15:57
• 1
$\begingroup$ @Adi Technically yes. At least for cells like RBCs which can be thought of just as a truck carrying around oxygen. For other cells, which need to perform more complex functions and modify their protein synthesis in response to stimuli/hormones, the nucleus is required. And since almost all cells do, RBCs and platelets are considered an exception. $\endgroup$ – Polisetty Jul 20 '16 at 16:02
• 3
$\begingroup$ "No nucleus means no protein/mRNA synthesis." Just a technical note: this is not generalizable. No nucleus means no transcription, but translation of (e.g. stored or previously made) mRNA can occur, and this happens elsewhere. RBCs actually lose their ribosomes (translation machinery) later than their nuclei (when they are reticulocytes), and only completely mature RBCs lack both. This suggests that translation, especially of hemoglobin subunits, might be occuring after denucleation - which makes logical sense. $\endgroup$ – S Pr Mar 12 '19 at 12:52
Your Answer
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The Makonde Tribe
The Makonde are known worldwide for their artistic abilities. They are known as "the master carvers" throughout East Africa, and their artworks are sold to art collectors and in museums alike. They are especially known for their meticulous wood carving skills, designing each wood piece with a unique flair. They reside in what is now southeast Tanzania and northern Mozambique.
It is believed by most historians that the Makonde migrated to their current location in the 1700s and 1800s from the Ndonde area of northern Mozambique. By 1800, the Portuguese noted that the Mueda Plateau was being populated by Makonde. There are likely health reasons that led the Makonde to settle on the plateau, such as malaria, flooding, and animal attacks.
During WWI, the British took Tanzania, then called German East Africa, and renamed it Tanganika. The Makonde also resisted British rule by not paying taxes or obeying their rulers. Famine struck in 1915 during the war. Many Makonde peoples died when they were struck by small pox and the Spanish Flu.
Another impactful event experienced by the Makonde is the Groundnut Scheme of 1947. A British official decided to mass produce peanuts in Tanzania to feed into the oil market in Britain. Many Makonde people were recruited to work on this project; they benefited some from the wages but there was drawback in crimes. They continued resistance (mostly non-violent) to British rule until Tanzania’s independence in 1964.
The Makonde are a matrilineal society. Because of this, men live in the village of their wife’s family. Many men have several wives and this causes them to move between different villages. However, Makonde culture is increasingly male dominated as they have become wage earners. This change has lessened the balance of power and caused, among other things, women to move to the villages of the men.
Sold Out
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A Summary of Hinges and Their Types
An aircraft hinge is a mechanical bearing device used to connect two parts and allow them to rotate relative to one another along a fixed axis. Depending on the hinge’s type, its components can move either within a limited arc or with complete 360° freedom. Hinges are used in a broad range of applications such as doors, gates, window shutters, lids, and more. Because they are used in so many different areas, there are a wide range of types of hinges available. This blog will discuss the most prominent types of hinges and the materials they are commonly made from.
The first type of hinge, the barrel hinge, is a type of hinge featuring two barrel-shaped parts connected by a pivot. In general, barrel hinges are used for concealed attachment purposes within cabinets and furniture. The next type, butt hinges, are among the most commonly used types of hinges. These consist of two plates with an interconnecting set of loops fastened together by a central guide pin to create a flexible joint. Butt hinges are typically used in pairs at intervals along the interior portion of a joint.
The third type of hinges, continuous hinges, are designed similar to butt hinges. However, they are longer, narrower, and usually used as a single hinge that runs along the entire length of the joint formed by two objects. They are commonly used in pianos, and are sometimes called piano hinges. Another hinge, European hinges, are found in frameless and face frame cabinets where they allow for complete concealment of the hardware component when the door is closed. European hinges provide a range of benefits and are ideal for a wide range of door styles.
Yet another type, flag hinges, feature a fixed pin inserted onto either of the rectangular leaf components. These hinges are designed to allow for a complete 360° rotation as well as easy assembly and disassembly. Flush hinges, as their name implies, are designed to sit flush against one another and take up less space. They are able to sit flush without a recess by fitting each leaf inside the other. Flush hinges are typically used for very light weight attachments.
Pivot hinges are another type of hinge used for doors. Their name is derived from their function of turning or swiveling around a pivot point. Unlike other types of hinges, pivot hinges are usually placed at a distance away from the edge of the frame and below the door, rather than on the sides of the frame. This allows the hardware to be concealed and the door to move in both directions. Spring hinges are built with a spring component integrated into the hinge to make them suitable for applications that call for the door, lid, or panel, to be kept in an open or closed position.
Due to the constant stress of repeated opening and closing, hinges need to be made from strong materials. As such, many are made from stainless steel because of its strength and resistance to corrosion. However, as stainless steel does not respond well to the application of finishes, it is mainly used for hidden hinges. For exposed hinges, brass and bronze are more common. Both brass and bronze are copper based alloys which can withstand extreme weather conditions such as rain, salt air, smog, etc.
For hinges of all types and materials, look no further than ASAP NSN Parts, a trusted supplier of parts for a wide range of industries. We are an online distributor of aircraft parts in addition to parts pertaining to the aerospace, civil aviation, defense, electronics, and IT hardware markets. We’re always available and ready to help you find all the parts and equipment you need, 24/7-365. For a quick and competitive quote, call us at 1-714-705-4780 or email us at sales@asap-nsnparts.us.
June 11, 2020
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Electronic Measurements
Magnetic circuits
Last Modification: May 16, 2013
This article describes the physical characteristics of magnetic circuits and gives a summary of elementary calculations about magnetic systems. They can be used to convert magnetic parameters from measurements.
Physical characteristics
core dimensions
Fig. 1: Dimensions of an E-core and a ring-core. Where:
Ac = cross-sectional area of the core (short: core-area)
lc = magnetic path length of the core (short: magnetic length)
Aw = cross-sectional coiling area (short: coiling area)
The physical characteristics are very important when doing calculations on magnetic circuits. Essentially are the cross-sectional area of the core Ac, and the magnetic path length lc. An additional dimension, that's not required to determination the magnetic properties, but is necessary for the calculation of the actual inductor or transformer, is the cross-sectional coiling area Aw.
The core-area as well as the coiling area can easily been measured with a vernier gauge. The magnetic length will have to be estimated. This is the average path that the magnetic field follows, roughly though the center of the core.
core with air-gap
Fig. 2: Two versions of an E-core with an air-gap.
In figure 2 are two options shown how an air-gap can be created in an E-core.
On the left side a standard E-core where are spacers sheets being used to create the air-gap. In this case the air-gap lgap is equal to twice the spacer thickness. Because a complete loop of the magnetic field lines must cross twice the separations between the core halves.
On the right side a core where the air-gap is created by special core halves with a shortened middle leg. The outer legs of the core halves lie against each other without spacing. The field lines cross now only ones the air-gap, so the length of separation is equal to the length of the air-gap lgap.
It's very difficult to determine the area of the air-gap Agap. The field lines in the air-gap are not completely homogeneous. The area will get bigger as the length of the air-gap is increased. If the ratio between the air-gap length and the width of the legs is very small, then it's safe to set the air-gap area equal to the core area Ac.
Old units
American manufacturers are still using the CGS units. The most important magnetism units with their conversion factor to SI units (Dutch) are listed in the table below.
The CGS system of units doesn't know a physical constant for permeability. The CGS permeability is equal to the relative permeability within the SI-system.
Elementary equations
The magnetic flux through an area A, for a homogeneous field:
magnetic flux[equ. 1]
Magnetic induction caused by a magnetic field H in a material:
magnetic inductance[equ. 2]
Magnetic field strength in a closed magnetic circuit with a length l caused by a current I in a number of turns:
magnetic field strength[equ. 3]
Voltage generated in a number of turns N caused by a flux change dΦ/dt. (Faraday's law of induction, negative sign according to Lenz's law):
Faraday's law of induction[equ. 4]
Voltage generated in a self-induction L caused by a current change dI/dt:
Induction voltage[equ. 5]
The self-induction calculated by the number of turns N and the magnetic resistance of the circuit Rm:
Self inductance[equ. 6]
Most of the times the AL-value is specified for a core in stead of the magnetic resistance:
AL value[equ. 7]
The total magnetic resistance will be calculated from all the separate parts of the magnetic circuit, each with a length l, area A and permeability μ:
Total magnetic resistance[equ. 8]
The separate parts consist most of the time only by the core c and the air-gap gap:
Magnetic resistance[equ. 9]
The magnetic resistance can be derived from the magnetomotive force F and the magnetic flux Φ. (Hopkinson's law):
Hopkinson law[equ. 10]
The magnetomotive force is caused by a certain current I through the windings of a coil:
Magnetomotive force[equ. 11]
The energy stored in a coil as function of the magnetic Φ and the magnetomotive force F:
Energy in a coil[equ. 12]
The energy stored in a core per volume unit due to the magnetic induction B and the magnetic field strength H:
Energy per volume unit[equ. 13]
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Anthropologists classify the Sugpiaq as an Eskimo people, as their culture and language are most closely related to those of the Yup’ik and Inupiaq. In prehistoric times, the Sugpiaq shared many items of technology with other northern coastal peoples. They built sod houses which were lit by stone oil lamps. They hunted sea mammals from skin covered kayaks equipped with sophisticated harpoons. They wore waterproof clothing stitched from seal intestines, beach grass, and sinew. Additionally, the Sugpiaq speak Sugt’stun, one of six Eskimo languages. Today, Sugpiaq Dancers continue to perform in the tradition of their ancestors. Dressed in “snow-falling” parkas and beautiful beaded headdresses trimmed with ermine fur they sing and dance to the beat of a skin drum. Songs sung in the Sugpiaq language tell both traditional and contemporary stories. Masking is an ancient Sugpiaq tradition. For centuries, Native artists carved images of powerful ancestors, animal spirits, and mythological beings into wood and bark. Masks were made in many sizes. Full-sized portrait masks and enormous plank masks were worn by dancers during ceremonial performances. Masks were often brightly painted and adorned with a variety of attachments. Some masks were held in the hands or teeth, others were tied to the dancer’s head, and very large pieces were suspended over performance areas. Following ceremonies, masks were broken and discarded. This tradition reflects the spiritual power of the images they portrayed. Masks were part of the dangerous process of communicating with the spirit world. They were used in dances that ensured future hunting success by showing reverence to animal spirits and ancestors.
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One of the first female freedom fighter to rebel against British rule
A hero was born in the southern part of India on 23 October, 1778, many decades before the Rani Lakshmi Bai’s led the 1857 revolt. No one knew at that point of time that this child would be so courageous and daring that it could create a revolution and inspire millions. From childhood, the child was skilled in sword fightings, horses riding, archery etc. At a young age, the child showed signs of fearlessness, heroic skills and patriotism. This child was named Chennamma, later called Rani Chennamma. When she reached the age of 15, her marriage was arranged with Raja Mallasarja
Desai, the ruler of Kittur, a place in Karnataka. Unfortunately, in 1816 that is after completion of 23 years of the marriage, her husband died. She was left with a young son. But fate had more tests in store for her, after a few years, her only son and future ruler of Kittur also died. This led her to adopt a child called Shivalingappa who was then placed as the heir to the throne. During those times, British East India Company was making its own policies and one such policy was the Doctrine of Lapse. Which clearly stated that a state should have a natural heir at the time of death of the ruler and if this is not the case then the state would be annexed.
According to this, Rani Chennamma’s adopted son could not be considered as the king. A letter was written by Rani to Mountstuart Elphinstone, Lieutenant-Governor of the Bombay Presidency to get a solution to this issue. Rather than showing pity, Britishers attached Kittur with their men and arms to loot the Kittur’s treasure. But,Rani Chennamma made the Britishers to kneel by winning over them. In this battle,two British officers were imprisoned and only after a peace agreement between both parties, those officers were released by the queen. With this agreement, it was
agreed that Kittur won’t be disturbed again but Britishers showed their true nature by backbiting and breaking their own promise. Along with her truste d army general Krantiveera Sangolli Rayanna, she fought in such a heroic manner that even though she was captured after this battle, her stature in front of the world increased further.
Though she was imprisoned at Bailuhongala Fort, her thoughts, attitude and personality kept her free which made the Britishers to admire and respect her immensely. Even till this date, her first victory against Britishers is celebrated in Karnataka on every 22–24 October during Kittur Utsava. Her heroic deeds are still remembered in the form of folklore. A movie was released based on her in Kannada language. Also, a train and university were renamed to Rani Chennamma Express and Rani Chennamma University respectively. To pay tribute to this great women, a statue
was unveiled at the Indian Parliament complex by the first India female President in 2007. But still, the awareness about this lionheart is missing from the lips and minds of people. There is a need to spread words about her to every nook and corner so that people can know about their real hero who fought like a superhero for them. Rani Chennamma is one of the best examples to show that women can do anything, they can plan, rule and fight for the protection of their country. The greatest tribute to one
of the first Indian female freedom fighter’s blood, sweat and life would be to make her eternal in our memories and strive to serve the nation that she fought for.
-Bhavana Vashisht
Campus Chronicle
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The first trace of wine that has been found dates to 7500 years ago, in present-day Iran but the results of archaeological excavations have not been able to determine from which time wine began to be produced. Epigraphy tells us about the presence of wine in the Middle East: it was produced in the “High Country” (the mountain borders between Anatolia and Armenia) and then imported into Mesopotamia especially from the 3rd millennium BC.
The tablets of Hattusa describes wine with the term “wiyana” in the Hittite language, “GEŠTIN” in Sumerian, and “karânu” in Akkadian. It could be light (or maybe white: KÙ.BABBAR GEŠTIN), good wine (DUG.GA GEŠTIN), honeyed (LÀL GEŠTIN) new (GIBIL), or sour (GEŠTIN EMSA).
In Ancient Greece wine had already been developed and used since Hippocrates, a physician born around 460 BC who commonly prescribed it to patients. “Vinous white wine” and “bitter white wine” were used among his remedies – a sign of diversity in production at that time.
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In 1860, Barney Ford was among the first to arrive at the gold fields above Breckenridge.
It had been only a year since gold was first discovered in the area. Ford and four companions headed up French Gulch, panning the stream as they went.
When they saw gold in their pans, they stopped, and Ford staked out a claim. Excited, he wrote his wife that he finally had struck it rich in Colorado, but not to come out until the spring. Making the journey with their small child would be too risky.
The yield in gold dust by Ford and his companions grew by the day. He kept the gold dust in a jar buried beneath the dirt floor of their cabin. By the first of September, all of his cash was gone, so Ford brought some of his gold in a sack to Breckenridge to exchange it for $5 gold pieces.
Once in town, he ran into a man named Dode. Dode had harassed Barney out on the trail to Colorado and Ford was afraid that he would be robbed of his bright, shiny gold pieces. Ford waited until dark before returning to his cabin.
Under Colorado law, blacks were not allowed to own homesteads or mining property. Ford used the name of a Denver lawyer to file his claim and in exchange, the lawyer was to take 20 percent of the gold recovered. After the passage of weeks, Ford became worried that the claim had not been properly filed.
One afternoon, the Summit County sheriff appeared at his cabin door and served Barney with an eviction notice. It was sworn out by none other than his Denver lawyer. The attorney had kept the claim and had no intention of letting Barney recover any of its riches.
That night, Ford and his companions heard a group of horsemen approaching the cabin. Ford hid the bottle of gold dust in his shirt, and he and his companions fled into the dense forest. They headed up the hillside south of French Creek leaving their belongings. It was now the middle of September, and the nights were cold.
This is Barney Ford’s 1882 home in Breckenridge. It serves as a museum and historic landmark to remember the successful former slave. (Kenneth
This is Barney Ford's 1882 home in Breckenridge. It serves as a museum and historic landmark to remember the successful former slave. (Kenneth Jessen)
The group of riders was led by Dode. The cabin was torn apart including its floor as the men searched for the gold dust. Meanwhile, Barney and his companions continued over the hill and spent a cold night without shelter or even blankets knowing that if they returned to the cabin, they would be killed. It cost Ford most of his gold dust, but he was able to purchase supplies from a miner.
The hill they went over was given the derogatory name "N----- Hill," a name that remained on the maps for more than 100 years.
Ford traveled to Denver where in 1873 he built the fabulous Inter-Ocean Hotel. He became a wealthy man and expanded his hotel business by opening a second hotel under the same name in Cheyenne, Wyo.
Unfortunately, Ford was overextended financially and went broke. In 1880, he returned to Breckenridge and rented a modest frame house. He was joined by his wife and daughter and together, they opened a restaurant called Ford's Chop House.
Locals still believed that Ford left behind his gold dust. As Ford prospered, some believed that the source of his wealth was not his restaurant but a hidden treasure up French Creek.
Ford was often followed and just for his own amusement, he would occasionally walk up French Creek. He would than sneak through the woods back to his Breckenridge home.
The income from the Ford's Chop House allowed him to purchase the building. In 1882, he constructed one of the finest homes in Breckenridge at the corner of Main and Washington on a city block he owned. This house stands today as a historical landmark and museum.
As he and his wife grew old, they longed to return to the milder climate in Denver. Using his wealth, Ford was able to enter the real estate business. Through his transactions, the construction of apartment houses and other good business decisions, they became millionaires. This seemed impossible for African-Americans at the time.
When Colorado became a state in 1876, Ford worked to ensure that the laws of Colorado did not contain laws directed against minorities. He was among the few inducted into the Colorado Association of Pioneers.
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Previous: Byte-Code Type, Up: Programming Types
2.3.17 Autoload Type
An autoload object is a list whose first element is the symbol autoload. It is stored as the function definition of a symbol, where it serves as a placeholder for the real definition. The autoload object says that the real definition is found in a file of Lisp code that should be loaded when necessary. It contains the name of the file, plus some other information about the real definition.
After the file has been loaded, the symbol should have a new function definition that is not an autoload object. The new definition is then called as if it had been there to begin with. From the user's point of view, the function call works as expected, using the function definition in the loaded file.
An autoload object is usually created with the function autoload, which stores the object in the function cell of a symbol. See Autoload, for more details.
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Mascate War
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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The Mascate War (Portuguese: Guerra dos Mascates), also known as the War of the Peddlers, was a conflict fought between two rival mercantile groups in colonial Brazil from 1710 to 1711. On one side were landowners and sugar mill owners concentrated in Olinda. On the other were Portuguese traders in Recife, pejoratively called peddlers.
Recife brazil rugendas.jpg
For history 1580-1640, see Iberian Union
For history 1630-1654, see Dutch Brazil
Until the mid-17th century, Olinda was the main city of Pernambuco, where the plantation owners lived. The region's economy was dependent on the agro-manufacture of sugar. A lack of capital to invest in crops, equipment and manpower (slaves), combined with the declining price of sugar due to competition from the West Indies, caused a crisis. In an effort to resolve this, the sugar planters of Olinda began to borrow money from traders from the village of Recife. At that time, the Portuguese traders called peddlers living in Recife agreed to lend money to the planters at Olinda but charged very high interest rates for these loans, which resulted in the Olindeses falling further into debt. Gradually, hatred and conflicts arose.[ambiguous].
Aware of Recife's economic importance, traders asked king of Portugal that the village be elevated to town status. In February 1709, shortly after receiving the Royal Charter which declared it a town, traders opened the pillory and the town hall. Thus Recife was formally separated from Olinda, the seat of captaincy.
Economically dependent on Portuguese merchants, the landowners did not accept the Pernambuco political-administrative emancipation of Recife, before then a village subject to Olinda. The emancipation of Recife was seen as an aggravating the situation of local landowners (debtors) before the bourgeoisie Portuguese (creditors), which by this mechanism put them at the level of political equality.
The conflict[edit]
As the separation between the two cities was being implemented in 1710, the lords of Olinda revolted, with mill owner Bernardo Vieira de Melo among their leaders. When there was sedition among the peddlers of Recife and the European gentry of Olinda, the sectarians of the hawkers were nicknamed Manoel Gonçalves Tunda-Cumbe, vines and Sebastião Pinheiro Camerão. [Note 1] No condition to resist, the wealthiest merchants of Recife fled to avoid being captured. Having members of the landed aristocracy abandoned Olinda to escape the plantations where they lived, hostilities commenced in Vitória de Santo Antão, led by their Captain General, Pedro Ribeiro da Silva. These forces, thickened in Afogados with reinforcements from São Lourenço de Mata and Olinda, under the leadership of Bernardo Vieira de Melo and his father, Colonel Leonardo Bezerra Cavalcanti, invaded Recife, demolishing the pillory, tearing the Provincial regal, freeing arrested and persecuting people connected to the governor Sebastião de Castro Caldas Barbosa (peddlers). This, in turn, in order to ensure their safety, he withdrew to Bahia, and left the government over the captaincy of Bishop Manuel Álvares da Costa. The crown appointed a new governor Félix José de Mendonça. The peddlers fought back in 1711, invading Olinda and causing fires and destroying villages and plantations in the region. [Note 2]
The new governor and the intervention of troops sent from Bahia ended the war. The commercial bourgeoisie was supported by the metropolis, and Recife maintained its autonomy. The city intervened in the region in 1711, arresting the leaders of the rebellion. Finally after much struggling, which included the intervention of colonial authorities, this fact was consummated in 1711: Recife was to be treated like Olinda from that time on.
With the victory of the merchants, the war reaffirmed the dominance of merchant capital (trade) on the colonial production. After the victory of the hawkers, traders perceived the predominance of trade in relation to colonial production that had already occurred since the lords of Olinda caught the interest on money borrowed so the peddlers can keep their colonial system.
The autonomist feeling of Pernambuco, which came from the fight against the Dutch, continued to manifest itself in other conflicts such as the Conspiracy of Suassuna, Pernambucan Revolution of 1817 against Portugal and the Confederation of the Equator against Brazil.[speculation?][citation needed]
See also[edit]
1. ^ the nobles and their partisans, shaved legs - because when they would take arms, they went barefoot, with less embarrassment for the manning, and so were known as skilful in them, and very valuable, so in the history of Pernambuco, the moniker is synonymous with shaved legs nobility.
2. ^
In the 19th century, Frei Caneca wrote about it: "When the country lacked the arms and blood of their sons, along with the browns have not given him his arms and blood whites and blacks? When those tears have washed their irons despotism, did not go well with the edge of tears? Before the pernambucanos have suffered more than other major storms in Pernambuco. Sedition in the last century, all entering the fray, only about white people came the plagues and lightning, the dungeons were full of the most respectable people of Pernambuco, others piled on more entrenched in the woods and distant hinterlands, and they were loaded irons and sent to Portugal. ' («Frei Joaquim do Amor Divino Caneca», Coleção Formadores do Brasil, 1994, p. 283).
• Frei Joaquim do Amor Divino Caneca, Coleção Formadores do Brasil (Collection of Brazil Trainers), 1994 (Portuguese)
• "The Golden Age of Brazil", Charles Boxer
External links[edit]
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THE CRUSADES: Perspectives from the Past
Mr. Burruel World History
Goal: Understand the different perspectives the people of Europe, Asia, and the Middle East had about the Crusades.
Information packet for your group (pdfs on Edmodo)
The links provided on Edmodo
Internet/computer access
Tackk profile
• Students will become aware of the different social, economic, political, and religious forces that contributed to the Crusades
• Students will understand the importance of Jerusalem to Islam, Judaism, and Christianity.
• Students will understand the impact of the Crusades on different cultures
• Students will appreciate the impact of the individuals involved and understand different perspectives.
• Students will complete a Tackk to be shared and viewed by fellow students.
Now that you have created a Tackk profile, you will be creating a Tackkboard for this assignment. You will be assigned to research either: the Europeans, Muslims, Byzantines, or Jews during the Crusades. Your Tackk MUST include and explain the following research categories:
• 1. The significance of Jerusalem to your group (European, Byzantine, Muslim, Jew)
• Why was it important for your group to control the city of Jerusalem?
• 2. Cause of the Crusades from your group’s perspective (point of view)
• Think of the political, religious, social, philosophical reasons (could be more than one reason)
• 3. Impact of the Crusades on your group
• What did it do to your group? What were the effects?
• 4. Your group’s perception of other groups during the Crusades
• How did they view other groups? Equals? Superior to them? Inferior to them?
You will use the pdfs and the website links provided to you on Edmodo as a starting point. You will need to take notes and analyze the documents to help you create your Tackkboard. Make sure to do all of the spellchecking and grammar checking before you add the information to your Tackk. You can add pictures and other pieces of media that you believe will improve the aesthetics of your Tackk. When finished, hashtag that beast with #CrusadesMCLA or #BurruelMCLA in the tags section at the bottom so your classmates and I can see the AWESOME job you did.
Comment Stream
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First clues about ancestral origin of placenta uncovered
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Washington, Apr 15 : The first clues about the ancient origins of the placenta - a mother's intricate lifeline to her unborn baby which delivers oxygen and nutrients critical to its health - have been uncovered, say scientists.
The study, led by researchers at the Stanford University School of Medicine, suggests that the placenta of humans and other mammals evolved from the much simpler tissue that attached to the inside of eggshells and enabled the embryos of our distant ancestors, the birds and reptiles, to get oxygen.
Baker said that it is the only organ to develop in adulthood and is the only one with a defined end date, making the placenta of interest to people curious about how tissues and organs develop.
Despite the organ's major impact, almost nothing was known about how the placenta evolved or how it functions.
The study is published in Genome Research.
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Planet Earth - polychaete worms
08 March 2013
Interview with
Laetitia Dunton, Natural History Museum, London
To understand the sheer variety of life in the seas you have to study all of it from the tiniest bacteria to the largest fish, and then there's the stuff in the middle, such as bristle or polychaete worms. Leticia Gunton studies these polychaete worms at the Natural History Museum's Darwin Centre in London. Now, the worms can reach up to three metres long but as Sue Nelson discovered when Leticia brought out some of her collection there are plenty at the other end of the scale as well.
Leticia Gunton: These worms are from the Whittard Canyon which is an underwater canyon in the North East Atlantic, so it's just South West of Ireland.
Sue Nelson: How big, large is this canyon?
Leticia Gunton: It's pretty big. It starts at a depth of 200 metres and goes down to 4,000 metres. These samples were actually collected from 3,500 metres. The canyon is about two kilometres long.
Sue Nelson: It's funny though that from such a huge structure you should be interested in such tiny worms.
Leticia Gunton: Small worms - well actually in the deep sea most of the organisms are tiny because of the amount of food; there's not much food down there so organisms have adapted to that by becoming very small.
Sue Nelson: So let's have a look at these tiny little polychaete worms under the microscope.
Leticia Gunton: I'm putting under the microscope now, so I will just turn this on; the lights come on and let me get this into focus.
Sue Nelson: They're almost like thin white worms but not so smooth all along in their bodies, slightly disjointed all most, or is that part of the process?
Leticia Gunton: Well, actually, polychaetes are related to earth worms that youChristmas Tree Worms find in your gardens. Earth worms have little heads on them for movement as well and so do these polychaete worms and, yes, they are quite small, longish, they're all this colour but they weren't this colour to beginning with they were actually more vibrant colours, it's just the preserving process which makes them all this-
Sue Nelson: It's bleached them out a bit.
Leticia Gunton: Yeah.
Sue Nelson: So why are you interested in these particular worms?
Leticia Gunton: Well polychaetes are actually very abundant in the deep sea. I'm looking at species diversity in the deep sea so I want to understand why there's lot of species in a certain place. I'm working on submarine canyons, underwater canyons and underwater canyons are thought to be hot spots for species diversity and to need to properly understand this I'm looking at the polychaete worms in particular to find if there are lots of polychaete worms found in these underwater canyons. At the moment, yes, I've found there are lots of polychaete worms in underwater canyons.
Sue Nelson: And are there lots of different species of these worms, in particular, and is there much known about them?
Leticia Gunton: I think it's 12,000 species of polychaete worms identified. That's quite a few, identified so far, so the one's I'm looking at and to be honest they're probably all unknown species a lot of them, which makes it quite hard for me when I want to understand species diversity if I'm finding lots of species that are unknown.
Sue Nelson: To my eye they all look very similar under the microscope, particularly when they've lot their colour, how do you tell the different species apart?
Leticia Gunton: With polychaetes they obviously have setae, so the setae are the little hairs going all along down the side of worm, so you can look at the setae and also the prostomium which is the like the head end, so you can see the different shapes of that.
Sue Nelson: Now, one of the ways in which you must compare what you've got here with what you've got already in the Natural History Museum must be with the collections.
Leticia Gunton: Yes, the collections are a really fantastic resource that I have here, I'm very lucky. I think there are 8,000 polychaetes in the collections.
Sue Nelson: Well I think then that we ought to go down to the collection.
Leticia Gunton: Yes, let's go.
Sue Nelson: It feels as if we're going into an air lock.
Leticia Gunton: Yes, it's very high security here.
Sue Nelson: Past two automatic doors.
Leticia Gunton: Yeah two automatic doors and as you noticed in here it's actually a bit cooler.
Sue Nelson: Yes, gosh, quite considerably.
Leticia Gunton:That's to help with the preservation of the specimens down here.
Sue Nelson: Now, it's filled with what look like giant filing cabinets.
Leticia Gunton: Yes, and if I actually open this one here which says polychaeta, polychaete worms that I'm specialising on, and we have all the type specimens and the voucher specimens.
Sue Nelson: Lots of different shaped jars, glass jars here, all sorts of sizes. How many worms are in that because they are so much bigger than the ones that we've looked at which was the size of a hair, whereas these are more maggoty size.
Leticia Gunton: There should just be one in here - they are type specimens. It's actually from a Challenger exhibition-
Sue Nelson: And so you would take this one, say, up to your lab, look under it and compare with what you've actually got.
Leticia Gunton: Yeah, exactly that, to see if it was the same species.
Sue Nelson: And what do you do when you have found a species that you can't find here in the Natural History Museum collection?
Leticia Gunton: Well, so in my deep sea biology ones there are a lot of species that won't be here so what we do is we describe it, like you have to write down all the features, morphological and now actually it moving more towards molecular so you would probably sequence it and then get the sequence information, the DNA from that to come up with a new species.
Add a comment
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British North America Act, 1867
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English: "An Act of the Imperial Parliament for the Union of Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, and the Government Thereof; and for Purposes Connected Therewith."
Front page of a copy of the British North America Act, 1867 published in Ottawa, Canada. Enacted by the British Parliament, the statute is now known as The Constitution Act, 1867 (known informally as the BNA Act, and still known by its original name in United Kingdom records).
A major part of Canada's Constitution, the Act established the Dominion of Canada by fusing the North American British colonies of the Province of Canada (the two subdivisions of the Province of Canada, Canada West and Canada East, were renamed Ontario and Quebec), the Province of New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia. The Act also defines much of the operation of government in Canada, including its federal structure (including the division of powers between the provinces and the federal government), the House of Commons, the Senate, the justice system, and the taxation system.
Français : La Loi constitutionnelle de 1867 (jadis appelée Acte de l'Amérique du Nord britannique de 1867, et toujours officieusement appelée l'AANB) comprend une partie majeure de la Constitution du Canada. La Loi définit en grande partie le fonctionnement du Gouvernement du Canada, y compris sa structure fédérale, la Chambre des communes, le Sénat, le système judiciaire, et le système de taxation. On lui donna son nom actuel en 1982, lors du rapatriement de la constitution.
La version anglaise de la Loi constitutionnelle de 1867 est la seule bénéficiant d'un statut officiel, la version française n'étant qu'officieuse. La version anglaise est donc la seule qui a force de loi et qui peut être invoquée devant les tribunaux. L'article 55 de la Loi constitutionnelle de 1982 prévoyait la rédaction et le dépôt pour adoption d'une version française officielle. Une version française fut rédigée, mais elle n'a jamais été adoptée. (Inversement, la Loi de 1982 sur le Canada, qui contient la Loi constitutionnelle de 1867, est la seule loi du Parlement britannique à avoir été adoptée à la fois en anglais et en français.)
Date 1867(1867)
Library and Archives Canada.JPG This image is available from Library and Archives Canada under the reproduction reference number nlc-14254 (AMICUS No. 9339091)
Flag of Canada.svg
Author Statute enacted by the Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
Published by Hunter, Rose in Ottawa
(Reusing this file)
it was not subject to Crown copyright, and
3. the creator died more than 50 years ago.
Flag of Canada.svg
Public Domain
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File name british_north_america_act__1867.jpg
Size, bytes 171685
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Camera manufacturer Phase One
Camera model H 25
Orientation of image 1
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Date and time original image was generated 2007:08:09 09:35:41
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Software used Adobe Photoshop CS2 Windows
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The practice of lynching has been part of American history since before America was a nation. Early victims included eccentrics guilty of being different, those who were accused or suspected of violating prevalent societal mores, and Native Americans of all ages and various tribal groups.
1630 | 1642 | 1678 | Pre-Civil War Lynchings | 1851 | 1859 | 1865
| Post-Civil War Lynchings | 1880 | 1889 | 1891 | 1893 | 1899 | 1904 | 1906
| 1907 |1910 | 1911 | 1912 | 1915 | 1916 | 1918 | Two Towns: Kirven and Rosewood
|1930 |1942 | 1955 |1959 | Civil Rights Movement |
John Billington, 1630
Arriving with the original band of pilgrims at Plymouth Rock on the Mayflower in 1620, Billington's journey to America had been anything but pleasant. Because Billington was supposedly prone to "blasphemous harangues," ship's captain Miles Standish had the offender's feet and neck tied together as an example of a sin-struck man possessed of a Devil's tongue. Ten years later, Billington became the prime suspect in the murder of John Newcomen -- a neighboring settler done in at close range by a powder-filled blunderbuss. Billington was summarily hanged by an angry mob of pilgrims.
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Unknown Native American, 1642
Under the regime of Director Kieft, a friendly village of harmless, unsuspecting "Indians" (an estimated 120 men, women, and children) near the Dutch settlement of New Amsterdam (later to become New York City's borough of Manhattan) -- were butchered with bayonets while they slept. But according to an eyewitness named DeVries, a most revolting atrocity involved a male straggler, about twenty-five years of age, who'd had his left hand and legs hacked off, and was found alive in daylight the next morning "supporting his protruding entrails with his other hand."
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Thomas Hellier, 1678
Guilty of "flapping his hands and arms" and "behaving in a peculiar manner," the 14-year-old white boy Thomas Hellier became a suspect in a rash of thefts and was sentenced to a life of bondage on a Virginia plantation. Never agreeable to his servile status, Hellier was sold several years later to a harsh taskmaster named Cutbeard Williamson. After Williamson, Williamson's wife, and a maid were murdered with an axe while they slept one night, Hellier was assumed to be the murderer and hanged by a mob on August 5, 1678. His body was lashed with chains to a tall tree overlooking the James River where it remained for several years until it rotted away.
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Pre-Civil War Lynchings
During the Eighteenth and early Nineteenth Century prior to the conclusion of the American Civil War in 1865, lynching by mobs occurred under many guises. Although most instances of the practice remained undocumented until the Tuskegee Institute in Alabama and the black newspaper The Chicago Defender began to keep records during the 1880s, enough were recorded to give historians and sociologists some inkling of "what kind" of lynching events took place. The term "lynch" first came to be associated with vigilante "justice" when linked to Revolutionary War militia officer and farmer Charles Lynch of Bedford County, on Virginia's western frontier. Colonel Lynch organized an extralegal military tribunal that sentenced suspected Tories and Tory sympathizers to punishments of "tar and feathering," flogging, and, in extreme cases, hanging to death from a walnut tree standing in his yard. Following the Revolutionary War, Lynch was exonerated for his wartime activities by Virginia's lawmakers.
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John Jenkins, 1851
Jenkins, an Australian of bad reputation, was a victim of San Francisco's first "vigilance" committee -- the loose organization from which the term "vigilante" originated. Caught in the act of stealing a safe, Jenkins along with three other Australians from Sydney (said to be a criminal gang various called the "Sydney coves" or "Sydney ducks") were subjected to a mock trial in June1851. Marched to San Francisco's Custom House, they all had nooses put around their necks and were hanged on the spot. A second San Francisco "vigilance" committee formed in 1856 and lynched James P. Casey (a murderer who had shot and killed a newspaper editor named James King of William, who had been "boldly assailing all evildoers") and Charles Cora (an "Italian gambler" who had shot and killed a U.S. marshal named Richardson in November 1855). A mob of about 6,000 persons either helped to perpetrate or witnessed the lynching of the two men. Casey and Cora were seized and hanged from projecting beams rigged on the roof of a building on Sacramento Street. Before the mob dissipated, two more unidentified men were hung from the beams for unknown reasons and perhaps, "for good measure."
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Josepha, 1851
Part of the Anglo fear of Mexicans, as with Negroes, was based on the alleged sexual prowess of the darker-skinned people. The "greaser" women were supposedly corrupting the white men. In the mining country of central California, a prostitute named Josepha was hanged by an angry mob after a passion death occurred in which she was involved.
The historian H.H. Bancroft lists an extraordinary number of Mexicans who were whipped or lynched to death during the 1850s.
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John The Slave, 1859
On Tuesday, July 19, 1859, John, the only Negro slave owned by Giles Kiser, was lynched. The incident happened in Saline County -- located in a seven-county area of Missouri called Little Dixie because of its decidedly Southern character and culture. In fact, during three days of that steamy July, whites in Saline County lynched to death four slaves accused of unrelated crimes in four different locations. The mistreatment of Negro slaves by whites was a chronic practice in Little Dixie during the tumultuous times preceding the Civil War. Black oral tradition spoke of one especially brutal Saline County master who, as an object lesson, chained a recalcitrant slave to a hemp brake on a bitterly cold winter night, where he slowly froze to death. John was accused, on scanty circumstantial evidence of the May 14 murder of Kiser's business partner, a man named Benjamin Hinton who also owned a slave. Fear of slaves escaping, or being freed by abolitionists, or a pervading anxiety based on a rumor that John was the leader of a slave-led insurrection, probably exacerbated the situation. Taken by a screaming mob to a ravine in a quiet grove about two hundred yards from the courthouse in Marshall, Missouri, John was made barefoot and stripped to the waist, then chained to a walnut tree. All the time he talked rapidly to his captors. According to the Marshall Democrat, the slave "had an intelligent and open countenance, and conversed very freely with all those who indicated a willingness to hear him while chained at the stake." The frantic man now claimed that he had an accomplice in the murder of Hinton, but the charge caused no one in the mob to halt the awful work. While the slave talked, white men gathered dry wood and other combustibles. These they piled around John's bare feet at the base of the tree. Only when the mob set fire to the wood did John seem to comprehend that he was to be burned alive.
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Saxe Joiner, 1865
In the closing days of the Civil War, with the Union Army steadily advancing south, a slave named Saxe Joiner was lynched. Joiner was owned by and living in the home of Dr. James E. Hix, a South Carolina physician. Also living in the large house on Mountain Street in Unionville were the physician's wife Martha, their three children, and an unmarried young white woman, eighteen-year-old Susan Baldwin. Baldwin was probably a boarder or employed by the family. Joiner was an unmarried mulatto, aged about twenty-six, a skilled carpenter, and although it was illegal in the state of South Carolina to teach a slave to read and write, he was also literate. What got him in trouble was writing letters. A house slave who may have believed in the paternalistic ethos of slavery, Joiner might have felt it was his duty to protect the white women of the household in a desperate hour. On Sunday morning, February 19, 1865, Joiner wrote a note to Martha Hix. He told Mrs. Hix not to "grieve" about the approaching federal troops because he had a "safe place" for her -- perhaps a hideaway in the house, in town, or in the countryside. A neighbor referred to this act as "impertinent" but well meaning -- by writing it Joiner was behaving as a devoted slave should behave. Because Mr. Hix was his wife's protector, and didn't object, no other white man was likely to trespass upon his role and take action either. But that evening, Joiner wrote a second note to Miss Baldwin, telling her not to worry because he would "protect" her too from the Northern troops. After Dr. Hix discovered the note to Susan Baldwin, Saxe Joiner was immediately arrested and spent that Sunday night in the town jail on Main Street. After a trial that produced what was considered in the community to be a too lenient verdict, instead of being freed, Joiner was kept in jail by a series of legal maneuvers. But community outrage against Joiner was high: He had insulted a white woman! Many townsmen figured the mulatto to be engaged in a carnal affair or were incensed that Joiner might in actuality be able to protect the Baldwin woman better than THEY could, given the Confederacy's impending demise. At approximately 9:00 P.M. on the night of March 15, 1865, an armed mob of white men wearing disguises and dressed in Confederate uniforms broke into the Unionville jail. The mob surged into Joiner's cell after getting the keys, tied the prisoner up, and hauled him outside. Within moments Joiner was dead -- hanged from a convenient tree
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Post-Civil War Lynchings
Following the Civil War and the founding of the Ku Klux Klan in Tennessee, the lynching of African-American and other "colored" people known as Negroes grew to epidemic proportions. During the late 1860s and early 1870s, so-called "nigger hunts" in the Deep South probably claimed thousands of lives -- although most are unknown, unrecorded deaths. The practice of lynching also targeted Dixie's white men and women for interfering with "Judge Lynch justice" against the Negroes, and for aiding the escape of runaway or other slaves (i.e. abolitionists). Underlying the dynamics of eleven Italians becoming lynched scapegoats in 1891 New Orleans, following the murder of a popular policeman, were economic considerations grounded in race and ethnicity. Sometimes economic motives to lynch were more obvious -- as with the lynching of union activists. Lynching in the Wild West experienced its most brazen period primarily depicted as the extralegal killings of suspected desperados while also featuring waves of indiscriminate terror waged against Hispanic peoples (chiefly Mexicans), Chinese immigrants, and Native Americans. The lynching of Mexican civilians by duly commissioned Texas Rangers and self-appointed vigilante groups claimed the second largest group of American ethnic-racial victims with a documented 605 individual cases occurring between 1848 and 1928. Other victims of the pervasive practice included Australian immigrants to America's Far Western states, people with disfigured faces and queer folk -- perhaps those effeminate or single men suspected of sexual indiscretions committed against women or children if not also known homosexuals.
After 1880, the lynching of African-American men, women, and children began to acquire its most sinister and ritualistic form. Negroes become primary targets of white bigots defending the bankrupt premise of white supremacy in its various guises. Unlawful executions occasionally became mass entertainment "spectacle" events bolstered by a burgeoning consumerism.
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A Lynching In Denver's Chinatown, 1880
The “ethnic cleansing” of Chinese (including Chinese-Americans) from the American West was one of the darkest chapters in our nation's history. Writes John Higham in Strangers in the Land, “No variety of anti-European sentiment has ever approached the violent extremes to which anti-Chinese agitation went in the 1870s and 1880s.” Many of the estimated 200 American lynchings victimizing people of Asian descent occurred during this dark era.
In 1880, many Chinese lived in Hop Alley, Denver's Chinatown. In October of that year an anti-Chinese riot resulted in the lynching of a Chinese man and the injuring of many others. A mob of approximately 3000 people had gathered in Hop Alley, consisting of “illegal voters, Irishmen and some Negroes.” Only 8 Policemen were on duty at the outbreak of the riot. Firemen brought in to disperse the crowd hosed them with water but this only made them angrier. The mob began to destroy Chinese businesses, to loot Chinese homes and to injure many Chinese. According to the Rocky Mountain News, the Chinese quarter was “gutted as completely as though a cyclone had come in one door and passed out the rear. There was nothing left...whole.” During this vicious mob attack, a man named Look Young, was dragged down Denver's 19th Street by rioters. According to a physician, he died “from compression of the brain, caused by being beaten and kicked.” Look was twenty-eight years old and employed at the Sing Lee Laundry. He left behind a wife, father, and mother in China, who were wholly dependent upon him for support.
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The Lynching of Katsu Goto, 1889
Katsu Goto (1862-1889) was a merchant, interpreter and lynching victim. He spoke fluent English and was a contract laborer who took over a store in Hanokaa, Hawaii, a plantation village. His customers not only were Japanese, as he was, but also Hawaiian and Haole (white). White plantation owners disliked him, and his popularity with the community created competition with shopkeepers loyal to the white Protestant overseers.
On October 19, 1889 a fire broke out at the nearby Overend Camp and Goto and seven other workers were accused of arson. But he never had a trial. On the night of October 28, Goto was ambushed and killed by four men. His body was found swinging from a telephone pole the next day. After a lengthy investigation, the perpetrators were arrested, tried, and sentenced to O'ahu Prison.
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New Orleans, 1891
The fate of numerous Italian Americans was no different than that of other ethnic groups targeted by lynch mobs. The most infamous lynching of Italians occurred on March 14, 1891 in New Orleans. This event claimed eleven victims and was one of the largest multiple lynchings in American history. The catalyst for this tragedy was the unsolved murder of popular city police superintendent David Hennessy. Hennessy’s murder led to a roundup of the “usual suspects” -- in this case Italians. Those detained, immigrants from Sicily and the southern portions of Italy -- possessed swarthy complexions and were viewed with suspicion and contempt by the white protestant elite ruling New Orleans. Akin to Negroes, Italians were “not quite white” and subject to a racial prejudice only slightly subtler -- mingled with a baseless and deliberately orchestrated Mafia scare associating most Italian Americans with a vast criminal organization that did not exist in the New Orleans of that era.
The morning of March 14 was bright and sunny. By ten o’clock, a crowd of thousands was gathered by the Parish Jail, with many of them shouting, “Yes, yes, hang the dagoes!” The prison was soon attacked by a carefully selected band culled by the mobs’ leaders comprised of about twenty-five well-armed men. With battering rams ringing in their ears, the prisoners were both trapped and doomed. In the prison yard where several Italians were clustered together at one end, the hit squad of lynchers opened fire from about twenty feet away. More than a hundred rifle shots and shotgun blasts were fired into six helpless men, tearing their bodies apart. When the firing stopped, the squad inspected their victims. A man saw Pietro Monasterio’s hand twitch and yelled, “Hey, this one’s alive!” “Give him another load, “ another gunman answered. “Can’t, I ain’t got the heart.” Then one of the men walked up to the body, aimed a shotgun point-blank, and literally blew the top of Monasterio’s head away. Someone laughed. There were two or three cheers. One or two men turned their faces away, looking sick.
So it went. Joseph P. Macheca, Antonio Scaffidi, and Antonio Marchesi were shot while turning to face their pursuers. Marchesi was struck in the head by a bullet. As he raised his right hand to shield himself a shotgun charge blew off and went on to disintegrate the top of his skull. Yet he did not die until nine hours later, lying all the time where he fell.
More gunmen found Manuel Polizzi. Sitting on the floor in a corner of a cell, muttering to himself. Dragged by five men into a corridor he was shot two or three times while staring with wild eyes at nothing in particular. Antonio Bagnetto was found in another cell, pretending to be dead. He too was shot. Several of the men’s corpses were displayed to the mob outside the prison and hung on lampposts for all to see. Witnesses said that the cheers were nearly deafening.
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Henry Smith, 1893
The February 1, 1893 murder of Henry Smith in Paris, Texas was the first blatantly public, actively promoted lynching of a southern black by a large crowd of southern whites. Smith, an insane ex-slave, allegedly killed Myrtle Vance, the three-year-old daughter of a brutal Texas policeman after the policeman had assaulted him. Although the child had not been sexually molested, a local clergyman, Bishop Haygood, fueled the growing hysteria with lurid tales of how the child had been "taken by her heels and torn asunder in the mad wantonness of gorilla ferocity." The suspect was captured in Arkansas. He confessed on the train back to Paris, Texas. Newspapers announced his capture and the details of his return, and thousands of onlookers thronged the stations where the train carrying Smith stopped. At one station, speeches were made by the leaders of the Paris citizenry. Then, according to an eyewitness account:
The train arrived at Paris at twelve o'clock and was met by a surging mass of humanity. The Negro was placed upon a carnival float in mockery of a king upon his throne, and, followed by an immense crowd, was escorted through the city so that all might see the most inhuman monster known in current history. His clothes were torn off piecemeal and scattered in the crowd, people catching the shreds and putting them away as mementos. The child's father, her brother, and two uncles then gathered about the Negro as he lay fastened to the torture platform and thrust hot irons into his quivering flesh. It was horrible -- the man dying by slow torture in the midst of smoke from his own burning flesh. Every groan, every contortion of his body, was cheered by the thickly packed crowd of 10,000 persons, the mass of beings 600 yards in diameter, the scaffold being the center. After burning the feet and legs, the hot irons -- plenty of fresh ones being at hand -- were rolled up and down Smith's stomach, back, and arms. Then the eyes were burned out and irons were thrust down his throat. The men (including the 12-year-old brother) of the child's family having wreaked vengeance, the crowd piled all kinds of combustible stuff around the scaffold, poured oil on it and set it afire. The Negro rolled and tossed out of the mass, only to be pushed back by the people nearest him. He rolled out again and was roped and pulled back.
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Sam Hose, 1899
The lynching of Sam Hose (sometimes erroneously called Sam Holt) in Newnan, Georgia involved a murder prompted by a quarrel over wages. White folks believed that Hose, a laborer on Alfred Cranford's farm, had split open the skull of the respected white farmer with an ax and then injured his children and raped his wife near where the bleeding corpse lay. The alleged crimes, the chase, and the lynching occurred in and around places like Palmetto, Newnan, and Griffin -- small southern towns like any other within forty miles of Atlanta. Easy access to train and telegraph lines ensured that the lynching of Hose would be an "event" not just in the rural Georgia Piedmont but in the self-proclaimed capital of the New South as well. Local and regional newspapers took over the publicity, promotion, and sale of the event with the kind of sensationalized narrative pattern that would come to dominate the reporting of spectacle lynchings up until the 1940s. DETERMINED MOB AFTER HOSE, HE WILL BE LYNCHED IF CAUGHT began the story in the Atlanta Constitution on April 14, 1899. Information about Cranford's demise had been supplied to the media by Mrs. Cranford, the wife of the murdered man and the alleged rape victim. She demanded an active role in planning the lynching, expressing a desire to witness Hose's torture and death and a preference for a slow burning. As expressed, her story was contradictory -- she claimed to have tricked the "stupid" Negro with a Confederate bill when he tried to "rob her" after arguing about wages due him from her husband. When Hose was caught, and after the lynching had taken place, another local newspaper printed the details: "In the presence of nearly 2000 people, who sent aloft yells of defiance and shouts of joy, Sam Hose was burned at the stake in a public road. Before the torch was applied to the pyre, the Negro was deprived of his ears, fingers, and other portions of his body with surprising fortitude. Before the body was cool, it was cut to pieces, the bones were crushed into small bits and even the tree upon which the wretch met his fate was torn up and disposed of as souvenirs. The Negro's heart was cut into small pieces, as was also his liver. Those unable to obtain the ghastly relics directly, paid more fortunate possessors extravagant sums for them. Small pieces of bone went for 25 cents and a bit of liver, crisply cooked, for 10 cents."
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James Kimble Vardaman, Mississippi Governor
Widely known as "The White Chief," James Kimble Vardaman strategically blended outlandish claims of racial superiority with a near evangelical commitment to a violent Jim Crow society. He hated the wealthy landed class of white society and the entire Black race with near-equal vehemence. Ironically, the widening of the electorate in Mississippi provided Vardaman with a constituency - disaffected and uneducated poor whites - that, in turn, provided his single-minded platform of racial hatred with the legitimacy of elected office. Influenced as a populace by The White Chief's propaganda, Mississippi led the nation in lynching well into the 1930s. A keystone event inaugurating this philosophy occurred during Vardaman's initial 1904 campaign for governor. Subsequent to a lynch mob in the town of Rocky Ford, Mississippi chaining African-American J.P. Ivy to a woodpile and dousing him with gasoline prior to roasting him alive, soon-to-be governor Vardaman offered a few choice and well-received words. "I sometimes think that one could look upon a scene of that kind and suffer no more moral deterioration than he would by looking upon the burning of an 'Orangoutang' that had stolen a baby or a viper that had stung an unsuspecting child to death."
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Negroes Barbequed, 1904
Suspected of killing a white plantation owner, Luther Holbert - a Negro sharecropper - attempted to escape from his home in Vardaman's Mississippi with his wife before a lynch mob could dispense its own form of "justice." Catching up with the Holberts, the mob bound the couple to convenient trees. While the mob's ringleaders forced the Holberts' to hold out their hands in order that their fingers could be chopped off one by one -- the audience of 600 spectators enjoyed treats like deviled eggs, lemonade, and whiskey in a festive atmosphere. Next, the Holberts' ears were amputated and those severed appendages, along with the disconnected digits, became much-prized souvenirs. Mr. Holbert was beaten severely enough so that his skull was fractured and one eye was left dangling from its socket. When someone in the crowd produced a large corkscrew, that instrument was used to alternately bore into husband and wife, each time gouging out "spirals...of raw, quivering flesh" when withdrawn. Finally, the tortured man and woman were burned alive like Christian martyrs. This final imagery - juxtaposed against a tableau of picnic treats -- demonstrates the sheer dehumanization of lynching for both victim and perpetrator.
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Ed Johnson, 1906
The first time that convicted Tennessee rapist Ed Johnson was offered an appeal to his death sentence, his lawyers decided against it. "It was the judgment of all present that the life of the defendant, even if the wrong man, could not be saved; that an appeal would so inflame the public that the jail would be attacked and perhaps other prisoners executed by violence." This was a rational fear because the night that Johnson was arrested, a crowd of over 1,000 men attempted to lynch him at the Chattanooga jail. He escaped thanks to the foresight of the jailers, who secretly transported him to Nashville. As the date of execution approached, Johnson had a change of heart and filed two petitions for a writ of habeas corpus. On the afternoon of March 19th, 1906-the day before his scheduled hanging-the second appeal was allowed and his execution was stayed. He became a federal prisoner but it was an imprisonment that would not last through the night. As word got out about the appeal, the community decided not to allow federal intervention and a crowd was assembled at the prison. With minimal resistance from the sheriff and jailers, who were later tried and convicted for their contempt, the crowd easily broke Johnson out and took him to a bridge two blocks away. Johnson was strung up on an arc light only to fall when the rope broke or slipped. The mob members then pulled Johnson up again. As the noose choked him, he was shot repeatedly.
Charles City, Iowa
It was Iowa’s last lynching. On January 9, 1907, a mob of several hundred men, some masked with handkerchiefs and others undisguised, rammed down the doors of the Floyd County Jail in Charles City, Iowa, with a rail iron. A sheriff and several deputies offered only feeble resistance as the mob seized one of the prisoners, James Cullen. After Cullen had been so procured, a crowd of at least 500 residents of Charles City, including women and children, witnessed Cullen’s hanging from the local Main Street Bridge by 11:30 p.m.
Mr. Cullen was atypical for a lynching victim. A wealthy, white, sixty-two-year-old contractor, he’d murdered his wife and Roy Eastman, his fifteen-year-old stepson -- the previous day. An outraged mob, its actions largely orchestrated by young men perhaps acquainted with the ill-fated Eastman, took their unlawful revenge in a Midwest town oft-noted for progressive Republican “reformist” political sentiments. In a macabre coincidence, another man named James Cullen had been lynched to death decades previously in rural Maine.
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Antonio Rodriguez, 1910
In the American Southwest, people of Mexican descent often fell prey to the virulence of mob violence. On November 3, 1910, white citizens of the small ranching community of Rock Springs, Texas lynched a young Mexican cowboy to death for supposedly murdering an "Anglo" woman. Antonio Rodriguez was captured and taken a mile outside of town only to be tied to a mesquite cactus, doused in kerosene, and burned alive.
According to the white community of Rock Springs, Rodriguez had stopped at the Henderson ranch and killed Mrs. Clem Henderson after the two had had an argument. The crime, in the minds of "Anglos," was particularly heinous - rumors circulated that Rodriguez had committed the murderous act as Mrs. Henderson's five-year-old daughter looked on. His guilt, based solely upon a third-hand description of the suspect delivered over the telephone and supplied to mob members by the slain woman's husband -- would never have been established by a fair-minded court of law and in actuality, was almost certainly a tragic case of mistaken identity.
Widely publicized in the Mexican press, the lynching in Texas led to large anti-American demonstrations in both Mexico City and Guadalajara. While damage to American property was minor and injuries to a very few American citizens were slight, coverage of the lynching and the reaction to it was wildly sensationalized except for articles published in the Philadelphia Public Ledger. Rooting out the facts, only the Ledger condemned the atrocity committed against Antonio Rodriguez rather than emphasizing the minimal losses to white Americans living in Mexico. It editorialized "whether he [Rodriguez] was guilty or innocent the mob Öwith incredible barbarity, burned him alive. Can it be wondered that the newspapers at the capitol of Mexico demand 'Where is the boasted Yankee civilization?'" (Philadelphia Public Ledger, November 13, 1910).
In Texas, publicity of the lynching and riots provoked attacks of Mexicans. Because Mexicans "displayed an impudent attitude" they were attacked in Galveston. In construction camps and ranches in Webb, Duval, LaSalle, Dimmit and Starr Counties, Anglos attacked Mexicans who were reportedly "sullen and threatening since the burning of Rodriquez at Rock Springs." Anti-Mexican sentiment in Texas was widespread. An excerpt from a letter to U.S. President William Howard Taft from F.W. Meyer, a hattier from Bonney, Texas, was typical. "Because Ö an admitted low lifed mexican Criminal, who murdered a Texas Woman and destroyed an American HOME, the Mexicans murder good Americans because said greaser got his just dues Ö" [sic], he wrote.
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Zachariah Walker, 1911
Zachariah Walker, a black man from Virginia, had traveled to Coatesville, Pennsylvania to work in the Worth Brothers Steel Company. As was common among the factory workers - European-born immigrants and migrant blacks alike - Walker passed the afternoon of Saturday, August 12, 1911 drinking alcoholic beverages in downtown Coatesville with his coworkers. While walking back to his temporary lodgings to get some sleep, Walker was probably somewhat inebriated when he took out his pistol and fired it in the general direction of two Polish steelworkers who were approaching him on the road from the opposite direction. Although his shots failed to strike either man, Edgar Rice, a security guard employed by the Worth Brothers factory -- heard the shots and came out to apprehend Walker. A scuffle ensued. It soon escalated, with both men drawing their weapons. Walker got his shot off first, killing Rice, before heading off drunkenly in a homeward direction. Not making it, he slept in a neighboring barn until the next morning.
Rice's body was soon discovered. After the Polish immigrants helped establish Walker as his probable murderer, search parties began the hunt for him. Two men from the search party found Zachariah Walker early the next morning. Sober again, he'd been walking down a dirt road heading out of town. Climbing into a cherry tree, the terrified Walker eluded capture for several hours as he watched men passing beneath the tree and doggedly searching for him. Giving up all hope of survival, Walker attempted to commit suicide. Shooting himself in the head, he succeeded only in shattering his own jaw, and was carried to the town hospital after falling from the tree and being discovered.
When Walker awoke at the hospital, he confessed to the killing of Edgar Rice in self-defense. A deputy was left to guard him at the hospital. (Contained by a straitjacket and bound by shackles -- Walker's left ankle was chained to the footboard of his hospital bed.) The town sheriff, Charles Umsted, a big man of six foot three and over 250 pounds, was familiarly known as "Jumbo" or "Jummy" and had a reputation for toughness and a well-honed facility for surviving the fiercely contested elections for town police chief. Umsted was up for re-election in September, and on the night of August 13, as the crowd around him grew, he saw a chance to earn a few votes. Taking care to speak loudly enough for bystanders to eavesdrop, he avowed that Walker had boasted about killing Rice, and he made no mention of Walker's claim of self-defense. Before concluding his staged monologue, with an increasingly roused crowd gathered around him, Umsted virtually promised the mob that he would not intervene in the event of a lynching. "I would be the devil if somebody should happen to go after that fellow -- Gentleman, allow me to say that I am not going to get hurt."
Encouraged by such prompting, a mob broke into the hospital and kidnapped Walker. His ankle, still chained to the bed, dragged the footboard behind him. The mob dragged Walker toward a farmhouse near the outskirts of town. When Umsted arrived at the hospital, Walker's agonized screams were still audible in the distance, but he made no effort to follow them. Instead, he walked casually back to town. Writes Robert F. Worth, a descendant of the steel mill owning family, in the Spring 1998 issue of The American Scholar: The mob's leaders dragged Walker half a mile, stopping in a clearing bordered by split-rail fences just beyond the Newlin farmhouse. It made a good theater, and the all-white crowd -- now nearly four thousand strong -- poured up from the road to take their places. As men ran back and forth from the barn with dry straw and firewood, Walker shouted from the fence railing: "For God's sake, give a man a chance! I killed Rice in self-defense. Don't give me no crooked death because I ain't white!" But the fire was soon blazing up, illuminating the faces not only of men but also of women and children, who had been drawn by the commotion on the way home from church.
Within minutes, Walker was hurled onto the pyre, his body quickly enveloped in flames. The crowd roared its approval, and those close to the fire hunched forward, according to a newspaper report, "eagerly watching the look of mingled horror and terror that distorted his blood-smeared face." As the flames scorched his skin, Walker let out a series of awful screams that were heard, according to later testimony, almost a mile away. He seemed close to death when he managed, somehow, to crawl out of the fire. Still breathing, he reached the fence, his back -- as one boy later testified -- "all raw with burns. The onlookers paused in shock for a moment; no one had anticipated this. Then several of them beat him or pushed him with fence rails back into the flames. Shrieking with pain, Walker managed to struggle out a second time, still shackled to the burning footboard. According to witnesses, when he was pushed back in again, his flesh was visibly hanging from his body. To the crowd's amazement, Walker struggled out of the fire a third time. This time they allowed him to crawl almost to their feet, astonished and horrified by what one reporter called "the revolting spectacle his maimed and half-burned body presented to them." Finally, several men swung a rope around his neck, holding it taut at both ends, and pulled him back into the coals. His resistance gone, Zachariah Walker gave one last terrible scream and collapsed. His body was soon obscured by a wall of fire, and the smoke carried the smell of roasting human flesh into the night sky.
The following day, the Coatesville Record remarked on the politeness of the crowd: "Five thousand men, women, and children stood by and watched the proceedings as though it were a ball game or another variety of spectator sport." Boys had stopped for cold soda afterward at the Coatesville Candy Company to retell the story. Many returned to the site the next day to gather fragments of bone and charred flesh as souvenirs.
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Dan Davis, 1912
On May 25, 1912, Dan Davis, an Afro-American man charged with the attempted rape of a Euro-American woman was lynched by burning alive. There was some disappointment in the crowd and criticism of those who had bossed the arrangements, because the fire was so slow in reaching the Negro. It was really only ten minutes after the fire started that the smoking shoe soles and twitching of the Negro's feet indicated that his lower extremities were burning, but the time seemed much longer. The spectators had waited so long to see him tortured that they begrudged the ten minutes before his suffering really began.
The Negro had uttered but few words. When he was led to where he was to be burned he said quite calmly, "I wish some of you gentlemen would be Christian enough to cut my throat," but nobody responded. When the fire started, he screamed, "Lord, have mercy on my soul," and that was the last word he spoke, though he was conscious for fully twenty minutes after that. His exhibition of nerve aroused the admiration even of his torturers.
A slight hitch in the proceedings occurred when the Negro was about half burned. His clothing had been stripped off and burned to ashes by the flames and his black body hung nude in the gray dawn light. The flesh had been burned from his legs as high as the knees when it was seen that the wood supply was running short. None of the men or boys wanted to miss an incident of the torture. All feared something of more than usual interest might happen, and it would be embarrassing to admit later on of not having seen it on account of being absent after more wood.
Something had to be done, however, and a few men by the edge of the crowd, ran after more dry-goods boxes, and by reason of this "public-service" gained standing room in the inner circle after having delivered the fuel. Meanwhile the crowd jeered the dying man and uttered shocking comments suggestive of a cannibalistic spirit. Some danced and sang to testify to their enjoyment of the occasion.
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Leo Frank, 1915
The lynching to death of Leo Frank represents one of only four cases of a Jewish-American being lynched in United States history. (There was a case of a double lynching of a Negro and a Jew in Tennessee in 1868; there were two other cases of American Jews lynched in the 1890s.) Frank, the manager of an Atlanta pencil factory, was accused of murdering teenaged employee Mary Phagan in 1913. Despite evidence linking the factory's African-American janitor, Jim Conley, to the heinous crime, a jury of Frank's Atlanta peers found him guilty and Frank was sentenced to death by hanging. Not only did the prosecution ignore evidence pointing to Conley; it used Conley as its main witness to condemn Frank. This was a unique moment in southern legal history - the testimony of a black man in Jim Crow society used against a white defendant. Subsequent appeals were denied, with even the United States Supreme Court refusing to hear the case.
Jim Slaton, then the governor of Georgia, alone stood between Frank and the fulfillment of his death sentence. In the face of overwhelming evidence contrary to the guilty verdict, Slaton commuted Frank's death sentence to life in prison. Public outcry was enormous, and on August 16, 1915, 25 armed men kidnapped Frank from prison, drove him 100 miles outside Atlanta to Mary Phagan's home town of Marietta, and hung him from a tree. For U.S. Senator Tom Watson, the malevolent Georgia Populist, Frank's violent death -- he refrained from using the word lynching -- "put Jew Libertines on notice." Ironically, at an earlier stage of his career, Watson had professed his intention to "make lynch law odious to the people." By 1915 he defended lynch law and warned: "The next Jew who does what Frank did is going to get exactly the same thing we give Negro rapists."
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Jesse Washington, 1916
On May 15, 1916, seventeen-year-old Jesse Washington was mutilated and burned to death on the city hall grounds in Waco, Texas.
Washington was arrested one week earlier for raping and beating to death the wife of a white farmer in Robinson, Texas. Washington confessed to both crimes. Ironically, in an effort to prevent locals from taking the law into their own hands, Samuel S. Fleming, the sheriff for Washington's home county of McLennan, transferred the suspect to the "safety" of the Dallas County Jail to await trial.
The trial began and concluded on May 15. It took the all-white jury a total of four minutes to find Washington guilty and to sentence him to death. Before the death penalty could be administered by the state, however, a band of the courtroom spectators grabbed Washington, put a chain around his neck, and dragged him to a elevated arboreal setting "natural" amphitheatre near the city hall where another group from the mob had begun to build a bonfire. They poured coal oil over Washington. Then, throwing the other end of the chain around his neck over a nearby tree branch, the mob hoisted him into the air, only to lower his body onto the pile of wood and lighting both man and tinder on fire.
After a couple of hours, men from the crowd shoved the charred remains of Washington into a bag and pulled it behind a car all the way home to Robinson, Texas. Back in Waco, the mob hung the sack in front of a blacksmith's shop for viewing before the constable cut it down and sent Washington's remains to a Waco undertaker. A huge crowd of approximately 15,000 people witnessed the "spectacle" lynching of Jesse Washington; entrepreneurs hawked a variety of beverages and snacks while the African-American youth was being tortured to death. A series of infamous photographs documenting the lynching were converted into taken by an enterprising photographer and converted into postcards. An estimated 50,000 of these grisly souvenirs were later sold or traded.
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The Porvenir Massacre, 1918
Porvenir means “future” in Spanish, but in a tiny tejano village called Porvenir the future was extinguished. It happened during a single tragic episode of white-on-brown racial and economically motivated violence.
Isolated from population centers by the Sierra Vieja mountainous crest along the northern Rio Grande (a few miles upriver from Pilares, Chihuahua) Mexican descent tejano people herded goats, raised vegetable gardens, and were preparing to plant cotton and corn as staple crops during the coming Spring. But enmity existed between the local Anglos, mostly sheep and cattle ranchers, and the villagers living in Porvenir. The “Mexicans” were reviled for using available grazing lands mainly for “subsistence living” – deemed to be a “waste” by envious Anglos. Such enmity was kept concealed beneath the surface of cordial human relations much of the time – as long as the tejanos remained subservient in their dealings with their Caucasian neighbors.
An aggravating factor was also the turbulent times. Between 1910 and 1920 in Texas, conflict with the border peoples and the Anglos often boiled over. Many times white lynch mobs and bands of Anglo ruffians sought tejanos to victimize – occasionally in reprisal for violence committed by Mexican or tejano outlaws against whites (be it white persons or property). Sometimes mere accusations of such brown-on-white violence were used to justify preemptive attacks against innocent tejanos. So-called Anglos were seldom lacking a racist motive, as “Manifest Destiny” – control of Texas lands by whites – was an underlying doctrine held dear.
On Christmas Day, 1917, bandits suspected to be Mexican, possibly acting in concert with the legendary Pancho Villa, raided the huge 125,000-acre ranch and robbed the employee store owned by prominent Anglo Luke Brite centered in northwest Presidio County, Texas – about fifteen miles from the Rio Grande and the U.S.-Mexican border. Two of the raiders and two Mexican mail hack passengers were killed as a consequence of the raid. The next month, Company B of the Texas Rangers led by Captain J.M. Fox tried to mount a reprisal. Soon his attention focused on the “bad reputation” of the “Mexicans” inhabiting Porvenir as given him by local ranchers. Writes Texas historian and author Glenn Justice, “The ranchers agreed with Fox that Porvenir was a bandit’s nest that needed to be cleaned out.” The store at Brite’s Ranch was the nearest to Porvenir – a hard day’s ride distant on horseback, so the villagers occasionally purchased sundries there. According to Justice, at 1:00 a.m. on January 24, 1918, about forty Americans, some wearing masks, surrounded Porvenir and roused the sleeping tejanos. Writes Justice, “The pitiful residents were rounded up and held at gunpoint while the Rangers searched their jacales – the crude mud huts housing most of the villagers. In one jacal, they found two rifles and a shotgun. They found a holstered pistol hanging near a cot in the house of John Bailey, the lone Anglo living in Porvenir. The Rangers confiscated all of the guns. Following the search, they released all the villagers except Roman Nieves, Eutimio Gonzales, and Manuel Fierro. The Rangers held the trio for questioning because they wore Hamilton Brown shoes, a brand carried by the Brite store and stolen during the raid.” (Although this is not proof that the shoes were stolen as Nieves, Gonzales, and Fierro might well have purchased them from the store as they claimed.) While the trio from Porvenir was released the next day, and Fierro headed for Mexico – Nieves and Gonzales returned to Porvenir, according to Justice. But sadly, this wasn’t the end of it. Shortly after midnight on January 28, 1918 (exactly two weeks earlier according to eyewitness Juan Bonilla Flores, whose father was killed in this mass lynching), the night was bitterly cold. Marched barefoot over the chilled, cactus-strewn ground, 15 men and male teenagers culled from the ranks of the pleading villagers were marched to the base of a small rock bluff about half-mile distant from the village and mercilessly shot to death. Flores’s father Longino had been shot many times. Flores recalled, “His face was gone and his head nearly severed. All of them were like that – nearly unrecognizable.” The list of the victims at Porvenir included landowners Manuel Morales, 47, who possessed a deed to 1,600 acres, Roman Nieves, 48, who possessed a deed to 320 acres, Longino Flores, 44, Alberto Garcia, 35, Eutimio Gonzales, 37, Macedonio Huertas, 30, Tiburcio Jaques, 50, Ambrosio Hernandez, 21, Antonio Castanedo, 72, Pedro Herrera, 25, Viviano Herrera, 23, Severiano Herrera, 18, Pedro Jimenez, 27, Serapio Jimenez, 25, and Juan Jimenez – the youngest victim at age 16.
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Two Towns
Kirven, Texas 1922
On May 4th, 1922, after the last full day of school in Kirven, Texas, 17-year-old Eula Ausley was taken from her horse, carried into the thick brush, sexually mutilated and then beaten to death. Her disappearance was noticed immediately and family members organized a search party to investigate. Her nearly decapitated, naked body was found soon after and the search became a manhunt. The members of the hunt, which one estimate put at 1,000 men, combed through the woods, armed with whatever weapons they could find, looking for something which might lead to the killer or killers. Early into the search, the disgruntled wife of a black search party member alerted neighbors that her husband, McKinley "Snap" Curry, had come home on the afternoon of the murder bloodied from what he claimed was a rabbit hunt. Curry now became the hunted. Despite the fact that Sheriff Horace Mayo already had two white suspects who were enemies of Eula's family in custody, Mayo changed the focus of the investigation. He arrested Curry and apparently forced a statement which implicated two other men, 19-year-old Johnny Cornish and 46-year-old Mose Jones, that had been arrested on the suspicion that they were friends with Curry. A mob consisting of most of the search party assembled outside the jail to sate its hunger for vengeance. After midnight on May 6th, the mob forced its way into the prison and dragged the three black suspects out of their cells. They were driven to a lot between the old Baptist Church and the Methodist Church in Kirven. The gruesome ritual began. Approximately fifty men started gathering wood and a heavy plow was dragged into the lot to act as an anchor for the burning Negroes. But, as these preparations were being made, the crowd became anxious for a quicker punishment. Curry, Jones and Cornish were taken from the cars and thrown to the ground in front of the crowd. A knife appeared as the three men on the ground probably had the dreadful realization that some of these farmworkers had gained experience in the gelding of calves. Accounts vary as to what happened next. All agree that Curry was castrated. In an interview with filmmaker Gode Davis during June of 2000, 104-year-old Hobart Carter, Cornish's best friend in 1922, revealed that Cornish might also have been castrated. When enough wood was available, the bloodied Curry was bound to the plow's seat and doused in gasoline. The wood was stacked up all around him and a match was applied. The flames consumed him and within ten minutes he was dead and his flesh was nearly all burnt to a crisp. Next, Jones was brought forward. As the metal of the plow was too hot to touch, a water soaked rope was used to tie up Jones hands and drag him back and forth through the fire. Witnesses say that when he would come out on one side of the fire, members of the lynch mob would beat him back in. Supposedly, Jones made one attempt to break free from the ropes and ran directly into Eula's uncle, Otis King. King then hit him with a radius rod from a Model T Ford, dislodging an eye from its socket. Jones was then pulled back into the fire and died. Cornish, having seen the slow, painful deaths of his friends, cursed the sadistic lynchers. After being pulled through the flames only a few times, Cornish grabbed the plow and stuck his head deep into the fire, inhaled, and died. The three dead bodies were then piled up, doused again with kerosene and oil and lit afire. Whatever ashes the wind did not sweep up that morning were taken home as souvenirs. The hardened livers of the men were also recovered from the fire and then sliced up so they could be divided among the spectators.
With the three alleged murderers lynched before a crowd of between 500 and 1,000, the bloodlust should have ended. It did not. Terror reigned for days afterwards as aftershocks of the three burnings claimed more lives. On the morning of May 8th, Shadrick Green, a friend of Cornish and Jones who was said to have been fishing with the two on the fourth, was found hanging from a tree. He was naked with his neck broken and his body was riddled with bullets. It seems as if after this lynching, open season was declared on all Negroes and yet, ironically, whites were just as terrified as blacks. White paranoia suspected that legions of armed blacks were approaching Kirven to retaliate for the lynchings. Whites began to leave all their lights on in their houses so no imagined black murderer could sneak in during the night. Blacks, on the other hand, left all their lights off attempting to avoid the notice of the actual roaming bands of armed whites. The mobs roamed the streets killing any blacks they could find. Survivors claimed that hanged blacks were found daily and that other bullet-ridden bodies were discovered in outhouses, fields and shallow graves. By June 9th, 1922, the rash of murder and lynching had ended but the effects on Kirven were grim and lasting. Many of the town's workers disappeared as nearly the whole black population left the area. The oil economy dried up. Now, Kirven is a vestigial place almost a ghost town.
A recent investigation and book, Flames After Midnight: Murder, Vengeance and the Desolation of a Texas Community, by Monte Akers, concluded that Mose Jones and Johnny Cornish were innocent. McKinley "Snap" Curry is now believed to have accepted $15 to assist two men in murdering Eula Ausley. The two men, Claude and Audey Prowell, were the same two men in custody when Curry was arrested. Their bloody tracks led from the murder site to their house but they were released after four black men, Curry, Jones, Cornish and Green, had already paid the price.
Rosewood, Florida 1923
On the afternoon of New Year's Day 1923, a search party knocked on the door to Sam Carter's house. They were looking for a recently escaped black convict named Jesse Hunter accused of assaulting a white woman in Sumner, Florida. At the end of the day, 45-year-old Sam Carter, a blacksmith, was to be the one hanging from a tree. Carter, who lived midway between Rosewood and Sumner, was reportedly seen with Hunter after his escape. The mob came to Carter's place to see what information he had that could help and to determine the extent of his implication. Carter admitted to housing the accused and to helping him escape in his wagon. He then led the search party to the place where he and the fugitive had parted ways. Bloodhounds sniffed the surrounding area, unable to pick up a scent. The dogs' failure incensed the mob. White frustration quickly turned to anger. Carter was suspected of fooling them. They questioned him further and when they found his answers unsatisfactory, Carter was tortured, shot repeatedly and hanged from a tree. Some witnesses claimed that the accused whom Carter admitted to helping was actually the white lover of the allegedly assaulted woman. Their story said that her lover beat her after an argument and that she blamed a black man to diffuse suspicion surrounding her extra-marital affairs. The testimony of these black eyewitnesses was not to be heard and the white mob kept searching for Hunter.
After a shootout at the Carrier house in Rosewood that left at least two whites and two blacks dead, whites surrounded the town inhabited mostly by blacks and began to burn every building in sight. Houses, churches and schools were laid to waste. As Lexie Gordon ran from her burning home, the white mob shot her dead. Those that escaped hid in the woods and watched as flames consumed all that they knew. Some survivors claimed that countless others that escaped the shootout died from gunshot wounds after they made it to the woods. This assertion is most likely true as the mob found many traces of blood both inside the house and leading away from it. The next day, January 5th, James Carrier became the second lynching victim. James' mother and brother were among those killed at the shootout and he had been inside the house at the time. Carrier was thought to have information about the gunmen in the shootout and was being pursued by the mob. He entrusted himself to a white acquaintance to protect him but the man turned him over as soon as the band of 30 armed whites arrived. Carrier was interrogated but refused to name others besides Hunter. He was brought to the graves of his freshly deceased brother and mother and shot several times. His body was found stretched across one of their graves. The entire remaining black community of Rosewood narrowly escaped the next day on a train to Gainesville and the rest of the town's structures were torched. Today nothing remains of Rosewood save a sign and the charred remains of a few buildings.
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Marion Indiana, 1930
On the night of August 7, 1930, three young African Americans -- Thomas Shipp age nineteen, Abram Smith eighteen, and sixteen-year-old James Cameron -- faced the hideous wrath of a lynch mob in the Ku Klux Klan-dominated town of Marion, Indiana. Only Cameron survived. The black youths had been involved in the robbery-inspired murder of Claude Deeter, 23, a white factory worker from nearby Fairmount, Indiana, and were accused of sexually assaulting Deeter's white girlfriend, nineteen-year-old Marion resident Mary Ball. While the latter charge was never proven, such charges, however spurious, were easily assumed by racist whites and frequently served to incite lynch mobs to commit even greater atrocities. Both Shipp and Smith were snatched from a jail cell only a block and a half from the giant oak tree where their bodies were soon to hang lifeless, beaten and hanged to death by the furious mob -- their grisly fate documented in a graphic if also infamous photograph. Cameron was badly beaten and nearly suffered an identical demise, but was saved at the last moment by the intervention of a "voice" from the crowd. "That boy didn't have anything to do with any killing or raping!" shouted the voice. Cameron's mysterious benefactor was never identified.
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Henry Argo, 1930
In the wee hours of the morning on May 31st, 1930, a dubious accusation of rape gave lynch law yet another victim-a 19 year old Negro, Henry Argo. The murder took place inside the Chickasha, Oklahoma courthouse after Argo was accused of rape by a white sharecropper's wife. People of both races in the town questioned her claim. Argo was thought of as a half-wit by the black community. As night fell, a mob gathered outside demanding that Argo be turned over to them. The National Guard was called to Chickasha to disperse the near-frenzied crowd, but the lynching was guaranteed once people realized that the Guardsmen were armed only with blanks. The mob began to use violence against the Guardsmen for interfering in the punishment of this black rapist. They threw sticks and stones, fracturing the skull of one Guardsman, and burned a National Guard truck after forcing the collected Guardsmen into a retreat. Around 3 am, one of the members of the mob climbed up the courthouse wall, leaned through a second-story window and shot Argo in the top of the head. As the accused rapist lay there bloodied, the sheriff arrived and dismissed the Guardsmen. At 6 am, the sheriff permitted a group to come in and see Argo's body. George Skinner, husband of the woman who had accused Argo, soon stabbed the dying boy in the chest. Seven hours later, Argo died-after being refused at the local hospital. A witness later remarked, "Stickin' that boy was just like stickin' a hog. He only had to stick him once." No one-including Skinner who committed murder right before the eyes of the local sheriff-was ever convicted on any charges.
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Cleo Wright, 1942
On January 25, 1942, a few weeks after the bombing of Pearl Harbor, a black oil-mill worker knifed Grace Sturgeon, a white soldier's wife, in her home. When apprehended, Cleo Wright also knifed a marshal, and was shot repeatedly. Hours later, while his victims were recuperating in a hospital, and Wright lay dying in an unsecured jailhouse, he was seized by an angry Sikeston, Missouri all-white mob. Dragged through the streets behind a car and later doused with gasoline, Wright was burned alive in the middle of Sikeston's black community. Such brazen savagery at a time when unity against a supposedly barbaric totalitarian enemy was considered a matter of national survival ignited public censure nationwide--though not--significantly-- in Sikeston.
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The Whole World to See
Emmett Till, 1955
While visiting his mother's family in Greenwood, Mississippi during the steamy August of 1955, black Chicagoan 14-year-old Emmett Till ran headlong into segregated southern society with devastating repercussions. Mumbling "Bye, Baby" while wolf whistling at the white wife of the general store's owner upon leaving a store, the teenager became marked for death. The following Saturday night, rousted from sleep, Till was taken by a posse of white men seeking to avenge the "honor" of the woman Till spoke to in the store. They castrated him and beat him to death before tying him to the propeller of a cotton gin, submerging him in the swampy waters of the Tallahatchie River. When his body surfaced and was transported back home to Chicago for the funeral, Emmett's mother, Mamie Till, insisted on an open casket so that the whole world could see what they had done to her baby. The black press covered the story, which was eventually picked up by the national press, and across the country white and black Americans saw the boy's bloated corpse. A trial commenced back in Mississippi, significant not in its verdict (all of the men were found not guilty by an all-white jury,) but in the witnesses who testified. Black witnesses came forward and in open court pointed out the guilty men, despite the risk to themselves that such action would entail.
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Mack Charles Parker, 1959
During the wee hours of April 24, 1959, Mack Charles Parker was lynched in Poplarville, Mississippi. An African-American, Parker had been confined to the Pearl River County Jail in Poplarville after being charged with the rape of a pregnant white woman. Broken out of jail and tortured and shot to death by a white supremacist mob, Parker's mutilated corpse was discovered May 4, 1959 on the Louisiana side of the Pearl River -- about two and a half miles south of the Bogalusa Bridge.
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The Civil Rights Movement
It cannot be said that one event alone spurred a people to action and that the Civil Rights Movement was born. Instead, the Movement developed out of the post-World War II society in the mid-1950s and early 1960s. The Movement did not start when the Supreme Court eliminated "separate but equal" educations with its Brown v. Board of Education decision, nor did Rosa Parks or the students of the Greensboro, North Carolina sit-ins inaugurate it. Instead, each individual struggle and its subsequent achievement altered the tone of society and the expectations of present and future generations. Those opposed to anything but a separate and inherently unequal society saw such developments as an assault on order and their very way of life. As a reaction to and an attempt to strike fear into the hearts and minds of the Black population against "nigger loving" concepts of racial equality, southerners revived the ever-effective lynching, which had been in decline, to combat the achievements of Civil Rights workers. Lynching served as a reminder to all Southern blacks that they existed in the Jim Crow South. The violent deaths inflicted both on locals who attempted to work within their own community as well as on "outside agitators" from such Civil Rights organizations as the Congress of Racial Equality attempted to maintain the status quo of Southern society through the implicit threat of the lynch mob. Lynching, however, had the opposite of its intended effect. Instead of silencing the black population and dissuading them from organizing, several well-publicized lynchings galvanized the Civil Rights movement, introduced a national audience to the violence inflicted by an archaic social order, and even forced the federal government to become involved in what had been a state government concern.
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Chopsticks are tools with a significant purpose; the manipulation of objects, practice of philosophy and religion, and the spread of cultural ideals. This utensil is used to consume food and to symbolize a variety of ideas, including death in traditional Asian religion. It is also useful for showing the differences and culture of various Asian countries. Different people also see chopsticks in very contrasting points of view; using this tool is a very personal experience. This unique tool can be analyzed through a variety of ways, such as its structure and mythical qualities.
The sign for chopsticks is somewhat complex; the spoken sound of the word (the signifier) evokes the image of a pair of equal-sized bamboo, plastic, or wood sticks held in one hand (the signified). On the other hand, the signifier is a simple sound made up of two short and concise syllables- "chop" and "stick". When this signified is coupled with the sound (the signifier), it establishes that when the word "chopsticks" are said, most people would usually think of a pair of sticks used for eating. The word "chopsticks" is actually a syntagm because of how the words "chop" and "stick" are used together as one word. "Chop" and "stick" have two very distinct and separate meanings, but when placed side by side as one word, they are interpreted as a tool. Associative relationships involving the term "chopsticks" are also evident, even though these relationships tend to be based on signified concepts such as chopsticks, fork, and knife (all three of these items are eating utensils). The associative relationships that the word "chopsticks" show can also relate to concepts such as Asian cuisine and culture because of how it spread from China to the neighboring countries in Asian and Southeast Asia through immigration (in other words, people associate chopsticks with Asian culture and food because of its prevalent use in Asia and Southeast Asia).
There is a long history associated with chopsticks; this tool was developed in Ancient China during prehistoric times and was widely in use by the Shang Dynasty (about 1200 B.C.E.). The use of chopsticks eventually spread to nearby Asian countries such as Japan, Korea, and Vietnam around 500 C.E. through Chinese immigrants, though the Japanese initially used chopsticks in religious rituals. After chopsticks became extremely common in those four countries, their use spread to countries in Southeast Asia such as Malaysia and Thailand through immigration. People from the Southeast Asian countries often preferred to use chopsticks for consuming noodles and similar dishes rather than for eating rice. In modern times, using chopsticks is associated with Asian or Southeast Asian cuisine and culture.
Chopsticks are very distinct tools, usually made from materials such as wood, bamboo, plastic, or lightweight metal. They are usually held in the hand and maneuvered to pick up various objects, and they function not only as an eating utensil, but also as an extension of a person's limb. Using chopsticks allows for a person to pick up and manipulate food without getting their hands dirty. Even though they are all the same in usage, each Asian region has developed certain styles of chopsticks. For example, Chinese chopsticks tend to be rectangular on one end and ovular on the other, whereas Japanese chopsticks taper to a point on the end used for food. Each different type of chopstick from a specific country can therefore be considered as a sign, because when a specific type of chopstick is mentioned (such as Japanese chopsticks, which is the signifier), a specific image of the chopstick is brought to mind (Japanese chopsticks are short and pointed on the end for eating from, which is the signified).
Chopsticks can even vary between each individual pair created; some of these variations can be extremely important and personal to certain people. For example, a person might choose to only use a certain pair of chopsticks to eat because of the specific characteristics of that pair of chopsticks. These special chopsticks can have characteristics as specific as being a certain length, texture, weight, or even material (such as a pair of long, lightweight bamboo chopsticks). When someone chooses a specific, special pair of chopsticks, it may have a psychological effect on the person; he or she may believe that food eaten with that certain pair of chopsticks is much more enjoyable.
Surprisingly, chopsticks can also be seen as a sign for protection against danger. During some of the early dynasties in China, the emperor and the royalty would often use chopsticks made out of silver. They believed that using chopsticks made of silver was a form of protection because the chopsticks would supposedly turn black if there was any kind of poison in the food. This shows how chopsticks can be used to represent other ideas that are usually not associated with eating. The silver chopsticks' turning black is a signifier for the concept of the poison in the food, which is danger (the signified).
Chopsticks have been used since the Shang Dynasty in China, and they were developed as an alternative eating utensil to forks and knives because it was commonly believed that the use of forks and knives for eating was a show of aggression (and therefore, affinity with war and conflict). The use of chopsticks also reflected some of the values emphasized by the philosopher Confucius, as well as values based on Buddhism and Taoist religions (in which vegetarianism is encouraged – this negates the need for a knife to eat with because there is no meat to cut and eat). When people use chopsticks, it allows for practicing the philosophical belief of maintaining peaceful actions. Chopsticks may be used for taking food apart (in other words, cutting food apart), thus it may be used as a substitute as a knife. This philosophical ideal also extends into religion, especially the major religions prominent in Asia, where chopsticks are most commonly used. In addition to the philosophical belief of promoting peacefulness, the use of chopsticks symbolizes how culture and scholars were starting to become more important than military strength and warrior culture.
There are a few religious taboos (especially in Taoism and Buddhism) involving chopsticks, even though these utensils are generally thought of as showing peacefulness while eating at the table. When chopsticks are placed improperly at the table, it can symbolize death. These kinds of taboos occur in several different cultures. Chinese people often avoid placing their chopsticks straight up in a bowl of rice because it mirrors the incense offerings burned for the dead at funeral ceremonies. Similarly, Japanese and Vietnamese people believe that crossing the chopsticks or placing them in certain formations symbolizes death or bad omens. It seems ironic that chopsticks are used for good (eating), but may also mean something considered bad (death and funerals). Therefore, chopsticks are not only used as an eating utensil; these tools also symbolically represent other serious religious or cultural beliefs. Chopsticks can also be seen as signs in this situation, in which the placement of the chopsticks in a certain position (signifier) can mean a specific concept such as death (signified).
Chopsticks are also related to the traditional practice of ancestor worship; people would often leave chopsticks at an ancestor's altar or burial site. People believed that chopsticks are used in the afterlife by their ancestors to consume the food offerings. Chopsticks are important because if the spirits in the afterlife do not have a way to eat, they are believed to become hungry and dissatisfied with the family, which leads to bad luck for the living family members. Therefore, chopsticks are significant utensils in ancestor worship because it is one of the things needed to prevent bad luck from being exacted by a family's departed ancestors. This serves as an oneiric function, because it reflects how people either accept or reflect on death and what happens to people as a whole after dying. It also shows how people think about deeper aspects of humanity and the state of being, in other words, what is the difference between life and death.
Using chopsticks can be a very personal and thoughtful experience. On first glance, chopsticks look very easy to hold and manipulate, especially when someone has been using them for an extended period of time. Watching someone use a pair of chopsticks makes eating and moving objects around seem very graceful and almost artistic in nature. Chopsticks can be used for just about any size of food, whether it is cut into small pieces or left as larger chunks. On the other hand, using chopsticks for the first time can be very awkward and challenging. This may even lead to frustration and aggressiveness (ironically contradicting the peaceful ideal that chopsticks were associated with), but as the user improves at using the tool, he or she gradually becomes more graceful and careful. This shows how using chopsticks can be a matter of differing perspectives (gaze); what one person believes to be difficult can be completely effortless to another.
Chopsticks are very interesting object that is useful for purposes that usually aren't obvious, and they serve as practical manifestations of nonphysical ideas. This tool can be used to manipulate all kinds of food, and can represent Asian and Southeast Asian cuisines. On the other hand, chopsticks can symbolize significant taboos in several countries and religion. This utensil can also convey a gesture of peacefulness and a change in cultural ideals. In short, chopsticks are a simple object with several complex uses and meanings behind its usage.
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Analyzing Longfellow - The Sound of the SeaBy Henry Wadsworth Longfellow.
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Analyzing Longfellow The Sound of the Sea By Henry Wadsworth Longfellow In the poem, The Sound of the Sea, by Longfellow, the speaker uses an allusion of the sea to show a comparison between the "rushing of the sea-tides" and the process of the human soul being inspired. The speaker is enchanted by the ways that occasions and situations are revealed to the soul through "inspirations" in a method of almost "foreshadowing" what is to come in the future. These "inspirations" come as sporadically to humans beings as the tide's rushing in along the beaches. This allusion is presented through the poem with a regular rhyme scheme (abbaabba, cdecdec) in a single stanza format. Longfellow uses the poem as a metaphor to symbolize how strong and powerful visions suddenly come to humans, and seem to speak to our "souls." ...read more.
The speaker views these inspirations on almost some sort of supernatural occurrence, being "beyond our reason or control." Since ideas seem inspired without logic, but rather inspired above our reason, the speaker believes these "inspirations" are some sort of "divine foreshadowing" of what is to come in the future. This mystical sense and powerful feeling given to the way humans are inspired (with the comparison of the "rising tide") gives a complex and enigmatic characteristic to the human soul. Changed By Henry Wadsworth Longfellow In the poem, Changed, by Longfellow, the speaker is returning to the place where he had lived earlier, but now is arriving to see it differently as he had used to see it, or rather think of it, as he had when he was younger. ...read more.
The speaker obviously did not expect to see this change, or had ever felt that his perspective of things had changed until now. Presently, able to evaluate and compare his past ideas of his home-town with his present, he sees everything in a different light, and that indeed not only has the town changed and become more worn down, but he has changed also, because now the sun is "Not the sun that used to be." Though certainly the sun itself has not changed, but rather the perspective of the speaker has "changed", changing the way the sun seems to him, showing that the town is not the only altered factor in this poem. This poem illustrates how with time everything changes. Holding that there are few things that are 'timeless' universally, eventually all things will change, whether physically or perspectively. ...read more.
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Islamic land grant
Iqṭāʿ, in the Islāmic empire of the Caliphate, land granted to army officials for limited periods in lieu of a regular wage. It has sometimes been erroneously compared to the fief of medieval Europe. The iqṭāʿ system was established in the 9th century ad to relieve the state treasury when insufficient tax revenue and little booty from campaigns made it difficult for the government to pay army salaries.
Land subject to the iqṭāʿ was originally owned by non-Muslims and thus was subject to a special property tax, the kharāj. While the land remained legally the property of its owner, the iqṭāʿ was a grant of appropriation to a Muslim officer entitling him to collect the kharāj from the owner. Out of this the officer was expected to pay the smaller ʿushr, or tithe, on income, but was allowed to keep the balance as his salary. However, it proved difficult for the government to extract any payments from the officers, and the Būyids, an Iranian dynasty (reigned 932–1062), made the iqṭāʿ a grant of usufruct by which the muqṭaʿ (recipient officer) collected taxes from the land—calculated to approximate his usual pay. As the officer usually lived in a city remote from his iqṭāʿ, he had little interest in the land or its cultivators. The grant was merely a wage, and as soon as the land or its people were depleted, it was exchanged for a more productive area. By the time that the Seljuq regime (1038–1194) ended, the iqṭāʿ had been introduced into the provinces and the number and size of iqṭʿat had proliferated drastically, accounting for as much as half the land of the state, while the term of ownership also had grown, occasionally leading to hereditary succession. With this new permanence muqṭaʿs began to show an interest in the land and its maintenance, buying up neighbouring territory and binding the peasants to the soil by refusing to let them leave without having paid their taxes. The system survived the Mongol invasion of the 13th century but during subsequent Ottoman rule was replaced by an essentially similar arrangement that was called the timar.
The iqṭāʿ reappeared under the Il-Khans in Iran (reigned 1256–1353), where it was granted either as a hereditary allotment or for a specified period.
In Ayyūbid (1169–1250) Egypt, the iqṭāʿ approximated the muqāṭaʿah system, common in the caliphal domains, under which certain districts or peoples, such as Bedouins, Kurds, or Turkmen, paid a fixed tax directly to the state treasury, bypassing any intermediary tax collector. Thus, the Egyptian iqṭāʿ, primarily agricultural land, was leased for a limited time for a contracted sum of money. The power of the muqṭaʿ was strictly limited by extensive state controls and a deliberate distribution of land so as to avoid monopoly by any one muqṭaʿ.
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...for large sums of money to the moneylenders of Delhi. ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Khaljī altered the situation radically, implementing the principles of the iqṭāʿ (revenue district) and the kharāj (land tax) in their classic sense. The ...
...resorted to short-term expedients such as tax farming (auctioning the right of taxation to the highest bidder), which encouraged extortion and oppression, and granting iqṭāʿs to the military. In theory, iqṭāʿs were grants of the right to collect and use tax revenues; they could...
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Why is the female cone usually larger than the male cone?
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pohnpei397 | College Teacher | (Level 3) Distinguished Educator
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I assume that you are asking about the cones that are involved in the reproduction of conifers. If so, there are two reasons why female cones would be larger than male cones.
First, female cones' role in reproduction is to hold the seeds that will be pollinated by pollen from male cones. Pollen is very small -- it is released up into the air and spread by the wind. Therefore, male cones don't need to be big. Seeds are relatively big. Because of that, there needs to be more space in a female cone and that means the female cone must be bigger.
Second, the female cone is a target for pollen. It has to simply stay on the tree and "hope" pollen hits it. For this reason, it makes sense for the female cone to be bigger so that there is more chance of pollen hitting it.
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1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Rank
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RANK (O.Fr. ranc or renc, mod. rang, generally connected with the O.E. and O.H.G. hring, a ring), a row or line, as of cabs or carriages, but especially of soldiers drawn up abreast in a line; in “rank and file” the “rank” is the horizontal line of soldiers, the “file” the vertical. From the sense of orderly arrangement “rank” is applied to grades or classes in a social or other organization, and particularly to a high grade, as in such expressions as a “person of rank.” This word must be distinguished from the adjective “rank,” over-luxuriant, coarse, strong, generally connected with the Low Ger. rank, thin, tall (cf. Du. rank, upright). The O.E. rinc, warrior, i.e. full-grown man, may be also connected with the word; Skeat refers also to “rack,” to pull out straight.
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Rat Radar: Rodent Uses Natural "GPS"
John Pickrell in England
for National Geographic News
January 29, 2004
Hikers trekking through unfamiliar territory are well advised to carry a
compass, if not a GPS unit, to stay on course. Other animals are lucky
enough to have complex navigational equipment in-built. New research
reveals that Israel's blind mole rat (Spalax ehrenbergi) uses the
Earth's magnetic field on long journeys, much like a compass, to
continuously monitor and maintain its course.
But that's not where the burrowing rodent's abilities end. The mole rat also has an uncanny habit of burrowing around obstacles—such as ditches or concrete blocks—without ever coming in to physical contact with them.
"One of the most interesting characteristics of this unique subterranean mammal is that it is [totally] blind," said Tali Kimchi, who studies the brain and behavior at Tel Aviv University in Israel. "This created a strong evolutionary pressure on the mole rat to develop specialized, non-visual mechanisms of orientation that enable it to find its way underground."
Making navigational mistakes underground is expensive business too. Excavating soil uses between 360 and 3,400 times as much energy as moving the same distance above ground.
Internal Map
Israel's blind mole rats live most of their lives underground in pitch-black, complex tunnel systems. They have to dig over great distances when foraging for bulbs and roots, and then have to find their way home again.
Like other rodents, dogs, even people, mole rats can predict where they are simply by keeping track of their own balance and movement, said Kimchi. But over long distances in a mish-mash of winding tunnels, that internal map may not be enough, she said.
Sighted animals use visual landmarks to keep correcting mistakes, but the blind mole rat—which may have lost its eyes in an irreversible evolutionary step up to 30 million years ago—had to be using something else, said Kimchi.
Researchers already knew that a related species, the Zambian mole rat (Cryptomys anselli), could detect the Earth's magnetic field. So, Kimchi along with biologists Joseph Terkel, also in Tel Aviv, and Ariane Etienne of the University of Geneva in Switzerland decided to test if the Middle Eastern species might be using that ability to deftly navigate in the dark.
As they reported online January 21 in the science journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, the team put wild mole rats into two types of laboratory maze.
One maze was wheel-shaped and made up of eight radial spokes with a central hub. The animals were required to find their way from a feeding place to a nesting box by the most direct route. When the maze was placed between two massive electromagnets—which had the effect of turning the Earth's magnetic field by 90°—the mole rats were much more likely to lose their way.
In a second rectangular maze, the mole rats were tested on their ability to use their internal map along with the magnetic compass to find new shortcuts to a food reward. Again, once the magnetic field was unexpectedly turned by 90°, they were much less likely to discover a shortcut.
The mole rats lost their way less often under the altered magnetic field when they only had to travel short distances, noted Kimchi, suggesting that they switch to using the Earth's magnetic field as a reference point when navigating over long distances.
Rat Radar
While some birds, fish, amphibians, insects, and several other rodents can use the Earth's magnetic field to assess direction when they begin an excursion, the blind mole rat is the first animal to be shown to use it to regularly correct errors as it travels.
"The change in navigation strategy [over long distances] is very interesting indeed," agreed Roswitha Wiltschko, behavioral physiologist at the J.W. Goethe University in Frankfurt, Germany. Though she says that the idea that mole rats switch from an internal map to an external reference such as the Earth's magnetic field has been suggested before but not tested.
Another study by Kimchi and Terkel, published in the November 2003 issue of the science journal Animal Behaviour, shows that blind mole rats have additional radar-like abilities to detect obstacles before they come into contact with them. Another talent human hikers would kill for.
The pair found that when they blocked wild mole rats' tunnels, the animals carefully dug out the shortest route around the obstacles to reconnect them. Furthermore, they left a safe margin of 10 to 20 centimeters (4 to 8 inches) when the obstacle was a hollow ditch, but closely followed the shape of solid concrete obstacles by just 3 to 8 centimeters (1 to 3 inches). Ingeniously, when an obstacle was placed asymmetrically across the tunnel, the mole rats always detoured it on the shorter side.
The scientists believe that the animals could be using seismic waves generated by banging their heads against the earth, much like radar, to detect any dangers that lie ahead. "It's totally clear that mole rats drum their heads to communicate and have a good sense of hearing low frequency sounds," commented Pavel Nemec, zoologist at Charles University in Prague, the Czech Republic. "And it is quite possible that they use vibrations to test proximal surroundings."
"It is amazing that mole rats live in a permanently dark environment and are able to navigate so well," added Nemec. "Other animals use sight to correct their mistakes. Mole rats use the Earth's magnetic field."
© 1996-2008 National Geographic Society. All rights reserved.
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close home go to Race - The Power of an Illusion
What differences make a difference?
The Race Literacy Quiz was developed by California Newsreel, in association with the Association of American Colleges and Universities. The myths and misconceptions it raises are explored in the documentary series RACE - The Power of an Illusion, available on video from California Newsreel at www.newsreel.org or 1-877-811-7495. For more information and background, visit the companion Web site at www.PBS.org/Race.
1. Humans have approximately 30,000 genes. On average, how many genes separate all members of one race from all members of another race?
A. None
B. 1
C. 23
D. 142
E. 1008
F. We don't know
2. Which characteristic did the ancient Greeks believe most distinguished them from "barbarians"?
A. Religion
B. Skin color
C. Language
D. Dress
E. Hairiness
3. In Medieval Europe (circa 1300-1400), Ethiopians were looked upon as:
A. Savages
B. Saviors
C. Barbarians
D. Infidels
E. Negroes
4. Members of a race can be identified by their:
A. Blood group
B. Skin color
C. Ancestry
D. Genes
E. None of the above
F. All of the above
5. Skin color correlates most closely with:
A. Hair form
C. Risk for sickle cell, Tay Sachs and other genetic diseases
D. Geographic latitude
E. Continent of ancestral origin
F. Jumping and sprinting ability
6. When Jamestown colonist John Rolfe and his new wife Pocahontas traveled to the Court of London in 1619, it caused a scandal because:
A. An Englishman had married an Indian
B. John Rolfe had cuckolded General John Smith, the leader of the colony
C. Pocahontas, a princess, married beneath her station by wedding a commoner
D. Londoners had never seen an Indian before
E. A Christian had married a heathen
7. The rise of the idea of white supremacy was tied most directly to:
A. Indian removal
B. Slavery
C. The Declaration of Independence
D. The U.S. Constitution
E. Ancient Greece
8. Which group has the most genetic variation?
A. Humans
B. Chimpanzees
C. Penguins
D. Fruit flies
E. Elephants
9. Which two populations are most likely, on average, to be genetically similar?
A. Italians and Ethiopians
B. Senegalese and Kenyans
C. Italians and Swedes
D. Chinese and Lakota (Sioux)
E. Saudi Arabians and Ethiopians
10. Most human genetic variation can be found:
A. Within any local population, for example, among Zulus, or among Hmong
B. Between two populations on the same continent, for example between Irish and Poles
C. Between two populations on different continents, for example between Koreans and Zulus
D. Between any two continents, for example, between Africa and Asia
E. Between tall people and short people
11. Which continent has the greatest human genetic diversity?
A. Europe
B. Asia
C. Africa
D. North America
E. South America
12. Who was the first American public figure to suggest, albeit "as a suspicion only," that black people might be inherently inferior to whites?
A. Thomas Jefferson
B. Sir Walter Raleigh
C. George Washington
D. Robert E. Lee
E. Capt. John Smith, founder of the Jamestown colony
13. Which of the following was NOT an important reason why African slavery first took root in North America:
A. As non-Christians, they had no legal protections
B. They were skilled semi-tropical farmers
C. The supply of indentured servants from Europe was becoming unreliable
D. They were deemed innately inferior
E. They couldn't easily run away
14. Which was NOT introduced to Indians by whites?
A. An Indian identity
B. Democracy
C. Identity by "blood quantum"
D. Horses
E. Measles
15. Of the $120 billion in home loans underwritten by the federal government between 1933 and 1962, what percentage went to white homeowners?
A. 45 percent
B. 64 percent
C. 75 percent
D. 88 percent
E. 98 percent
16. Which of the following is not a result of federal government policies?
A. Redlining
B. Urban renewal
C. Deterioration of inner cities
D. Affirmative action quotas
E. The wealth gap between black and white families
17. Today, the net worth of the average white family is how much compared to the average black family?
A. Three times as much
B. Eight times as much
C. Half as much
D. Twice as much
E. The same
18. When white and black families of similar incomes are compared, what is the difference in their net worth?
A. No difference
B. Black net worth is slightly greater
C. White net worth is more than eight times greater
D. White net worth is more than two times greater
E. Black net worth is twice as great
19. According to a 1993 study, 86% of suburban whites lived in a community where the black population was:
A. Less than 5%
B. Less than 10%
C. Less than 1%
D. More than 10%
E. More than 15%
20. Which is NOT an example of a government racial preference program?
A. 1964 Civil Rights Act
B. 1862 Homestead Act
C. 1790 Naturalization Act
D. 1934 Federal Housing Administration
E. 1935 Social Security Act
1. A. None
There are no characteristics, no traits, not even one gene that distinguish all members of one so-called race from all members of another race.
2. C. Language
The word barbarian comes from the Greek word "bar-bar," for someone who stutters, is unintelligible, or does not speak Greek. The Greeks, like most ancient peoples, did not attribute much meaning to physical appearance. In ancient Greece, language was the difference that mattered, because it indicated who was not Greek. Some historians believe that the first to be labeled barbarian were the Scythians of circa 500 B.C., who lived northeast of the Black Sea and were very fair skinned. Ideas of 'race' did not exist during antiquity.
3. B. Saviors
In medieval Europe, religion mattered most, not physical appearance. At the time, Christian Europe was at war with the Moslem Empire. Europe looked towards a mythical Christian Ethiopian kingdom, led by the fabled priest-king Prester John, to rescue them from the infidels. Theories of race didn't emerge until the late 18th and early 19th centuries.
4. E. None of the above
There are no traits, no characteristics, not even one gene that is present in all members of one so-called race and absent in another. The A, B, and O blood groups can be found in all the world's peoples (the percentage of Estonians and Papua New Guineans with A, B, and O blood are almost exactly identical). Skin color tends to correlate with the earth's geographic latitude not race; sub-Saharan Africans, the Dravidians and Tamils of southern Asia, and Melanesians from the Pacific all have very dark skin. Ancestry is difficult to trace; we all have two parents, four grandparents, etc. If you could trace your family back 30 generations, slightly more than 1,000 years, you'd find one billion ancestors.
5. D. Geographic latitude
Skin color tends to correspond with ultra-violet radiation from the sun and hence latitude. People with ancestors from the tropics typically have darker skin while those further north have lighter skin. Sub-Saharan Africans, Asian Indians, Aboriginal Australians and Melanesians all have dark skin. But skin color really is only skin deep. Most traits are inherited independently from one another. The genes influencing skin color have nothing to do with those influencing hair form, eye shape, and blood type, let alone the very complex traits we value such as intelligence, musical ability or athletic ability. Genetic diseases are inherited through families, not race. Sickle cell, for example, confers resistance to malaria. It occurs in people whose ancestors came from where malaria was once common: the Mediterranean, Arabia, Turkey, southern Asia and western and central Africa - but not southern Africa. The presence of sickle cell is not an indicator of race but of having an ancestor from a malarial region.
6. C. Pocahontas, a princess, married beneath her station by wedding a commoner
17th century England was a very hierarchical, feudal society where people's class status was fixed at birth. Status was so important that laws regulated the clothing people could wear so they couldn't "pass" as another class. When John Rolfe took his new bride Pocahontas (who had converted to Christianity) back with him to London in 1617, the English had not yet developed the racial ideology that later justified their taking of Indian lands. But it was unthinkable that royalty would marry a commoner.
7. C. The Declaration of Independence
Ironically, it was freedom, not slavery, that gave rise to modern theories of race. Until the Revolutionary period, slavery was an unquestioned "fact of life." It was only when Americans proclaimed the radical new idea that "all men are created equal" that slavery was first challenged as immoral. As historian Barbara Fields notes, the new idea of race helped explain why some people could be denied the rights and freedoms that others took for granted.
8. D. Fruit flies
Fruit flies have been around for a very long time but they also have a short life span, so lots of genetic mutations have accumulated over many generations. In contrast, modern humans are one of the most genetically similar of all species. On average, only one of every 1,000 nucleotides (the "letters" that make up our DNA) differ one individual from another. This is because we are a relatively young species (approximately 150,000 - 200,000 years old). We simply haven't been around long enough to accumulate much genetic variation. Also, humans have always moved, mixed and mated, further homogenizing our gene pool. Beneath the skin, we're all very similar.
9. E. Saudi Arabians and Ethiopians
Populations that live near each other geographically tend to be genetically more alike than populations that live far apart. That's because they are more likely to have intermixed in the recent past and therefore share more genes. So even though Senegalese and Kenyans or Italians and Swedes are traditionally placed in the same "races," they live farther apart from each other and have had less contact and intermixing than Saudis and Ethiopians.
10. A. Within a local population
85%, or almost all human variation, can be found within any single local population, whether it's Malay, Irish, Zulus or Koreans. There is FAR more variation within groups than between groups. This means that there may be as many - or more - genetic differences between two random Koreans as between a random Korean and a Zulu. On average, approximately 94% of all genetic variation can be found within any continental area.
11. C. Africa
We are all Africans. Modern humans (Homo sapien sapiens) originated in Africa, and we spent most of our evolution as a species together there. Some modern humans first left Africa 50,000 - 70,000 years ago and spread out around the world. All the other populations of the world can be seen as a subset of Africans. Every human genetic trait found elsewhere can also be found in Africa, with the exception of relatively few recent variations favored by the environment, genetic drift, or sexual selection - such as light skin.
12. A. Thomas Jefferson
Thomas Jefferson was the first prominent American to speculate that black people might be innately inferior to Europeans. Until then, most Enlightenment figures believed that differences between groups were not inborn but due to environmental factors. It wasn't until Jefferson introduced the radical new ideas of liberty and equality that slavery had to be justified and prejudices against the enslaved began to crystallize into a doctrine of white supremacy. American freedom and the idea of innate racial difference were born together. Historian Barbara Fields calls them "Siamese twins."
13. D. They were deemed innately inferior
Throughout much of history, societies have enslaved people, often as a result of conquest, war or even debt. People were not enslaved because they were first deemed inferior. African slaves were well-suited to labor in North America: unlike the Indians, they were resistant to European diseases; they couldn't easily run away; they were not Christians (and hence unprotected by English law); and they were skilled semi-tropical farmers. Finally, in the late 17th century, African slaves became available in large numbers just as the original labor force on Virginia's tobacco plantations - English indentured servants - began to rebel and immigration from England slowed. Over time, the degradation of slavery became identified with blackness, giving white Americans the idea that Africans were a fundamentally different kind of people.
14. B. Democracy
United States' representative democracy drew upon the traditions of the Iroquois Confederacy. Indians didn't think of themselves as Indians when European settlers arrived, but rather as members of separate tribes or nations, divided by language, custom and religion. The idea of "blood quantum," i.e., the determination of Indian identity by ancestry, was imposed by the federal government. In contrast, tribal membership traditionally was open to anyone, even Europeans, as long as they accepted tribal customs and authority. There were no horses in the New World until they were brought over by Europeans. Measles, small-pox and other communicable diseases were also unknown in the Americas prior to European exploration. Some historians estimate that up to 90% of all Atlantic coast Indians died from diseases contracted from European traders and explorers by the time of the first Plymouth settlement.
15. E. 98 percent
Beginning in the 1930s and 1940s, the federal government created programs that subsidized low-cost home loans, opening up home ownership to millions of Americans for the first time. At the same time, government underwriters introduced a national appraisal system tying property value and loan eligibility to race, inventing "redlining," and effectively locking nonwhites out of home-buying just as most middle class white Americans were beginning to purchase homes.
16. D. Affirmative action quotas
Federal affirmative action guidelines specifically prohibit quotas. Beginning in the 1930, the Federal Housing Administration and related programs made it possible for millions of average white Americans to own a home for the first time and set off the post-WWII suburban building boom. The government established a national neighborhood appraisal system, explicitly tying mortgage eligibility to race, a policy known today as "redlining." The FHA and other government policies made possible the post-World War II all-white suburbs, while people of color and in central cities were denied loans. Government policies and practices helped create two legacies that are still with us today: segregated communities and a substantial wealth gap between whites and nonwhites, much of which can be traced to the differential value of their homes.
17. B: Eight times as much
Probably no one statistic better captures the cumulative disadvantage of past discrimination than wealth. Even at the same income levels, whites still have, on average, twice as much wealth as nonwhites. Much of this difference is due to the different rates of home ownership and the different values of homes in white and Black neighborhoods. But wealth is not only the end point, it's the starting line for the next generation - helping finance your children's education, helping them through hard times, or helping with the down payment of their own home. Economists estimate 50-80% of one's lifetime wealth accumulation can be traced to this head start. As wealth gets passed down from generation to generation, the legacy of past discrimination accumulates, giving whites and nonwhites vastly different life chances.
18. D. White net worth is more than two times greater
See above (Question #17) for explanation.
19. C. Less than 1%
According to the 2000 Census, whites are more likely to be segregated than any other group. This is largely a result of past housing discrimination, but it is perpetuated today by unfair practices such as predatory lending, racial steering and a substantial wealth gap between black and white families. Today, 71% of whites own their own home, compared to 44% of African Americans. Black and Latino mortgage applicants are 60% more likely than whites to be turned down for loans, even after controlling for employment, financial, and neighborhood characteristics. On average, nonwhites who are approved for mortgages still pay higher rates.
20. A. 1964 Civil Rights Act
The Civil Rights Act made racial discrimination in public places illegal. The other programs are all examples of racial preferences - for white people. Over a 40-year period, the Homestead Act gave away, for free, 270 million acres of what had been Indian Territory, almost all of it to white people. The Naturalization Act allowed only "free white persons" to adopt citizenship, thus opening our doors to European immigrants, but barring Asians and other groups. Racial barriers to citizenship were not removed until 1952. The Federal Housing Administration made it possible for millions of average white Americans - but not others - to own a home for the first time. (see #16 above). And the Social Security Act specifically exempted two occupations from coverage: farm-workers and domestics, both largely non-white.
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Skinner Air Crib
Skinner's Air Crib
Skinner's Air Crib
Skinner had high hopes that the air crib would ease parental burdens and contribute positively to children’s development. Skinner was particularly concerned about rearing a baby in the harsh environment of Minnesota where he lived and worked. Keeping the child warm was a central priority. Traditionally, this meant wrapping the baby in clothes and blankets. This not only inhibited the child’s self-directed movement, but the baby could easily overheat as well. It also meant labor for parents, from more laundry to frequent bathing of the child.
The air crib was intended to dispense with these concerns. In terms of design, the air crib was basically an oversized metal crib but with a ceiling, three solid walls and a safety-glass pane at the front which could be lowered to move the baby in and out of the crib. Canvas was stretched to create a floor. Sheeting was be rolled on top of the canvas and easily rolled off when soiled. Parents regulated the temperature and humidity of the crib via a control box on top of the crib and clean air was filtered into the crib from below. The crib was also higher than other cribs of the day, allowing easier access to the child without the burden of stooping over.
Skinner’s second daughter, Deborah slept and played in this new crib during the first 2 years of her life. By all accounts she had a healthy, happy childhood and adulthood. The cribs were commercially produced and it is estimated that over 300 children were raised in them. Psychology Today ran a short piece on the air crib where the authors tracked down 50 children that used the air crib. The results for these children were positive and the parents enjoyed using the crib. Yvonne also believed it was superior to a standard crib (Epstein, 1995).
So why did the air crib fail to catch on? Why has it become an archival display piece rather than a standard tool for childrearing? Public perception iof the air crib was anything but positive. When Ladies Home Journal ran a piece on the new crib in 1945, the American public got its first glimpse into the curious new invention (Skinner, 1945). The title of the article, “Baby in a Box,” as well as Skinner’s use of the word “experiment” to describe the experience likely contributed to public skepticism about the device (Bjork, 1997). The image accompanying the article was similarly damaging; it showed Deborah enclosed within the crib, peering out with her face and hands pressed up against the glass. In addition, select parts of the article were reprinted in other major outlets. As a result, many readers did not get the entire story. Some began to make inferences about the nature of the crib based on the much more famous Skinner box. The air crib therefore became associated with rewards, pellets, levers, and the like. People were also wary of using science and technology as aids or perhaps replacements for the loving labor of the mother. Companies also rejected the idea because any problems with such a device could result in exceedingly negative publicity (Benjamin & Nielson-Gammon, 1999; Bjork, 1997).
The controversy over the air crib eventually grew into an urban legend about Skinner’s daughter, Deborah. This legend grew out of the assumed psychological harm of raising a child in an air crib. It was rumored that Deborah’s early experiences in the crib caused her to go crazy, sue her father, and commit suicide. These legends are in fact false; Deborah grew up normally, has talked very positively about her childhood, and has no issues with the air crib (Skinner-Buzan, 2004).
The fascinating story of the air crib highlights the tensions between science, technology, and everyday life. People were so concerned about the possible negative ramifications of this new type of crib that they ignored its potential benefits. Skinner and his wife identified 19 different positive results for both them and their daughter from use of the air crib. A few air cribs do still exist today, some homemade and some passed on from parent to child, but Skinner’s vision of the air crib as the childrearing device of the future never materialized. Public opinion on the device could not be swayed and the possibility of the air crib revolution was relegated to history. ♦
Benjamin, L.T., Jr. & Nielson-Gammon, E. (1999). B.F. Skinner and psychotechnology: The case of the heir conditioner. Review of General Psychology, 3, 155-167. doi:10.1037/1089-2680.3.3.155
Bjork, D. W. (1996). B. F. Skinner: A life. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
Epstein, R. (1995, November 1). Babies in boxes. Psychology Today. Retrieved from http://psychologytoday.com/articles/pto-19951101-000010.html
Skinner, B. F. (1945). Baby in a box: The mechanical baby-tender. The Ladies Home Journal, 62, 30-31, 135-136, 138.
Skinner-Buzan, D. (2004, March 12). I was not a lab rat. Guardian. Retrieved from http://www.guardian.co.uk/education/2004/mar/12/highereducation.uk
Observer Vol.23, No.7 September, 2010
Leave a comment below and continue the conversation.
I want an air crib for my next baby!!!!!!!!
You may not want an aircrib after all. I had 2 children reared in one; unless you take them out a lot (when they are not sleeping) when they reach the crawling stage, you will have a child with hand-eye coordination problems; this really inhibits success in school (hard for them to learn to read). I was so delighted with my children and was fortunate enough to be at home with them, so mine were out a lot and I was talking, cuddling, and playing with them when they were. (We had an intercom, so I alway knew when they ere crying or awake). Not all parents nowadays have the options I had and both parents and caregivers run a risk of not interacting as much since they know the child is safe & warm. My eldest is now 49 – no one was really aware that crawling had that effect when she was a baby, including Skinner, whom I met once – he was a shy, gray little man (see reprogramming for neurological injuries), but both of mine turned out just fine, thank goodness!
It was a crib. A crib with climate control (in the days before central heating and air). You would take your kids out of it just as much as you would take a child out of any other crib.
why are we not funding this
This sounded like a great idea. And it looks like an incubator. Thats what i had to use for my last baby because of jaundice and he has turned out fine.
Leave a comment.
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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51°30′N 3°42′E / 51.500°N 3.700°E / 51.500; 3.700 The Sloedam is an old dam, connecting the Dutch islands Zuid-Beveland and Walcheren near the town of Arnemuiden. Before this dam was constructed, these islands were separated by a stretch of water called the Sloe. The Sloedam was constructed in 1871 during the laying of the railway between the towns of Vlissingen and Roosendaal, the Zeeuwse Lijn. After World War II, the areas to the south were poldered. Ever since the Veerse Gatdam and the Oosterscheldedam were created, the dam does not function as a primary defense against the sea.
World War II[edit]
During World War II, many battles were fought on and around the Sloedam.
In 1940, the area was contested during the German invasion of the Low Countries in May 1940 in the Battle of Zeeland. A combined French-Dutch force attempted to stop the German invasion, but was unsuccessful in this attempt.
In the period of 1944 and 1945, heavy fighting once again came to the area when the Allies attempted to clear the entrance to the harbor of Antwerpen. After heave fighting, Zeeuws-Vlaanderen and Zuid-Beveland were freed from German control by Canadian forces. However, the Walcheren island still contained a large German force that controlled access to the Western Scheldt. De Sloedam was the only access road to the former island of Walcheren.
The Canadians reached the dam from Zuid-Beveland. The Germans were well prepared, and had established multiple well-prepared mortar sites that allowed them to fire on every point of the dam. The Canadian attempts to reach Walcheren all failed.
Two Dutch resistance fighters offered their assistance to the Canadians. They knew the sandbars of the Sloe that ran dry during low tide, and these resistance fighters led a patrol to Walcheren that managed to mark the dry area. After a short reconnaissance of the German positions, the patrol returned to Zuid-Beveland. The next day a large Canadian unit managed to cross, once again aided by the resistance men. This unit managed to reach the island of Walcheren, and attacked the German positions from the rear, managing to capture the mortar positions. The main Canadian force then crossed the Sloedam to Walcheren and established a beachhead. Operation Infatuate, the capture of Walcheren, was about to commence.[1]
See also[edit]
1. ^ Canadezen in actie. Henk Bollen en Paul Vroemen; Terra 1992; ISBN 90-6255-599-3
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Embed Follow
• Students analyze how the character of Odysseus from Homer’s Odysseya “man of twists and turns”—reflects conflicting motivations through his interactions with other characters in the epic poem. They articulate how his conflicting loyalties during his long and complicated journey home from the Trojan War both advance the plot of Homer’s epic and develop themes. [RL.9–10.3]
• Students analyze how Michael Shaara in his Civil War novel The Killer Angels creates a sense of tension and even surprise regarding the outcome of events at the Battle of Gettysburg through pacing, ordering of events, and the overarching structure of the novel. [RL.9–10.5]
• Students analyze in detail the theme of relationships between mothers and daughters and how that theme develops over the course of Amy Tan’s The Joy Luck Club. Students search the text for specific details that show how the theme emerges and how it is shaped and refined over the course of the novel. [RL.9–10.2]
• Students analyze how the Japanese filmmaker Akira Kurosawa in his film Throne of Blood draws on and transforms Shakespeare’s play Macbeth in order to develop a similar plot set in feudal Japan. [RL.9–10.9]
• Students analyze how artistic representations of Ramses II (the pharaoh who reigned during the time of Moses) vary, basing their analysis on what is emphasized or absent in different treatments of the pharaoh in works of art (e.g., images in the British Museum) and in Percy Bysshe Shelley’s poem “Ozymandias.” [RL.9–10.7]
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The Study Subjects: Vicunas and Pumas
Wildlife Ecology in San Guillermo National Park
The goal of this study is to determine the effects of puma predation on vicunas and on the biological communities that pumas and vicunas inhabit.
In the area, the only predator capable of hunting guanacos and vicunas is the puma. These large cats are found throughout the Americas from Alaska to the southern tip of South America.
Depending on where they are found, pumas are also known as cougars or mountain lions. The pumas that inhabit North, Central and South America are slightly different but all belong to the same species. In other words, a puma in Alaska is just the same as a puma found in any other country of the Americas. They all share the scientific name of Puma. Pumas evolved in North America 5 to 6 million years ago and colonized Central and South America. Pumas finally arrived in South America approximately 2.5 million years ago.
Mom and Babies
National Park Administration,
Researchers have studied the food habits of pumas throughout the Americas. They prefer to feed on large prey such as deer, peccaries (a type of wild pig), antelope, guanacos, and vicunas. In San Guillermo National Park:
Mice make up 11% of the puma's diet.
Hares make up 9% of the puma's diet.
Vicuna as Food
The rest of the puma's diet, a whopping 80%, comes from vicunas!
Like most cats, pumas are stalking predators that rely on cover and stealth to approach and ambush their prey.
Sites where pumas can hide are more dangerous for their prey. This area provides both good grazing for vicunas and good hunting for pumas.
Hiding places
Rocky outcrops also provide good cover for pumas.
Vicuna and Guanaco: Wild Camelids in San Guillermo National Park
Guanaco and Vicuna grazing
In San Guillermo National Park, guanacos and vicunas graze in flat open plains and meadows. This is the largest coexisting population of guanacos and vicuna in South America.
Native to South America
Guanacos and vicunas who are members of the camel family evolved in South America, likely between 2 and 3 million years ago. Since then, they have been roaming in the arid and semi-arid landscapes of South America.
Vicunas (scientific name Vicuna vicuna) are only found in four countries of South America: Argentina, Bolivia, Chile and Peru.
Guanaco (scientific name Lama guanaco) have a wider range than vicuna and are found in Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, Colombia, Paraguay, Chile and Argentina.
Wild and Domestic: How are Vicuna, Guanaco, Alpaca and Llama Related?
Vicuna, guanaco, alpaca and llama are members of the camel family.
In the wild the vicuna and guanaco are only found in South America where they evolved without the influence of human beings.
Llamas and alpaca are the domestic forms of the vicuna and guanaco, the result of human manipulation that started several thousand years ago. They can be found through out Latin America and have been imported to the United States, Canada and Europe. Llamas are raised for meat and wool, used as pack animals and, in some places, used to guard sheep herds. Alpacas are prized for the quality of their wool.
Wild and Domestic: How are Vicuna, Guanaco, Alpaca and Llama related?
Recent genetic studies show that alpacas are a domestic form of the vicuña, while the llamas are a domestic form of the guanaco. The scientific names have not yet been changed to reflect this. When they are, Alpaca will be named Vicuna vicuna pacos and llama will be named Lama guanaco glama.
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What Is Horsepower?
Content Tools
7964 Oakwood Park Ct., St. Michaels, Maryland 21663
A horsepower in the 18th Century was not a unit of power, but was a power source. A horsepower had a vertical wood shaft pivoted top and bottom to the structural timbers of a building. An arm, also of wood, was attached to the vertical shaft. A horse, hitched to the end of the arm, walked in circles to rotate the shaft. Wood gears at the top of the shaft drove a horizontal shaft to a machine, such as a grist mill or fulling mill. If two horses were used, it was called a two-horsepower.
In the 18th Century, steam power was in its infancy. Power to aid human muscle was either animal power or water power.
In 19th Century, after cast iron became available, portable horsepower were manufactured and used on farms. These had a gear box which was staked down. An arm extended from the top of the gearbox and the output shaft was close to the ground so the horse stepped over it.
About 1770, James Watt chose the horsepower device for power comparison with his newly-invented steam engine. The actual continuous output of the horsepower device depended on many factors, such as the strength and vigor of the horse, how fast and hard the operator drove the horse, and the efficiency of the wood gears. Watt decided upon 33,000 foot-pounds per minute as the standard output of a horsepower, and that has been our definition of the unit of power ever since.
The power produced at the drawbar of a tractor, for example, is the pull in pounds times the speed of the tractor in feet per minute, divided by 33,000. By simple arithmetic, one can convert this formula to rotating power. Horsepower is the torque in pound-feet times the speed in RPM divided by 5252.
Watt's unit of power originated in England and we acquired it along with a lot of other English units. Germany was another early industrial nation and they also adopted horsepower as a unit of power. They call it PS (for Pferdestaerke) and it is used in all of continental Europe. As it is based on metric measurements, it is not quite the same as our horsepower. Because of that problem, the International Standards Organization (ISO) made the decision in the 1960's to use kilowatts as the international standard. So don't be surprised to see a modern engine rated in kilowatts. 1 HP equals 0.746 kilowatts. 1 PS equals 0.736 kilowatts.
It is interesting that scientists named the electrical unit of power after James Watt.
Obviously, a horse can produce a lot of power for a short period, as can a human. Consider a team of horses in a pulling contest, where the team pulls a 5000 pound stone boat at 6 MPH. If we assume a coefficient of friction between steel stone boat and the earth of 0.6, the team is producing 48 HP or 24 HP for each horse.
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Erie Location
Southern shore of Lake Erie beginning near Buffalo, New York and then west to the vicinity of Sandusky, Ohio. Their homeland may also have extended far inland to include large parts of the upper Ohio River Valley and its branches in northern Ohio, western Pennsylvania and West Virginia.
Unknown, unless wild guesses are acceptable. The French had only one meeting with the Erie but never learned how many villages there were or the extent of their territory. Estimates have varied
from 4,000 to 15,000, but the ability of the Erie to defy the Iroquois (without benefit of European firearms) seems to favor the higher figures - probably at least 10,000. There appears to have been a sudden surge in their population prior to 1653. The wide range in their population estimates could be explained by the large number of Huron and Neutral refugees who joined the Erie in 1651.
Erie is a short form of the Iroquian word "Erielhonan" meaning literally "long tail"" and referring to the panther (cougar or mountain lion). Hence their French name was Nation du Chat (cat nation). Their other Iroquoian names - Awenrehronon and Rhilerrhonon (Rhierrhonon) - carry the same meaning, although the Huron muddied the situation by using Yenresh (panther people) for both the Erie and Neutrals. Other names which seem to have been used for the Erie were: Atirhagenret, Chat (French), Gaquagaono, Kahqua (Kahkwa) (Seneca), Rhagenratka, and Black Mingua (Dutch).
Iroquian. Reportedly similar to one of the Huron dialects.
The Erie are believed to have had many villages and several divisions, but only three names have been preserved:
Kentaientonga (Gentaguehronon, Gentaienton, Gentaguetehronnon), Honniasont (Black Minqua, Honniasontkeronon, Oniassontke), and Rigué (Arrigahaga, Rigueronnon, Rique, Riquehronnon).
One clue as to the number of Erie villages came years later, when the Iroquois told the French they had destroyed 19 Kentaientonga villages in the Ohio by 1650.
With French contact limited to one brief meeting, very little is known for certain about the Erie except they were important, and they were there. The Dutch and Swedes also heard about them through their trade with the Susquehannock, but never actually met the Erie. All information about their social and political organization has come from early Jesuit accounts of what they had been told by the Huron. Although questionable because of the lack of first-hand observation, this information seems reasonable enough. The Erie had a large population, several divisions and lived in permanent, stockaded towns. Like other Iroquian peoples in the area, they were an agricultural people. They were traditional enemies of the Iroquois, and there had been many wars between them before the Europeans. The Iroquois, who always mentioned the Erie were great warriors, have verified the long-term hostility, and also add that the Erie frequently used poisoned arrows in war.
In 1615 Étienne Brulé met a group of Erie near Niagara Falls. So far as is known, this was their only encounter with Europeans. At the time the Erie were members of a three-way alliance(Neutrals and Wenro) against the Iroquois. Although it is is not known for certain, it is quite possible some of the Erie were allied with the Susquehannock and supported their wars with Iroquois. In any event, the Erie often traded with the Susquehannock and received European goods from them at an early date. It also appears that the Susquehannock were very careful to insure the Erie did not get any firearms and only a limited supply of metal weapons. Huron and Neutral traders apparently took similar precautions.
The Erie needed beaver for this trade and probably encroached on other tribal territories to get it. The result was a war with an unknown Algonquin enemy in 1635 that forced the Erie to abandon some of their western villages. In 1639 the Erie and Neutrals withdrew their protection from the Wenro leaving them to fend for themselves. The Iroquois attacked, and the Wenro were quickly defeated. Most fled to the Huron and Neutrals, although one Wenro group remained east of the Niagara River and resisted until 1643. The alliance between the Erie and Neutrals continued until 1648, when it ended after the Erie failed to support the Neutrals during a short war with the Iroquois. The failure of this alliance occurred just as the war between the Huron Confederacy and Iroquois League was reaching its final stage, and its timing could hardly have been worse. Huronia was overrun in the winter of 1648-49; the Tionontati met the same fate later that year; and in 1650 the Iroquois turned on the Neutrals. Defeated by 1651, large numbers of Neutral and Huron (several thousand) escaped and fled to the Erie. The Erie accepted these refugees but did not treat them well. Apparently, there were still bad feelings from the break-up of the past alliance. They were allowed to stay in the Erie villages but only in a condition of subjugation.
Meanwhile, the Iroquois League demanded the Erie surrender the refugees, but with hundreds of new warriors, the Erie refused. The dispute simmered for two years of strained diplomacy. The western Iroquois (Seneca, Cayuga, and Onondaga) continued to view the refugees as a threat and were not willing to let the matter drop. The Erie were just as determined not to be intimidated by Iroquois threats. Their position, however, was becoming precarious, since the Mohawk and Oneida in 1651 had begun a long war against the Susquehannock (Pennsylvania) isolating the Erie from their only possible ally. The violence grew, and an Erie raid into the Seneca homeland killed the Seneca sachem Annencraos in 1653. In an attempt to avoid open warfare, both sides agreed to a peace conference. However, in the course of a heated argument, one of the Erie warriors killed an Onondaga. The enraged Iroquois killed all 30 of the Erie representatives, and after this peace was impossible. Although they had the advantage of firearms, the Iroquois considered the Erie as dangerous opponents, so they took the precaution of first making peace with the French before beginning the war. With their native allies and trading partners either dead or scattered by the Iroquois, the French did not need much encouragement to sign.
Assured the French would not intervene, the western Iroquois attacked and destroyed two Erie fortified villages in 1654. However, the Erie inflicted heavy losses on the Iroquois during these battles. It took the Seneca, Cayuga, and Onondaga until 1656 before the Erie were defeated. Many survivors were incorporated into the Seneca to replace their losses in the war, and the Erie ceased to exist as a separate tribe. The Erie, however, did not entirely disappear at this time. French map-makers during the next 50 years continued to place the Nation du Chat on their maps as occupying a large area south and west of the Iroquois. Unfortunately, no European explored the Ohio Valley until the 1670s, and they did not find any Erie (or anyone else for that matter). Some of the Erie, Neutrals, Tionontati, and Huron escaped (the Wyandot are the best example). Most of these were small groups, but some may have been fairly large. It took the Iroquois many years to track these people down, and the last group of Erie (southern Pennsylvania) did not surrender to the Iroquois until 1680. Where they had been hiding during the intervening 24 years is a mystery.
In 1656 an unknown tribe fleeing the Iroquois entered the Virginia Piedmont and settled near the falls of the James River (Richmond). They built a large, fortified village and terrorized the local Powhatan tribes who called them the Ricahecrian. A combined English and Powhatan army went out to expel these intruders but was soundly defeated. However, shortly after this battle the Ricahecrian abandoned their village and disappeared. Ricahecrian is a Virginia Algonquin word that seems to mean "from beyond the mountains." The Powhatan obviously believed that these new enemies had come from west of the Appalachians. They may have been a Siouan tribe or possibly Cherokee, but both of these peoples were familiar to the Powhatan. The Shawnee are another possibility, but given a date which coincides with the end of the Erie-Iroquois war, it is very possible they were Erie. Where did the Ricahecrian go afterwards? No answers...just possibilities. They may have moved south and settled among the Iroquian-speaking Meherrin and Tuscarora. Perhaps they continued to South Carolina where, during the 1670s, they may have been the Westo, another mystery tribe. Little is known about the Westo except they lived in a large, fortified village and were alien to the Carolina tidewater. Greatly feared by the resident Siouan tribes, the English were told the Westo were cannibals. The colonists eventually armed the Shawnee (another new arrival) who destroyed them in 1680.
Of course, they could just as easily gone north, or the Ricahecrian may not have been Erie in the first place. Other than the final Erie surrender in 1680, only one other identifiable mention occurred after 1656. In 1662 the Susquehannock told the Dutch they expected 800 Honniasont warriors to join them in their war with the Iroquois. Honniasont is a Iroquian word meaning "wearing something around the neck" and refers to the Black Mingua habit of wearing a black badge on their chests. The Honniasont (Black Mingua) are believed to have been a division of the Erie that lived around the upper Ohio River in western Pennsylvania. 800 warriors would require a population in excess of 3,000 and may have been an exaggeration (Susquehannock or Dutch). It does, however, indicate that there was a large group still free in 1662, but they were gone by 1679. Many of the descendents of the Erie that were adopted by the Seneca began leaving the Iroquois homeland during the 1720s and returned to Ohio. Known as the Mingo (Ohio Iroquois), they were removed to the Indian Territory during the 1840s. It is very likely that many of the Seneca in Oklahoma today have Erie ancestors.
First Nations
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Ab + C → A–C + b
or sometimes
The common names of ligases often include the word "ligase", such as DNA ligase, an enzyme commonly used in molecular biology laboratories to join together DNA fragments. Other common names for ligases include the word "synthetase", because they are used to synthesize new molecules.
Etymology and pronunciation[edit]
The word ligase uses combining forms of lig- (from the Latin verb ligāre, "to bind" or "to tie together") + -ase (denoting an enzyme), yielding "binding enzyme".
See also[edit]
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Make your own free website on
The Armies who fought in 1066
Geoff Boxell
The English
As a result of the preceding Viking wars, by 1066 the shape of the English military had changed from its earlier form of a Fyrd (militia) that consisted of war bands and hearth troops. First Æleþbald, and then his son Ælfred, had introduced the burghs, fortified towns that were strategically placed, into which the local population could seek refuge during a Viking raid. To defend the walls of the burgh the contemporary Burghal Hidage suggests that it required a man every 1.25 metres (or four men per pole in old terms). To obtain this the local thegns (land holders, what today would be classed as 'gentry') were required to have a residence in the burgh and provide one fighting man per hide of land he held to live in it. The manpower for the burgh was in addition to that required for the Fyrd, which needed to be a mobile force. Ælfred split the Fyrd into three units, one serving in the field, the others at their homes resting and ready to meet any local threat. Service was normally for 40 days. Later this became 2 months.
The result of the above was to place an obligation on the thegns and church to provide armed men in proportion to their holdings, rather than the looser arrangements that had previously existed. Originally the requirement was one fully armed man for every 5 hides of land. The value for a hide is open to interpretation, possibly the nominal amount of land needed to maintain one family. Holding 5 hides was the minimum requirement for thegnhood. Effectively, however, the hide was a financial measure for taxation purposes and towns and their folk were assessed as being worth so many hides, irrespective of the land area involved. Normally the thegn himself was expected to belong to the Fyrd, but he could either nominate another family member, hire a substitute or pay 'scyldscot' to the king to pay for his replacement. The heriot or return of arms to a lord by the estate of a dead thegn was a spear, two swords, shield, byrnie (a protective coat of either ring mail or chain mail), and four horses, two with saddles. This suggests that, in addition to the warrior, he had an armed supporter. The folk from the 5 hides that he represented provided 20 shillings to feed and keep him whilst he was in the field (a rate of pay comparable to a knights fee in post Conquest England). Failure to provide a man meant paying heavy fines and could lead to land confiscation. In addition the king, or his representative (shire reeve or Earl), could call on any free man for either military or auxiliary service. There was a law that states that a ceorl (freeman) who acquired a brynie, helmet and sword, but had no land, could not be a thegn. From this, and examples from heroic poetry of the times, it seems that it was not unusual for ceorls to be fighting in the Fyrd.
Under Knute the Danish Vikings eventually ruled in England. Knute introduced a new element, the Huscarl. Although there had always been 'hearth troops', the Huscarl was more than that. They were in many ways a 'guild' of warriors with their own rules of behaviour and code of conduct. In addition to being fighting men, they also served as royal officials. Service was on an annual basis, with older men being given land for loyal service, as had always been the practice in Germanic society. In addition to the king's Huscarls, the great earls also had their own Huscarls. It is estimated that in 1066 the king had around 3,000 Huscarls and each earl 200.
Generally speaking, the national Fyrd consisted of units of the king, earldoms, shires, hundreds, sokes and stipendiary troops. The shire and hundred men would normally expect to only serve within their own area, though men from the marcher shires bordering Wales and Scotland were expected to serve in those countries as well. The personal forces of the king and the earls served wherever they were needed.
In addition to the above the English had a navy (scip fyrd) that was organised and financed in a way similar to the Fyrd.
The standard strategy was for the king or his earls to ride with their Huscarls to wherever the danger lay and join with the men of the local Fyrd.
The battle tactics in 1066 were the same as had been used for generations. Whilst capable of fighting from horseback, this was normally reserved for hunting down defeated foes after a battle. The standard practice in battle for the English was to fight on foot in a shield wall. Here the armoured thegns and Huscarls would stand in line, often many men deep and close their shields. Part of the Bayeux tapestry shews the Huscarls' shield wall in 'close order', with overlapping shields. This would be ideal for blocking a cavalry attack, however, elsewhere it shews an 'open order' shield wall. Re-enactment groups report that a 'close order' wall drastically reduces the mobility of the shield and prevents it being used to parry an opponent's spear thrust. On this basis 'open order' shield walls would appear to be better for infantry attacks. However, as they are quick to point out, re-enactment groups may not necessarily be using shields in the same way as they were used in Old English times.
A man in a shield wall is open to attack from the man in front and the two men to his left. He is dependent on his comrade on his left to protect him against their thrusts. A man in a shield wall is dependent on both his own shield and the offensive spear thrust of his comrades. For effective use, a shield wall requires its members to stay in line, and thus avoid exposing any man to individual attack on his flanks.
After an exchange of arrows, throwing spears, axes, maces and sling shot the shield walls would clash and spears used to attack the enemy. The dreaded long axe, introduced by the Danes would be used when events allowed a more open shield wall, easily cutting down both men and horses as the Normans found out at the Battle of Hastings at Senlac Ridge. Swords were only used when spear and axe had been broken or lost. If all else failed the shield itself could be used as a weapon, especially if it was of the older round type with an iron boss, though even a blow from than a kite shield can be very painful. In addition to matching shield wall to shield wall, an offensive wedge formation, known as the swine's snout, could be used to try and break the opposing wall. The defence against such a tactic was to withdraw your own shield wall in a V shape where the 'snout' was to strike, and attack the 'snout' on its flanks. To fight effectively in a shield wall requires strong discipline and implicit trust in the men with whom you stand shoulder to shoulder. It also requires constant and dedicated practice to ensure that it holds.
Many who see the Bayeux tapestry, come to the conclusion that much of the Fyrd were little more than armed peasants (though a peasantry in the Continental sense has never existed in England). This misconception comes about for two reasons. Firstly, there is a scene depicting English armed with only shovels and picks being attacked by mounted Normans. The positioning of the illustration indicates it is either shewing a Norman foraging party or the Normans attacking men engaged in building defensive works. The second is the presence in the English force of many men not wearing a byrnie or a helmet. There are two points to be understood here. Firstly contemporary pictures often shew the English fighting or raiding in similar dress, indicating that it was not uncommon to have lightly armed skirmishers in an English army. Secondly, although not armoured, the men still have swords, shields, spear and axes, hardly the sort of thing a peasant would own, let alone know how to use effectively.
The army that only days before had defeated King Harald Hardrada of Norway, acknowledged at the time as Christendom's foremost warrior, was hardly a mob of peasants stiffened by a few Huscarls. Rather it was a balanced fighting force, mixing a heavily armed core with light skirmishers and support troops.
In addition to the surviving Huscarls and thegns of King Harold's and Earl Gryth, the men who fought at Hastings came from Wessex, Kent, East Mercia, East Anglia, and the southern Welsh marches. It is noticeable that the men summoned to gather at the hoar apple tree were from different abbeys (two Abbots died as a result of the battle) and counties than those King Harold took north with him to meet the Norse at Stamford Bridge. This would indicate a sophisticated form of selective summons that ensured fresh troops.
The Vikings
The army that Harald Hardrada brought with him to England and fought at Fulford and Stamford Bridge consisted of men from all over the Norse world. The men from Norway he brought with him had long been engaged in a war with Denmark, and were seasoned men that would have to be considered professionals. The men from the Norse settlements of Ireland would also be in that category, often hiring themselves out as mercenaries. Those from Iceland, Denmark, Sweden, the Faeroes, Orkney, Mann and the sundry isles may well have been opportunists trained to the same level as the English thegns.
The method of warfare and tactics used were the same as those used by the opposing English. This is not surprising considering that the English had originated in Scania, Denmark and the North Sea coast of the Netherlands and Germany. In addition the Viking wars had seen the settlement of many men from the Norse lands, thus reinforcing their commonality.
The Normans
Whilst William the Bastard, Duke of Normandy had the support of some of his nobles, who brought with them their contingents of armed retainers, much of his army consisted of younger sons and mercenaries from France, Brittany, Flanders and even Germany.
William's army consisted of distinct elements: cavalry, infantry, archers, sappers and support troops.
The French (a more accurate description and one used by both the English and Normans at the time) cavalry were mounted on light horses that were, however, heavier than the ponies used by the English for transport. They wore brynies and conical helmets that were common to them, the English and the Norse. Their primary weapon was the spear. The Bayeux tapestry shews them being used over arm, using the advantage of the height given by being on a horse, and couched as a lance. The tactic of a 'charge' was denied to them at Hastings by the steepness of the hill, and the English shield wall. In addition to spears the cavalry are shewn welding swords, maces and long clubs.
The French infantry at Hastings would have been similarly equipped to the English thegns and huscarls, but without the dreaded long axes. Surprisingly on the tapestry there do not appear to be any light skirmishers other than some of the archers.
The archers William employed appear to have used the common short bow, though it is possible that crossbows were used as well as they were starting to become common in French lands around that time. Some of the archers wore brynies, whilst others were unarmoured. In the last surviving panel of the Bayeux tapestry, where the defeated English are shewn being persued by the French, one archer is mounted.
At that time pitched battles were not anyone's preferred way of waging war, given the individual risks to those involved, especially the leaders. However, the English had leant during their long struggle against the various Viking attacks of the previous 200 odd years that, in order to stop the invader, you have to trap him and force a battle, otherwise he would retreat only to appear somewhere else.
William, on the other hand, was a typical adherent to the contemporary Continental method of warfare with its raids, harrowing and sieges, as expounded in the De Re Militari, a work of the late Roman period by Vegetius. Senlac was the first pitched battle where he commanded, and only the second he had taken part in. The earlier pitched battle William had been in was Val-es-Dunes, which had been primarily a cavalry battle. Whilst William would have been familiar with the shield wall, he was certainly unused to facing an army so well trained in its use as the English, and he would never have had to face the dreaded long axes as welded by the Huscarls. William's lack of experience in overcoming a solid shield wall is shewn in his initial tactic of sending up first infantry, then cavalry against the English. His success did not come until the very end when, in a desperate final fling, he used cavalry, infantry and archers in a combined attack and even then it was a lucky arrow that won him the battle rather than the vaunted cavalry.
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6. As a lever thrust under a weight is harder to manage, and does not put forth its strength, if the pressure is exerted at the centre, but easily raises the weight when the extreme end of it is pushed down, so sails that are only halfway up have less effect, but when they get farther away from the centre, and are hoisted to the very top of the mast, the pressure at the top forces the ship to make greater progress, though the wind is no stronger but just the same. Again, take the case of oars, which are fastened to the tholes by loops,—when they are pushed forward and drawn back by the hand, if the ends of the blades are at some distance from the centre, the oars foam with the waves of the sea and drive the ship forward in a straight line with a mighty impulse, while her prow cuts through the rare water.
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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For other uses, see Fang (disambiguation).
A fang is a long, pointed tooth. [1] In mammals, a fang is a canine tooth, used for biting and tearing flesh. In snakes, it is a venom-injecting tooth (see snake venom). Spiders also have external fangs, which are part of the chelicerae.
Fangs are most common in carnivores or omnivores, but some herbivores, such as fruit bats, have them as well. They are generally used to hold or swiftly kill prey, such as in large cats. Omnivorous animals, such as bears, use their fangs when hunting fish or other prey, but they are not needed for consuming fruit. Some apes also have fangs, which they use for threats and fighting. However, the relatively short canines of humans are not considered to be fangs.
Fangs in religion, mythology and legend[edit]
The iconographic representation of some Hindu deities include fangs, to symbolize the ability to hunt and kill. Two examples are fierce warrior goddess Chamunda and god of death Yama in some iconographic representations. Fangs are also common among guardian figures such as Verupaksha in Buddhism art in China and East Asia,[2] as well as Rangda in Balinese Hinduism.[3]
Vampire fangs
Hindu god of death Yama with fangs
Hindu warrior goddess Chamunda.
Dragon head on the replica ship, "Hugin"
Snake fangs
See also[edit]
External links[edit]
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Fuzzy Logic
Student activity from the article Fuzzy Logic from the July/August 2010 Our Ohio magazine.
Academic Content Standard
(Social Studies: Geography: Grade 6): This student activity helps students explore geography locations, patterns and processes showing inter-relationships between the physical environment and human activity, and interactions that occur in an interdependent world.
(Note: Key terms used from the National Academic Content Standards, K-12 Social Studies.)
Discussion points
* Read the article with the students or to the students
Read the article titled Fuzzy Logic in Our Ohio magazine or online.
* The peach farm, Quarry Hill Orchard, is located in what county? In what part of the state do you think this county is located? (Hint: What other geography feature in Ohio has the same name?)
* Bill Gammie’s fruit yield depends largely on the weather. What type of weather in April and early May can hurt the peach crop?
* According to the article, Ohio’s “fruit belt” is located where?
o What land feature makes the “fruit belt” the perfect place for orchards?
o Lake Erie provides what two positive effects on the weather for perfect fruit growing situations?
* Explain what the farmer means when he says, “Peaches and other fruit trees don’t like wet feet.” (weather and landforms)
* Define (check out dictionary.com)
o Yield
o Acre: how big is an acre in square feet? (about the size of a football field)
o Variety
o Bushel of peaches: how many peaches or how much does one bushel weigh in pounds? (Ans. 48-50 lbs.)
o Heirloom variety
* What is the most popular peach grown at the Quarry Hill Orchard?
* Name three other varieties of peaches mentioned in the article.
* Would the “fruit belt” be a good location for a person who wanted to grow grapes to buy land? Explain.
* According to the article people can buy better peaches if they buy them directly from the orchard. What does this have to do with geography?
* If you are buying a peach, what qualities should the peach have?
* Does this article give the reader information about the location of other peach orchards? Where?
Hands on at Home or School
* Geography: For the following activities, use a map of Ohio located at the Ohio Department of Transportation, or your own. It may be helpful to print the map.
* Identify the 70 mile ridge of the “fruit belt” from Berea to Sandusky. Shade the area in on your map.
* Is Berlin Heights in Erie County part of the area you shaded?
* Find the latitude and longitude (approx.) of the following cities:
o Berlin Heights
o Berea
o Sandusky
o The city you live in or near
* Browse Bill Gammie’s website QuarryHillOrchards.com
* If Bill Gammie were transporting fresh peaches to your local grocery store, what route, or roads, would he drive?
o Use the Ohio map to trace the route. How long would it take to get the peaches from Quarry Hill to your market?
* Use the following shaded relief map from the Ohio Department of Natural Resources:
o On the map, locate the land feature of the “fruit belt.” Can you see the ridge described by the article?
* Continue to look at the relief map. Can you see differences in landforms that determine what crops farmers grow in what regions? (ex. Flat ground for corn, soybeans, wheat)
* Quarry Hill devotes 30 acres to peach production and produces 5,000 bushels of peaches. How many bushels per acre can Bill Gammie produce?
* If a pound of fresh peaches sell for $3 per pound, how much income can be earned on 250,000 pounds of peaches?
* If one bushel is equal to 50 pounds, and the farmer charges $4 per pound, how much money per bushel would the farmer charge for his peaches?
Family and Consumer Sciences
* According to the article, how do you know, as a consumer, if you are choosing a ripe, perfect peach at the grocery store? Why is this important?
* The final sentence of the article encourages consumers at Quarry Hill to taste the peach before one buys it. Can this be done at the grocery store?
* Try out the peachy recipes with this article!
* Explain how to blanch a food.
* What are the benefits to grilling a food?
* Define a simple syrup.
* Keep in mind the following food safety practices:
o Washing hands often
o Covering coughs and sneezes and washing hands
o Tying hair back and not touching hair
o Wearing clean clothes
o Using gloves to cover sores or cuts
o Wash all raw produce, including peaches, under running water
o Refrigerate food promptly
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mortuary temple, in ancient Egypt, place of worship of a deceased king and the depository for food and objects offered to the dead monarch. In the Old and Middle Kingdoms (c. 2575–c. 2130 BC BCE; and 1938–c.1600? BC 1630 BCE) the mortuary temple usually adjoined the pyramid and had an open, pillared court, storerooms, five elongated shrines, and a chapel containing a false door and an offering table. In the chapel, priests performed the daily funerary rites and presented the offerings to the dead king’s ka (protective spirit). In the New Kingdom (1539–1075 BC BCE) the kings were buried in rock-cut tombs, but separate mortuary temples continued to be built nearby. All were provided with a staff of priests and assured of supplies through endowments of estates and lands, to ensure religious services and offerings in perpetuity.
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Why did Theodore Roosevelt receive the Nobel Peace Prize? Explain.
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pohnpei397 | College Teacher | (Level 3) Distinguished Educator
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Theodore Roosevelt won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1906, while he was President of the United States. He won it mainly for his efforts to end the war between Russia and Japan that is known as the Russo-Japanese War. This is somewhat ironic because he is known as an aggressive president who was willing to use America's military might to get its way.
In 1905, Roosevelt invited both Japan and Russia to send delegates to the United States where he would mediate between the to try to find a way to end the war. Roosevelt wanted to do this largely because he believed that great powers like Russia and Japan should each have their own "spheres of influence" and that they should not try to take pieces of those spheres from others.
Because he successfully helped the Japanese and Russians to negotiate the end to their war, he won the Nobel Peace Prize.
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Friday, June 29, 2012
Mosquitoes in the Rain
A recent paper by Dickerson et al. in PNAS explains how mosquitoes are able to fly effectively in rainy conditions (remember: many of them hail from humid tropics), even though a single raindrop by weigh 50x what a mosquito weighs. If you cannot access the full paper, feel free to read this summary on BBC (complete with video).
Essentially the answer comes down to poor momentum transfer by water droplets to the flying mosquitoes. The insects have a hydrophobic surface, and most rain drops only score glancing blows, so the water slides off quickly before it can affect the flight path a great deal. Even direct hits only drop the mosquitoes a short distance, because very little of the momentum actually transfers to the ultralight mosquito - the water basically briefly engulfs them and then continues on its way. The expanded surface area for wetting on the wings produced by the fringed hair margin mosquitoes possess further improves their ability to shrug off water strikes.
This manuscript answers one intriguing question, but raises some new interesting questions about aerial stability in small insects and body shape effects during flight in adverse conditions.
It even inspired a comic strip.
Tuesday, June 26, 2012
How Many Mesozoic Birds are We Missing?
Very cool new paper out in PLoS ONE, by Brocklehurst et al. (2012), entitled "The Completeness of the Fossil Record of Mesozoic Birds: Implications for Early Avian Evolution".
Here's the abstract:
"Many palaeobiological analyses have concluded that modern birds (Neornithes) radiated no earlier than the Maastrichtian, whereas molecular clock studies have argued for a much earlier origination. Here, we assess the quality of the fossil record of Mesozoic avian species, using a recently proposed character completeness metric which calculates the percentage of phylogenetic characters that can be scored for each taxon. Estimates of fossil record quality are plotted against geological time and compared to estimates of species level diversity, sea level, and depositional environment. Geographical controls on the avian fossil record are investigated by comparing the completeness scores of species in different continental regions and latitudinal bins. Avian fossil record quality varies greatly with peaks during the Tithonian-early Berriasian, Aptian, and Coniacian–Santonian, and troughs during the Albian-Turonian and the Maastrichtian. The completeness metric correlates more strongly with a ‘sampling corrected’ residual diversity curve of avian species than with the raw taxic diversity curve, suggesting that the abundance and diversity of birds might influence the probability of high quality specimens being preserved. There is no correlation between avian completeness and sea level, the number of fluviolacustrine localities or a recently constructed character completeness metric of sauropodomorph dinosaurs. Comparisons between the completeness of Mesozoic birds and sauropodomorphs suggest that small delicate vertebrate skeletons are more easily destroyed by taphonomic processes, but more easily preserved whole. Lagerstätten deposits might therefore have a stronger impact on reconstructions of diversity of smaller organisms relative to more robust forms. The relatively poor quality of the avian fossil record in the Late Cretaceous combined with very patchy regional sampling means that it is possible neornithine lineages were present throughout this interval but have not yet been sampled or are difficult to identify because of the fragmentary nature of the specimens."
It's an extensive paper with quite a bit of information regarding discovery bias. If you're interested in fossil birds and the origins of modern avian diversity, this is a must-read (and open access!)
The manuscript does not discuss flight much (as that's not really the topic at hand), but there is one mention that I thought might be worth discussing here. The authors note that: "Avian species today, and in the past, are typically small-bodied and lightly built because of the constraints imposed by powered flight."
Overall, this is almost certainly true: birds are (both historically and today) overwhelmingly represented by small species, and flight certainly adds constraints to body size and build. I am curious, though, whether birds are actually more skewed in their body size distribution than other, non-flying animals. Most mammals are small, for example (about half of all the mammal species are rodents, and these are mostly quite small). Squamates and amphibians are also overwhelmingly represented by small forms. Now, that said, these groups also include some giant forms, and most of the large birds have historically been flightless. However, some of the larger flying birds (the largest pseudodontorns and teratorns, for example) were reasonably large, all considered. Argentavis may have tipped the scales at 75-80 kg, and while that's not huge, it's well within the body size range of larger mammalian predators alive today (it's more massive than a leopard by a fair margin, for example).
This is not to say that the body size distribution of birds is not skewed by their volancy, but rather than I'm not sure this has been rigorously demonstrated. Many supposedly "obvious" facts go untested because they seem to intuitive. Perhaps this is another one worth a serious look.
Brocklehurst N, Upchurch P, Mannion PD, O'Connor J (2012) The Completeness of the Fossil Record of Mesozoic Birds: Implications for Early Avian Evolution. PLoS ONE 7(6): e39056. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0039056
Wednesday, June 20, 2012
Fun Facts
Been on a paper crunch recently, so haven't had the time or wherewithal to post much. I will try to get up some more real "articles" soon, but here are some fun flying/swimming facts for you guys in the meantime. Some of these may turn into full posts:
- Flight is impossible without viscosity. You can't generate lift in a superfluid.
- Advance ratio refers to the distance traveled relative to the number (or total arc) of foil/wing/tail strokes. The highest advance ratio for a swimmer belongs to the manta and cownose rays, which use their entire body as a wing while aquaflying.
- The main flight muscles in more basal winged insects, like dragonflies, pull directly on the wing base. In more derived taxa, the muscles typically pull primarily on the exoskeleton and beat the wings by flexing the body wall.
- The slots at the tip of bird wings reduced induced drag, but only are effective at low speeds for broad wings. Broad-winged species only open the slots when flying slowly, and species with high-aspect ratio wings don't have slots. Pelicans have the highest AR wings among those birds that use wingtip slots (AR 11-12).
Thursday, June 14, 2012
Producing Lift
Excepting very tiny animals, all flying species produce more lift than drag (usually by many times), and use lift for weight support and thrust. To produce substantial lift, a wing must be held at some effective angle of attack to the oncoming flow. Angle of attack is the angle between the chord and the direction of travel. Note that effective angle of attack is different from the raw angle of attack – the effective angle of attack also includes the effect of camber, which is curvature in the wing along the chord. A cambered wing has a positive effective angle of attack even if the raw angle of attack is zero (Pennycuick, 1989; 2008): camber adds to the effective angle of attack.
There are multiple methods for modeling the production of lift, but most engineers now favor the use of a vortex model. A vortex model works on the observation that a lift-producing foil has two mathematical components to the flow about the foil: a translational component and a circulation component (See image at left). The circulation is a component only; no fluid actually travels around the wing in a full loop, but there is a component of the overall flow that can be represented as a “bound vortex”: fluid rotating on the wing itself.
The image at left is a quick schematic I put together that shows flow components of a wing. The translational flow is indicated by A and A’ (above and below the wing, respectively). The label B indicates the circulation component. When the wing is at a positive angle of attack, circulation is present on the wing. The sum of B and A is then greater than the sum of B and A’ (note that the direction of B and A’ are opposite), such that flow above the wing is faster than that below it.
This results in shed vortices: rotational elements of fluid pushed along behind the wings that balance the angular momentum of the vortices on the wings. It is the circulation that producing asymmetrical flow: the circulation adds to the velocity of the air above the wing while it simultaneously reduces the net velocity of the flow below the wing (Alexander, 2002; Vogel 2003; Pennycuick, 2008). This produces a differential pressure that pushes upwards on the wing. The same process can be viewed in terms of momentum: the circulation about the wing means that air coming off of the wing is deflected (generally downwards and backwards, for a horizontally flying animal), and this added momentum means that force is being exerted on the air, which pushes back on the foil (in accordance with classic mechanics, specifically the Third Law of Motion). The rate of momentum transfer is equal to the total fluid force (Vogel, 2003).
The lift produced by a wing can therefore be examined in terms of vorticity: the strength of the circulation on the wing and the shape and strength of the vortices that swirl behind a flying animal (or machine). These shed vortices are collectively called a “vortex wake”. One method of distinguishing modes of flapping flight is through the differences in the trailing vortices, which indicate differences in how momentum is added to the incoming flow.
Wednesday, June 13, 2012
Among flying birds, some of the strongest wings (structurally speaking) belong to peregrine falcons (that measurement comes from my own work).
Here's why:
Frightful, the world record holder, exceeds 242 mph in a stoop, and can pull out of such dives carrying a lure equal in mass to herself. The best comparison I can think of is this: drop down the middle of a spiral stairwell, and catch yourself on the railings at the bottom with your arms. With a compact car attached to your back.
Clap and Fling
One really cool mechanism used by some flying animals to quick-start lift on the wings is called a "clap and fling": the wings are clapped together above the animal on the upstroke, and then peeled apart. This forces the vorticity to start on the wings almost immediately, and produces a counter vortex above the animal that results in a handy low-pressure zone above their body. Insects used this mechanism the most, but some birds do, too. The photo at left shows a pigeon using a clap and flight during launch. This is why pigeon takeoff often produces a clapping sound.
(In the photo, if you look closely, you'll see that the pigeon is just finishing toe-off. As usual, the legs produce most of the launch power, then the wings will engage immediately - thanks to the clap and fling, the wings will hit max lift almost immediately, and that allows a very steep climb-out for the pigeon after it leaves the ground).
The photograph was taken by Joe Hancuff. You can check out his work here and here. He's also on twitter (@joehancuff). He has a particularly extensive gallery of dancers.
Sunday, June 10, 2012
Feathers vs Membranes
A recent discussion arose on the Dinosaur Mailing List that included some questions regarding the relative merits of membrane wings and feathered wings, mostly in the context of pterosaurs vs birds. In that spirit, I thought I'd give a little rundown of the relative advantages/costs of each type of vertebrate wing.
Avian Wings
Birds are the only flying vertebrates to use keratinized, dermal projections (i.e. feathers) to form their wings. Feathers have the distinct advantage of being potentially separate vortex-generating surfaces, meaning that a bird can split its wing up into separate airfoils, thereby greatly changing its lift and drag profile as required (Videler, 2005). Tip slots are the most obvious example of this mechanism, whereby the tip of the wing is split into several separate wingtips by spreading the primary feathers of the distal wing. The alula, which lies along the leading edge of a bird’s wing, and is controlled by digit I, is another example of a semi-independent foil unit (Pennycuick, 1989; Videler, 2005). The splayed primaries of a slotted avian wingtip passively twist nose-down at high angles of attack (and therefore at high lift coefficients), and this feather twist reduces the local angle of attack at the distal end of slotted avian wings, preventing them from stalling (Pennycuick, 2008). Slotted avian wingtips may therefore be nearly "unstallable", though this does not prevent the overall wing from stalling (Pennycuick, pers comm.). Feathered wings can also be reduced in span without an accompanying problem of slack and flutter – the feathers that form the contour of the wing simply slide over one another to accommodate the change in surface area. Despite these advantages, feathers have some costs as wing components, as compared to membranous wings. Feathered wings are relatively heavy (Prange et al., 1979) and cannot be tensed and stretched like a membrane wing (which has ramifications for cambering). Theoretically, avian wings should not be able to produce maximum lift coefficients as high as an optimized membrane wing (Cunningham, pers comm.), but experimental data to determine if transient, maximum lift coefficients actually differ significantly between bats and birds are not yet available (Hedenstrom et al., 2009).
Chiropteran Wings
Bats have a wing surface formed primarily by a membrane stretched across the hand, antebrachium, brachium, and body down to the ankle. Unlike birds, which have a limited number of muscles that produce the flapping stroke (two, primarily: m. pectoralis minor and m. pectoralis major), bats have as many as 17 muscles involved in the flight stroke (Hermanson and Altenbach, 1983; Neuweiler, 2000; Hedenstrom et al., 2009). The membranous wings of bats are expected to have a steeper lift slope than the stiffer, less compliant wings of birds (Song et al., 2008). This results from the passive cambering under aerodynamic load that occurs in a compliant wing: as lift force increases, the wing passively stretches and bows upwards, producing more camber, and thereby further increasing the lift coefficient and total lift. While there are some advantages for a flying animal in having such a passive system, bats presumably must mediate this effect with the many small muscles (and fingers) in their wings – tensing the wings actively while under fluid load will mediate the amount of camber that develops. This would be important to mediate drag and stall, though no empirical data currently exist to indicate exactly how bats respond to passive cambering. The work by Song et al. (2008) also indicates that compliant, membrane wings achieve greater maximum lift coefficients than rigid wings, but data have yet to be collected demonstrating that this holds in vivo for bats and birds. Compared to birds, the distal wing spar in bats is quite compliant (Swartz and Middleton, 2008).
Pterosaur Wings
The structure and efficiency of pterosaur wings is obviously not known in as much detail as those of birds or bats, for the simple reason that no living representatives of pterosaurs are available for study. However, soft tissue preservation in pterosaurs does give some critical information about their wing morphology, and the overall shape and structure of the wing can be used (along with first principles from aerodynamics) to estimate efficiency and performance.
It is known from specimens preserving soft tissue impressions that pterosaur wings were soft tissue structures, apparently composed of skin, muscle, and stiffening fibers called actinofibrils, though the exact nature and structure of actinofibrils has been the topic of much debate (Wellnhofer 1987; Pennycuick 1988; Padian and Rayner 1993; Bennett 2000; Peters 2002; Tischlinger and Frey 2002). Associated vasculature is also visible in some specimens, especially with UV illumination (Tischlinger and Frey, 2002). Recent work on the holotype of Jeholopterus ningchengensis (IVPPV12705) seems to confirm that the actinofibrils were stiffening fibers, imbedded within the wing, with multiple layers (Kellner et al., 2009). The actinofibrils were longer and more organized in the distal part of pterosaur wings than in the proximal portion of the wing, which may have implications for the compliance of the wing going from distal to more proximal sections. The inboard portion of the wing (proximal to the elbow) is called the mesopatatgium, and was typified by a small number of actinofibrils with lower organization, which would have made this part of the wing more compliant than the outboard wing.
The outer portion of the wing, which was likely less compliant the mesopatagium, is termed the actinopatagium (Kellner et al., 2009). Because pterosaurs had membrane wings, they could presumably generate high lift coefficients, but exactly how high depends on certain assumptions regarding their material properties and morphology (pteroid mobility and membrane shape being two of these factors).
Now, for some punchlines...
Based on the structural information above, we might expect the following regarding pterosaurs and birds:
- Pterosaurs would have a base advantage in terms of maneuverability and slow flight competency.
- Pterosaurs would also have had an advantage in terms of soaring capability and efficiency
- Pterosaurs would have been better suited to the evolution of large sizes (though this was affected more by differences in takeoff - see earlier posts about pterosaur launch).
- Birds will perform a bit better as mid-sized, broad-winged morphs (because they can use slotted wing tips and span reduction).
- Birds would have an advantage in steep climb-out after takeoff at small body sizes (because they can work with shorter wings and engage them earlier). This might pre-dispose them to burst launch morphologies/ecologies.
Interestingly enough, the fossil record as we currently know it seems to back up all of these expectations. For example, the only vertebrates that seem to have been adapted to dedicated sustained aerial hawking in the Mesozoic were the anurognathid pterosaurs. Large soaring morphs in the Mesozoic were dominated by pterosaurs, also. On the other hand, mid-sized arboreal forms in the Cretaceous were largely avian.
Full references for all of the above literature is available upon request. I'll post the full refs here as soon as I have a chance, but just email me in the meantime if need be (currently traveling in Boston).
Friday, June 8, 2012
Back in Civilization
I am back from the field! A quite successful bit of work locating Late Cretaceous vertebrate fossils in New Mexico. More on that over at H2VP soon. In the meantime, the flight posts shall commence here again shortly. Cheers!
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Why did the Hmong help the United States in the Vietnam War?
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rrteacher | College Teacher | (Level 2) Educator Emeritus
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The Hmong, who lived mostly in the mountainous regions of Laos, were fiercely protective of their autonomy, especially their culture, which they perceived as being threatened by the spread of communism. They were not, per se, pro-United States, but were fighting to maintain their their independence. But they proved willing allies of the United States, which recruited thousands of Hmong to serve in combat, partisan activities, and espionage against Laotian Communists and the North Vietnamese Army. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) was especially instrumental in recruiting Hmong. They died in massive numbers, from combat, Communist reprisals, and from destruction of their farms. After the conflict, many Hmong fled the region, moving to Thailand or the United States.
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Process >
Juan Ponce de Leon
Juan Ponce de Leon, you are sailing home from your voyage to the Americas. The King and Queen are expecting a detailed report of your voyage. Answer the following questions that they are sure to ask you when you get home. Use the links at the bottom of the page to find the information. Each link contains different information so make sure you visit all of them so you do not leave out parts of your travels!
1. What were the political forces behind European exploration in the Americas?
2. Which country did you sail from?
3. What was the main reason for your first voyage to Florida?
4. What are three major findings/accomplishments of Ponce de Leon from his voyages?
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The following material is excerpted from the eighth grade social studies course produced by Christian Light Publications.
The Nonresistant Christians Response
to the French and Indian War
The Mennonites Publish the Martyrs Mirror. The year was 1745 and war raged in Europe between France and Britain. In Pennsylvania the governor was pushing the Quaker-controlled assembly for money and men to ward off a feared French attack.
Six ministers from the Skippack Mennonite Church read the signs of the times. Sensing an urgent need to strengthen the nonresistant convictions of their young people, they sent a letter to the Dutch Mennonites. Could their Dutch brethren possibly help translate the Dutch Martyrs Mirror into German "so that our posterity might have before their eyes the traces of those loyal witnesses of the truth, who walked in the way of truth and gave their life for it." Two years passed before the Dutch Mennonites replied to the Skippack brethren's letter. Their answer was disappointing. It would be too hard, they said, to find a reliable translator. Besides, the project would cost too much. Perhaps the American Mennonites themselves could translate some of the chief stories. Then their young people could copy those out by hand. Undaunted, two of the Skippack ministers, Dielman Kolb and Henry Funk, decided to tackle the project on their own. They had learned that the German Baptist Brethren at the Ephrata Cloister had just built a new paper mill and print shop. Also, it was rumored that Prior Peter Miller knew 14 languages and could translate the book. Kolb and Funk approached the Ephrata Dunkards about the task and they agreed to do it.
The first page was printed in 1748. As the new sheets came off the press, Kolb and Funk carefully proofread all 1512 pages and found in the translation "not one false note". It took three years to finish the Martyrs Mirror. The large volume was 15 inches high, 10 inches wide, and 5 inches thick, making it the largest book ever printed in colonial America.
The Mennonites now had the martyr stories in the language their young people could understand. It was none too soon. War clouds broke along the frontier in 1754. But the inspiring stories of their forebears encouraged them as they too faced troublesome times.
Wagons but Not Arms. What is the duty of the nonresistant Christian toward the government in time of war? This was a question facing the Quakers, Mennonites, German Baptists, Schwenkfelders, and Moravians at the beginning of the French and Indian War.
They first faced this question in 1755 when Braddock arrived in America. He wanted the colonies to supply men, weapons, and food. He also needed wagons and teams with their drivers to haul his supplies. The stingy colonial governments would not give him the supplies, so Benjamin Franklin asked the prosperous German farmers for wagons and teams. Surprisingly, a number of Mennonite farmers agreed to help. But they steadfastly refused to haul the army's guns. The Quakers even refused to haul food and hay for the army. Why did the Mennonites and Quakers respond differently? The Mennonites loaned wagons because they believed this was not directly participating in killing. The Quakers, however, thought that even hauling food for the soldiers was helping someone else to kill. Therefore, they refused to help.
A Quaker Dilemma. The Quakers, however, faced an even thornier problem. How can a nonresistant Christian wield the sword of government? Quaker delegates controlled the Pennsylvania assembly. They made the laws in the assembly, and Quaker magistrates enforced them. The German-speaking nonresistant Christians supported the Quakers by voting them into office. In June 1755 the governor asked the assembly to raise a militia to protect the frontier from Indian attack. The Quaker politicians compromised their convictions and passed a militia bill. Still they exempted any person religiously opposed to war from serving.
When Indian raids struck the frontier, frontiersmen demanded that the assembly defend them. The assembly at first balked but eventually voted money to build forts and raise troops to defend the frontier. This troubled Quaker ministers such as John Woolman and John Churchman. They warned the Quakers in the assembly that they were being inconsistent.
Meanwhile refugees from the Indian attacks flooded in from the outlying settlements. Destitute, they needed help. The Mennonites, Schwenkfelders, and Quakers quickly collected food and clothing to aid the refugees. They were willing to do anything that helped their fellowman. In April 1756 the governor declared war on the Lenape Indians. This was the last straw for the Quaker assemblymen. They resigned. Presbyterians took over the assembly. They voted for everything the governor wanted for fighting the war.
The Friendly Association. The Quakers continued to work for a peaceful solution to the conflict with the Indians. Israel Pemberton, one of the former assemblymen, formed the "Friendly Association for Regaining and Preserving Peace with the Indians by Pacific Measures." Pemberton believed that cheating the Indians out of their land had caused the war. He suggested meeting with the Indians and working out a fair price for their land. To pay for the land, he asked the nonresistant Christians for donations. Two bishops, Andrew Ziegler of Skippack and Benjamin Hershey from Lancaster County, organized the collection of the Mennonite contribution.
The Friendly Association sent Christian Post, a Moravian missionary, to persuade the Indians to meet with the English in a peace conference. In October of 1758, the Lenape met with the British authorities at Easton. There they agreed to lay down their weapons. The peace-loving efforts of the Quakers had worked.
The Hochstetler Raid. When Mennonites donated money to the Friendly Association, they wanted some of it to go toward buying white captives from the Indians. Among the redeemed captives were two boys from the Amish Hochstetler family.
Jacob Hochstetler had settled among his Amish brethren in the Northkill settlement in Berks County. In the 1750s this land was still frontier.
One night in September 1757, an Indian raiding party swooped down on the Hochstetler homestead. One of Hochstetler's sons opened the cabin door to see why the dogs were barking so loudly. He was shot in the leg. His two other brothers rushed to their guns. But Jacob would not allow his boys to shoot. He had not come across the wide ocean to surrender his nonresistant principles. The family barred the door and fled to the cellar. The Indians set fire to the cabin. Smoke forced out the family. The Indians killed the wife, daughter, and wounded son of Jacob. Jacob and two of his sons, Joseph and Christian, were captured and carried off.
The next spring Jacob managed to escape his captors. His sons spent four more years in captivity before they were released.
[Anabatists: The Web Page]
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It's called the golden hour, and it refers to the precious minutes after a person has a stroke. For every hour after this period that treatment is delayed, the chance of recovery for the patient is lessened.
This is why it's incredibly important for a stroke sufferer to get medical attention as soon as possible after the incident. Health organizations have ramped up campaigns to help the citizens and emergency medical professionals recognize the signs of a stroke quickly so that patients can get treatment as soon as possible.
To speed up the diagnosis, a team of researchers from Sweden's Chalmers University of Technology, Sahlgrenska Academy and Sahlgrenska University Hospital, have created a device that they hope will help ambulance crews detect stroke while en route to the hospital, according to BBC News.
The device, which the researchers are calling 'StrokeFinder,' looks like a helmet, with an array of 12 antennas arranged around it. One by one, each of these antenna transmit a low-strength microwave signal while the other 11 detect the changes that occurred while the signal passed through the brain. Within a few seconds, the helmet can then analyze the patterns to detect cranial bleeding.
Researchers tested the device in a small study of 45 patients and found that its results were compatible with those from hospital CT scans — the current method used to detect a stroke. But the hope is that this device could be made inexpensively and be portable enough that ambulance crews could keep it stocked on board, significantly reducing the time to diagnosis and helping stroke patients receive faster treatment.
Related posts on MNN:
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
For examples of things measuring between one and ten femtometres, see 1 femtometre.
The femtometre (American spelling femtometer, symbol fm[1][2][3] Ancient Greek: μέτρον, metrοn, "unit of measurement") is an SI unit of length equal to 10−15 metres. This distance can also be called fermi and was so named in honour of physicist Enrico Fermi, as it is a typical length-scale of nuclear physics.
Definition and equivalents[edit]
1000 attometres = 1 femtometre = 1 fermi = 0.001 picometre = 1.0 × 10−15 metres
1,000,000 femtometres = 10 Ångström = 1 nanometre.
For example, the charge radius of a proton is approximately 0.84–0.87 femtometres[4] while the radius of a gold nucleus is approximately 8.45 femtometres.[5]
1 barn = 100 fm2
The femtometre was adopted by the 11th Conférence Générale des Poids et Mesures, and added to SI in 1964.
The fermi is named after the Italian physicist Enrico Fermi (1901–1954), one of the founders of nuclear physics. The term was coined by Robert Hofstadter in a 1956 paper published in Reviews of Modern Physics entitled "Electron Scattering and Nuclear Structure".[6] The term is widely used by nuclear and particle physicists. When Hofstadter was awarded the 1961 Nobel Prize in Physics, it subsequently appears in the text of his 1961 Nobel Lecture, "The electron-scattering method and its application to the structure of nuclei and nucleons" (December 11, 1961).[7]
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Reference > Brewer’s Dictionary > Cres’cent.
Crep’idam.Crescent City (The).
Tradition says that “Philip, the father of Alexander, meeting with great difficulties in the siege of Byzan’tium, set the workmen to undermine the walls, but a crescent moon discovered the design, which miscarried; consequently the Byzantines erected a statue to Diana, and the crescent became the symbol of the state.” 1
Another legend is that Othman, the Sultan, saw in a vision a crescent moon, which kept increasing till its horns extended from east to west, and he adopted the crescent of his dream for his standard, adding the motto, “Donec rep’leat orbem. 2
Crep’idam.Crescent City (The).
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Popular Science Monthly/Volume 23/August 1883/The Geological Distribution of North American Forests
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THE causes which have determined the present distribution of the flora of the world have occupied the minds of some of the ablest students of natural history, but no satisfactory solution of the problem has yet appeared. If we accept the theory of Raumer, that plants are limited in their northern extension by heat alone, we shall find many anomalies difficult to reconcile, as no isothermal lines limit species. Nor will De Candolle's theory, that the limits are governed by the values of heat which are useful to a plant, assist the student; for climatic causes are not the only ones which limit vegetable species, or we should then find the same species growing in every portion of any isothermal belt of a continent, where the same conditions of heat and moisture exist, which is not the case. Some species, apparently very local in their habits and confined to a very limited area, are found many miles farther north, with no intervening stations. For example: the Shizæa pusilla, a little fern, was thought to be peculiar to New Jersey, where it is confined to the pine-barren district, but it has lately been found in Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, while no intervening stations have as yet been reported.
Here we have a plant, capable of propagating itself in New Jersey, which was long thought to be its only home, reappearing several degrees farther north, where the climate is colder and otherwise different, and yet unknown west of the Alleghany Mountains, where the climate is very like that of New Jersey. Neither do we find many of the plants of the western slope of the Alleghanies growing upon the eastern side.
It is well known that if a piece of coniferous forest be cleared of its timber, in Virginia or Pennsylvania, its site will soon be covered with a growth of deciduous trees, but, if then left undisturbed, the coniferous trees of the original growth will finally reassert their supremacy, and in course of time the forest again becomes exclusively coniferous. The black-walnut (Juglans niger), which grows naturally from North Carolina to the Great Lakes, and will grow with equal luxuriance on the Pacific coast at latitude 45º, bearing fruit which will germinate if planted, has never yet been known by the writer to grow in Northern Oregon if left to itself. I have examined the walnuts in the spring in Oregon, which fell from the trees the previous fall—they were invariably rotten. Now, as one of the necessary conditions of plant-distribution is the production of seed which will grow unaided by man upon the soil which supports the parent, it follows that there is some other cause than the requisite amount of heat that prevents the black-walnut from becoming naturalized in Oregon.
In the Smithsonian Report for 1858, page 246, is an article by Dr. J. G. Cooper on the "Forests and Trees of North America," accompanied with a map of North America north of Mexico.
This map[1] is divided into provinces and regions, according to the distribution of forest-trees, and the views herein maintained will be more intelligible to the reader who will refer to it, and compare it with a geological map of the same territory.
It will perhaps be best to describe the provinces briefly:
The Lacustrine province extends from the Rocky Mountains east to the coast of Labrador, and from the northern limit of trees south to latitude 42º at or near the level of the sea. The line marking the southern boundary curves gradually from west to northwest; commencing at the west end of Lake Erie, on reaching Lake Winnipeg it pursues a northwestern direction to the base of the Rocky Mountains about latitude 60º.
The Appalachian province comprises the Atlantic States south of latitude 43º and east of the border of the prairies; the latter, commencing at the west end of Lake Erie, forms a curve nearly parallel to the Atlantic coast, and ends at the southwest corner of Louisiana.
The Campestrian province commences at latitude 60º in the Rocky Mountains; its northern boundary extends southeast to Lake Erie; its eastern boundary extends from the latter point south to the mouth of the Sabine River. The valley of the Rio Grande forms the southern boundary. The western boundary is formed by the base of the Rocky Mountains, extending northwest from longitude 104º 30' to latitude 60º.
The Rocky Mountain province embraces the high central mountains from the Campestrian province to the foot-hills of the Cascade and Sierra Nevada Mountains.
The Caurine province begins at the northern limit of trees, on the Pacific coast, and extends east to the western boundaries of the Lacustrine and Campestrian provinces. Its southern boundary begins at latitude 48º, on a southern extension of the western boundary of the Campestrian province, extends northwest to the British line at its junction with the line between Washington and Idaho Territories, thence south to latitude 42º, and then southwest to the Pacific Ocean at latitude 38º.
The Nevadian province lies south of the Caurine, between the Rocky Mountain province and the Pacific Ocean.
The Mexican province lies south of the Rocky Mountain province, between the Campestrian on the east and the Nevadian on the west.
Now, comparing this forest-map with a geological map of the territory embraced, it will be found that the provinces and regions of the former coincide with the geological formations to a remarkable degree.
Beginning with the Lacustrine province it will be found that the formation is mostly granite, or what is popularly known as such, with some beds of Silurian and Devonian; also a few patches of tertiary rocks along the coast. Hence, the three regions comprising this province are really but one; and, accordingly, it has no trees not found south of it in the Alleghany Mountains, which are an extension of the granitic rocks. This province is characterized by its great numbers of coniferous trees; while some of the trees peculiar to the valleys west of the Alleghanies grow on the Silurian and Devonian beds.
The Appalachian province is composed of all the geological formations of North America, and its regions are very distinct.
The Alleghany region, comprising the eastern slopes of the uplands, and the lower Alleghanies, terminating in a point of latitude 34º in Georgia, is mostly granitic, but has streaks of Silurian and Triassic running through it. We find the same class of trees in it that grow in the Canadian region (Canada), with a few added which are perhaps limited by heat. These, with a few oaks and hickories, which are more prevalent on the Triassic formation than elsewhere, form the bulk of the forest-growth.
The Ohio region, embracing the eastern uplands of the Ohio Valley, east of the prairies and north of latitude 38º, is composed geologically almost wholly of Silurian, Devonian, and carboniferous beds, covered in places with drift from the north. It is marked by its large number of deciduous trees, no other country boasting of so many fine oaks, hickories, and walnuts. It is, however, very poor in coniferæ, and, but for a few stragglers, might be said to have none. Allied species are found to be plentiful in the tertiary formation nearly across the continent, indicating that this class of trees at one time reached from the Alleghanies to the Rocky Mountains, the middle of the belt having been destroyed by the more recent changes of the physical conditions of the earth's surface. As they have never returned since the glacial epoch, the inference is that the conditions of soil and climate have been so changed that the country west of the ninety-seventh degree of longitude is not capable of supporting these trees.
The Tennesseean region is a southwestern continuation of the Ohio region. It is composed of the same geological beds, with a few spurs of the granite ridges of the Alleghanies running into it, and therefore contains more coniferæ than the Ohio region. Still, the bulk of its timber is of the same class of broad-leaved trees that are found north of it, the only differences being such as climate alone makes.
The Carolinian region borders on the Atlantic coast between the Alleghany Mountains and the ocean from Middle Georgia to Long Island. It is composed of cretaceous and tertiary beds, with a strip of Triassic along the western edge. In the northern portion are some beds of drift of granite from the north. Here we have a distinct class of coniferæ on the cretaceous beds that are peculiar to this region, and another class on the drift that are also found growing farther north. Arthur Hollick,[2] who has made observations on the flora of Staten Island, says: "We have on Staten Island two well-marked geological formations: the drift, which covers about two thirds of the entire island, nearly all of the northern part, and extending as far south as Prince's Bay; and the cretaceous, which occupies the remaining small area in the southern and western part. This latter is a continuation of the New Jersey clay-beds. The geological line of separation between the two formations is not always very distinct, but the limits of the different species of plants mark it in unmistakable characters. The two floras are remarkably distinct. That one belonging to the cretaceous is well represented by Arctostaphylos, Uva-ursi, Aster concolor, Pinus inops, Quercus Phellos, Quercus nigra, Lycopodium inundation, var. Bigelowii, and many more of the pine-barren plants. Thus far I have never found any of these species to have crossed the line of the drift, but in their stead will be found Pinus nigra, Quercus alba, Quercus rubra, etc., and the majority of those plants which grow in the vicinity of New York Island and up the Hudson."
The Mississippi region embraces the lowlands bordering the Gulf of Mexico from Middle Georgia to Texas, and extending up the Mississippi and its branches to latitude 30º. It is a continuation of the Carolinian region, its characteristic trees growing from the Gulf of Mexico to the coast of Maine. It is composed of the same tertiary and cretaceous beds of the Carolinian region, with a few patches of alluvial deposit along the coast.
The Florida region is well marked and peculiar, being entirely coral alluvial. It has the peculiar flora of that formation found all over the world. Some of its plants are found farther north; but small beds of alluvial are not uncommon along the coast as far north as New Jersey.
The Campestrian province might be considered as one region, but Cooper[3] has divided it into five. The Saskatchewan region, embracing all north of latitude 49º, together with the basin of the Red River of the North, has some spurs of the Canadian region running into it, and consequently some of the Canadian species are found on them and on the adjacent Silurian and other formations. This region has no characteristic trees of its own. The Illinois region lies between latitudes 46º and 38º, running west to longitude 101º; on the east it is bounded by the forest provinces. It is a continuation of the Ohio region, being underlaid with the same beds of Silurian and carboniferous deposits, with cretaceous and tertiary beds on the west. But here a new feature enters into the geological characteristics. The loess or lacustrine deposits which cover the whole province from four to one hundred and fifty feet, though devoid of trees, have a peculiar flora, composed largely of compositæ, and being one of the latest of geological deposits, they furnish the most recent botanical species of the composite. None of the compositæ have yet been found in any of the fossil flora; hence it has clearly appeared upon the earth since the Tertiary period. Another remarkable fact is that on the eastern side of the Illinois region where the loess-beds are not very thick, and, therefore easily cut through by streams, wherever they are thus eroded, we find dense groves of oak, walnut, hickory, and other trees characteristic of the Ohio region. With these exceptions however, the whole region is prairie; hence it would seem that the loess is not capable of sustaining forest-growths for any length of time, for it evidently was timbered during the time that part of it was covered by lakes and marshes. But when the great rivers cut their beds down to nearly their present level, the timber gradually died out; not being burned, as some suppose, but disappearing because the geological formation will not retain moisture enough to sustain forest-growth.
The Texan region, lying south of the Illinois region, and extending west to 101º of longitude on the Rio Grande, is a continuation of the Mississippi region, and is underlaid with cretaceous and tertiary deposits. It is covered in many places with loess. It, therefore, has the characteristic trees of the Mississippi region wherever trees grow, and the characteristic loess flora on the prairies.
The Comanche region, lying south, and the Dakota region, north of latitude 38º, are nearly destitute of timber. The former is underlaid with triassic and the latter with cretaceous and tertiary beds; but they are covered with loess from ten to one hundred feet or more, and hence the loess flora predominates.
The mountain-region of the Rocky Mountain province is composed of granite, but has enough trachyte and other volcanic rocks to modify its flora to some extent. It also has some beds of Silurian on the eastern border, and here, strongly corroborating our views, we find some of the Eastern flora mixed with the Western and Southwestern that lie next to it. Its valleys and parks are covered with loess, and are treeless.
The Saline region, comprising the remainder of this province, is underlaid with tertiary of a different epoch from that of the Atlantic coast, but is covered with heavy beds of basalt in many places. This basalt is covered with a deposit analogous to the loess, and is treeless, but has a flora very similar to that of the Dakota region. The tertiary has a flora of its own, generally known as the sage-brush (Artemisia) flora, being composed of a number of shrubs peculiar to this region.
The Caurine province is composed of basaltic rocks principally, but has some tertiary beds, and the higher mountains are granitic at their tops. As the rocks are of an entirely different character from those of the Atlantic side of the continent, we should not be surprised at finding an entirely different flora. In fact, none of the Eastern trees reach this province, nor do any of its trees appear farther east than the Rocky Mountains. The geological formation of this province being mostly basaltic, the trees are characteristic of that formation, for the tertiary beds, wherever they are of sufficient size to make an impression on the flora, are all prairie, with scattered groves of oak (Quercus gargana), and this of but one species. The Abies Donglasii, Pinus ponderosa, and Thuga gigantea, are samples of this flora, fori have never seen any of them growing on any land that was not made from the disintegration of basaltic rocks.
The Nevadian province is composed of nearly all the geological formations common to North America, and, in accordance with our views, it has a flora of corresponding variety. Nearly all the genera of Eastern forests are represented, though different species are common. It has some very local trees, no doubt confined to geological formations of a peculiar character. Of these are the two Sequoiæ— the redwood and the "big tree." The former is confined to a narrow strip along the coast, the latter to the tops of the high mountains in isolated groves. Exact data are wanting, but it appears from the geological maps at the writer's command that the redwood is confined to the cretaceous formation which extends from about latitude 34º to 40º. As this is about the range of the redwood-groves, it will probably be proved, on close investigation, that this tree is confined to the above formation.
The Sequoiæ have a peculiar interest for the students of natural history, being the only living representatives of a once large and widely distributed genus now found in the tertiary beds from British Columbia to California, and east to Nebraska. It appears to have been nearly exterminated about the glacial epoch, and is now confined to small localities that appear not to have been covered by the ice at that time.
In the foregoing pages I have made use only of trees to illustrate the affinity of plants for certain geological strata, but, should I have taken the general flora, the argument would appear still more convincing. To do this, however, it would have been necessary to divide the country into smaller regions, and to have given the geological characters more in detail than is at present practicable.
Were other proofs wanting to demonstrate the intimate relations existing between geological formations and the geographical distribution of the flora, they are close at hand in the writings of our eminent botanists. Sir Joseph D. Hooker, in a lecture on the distribution of the North American flora,[4] treats the subject upon the theory that all plants originated from small centers of creation and spread by slow encroachment upon the adjacent territory as fast as this was in a condition to receive them, and that climatic influences alone limit their extension. He makes four general floral regions:
"1. The great Eastern forest-region, extending over half the continent, and consisting of mixed deciduous and evergreen trees, reaches from the Atlantic to beyond the Mississippi, dwindling away as it ascends the western feeders of that river on the prairies. It is noteworthy for the number of kinds, especially of deciduous trees and shrubs, to be found in it. . . . 2. The prairie-region succeeds; a grassy land, with many peculiar herbaceous American genera, including Mexican types, of which last the most conspicuous are a yucca and the cacti, which latter increase in number as the Rocky Mountains are approached, where they form a noticeable feature in the landscape. In the parks and lower valleys of the Rocky Mountains, deciduous trees are few and scattered, and the forest is an open one of conifers. . . . Higher on the mountains the coniferous forests are dense. ... 3. Descending to the sink-region, . . . deciduous trees are very few and confined to the gullies of the mountains. . . . The hardy sage-brush {Artemisia) covers immense tracts of dry soil, and saline plants occupy the more humid districts. 4. The Sierra Nevada is clothed with the most gigantic coniferous forests to be found on the globe, among which a very few species of deciduous trees are scattered; but none of these are identical with trees of the Eastern forests."
Applying the geological charts to these four general floral regions, we find corresponding to each of them respectively: 1. The great Silurian and carboniferous beds, with their large varieties of deciduous trees, the Alleghanies on the east, with their coniferous plants, and the loess-beds on the west, with their peculiar prairie flora, and a few trees along the streams. 2. The deeper loess-beds with a peculiar flora, and the Rocky Mountains with their mixed geological characters, mainly volcanic, and with a mixed flora of Eastern and Western trees, the latter predominating. 3. The tertiary beds of the saline region, which axe different from those of the East, with their peculiar sage-brush and saline flora. 4. The Sierra Nevada region, with mixed geological characters of gneiss and lava, and a mixed Mexican and Northwest flora.
Thus, from more than one point of view, the North American flora is susceptible of being divided into three or more distinct floras, corresponding to the different geological formations which they inhabit.
1. A better map forms the frontispiece to the Agricultural Report of the Patent-Office Report for 1860.
2. "Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club," vol. vii, p. 14.
3. "Talent-Office Report" (Agriculture), 1860, p. 424.
4. "American Naturalist," xiii, 155.
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Nailing Down Gravity
We know everything there is to know about gravity, right? Wrong.
By Michael DiSpezio|Wednesday, October 01, 2003
Scientists are analyzing the velocity of drifting spacecraft and uncovering irregularities that appear to challenge our theory of universal gravitation. So scientists may need to more closely examine the possibility that gravity behaves differently in various regions of space.
Observing Gravity's Beat
As objects fall to Earth, their speed accelerates. That's an effect of gravity that is usually easy to see. In this activity, you won't be watching the effect. Instead, you'll mostly observe acceleration by listening to impact tempos created as strings of washers fall into an aluminum pie pan.
Metal washers or nuts
Kite string
Aluminum pie pan
1. Obtain a length of string about one meter long. Use your ruler and pen to mark off the string at 10-centimeter lengths.
2. Starting at one end of the string, tie a metal washer (or nut) at the position of the first 10-centimeter mark. Secure the washer with a single simple knot.
3. Tie a second washer at the 20-centimeter position.
4. Continue attaching washers so that a washer is positioned at each of the marks for the length of the string.
5. Secure a washer to the ends of the string as well. Hold the string by one end above the center of the pie pan. The bottom-most washer should be touching the pan's surface. Make a prediction. Will the tempo of the impacts change as the string falls into the pan? If so, how?
6. Now, release the string. What happens?
7. Undo the knots and release the washers. Now consider a different pattern of washer distances. Suppose the pattern reflected a geometric progression and the washers were positioned sequentially so the "internut" distance was 2, 4, 8, 16, 32 centimeters. How would this affect the observed "beat?" Make a prediction, and then test it through experimentation.
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Memory Alpha
Warp catapult effect
Revision as of 21:07, June 2, 2012 by Pseudohuman (Talk | contribs)
38,895pages on
this wiki
The warp catapult effect was a method of throwing a starship through space for several light years at warp speeds. The effect was achieved while using full impulse thrust to move forward, but countering the thrust by using the tractor beam to hold the ship stationary. When warp drive was engaged for a burst of full warp power, the ship was thrown several light years forward.
In 2270, the USS Enterprise was trapped by Kukulkan inside an elastic force globe flexible enough to absorb any energy the ship used. Commander Spock used the warp catapult effect to escape the field. Simultaneously pushing and pulling on the elastic field forced it to remain frigid. When the ship broke the field it was thrown 5.698 light years away. (TAS: "How Sharper Than a Serpent's Tooth")
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When the compost pile in your backyard revs up, it starts producing heat, as the microbes in it do their work breaking down organic matter. On a small scale, that’s great for your garden. On a grand scale, though, this same process can create a “compost bomb” — a burst of carbon into the atmosphere. And as the planet warms up, this is going to happen more often.
That’s because organic matter that’s been frozen under ice or trapped in peat bogs will start breaking down. These swaths of organic matter are like gigantic compost piles, and as microbes start breaking them down, the soil starts heating up. That gets the microbes worked up, and they start breaking down even more matter, creating more heat and releasing more carbon. As the Telegraph reports, gases from this process get trapped in the soil, until eventually they burst out, “causing a huge ‘burp’ or explosive release of carbon into the atmosphere all at once.”
The whole process would be sort of awesome — the entire planet is burping! — if it didn’t spell CO2 disaster. Peatlands store twice as much carbon as is already in the atmosphere. Once the biggest compost heaps you’ve ever imagined start heating up, they’ll be almost impossible to calm down again. And that will snowball — well, not snow, so I guess rottingvegetablematterball — into some really bad news.
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Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English homepage
Tower of Babel, the
Tower of Babel, the
a tower in a story in the Old Testament of the Bible. According to the story, everyone originally spoke the same language, but when the people of Babel tried to build a tower that would reach to Heaven, God prevented them by making them all speak different languages. The people could not understand each other, and were unable to finish building the tower. People sometimes use the word "babel" to talk about a situation in which many people are talking at the same time and it is impossible to understand anyone.
Dictionary pictures of the day
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Copyright © University of Cambridge. All rights reserved.
'The Moons of Vuvv' printed from
Show menu
The planet of Vuvv has $7$ moons which lie spread out on one plane in a great disc round it. These Vuvvian moons all have long and confusing names so scientists usually call them by their initials: $A, B, C, D, E, F$ and $G$ starting from the nearest one to the planet.
When two of these moons line up with the planet it is called a 'lunar eclipse'. When three line up with the planet it is called a 'double eclipse', when four do it is a 'triple eclipse' and so on. Once in a while all seven moons line up with the planet and this is called a 'super-eclipse'.
Moon $A$ completes a cycle round the planet in one Vuvvian year, moon $B$ takes two years, moon $C$ takes three years, moon $D$ takes four years and so on.
How long is it between each 'super-eclipse' on the planet of Vuvv?
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Home Page
Prisoners is an activity to help us identify which parts of our speech are nouns, verbs and adjectives. We have the prisoner moving when a noun is announced, the prison guards muct change when they hear an adjective and with a verb called out, it's "All Change!"
Picture 1
Picture 2
Picture 3
Picture 4
Picture 5
Picture 6
Picture 7
Picture 8
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Museo de la Palabra y la Imagen
From the tops of mountains in El Salvador’s Morazan Province, a clandestine radio station broadcasted scenes and testimonies from the Central American country’s civil war. The group hid from military on foot and in the air by broadcasting from hills dense with trees and conducting radio shows from within damp caves in the mountains.
Between 1980 and 1991, the Republic of El Salvador was engulfed in a civil war with several left-wing guerrilla groups who accused the United States backed Salvadoran government of human rights abuses. Throughout the war, the left-wing guerilla associated Radio Venceremos broadcasted thousands of hours. Now a partnership with the University of Texas at Austin and a Salvadoran museum is helping bring 3,000 hours of Radio Venceremos recordings online.
Radio Venceremos, which translates to “Radio Overcome,” was an influential and clandestine radio station associated with the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN), the left-wing guerrilla group that fought the Salvadoran military. Confrontations with the government increased amid reports of human rights violations by government troops and deaths squads. Radio Venceremos risked their lives to broadcast inside caves in mountains of El Salvador.
During the civil war, the Radio Venceremos team would broadcast from within caves in the mountains of El Salvador to hide from military conducting aerial searches. (1981 photo, courtesy of Museo de la Palabra y la Imagen)
"For a historian looking at the contemporary history of Central America, regardless of their ideologues, these records are relevant because they offer unique information through cultural and historical programs that go beyond any political position,” Consalvi went on to tell Fusion, speaking in Spanish in a telephone conversation.
The station was the first to broadcast news of the infamous massacre at El Mozote where the Salvadoran army’s Atlacatl Battalion killed hundreds of men, women, and children. A 1993 United Nations Truth Commission report called the event an “appalling massacre.” Radio Venceremos was also the first to broadcast the voice of the lone survivor from El Mozote, Rufina Amaya.
The archives also offer a glimpse into what led to the mass migration of Salvadorans into the U.S. over the past three decades. A 2013 Pew study found Salvadorans may soon replace Cubans as third-largest U.S. Hispanic group in the U.S., ranking behind Mexican and Puerto Ricans. The majority of Latinos in the U.S. reside in California, Texas and New York.
The Salvadoran population in the U.S. is relatively young. The median age is 29 compared to 41 for whites, which means the vast majority of Salvadorans in the U.S. are immigrants or descendants of immigrants who migrated in recent decades. The archivists say they hope the archives will connect with Salvadorans regardless of how long they’ve been in the U.S.
“I hope that online public access to the archive will help break the silence around the painful histories and memories of the civil war period, particularly for Salvadoran youth and the diaspora, and help facilitate a collective healing process through education and a more profound connection to the histories of the pueblo Salvadoreño,” said T-Kay Sangwand, a human rights archivist at UT Austin’s Benson Library.
Radio broadcast were recorded on cassette tapes. (Museo de la Palabra y la Imagen)
Sangwand collaborated with Consalvi and MUPI on the project to digitize the cassette recordings of Radio Venceremos and create the online digital archive. She says the archive serves as a powerful testimony of resistance and resilience in El Salvador.
“One of the most powerful aspects of this collaboration is that all the work of digitizing and describing the archival material is conducted by Salvadorans in El Salvador, which promotes a strong sense of empowerment and ownership of the histories within the local communities,” Sangwand told Fusion.
Salvadoran President Mauricio Funes apologized for the Mozote massacre in 2012. He referred to the events as "the worst massacre of civilians in contemporary Latin American history".
The Radio Venceremos archive resides in the Museum of the Word and Image in San Salvador, El Salvador. You can listen to the full recordings online at the UT Austin's Human Rights Documentation Initiative website.
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5th grade (10y) + system of equations - examples
1. Two squares
2. Chamber
3. Cents
4. Lentilka
5. Rabbits
6. Trio
7. Father and son
8. Gardens
9. Family
family_2 Martin has just as brothers as sisters. His sister Jana but has 2 times more brothers than sisters. a) How many children are in this family? b) How many boys and how many girls are in the family?
10. Warehouses
11. Honza + Alice + Tonda
12. Chestnuts
13. Landlord
14. Bob and Bobek
15. Shoes
boty Peter decided to measure shoes size of his three friends. Measured accurately and wrote as follows: Venda and Jenda together 52 cm Jenda and Zdenda together 58 cm Zdenda and Venda together 54 cm a) How long measures Vendy, Jenda and Zdenda shoes together
16. ZOO
zoo In the zoo was elephants as many as ostrichs. Monkeys was 4 times more than elephants. Monkeys were as many as flamingos. Wolves were 5 times less as flamingos. How many of these animals were together? We know that there were four wolves.
17. Rabbit family
18. Triangle ABC
19. Birds
krocani On the farm they have a total of 110 birds. Geese and turkeys together is 47. Hens is three times more than the turkey. How much is poultry by species?
20. Toys
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Personal tools
You are here: Auditory Development Lab > Publications > The development of referential meaning in music
Sandra E Trehub and Laurel J Trainor (1992)
The development of referential meaning in music
Music Perception, 9(4):455-470.
We explored the development of children's ability to relate musical forms to extramusical concepts. In Experiment 1, we presented four excerpts from Prokofiev's Peter and the Wolf and asked 4-and 6-yearold children to match each excerpt to a picture of a wolf, bird, cat, or duck (four-alternative forced choice). Children matched appropriate animal pictures to musical excerpts significantly better than chance but identified the wolf and bird more readily than the cat and duck excerpts. In Experiment 2, 3-year-olds participated in a simplified version of the task (two-alternative forced choice). The order of difficulty of matching the various music-animal pairs was comparable across all age groups. In Experiment 3, we replicated Experiment 1 with less familiar music, specifically Saint Saen's Carnival of the Animals. Again, performance was above chance, increasing the likelihood that children's success in Experiments 1 and 2 was not attributable to previous exposure to the music. We discuss the results in relation to theories of musical meaning.
Document Actions
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bomb detonator
Encyclopedia Article
A detonator is a small explosive device that activates a larger bomb while ensuring a time delay for safety. Detonators can be electrical, chemical, mechanical, or wireless, meaning that a cellphone can be used to trigger the electrical charge necessary to initiate the larger explosion. In most detonating mechanisms, a fuse that is inserted into the larger explosive device is set off by connected chords that run an electrical charge from the detonator to the bomb itself.
Photo Credit:
Nokia detonator with "01 call missed," July 2, 2007, by abaporu is licensed under CC BY.
Published Works:
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Encyclopedia of Early Modern History Online
Purchase Access
Subject: History
Executive editor of the English version: Graeme Dunphy
Subscriptions: Brill.com
Habeas corpus
(961 words)
Author(s): Demmer, Margarete | Klippel, Diethelm
1. Concept and definitionThe Latin phrase habeas corpus (“you may/should have the body,” meaning “to secure the body”) is understood in a narrow sense as the constitutional protection from illegal imprisonment as a fundamental judicial right. In a broader sense, habeas corpus has evolved into protection from arbitrary prosecution, incarceration, and punishment. Even more comprehensive definitions may be given: habeas corpus thus is occasionally described as the “great writ of liberty” [3] or the “classic fundamental right of human dignity” and as such viewed as…
Date: 2018-11-28
(3 words)
See Privatdozent
Date: 2018-11-28
(2,176 words)
Author(s): Liehr, Reinhard
1. General For more than 400 years, from the mid-16th century until the beginning of agrarian reform, the term hacienda (Spanish, originally “wealth,” from Lat. facienda, “things to be done”) denoted a market-oriented estate farm that produced grain and/or cattle in the arable high valleys and plateaus of Spanish North, Central, and South America. The hacienda existed as an estate farm of Spanish farmers and agricultural entrepreneurs in the vicinity of Indian peasant communities whose origins went back to the era be…
Date: 2018-11-28
(941 words)
Author(s): Törpsch, Silke
1. The term The etymology of the word Hagestolz is not clear; the elements hag (OHG, MHG: “fenced parcel of land”) and staldan (Gothic: “possess”) can be reconstructed, but any further statement about the word’s meaning in a historical context is speculative.In the late Midde Ages and early modern period, unmarried men and women (but also children) in the German-speaking lands were called Hagestolz/ Hagestolzin if at death all or part of their estate was claimed by feudal, judicial, manorial, or territorial authorities. Here the term is part of the autho…
Date: 2018-11-28
(3 words)
See Theology, 5.
Date: 2018-11-28
(2,438 words)
Author(s): Bergengruen, Maximilian
1. Terminology Hagiography (from Greek hágios, “holy,” and graphḗ, “writing”) is the conventional modern term for the representation of saints, usually in the form of a Christian biography meant to be edifying to the reader [19. 1]. In an extended sense, hagiography (or better: hagiology) can also mean academic engagement with the historiography of the saints. Both meanings first appeared in the 19th century. In late antiquity, hagiographa was a term for the third division of the books of the Old Testament (Heb. ketubim), occasionally also for the biblical books in ge…
Date: 2018-11-28
(1,235 words)
Author(s): Oberholzner, Frank
1. Introduction Hailstones are a form of precipitation generated in certain atmospheric conditions, and consist of mostly granular lumps of ice of an average diameter of 10-15 mm. Although the process by which they form has not been established in full, it involves processes of glaciation and strong convective winds within cumulonimbus or thunderclouds. Small bodies of ice form as water droplets freeze on to so-called nuclei (e.g. dust particles present in the cloud), and rising convection holds t…
Date: 2018-11-28
(926 words)
Author(s): Gareis, Iris
Through all ages and cultures, human hair - particularly that on the head - has played an important role in social and religious or cultic spheres. As a derivative of skin, threadlike and sensitive to touch, hair is attached to its owner but can be styled, dyed, or colored in many different ways. When separated from the body, hair survives for centuries, and can be worked into wigs or decorations. As an outwardly visible sign, hair can define its wearer through its cut, color, style, etcetera, as a member of a particular age group, social grouping, or religious or political affiliation.During…
Date: 2018-11-28
Haitian Revolution
(2,047 words)
Author(s): König, Hans-Joachim
1. Definition The term Haitian Revolution refers to the 1791 slave revolt in the French colony of Saint-Domingue and the events that followed it (Slavery). After the American Revolution of 1776, it was the second such uprising in the New World, and its outcome, in 1804, was the foundation of the first independent modern state in Latin America [6]. The constitution of this state, called Haiti, by former slaves had a fateful impact on the direction of the Latin American wars of independence.Hans-Joachim König 2. Racial conflicts Ever since the Treaty of Rijswijk (1697), whic…
Date: 2018-11-28
(904 words)
Author(s): Münch, Ernst
In medieval and early modern Germany, the term “ Haken” could refer to one of three things: a plowing implement (the digging-stick plow), a subunit of a hide (Hufe [hide]), or a peasant taxation district.The division between digging-stick and sod-turning/plowing technologies in Europe went back to the 3rd century BCE if not earlier [2. 157]. The symmetrical, usually wooden digging-stick plow cut and disturbed the soil evenly, no deeper or more broadly in any one place (and so was also called the rake plow); this was initially in more widespread …
Date: 2018-11-28
(4 words)
See Judaic law
Date: 2018-11-28
(672 words)
Author(s): Kesper-Biermann, Sylvia
Halsgerichtsordnung [German, literally, “neck court order”; plural: Halsgerichtsordnungen ] designates compilations of legal rules for criminal procedure that emerged in the late Middle Ages at courts of law that passed judgment on serious criminal acts and could impose punishment on “neck and hand,” that is, the death penalty and corporal punishment. In some cases, such criminal orders also contained measures concerning substantive criminal law, that is, they listed individual crimes (Criminal offense)…
Date: 2018-11-28
Hambach Festival
(871 words)
Author(s): Brandt, Hartwig
The Hambach Festival of 1832 was the first major political demonstration in German history. It also marked the zenith of political protest in the wake of the 1830 July Revolution in France (the Trois Glorieuses; French Revolution [1830]). After the quiet 1820s, a new phase of political activity was now underway in Germany. The provincial assemblies ( Landtage) of the medium-sized states of the Confederation were taking the liberal substance of the constitution literally. The press, assemblies, and societies were creating an unprecedented form of po…
Date: 2018-11-28
(1,087 words)
Author(s): Pichol, Karl
1. Terminology The word hammer is primarily associated with the hand hammer, consisting of a head with a bell and face (flat end) and a peen (narrow end) along with an eye (hole of the handle) and a handle; it evolved from prehistoric hammer-like tools (some 350,000 years ago). The hammer was both an effective tool and a potent weapon, with ritual and mythological significance. As a gavel, it is used to call for order in a courtroom and in auctions; it serves as a sacred implement at consecrations …
Date: 2018-11-28
Hammer mill
(4 words)
See Hammer
Date: 2018-11-28
(4 words)
See Executioner
Date: 2018-11-28
Hanseatic League
(1,748 words)
Author(s): Hammel-Kiesow, Rolf
1. Late Middle AgesThe Hanseatic League was a coalition of Low German merchants and towns to form a trading company, which carried on long-distance trade (Trade, Long-distance ) in northern Europe from the mid-12th century (the so-called early Hanseatic period) to the end of the 17th, dominating it between roughly 1300 and 1500.In the 15th century, the Hanseatic League included some 70 cities that participated actively in its enterprise and about 130 additional smaller towns represented by them, located between Zaltbommel at the mouth of the R…
Date: 2018-11-28
Hanseatic port
(5 words)
See Hanseatic League
Date: 2018-11-28
(1,830 words)
Author(s): Newmark, Catherine
1. Philosophical happiness: early theoriesSince classical antiquity, the assumption that all human beings want to be happy has been one of the undisputed premises of philosophical ethics. Since Aristotle (4th century BCE), happiness or felicity has been understood as the highest good, pursued for its own sake, and ultimate goal of all human actions; it is therefore one of the central concepts of so-called eudaemonistic moral philosophy (from Greek eudaimonía, “[inward] happiness”; cf. Lat. beatitudo – in contrast to Greek eutychía and Lat. fortuna, a happy fortune [Fate, …
Date: 2018-11-28
(3,754 words)
Author(s): Ellmers, Detlev
1. State of researchIn the early modern period, there were so many different types of harbor, with the larger ones fulfilling such a wealth of diverse functions, that no scholarly presentation covers all relevant aspects (for an initial survey, see [13]). To date there has been no synoptic overview of the development of harbors in Europe and overseas, even rudimentarily. Numerous studies are limited to the development of individual harbors or groups of harbors, particular aspects, or the archaeological record [1]. Even titles that sound quite promising [19] fail to convey a coh…
Date: 2018-11-28
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Download all 40 Worksheets, 32 Tests in PDF (Ready for Classroom Use), and Selected Answer Keys.
Free PDF Worksheet Suitable for Classroom Use
David and Marian Fairchild. The King Grasshopper, from Book of Monsters
The worksheet is one sheet front and back. It is suitable for classroom use and freely reproducible.
Click here to read the complete book: David and Marian Fairchild. Book of Monsters
As this young king grasshopper stands looking so inquiringly at one with his varicolored eyes, each of which is composed of hundreds of facets, I cannot help thinking that he represents a creature quite as fascinating and actually more dangerous than the East African monsters of our school geographies. (1)
Perhaps it is perfectly natural, but it does not seem right, that so little emphasis should be laid in our histories upon the terrible struggles of man with his insect enemies. The time will come when we shall recognize this warfare, when we shall realize how much of human happiness lies buried on the battlefields of our struggle against the insect hordes. (2)
The King Grasshopper
The members of one species of this great family can sail for a thousand miles before the wind, and they go in such numbers that they make a cloud 2,000 square miles in extent. (3)
They multiply in such numbers as to baffle all calculation, and every living green thing for thousands of square miles disappears down their throats, leaving the country they infest desolate. The great famine of Egypt, mentioned in the book of Exodus, the grasshopper years of Kansas, which ruined thousands of families on our plains, and more recent devastations in Argentina and South Africa are examples of the tremendous effects which the migratory locusts have had upon the happiness of mankind. (4)
The famines which have followed in their wake have cost the lives of hundreds of thousands of human beings and ruined the lives of millions of others. We have become so accustomed to the idea that the farmer must expect to lose his crop every few years from the devastations of these beasts, that we have not yet realized that it would be profitable to spend vast sums of money in learning how to fight them. (5)
In the evolution of the race, this change will come about, and I feel that no honor is too great to bestow upon the American entomologists who have led the world in its fight with these enemies of the human race. Some day these quiet, resourceful, far-sighted men of knowledge will take their places beside the organizers of industry and the warriors of mankind in the hero worship of our boys and girls. (6)
Define Each Word
Write the Correct Word from the Vocabulary
1. To the casual observer, the desert appears to be _______________________, but it is actually teeming with life.
2. A _______________________ of angry demonstrators comprised the Occupy Well Street movement.
3. Anna Carolina's childhood fascination with insects led her to pursue a career as an ___________________________.
4. Speedboats often produce large _________________ near the docks, upsetting boaters who are relaxing on the decks of their sailboats.
5. The cause of necrosis on mango seedlings in Broward County has ____________________ horticulturalists for years.
Comprehension and Discussion: Answer Each Question in Complete Sentences
1. What examples of the effects of migratory locusts does David Fairchild provide?
2. Why does Fairchild praise entomologists and their work so lavishly?
I hope you found what you needed.
Proverbs 18:15
"The mind of the prudent acquires knowledge, And the ear of the wise seeks knowledge."
If you would like to contact me, please email.
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
(Redirected from Rudd)
Jump to navigation Jump to search
Scardinius erythrophthalmus.jpg
Common rudd (Scardinius erythrophthalmus)
Scientific classification e
Kingdom: Animalia
Phylum: Chordata
Class: Actinopterygii
Order: Cypriniformes
Family: Cyprinidae
Subfamily: Leuciscinae
Genus: Scardinius
Bonaparte, 1837
Type species
Leuciscus scardafa
Bonaparte, 1837
Heegerius Bonaparte, 1845
Scardinius is a genus of ray-finned fish in the Cyprinidae family commonly called rudds. Locally, the name "rudd" without any further qualifiers is also used for individual species, particularly the common rudd (S. erythrophthalmus). The rudd can be distinguished from the very similar roach by way of the rudd's upturned mouth, allowing it to pick food items such as aquatic insects from the surface of the water with minimal disturbance.
The Greek rudd (S. graecus) is a similar fish, about 40 cm long. It occurs only in the southern tip of the Greek mainland. It lives in lakes and slow-flowing rivers, forming large schools. It spawns around April–June among underwater plants in shallow water. It feeds on small crustaceans, the larvae and pupae of insects, and on plant material. The majority of its food is taken at or near the surface of the water. The fish is not usually found in deep water. Very little is known about the biology of this species. It is important locally, both to anglers and commercial companies.[1]
1. ^ Freshwater Fishes of Britain and Europe, Rainbow Books, 1992, Elsley House, 24–30, Great Titchfield Street, London W1P 7AD. Originally published in 1983 as a Kingfisher Guide to Freshwater Fishes. ISBN 1 871745 88 8
External links[edit]
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Tough Snail Shell Could Inspire Better Body Armor
The shell of the "scaly-foot" snail, shown here, has a unique structure that may provide clues for designing improved body armor, a new study suggests.
Credit: Anders Warén, Swedish Museum of Natural History, Stockholm, Sweden.
A snail's shell that protects it from attacks underwater could provide clues for designing improved body armor to guard human soldiers, a new study suggests.
The research involved an unusual sea snail, the so-called "scaly-foot" snail which was first reported in 2003 and makes its home in the harsh environment of a deep-sea hydrothermal vent in the Indian Ocean. Past studies of the snail, a type of sea mollusk, revealed its foot was covered in plates of iron-sulfide minerals, and it is now the only known animal today to employ iron sulfides as a structural material.
Like other snails, this one also sports a shell covering its body. Although hard, a typical snail's shell will fracture if persistently squeezed by a predatory crab. Hoping to learn exactly how the scaly-foot snail's shell is designed to resist such crushing, the authors took a close look at the shell's structure, examining it on the nanoscale.
They saw that shell is composed of three layers: a hard outer layer that contains iron sulfides, similar to the ones identified in its foot scales; a more supple middle layer made of organic material; and a stiff inner layer with a large amount of calcium minerals. This arrangement of "rigid-compliant-rigid" layers creates a trilayer, sandwich structure unique to this snail, the researchers say.
Snail protection
After figuring out the shell's structure, the team used a computer model to simulate how the shell faired when subjected to a penetrating force, similar in strength to the pinching of a crab's claws.
"Each layer does something differently," said lead researcher Christine Ortiz, a materials science and engineering professor at the MIT.
The hard outer layer contains small, grain-like particles. When under attack, these granules help to dispel the energy of the blow, spreading it out across the outer region. Any fractures that occur will disperse along jagged lines guided by the granules, forming fissures in the top layer.
"Cracks that form travel extensively throughout the outer layers, thereby protecting the inner layers and mitigating catastrophic fracture," Ortiz said.
The softer middle layer helps protect the brittle inner layer from cracking, Ortiz explained. And the inner layer itself protects the snail's body from injury. Since this inner layer is rigid, it doesn't displace into the animal's body during an assault, which could cause blunt trauma, Ortiz said.
Put together, the three layers work to help prevent penetration of the shell and also withstand bending.
The outer and middle layers also help the snail to survive in the extreme environment characteristic of hydrothermal vents, since these layers are resistant to dissolving in the highly acidic waters. And the middle layer protects the snail from temperature changes at the vents.
Snail-like armor and sporting gear
The shell's structure may one day inspire new and better designs for human protective equipment, from body armor to sporting gear. The three-layer arrangement and curved surface give the shell stability and penetration resistance, highly valued characteristics of materials used for armor, Ortiz said.
Automobiles painted with an iron-based, granular coating similar to the one found in the shell's outer layer could dissipate energy in the same way the shell does when undergoing a predator attack.
However, any bio-inspired design would likely not use the exact same materials found in the snail's shell, which has flaws of its own. Scientists would simply use it as a guide, and improve upon the shells shortcomings.
"Nature only uses what's available to it," said Ortiz. Engineers might use a similar design, but replace some of the components with high performance structural, or ballistic materials, she said.
The results were published online Jan. 18 in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.
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The Language of the Olympics
Even the most sports-illiterate word nerds (I include myself in this category) will have been paying some attention to this month's Olympic Games — even if only because of some interesting linguistic phenomena. For instance, you may have heard the word "podium" used as a verb, or wondered if "Olympics" takes a singular or a plural verb.
Let's take a look at some Olympic terminology, where it came from, and how it's changing.
Greek Roots
The “Olympics” are named after the ancient Greek city (Olympia) in which highly organized athletic competitions were held every four years in honour of the Greek god Zeus. The Greek roots of the Games won’t likely come as a surprise to anyone, especially given the prevalence of the Greek-sounding terminology that surrounds them. The pentathlon, heptathlon, and decathlon, for instance, are combinations of five, seven, and ten events, respectively; their names come from the Greek pente (five), hepta (seven), deca (ten), and –athlon (competition).
Other perhaps less obviously Greek words are also central to the Olympics. The word “podium” comes from the Greek podion, meaning “base” or “foot” (e.g., of a vase), while “stadium” comes from the Greek stadion, probably referring to a fixed unit of distance.
But it isn’t just the language that is influenced by ancient Greece. The length of a modern-day marathon—that’s 42.195 kilometres, or 26.219 miles—just so happens to be the exact distance between Athens and the ancient city of Marathon. A courrier named Pheidippides, so the fable goes, ran from Marathon to Athens in order to deliver some news, after which he promptly collapsed and died. (That must have been some important news.)
Although Olympic terminology has strong Greek roots, it is by no means bound by these roots.
Verb-ing Nouns
In recent years, the Olympics have been a fantastic source of a common linguistic phenomenon (one of my personal favourites) in which nouns become verbs.
You may have heard that an Olympic athlete “was medalled,” or that they “will podium.” Some of these athletes beat others in their semi-finals in order “to final,” and in doing so, they might even have “PB-ed” (i.e., reached a new personal best). According to one source, even the Lord Coe, chairman of the Organizing Committee, once declared that the London Olympics needed “to legacy.”
This might sound odd, but the phenomenon of turning nouns into verbs is not at all new. Many commonplace verbs of today were once strictly nouns, such as “evidence,” “impact,” and “access.” In fact, many nouns have been verbed only in the last few decades, right in front of our eyes—think of “email,” “message,” “text,” and “bookmark.” These nouns were verbed so quickly that it’s difficult to remember a time in which we only nouned them.
(In case you haven’t noticed, I heart verbing nouns. In fact, if verbing nouns were a sport, I’d totally medal in the Grammar Olympics.)
Language and Society
So, next time you’re sitting at home watching the Olympics, keep your ears open for some of these Olympic linguistic idiosyncrasies—and embrace them! As Gore Vidal once wrote, “As societies grow decadent, the language grows decadent, too.” The Olympic Games—both ancient and modern—are a great example of how language and society are deeply intertwined.
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Mysterious Golden Sacrifice
November/December 2015
Trenches Korea Gold EarringsArchaeologists excavating the Geumgwanchong (“Gold Crown”) tomb in Gyeongju in the Korean province of North Gyeongsang have discovered an extremely rare pair of gold earrings dating to the Silla Dynasty (57 B.C. to A.D. 935). “Although Koreans have found hundreds of Silla-era gold earrings in tombs that belonged to noblemen and noblewomen,” according to Dae-hwan Kim of the National Museum of Korea’s archaeology and history department, “the composition, forms, and patterns on these earrings have never been seen.” The Geumgwanchong tomb was constructed between the fifth and early sixth centuries, and is the site where the first Silla gold crown was uncovered when the tomb was originally excavated in 1921.
Archaeologists are also intrigued by the fact that the earrings likely belonged to a male—Silla men often wore thin earrings, while women wore thicker ones—who was a victim of human sacrifice, a common custom in ancient Korea. The identity of the Geumgwanchong tomb’s owner remains one of the most enduring mysteries in Korean archaeology. Researchers have found items, including a sword with engraved letters reading “King Yisaji,” but there is no mention of him in existing Silla records.
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Explanations for the failure to learn phonologically similar word
Explanations for the failure to learn phonologically similar words typically focus on top-down mechanisms, such as task demands
(Werker et al., 1998; Yoshida, Fennell, Swingley, & Werker, 2009) or lexical access (Swingley & Aslin, 2007). Proponents of the former argue that the demands of laboratory word learning tasks are heavy because the children are required to encode both visual and auditory forms in a short time period and then to connect them to one another. This requires children to allocate their limited resources to specific elements this website of the task (for a review, see Werker & Fennell, 2006). PRIMIR (Werker & Curtin, 2005) describes this as a case where general perceptual processes overwhelm the child’s system, leaving little room for phonetic ones. Additionally, the switch task typically used in these experiments (see Werker et al., 1998) requires that information be represented and organized robustly, as success requires the infant to determine that something is not part of a category. Children this age succeed more easily at positive identification tasks CH5424802 price in which they must map an auditory word form to an object (Ballem & Plunkett, 2005). Even infants trained
in the style of Stager and Werker (1997) correctly identify word–object pairings when the test is presented using a two-alternative looking paradigm (Yoshida et al., 2009). Lack of capacity coupled to the difficulty of the switch task might negatively affect 14-month-olds’ use of their discrimination skills in this task. However, as children get older, they become more adept, and by 20 months, they learn phonologically similar words in the switch task (Werker, Fennell, Corcoran, & Stager, 2002). Alternatively, it has been suggested that Thalidomide processes involved in lexical access, particularly competition (e.g., Dahan, Magnuson, Tanenhaus, & Hogan, 2001; Luce & Pisoni, 1998), interfere with learning (Swingley & Aslin, 2007). In the small lexicon
of 14-month-olds, known words are accessed somewhat easily from phonetic input and compete with novel or newly learned words. New words that sound similar to existing words will activate both a novel representation and these existing known words, and do not fare well in the resulting competition. Thus, 14-month-olds learning words like “tog” will have difficulty because they retrieve “dog” instead (Swingley & Aslin, 2007). Similarly, when infants learn two similar words at once, the word forms compete with one another for representation. As a result, each inhibits the other and learning fails, or alternatively, both representations get linked to the referent (as they are both momentarily active in parallel).
Comments are closed.
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Essay on Milton's Fallen Angels
Submitted By johnnytwoeyes
Words: 1083
Pages: 5
Analysis: Milton’s Fallen Angles, Moloch Mammon and Belial
Paradise Lost is considered as one of the most influential works from the early modern year. Milton’s use of Satan’s point of view captures a different position to the classic epic, the “Creation of Man.” Satan is a character of great power and emotion, Milton has created a beast that holds none of the redeeming qualities one would expect from a rational person. After Satan’s fall, most reactions would be for him to keep the consequences of his actions; yet Satan is not able to do so. Using the fallen angels as an out for normal emotions, Milton is able to showcase Satan’s nonhuman characteristics. In book II of Paradise Lost, John Milton illustrates what might be felt by human beings after the fall through the speeches of Moloch, Mammon and Belial, with each of the fallen angels representing different human emotions, arrogance, acceptance and slothfulness. Milton illustrates arrogance through Moloch’s speech. Moloch derives from the Hebrew word “king” (UCADIA Books 1) and rightly so Moloch seeks to wage war on God’s army as soon as Satan is defeated. Moloch is portrayed as a fierce warrior: “the strongest and fiercest spirit that fought in heaven; now fiercer by despair,” (Milton II: 44). Before speaking Moloch is characterized as brawn over brain (Zeng 1). When he first speaks, he states that he would rather wage war then sit and plot a new strategy. “My sentence is for open Warr… let those contrive who need, or when they need, not now,” (Milton II: 51). Moloch’s character demonstrates how arrogance can be an emotion someone or something feels after defeat. Moloch would rather die than be defeated, and survive as he says “More destroy'd then thus we should be quite abolisht and expire,”(Milton II: 92). However, towards the end of his speech there is a loss of arrogance as he would rather sacrifice himself then to be stuck in Hell. He acknowledges the battle cannot be won and would rather continuously attack Heaven or be killed by God as he says, “Which if not Victory is yet Revenge,” (Milton II: 105). This act of pride depicts Moloch’s arrogance and pride filled rage; very common human like traits. As Moloch preaches arrogance, the other angle Belial has an opposing opinion. Milton represents the human emotion of slothfulness through Belial’s words and charm. The first depiction of Belial creates an image of a con artist: good looking, well mannered but sharp-tongued. As Milton says: “A fairer person lost not Heav'n; he seemd for dignity compos'd and high exploit: But all was false and hollow,” (line 110). Belial’s description compliments his name, as in Hebrew Belial means ‘worthless’ (Behind the Name 1). Throughout his speech Belial’s words are pleasing to hear but lack conviction. Compared this to when Satan is able to convince Eve to eat the forbidden fruit with great success (Zeng 1). Belial’s speech goes against the plans of Moloch and shows that Belial would much rather do nothing. All throughout Belial’s speech, he advocates not to take up arms but rather be lethargic. For example, at line 119 Belial says:
“I should be much for open Warr, O Peers,
As not behind in hate; if what was urg'd
Main reason to persuade immediate Warr,
Did not disswade me most, and seem to cast
Ominous conjecture on the whole success:”
This passage shows his true nature of slothfulness. At first he tries to convince the other devils that he is for war, yet he proceeds to say how it would be a useless war based on death and revenge. Later on in his speech, he conveys the message that God would not “give his Enemies thir wish and en them in his anger,” (Milton II: 157). Therefore, it would be easier not to partake, according to Belial. This reaction to the situation of the Fall is one expressed by a pessimist, only looking at defeat as an option. By having Satan go against slothfulness, Milton shows the reader how different and proud Satan truly is in his character.…
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Scholastic ogham
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Use of the early medieval Irish ogham alphabet is largely divided between "monumental" epigraphy and "scholastic" use in, or influenced by, manuscript tradition,
Scholastic ogham notably involves artificial expansions of the alphabet, such as the forfeda group, and many variations or cryptographic substitutions for the classic ogham alphabet. Scholastic ogham develops from about the 7th century and remains in use for notes in manuscripts until the 16th century.
Manuscript tradition of ogham notably records Bríatharogam, i.e. medieval kennings of letter names. The most notable source of such kennings is In Lebor Ogaim, preserved in a late 14th-century manuscript.
Gaelic poetry and grammar[edit]
Even after it ceased to be used as an everyday alphabet for writing, ogham continued to be used as the basis for teaching grammar and the rules and metrics of poetry in the Gaelic language.[1] The medieval work The Scholar's Primer or Auraicept na n-Éces, laid down the basis for poetic composition in the Irish language for the trainee poet or file, and looked to ogham or more exactly the Beith-luis-nin for guidance. This was because the ogham alphabet was felt to be peculiarly suited to the needs of the Irish language.
In addition the training of the poet or file, involved the learning of one hundred and fifty varieties of ogham – fifty in each of the first three years of study.[2] It is clear that most of these are the same as the one hundred or so different ogham alphabets found in The Ogam Tract or In Lebor Ogaim, which was included along with the Auraicept in the Book of Ballymote. Most of these alphabets are cryptic varieties of doubtful practical value, but some were word lists which could have given the poet a convenient vocabulary at his fingertips, while others indicate a link to tally or counting systems. Perhaps their main value was simply to train the mind in the use of words and concepts, as word play and 'punning' were a major part of Gaelic poetry.
So central was ogham to Gaelic learning that until modern times the Latin alphabet was taught in both Irish and Scots Gaelic using the letter names borrowed from the Beith-luis-nin, along with the tradition that each name was that of a different tree.[3] The following is the list from Dinneen's Irish–English Dictionary, published in 1927 A: Ailm (Elm); B: Beith (Birch); C: Coll (Hazel); D: Dair (Oak); E: Eadadh (Aspen); F: Fearn (Alder); G: Gath/Gort (Ivy); H: hUath (Whitethorn); I: Íodha (Yew), L: Luis (Rowan); M: Muin (Vine); N: Nuin (Ash); O: Oir (Broom); P: Peith (Dwarf Elder); R: Ruis (Elder); S: Sail (Willow); T: Teithne (Furze); U: Ur (Heather).[4]
Manuscript traditions on pragmatic use of ogham[edit]
Manuscript tradition, especially medieval Irish mythology, gives accounts on uses of ogham not known from the archaeological record [5] Most of these involve ogham being used for short messages or inscriptions on wood. There is only one reference to ogham being inscribed on metal, which occurs in the epic story 'The Cattle Raid of Cooley' or Táin Bó Cúailnge. A stone pillar has a ring of iron with an ogham inscription on it stating that it is taboo ( geasa ) for a warrior bearing arms to approach without challenging to single combat. The great Ulster warrior Cúchulainn responds to this challenge by throwing the pillar, inscribed ring and all, into a nearby pond.
The rest of the references are to inscriptions on wood. One such is in the tale involving Cúchulainn's search for the three sons of Duil Dermait. Cúchulainn sees a boat coming to land in the harbour at Dundalk. He boards it, killing all the passengers except the king of Alba (Scotland), who gives him the boat and sets a sea charm to help him in his quest. In return, Cúchulainn gives him a little spear ( sléigin ) with an ogham inscription on it and tells him to take Cúchulainn's seat in the court of the king of Ulster at Emain Macha in the meantime. The inscription seems to involve a signature unique to Cúchulainn, which will guarantee that the king of Alba will be believed when he says that Cúchulainn sent him (unless of course there is something unique about the spear). These examples suggest that objects were inscribed with individual 'signatures' for the purposes of identification. As well as confirming that a message came from a particular individual, being able to identify objects as a particular person's property would obviously be very useful.
A very interesting connection exists between ogham and Cornwall in two literary references which tie ogham into the Cornish legend of Tristan and Iseult. The first of these is in a lay written by Marie of France which speaks of Tristan cutting and squaring off a branch of hazel on which he writes his name to alert Iseult to his presence.[6] The second reference is found in the version of the Tristan legend by the Scotsman Thomas of Ercildoune (ibid, p108) which describes how Tristan engraved his name in strange runes on small bits of wood, putting them in a stream so that they would flow down to where Iseult could see them. While it is true that neither version directly refers to ogham there are good grounds for believing that ogham was the 'strange runes' used by Tristan. First of all, the cutting, squaring off, and writing of names on bits of wood sounds compatible with how ogham was probably used. Second, ogham fits better into the cultural milieu of the story than the runes. Iseult is from Ireland, and Tristan first meets Iseult when spending some time there, so it is quite plausible that they would use ogham for writing to each other. The story also reflects the reality of links between Ireland and Cornwall, visible today in the surviving ogham inscriptions. It is not hard from this to see how the Cornish could include a reference to the strange Irish writing in one of their stories. The story may ultimately be of Irish origin anyway,[7] transmitted through those same links.
Some of the messages are referred to as being written in a cryptic form of ogham called Ogam fortgithe. One such reference comes in the story of Corc son of Lugaid, who arrives in Scotland after being banished from Ireland. He is befriended by Gruibne, poet to Feradach, king of Scotland; who notices a cryptic ogham inscription ( Ogam fortgithe ) on Corc's shield. He informs Corc that the inscription says that if Corc should arrive at Feradach's court by day, he is to be killed by night; if he should arrive by night, he is to be killed by morning. To protect Corc, Gruibne changes the inscription to say that if Corc should arrive by day he should be given Feradach's daughter by evening, if by night, he should have slept with her by morning.[citation needed]
The use of ogham to convey a cryptic message is also found in the story of the Gaelic warrior Finn McCool and his fool or clown Lomnae. Lomnae notifies Finn of his wife's infidelity by cutting an inscription on a four sided rod and handing it to Finn. The message does not directly accuse Finn's wife, but is instead a series of metaphors: ‘A wooden stake ( an alder stake in one version) in a fence of silver, hellebore among edible plants, husband of a wanton woman, a cuckold among the well taught Féni, and heather on Úalann of the Luigne’. Finn understands the message, but Lomnae pays for telling, as Finn’s wife has his head cut off.[citation needed]It should be noted that the wording itself is what is cryptic here, not the writing in ogham.[citation needed]
Much has been made of the cryptic nature of the inscriptions. Graves and Vendryes, in particular, argue that the inscriptions on wood are fundamentally different from those on stone, being secret and magical in character[citation needed]. McManus rightly argues that there is no evidence of such a sharp distinction[citation needed], and there are enough examples[citation needed] to prove that inscriptions on wood were not necessarily for magical reasons[citation needed]. There are hints of ogham being written cryptically, but this is not the same as saying it was written for magical purposes[citation needed].
The issue of ogham being used for magical purposes is the subject of a tedious argument among scholars over whether it was the alphabet itself that was considered magical, or whether it was simply a tool used by those who practised magic.[citation needed] This argument is related to the issue of whether the alphabet was invented by Christians or pagans, with it being presumed by both sides that magic would be a major motivation for a pagan inventor.[citation needed] There are clear examples in the literature of ogham being used for magical purposes[citation needed]. However, what can also be said is nothing to indicate that magic was ever the main reason for inventing ogham[citation needed].
A well known reference to magic is in the tale Tochmarc Étaíne when the druid Dallán locates the missing woman Étaín Eochaid through inscribing ogham on four rods of yew. The inscription and his 'keys of poetry' ( eochraib écsi ) reveal to him that Étaín has been taken to the síd or mound of Brí Léith by Midir. This process seems to have involved some form of divination or cleromancy[citation needed]. According to Dinneen (1927) divination was practised using an ogham-inscribed wooden lamina or tablet known as a fiodh-lann and McCullough (1911, p251) mentions a reference to fidlanna being used in this way in 'Adomnán's Second Vision'. The general Irish term for the casting of lots is crann-chur, literally 'the casting of wood'; probably originating from the traditional use of sticks or pieces of wood to draw the lots. This is not enough evidence in itself of course, to say that the term originated from a connection with ogham.
Another often quoted example of magical use concerns the or rod of aspen. The was kept in pagan graveyards to measure corpses and graves and was regarded with fear and dread. Everything that was regarded as hateful was written on it, apparently for the purposes of setting a curse, or else to keep evil sprits away from the dead[citation needed]. Other magical uses include a charm to cure a man of impotence by writing his name in ogham on an elm wand and striking him with it (Charles Graves,1879)[citation needed], and the mention in the Ogam Tract of the use of ogham to determine the sex of an unborn child[citation needed].
As well as purely magical uses, there are references to ogham being used to send messages which have a magical aspect to them. The most famous of these is mentioned in the epic story The Táin Bó Cuailnge. This involves the Ulster hero Cúchulainn, while standing on one leg, using one hand, and having one eye closed, writing an ogham inscription on a withe which he then casts over a pillar stone. His rival Fergus mac Róich reads the inscription, which declares that none shall pass unless a similar feat be performed, Fergus excepted. Fergus gives the inscribed withe to the druids, asking them to interpret its secret meaning, but they have nothing to add to Fergus' interpretation. Fergus states that if this message is ignored, the withe on which the inscription is made will return magically to Cúchulainn, who then will kill one of the company before morning. Cúchulainn leaves much the same inscription on two occasions shortly afterwards.
Charles Graves (1879, p213)[citation needed]provides an example of the different aspects of ogham combined in one. When a poet failed to receive payment for one of his compositions Irish law directed him to cut a four square wand, and write on it in ogham 'in the name of God'. On one side a cross was to be inscribed, the name of the offence on the second, the name of the offender on the third and an encomium (or praise poem) on the fourth. The wand should then be set up at the end of ten days. If the poet made a satire without doing this he was liable for a fine. A cross is inscribed in the name of God, but the praise poem gets its power from the poet or file, whose supposed powers are certainly pre-Christian in origin.
Record and tally keeping[edit]
The few indications in the literature of ogham being used for other inscriptions than names or brief messages are rather vague, but there is evidence to point to ogham being used to keep records of names and lists of various kinds. The clearest example appears in the story where Conn the King of Ireland is visited by the spirit of the Celtic god Lugh, who gives him the names of the future Kings of Ireland, from Conn himself to the end of time. The list is so long that Cesarn, Conn's poet, is unable to memorise it and writes it down in ogham on four rods of yew, each eight sided and twenty four feet long. The ogham is not involved in any way in the supernatural appearance of Lugh and is only mentioned in respect of the practical task of recording information. Ogham would have been concise enough to record genealogical lists, especially if each rod had eight sides to it as in this case. The excessive length of the rods mentioned here is because every name until the end of time has to be written down. In reality, most genealogies would have been of a much more manageable size!
The Ogam Tract or In Lebor Ogaim in the Book of Ballymote points to other possible uses of ogham for record keeping. This includes lusogam ('herb ogham'), which may have been used in medicine, or biadogam ('food ogam') which may have used as part of housekeeping duties. Other varieties strongly suggest property or business transactions, for example conogam ( 'dog ogham') or dam-ogam ('ox ogham'). Unlike other lists, each letter in these forms does not stand for a separate name, but for a different aicme or group. Damogam is described thus: “Bull for group B, one bull, two, three, four, five bulls (for B,L,F,S,N); Ox for group H, one ox, two, three, four, five oxen (for H,D,T,C,Q); Bullock for group M, one bullock, two, three etc.; Steer for group A, one steer, two, etc.” This list is significant as it involves numbers as well as names, suggesting that counting is going on and indicating a role as a tally system and record of property. Another example of this is Ogam usceach ( ‘Water-ogham’) regarding various types of water source as follows: Group B: One stream for B, and so on to five for N; Group H: 1 Weir for H, 2 for D and so on; Group M: 1 River for M, 2 for G and so on; Group A1 Well for A, 2 for O and so on.” Sources of fresh water were valuable, and it would have been very helpful to keep a record of the number and type of water source on one’s lands.
A bundle of ogham rods recording such lists would not have been too cumbersome to carry from place to place in the travelling schools of the poets or filed, or kept in the various crannogs or hillforts of the chieftains. It is also likely that ogham could have had a role in recording trading transactions and legal judgements of various kinds. Perhaps the names of those involved were cited together with the nature and number of objects concerned. These records could have been kept in a similar way on rods to provide legal proof of what had occurred.
Hand signals[edit]
There is direct evidence for the existence of a system of ogham hand signals. The ogam tract In Lebor Ogaim mentions two forms of finger spelling; cossogam ('foot-ogham') and sronogam ('nose-ogham'). Cossogam involves putting the fingers to the right or left of the shinbone for the first or second aicmi, and across it diagonally or straight for the third or fourth aicmi. One finger is used for the first letter, two for the second, and so on. Sronogam involves the same procedure with the ridge of the nose. Placing the finger straight across the shinbone or nose for the fourth aicme mimics the later, manuscript form of the letters. Another alphabet, basogam ('palm-ogham') is mentioned which seems to involve striking the hand in various ways against wood. Probably the angle of the hand indicated the aicme while the number of strikes indicated the letter. The inclusion of these alphabets in the Tract shows that a connection between the ogham letters and fingers was still known at the time the Book of Ballymote was written in the Middle Ages.
Further evidence of the possible use of ogham hand gestures comes in the form of various literary references to finger signs. Plummer (1910 p cxvi) cites several works which mention the use of finger signs, including the Life of Saint Brendan.
Here the evidence is much more ambiguous as the use of the word ogham was sometimes used in later stories to refer to writing in the general sense, rather than in the ogham script. The best known example is found in The Voyage of Bran. Bran spent so long on his seafaring travels in the otherworld that several hundred years had passed in Ireland. On arriving back to Ireland he decided that it is unwise to disembark from his boat after one of his comrades leapt ashore and was turned to ashes on the spot. Instead he wrote his adventures in quatrains in ogham for the crowd gathered at the shore and departed, never to be heard of again.
Another instance of writing on wood which might possibly refer to ogham is found in the story of the lovers Aillinn and Baile Mac Buain. The lovers come to a tragic end and are buried separately. An apple tree grows out of Aillin's grave and a yew tree out of Baile's. Both trees are cut down by the poets of Leinster and Ulster respectively to make writing tablets. The tablets are taken to Tara and the stories inscribed on them are recited for the High King Cormac Mac Art. He is much taken by the beauty of the stories and asks to see the tablets. On taking them into his hands the two tablets immediately spring together and become entwined about each other like woodbine. The reference to wooden writing tablets has been cited as evidence that ogham was used in this way, but this does not really follow. Firstly, ogham is not directly mentioned in the tale, and secondly the story is itself originally a borrowing from international sources, according to Ó hOgáin ( 1991, p43).
A more interesting reference is found in the story of Aethicus of Istria who sailed from Iberia to Ireland circa 417 A.D. ( Beresford Ellis p165). He is said to have remained in Ireland for some time, examining the Irish books he came across. These he described as 'ideomochos' meaning strange or unfamiliar. This has been taken to mean that Aethicus had perhaps seen some collection of ogham rods. This is a more trustworthy piece of evidence, but again it is too vague in itself to prove anything specific.
None of these examples add up to any conclusive evidence that ogham was ever used in a literary way to record poems, stories or any kind of sustained narrative, and the likelihood is that it wasn't. The nature of the alphabet itself militates against any use of it in this way.
1. ^ McManus § 8.2, 1991
2. ^ McManus §7.12, 1991
3. ^ Dinneen;Thompson, p92
4. ^ note there is no J, K, Q, V, W, X, Y, or Z in the modern Irish alphabet
5. ^ McManus § 8.10, 1991.
6. ^ Vendryes, 1941, p108
7. ^ see Dillon, 1946, p78
• Beresford Ellis, Peter, The Druids, Constable & Co., London (1994)
• Dillon, Myles, The Cycles of the Kings (1946)
• Dinneen, P.S. Foclóir Gaedhilge agus Béarla, Irish Texts Society (1927)
• Graves, Charles, 'On the Ogam Beith Luis Nin', Hermathena 3, (1879), 208–244
• McCullough, J.A. The Religion of the Ancient Celts, Edinburgh (1911)
• McManus, Damian, A Guide to Ogam, Maynooth, (1991)
• Ó hÓgáin, Daithí, Myth, Legend and Romance: An Encyclopedia of the Irish Folk Tradition, (1991)
• Plummer, C Vita Sanctorum Hiberniae Vol. 1 Oxford, (1910)
• Thompson, F The Supernatural Highlands, (1976) Edinburgh
• Vendryes, J 'L'écriture ogamique et ses origines' Études Celtiques 4, (1941), 83–116
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Introducing the Newest Species of Thrush
While the news may have gone under the radar of anyone without an interest in bird watching, in 2016 scientists announced the discovery of a new avian species: Zoothera salimalii, the Himalayan Forest Thrush. Named in honour of the late Indian ornithologist Dr Salim Ali, whose extensive contributions to research have been invaluable to the base of scientific knowledge of birds, the species is found in China and Northern India. The Himalayan Forest Thrush is only the fourth new species to be discovered in India in the last 70 years.
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Discovering the Differences
A Few Million Years of Separation
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