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How to Tell if Your Python Is Gravid
Short of obtaining veterinary assistance, the best way to know if your python is holding fertile eggs is by watching for a suite of traits that gravid pythons commonly exhibit. While most of these clues are not infallible, the observation of ovulation guarantees that your python will deposit eggs in the near future. Other clues that are consistent with, but not necessarily indicative of, gravidity include changes in your animal's body proportions and distinctive postures.
Empirical Evidence
The easiest way to collect empirical evidence that your snake is gravid, or pregnant, is to visit your veterinarian, who can take X-rays of your pet or use an ultrasound to visualize her reproductive organs. Gravid females have clearly visible ova located in the oviducts; those without such are not gravid. However, carting your snake to the vet – potentially several times – is stressful and costly. Many experienced breeders watch for other signs that either confirm or suggest that python eggs are eminent.
Body Proportion Changes
As the ova begin swelling inside the female's ovaries, they end up taking up more space, thereby making the female look thicker than normal. Normally, this thickening is visible before breeding activity starts, but it can begin after the snakes begin mating. This is most pronounced between the snake's midpoint and vent. Females must mobilize fat stores to help nourish the eggs, which may cause their tails to lose a small amount of weight, also more noticeable near the snake's vent. The heads of some species – notably green tree pythons (Morelia viridis) – become flattened in appearance when the snakes become gravid.
Color Changes
Some pythons change colors as part of their reproductive cycle. Ball pythons (Python regius) may develop a stronger contrast between their light and dark pattern elements, while female green tree pythons often become pale blue during their reproductive cycle. Carpet pythons (Morelia spilota) may become darker as they approach parturition. However, none of these color changes conclusively indicate that a snake is gravid.
Unusual Postures and Behavioral Changes
Some gravid snakes alter their behaviors in obvious ways. Many gravid snakes appear uncomfortable and adjust their position frequently. Some gravid females may pace their cages repeatedly, especially when nearing the time for egg deposition. Females usually refuse food once they are gravid. Females may seek out cooler areas in the cage around the time of ovulation but seek out warmer areas in the cage at other times. To help accelerate the development of the eggs, some females lay in inverted postures while gravid, thereby placing the eggs closer to the heat source.
Your Best Bet: Observing Ovulation
When pythons ovulate, they release all of the eggs in a given ovary simultaneously. Sometimes they release the eggs from one ovary at a time, but in other cases they release all of their ova at the same time. The release of these ova and the process of moving them into the oviducts cause a distinct and dramatic mid-body swelling. This is much different from the gradual and somewhat subtle thickening that occurs due to the growth of the eggs.
Novices can become quite startled upon seeing ovulation the first time; it can appear as though your snake swallowed a football. The bulge lasts for up to about 24 hours, after which your snake will return to her normal proportions. If you witness ovulation, you can be certain that eggs are en route, as the female has no internal mechanism for reabsorbing ovulated eggs.
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For centuries domestic pigeons were kept in dovecotes, also dovecots, which were often referred to as a columbaria, pigeonnaire, or pigeon house. Domestic pigeons were easy to breed and provided a meat considered to be a delicacy by the wealthy and their manure was considered to be the best fertilizer available. Pigeon dung has a very high nitrogen content and has to be allowed to compost before it can be used otherwise it “burns” plants.
The increasing use of gunpowder in warfare after the mid-1300’s also made pigeon dung very valuable due to its high nitrate content as it was then one of the few sources of the saltpeter [potassium nitrate] needed to manufacture gunpowder. Saltpeter became so valuable in the 16th and 17th centuries that dovecotes were often guarded to prevent the theft of the dung. Pigeon dung continued to be an important source of saltpeter until well into the 1700’s.
Dove feathers were also a valued resource and used for stuffing mattresses and pillows.
Lullingstone Castle in Kent, the dovecote is shown as being next to the entrance gate for all to see [17th century engraving].
After the Norman invasion and occupation of England after 1066 the keeping of domestic pigeons, which were descended from rock doves, gradually became common among the aristocracy and gentry. The building of a dovecote was a feudal right [Droit de Colombier – the privilege of possessing a dovecoterestricted to the upper classes, including lords of the manor and the heads of religious institutions.
The pigeons were allowed to fly freely over the surrounding countryside and feed where ever food was to be found. This was often to the detriment of the local inhabitants crops, but they just had to accept it as a lord’s feudal right although they were allowed to scare the birds away, but not to kill them.
There is no known record of the Colkyns of Esole having a dovecote, but records regarding their property during their tenure at Esole and Freydevill are few and far between, but as lords of the manor they would have been entitled to have one. The 1349 St. Alban’s Abbey manorial rent roll for Esole records Sir John de Beauchamp as having “a messuage with dovecote”, as does Sir John’s Post Mortem Inquisition of 1360.
The right to build a dovecote was a visible sign of the high status of its owner, and they were usually built in front of the owner’s house to be seen by visitors and passers-by. In my previous article on the Esole dovecote I speculated that the Esole dovecote was therefore probably under what is now Beauchamps Wood, which was then the forstall, or open space, in front of the Esole manor house, and a recent discovery at the Beauchamps excavation appears to confirm the location of the dovecote recorded during Sir John de Beauchamp’s tenure at Esole from the mid-1340’s to his death at Calais in December of 1360.
The following is taken from a longer article regarding recent discoveries at Beauchamps written by Peter Hobbs of Old St. Alban’s Court, the present owner of Beauchamps, and the driving force behind the ongoing archaeological excavations there.
“We put in another trench to confirm the continuation to the North East of what we now believed to be a 1798 ditch and bank around Beauchamps Wood – which it did –but in so doing to our astonishment exposed another rectangular building just below ground level. Finely built with stone corners and knapped flint, the breadth of the walls suggested it was more than one storey high. Unlike our other buildings, there was no floor other than earth but the mix of flint with some tile and fragments of yellow brick was similar to the construction of one of the earlier buildings we had excavated on site. Too small to be domestic accommodation, we concluded that we had probably found the dovecot that was recorded on site in 1349 and again in 1360.
Dovecots then (and until the time of Charles 1) required royal permission to erect and were a significant statement of both the importance as well as the wealth of their owners. Ours certainly does that and of course at the time they were not just a source of eggs and meat but also were the principal source of the saltpetre for gunpowder for the fleet and royal artillery.
If our assessment is correct, this would be the earliest recorded domestic example of its kind as far as we can research in East Kent. But who built it? Clive Webb has researched who was sufficiently rich and important at the time to be allowed to erect it. (We suspect it was later dismantled but further excavation will be required to throw more light on that.) One clue is that the Abbot of St Albans had managed to secure possession of that piece of the Manor of Easole ( whilst the de Say family still retained lordship) in or just after 1346 whilst it seems Sir John purchased the land and buildings from the Colkyn family who had held them for 50 years or so at about the same time. He then paid the Abbot a manorial rent of £2 12shillings and 6pence pa (an indexed £2000 or more realistically in labour terms £38000 and in comparitive income terms £75000. Given what a mess the Abbey was making of it’s main finances at the time, they had a pretty astute estate manager – the Cellarer – then. ). The land holding arrangements involved in all this are complex in our terms and not worth describing here even if I understood them fully. Sir John was a famous name: bearer of the Royal Standard at the Battle of Crecy, member of the Garter together with the Black Prince, highly successful general against the French, Governor of Calais and Admiral of the fleet and extremely wealthy. We believe he probably demolished most of the existing buildings and erected a new two storey house and other buildings like the dovecot as well as digging the ditch which separated his land from the rest of the estate lying to the South. Given his likely sources of intelligence, he may well have been aware of the plague which we know as the Black Death which was sweeping through European cities and made preparations to base himself close to Dover (fast route to Calais) and Sandwich (harbour for all his troops and supplies for France) but clear of those urban centres and their potential risks. Our site was ideal being equidistant from both but still close to the main roads. Certainly he was an highly able and intelligent and successful man and if anybody could see trouble, he would have been the man and was making the best provision he could. (Brexit anyone?) We have a manorial roll for 1349 and whilst Canterbury had already lost more than a third of its inhabitants to the plague, including the Lord Mayor, Nonington appears untouched so his foresight was borne out – although the plague still got him in 1360 in Calais where he had been dispatched by the King to rescue John of Gaunt who had been trapped by the French when he was on a plundering raid.
Of course, this discovery persuaded us to test whether the 1798 ditch, driven straight through the foundations of our probable dovecot, had also cut through the roadway into the site from the West that we had previously tentatively identified. Indeed it did but the excavations are revealing further walling again on a different axis to everything else we had as well as shallow piles of flint which are being investigated to see what, if anything, lies underneath. There are some weeks at least of work to try to bottom what may have been on this part of the site.
So having over a year ago assumed that we had most if not all the information available to us in the ground outside Beauchamps Wood, events have shown how wrong we are!
One further observation: the supreme disinterest in what is going on by the vast majority of those passing by. May be they feel sufficiently informed by these articles? (Um. Ask the Editor) But there is one interest – virtually all the metal rods we use to mark out the site and tape off areas have disappeared which is a pity. The Dover Archaeological Group is professionally led but the members are all volunteers and the Group receive no funding whilst they uncover so much of which was completely unknown in our local history so these sorts of mean actions are a disappointment”.
The following gallery contains photographs of the newly discovered and excavated Esole dovecote taken by Clive Webb in May of 2019.
This slideshow requires JavaScript.
Fourteenth century dovecotes were often built from stone and flint, with the nesting holes, which had to be dark, private and dry, built into the flint walls from the bottom to the top. After the arrival of the omnivorous brown rat into England in the early 1700’s, which replaced the mainly vegetarian black rat, the first row of nest holes were built a couple of feet or more above ground level to prevent the predatory brown rats from getting into the holes and destroying the eggs and squabs. Existing dovecotes had the nest holes in the lower couple of feet of the wall blocked up.
The inside walls of dovecotes were often plastered and painted white as the birds are attracted by white surfaces, and this helped to encourage them to stay. Some dovecotes had L shaped nesting holes, they are thought to have been made in that shape to accommodate the birds’ tails and in imitation of the nesting hole shape most favoured by wild birds. There was usually a ledge just below the entrance to the nesting hole which provided a perch for the birds.
A ladder was obviously needed to reach the nesting boxes to harvest the eggs and squabs, and for centuries a traditional ladder was used in dovecotes of all shapes and sizes. One innovation came into common use in England in the early 18th century onwards when larger circular dovecotes were fitted with a revolving ladder, often referred to as a potence. This was a revolving wooden pole mounted on a plinth which had arms onto which ladders could be attached and suspended a few feet off the ground. Instead of having to continually move a conventional ladder around the wall the harvester could simply rotate the potence through 360 degrees to move round to fresh nesting boxes.
Pigeon meat was considered a delicacy with, usually, only the young birds, known as squabs, being eaten. In the 14th century humorist medical books stated that squab was “hot and moist” food, but the meat of older pigeons was hot, dry, and “barely edible”.
Pigeons feed their young on regurgitated “pigeon milk” which means they can begin to hatch their young as early as March and continue on into October or even early November. The squabs were harvested when they were around 28-30 days old, as they were by then large enough to eat but unable to fly and therefore easy to catch. A number of birds were allowed to mature to provide future breeding stock. Various fourteenth and fifteenth century, and later, household accounts indicate that peak harvest times were April and May, and then from August to early December. There would almost certainly be no squabs from December to late March so the de Beauchamps and their successors at Esole would have enjoyed a ready supply of squabs for nine or so months of the year.
Restrictions of the ownership of dovecotes were enforced until the early 1600’s, after which time they began to be built by all classes from aristocrats to country cottagers and many examples of sixteenth to nineteenth century dovecotes are still to be found. The keeping of pigeons for food declined in the nineteenth century as much cheaper meat became more readily available all year round.
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What is a cavernoma?
A cavernoma is made up of abnormal blood vessels and can be found in the brain and/or spinal cord and looks like a raspberry. Cavernomas are also known as cavernous angioma, cavernous haemangioma or cerebral cavernous malformation (CCM). They can measure from a few millimetres to several centimetres. A cavernoma can get bigger, but this engorgement is not cancerous, and does not spread to other parts of the body.
For more information on spinal cord cavernoma, click here.
Sometimes the cells lining the blood vessels ooze small amounts of blood (inwards) within the cavernoma, or (outwards) into surrounding tissue. The risk of re-bleeding varies widely and is difficult to predict accurately.
Cavernoma also occur in other areas of the body.
Cavernomas are said to resemble raspberries (Pictured)
Cavernomas are said to resemble raspberries
1 person in 600, in the UK, has a brain cavernoma without symptoms (asymptomatic). This equates to roughly 90,000 people – enough to fill Wembley Stadium. A spinal cavernoma is rarer than a brain cavernoma.
People who experience symptoms are considered to have a rare condition. An ongoing study based on the entire population of Scotland, found that each year, 1 person out of 400,000 is diagnosed with a symptomatic brain cavernoma.
A minority of cavernoma (less than 50%) are thought to be a genetic form and genetic testing can be used to determine whether the cavernoma has a genetic cause or is likely to be random.
Symptoms and diagnosis
Cavernoma are often diagnosed after a person has experienced symptoms which can include:-
• haemorrhages
• seizures
• headaches
• neurological deficits such as dizziness, slurred speech, double vision and tremors
• weakness, numbness, tiredness, memory and concentration difficulties.
MRI scan showing a cavernoma located in the brainstem
MRI scan showing a cavernoma located in the brainstem
The type, severity, combination and duration of symptoms vary, depending on the location of the cavernoma. Single or multiple cavernomas near the surface of the ‘hemispheres’ or ‘lobes’ in the brain can cause epileptic seizures. Symptoms may occur after a ‘bleed’ but this is not true in every case. MRI scans are the most reliable diagnostic tool available to determine the presence of cavernoma. It is important, however, that specific scan sequences are used: “T2-weighted” and “gradient echo” (also known as T2-star).
Other diagnostic tools include CT scans and angiography but often these scans cannot be relied upon to show a cavernoma.
Some cavernoma are diagnosed after investigation into other symptoms not definitively linked to cavernoma. These are known as ‘incidental’ cavernoma.
Treatment and management of cavernoma
While people with cavernoma have things in common, each person remains unique. This should be taken into account for each individual who may require both lifelong support and medical attention. Because cavernoma symptoms can vary widely from person to person, depending on location, number/ size, effective treatment options can vary also. Specific medical advice can only be given by a neurologist or a neurosurgeon.
There is no standardised treatment protocol for cavernoma as historically relatively little has been known about the condition. CAUK administered a Priority Settings Partnership project in collaboration with the James Lind Alliance. This research project consulted medical professionals and people affected by cavernoma in order to establish the treatment uncertainties. The information gathered will help inform future research into the treatment and management of cavernoma.
Certain medications can be prescribed to help control symptoms such as epilepsy and pain. In some case, neurosurgeons might recommend surgery to remove the cavernoma. Some locations and positioning of cavernomas might make removal unfeasible however. Treatment options also include ‘stereotactic radiosurgery’ which is a single concentrated dose of radiation therapy. Gamma Knife and CyberKnife are a non-invasive type of stereotactic radiosurgery. It is unknown how well either single or multiple cavernomas respond to this form of treatment. A ‘wait-and-watch’ approach may be recommended and this can include periodic MRI scans to monitor the cavernoma(s). Genetic counselling may be available for some individuals and their families to determine if there is a genetic cause.
If you have an appointment to see a neurologist about your cavernoma it can sometimes be difficult to remember the questions you wanted to ask or know what questions to ask! Some people find it useful to download this list of questions to take along with them to the appointment.
Information booklets
CAUK has produced a Public Information Leaflet and three information booklets you can download below to help people learn about, understand and cope with the condition. Written by a leading neurologist, the symptomatic and incidental booklets describe cavernoma, their frequency, symptoms, how the condition is investigated, as well as surgical and non-surgical interventions. In addition to this material, the genetics booklet also discusses the genetic implications for those who may inherit the condition. Click on the images below for a PDF.
We also have information for children and families of children affected by cavernoma here.
Further information
We have a video library (you must be a member to access this [membership is free, you can signup here]) of medical experts and members speaking about various aspects of cavernoma. We also have a list of useful links to other organisations people affected by cavernoma might find useful.
Preimplantation Genetic Diagnosis (PGD), Prenatal Testing and cavernoma
The following two information articles are about genetic tests specific to pregnancy for those affected by cavernoma.
One is Information on Preimplantation Genetic Diagnosis (PGD) and Cavernoma, testing embryos created by in vitro fertilization (IVF) for specific genetic disorders before an embryo is transferred into a woman’s womb.
The other article is information on Prenatal Testing and Cavernoma, testing a foetus during pregnancy for an inherited condition.
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Early European Farmers
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
In archaeogenetics, the terms Early European Farmers (EEF), First European Farmers (FEF), and Neolithic European Farmers, are names given to a distinct ancestral component that represents descent from early Neolithic farmers of Europe.
Ancestors of EEFs are believed to have split off from Western Hunter-Gatherers (WHGs) around 43,000 BC, and to have split from Caucasian Hunter-Gatherers (CHGs) around 23,000 BC. They appear to have migrated from Anatolia to Europe in large numbers during the Early Neolithic, during which they admixed slightly with WHGs. Large parts of Northern Europe and Eastern Europe do not appear to have been settled by EEFs. The Y-DNA of EEFs was typically types of haplogroup G2a, and to a lesser extent H, T, J, C1a2 and E1b1, while their mtDNA was diverse. During the Middle Neolithic there was a male-driven resurgence of WHG ancestry among the EEFs, leading to increasing frequencies of the paternal haplogroup I2 among them.
During the Chalcolithic and early Bronze Age, the EEFs were overwhelmed by successive invasions Western Steppe Herders (WSHs) from the Pontic-Caspian steppe, who were Eastern Hunter-Gatherers (EHG) with possible CHG admixture. These invasions led to EEF Y-DNA in Europe being almost entirely replaced with EHG/WSH Y-DNA (mainly R1b and R1a). EEF mtDNA however remained frequent, suggesting admixture between ESH/WSH males and EEF females. Through subsequent migrations of WSHs into Northern Europe and back into the Eurasian Steppe, EEF mtDNA was brought to new corners of Eurasia.
EEF ancestry remains throughout Europe, ranging from 90% near the Mediterranean to 30% near the Baltic.
Early European Farmers (EEFs) were identified as a distinct ancestral component in a study published in Nature in 2014. Along with Ancient North Eurasians (ANEs) and Western Hunter-Gatherers, EEFs were determined to be one of the three major ancestral populations of modern-Europeans.[a] EEF ancestry in modern Europe ranged from 30% in the Baltic States to 90% near the Mediterranean Sea. EEFs were determined to be largely of Near Eastern origin, with slight WHG admixture. It was through their EEF ancestors that most modern Southern Europeans acquired their WHG ancestry. About 44% of EEF ancestry was determined to come from a "Basal Eurasian" population that split prior to the diversification of other non-African lineages. Ötzi was identified as EEF.[1]
A groundbreaking genetic study published in Nature in June 2015 found that amount of WHG ancestry among EEFs had significantly during the Neolithic, documenting a WHG resurgence. It was found that EEF Y-DNA was typically types haplogroup G2a, while their mtDNA was diverse. During the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age, G2a nearly disappears from Europe and is replaced with types of R1b and R1a, indicating a massive migration of people out of the Pontic-Caspian steppe.[b] It has been suggested that this migration might be connected to the spread of Indo-European languages in Europe.[2]
A genetic study published in Nature Communications in November 2015, found that the ancestors of the EEF had split off from WHG around 43,000 BC, possibly through a migration of WHG into Europe.[c] Around 23,000 BC, EEFs ancestors had again split into EEFs and Caucasian Hunter-Gatherers (CHGs). CHG admixture has been detected among people of the Yamnaya culture, who expanded massively throughout Europe from around 3,000 BC.[d]
A genetic study published in Nature in November 2015 found EEFs to be closely genetically related to Neolithic farmers of Anatolia. EEFs were found to have 7–11% more WHG ancestry than their Anatolian relatives. This suggested that the EEFs belonged to a common ancestral population before their expansion into Europe. With regards Y-DNA, EEF males typically carried types of G2a. The study found that most Europeans could be modeled as a mixture of WHGs, EEFs and descendants of the Yamnaya culture.[e]
A genetic study published in Nature in 2018 found that the EEFs had initially spread agriculture throughout Europe largely without admixture with local WHGs. It was noted that this process had occurred through "a massive movement of people". During the Middle Neolithic however, there was a resurgence of WHG ancestry in Central Europe and Iberia, which was primarily male driven.[f]
Physical appearance
EEFs were shorter than contemporary Western Steppe Herders (WSHs) of the Pontic-Caspian steppe. High frequencies of EEF ancestry in Southern Europe might explain the shortness of Southern Europeans as compared to Northern Europeans, who carry increased levels of WSH ancestry.[g]
2. ^ "Y chromosome haplogroup G2a, common in early central European farmers, almost disappear during the Late Neolithic and Bronze Age, when they are largely replaced by Y haplogroups R1a and R1b..."[2]
3. ^ "Given their geographic origin, it seems likely that CHG and EF are the descendants of early colonists from Africa who stopped south of the Caucasus, in an area stretching south to the Levant and possibly east towards Central and South Asia. WHG, on the other hand, are likely the descendants of a wave that expanded further into Europe."[3]
4. ^ We show that CHG belong to a new, distinct ancient clade that split from WHG ∼45 kya and from Neolithic farmer ancestors ∼25 kya."[3]
5. ^ "Most present-day Europeans can be modeled as a mixture of three ancient populations related to Mesolithic hunter-gatherers (WHG), early farmers (EEF) and steppe pastoralists (Yamnaya)..."[4]
6. ^ We provide the first evidence for sex-biased admixture between hunter-gatherers and farmers in Europe, showing that the Middle Neolithic “resurgence” of hunter-gatherer-related ancestry in central Europe and Iberia was driven more by males than by females."[5]
7. ^ "[R]esults suggest that the modern South-North gradient in height across Europe is due to both increased steppe ancestry in northern populations, and selection for decreased height in Early Neolithic migrants to southern Europe."[4]
Further reading
This page was last edited on 24 March 2020, at 14:41
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Heterostyly Before Darwin: Tracing Early Observations of Primula Floral Morphs
In 1860, Charles Darwin had an epiphany.
This was not an epiphany on the origin of species, as his monumental publication on the subject had been published one year earlier in 1859. This epiphany, which Darwin shared in a letter to his friend Joseph Dalton Hooker, was that flowers in the genus Primula display two distinct forms which differ in the length of the pistil’s styles and the height of the stamen’s anthers.
The condition of having multiple, distinct floral forms within a species is called heterostyly. Darwin coined the term distyly to describe the presence of two forms, or morphs. These morphs are called pin and thrum flowers, with pin flowers possessing long styles and low anthers and thrum flowers possessing short styles and high anthers. Each individual plant contains only flowers of the same morph, and the presence of heterostyly promotes insect-mediated out-crossing. In addition, a self incompatibility system is associated with heterostyly, which inhibits self-pollination. This ensures higher genetic diversity in future generations.
Darwin articulated his ideas on heterostyly within the paper ‘On the two forms, or dimorphic condition, in species of Primula, and on their remarkable sexual relations,’ which he read at the Linnean Society on 21 November 1861 and published a year later in the Journal of the Proceedings of the Linnean Society, Botany.
Darwin published further research on heterostyly fifteen years later within the monograph Different Forms of Flowers on Plants of the Same Species (1877). Within this work, he cites earlier observations of the condition in Primula species. It was not until Darwin, however, that the reproductive significance of these morphs was understood.
Dr. Philip M. Gilmartin has been interested in Primula floral morphs for decades.
A Professor of Plant Molecular Genetics at the University of East Anglia, Gilmartin has been studying gene expression and plant development for thirty years. For the past twenty years, his lab has been focused on understanding the molecular basis of heterostyly in Primula.
Gilmartin’s interest in Primula heterostyly isn’t restricted to genetics. While examining a print of Primula vulgaris from William Curtis’ Flora Londinensis (1777-98), Gilmartin realized that the copper-plate engraving clearly depicted both pin and thrum flower morphs. This realization sparked an exploration into historical observations of heterostyly.
“I sought to track down original references to identify the earliest observations on heterostyly. The Biodiversity Heritage Library resources were invaluable in this study,” affirms Gilmartin.
To conduct his historical review, Gilmartin referred to the cited sources in Darwin’s Different Forms of Flowers, as well as botanical images in early herbals, floral books, and florilegia. He accessed BHL several times each week while tracking down these references, using the scientific name finding tool and thumbnail view in the book reader to identify and navigate to relevant pages. He also downloaded whole PDFs and select pages of relevant material for future reference.
BHL also proved instrumental in helping Gilmartin resolve a perplexing citation error.
“For one reference cited in Darwin’s Different Forms of Flowers on Plants of the Same Species, the author (Kerner) and journal (Osterreichische Botanische Zeitshcrift) did not match the cited date (1835),” recalls Gilmartin. “I was eventually able to uncover the correct journal article from 1875 to find Darwin’s intended reference. Online access to the scanned journals was invaluable.”
As a result of this research, Gilmartin uncovered other 19th century illustrated representations of heterostyly in Flore Medicale (1818) and Hand-Atlas sämmtlicher medizinisch-pharmaceutischer Gewächse (1848), in addition to the 18th century Curtis image. Additionally, the earliest printed usage of the terms “pin-eyed” and “thrum-eyed” that Gilmartin was able to identify during his research appeared in Curtis’ Flora Londinensis.
The earliest published description of heterostyly, however, occurred much earlier, within Carolus Clusius’ Rariorum Aliquot Stirpium (1583). Gilmartin discovered this reference after consulting a 1943 French paper by van Dijk on historical observations of floral heteromorphy.
“Although Clusius was describing the two forms of flowers in different Primula varieties rather than within the same variety, this is the earliest description to my knowledge of the two forms of pin and thrum flowers which Darwin later studied,” explains Gilmartin.
Gilmartin presented the results of his historical review within the article “On the Origins of Observations of Heterostyly in Primula“, publishing in New Phytologist in 2015. Thanks to the Biodiversity Heritage Library, which is acknowledged in the paper, Gilmartin not only traced the published record of heterostyly but also gained historical context for his genetic research.
As for Darwin’s epiphany, while he was not the first to observe heterostyly, he was the first to study and articulate the reproductive significance of Primula floral morphs. It was an achievement that Darwin took great personal pride in. As he revealed in his autobiography:
“No little discovery of mine ever gave me so much pleasure as making out the meaning of heterostyled flowers.”
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How many Latin names of these royal figures do you know?
Test your knowledge below:
Civitates Europae (The States of Europe) is Liber Tertius (Third Book) of the Little Latin Readers series, featuring stories in Latin about the geography and history of several European nations.
You will learn about notable kings and queens of Europe. Of special interest are their titles. The custom was to give the first name of the monarch followed by the number and title: Henrīcus I Rēx Angliæ.
Sometimes the monarch earned a moniker representing their character (not always flattering!) or most famous achievement, e.g., Henrīcus IV ‘Impotēns’ Rēx Castellæ (Henry IV the Impotent, King of Castile) or Guilelmus Conquestor (William the Conqueror).
Many European monarchs had more than one title. Philip II was King of Spain, King of Portugal, King of Naples and Sicily , and jure uxoris King of England and Ireland (during his marriage to Queen Mary I)!
Where Catholics Learn Latin!
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You are here
High-Speed Circuit-Switched Data
High-Speed Circuit-Switched Data (HSCSD), is an enhancement technlogy of Circuit Switched Data (CSD), the original data transmission mechanism of the GSM mobile phone system. As with CSD, channel allocation is done in circuit switched mode. The difference comes from the ability to use different coding methods and even multiple time slots to increase data throughput.
The first innovation in HSCSD was to allow different error correction methods to be used for data transfer. The error correction used in GSM is designed to work at the limits of coverage and in the worst case that GSM will handle. This means that a large part of the GSM transmission capacity is taken up with error correction codes. HSCSD provides several levels of possible error correction which can be deployed according to the quality of the radio link. This means that in the best conditions 14.4 kbit/s can be put through a time slot which, under CSD, would normally only carry 9.6 kbit/s.
The second innovation in the HSCSD radio interface was the possibility to use multiple time slots at the same time. This allows an increase in maximum transfer rates (using four time slots) up to 57.6 kbit/s and, even in the bad radio conditions where the highest level of error correction has to be used, will still lead to a four times speed increase over CSD.
HSCSD require the time slots being used to be fully reserved for a single user. It is possible that either at the beginning of the call, or at some point during a call, it will not be possible for the user's full request to be satisfied since the network is often configured so that normal voice calls take precedence over additional time slots for HSCSD users. The user is then charged, often at a rate higher than a normal phone call, and sometimes multiplied by the number of time slots allocated, based on the period of time that the user has a connection active. This makes HSCSD relatively expensive in many GSM networks and so, packet-switched GPRS which typically has lower pricing is becoming more common than HSCSD connections.
HSCSD References:
Wikipedia HSCSD
Funsms HSCSD Info
Libanphone HSCSD Info
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Medieval Articles
The Battle of Tondibi
The Battle of Pinkie Cleugh
The Siege of Mazagan, 1562
Sharif and the Sultan of Fishermen
Ninety Five Theses and Revolution
Muslim Invasion of Iberia
Cairo's Fortress on the Mountain
David Tschanz Articles
Mark IV Torpedo in WWII
Cairo's Fortress on the Mountain
Plague of the Spanish Lady
Cairo's Fortress on the Mountain
By David W. Tschanz, PhD
Cairo residents call it the Qal'at al-Jabal, the Fortress on the Mountain, or just al-Qal'ah, the Fortress. The rest of the world simply calls it “The Citadel.” For nearly a millennium it has stood as a silent sentinel, residence, and symbol of power.
Standing on its battlements, and looking westwards provides a view of over 4500 years of architectural marvels from the mosque of Sultan Hasan, just below to the Pyramids of Giza across the Nile. From atop this fortress the awesome sweep of history is a vivid reality. It is a view that must have given even the sultans who ruled from here, cause to reflect.
But bejeweled rulers and their pampered servants and ministers were not the only ones who toiled here. It takes only a moment and a little imagination to find yourself following the footsteps of the bowmen who once manned the12th-century walls, defending the glistening city along the Nile against all enemies. Just below the battlements, a maze of stairways leads into labyrinths of narrow galleries within the walls. Arrow slits a few inches wide and set at precise angles to give defending archers greater protection create an eerie pattern of alternating shafts of shadow and sunlight.
Watching over Cairo from a spur of limestone detached from its parent Moqattam Hills by quarrying, the Citadel is among the world’s great monuments to medieval warfare, as well as one of the Egyptian capital’s most highly visible landmark along its eastern skyline.
The area where the Citadel is now located began its life not as a great military base of operations, but as the "Dome of the Wind", a pavilion created in 810 by Governor Hatim Ibn Hartama, who wanted to take advantage of the areas’ cool breeze and its view of Cairo.
It’s role as a pleasure spot ended somewhat abruptly when war, and the threat of war, caused the great general and military leader Saladin to exploit the site’s strategic location as a fortress.
Saladin, who was born in Tikrit, Iraq, and a vassal of the northern Syrian ruler Nur al-Din ibn Zanki, first came to Egypt in 1163. At that time, Egypt's ruling Fatimid dynasty, though immensely rich, was militarily weak. Egypt depended on trade between East and West, but all of the Egyptian ports in Palestine and Syria - where most of the camel caravans coming from the Far East and Persia ended - had been lost to the Crusaders. When Amalric I, the Latin king of Jerusalem, began attacking Egypt, the Fatimid caliph in Cairo, al-'Adid, appealed to Nur al-Din ibn Zanki for help.
In 1163, Nur al-Din sent an army to Egypt under the command of General Asad al-Din Shirkuh, who was accompanied - somewhat reluctantly - by his nephew Saladin. After repelling the Crusaders, they returned home to Syria. Later the Crusaders attacked Alexandria, and Shirkuh and Saladin were called back to deal with them again. In 1168, they returned to Egypt a third time, driving the Crusaders from the outskirts of Cairo and forcing them back to Palestine.
This time Shirkuh and Saladin stayed on in Cairo, and the Fatimid caliph made Shirkuh his vizier. But within two months, the elderly Shirkuh died, and the caliph chose young Saladin to succeed his uncle.
When the caliph himself died in 1171, amid growing political instability throughout Egypt, Saladin seized power from the ailing Fatimids and established his own Ayyubid dynasty. Yet, during his 24-year reign, Saladin spent very little time in Cairo - he was always away, relentlessly campaigning against the Crusaders in Syria and Palestine.
Saladin's priorities were to protect Egypt from further Crusader attacks and to secure his own position in the face of lingering pro-Fatimid resentment of his takeover. Egyptian historian Taqi al-Din al-Maqrizi (1364-1442) tells us that, on returning to Cairo in September 1176, Saladin decreed that "a citadel" should be built. He also gave orders "to make a new enclosure" - in effect, to extend the walls of al-Qahirah, the private palace-city of the deposed Fatimids, and include within it the old Umayyad city of al-'Askar and Ibn Tulun's ninth-century town of Qata'i'. In one stroke, Saladin made al-Qahirah - Cairo - a city 10 times its previous size and increased the security of the site where he planned to build his new fortress.
Early Years
According to local tales, Saladin selected the location not only for its military value but because of this healthy air. The story goes that he hung pieces of meat up all around Cairo. Everywhere the meat spoilt within a day, with the exception of the Citadel area where it remained fresh for several days, hence its selection. The story bears a strong resemblance to the description of the much earlier great Muslim physician, Ar-Razi (Rhazes), selected the site of Baghdad’s hospital. It is impossible to say whether Saladin used Ar-Razi’s methods, or if the stories became confused and incorrectly ascribed to Saladin.
Either way it is doubtful that the great general chose the site for its “healthy air” and not its strategic advantages both to dominate Cairo and to defend outside attackers.
An Ayubbid, Saladin was also a longtime resident and ruler of Syria, where every town had some sort of fortress to act as a stronghold for the local ruler so it was only natural that he would carry this custom to Egypt.
Construction and Design
Work on the Citadel began in 1176, supervised by Saladin's loyal vizier, Baha' al-Din Qaraqush, or "Black Eagle." The most modern fortress building techniques of that time were used to construct the original Citadel. Great, round towers were built protruding from the walls so that defenders could direct flanking fire on those who might scale the walls. The walls themselves were ten meters (30 ft) high and three meters (10 ft) thick.
The Bir Yusuf (Saladin’s Well) was dug in order to supply the occupants of the fortress with an inexhaustible supply of drinking water. Some 87 meters (285 ft) deep, it was cut though solid rock down to the water table. It is not simply a shaft. There is a ramp large enough so that animals could descend into the well in order to power the machinery that lifted the water.
Writing in 1182, the Valencian traveler Ibn Jubayr, who visited Cairo, described the work in progress:
"We looked upon the building of the Citadel, an impregnable fortress adjoining Cairo, which the sultan thinks to take as his residence.... The forced laborers on this construction and those executing all the skilled services and vast preparations - such as sizing the marble, cutting the huge stones and digging the moat that girdles the walls, hollowed out with pick-axes from the rock - are all foreign Christian prisoners whose numbers are beyond computation."
When completed the Citadel must have presented a formidable sight. The eastern wall rose sheer out of a rocky gorge, deepened to make it more inaccessible. The northern, southern and western walls - equally massive - looked out across open desert to the two nearby cities of al-Fustat and Cairo.
Unfortunately, little remains of the original fortress except a part of the walls and Bir Yusuf, the well that supplied the Citadel with water. The Ayyubid walls that circle the northern enclosure are 33 ft tall and 10 ft thick; they and their towers were built with the experience gleaned from the Crusader wars.
After Saladin
Ironically, Saladin never lived in his Citadel; it was not completed until shortly after his death. Despite his fame, he was at heart a humble, religious man, and whenever he was in Cairo he preferred to stay at a modest house down in the city, rather than in one of the Fatimid palaces. When he died in 1193, the empire he created extended from Cairo to Aleppo in northern Syria, to the borders of Mesopotamia, and southward along the Nile into Nubia, and included Yemen and parts of western Arabia.
After the death of Saladin, his nephew, Al-Kamil, reinforced the Citadel by enlarging several of the towers. Specifically, he encased the Burg al-Haddad (Blacksmith's Tower) and the Burgar-Ramlab (Sand Tower) making them fully three times larger. These two towers controlled the narrow pass between the Citadel and the Muqattam hills. Al-Kamil also built a number of great keeps around the perimeter of the walls, three of which can still be seen overlooking the Citadel parking area. These massive structures were square, up to 25 meters (80 ft) tall and 30 meters (100 ft) wide. In 1218, al-Kamil, now the Sultan, moved his residence to the Citadel building his palace in what is now the Southern Enclosure. While the palace no longer exits, until the construction of the Abdeen Palace in the mid-19th century, it was the seat of government for Egypt.
In the mid-13th century, the only woman ever to rule from the Citadel - Shajarat al-Durr, or "Tree of Pearls" - reigned as sultana for just 80 days before abdicating in favor of her husband, who was a Mamluk, a member of the "slave" military corps that had been the backbone of both the Fatimid and Ayyubid dynasties.
A Mamluk sultan, Baibars al-Bunduqdari (1260-77) isolated the palace compound by building a wall that divided the fortress into two separate enclosures linked by the Bab (gate) al-Qullah. The area where the palace once stood is referred to as the Southern Enclosure, while the larger part of the Citadel proper is referred to as the Northern Enclosure.
An-Nasir Muhammad, a fascinating Mamluk ruler who reigned and was deposed three times (1294-1295, 1299-1309 and 1310-1341), but is still considered the greatest Mamluk sultan, tore down most of the earlier buildings in the Southern Enclosure and replaced them with larger structures. For his new palace, al-Nasir Muhammad borrowed the design of the famous Qasr al-Ablaq, the so-called Striped Palace, in Damascus. To grace the main diwan, or audience hall, al-Nasir had 32 colossal columns of Aswan red granite removed from some forgotten pharaonic temple and hauled up to the Citadel. Five centuries later, drawings by Napoleon's savants would capture this magnificent chamber, known as the Hall of Columns, in all its decaying glory.
Unfortunately, the only remaining structure left from his building period is the An-Nasir Mohammed Mosque, designed to hold 5000 worshippers. It was begun in 1318 and finished in 1355 and is located near the enclosure gate. Like the pillars that once graced the Hall of Columns, massive pharaonic columns support the highest arches of the mosque, while a forest of Roman and Byzantine marble pillars supports a series of smaller arches.
The mosque's twin minarets, capped with green, turquoise and white tiles, recall Isfahan and Central Asia, and were probably decorated by craftsmen brought specially from Tabriz in Persia. One minaret was positioned to allow the daily call to prayer to reach the barracks area of the Northern Enclosure, and the other was directed at the Southern Enclosure and beyond to the city below.
He also built a great Hall of Justice with a grand, green dome that towered above the other structures in the Southern Enclosure.
Beside it was built the Qasr al-Ablaq (Striped Palace) with its black and yellow marble. This palace, used for official ceremonies and conducting affairs of state, had a staircase leading down to the Lower Enclosure and the Royal Stables where An-Nasir kept 4,800 horses.
The Ottoman Period
The Ottomans controlled Egypt in one way or another between 1517 and the early 20th century, except for a brief French occupation. Much of what is now at the Citadel actually dates from this period. Near the far end of the Northern Enclosure is the Suleiman Pasha Mosque. It was the first Ottoman style mosque built in Egypt and dates from 1528. It was built to serve the early Ottoman troops.
The Lower Enclosure, where the stables of An-Nasir were came to be known as the al-Azab because some of the Ottoman soldiers, known as the Azab regiments, were stationed in the Lower Enclosure. The word Azab can be translated as bachelor and is fitting for these troops who were not allowed to wed until after they retired.
From the late 16th century until the French occupation, the strict military structure of the Ottoman soldiers gradually deteriorated. During this period, the Azab troops began to marry, and were even allowed to build their own housing within the fortress. By the mid 17th century, the Citadel had become an enclosed residential district with private shops and other commercial enterprises, as well as public baths and a maze of small streets.
The Ottomans rebuilt the wall that separates the Northern and Southern Enclosures, as well as the Bab al-Quallah. They also built the largest tower in today's Citadel, the Burg al-Muqattam which rises above the entrance to the Citadel off Salah Saalem Highway. This tower is 25 meters (80 ft) tall and has a diameter of 24 meters (79 ft). In 1754 the Ottomans rebuilt the walls of the Lower Enclosure and added the fortified Bab el-Azab gate.
Ali Pasha
The Ottoman Muhammad Ali Pasha, one of the great builders of modern Egypt, came to power in 1805, and was responsible for considerable alteration and building within the Citadel. He rebuilt much of the outer walls and replaced many of the decaying interior buildings. He also reversed the roles of the Northern and Southern Enclosures, making the Northern Enclosure his private domain, while the Southern Enclosure was opened to the public.
The entire corps of Mamluk princes, suspected of plotting to overthrow Muhammad 'Ali, was massacred within the Citadel in a single afternoon. On March 1, 1811, the viceroy invited the entire Mamluk corps to a special levee. The 475 princes entered the Citadel on horseback, in their customary splendor. Muhammad 'Ali conversed calmly with them and then took his leave. As the princes began to depart, two inner gates of the Citadel were sealed and soldiers above opened fire on the trapped Mamluks. Muhammad 'Ali, listening to the shots ring out, is said to have asked for "a glass of water."
The Muhammad Ali Mosque, also known as the Alabaster Mosque, is built in Ottoman Baroque and imitates the great religious mosques of Istanbul, and dominates the Southern Enclosure. Ottoman law prohibited anyone but the sultan from building a mosque with more than one minaret, but this mosque has two. This was one of Muhammad Ali's first indications that he did not intend to remain submissive to Istanbul.
Behind Muhammad Ali’s gilded mosque stands a far more elegant one, the Mosque of al-Nasir Muhammad. The beautifully crafted masonry, the elegant proportions, the ornate but controlled work on the minarets, all indicate that the building is a Mamluk work of art. The conquering Ottomans carried much of the original interior decoration off to Istanbul, but the space is nevertheless impressive. The supporting columns around the courtyard were collected from various sources including ancient Egyptian structures.
South of the Muhammad Ali mosque in the Hawsh is the Gawharah (Jewel) Palace. This structure was built between 1811 and 1814 and housed the Egyptian government until it was later moved to the Abdeen Palace.
Just through the Bab al-Qullah in the Northern Enclosure one finds Muhammad Ali's Harem Palace that was built in the same Ottoman style as the Jewel Palace. The palace served as a family residence for the Khedive until the government was moved to Abdeen Palace.
Modern Era
The Citadel functioned as a military hospital during the British occupation and was returned to Egyptian control after World War II.
Since 1949 the Citadel has housed the Military Museum of Egypt, originally founded by King Faruq. While the Museum has many artifacts illustrating warfare in Egypt, one of the most interesting attractions is the Summer Room. This room contains an elaborate system of marble fountains, basins and channels meant as a cooling system, and are probably the last such example in Cairo.
In the livery court behind the carriage gate of the museum is a statue of Sulayman Pasha that originally stood in the city center. Just beyond this museum is a small Carriage Museum in what was the British Officer's mess until 1946. Borrowed from the larger Carriage Museum in Bulaq, it contains eight carriages used by the Muhammad Ali family. Just behind this museum is the Burg at-Turfah (Masterpiece Tower), one of the largest of the square towers built by al-Kamil in 1207.
The National Police Museum is also located at the Citadel. It was built over the site of the Mamluk Striped Palace just opposite the Mosque of an-Nasir Muhammad. It has displays of law enforcement dating back to the dynastic period. The terrace also provides a wonderful view of Cairo.
* * *
Behrens-Abouseif, Doris. 1989. Islamic Architecture in Cairo: An Introduction. Leiden; New York: E.J. Brill, 66.
Rabbat, Nasser O. 1995. The Citadel of Cairo: A new interpretation of Royal Mamluk Architecture. Leiden; New York: E.J. Brill.
Rabbat, Nasser O. 1989. The Citadel of Cairo. Geneva : Aga Khan Trust for Culture.
* * *
© 2020 David W. Tschanz, PhD
Published online: 11/27/2011.
Written by David W. Tschanz, PhD. If you have questions or comments on this article, please contact David Tschanz at: dwt1121@gmail.com.
About the author:
David W. Tschanz currently lives in Florida after a 23 year stint in Saudi Arabia from 1989-2012. He has been a contributor to Command Magazine, Strategy & Tactics and StrategyPage.com, Against the Odds and Wild West among others for more than three decades. He has written over 1100 published articles and nine books on a variety of topics ranging from military history to designing Exchange Server infrastructure. He currently edits and publishes Cry “Havoc!” the journal of Mensa’s Military History Special Interest Group and is chairman of the Venice, FL Civil War Roundtable.
© 2020 - MilitaryHistoryOnline.com LLC
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Hernando Cortes / Life Stories for Young People
Hernando Cortes / Life Stories for Young People Joachim Heinrich Campe
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The story of the career of Hernando Cortes during his conquest of Mexico is a story of extraordinary courage, undaunted resolution, and hideous cruelty. It is a story of the subjection of a “little people,” overcome and enslaved by a superior nation, which, in its lust for gold and territorial aggrandizement, left no methods of stratagem, cunning, military science, and barbarous cruelty untried to achieve its purpose. Granted that the early Emperors of Mexico were tyrannical in their treatment of the natives and that their religious rites were accompanied by human sacrifices and cannibalism, Mexican cruelty pales before the horrible scenes enacted by so-called civilized Spain in this dreadful Mexican drama.
The three principal figures are Hernando Cortes, Montezuma, and Guatemozin—Cortes, the conqueror; Montezuma, the weak-spirited Emperor, victim of his own people’s fury; Guatemozin, the patriot.
Cortes was a born adventurer, and in his youth possessed of skill in all military exercises. He was a man of consummate cunning and captivating address, of soaring ambition and marked ability as an administrator and general. Apparently he never knew what it was to fear, and consequently no danger was great enough to appall him. He was so skilled in stratagem that no situation was devious enough to prevent its solution. He had the same greed of gold as all Spaniards of his day had, and no means of obtaining it were considered dishonorable as long as they were successful. But courageous, resolute, and ambitious as Cortes was, he will go down through the ages branded with infamy for his treatment of Montezuma, for the frightful massacres at Cholula and Otumba, for his execution of Guatemozin, last of the Aztec Emperors, for the burning of caciques and chiefs which he ordered, and for the countless atrocities of his men which he permitted.
In his old age, like Columbus, he suffered from the neglect of an ungrateful Court, but, while we can sympathize with Columbus in that situation, we can feel no sympathy for Cortes as we recall the black chapters of his career.
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Nearby Ancient Star is Almost as Old as the Universe
Metal-poor stars can be used to constrain the age of the Universe because metal-content is typically a proxy for age. Heavier metals are generally formed in supernova explosions, which pollute the surrounding interstellar medium. Stars subsequently born from that medium are more enriched with metals than their predecessors, with each successive generation becoming increasingly enriched. Indeed, HD 140283 exhibits less than 1% the iron content of the Sun, which provides an indication of its sizable age.
HD 140283 had been used previously to constrain the age of the Universe, but uncertainties tied to its estimated distance (at that time) made the age determination somewhat imprecise. The team therefore decided to obtain a new and improved distance for HD 140283 using the Hubble Space Telescope (HST), namely via the trigonometric parallax approach. The distance uncertainty for HD 140283 was significantly reduced by comparison to existing estimates, thus resulting in a more precise age estimate for the star.
Age estimate for HD 140283 is 14.46+-0.80 Gyr. On the y-axis is the star's pseudo-luminosity, on the x-axis its temperature. An evolutionary track was applied to infer the age (credit: adapted by D. Majaess from Fig 1 in Bond et al. 2013, arXiv).
HD 140283 is estimated to be 14.46+-0.80 billion years old. On the y-axis is the star’s pseudo-luminosity, on the x-axis its temperature. Computed evolutionary tracks (solid lines ranging from 13.4 to 14.4 billion years) were applied to infer the age (image credit: adapted from Fig 1 in Bond et al. 2013 by D. Majaess, arXiv).
The team applied the latest evolutionary tracks (basically, computer models that trace a star’s luminosity and temperature evolution as a function of time) to HD 140283 and derived an age of 14.46+-0.80 billion years (see figure above). Yet the associated uncertainty could be further mitigated by increasing the sample size of (very) metal-poor stars with precise distances, in concert with the unending task of improving computer models employed to delineate a star’s evolutionary track. An average computed from that sample would provide a firm lower-limit for the age of the Universe. The reliability of the age determined is likewise contingent on accurately determining the sample’s metal content. However, we may not have to wait long, as Don VandenBerg (UVic) kindly relayed to Universe Today to expect, “an expanded article on HD 140283, and the other [similar] targets for which we have improved parallaxes [distances].”
As noted at the outset, analyses of globular clusters and the Hubble constant yielded vastly different ages for the Universe. Hence the motivation for the Bond et al. 2013 study, which aimed to determine an age for the metal-poor star HD 140283 that could be compared with existing age estimates for the Universe. The discrepant ages stemmed partly from uncertainties in the cosmic distance scale, as the determination of the Hubble constant relied on establishing (accurate) distances to galaxies. Historical estimates for the Hubble constant ranged from 50-100 km/s/Mpc, which defines an age spread for the Universe of ~10 billion years.
Age estimates for globular clusters were previously larger than that inferred for the Age of the Universe from the Hubble constant (NASA, R. Gilliland (STScI), D. Malin (AAO))
Age estimates for the Universe as inferred from globular clusters and the Hubble constant were previously in significant disagreement (image credit: NASA, R. Gilliland (STScI), D. Malin (AAO)).
The aforementioned spread in Hubble constant estimates was certainly unsatisfactory, and astronomers recognized that reliable results were needed. One of the key objectives envisioned for HST was to reduce uncertainties associated with the Hubble constant to <10%, thus providing an improved estimate for the age of the Universe. Present estimates for the Hubble constant, as tied to HST data, appear to span a smaller range (64-75 km/s/Mpc), with the mean implying an age near ~14 billion years.
Determining a reliable age for stars in globular clusters is likewise contingent on the availability of a reliable distance, and the team notes that “it is still unclear whether or not globular cluster ages are compatible with the age of the Universe [predicted from the Hubble constant and other means].” Globular clusters set a lower limit to the age of the Universe, and their age should be smaller than that inferred from the Hubble constant (& cosmological parameters).
In sum, the study reaffirms that there are old stars roaming the solar neighborhood which can be used to constrain the age of the Universe (~14 billion years). The Sun, by comparison, is ~4.5 billion years old.
The team’s findings will appear in the Astrophysical Journal Letters, and a preprint is available on arXiv. The coauthors on the study are E. Nelan, D. VandenBerg, G. Schaefer, and D. Harmer. The interested reader desiring complete information will find the following works pertinent: Pont et al. 1998, VandenBerg 2000, Freedman & Madore (2010), Tammann & Reindl 2012.
51 Replies to “Nearby Ancient Star is Almost as Old as the Universe”
1. Please help me out. I do see a conflict in this sentence:”age inferred for the star (14.46+-0.80 billion years) does not conflict with the latest estimates (2013) for the age of the Universe stemming from WMAP’s survey of the cosmic microwave background, which implies an age of 13.74+-0.11 billion years”.
So what is the real non conflicting age?
1. Taking into account the uncertainty if each number, there is no conflict. When the ranges of two values overlap, they are said to be consistent.
1. It can’t be and it isn’t. See Stephan’s comment and re-look at the error bars for the two independent methods of age determination. The WMAP estimate of the universe’s age has the smaller error bars.
2. Addendum: if you estimate one number to be 10 plus/minus two and another estimate puts it at 8 plus/minus 1.6 then the answers are consistent because there is commonality among the estimates. (8 to 9.6)You can estimate something to be older than the universe as long as the minus takes it back within agreed parameters.
2. Oldest possible age of the Universe 13.74+0.11 = 13.85 billion years.
Youngest possible age of the star 14.46-0.8 billion years =13.66 billion years.
The star could have formed 0.19 billion “years” after the big bang.
1. Clearly the actual age of the star must be near the smaller value. This seems to put some bounds on cosmic time scales. This star has low metallicity, but it must have enough to be main sequence. The question is whether it comes from the remains of ancient PopIII stars. This star must have enough elements heavier than hydrogen to be opaque and exist as a main sequence or PopII star.
3. Damn, I was thinking the same thing when I 1st read the headline on this topic. Then I thought about a black hole picking up a star in its gravity. The more we find out things, the more it adds and harbors more questions. Speculations galore!
4. UNCERTAINTY!!! Notice those “+/-” signs? They’re not there for show, they are there to give you a measurement of error. The fact that the two ranges overlap without even going two standard deviations away, there is no statistical difference between the age given by this star, and the age given by WMAP.
5. I think I can see the problem people are having with this result. It isn’t just about error bars – it’s more how could a model that predicts the age based on the evolution of metals from the ancient and short-lived pop III stars shortly after the Big Bang predict a date Before This Process Even Started? I, myself, did have a short WTF moment. But, there is a logical explanation…
Before there were stars, there was hydrogen, some deuterium, maybe a tiny amount of helium, and very little else. So that would normally be our time zero point. It is possible that there are pockets of that primordial gas surviving today. If it were all rolled into a star, it would make one of those primordial stars. The gas would be much colder today, so a little star would hold together, where the original pop III stars condensed from hotter gas and had to be really massive or the gases would just stream away. But there is no mechanism that we know of today that would collect this thin cold material and concentrate it in one place to form a new star.
The earliest stars we see today are pop II stars. These are seeded by the shockwaves and the material when the pop III stars exploded. If we model the rates these pop III stars went supernova, and assume their metals get mixed in, then we can come up with a graph with how the metal content should have varied with time. if we measure the spectra of the star, we can guess the metal content it has now, and knowing how big and bright the star is, we can extrapolate back a long way, and guess the amount of metals it probably started with. And from our model, and from measuring real stars, we get a graph that estimates the age the star formed.
In this case, we end up with a point that is just off the bottom of our graph. This does not mean that time is working backwards, just that the star is a little cleaner than we would have predicted even if it was one of the first pop II stars. There is a long chain of calculations and many different measurements, so some error is to be expected.
So, what do we have here? We have a star that must have been amongst the first of the pop II stars. It may be the metals emitted by the pop III stars did not always mix, and an early set of coincidences swept together a star out of the primordial gas later we would normally expect, and it is particularly clean. It is one star out of many millions we can see, and it is an odd one, so it may be a bit off the main sequence. But the most likely explanation is it is a very early star, and our measurements are a bit out.
This is still very exciting. This star is much older than the galaxy it is in. Go figure.
Simply by having those being two independent observations.
That is also why the overlap, the absence of difference, is so extraordinary neat!
1. It would be if they had better than a .8GyR uncertainty. I’d bet quite a lot that as they tighten their uncertainty, they’ll get an age closer to WMAP’s data.
1. The accompanying link mentions that the fine guidance sensors on the Hubble Space Telescope were used in conjunction with Hipparchus data to determine accurate parallax distances.
2. It’s almost 60 parsecs – since 1 parsec is one arc second angle and we have two AUs to play with (without doing the trig) it’s probably a manageable fraction of an arc second. If you have Celestia you can pick a nearby star and wind time up so fast you can see it wobble from the parallax shift.
2. Unless I missed it, I am assuming this is likely a red dwarf to be that old. It would be interesting to find out if there are any planets orbiting it. That would certainly put a kink in a few theories about whether planets could for around such metal poor stars.
Just thinking out loud.
3. Very interesting! At 7th magnitude, this star should be visible in many amateur astronomer’s telescopes @ 15h 43m 03.1′, -10*56’01” (Libra) and would make for an interesting star party object! Unfortunately(?) at this time of year, rising in the wee late or early morning hours.. Maybe someone can take a shot and post it during the Star Party?
1. Why would its location be “all wrong”? The Milky Way started out at ~ 400 million years as all other galaxies, see the first image. It has to have the oldest stars, same as the other galaxies.
2. Why do you say that? There’s no reason a small enough Pop II star from shortly after the big bang couldn’t survive and still be around today in our neighborhood. Remember that the big bang occurred everywhere (or, put another way, everywhere was once where the big bang occurred), so remnants of it could be found anywhere. And 14 Gyr isn’t so long for a red dwarf, say, to so exist.
Perhaps you are thinking about the fact that to see things as they were shortly after the big bang we have to look far way. But nobody is claiming that we’re seeing this star as it was 14 Gya; they’re claiming that they are seeing a 14 Gyr-old star.
1. not technically, the error on the estimate of the star’s age allows for the potential age of the star to be from 13.64 to 15.24 billion years. the age of the universe is 13.77+-.06. Meaning the star was either formed at t=0 in respect to the universe up to t = .19 billion years. Meaning yes this could be a really interesting star that could provide more obtainable data to piece together events in the beginning of the universe but it could also be a dud as a lot of shit happens in .19 billion years
2. Read the article:
Error estimates are useful, but especially in these cases.
1. Hi TL, thanks for taking the time to help explain uncertainties to folks. For you (& others) who appear rather interested in this topic, here is some other aspects to consider. I believe that on all fronts the uncertainties are likely optimistic, and are probably understated (perhaps you agree). For example, the 0.8 billion year uncertainty for the star’s age does not include systematic uncertainties from the model used to deduce that estimate, and the WMAP-based age does not consider a Hubble constant of 63 km/s/Mpc (e.g., as advocated by Tammann & Reindl 2012 and Allan Sandage, incidentally, the latter was a student of Hubble’s and died recently). As you may know, I would likewise note that some folks do not believe in dark matter or the lCDM model, and thus they question the interpretation of the WMAP results. Hence the importance of examining as many independent approaches to constraining the Universe’s age. The fact that we have yet to find dark matter has partly motivated folks to explore other ideas. For example, Pavel Kroupa et al. 2012 recently published a study titled “The Failures of the Standard Model of Cosmology Require a New Paradigm” (, and G. Verschuur “has serious consequences for the cosmological interpretation of the WMAP data.” (…22050402V). Personally, I believe it is important to be familiar with the diverse range of perspectives being presented, no matter what side (or undecided) of the fence one is on. I know the WMAP team cited a time to reionization of around 400 Myr+, so that may put some strain on the above result of having the star discussed (HD140283) emerge sooner after the Big Bang. But again, the uncertainties cited are optimistic and don’t tell the whole story. However, as mentioned above, the team plans to study a larger sample in order to beat down the age uncertainties estimated from metal-poor stars, so that it can provide a more reliable test of the WMAP-based age for the Universe.
4. If there are any, I’d guess that they would probably be gas giants formed at the same time, or rogue planets that have been caught by the system’s gravity well.
1. If there were terrestrial planets present, and they could be shown not to be rogues, what a story they could tell. The cratering alone would be treasure trove of the universes history.
5. Unfortunately, despite its very old age, it’s still a Population II star. We’ve yet to discover any Population III stars, leaving them merely theoretical.
6. The
age of the Sun nearly the age of the universe.
Universe! “
I calculate and written in my book “Complete Unified Theory”, (page-150-152,
total page-424, 1998), that the age of the Sun is 14.6156 billion years. So,
the sun is 0.1556 times older than the HD 140283 star. The birth of the sun is indicating
nearly the birth of the universe.
I want to request to all scientists in this fields, please verify the
age of the sun / universe again.
Nirmalendu Das.
Dated: 24-02-2013.
7. Kudos for using the latest, most precise, age for the universe, even if it moved [gasp!] the age from ~ 13.7 years to ~ 13.8 years! What is +/- 60 million years among friends? I like how cosmology has become a precision science.
The oldest discovered planet to date should still bePSR B1620-26 b @ ~ 12.7 billion years. PSR B1620-26 metallicity is unknown, but it inhabits a low metallicity star cluster M4, with [Fe/H] ~ -1.20 [ ].
Naively, since frequency of terrestrials shows no correlation to metallicity, another order of magnitude (oom) lower metallicity shouldn’t be a problem. (Another oom, since [Fe/H] is a logarithmic measure.) These early stars could have planets!
8. It is only gas giants that correlates with metallicity, see Kepler & Corot data, they are rarer in metal rich stars.* Terrestrials form independently of metallicity.
Maybe you are referring to pre-survey hypotheses?
* Apparently gas giants don’t have as much time to form by core collapse, if the core is formed as terrestrials by aggregation and they are equally frequent everywhere. Meaning the disk scatters faster around metal rich stars.)
9. Maybe Torbjörn Larsson can answer this one, are they saying this star existed before the Milky Way and was drawn into it, or is the Milky Way possibly older than thought?
10. After so many years stating that the Universe is 13.73 BYO, how can they now say a single star is 14.46 BYO? Is everybody using different parameters to date objects in the Universe? I thought it was one procedure agreed on decades ago that the entire Science used…..
1. Hi Steve, for many years there was considerable debate as to the Universe’s age, namely because various methods (& interpreters of those methods) implied vastly different results (as much as a 10 billion year offset between them!). However, that spread has reduced considerably in recent years, and I would say that these days a sizable fraction of astronomers favour the WMAP-based results, but certainly not all astronomers. The age cited in the above article has a larger uncertainty than the WMAP-based age, although I personally believe uncertainties cited for both results are likely optimistic. Essentially what you’d like to do is have as many different methods pointing to a consistent age for the Universe as possible, thereby reducing the impact of systematic uncertainties tied to any one given method. In the coming years the uncertainties will continue to be mitigated.
11. I’m still waiting for someone to find a “white” hole which would explain where this stuff originally came from – another universe’s black hole.
Comments are closed.
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Home > Personal Interaction > Body Language and Proxemics
Body Language and Proxemics
Body Language Proxemics Personal Space
Body language is a powerful form of communication but the sending and receiving of messages involves a great deal more. Outside factors can have a powerful influence on such interactions, and one of the most influential is proxemics.
We have all had experiences where someone stands or sits just a little bit too close. It may be somewhat difficult to define ‘too close’, but you know it when it occurs, right? Believe it or not, there are researchers and scientists who focus their work on the study of humans, distance, and the idea of personal space. It’s called proxemics, and despite the fancy word, it is really a fascinating subject with many practical applications.
Proxemics is all about how non-verbal communication among and between people is affected by distance. These kinds of spatial relationships involve territory, proximity, and a wide range of personal comfort zones. There are four general categories of space, as defined by proxemics:
• Public space
• Social space
• Personal space
• Intimate space
Think of these four categories of space as concentric circles, starting out away from you and becoming progressively smaller as they move closer to you. The actual size of each circle differs from person to person; that’s what makes this subject so interesting and so relevant to everyday life.
Four Categories of Space, Unlimited Ways to Invade Them
The study of proxemics has given us specific definitions of each category:
• Public space – This area begins about twelve feet away and goes out to about twenty-five feet, sometimes even more. It is the domain of public interactions such as taking a stroll through the mall, walking down the street, or passing other people in the grocery store.
• Social space – This area begins about four feet away and goes out to about twelve feet away from you. It is the domain of interactions such as meeting someone new, greeting a familiar acquaintance, or generally interacting with someone who is not particularly well known to you.
• Personal space – This area begins about eighteen inches away and goes out to about four feet away from you. It is the domain of interactions with people you know well, such as those whom you know relatively well and your good personal friends. Personal space is also sometimes referenced as your ‘bubble’ or ‘personal bubble’, and is the space that varies the most based on culture.
• Intimate space – This area begins at your body and goes out to about eighteen inches away from you. It is the domain of your most intimate interactions with people, typically a small handful of people with whom you have the closest relationships. This includes kissing, hugs, whispers and close conversation, and intimate types of touch.
In practice, however, each individual person has his or her own definition of each category, and definitions vary even further by gender, culture, social perceptions, situation, and the like.How does proxemics influence body language?
The interaction between proxemics and body language is quite complicated. It is the subject of ongoing study, but is still not anywhere close to being fully understood. Because individual definitions of space are so variable, it is difficult to unravel the interwoven facets of how body language influences (and is influenced by) the four categories of space.
Cultural differences abound; for instance, in Italy and Latin America the personal space distance is much smaller than in Great Britain and Sweden. So when someone from Sweden travels to Italy, he or she is likely to feel quite uncomfortable interacting with a local person whose concept of personal space is quite different.
In general, body language is the first method of communication used when personal space or comfort zones are infringed upon. It is a relatively safe way to send and receive messages without the awkwardness and discomfort of speaking about such things directly. In other words, it is the most common method for letting other people know where your own space boundaries are located.
Why is body language so effective in communicating space boundaries? Most experts agree it is because body language is so incredibly natural, flexible, and easy to adjust without interrupting the flow of an interaction. It can be used at work, at home, in a classroom, on the subway, in a car, at a concert; the applications are as unlimited as the nuances of body language itself.
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Long before Columbus reached the Americas, Cahokia was the biggest, most cosmopolitan city north of Mexico. Yet by 1350 it had been deserted by its native inhabitants the Mississippians – and no one is sure why
Source: www.theguardian.com
This article is the eighth in the “Lost Cities” series (Babylon, Troy, Pompeii, Angkor, Fordlandia, etc.). The earthen mounds of Cahokia on the flat flood plains must have been the most awe-inspiring demonstration of political power and economic wealth in its day. Like so many other civilizations before them (and many more in the future?), Cahokia probably declined from too many environmental modifications that led to unforeseen consequences.
Tagsurban ecology, indigenousenvironment, environment modify, historical, North America.
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In Chinese mythology, Fu Xi (伏羲), mid-2800s B.C.E., was the first of the mythical Three Sovereigns of ancient China. He was a cultural hero, reputed to have taught the Chinese people fishing with nets, hunting with weapons made of iron, cooking, domestication of animals, music, the writing system, sericulture (cultivation of silk worms) and the weaving of threads from silkworm cocoons into textiles. He tamed the waters of the Yellow River by digging dikes, canals and irrigation ditches, offered the first open air sacrifice and standardized marriage contracts. He is also credited with creating the Eight Trigrams, which form the basis for the philosophy of the Book of Changes (I Ching) and are regarded as the origin of calligraphy.
Ancient Chinese matriarchal society revered Fuxi’s predecessor, the female creator goddess Nuwa. When the male role in procreation came to be understood, Fuxi became primary and Nuwa is often depicted as his sister or wife.
Fu Xi was born on the lower-middle reaches of the Yellow River in a place called Chengji (possibly modern Lantian, Shaanxi or Tianshui, Gansu).
The Chinese traditionally believed that Fuxi could assume dragon form. Fuxi supposedly had the body of a serpent, and the first dragon was said to have appeared to him in 2962 B.C.E.
According to legend the land was swept by a great flood and only Fuxi and his sister Nüwa survived. They retired to Kunlun Mountain where they prayed for a sign from the Emperor of Heaven. The divine being approved their union and the siblings set about procreating the human race. Fu Xi then came to rule over his decedents although reports of his long reign vary between sources from 115 years (B.C.E. 2852-2737) to 116 years (B.C.E. 2952-2836).
The author Li Rong (李榮), thought to have lived sometime between 618 and 907 C.E., gives this account in Duyi Zhi (獨异志); vol 3: There was a brother and a sister living on the Kunlun Mountain, and there were no ordinary people at that time. The sister’s name was Nüwa. The brother and sister wished to become husband and wife, but felt shy and guilty about this desire. So the brother took his younger sister to the top of the Kunlun Mounatain and prayed: “If Heaven allows us to be man and wife, please let the smoke before us gather; if not, please let the smoke scatter.” The smoke before them gathered together. So Nüwa came to live with her elder brother. She made a fan with grass to hide her face. (The present custom of women covering their faces with fans originated from this story.)
Fuxi and Nuwa were often depicted as having human bodies and dragon tails that were intertwined, and holding measuring instruments that represent the yang (male) and yin (female) principles that permeate everything in the universe. A stone tablet, dated 160 C.E.shows Fu Hsi with Nüwa.
Fuxi lived for 197 years and died at a place called Chen (modern Huaiyang, Henan) where his mausoleum can still be found.
Social Importance
“Among the three primogenitors of Hua-Xia civilization, Fu Xi in Huaiyang Country ranks first.” (Couplet engraved on column of Fu Xi Temple, Huaiyang Country, Henan Province)
“During the time of his predecessor, the goddess of creation Nüwa (who according to some sources was also his wife and/or sister), society was matriarchal and primitive. Childbirth was seen to be miraculous not requiring the participation of the male and children only knew their mothers. As the reproductive process became better understood ancient Chinese society moved towards a patriarchal system and Fu Xi assumed primary importance.”
“In the beginning there was as yet no moral or social order. Men knew their mothers only, not their fathers. When hungry, they searched for food; when satisfied, they threw away the remnants. They devoured their food hide and hair, drank the blood, and clad themselves in skins and rushes. Then came Fu Hsi and looked upward and contemplated the images in the heavens, and looked downward and contemplated the occurrences on earth. He united man and wife, regulated the five stages of change, and laid down the laws of humanity. He devised the eight trigrams, in order to gain mastery over the world.”
Fu Xi did not directly create human beings, as Nuwa did, but he taught them all the skills necessary to ensure their survival. He brought the Great Waters of the Universe into order by digging dikes, canals and irrigation ditches to tame the Yellow River (Huanghe), whose flood cycles were a constant threat to Chinese farmers. Fuxi taught the Chinese people fishing with nets, hunting with weapons made of iron, cooking, domestication of animals, music, the writing system, sericulture (cultivation of silk worms) and the weaving of threads from silkworm cocoons into textiles. According to legend, in 2852 B.C.E., Fuxi created the Eight Trigrams (bagua or pa kua), a set of marks using long and short lines which are used to divine the future and which form the basis of calligraphy. Fuxi also offered the first open air sacrifices to heaven, standardized contracts for marriage, and invented an early type of calendar. In addition, he invented the measuring instrument that the legendary Emperor Yu used to measure the universe.
According to tradition, Fu Xi had the arrangement of the Eight Trigrams (八卦 bāgùa) of the I Ching (also known as the Yi Jing or Zhou Yi) revealed to him supernaturally while reading the He Map (or the Yellow River Map). Fu Hsi is said to have discovered the arrangement in markings on the back of a mythical dragon-horse (sometimes said to be a turtle) that emerged from the river Luo. This arrangement precedes the compilation of the I Ching during the Zhou dynasty. As the discoverer of the Eight Trigrams, which form the basis for the philosophy in the Book of Changes (I Ching), Fuxi has been revered by Chinese scholars as the originator of the I Ching.
Fu Xi is also credited with the invention of the Guqin (a seven-stringed musical instrument), together with Shennong and Huang Di.
Fu Xi is featured in the “Conversation on Information Technology over 5000 Years” sculptural panels at the Norwalk Community College Center for Information Technology, near New Haven, Connecticut. They were sculpted by the facility’s architect, Barry Svigals.
Tomb of Fuxi
The tomb of Fuxi has been worshipped for thousands of years in Huaiyang county, in central China’s Henan province. The tomb existed there as early as the Spring and Autumn Period, approximately 3,000 years ago. Buildings and plants have been arranged in a giant compound to reflect the Eight Trigrams. Visitors to Fuxi’s tomb never miss the hole. It is an ancient tradition for women worshipers to rub their fingers in a hole in the cornerstone of the Xianren Hall, in hopes of being blessed with a happy marriage and healthy children. According to ancient legends, the tomb is on the site where Fuxi gathered young men and women to decide on their marriage. In 1996, the State Council included the sacred site in its folk culture legacy protection program.
Source: NewWorldEncyclopedia
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Sketching World War I: A picture in camo
Joseph Brichacek, an intern with the Military History Collections Project, explores how camouflage blurs the lines between military utility and artistic expression.
From colorful recruiting posters to oil paintings of historic naval vessels, the Art Room of the museum's Armed Forces History division is full of surprises. Behind the scenes, the objects in the Art Room help us interpret the actions and sacrifices of Americans at war through various media. But they're also compelling examples of art created during times of turmoil and hardship.
In World War I, George Matthews Harding was one of the eight artists contracted by the American Expeditionary Forces for the explicit purpose of illustrating the conflict. Harding created a series of sketches with crowded compositions, saturated palettes, and rich textures, all while operating with limited resources in a war zone. While his pieces might be deemed unfinished as works of art, Harding was able to create emotional weight in each of his sketches, whether detailed depictions of European towns and landscapes, or rendering smoky atmospheres with wash and charcoal.
Harding's work challenges common ideas about camouflage, and what value it has in the artistic realm. Some of his brightest and most colorful drawings are those that show the use of military camouflage in World War I.
George Matthews Harding. Cleaning Out Boche Machine Gun Nest, AF*25740, Crayon and charcoal on paper.
George Matthews Harding. "Cleaning Out Boche Machine Gun Nest," AF*25740, Crayon and charcoal on paper.
In the above drawing, a French tank spits machine gun fire over a German trench. The tank is colored in blue, red, and green, while the German soldiers wear helmets with geometric camouflage patterns of yellow, blue, green, and red. While the colors and patterns depicted in the painting were subject to Harding's creativity and whatever art supplies that he had available, the vibrancy of both the Allied and German camouflages portrayed is remarkable, particularly considering the relatively muted patterns we are accustomed to today.
Several World War I camouflage patterns developed in response to the advent of aerial warfare and efforts to mask the visual presence of airplanes, whether parked or airborne. Both sides of the conflict experimented with different colors. The French alternated between brown and gray colors for protection against airborne threats and dark violets, blues, and black for their nighttime bombers.
Each military had to strike a balance between hiding its vehicles and allowing them to be distinguishable to friendly forces. The German Empire used purple to identify its aircraft, incorporating the color within its distinctive "Lozenge" design named for its patterned lozenge-shaped color fields. Harding illustrated German lozenge camouflage in one of his more dramatic sketches.
George Matthews Harding. Boche Plane Falling in No Man’s Land of Verdun Offensive. AF*25738. Charcoal, pastel, and crayon on heavy textured wove paper.
George Matthews Harding. "Boche Plane Falling in No Man's" Land of Verdun Offensive. AF*25738. Charcoal, pastel, and crayon on heavy textured wove paper.
Here the yellow, red, blue, and green design accompanies the Balkenkreuz (a version of the Iron Cross) on the underside of a German plane crashing near a defeated German machine gun nest.
While Harding's drawings serve as an introduction to World War I camouflage, they are best viewed as artistic and cultural artifacts rather than records of military practice. The sensational and triumphal nature of Harding's battlefield depictions makes his drawings more editorial than documentary. Overall, though, they provide information about the war, cultural perceptions, and what artists found compelling on the battlefield. Harding found art in the grim reality of war, adding unexpected vivacity through his depiction of camouflage.
Joseph Brichacek is a collections management intern in the Division of Armed Forces History at the National Museum of American History. Follow in his footsteps and apply for a museum internship
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Biologists Finally Solve Mystery of Why Elephants Have Wrinkled Skin
They're not just in need of some lotion.
If you focus directly on the skin of an African elephant, you can transport yourself far away from the 11-foot-tall beast. Disregard the tusks, the flapping ears, and 20-inch-wide feet. Once you’ve zeroed in on its fissured hide, you might as well be looking at the dried flecks of mud in an ancient lakebed or the cracked surface of Mars.
For a long time, scientists had no idea why those cracks existed. But as a new study in Nature Communications shows, those cracks aren’t there because the elephant is in need of a whole lot of lotion. As it turns out, a million years of evolution planned out every single line.
In the study published Tuesday, researchers from the University of Geneva and Swiss Institute of Bioinformatics attempt to understand once and for all why elephant skin is so wrinkled. Using microscopy and computer modeling, they explain that the skin is not a mess of wrinkles but rather an important pattern of intricate cracks that make it possible for animals to stay cool and protect themselves from parasites.
“Indeed, their skin is of course wrinkled — that’s very visible — but if one has a much closer look, one realizes that the integument is also deeply sculpted by an intricate network of miniscule interconnected crevices,” study lead and University of Geneva professor Michel Milinkovitch, Ph.D., explains to Inverse.
“This beautiful fine pattern of millions of channels is adaptive because it prevents shedding of applied mud and allows for the spreading and retention of five to 10 times more water [than at the skin’s immediate surface], allowing the animal to efficiently control its body temperature with evaporative cooling.”
“It’s a new, beautiful example of how physical processes are involved in the development of animal forms and shapes.”
Milinkovitch’s lab specializes in the developmental and evolutionary mechanisms that created the diversity of life on Earth. He and his colleagues are especially interested in morphogenesis — the biological process that gives an organism its shape. In 2013, the lab determined that the face and jaw scales of crocodiles aren’t individual units but the result of a process analogous to the formation of cracks in cooling porcelain. After that study, Milinkovitch began to wonder whether a similar process was responsible for the skin of other dry-looking animals. And so five years ago, he turned his attention to the fractured-looking skin of African elephants.
Unlike those in Asia, African elephants have cracked skin. By examining elephant skin samples provided by scientists and museums using microscopes and physics-based modeling, the team determined that any cracks are actually fractures of the skin’s outermost layer, known as the stratum corneum. These fractures, in turn, are connected by a network of minuscule crevices. Together, they’re like a lattice of dried-up lake beds linked together by dried-up waterways, waiting for rain to fall.
They’re crucial for making the most of moisture in the dry African heat. When the scientists applied mud to the elephant skin in one experiment, they found that the network of millions of channels was necessary for preventing the dry skin from shedding immediately. Furthermore, when water was applied, the cracked skin retained five to ten times more water than a flat surface without cracks.
So, when African elephants bathe, spray, and roll around in mud, they aren’t just having fun — they’re engaging in an important process to protect themselves from their harsh environment. Slathering mud on the skin protects elephants from the sun and parasites, and the water they throw on their backs helps them to not overheat in the scorching African sun.
An elephant throws damp wet clay on its body to stay cool.Pixabay
Unlike mud, the skin cracks are not generated by shrinking, but by bending. Using a computer model, the team learned that the cracks develop as bending stress on the growing epidermis of a young elephant causes the skin to get progressively thicker until it gets so thick that it cracks. That skin is hyper-keratinized (that is, rich in the protein keratin, which helps make nails, hair, and horns tough), and it grows increasingly thicker because the new skin cells form faster than they shed at the surface. In fact, the tough skin doesn’t really shed at all.
This helps explain why baby African elephants don’t have cracks in their skin — their delicate skin simply hasn’t done enough bending.
Grown Asian elephants don’t have cracks either, but this requires an evolutionary explanation. Milinkovitch reasons that cracks would be less useful to Asian elephants since they live in a wetter environment. Increased humidity reduces the efficiency of evaporative cooling, and the whole point of the cracks seems to be to hold water that can lower body temperature as it evaporates. In other words, Asian elephants don’t struggle to keep cool.
But African elephants, meanwhile, have less frequent access to water, and so they need skin that can store water for longer periods of time. They don’t have sweat and sebum glands, so sweat can’t help their skin stay moist and flexible. Cracks are a necessity, collecting water in and on the skin so the elephants can avoid overheating.
While the fractures of the skin are a necessity for elephants, they’re not quite as beneficial for humans. The scientists also discovered similarities between the skin morphology of African elephants and the skin of humans with an inherited disorder called ichythyosis vulgaris. This genetic disorder causes thick, dry sales to accumulate on the skin’s surface and currently has no cure. The striking resemblance between the two is the aspect of the study that Milinkovitch finds the most fascinating.
“If validated by future molecular and cell biology comparisons, this equivalence would then make a remarkable link between a human pathological condition and the skin of an iconic species of pachyderm,” Milinkovitch says. “This correspondence would also demonstrate that similar mutations that occurred independently in the evolutionary lineages of humans and African elephants turned out to be unfavorable in the former and adaptive in the latter.”
Milinkovitch hopes this study will be able to help validate this link between a human pathological condition and the skin of African elephants. “But most importantly,” he says, “it’s a new, beautiful example of how physical processes are involved in the development of animal forms and shapes.”
Related Tags
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Survival In Common Weasels
Populations of common weasels are unpredictable, so no one has attempted to tabulate their age structures by following marked live individuals. The only thing that can be said with certainty is that there is generally a new set of resident common weasels on a study area each season, and that no individual has been known to hold a home range for more than 3 years (Chapter 8). This implies that most common weasels live only for a year or less.
Confirmation of this guess comes from the only three attempts made to construct a frequency distribution of annual age classes from collections of carcasses, one in Denmark and two in Britain (Figure 11.5). The huge preponderance of first-year animals in all three samples confirms our expectations. Various other studies have used age classes defined in different ways, which give results of the same general order but usually are impossible to compare in detail.
The first attempt to construct a life table for common weasels on British game estates, by King (1980c), was based on a sample of 455 dead common weasels, collected all the year round (Table 11.4). All the data were pooled, since there were no significant differences between the age distributions for the five sample areas or for the two sexes. The first-year mortality rate was very high (80% in males, 75% in females), which is not surprising for small predators that live life at such a hectic pace. The expectation of further life for a young weasel at independence was about 10 months in both sexes. The density of a population will therefore depend heavily on the production and survival of young; since this varies drastically according to food supplies, the instability of populations of common weasels needs no further explanation.
As in stoats, and for the same reason (both samples were collected from gamekeepers), there was a well-defined peak in the risk of mortality every year in spring (Table 11.3). On the other hand, spring is a stressful time for weasels anyway, especially if food is short. In Wytham, a protected population never subject to regular trapping, several residents that had been watched for months
11.5 The vast majority of common weasels are under a year old, and the of them reach only 3 years of age. England, 1968-1970 (King 1980c); , 1995-1997 (McDonald & Harris 2002); Denmark, 1969-1970 (Jensen
Figure oldest Britain 1978).
Table 11.4 Life Table for Common Weasels in Britain in the 1970s and the 1990s from Age Determination of Carcasses
Age class
Number alive
Proportion surviving at start of age class (lx)
Mortality rate at that age (qx%)
Survival rate during age class (px)
1970s (King 1980c) Males
0.25-1 year 339 1.00
1-2 years 69 0.20
2-3 years 8 0.02 Females
0.25-1 year 116 1.00
1-2 years 29 0.25
1990s (McDonald & Harris 2002) Males
344 1.00
50 0.15
0.25-1 year 1-2 years Females 0.25-1 year 1-2 years
59 0
died or disappeared in spring, often after drastic loss of weight (King 1975c), and the age distribution of weasels from Wytham was not different from those on the game estates.
When McDonald and Harris (2002) made a second collection of common weasel carcasses from British gamekeepers, numbering about the same (n = 458) but sampling a larger selection of estates, they found similar general patterns (e.g., first-year mortality rate 85% and 97%). But in addition, they contributed two important new details to the story. Their two-species collection strategy enabled them to compare the effects of culling on stoat and common weasel populations sampled in the same areas and by the same means, and their more advanced data analysis techniques allowed a first test of the importance of the late summer litters to the population biology of common weasels.
McDonald and Harris applied to common weasels the same population model that they had developed for stoats (with a slight variation to allow for the different reproductive cycles of the two species). They included the same necessary assumptions (survival independent of density, population closed), except that young common weasels were considered fully independent by the age of 7 weeks.
Again, the model proved extraordinarily useful despite its limitations, because it demonstrated both the similarities and the differences between these two coexisting species. In both, the single factor most critically influencing r was the survival of the first-year class, but the difference was that, for the British population of common weasels during the years they sampled, r averaged a positive figure, 0.30.
To reduce this positive figure to a negative, that is, to make a breeding population of weasels decline, the survival rate of newborn weasels in the first 3 months of their lives set in the model had to be cut from 0.88 to under 0.56, which might well mimic what happens in less favored habitats when food is very short (Chapter 9). An alternative means of inducing a decline was to reduce the probability of late summer litters (Chapter 10) from 1.0 to 0.4. Conversely, if the survival of newborns and the probability of second litters were both set at high values, as during a rodent irruption, the weasel population growth rate soared.
In reality, both these parameters are strongly affected by food supplies and are probably never the same for 2 years in a row, so the actual numbers are less important than what they tell us about the great capacity of common weasels to respond quickly when rodent numbers increase, and their equally sudden disappearance afterward. Like stoats, common weasel populations are unstable, but they can compensate for the annual harvest imposed by gamekeepers more easily than can stoats.
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Signatures Throughout History - Ancient Egypt
Mary Ellen Power, June 24, 2014
On our last trip through the depths of time we took you to the 50th century B.C.E. and the world of Hammurabi's Sumeria, now it's time to visit the land of the pharaohs. More specifically, we are looking at signature practices in Egypt during the 15th century B.C.E.
Signature practices in Egypt
Ancient Egypt is widely regarded as one of the earliest precursors to modern civilization. While Sumeria and other older empires were setting a foundation for the future with basic legal codes and early writing, the Egyptians combined agriculture, formalized government, complex legal codes, religion and economic models in a way that served as a turning point in history. The culture of scribes played a major part in this process. As a society, Egypt valued information and history to such a degree that it elevated scribes to a high-class position documenting everything the government, and the wealthy, accomplished.
Electronic Signature
The Beginner's Guide to Electronic Signatures
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This early example of clerks and documentation experts had a major impact on the economy, making it possible for people to formally record trade documents, military orders and other key records on papyrus. However, writing also became common enough that methods were needed to verify the authority of a document, which led to the development of a signature system that would still be used, to a certain degree, well into the future.
Some Egyptians in the 15th century B.C.E. owned signet rings with personally-identifying symbols that they would use, along with melted wax, to seal documents and verify their source. The process was a long and expensive one, as it started with mining metals for the ring, melting them down, constructing the specialized signet and manufacturing wax just to make the signature capability possible. From there, an individual needed to carefully melt wax onto papyrus and press their ring into it until it hardened.
The practice of using signet rings as official authorization lasted for centuries, and was even used extensively as recently as the early 1800s, when political, military and economic would use a wax seal with a personal signet before sending sensitive documents via courier services. In this case, the signet was not the signature, but a way to verify the signature.
Creating a new form of signet
Signet rings were ideal because they verified the source of a signature. Similarly, digital signatures act as a computerized tag on an electronic signature. An encrypted digital signature travels with an electronic signature process through every part of its life cycle, verifying who initiative the process, who performed the signature and providing important metadata about the process.
Check out our Electronic Signatures FAQ resources to learn more about how digital signatures work to support e-signature processes.
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Nellie McClung
Nellie McClung
Gladstone, Manitoba, 1905-1922.
Famous 5
A model of the "Women Are Persons!" statue, honouring the contributions of the Famous 5 (Nellie McClung, Henrietta Muir Edwards, Irene Parlby, Louise McKinney and Emily Murphy). The final sculpture was unveiled on Parliament Hill in 2000 (sculpted by Barbara Paterson, photo by Marc Mennie, courtesy Famous 5 Foundation).
McClung, Murphy and Jamieson
Nellie McClung (left), Emily Murphy (right) and Alice Jamieson (March 1916) were the leaders of the feminist cause in western Canada (courtesy City of Edmonton Archives).
Early Life and Career
Activism and Politics
Later Career
Like other members of the Famous 5, McClung is often criticized as being racist and elitist. Their reputation and accomplishments are often seen as tarnished by their associations with eugenics, the idea that the human population could be improved by controlling reproduction. Many influential Canadians, including J.S. Woodsworth and Dr. Clarence Hincks, supported eugenic ideas in the early 1900s and promoted both “positive” eugenics (promoting the breeding of “fit” members of society) and “negative” eugenics (discouraging procreation by those considered “unfit”). Eugenicists argued that “mental defectives” and the “feeble-minded” were prone to alcoholism, promiscuity, mental illness, delinquency and criminal behaviour, and thus threatened the moral fabric of the community. These concerns led to increasing support for eugenic legislation, including the sterilization of “defectives.”
As a maternal feminist, McClung believed that women should be involved in politics due to their natural maternal instincts and interests. These interests included the health of mothers and children. This was particularly important to maternal feminists, who positioned women as both the mothers and guardians of their “race.” They therefore championed legislation aimed against prostitution, alcoholism and “mental defectiveness.” McClung clearly articulates these concerns in her 1915 book, In Times Like These:
[...] to bring children into the world, suffering from the handicaps caused by ignorance, poverty, or criminality of the parents, is an appalling crime against the innocent and hopeless, and yet one about which practically nothing is said. Marriage, homemaking, and the rearing of children are left entirely to chance, and so it is no wonder that humanity produces so many specimens who, if they were silk stockings or boots, would be marked “seconds”.
McClung and others believed the sterilization procedures would prevent further problems. Indeed, McClung and her close friend, Emily Murphy, are regarded as two of the most prominent and influential supporters of Alberta’s Sexual Sterilization Act, which organized the involuntary sterilization of people considered “mentally deficient.” The law was enacted in 1928 and repealed in 1972. During that time, thousands of people who were considered “psychotic” or “mentally defective” underwent eugenic sterilization.
Read More // Nellie McClung
Further Reading
• Willow Dawson, Hyena in Petticoats: The Story of Suffragette Nellie McClung (graphic biography, 2011); Charlotte Gray, Extraordinary Canadians: Nellie McClung (2008); Margaret Macpherson, Nellie McClung (2003).
• Candace Savage, Our Nell (1979).
External Links
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Ancient Mesoamericans Invented Rubber 3,000 Years Before Goodyear
Ancient History | January 23, 2020
Rubber played a big part in the traditional Mesoamerican ballgame, which was played by many civilizations in Mesoamerica. (Photo by Alex Peña/LatinContent via Getty Images)
Do a quick Google search for who invented rubber, and you will see the name Charles Goodyear pop up quite a bit. The American chemist and namesake of the Goodyear Tire Company gets most of the credit for the creation of rubber and all the rubber products in our lives, but rubber predates Goodyear by three centuries. The ancient Mesoamericans were using rubber long before Goodyear and his accidental discovery of the vulcanization process in 1839. Let's look more closely at rubber in the centuries before Charles Goodyear.
The rubber tree of Central American exudes an elastic latex. (caruba.co.uk)
The Rubber Tree
Castilla elastica, or the rubber tree, is a large tree indigenous to Central America that produces a strangely stretchy substance called latex. Contrary to popular belief, the latex is not the sap of the rubber tree; it's actually found in the layers of bark. This latex can be easily extracted to serve a variety of purposes.
Tapping a rubber tree. (latexworkshops.com)
A Clue In The Name
Anthropologists are uncertain which ancient culture discovered the elastic properties of rubber, but there may be clues in the nomenclature. The ancient Aztecs called the rubber tree the olicuahuitl and the rubber produced from it ulli or olli, and the same root word is found in the name of the Mesoamerican ballgame, ulama. We also see this same root word in the Aztec name for the people who predated them, the Olmecs. The Aztecs used the term olmeca, or "rubber people," to refer to this culture.
The ancient people of Mesoamerica knew how to make rubber. (psic.ws)
An Ancient Recipe For Rubber
The people living in Mesoamerica more than 3,000 years ago figured out that mixing the latex from the rubber tree with the juice of the Ipomoea alba plant, a type of morning glory, causes the latex to firm up. The rubber could then be cut into long strips, which were wound around a solid center to make a rubber ball, important for the Mesoamerican ballgame. Conveniently, this vining plant often grows up the trunk of the rubber tree.
Rubber balls were used for the popular ballgame. (history.com)
Play Ball
Producing rubber was vital to making the balls the ancient people of Mesoamerica needed for their ballgame, versions of which archaeologists believe have been played since around 1400 BC. The rules are unclear, but it appears that the game included elements that are similar to modern basketball, soccer, and handball. The massive stone ball courts where the game was played have stone hoops (mounted vertically, not horizontally like today's basketball hoops), so it's safe to assume that putting the ball through these hoops was at least one of the objects of the game. It does appear, however, that the ballgame was also tied to religious rituals and ceremonies.
Numerous ancient rubber balls have been unearthed. (theculturetrip.com)
Discovering Ancient Rubber Artifacts
Archaeologists have unearthed the oldest known rubber balls at a sacrificial bog at a site called El Manati. Five rubber balls from this location have been dated to about 1700 BCE. The presence of younger rubber balls, as well as other artifacts at the site, indicate that the bog was used for hundreds of years.
Rubber was used for more than just making balls. (blog.education.nationalgeographic.org)
Rubber: Not Just For Balls
Balls weren't the only use for rubber in ancient Mesoamerica. Rubber strips were also used to fashion sandals, tie or hang things, and sculpt figurines in the shape of humans. Rubber has spiritual significance, too. During some religious celebrations, rubber was burned.
Joseph Priestley gave the substance the name "rubber." (rsc.org)
Rubber In Europe
Explorers from Europe encountered rubber when they traveled to Central America, viewing the previously unknown material with awe. Several sheets of rubber were shipped to France in 1736, and soon, rubbermania swept the continent. Chemists and scientists of the time couldn't wait to get their hands on it, including English scientist Joseph Priestly, who found that he could use the rubber to erase pencil marks on paper. He dubbed the material "rubber" for its ability to rub out the mistakes.
Charles Goodyear's name is synonymous with rubber. (pinterest.com)
Enter Charles Goodyear
Born in Connecticut in 1800, Charles Goodyear started his career as a partner in his father's hardware business. When the company went bankrupt, Goodyear found employment at a rubber factory in Massachusetts owned by Nathaniel M. Hayward, who discovered that rubber treated with sulfur was just as elastic but not as sticky. Goodyear, a chemist, experimented with methods of treating rubber to keep it stable in extreme temperatures.
Goodyear's discovery of the vulcanization process was accidental. (massmoments.org)
A Surprising Accident
One day in 1839, Goodyear had a happy accident. He dropped some of the rubber-sulfur mixture onto a hot stove, and when he cleaned up the mess, he realized that the rubber was not ruined by the high heat. In fact, it was improved. He called his discovery "vulcanization" and applied for a patent.
Tires are just one of the products made using Goodyear's vulcanization process. (tyreplex.com)
A Patent Battle
Goodyear's patent application was not immediately approved. In fact, he battled patent offices across North America and Europe for years. Even after he was awarded a U.S. patent in 1844, it was infringed upon numerous times, costing him a lot of money in legal fees. He set up a factory in France to produce vulcanized rubber, but the company failed, and he wound up in debtor's prison. Despite his achievements, he died penniless in 1860.
In his time, Goodyear was seen as a failed businessman, but today, you can't walk through the automotive section without being assaulted by his name. Although he undoubtedly did not intend to minimize the inventions of the ancient Mesoamericans, his name has been forever linked to rubber.
Tags: inventions | pre-Columbian Mesoamerica
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Karen Harris
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Chanukah Anagram Game
Fourth Grade Reading & Writing Activities: Chanukah Anagram Game
What You Need:
• Piece of paper and pen for each player
• Stopwatch or clock
What You Do:
1. Each player writes the word “Chanukah” at the top of his sheet.
2. Start a timer for three minutes. Each player (child or adult!) should take the time to look at the word at the top of the page and write down as many words as possible out of the letters in the word “Chanukah.”
3. To score the game, have each player take a turn calling out the words that he or she found.
4. Encourage your child to get some maths practise by adding up each player's score himself! For each unique word that no other player discovered, the player receives two points. For each word that was found by another player, the player gets one point.
Looking for More?
Continue the game by playing with other words related to Chanukah or the holidays in general, such as the following:
• Shamash—The middle candle in the menorah, which is used to light each of the other candles day by day.
• Menorah—The candelabra lit every day during Chanukah to celebrate the holiday.
• Shabbat—The Jewish day of rest, Saturday
• Havdalah—The prayer that is said at the end of Shabbat
When you’ve played each word, add up the score. The player with the most points wins!
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"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9488092064857483,
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Listen to Ms. Kinde's class read their books,
If the Dinosaur's Came Back...
(right sidebar)
Follow a River Demonstration
This spring 1st Grade students in Ms. Kolb’s reading group read the book Follow a River. After reading and learning new vocabulary words like source, bend, rapids, waterfall and flow they went out to the playground and made their own river. They labeled the parts of the river as they made them and
then watched the water flow from the source all the way to the mouth of the river and ocean. After the demonstration they wrote together a summary of what happened to the river using the river words that they learned and sequence words like first, then and finally!
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"edu_score": 3.921875,
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"language": "en",
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"url": "https://loring.mpls.k12.mn.us/grade-1-exemplars-2011-12"
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Chemical Change in the Kitchen
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Keywords: chemical change, SCIENCE, slideshow
Subject(s): Science, Technology
Grades 3 through 7
School: Broadneck Elementary School, Arnold, MD
Planned By: Theresa Brown
Original Author: Theresa Brown, Arnold
Objective: Students will identify and describe evidence of chemical change when heat is applied to food substances.
Engage: Have students close their eyes. Have them imagine a cake baking as you use sensory words to describe such things as the eggs, flour, batter, warm oven, and the smell of the baking cake filling the air.
Explore: 1. Have students observe premeasured containers of water and pancake mix, and record their observations in their journal. The teacher or a student takes pictures of each.
2. After combining the pancake mix and water, have students observe the pancake batter and record their observations. Allow students to smell the batter. Photos are taken of the batter and a student smelling the batter.
3. Pour the batter on a pan on a hotplate and have students record their observations as the pancake is cooking. Have them notice the bubbles, the browning, the smell, and the change in state of matter. Break off a piece of the cooked pancake and observe the inside of the pancake. Photograph the batter bubbling, the browned pancake and the inside of the pancake. Also, photograph a student smelling the cooked pancake.
Explain: Have students explain what evidence of chemical change they observed as the pancake cooked. Point out any misconceptions they may have. This may be a good time to discuss that changing state of matter is not evidence of chemical change. This may also be a good time to point out just because something shows evidence of chemical change does not always mean that a chemical change has taken place. Whenever there is chemical change a new substance is formed.
Elaborate: Students will take a camera home and photograph the different stages of a food substance being cooked by a grownup in their home. They will upload their pictures and save them on a school computer. Then, students will use the pictures to make a slideshow in which they will identify and explain the chemical changes that took place when their food item was being cooked.
Evaluate: Students will use a rubric to self evaluate their slide show. Older students may help the teacher generate a grading rubric.
This lesson is probably best if students have already explored physical change.
Materials: Mobile Labs, Slideshow, Camera Bags
Other Items: 1 pancake batter - the just add water type, $2 each, total of $2.00
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Author: Oscar Cronquist Article last updated on September 03, 2018
The bubble chart allows you to plot data just like the scatter chart but also the size of the bubbles.
How to build
1. Select data.
2. Go to tab"Insert" on the ribbon.
3. Click "Insert scatter or bubble chart" button.
4. Click the "Bubble" button to insert a bubble chart to your worksheet.
Build a chart with 2 or more data series
1. Right click on bubble chart.
2. Click "Select Data...".
3. Click "Add" button.
4. Select the data for x, y and bubble sizes.
5. Click OK button.
6. Click OK button.
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"fasttext_score": 0.023530542850494385,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.7228968739509583,
"url": "https://www.get-digital-help.com/how-to-create-a-bubble-chart/"
}
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Minas Basin
Also found in: Encyclopedia, Wikipedia.
Mi·nas Basin
An arm of the Bay of Fundy extending into west-central Nova Scotia, Canada. It is connected with the bay by the Minas Channel.
Minas Basin
Mi′nas Ba′sin
(ˈmaɪ nəs)
Mentioned in ?
References in periodicals archive ?
"Beginning at Swann Cove about two miles to the Eastward of Chegnecto River, and thence to run North Ten Miles, thence Westerly to Parrsborough, aforesaid, and then bounded on the North and West by said Parrsborough and on the South by Minas Basin, comprehending the Public Land, on the East side Chignecto River, and all the lots on both sides the Road, leading from thence to Francklin Manor." (28)
Although most of the material from this locality is dissociated and fragmentary, the composition of this faunal assemblage is distinct from that collected by Baird and Take from the Wolfville Formation along the southern margin of the Minas Basin. Baird later collaborated with other researchers to prepare a detailed guidebook for a field excursion to key localities with fossil vertebrates in eastern Canada for the Twenty-Fourth International Geological Congress (Carroll et al.
The tides at Burncoat Head in Nova Scotia's Minas Basin were officially recorded as the world's highest, averaging 17.8 meters.
It's a collaboration among academic and government scientists and industry, including Nova Scotia-based companies Nova Scotia Power, Minas Basin Pulp and Power, and Fundy Tidal; French company Alstom and U.K.
Tim Archibald as guide, explored the Minas Basin and the Kings New Minas Presbyterian Church, established in 1990.
The postcard pretty town of Wolfville (population 3,600) is situated in the Annapolis Valley region of Nova Scotia, overlooking the Minas Basin, which has some of the highest tides in the world.
That October evening, the music I heard wasn't just from a piano but also from water rushing in from Minas Basin in response to the gravitational pull of the Moon.
Millennium Chemicals Minas Basin Pulp &Power Go.
This curious resonance forces the water to reach extraordinary heights at the bay's innermost reaches (particularly Shepody Bay and Minas Basin), where the waterway narrows significantly.
From west to east along the north shore of Minas basin and then to the south to Scots Bay, important localities with outcrops of the McCoy Brook Formation are: 1) Wasson Bluff Protected Area; 2) McKay Head; 3) Blue Sac west; 4) Blue Sac east; 5) Five Islands Provincial Park; and 6) coves along the southern shore of Scots Bay.
The greatest possibilities for development of this climate change-friendly source of energy are in Nova Scotia, where two potential sites in the Minas Basin area, at the end of the Bay of Fundy, could generate up to 333 megawatts of power.
Twice each day the greatest tidal surge on Earth pours inward to Minas Basin and drains outward to the Bay of Fundy, in full view of his living-room window.
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Implement a Breadth-first Search Function in JavaScript
Tyler ClarkTyler Clark
The breadth-first search is a different kind of search algorithm because it is run against graphs. It is typically used to answer one or both questions, is there a path between point A and point B? As well as, what is the shortest path from point A to point B. It utilizes a queue which is a first in first out data structure. Let’s implement a Breadth-first search function in JavaScript!
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Instructor: Let's say we needed to write a program that searched through my Facebook friends, looking for the closest friend that owned a dog. We want to first search through my immediate set of friends before moving on and searching through the friends of my friends. Remember, the goal was to find the closest friend relationship that owns a dog.
Before we search through Henry's friend of a friend, we need to check John's immediate set of friends first. Looking over the information we have so far, I've got three friends, Henry, John, and Amy. Henry has two friends, Peggy and Kelly. John has a friend of Kelly, so Henry and John share the same friend. Amy doesn't have any friends.
Peggy, who is Henry's friend, doesn't have any friends. Kelly, who is shared between Henry and John, have one friend named Claire. In order to solve this problem, we need to structure our data in the form of a graph and use the breadth first search algorithm.
This isn't a graph that uses a X and Y axis. Graphs is made up of nodes and edges. In our example, the people are the nodes and the relationship between each friend are the edges. Imagine all of these relationships are connected by arrows or the edges.
Now let's write const graph equals an empty object. Then we'll say, graph Tyler equals an array of friends. Graph Henry equals an array of friends. John with his friends. Amy doesn't have any friends so she'll be an empty array. Same with Peggy. Kelly has one friend of Claire and Claire doesn't have any friends, so she'll be an empty array as well.
Perfect. This is how we can graph our data together. We've flattened out all the nodes or people into this object and assigned their value as an array of objects that show their friends and if they have a dog or not.
In order to find the shortest path person that owns a dog, we need to work with a queue data structure. Queues work exactly as they do in real life. Unlike in recursion, where it's first in last out, queues are first in first out. They work the same as stacks. You can't access random elements in the queue. Instead, there are only two operations, N queue and D queue.
Let's go ahead and create our breadth first search function. This function is going to take a name. The first thing we'll do is create our queue data structure. We'll say, let search queue equals as an array dot concat graph at name. Next, we'll create an array of all the search individuals and we'll say while our search queue has something in it, so dot length, we're going to loop over each one.
We'll say, let person equals search queue dot shift to grab the first one in the queue. If our person that we pulled from the queue is not already in our searched array, then we can check to see if this person has a dog.
If they do have a dog, then we found a person and we're going to return a string that says, this person has a dog. If not, then we're going to concat their friends onto the back of our search queue. Do a dot concat, graph at this person's ID.
Then we're going to push this person into our searched array so we don't go through them again later. If not, at the end we're going to return a string that says there are no friends that have a dog. With this in place, let's do a console log with our search function, passing through my name so we begin with Tyler. Perfect. It looks like Claire has a dog.
Before we go back and look at our graph data, let's go through this function one more time. The first thing we did was create a queue using an array. We added all of my immediate friends into the queue, so we began working with Henry, John, and Amy. When we get to the while loop, we have three items in our queue we need to look over.
The shift mutates our array or queue by taking the first item out and returns it. Person is being reassigned within each loop with the first object in our queue while also removing them from the queue. In order to avoid cycles, we check to see if we have already checked this person by looking through our searched array to see if they're in there.
If our person has a dog, then we return this string. If not, then we need to concat or push this person's friends onto the back of our current queue. Then push them into our searched queue, which again helps us avoid cycles. If no friends have dogs, then we return this string.
We know that Claire is three levels deep, so if our function is working properly, if we were to change Peggy to have a dog, our function should return Peggy because it's my friend, Henry's friend. We see that Peggy is returned from our function before Claire. If nobody has a dog, Claire doesn't, neither does Peggy, then we should return there are no friends that have a dog.
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Previous Up Next
Lance was the spear used by horsemen. The lance consisted of four parts: the shaft, truncheon or staff; the head; the vamplate and the grate or grapper. Some of the lances were huge in size. For example the tilting lance was very large and heavy as it was almost 5 inches in diameter. Other lances were much lighter. These were usually ribbed to increase stiffness. The lances used for jousting had blunt tips. The conical guard on the lance was called the vamplate. It was adopted in 14th century.
History of Arms and Armor | Arms and Armor Glossary
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The Statute of Kalisz. Artur Szyk. Detail of Polish and French title page, 1927. Ink and paint on paper. The Jewish Museum, New York. (Gift of Andrew A. Lynn, JM 63-67. Jewish Museum/Art Resource, NY. Reproduced with the cooperation of Alexandra Szyk Braice and The Arthur Szyk Society,
Find more information about
at the Center for Jewish History:
NOTE: you will be redirected
to the Web site for the
Szyk, Artur
(1894–1951), artist. Artur Szyk was born in Łódź, at that time a Polish, Jewish, and German city under Russian rule. He studied art in Paris and Kraków, and during World War I and its aftermath took part in the armed struggle for Polish independence. During the interwar years he divided his time between Poland and Western Europe. In 1940 he settled in the United States, where he died 11 years later.
Szyk differed from most of his predecessors in the world of Polish and Polish Jewish art in that he was primarily an illuminator, illustrator, and caricaturist. His unique style of illustrating texts was derived from medieval European manuscript illumination and Persian miniatures, while his ultrarealistic and often grotesque caricatures appear to owe something to German expressionism. In at least one sense, however, his work did resemble that of such Polish artists as the nineteenth-century history painter Jan Matejko and Matejko’s Jewish student Maurycy Gottlieb. As was the case with them and numerous other artists active in the Polish lands during the time of the partitions, Szyk articulated a political message into his art. Following his patriotic predecessors, he declared in 1944 that “the Jewish artist belongs to the Jewish people, and it is his mission to enhance the prestige of the Jews in the world” (Luckert, 2002, p. 7).
Szyk’s first major work, illustrations to the Book of Esther (1925), demonstrates his interest in the twin themes of antisemitism and heroic Jewish resistance to oppression. His next major effort, illustrations to the thirteenth-century Statute of Kalisz (a collection of laws granting privileges to Polish Jews), reveals another side of Szyk’s political program: his intense Polish patriotism. In this remarkable work he highlights contributions made by Jews to Polish history, the Jews’ willingness to fight alongside Poles for their mutual freedom, and the Polish tradition of toleration that made possible the flourishing of Jewish life in Poland before the country was partitioned. (See image at right, top.)
Szyk’s patriotism, which won him the support of the Polish government in the 1930s, was accompanied by an even more intense allegiance to Revisionist Zionism. This political stance is reflected in one of his best-known series of illustrations, his Haggadah of 1934–1937, and in his portrayal (in 1936) of Yosef Trumpeldor as the very embodiment of the new “muscular” Jew, a martyr to the cause of the Jewish struggle for national liberation. Szyk often took up non-Jewish subjects, such as illustrations to The Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam, portrayals of scenes from American and Polish history, and the like.
Szyk attained his greatest renown during World War II. Some of his striking caricatures, which memorably demonized Nazism and Japanese fascism, were brought together in his The New Order (1941), a text that received considerable attention. He also tried to bring about awareness of the enfolding Jewish tragedy in Europe. According to his biographer, Steven Luckert, his images during those years were published in leading mass-circulation magazines and newspapers, reaching potentially millions of readers.
Szyk’s reputation declined after his death, but there is no doubt that during the war years his was a major Jewish voice. In keeping with his political views he produced, in 1948, a striking series of illustrations to the Hebrew text of the Declaration of Independence of the State of Israel. Appropriately, the first major retrospective of his work was held, in 2002, under the auspices of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, D.C.
Suggested Reading
Steven Luckert, The Art and Politics of Arthur Szyk (Washington, D.C., 2002).
YIVO Archival Resources
RG 203, Arthur Szyk, Papers, 1926-1943.
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“I’m Better than You at Labeling!”: Preschoolers Use Past Reliability when Accepting Unexpected Labels
How do young children decide to trust testimony that contradicts their initial beliefs? The current study examined whether children rely on cues to informant credibility (i.e., history of accuracy) to determine if they would endorse an unexpected label from an informant. Three- and 4-year-olds (N = 60) saw a picture of a hybrid artifact that consisted of features of two typical familiar artifacts. Children made initial judgments about the name of the hybrid object and subsequently received a different name offered by an informant who had earlier either accurately or inaccurately named familiar objects. Children were more willing to revise their own judgment and accept the unexpected label if it was from a previously accurate informant than if it was from someone who had made obvious naming errors. This suggests that preschool-aged children selectively revise their own knowledge; they are more trusting toward sources proven accurate than inaccurate.
Back to Table of Contents
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yank and shove, push and pull
The idea of Asia remained central to the invention of America, and European colonization on both sides of the Pacific Ocean led to the first migrations of Asians to the Americas.
– Erika Lee, The Making of Asian America, 4
The Spanish and British Empires, and later the United States Empire occupied and extracted people and resources from India, the Philippines, Japan, Korea, Vietnam, Cambodia, East and West Malaysia, Laos, Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia, Timor, Brunei, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, the Cocos Islands, and China (5). One could say Asians were subject to the colonial forces of “yank and shove,” to then be exploited and eliminated.
Further movement of Asians to America was “pushed” by violence and social, political, and economic instability in their home countries, and “pulled” by dreams of education, freedom, and peace (4-5). Though I imagine it could be argued that the “yank and shove” still happens today.
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History Stories
Think UFO sightings are just a modern phenomenon? Think again. The Puritans were the first to record strange shining lights in American skies.
On March 1, 1639, John Winthrop opened his diary in which he recorded the trials and triumphs of his fellow Puritans as they made a new life in America. As the governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony put pen to paper, he began to recount a most unusual event that had recently caused a stir among the English immigrants.
Portrait of John Winthrop. (Credit: Public Domain)
Portrait of John Winthrop. (Credit: Public Domain)
Winthrop wrote that earlier in the year James Everell, “a sober, discreet man,” and two others had been rowing a boat in the Muddy River, which flowed through swampland and emptied into a tidal basin in the Charles River, when they saw a great light in the night sky. “When it stood still, it flamed up, and was about three yards square,” the governor reported, “when it ran, it was contracted into the figure of a swine.”
Over the course of two to three hours, the boatmen said that the mysterious light “ran as swift as an arrow” darting back and forth between them and the village of Charlestown, a distance of approximately two miles. “Diverse other credible persons saw the same light, after, about the same place,” Winthrop added.
The governor wrote that when the strange apparition finally faded away, the three Puritans in the boat were stunned to find themselves one mile upstream—as if the light had transported them there. The men had no memory of their rowing against the tide, although it’s possible they could have been carried by the wind or a reverse tidal flow. “The mysterious repositioning of the boat could suggest that they were unaware of part of their experience. Some researchers would interpret this as a possible alien abduction if it happened today,” write Jacques Vallee and Chris Aubeck in Wonders in the Sky: Unexplained Aerial Objects from Antiquity to Modern Times.
Some have speculated that the curious glow could have been an “ignis fatuus,” a pale light that can appear over marshland at night due to the combustion of gas from decomposed organic matter. If Winthrop’s report was correct, however, the light was not rising from the swamp but shooting across the sky, making that explanation unlikely.
An odd sight returned to the skies of Boston five years later, according to another entry in Winthrop’s diary dated January 18, 1644. “About midnight, three men, coming in a boat to Boston, saw two lights arise out of the water near the north point of the town cove, in form like a man, and went at a small distance to the town, and so to the south point, and there vanished away.”
The Amalgamated Flying Saucer Club of America, which headquarters in Los Angeles, released this photo taken by a member reportedly showing a flying saucer estimated at seventy feet in diameter. (Credit: Bettmann/Getty Images)
A week later, Winthrop wrote, another unexplained celestial event occurred over Boston Harbor:
“A light like the moon arose about the N.E. point in Boston, and met the former at Nottles Island, and there they closed in one, and then parted, and closed and parted diverse times, and so went over the hill in the island and vanished. Sometimes they shot out flames and sometimes sparkles. This was about eight of the clock in the evening, and was seen by many."
His account continued:
“About the same time, a voice was heard upon the water between Boston and Dorchester, calling out in a most dreadful manner, ‘Boy! Boy! Come away! Come away!’; and it suddenly shifted from one place to another a great distance, about 20 times. It was heard by diverse godly persons. About 14 days after, the same voice in the same dreadful manner was heard by others on the other side of the town towards Nottles Island.”
Unlike the 1639 UFO, Winthrop had an explanation for the latest luminescence over his “city upon a hill.” The governor noted that the bizarre spectacle was seen near the location where a vessel captained by John Chaddock had exploded months earlier, after a sailor accidentally ignited gunpowder aboard the ship. The captain was not aboard at the time, but the blast killed five crew members.
Winthrop noted that rescuers had recovered the bodies of all the victims except for the man believed responsible for the calamity, a sailor who professed the ability to communicate with the dead and who was suspected of murdering his master in Virginia. The hand of the devil was thought to have taken possession of the body, and it was the haunting voice of the sailor’s ghost that was said to have accompanied the strange vision of Ye Olde UFO that mystified Boston.
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History of Nihon Buyo
The history of Nihon Buyo (Japanese Traditional Dance) is believed to date back to the world of Japanese myths.
白玉斎「男舞」There is a well-known story that Amaterasu Omikami, the sun-goddess of the Shinto religion, danced in front of the heavenly rock cave called Amano Iwato where Ameno Uzume no Mikoto, the goddess of dawn, mirth and revelry, hid herself, but her dance succeeded to lure her out of the cave. From there the Kagura dance was born, a dance with a religious characteristic of magic rituals. Later through cultural interchanges with China and other Asian countries, the Bugaku and Gagaku dances were invented. After sometime other traditional dances like Dengaku and Sarugaku which were later recognized as art of farmers also came up. Having its foundation in these elements, Noh-gaku was born with its own characteristics. In the history Noh-gaku greatly affected Kabuki as well.
The most distinguished origin of Nihon Buyo lies in Nenbutsu Odori by Izumo no Okuni.
Although Izumo no Okuni is generally known as the founder of Kabuki, it can be said that Nihon Buyo was originally referred to Kabuki back then. Kabuki developed its own characteristics a little by little; “dance” elements were gradually added into primary “steps” of Kabuki movements. Shamisen, the featured musical instrument of Kabuki, was originally invented from the Jabisen, an Okinawan musical instrument. Its accompanying music started to evolve into more sophisticated orchestra. Actors who originally engaged in choreography in Kabuki plays or others whom we call directors today initiated to teach their own dance to their disciples, which made a first clear distinction between subsequent Kabuki and Nihon Buyo.
In the Kabuki world, a woman is not allowed to perform on stage unless for some special occasion. However, after these two types of art branched off in the history, lots of women have been given more chances to be involved in succeeding the tradition of Nihon Buyo.
Today many branches of dance schools were created, and each school has respectively been making the greatest effort to preserve its tradition and development by holding onto its own character.
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Fossil Giant Crab
In 1990, a local Whanganui resident captured a giant crab in the Ahu Ahu Valley, inland from Whanganui. That’s a curious creature to find so many kilometres from the coast. It was, however, not a potential family feast. It was a large fossil embedded in a spherical boulder, known in geological terms as a concretion. A concretion is a hard rock that forms around an object such as a fossil, protecting it from damage. Concretions can often be found weathering out of soft mudstone. If a concretion is cut open very carefully, it may reveal an interesting fossil, well preserved within the boulder. Because mudstone is very soft, it can be generally be cleaned off the fossil using water and a stiff brush.
Tumidocarcinus giganteus, giant fossil crab. WRM ref: 2003.42.1
This particular fossil crab was alive approximately 15 million years ago, during the middle of the Miocene period, when the Ahu Ahu Valley, along with the rest of the Whanganui region, was under the sea. It is an example of the extinct species Tumidocarcinus giganteus, a deep-water crab that lived along the seabed in warmer waters than we enjoy today, on the Whanganui coast. During the middle of the Miocene period, which lasted from 24 million years ago to 5 million years ago, temperatures are estimated to have been four to five degrees warmer over most of the planet than they are today, and the sea level was correspondingly much higher.
Large numbers of Tumidocarcinus giganteus fossils have been recovered from the soft papa rock that is characteristic of the hills between Taranaki and Whanganui. Papa is formed from thick muddy sediments accumulating in the ocean around the western coast of the North Island. The numbers of these crabs found indicates that they were a reasonably common species in New Zealand seas during the Miocene. An interesting feature of the Tumidocarcinus giganteus is that the right pincer is usually much larger than the left. On males, the right claw could grow up to twice the size of the left claw. It was probably used for fighting and perhaps for attracting female crabs, as well as feeding.
By discovering fossils, such as this giant crab a very long way from the ocean, we can get a much clearer picture of what the land-masses we now inhabit might be like if the earth’s climate became similar to the middle Miocene again. It is challenging for us to imagine what the planet might be like if temperatures throughout the world continue to rise at the current rate. It is clear, however, that seas will be significantly higher, and much of the New Zealand land mass, especially coastal regions, will probably be under water.
The Whanganui region probably won’t be so great for humans, but giant crabs and other enormous sea creatures might be plentiful again.
Margie Beautrais is the Educator at Whanganui Regional Museum
King Penguin: a Royal Line in Trouble
1. King penguin with egg
Taxidermied King penguin with egg. Ref: 1802.1688
2. King penguin egg
King penguin egg. Ref: 1802.5822
Margie Beautrais is the Educator at Whanganui Regional Museum.
Extinct, stuffed and symbolic
Extinct, stuffed and symbolic
What did the giant eagle look like?
The most commonly seen resonstuction of Harpagornis, attacking adult moa, with plumage like an Australian wedge-tailed eagle. Pic: John Megahan / Wikipedia
New Zealand was once home to the largest eagle in the world, Harpagornis moorei, often known as Haast’s eagle. I’m not a fan of that name: Julius von Haast was the Director of the Canterbury Museum and the first to scientifically describe the eagle, from bones collected from a North Canterbury swamp, in 1871. But getting an eagle named after yourself seems a trifle vain, so I prefer to call it the New Zealand eagle or the giant eagle, both of which are more descriptive.
Harpagornis is a marvellous name: “grappling-hook bird”, for its enormous clawed feet. What its Māori name was we’re not sure: pouakai and hokioi have both been recorded, but by the time written transcripts were being made the eagle had been extinct for centuries and had entered the realm of legend.
Wedge-tailed eagle (Aquila audax). The largest eagle in Australia, and capable of taking down a kangaroo, the wedge-tail has a typical eagle skull and head feathers, relatively short compared to a New Zealand eagle. Photo: Sam Schmidt / Flickr
Recent examination of its DNA shows that the New Zealand eagle was most closely related to the Australian little eagle (Hieraaetus morphnoides), the smallest eagle on that continent. Its ancestors were blown to New Zealand and increased in size tenfold within a million years, an extraordinarily-rapid increase. Giant eagles weighed about 10kg in males and 14kg in females, nearly half as large again as the largest eagles alive today. They were big enough to kill adult moa—we’ve found the claw marks in moa pelvic bones. And they would have been very capable of killing humans too, which is probably why they were wiped out quite quickly, along with moa, soon after Polynesians arrived in New Zealand.
One account of the eagle, collected by Sir George Grey from a Ngāti Apa elder around 1850, describes it as living in the mountains, having red, black, and white feathers with a red crest, and being as big as a moa. The problem with this account is that giant eagles never, as far as we know, lived anywhere near Ngāti Apa in the Whanganui or Manawatu area. All the fossils we’ve found are from the eastern South Island and Southern Alps. So this centuries-old tradition is unlikely to be based on eye-witness accounts.
3. attenboroughOlder reconstructions of the giant eagle, based on this 19th century description, show it with lurid red plumage and a pointed crest. Its closest relative, the little eagle, is a rather more inconspicuous rusty brown. Most recent depictions give it the brown plumage of an Australian wedge-tailed eagle. Almost none of the reconstructions, however, get the head right: the giant eagle had an extraordinarily long skull, half as long again as you’d expect from a bird its size. The recent David Attenborough documentary set inside the Natural History Museum included a computer-animated Harpagornis, but it was really just a scaled-up golden eagle, with long narrow wings and a too-short skull.
(Attenborough was rather guilty of exaggeration when he described the eagle, in breathless voice-over, as having “a beak the size of a butcher’s cleaver”. Its beak is actually about 7 cm long, the size of my little finger or a paring knife.)
1. eaglevulture-sketchThe giant eagle’s extremely long bill, with small bony flaps protecting the nostrils, is actually rather like that of some species of Old World vultures. A vulture’s elongated bill is an adaptation for sticking its head inside the messy carcasses of animals much larger than itself. Most eagles don’t need such bills, because they’re feeding on relatively small prey. But giant eagles were killing moa 15 times their size, so their feeding would have been similarly messy. Not only did they have the elongated beaks of vultures, they perhaps had the short head feathers or even bald heads of them as well.
Griffon vulture (Gyps fulvus) have shorter, finer feathers on their head and neck (sometimes bald) and protected nostrils to prevent clogging. Photo: mhx / Flickr
Ornithologists who study the New Zealand eagle get defensive when you suggest it may have had a head like a vulture. For decades, Harpagornis was victim of a terrible slander: its short wings supposedly meant it was on its way to becoming flightless, and it thus must have spent most of its time on the ground scavenging moa carcasses. In fact, short wings are a characteristic of forest eagles that need to maneouver around trees, not soar for long distances. And the discovery of claw marks on moa bones show that Harpagornis was indeed killing its own prey. But it took quite some time to dislodge its reputation as a scavenger, and a vulture-like reconstruction would hardly help.
Whether the New Zealand eagle had a bare head, or indeed a fancy red crest, is ultimately something we can’t determine from the few remaining bones. Māori rock art depictions of eagles are too stylised to help. Nobody has seen one for 500 years. Perhaps one day a mummified skull with feathers will turn up, as has happened with moa. But ultimately we have to make our own estimate of what’s probable, and rexognise that all depictions of a long-extinct creature, however convincing, are mostly well-informed guesses.
Dr Mike Dickison is Curator of Natural History at the Whanganui Regional Museum.
Native Fishes of the Whanganui
A native grayling recently rediscovered in the collection, caught in the 19th century.
A native grayling recently rediscovered in the collection
New Zealand is famous for its extinct birds, but not many people know we have an extinct fish. The native grayling or upokororo (Prototroctes oxyrhynchus) was found in many rivers and streams, including the Whanganui basin. The size of a small trout, it was good eating and extensively fished by Māori and pākehā. By 1900 it was rare, and it disappeared in the 1920s.
Remarkably, we recently came across a native grayling in our collection. Some time in the 19th century it was skinned, stuffed with cotton wool, and mounted on a board (originally painted blue, from the traces of blue paint on the fish’s back). At nearly 30 cm long, it’s one of the largest specimens known.
It’s hard to imagine what the Whanganui River was like at the time that grayling was stuffed and mounted. The first pākehā settlers described the banks as steep and lined with piles of sunken logs. When this wood was dug out for building, the banks eroded back a chain (about 20 m) on both sides. A century ago, a newspaper accounts tells us, the Whanganui was clear enough for someone to find a wedding ring on the river bed that had been dropped from the town bridge; imagine trying to find anything dropped into the river today! There were numerous side streams, even in the middle of town, that have since been covered over and culverted.
The Giant kokopu (Galaxias argenteus)
The Giant kokopu (Galaxias argenteus)
The river and side streams would have teemed with native fishes. Not just eels, but īnanga (the main whitebait species) and many different kinds of kokopu. The largest was the giant kokopu, growing over 40 cm long and weighing up to 2 kg. We only know that giant kokopu lived here because the museum has one, preserved in alcohol, caught at Kaitoke in 1948. Who knows how much longer they hung on in the area before being wiped out by agriculture and overfishing?
The kokopu pool near Karaka Street
The kokopu pool near Karaka Street
Even today, you can still find native fishes in some of the remaining urban streams in Whanganui. Īnanga and eels live in the creek running behind Aramoho School, and rare freshwater mussels are still surviving in the Matarawa Stream that flows through Kowhai Park. The swampy wetland behind the houses in Karaka St drains into a small stream, which was originally created as a drainage ditch but turns out to have the largest population of banded kokopu (Galaxias fasciatus) we’ve yet found in the Whanganui area.
The banded kokopu (Galaxias fasciatus)
The banded kokopu (Galaxias fasciatus)
As part of River Week, local fish expert Stella McQueen and I ran a night-time fish-spotting expedition to Karaka Wetland. Most native fishes are nocturnal, so can only be caught with headlamps and nets. We caught, measured and photographed banded kokopu (some up to 24 cm) long and released them into the stream again, except for two, which are on display in our aquarium in the Museum atrium.
Raising awareness of native fishes is part of our job; these are taonga, some of them threatened or endangered, literally living in our backyards. They’re incredibly vulnerable: vandals, eel fishers, or someone thoughtlessly dumping a drum of paint thinner could wipe out a streamful of fishes that have hung on right through Māori and European settlement, from a time when the Whanganui and its streams only flowed through swamp and forest.
Stories from bird bones
Most of us associate kea with holidays in the Southern Alps. When you stop the car at Arthur’s Pass a few of these parrots will normally arrive to fearlessly beg for food. Cars and food are so strongly associated in their minds that they’ll tear the rubber trim off your vehicle in the hope that snacks might be found somewhere inside. Kea are remarkable birds, intelligent and inquisitive, and are famous among ornithologists for being the world’s only alpine parrot.
To a palaeontologist, though, kea aren’t alpine parrots at all. Fossil kea bones, many just a few hundred years old, have been found in lowland sites thoughout Canterbury and Otago right down to the coastline, showing the birds were living in coastal forest before humans arrive. Even today, kea live year-round in forest in parts of the West Coast. And new research has identified kea bones from swamps and sand dunes in Hawkes Bay and the Wairarapa, so it seems likely that were living in North Island forests as well.
Kea, Kākā, and Chatham Kākā skulls
Kea, Kākā, and Chatham Kākā skulls
So where did all the kea go? They were probably wiped out by the first human settlers and the rats that accompanied them around 700 years ago, disappearing from the North Island and most of the South Island. The only reason kea aren’t extinct is that the Southern Alps are inhospitable to both rats and humans. But the upside is that kea could likely be reintroduced to North Island forests where there’s sufficient predator control—good news for mainland islands like Zealandia and Bushy Park.
Kea are not the only case where fossil bones tell us where a species used to live. Huia at the time of European settlement were restricted to the south-eastern North Island, mostly in the Tararua, Ruahine, and Rimutaka ranges. But their bones have been found right up to Northland, and they were probably found throughout the island before human hunting made them rare (and, by about the 1920s, made them extinct).
Takahē were once found throughout the South Island. Thought to be extinct by the 20th century, they were famously rediscovered in an Fiordland valley in 1948. Their northern cousin, the moho or mohoau, is known only from fossil bones from all over the North Island, although a single live bird was caught in the Tararuas in 1894. Both takahē and moho were the giant flightless descendants of pukeko, and both were driven almost to extinction in pre-European times; it’s just a fluke that the South Island takahē managed to survive while their relatives went extinct. Like the kea, takahē persisted in an inhospitable environment, but they much prefer living in lowland forests, given how well they do on offshore islands and mainland sanctuaries.
Chatham Kākā
Chatham Kākā
Fossils not only shed light on living species; they sometimes reveal brand new ones. For years, palaeontologists had been turning up bones of kākā in the Chatham Islands, except these kākā had unusually long beaks; almost as long as a kea’s. After comparing bones, they realised the Chatham kākā was a completely separate species: a ground-dwelling version of the mainland kākā, wiped out soon after humans arrived in the Chathams. The Chatham Islands turn out to been like mainland New Zealand in miniature, full of species found nowhere else. The islands had their own species of pigeon, robin, fernbird, penguin, bellbird, swan, coot, and other flightless rails; most of these are now extinct or endangered, a few, like the Black Robin, were rescued in the nick of time.
It’s remarkable that we’re still making discoveries about some of our most well-known native birds, from such inconspicuous things as tiny fossils. Only a handful of scientists are doing this work, and it’s not well-supported—some of our palaeontologists have had to move to Australia to get funding. It’s taken years for conservation workers to incorporate fossil evidence into decisions about which species should be translocated where. But it’s important that institutions like museums keep doing it: a large part of the prehistory of New Zealand is a story told by little bones.
Dr Mike Dickison is the Curator of Natural History at the Whanganui Regional Museum.
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October 22, 2004
Using Roman Wall Paintings (frescos) as 'Evidence' for Traditions of Staging in Greece.
These Roman frescos from Pompei were preserved by the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 A.D. around 500 years after the plays of Aeschyus, Euripides and Sophocles were first staged in Athens. They depict myths that were the subject of 5th-century Athenian tragedy, and that continued to be represented on the Roman stage, both in revivals of Greek plays, and in later plays written in Latin.
1. Consider the depictions of mythological scenes:
i What are the main similarities and main differences between the way in which the death of Pentheus is depicted in this fresco and in Euripides' Bakkhai? (Use an online text of the Bakkhai if you do not have your copy to hand.)
In some ways the image is similar to the depiction of Pentheus' death in The Bakkhai, as the image shows the character being dismembered by a group of women wearing vine leaves in their hair and carrying the thrysuses of Dionysos. However, in the play Pentheus is murdered by his mother alone and ripped savagely into many pieces, whilst in the above fresco he is being over powered by a number of women.
Aeschylus suggests in his play Agamemnon that Iphigenia was killed as a sacrifice in front of the fleets setting off for Troy and then strung from the masts of one of the ships. The above fresco also shows the princess being taken as a sacrifice, but it does not show the public nature of her death or give any indication of a ship or the beach on which she was meant to have died.
Playwrights in this period may have tried to create dramatic impact with more horrific accounts of these characeters' deaths. Also, the images on the frescos would have been designed to be aesthetically pleasing, whilst the depictions of death in plays would have been designed to be realistic.
In some ways the frescos are useful, as they depict the myths that tragic plays were based on. However, the images to not give evidence of contemporary tragic performance styles; such as the use of masks and energetic dancing.
2. Examine this mosaic from the House of the Tragic Poet in Pompei.
i. What different types of masks can you see?
There are five different masks in the picture, one of which is framed with vine leaves to depict the God Dionysos. The other masks appear to depict other tragic characters.
ii. What do you think is going on in this scene?
The characters in the image appear to be performing a tragedy or preparing for a performance.
3. Look at the masks in these frescos depicting actors, and those in the Pronomos Vase.
i. What differences can you discern between the 'tragic' masks depicted in the frescos and the vase?
The tragic masks depicted in the frescos are less life like than those in the vase. The artist responsible for the frescos has emphasized the wooden nature of the masks and the dimensions of the faces are disproportionate; the noses appearing much too large for the rest of the face. However, the masks in the pronomous vase are of a lighter, skin colour and appear to have real hair and eyes etc.
ii. Why might the masks be different?
The frescos would have been designed by roman painters after ancient greek plays had been absorbed into their culture, and as a result, knowledge of the detail used in greek masks would have been lost. Also, as the pronomous vase was designed as a celbration of the theatre for the Dionysos festival one year, the artist responsible would have taken pains to make the representation of the masks as complimentary and life like as possible.
iii. Why do you think the ancient artists (and viewers) might have been so interested in depictions of actors and masks?
Theatre was central to ancient greek culture as it was a way of teaching citizens about contemporary issues as well as an important social event. The masks worn by actors in this period were closely linked with helmets and battle; another preoccupation of ancient greek culture.
4. Consider this painting from the Villa of the Mysteries, Pompeii.
i. Is it similar or different in subject to the vases considered in Q.3 above?
The above painting features theatrical masks like the other frescos we have looked at, but the facial expressions on the masks are much more detailed, exploring the sorts of emotions that contemprary playwrights wished to invoke in their audiences.
ii. What do you think the purpose of such paintings might have been?
Such paintings may have been designed to chronicle and celebrate contemporary theatrical conventions.
October 15, 2004
1. Working in pairs, review a selection of images from the Web Resources page.
i. Is it possible to determine whether the ancient vase paintings are depictions of theatrical performances, or of the myths upon which the plays are also based?
It is difficult to be entirely sure of what the paintings are depicting, but it is likely that they portraying myths rather than plays because there are no references to contemporary theatrical conventions in the paintings such as masks. Also, as mythology was central to ancient greek culture, it is likely that a variety of art froms would have been used to depict it.
ii. In the light of your response to i. above, how significant may ancient vase paintings be as evidence for ancient theatre practice?
As ancient greek theatre was based almost entirley on mythology, the vase paintings show scenes that might have been created on stage. The paintings also show great physicality, reminiscent of the energetioc dancing of contemporary plays. However, the paintings include images of women and live animals, neither of which would have been seen on stage, so they cannot be entirely relied upon as evidence of ancient theatre practice.
2. View digital visualisations of the 5th-century Theatre of Dionysus in (a) the swimming pool – Greek Drama Gallery, and (b) the Theatron Module.
To use the Theatron Module:
go to >Delivered Applications >Viewers >Cosmo Player, and double-click on the Cosmo Player icon
still in Delivered Applications, go to: >Applications >Theatron, and double-click on the Theatron icon in the right-hand window.
Password: UOW_UKIPA
Once inside Theatron, see the Phlyax stage in the 'Temporary Stages' section.
i.The 4th century B.C.E. Phlyakes vases from the south of Italy show temporary wooden stages which we believe are similar or identical to those that would have been used for comic performance in the 5th century B.C.E. How adequate or appropriate would such a stage have been for the performance of tragedy in the 5th century B.C.E., in particular the Eumenides?
ii. Where could Klytemnestra, Apollo and Orestes have performed in the opening scene of the play?
iii. Where could the chorus have performed?
3. In Theatron, explore the model of the Theatre of Dionysos, which represents the theatre as it may have been during the Lycurgan period (338 – 326 B.C.E.). Compare and contrast its stone skene with the wooden Phlyakes stage.
i.What possibilities and limitations for performance does each type of scene building allow or impose?
ii.The action of the Eumenides is set in three locations. What are they?
iii.How might these scene changes have been staged?
4. Traditionally, it has been assumed that the theatrically 'strongest' position for an actor was directly in front of the central doors of the skene. Recently, however, in Tragedy in Athens, David Wiles has argued that, for Athenians, the most symbolically potent position was the centre of the orchestra. Explore both of these theories by considering the 'binding scene' in the Eumenides:
i. What kinds of spatial and choreographic relationships between theatre, spectators, actors and chorus, could have been established in each case?
ii.How might different spatial relationships have affected the meaning of the scene, or the characterisation and status of the characters and chorus?
5. Where are the best and worst seats in the 4th century theatron? Why?
i. How did the physical conditions of spectatorship for ancient Athenian audiences differ from the usual conditions of spectatorship in a conventional theatre building today?
ii. Do these differences suggest a fundamentally, or merely superficially different theatrical experience?
iii. Read the short note on Greek Audiences, and the longer text by Csapo and Slater. How might a style, or styles, of performance have evolved in response to the scale and sight-lines of the theatre, and the nature of the spatial and emotional relationship between Athenian spectators and performers?
iv. Might different parts of the theatre have demanded different styles of performance?
v. How might the style of choral performance have differed from that of the character actors?
6. Taking into account your findings in the above explorations, suggest one or more ways in which the voting scene, and the final hymn by the Women of Athens have been staged in the Eumenides
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Panel Data
Panel data refer to longitudinal data sets generated by observing a sample of individuals over time. Therefore, a panel has two dimensions involving individuals and time. Panels are a mix of cross sectional information and time series information.
1. The National Longitudinal Survey of Labor Market Experience follows groups of individuals that participate in the labor force, through regular annual interviews.
2. The Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) collects annual economic information on a national sample of about 6,000 families and 15,000 individuals since 1968.
Hsiao, C. (1986): Analysis of Panel Data. Cambridge University Press.
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Broadside Illustrations
Screen Shot 2016-05-13 at 7.51.14 PM
Woodcut Illustration by Luis Seibert1
Broadside Illustrations: This page has two sections: a short introduction to broadside woodcuts and an analysis of the woodcuts used in Marlowe’s ballad.
Broadside Ballad Woodcuts:
In the 16th and 17th century, broadside ballads were versatile works of creativity; they were not only used for their intended purpose, printed songs to sing, but were collected and used decoratively as wallpaper. Broadside ballads were often accompanied by an illustration or woodcut that represented the theme of the ballad and helped catch the eye of customers. While the woodcuts used for broadside ballads were not considered fine art in the early modern period, the broadsides themselves nevertheless held artistic appeal, and the woodcuts were a contributing factor for this.
Woodcuts were recycled and very few were made specifically for a ballad. A great deal of time and work was invested in the creation of new woodcuts. The wood used was often expensive and needed to be imported: “Some popular wood choices included nut wood, lime wood, pear wood, and other nut and fruit woods like cherry, beech, maple and apple.”2 Unlike engravings, which had subtle details and featured shades of gray, and etchings, which used freer techniques and more regular, even, and wiry lines, Woodcuts generally had bolder lines that were more suitable for larger images and were often, beginning in the sixteenth century, glued together to produce prints of extraordinary size.3 The majority of the woodcuts served no other purpose than to represent popular or common images. It was not until later, in the Jacobean era, that woodcuts included more sophisticated images, and began to be specially created to be associated with the subjects of the ballad texts.4 Printers like Thomas Symcock would reuse woodcuts for a number of other printings. Next, when we start to look at the woodcuts used for the Marlowe ballad, we should consider how much effort went into the creation of those, and similar, woodcuts.
Marlowe’s Woodcuts:
Screen Shot 2016-05-28 at 4.29.08 PM
Figure 1: Marlowe Woodcut5
Screen Shot 2016-05-28 at 4.29.17 PM
Figure 2: Marlowe Woodcut6
The two woodcuts placed together cue the reader into the main narrative of the ballad: in this case, a dialogue between a man and a woman. The woodcuts used in the Marlowe ballad follow a common theme, representing the kind of scene the ballad creates, a scene of courtly love in a pastoral setting. This is demonstrated by the images of the flowers and grass at the feet of the figures. The first woodcut (Figure 1), representing the voice of the man, is a typical representation of a nobleman or courtier, while the second woodcut (Figure 2), representing the voice of a woman, is a typical representation of a noblewoman. The woman is represented in the moment of wooing as she holds a flower in her hand. Both figures are outside, creating the atmosphere of sensual courtly love amid spring-time. In terms of dress, the man wears a Caroline suit, while the woman is in a late Elizabethan/Jacobean-style dress.7 The clothing also tells the reader that these figures, and the dialogue between them, is meant to represent sophisticated individuals—those who can afford such styles of the court—and not the common man or woman. These styles of fashion are important in that they give us sense of when these woodcuts were made; these woodcuts were not made at the same time and they were, therefore, not made specifically for this broadside.
Analyzing Woodcut Themes:
To get an idea of similar woodcuts, the woodcuts represented above (scroll over or click on the image to see its caption) are from two different ballads: the first printed around 1628 (Pepys collection) and the second printed sometime between 1601-1640 (Roxburghe collection). Both deal with the themes of love and courtship, as with the Marlowe ballad. In the Roxburghe ballad woodcut (Figure 3 and 4), the man and woman are facing each other and are both in an outside, spring setting, as in the Marlowe woodcuts. The man’s hand is stretched out towards the woman as her hand is stretched out toward his. In the Marlowe woodcuts (Figures 1 and 2), only the woman has her hand stretched out (although she is holding a flower, a representation of the possibilities of blossoming love); the man has his hands on his hips, anticipating the the woman’s reply. Similarly, the Pepys woodcut (Figures 5 and 6) features a man and woman in the same position. The dress displayed in the woodcuts of the Roxburghe ballad are clearly Elizabethan, while the Pepys ballad woodcuts show a mix of Caroline (Figure 5) and Elizabethan (Figure 6).
However, what you see is not always what you get. These kinds of woodcuts were reused for a variety of ballads that included a dialogue between a man and a woman. Some ballads did not speak of wooing as Marlowe’s does, but instead focus on a more vulgar humor and sex.12 Some of the individual woodcuts were also to be used for ballads that had nothing to do with wooing, like Figure 3 which is used a ballad “Roome for Companie, here comes Good Fellowes,”13 which was about men drinking, and Figure 5 which is used in “Seldom cleanly,”14 a ballad about housewifery, or housekeeping.
The woodcuts used for Marlowe’s ballad (Figures 1 and 2) were used by the same printer, Thomas Symcock, for many different kinds of ballads. One, in particular, “A merry Dialogue betwixt a married man and his wife,” includes the lyrics “women they must rule their tongues/that bring them to so many wrongs.”15 This is very different from the feelings of the Marlowe lyrics. It is the relation between the two woodcuts and how they interact with each other that allows them to create the image of the ballad they are representing.
1 Seibert, Luis. Woodcut printing. Digital imageThe Art of Ex-Libris.
2 Chess, Simon.“Woodcuts: Methods and Meanings of Ballad Illustration.” English Broadside Ballad Archive.
Stewart, Alison. “The Birth of Mass Media: Printmaking in Early Modern Europe.” A Companion to Renaissance and Baroque Art, 2013, p. 254.
Franklin, Alexandra. “The Art of Illustration in Boolean Broadside Ballads before 1820.” Bodleian Library Record 17, no. 5, 2002, p. 339.
5 Figure 1: British Library, Roxburghe 1.205, EBBA 30141.
6 Figure 2: British Library, Roxburghe 1.205, EBBA 30141.
For more information on ballad illustration costumes, see “Ballad Illustration Archive Costume Book”.
Figure 3: Magdalene College, Pepys 1.300-301, EBBA 20141.
Figure 4: Magdalene College, Pepys 1.300-301, EBBA 20141.
10 Figure 5: British Library, Roxburghe 1.80-81, EBBA 30055.
11 Figure 6: British Library, Roxburghe 1.80-81, EBBA 30055.
12 British Library, Roxburghe 1.32-33, EBBA 30028.
13 Magdalene College, Pepys 1.168-169, EBBA 20074.
14 British Library, Roxburghe 1.384-385, EBBA 30257.
15 British Library, Roxburghe 1.266-267, EBBA 30190.
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Activities for Dixie by Grace Gilman
Doing activities with a book you want to read with the class is helpful because children will learn more about the book, and they will understand the book better.
The following is a summary of the book, and then you will look at the different activities such as reading comprehension questions, art projects, and dramatic play
Dixie, a puppy, belongs to Emma. While Emma goes to school, Dixie stays home at waits for Emma to come home. When Emma comes home, they eat snacks and play games. Dixie likes to go everywhere with Emma, but she can’t go to school.
However, one day, Emma was excited about her day that she didn’t want to play. She wanted to work on her new play at school, which was the Wizard of Oz. She was to play Dorothy.
Since Emma was excited, Dixie wanted to be excited, so she grabbed the papers, which had her lines for the play, out of Emma’s hands. Emma became upset, but she got the papers. Dixie had to lay down on the rug and wait until Emma was ready to play.
The next day, Emma came home and told Dixie that she got the part and that Dixie could follow her everywhere because she was going to play Toto. Dixie became so excited that she ran everywhere until Emma told Dixie that she still had to study. However, Dixie still wanted to play and get into things.
Dixie finally ran off with the ruby slipper and hid. This upset Emma because she needed the slipper. That night, Dixie appeared with the ruby slipper. The next day, Emma did a great job in the play. Emma and Dixie played together when they got home. Emma realized that there wasn’t a place like home.
Questions for Reading Comprehension: You can read the story and ask the children the following questions.
Who was Dixie? Emma’s Dog
Did Emma go to school? Yes
What was the conflict? Dixie ran and hid with the ruby slipper.
What did Emma and Dixie do during the evening? They played together.
What did Emma learn at the end of the book? There is no place like home.
These questions will help children with reading comprehension.
Art Project:
You can have the children draw a picture of Emma, her dog, the ruby slipper, or anything else in the story.
Dramatic Play:
You can set up a bedroom and have Emma and her dog playing. You can also have Dixie causing problems when Emma’s working on her lines.
These are a few activities that you can do with your children. For older children, you can have them write their own story about a pet.
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The term ‘gypsy’ is a misnomer dating back to the sixteenth century, when the English somehow conceived the idea that these strangers had come from Egypt (hence the ‘gyp’ in ‘gypsy’). The word was used as a pejorative in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as a contemptuous term for a woman of questionable integrity. Since the group refers to themselves as the Roma, Romany, or Romani, this entry will adopt those terms to avoid any possible negative connotations.
The Romani have a very complicated set of identities which have been a prickly topic of debate among academics in the literary community and in other fields. Academics have yet to conclusively determine whether the Romani should be termed an ‘ethnic group’ or a ‘race’, and many governments haven’t decided whether they should be treated as a cultural group or a sociological problem. There are seven distinct linguistic groups in the Romani language, which reveals the insularity of smaller units, and also the problem of attempting to address them as a single cultural group. They are also somewhat difficult to address along with other immigrant groups, because unlike many émigrés, the Romani are strongly characterized by their ability to resist assimilation by dominant cultures. Whether they chose to resist because they preferred to maintain their lifestyle, or whether they were rejected by their host nations is debatable, however.
When literary scholars want to study the way the Romani have been portrayed in literature, the situation becomes a little simpler, as there are basically two stereotypical ‘gypsies’, which are used in some form again and again. The first is the romantic stereotype, which presents the ‘gypsy’ as an attractive, exotically colorful group exemplifying the simple joy of a wandering life in the beauty of nature. Authors like Jane Austen, George Eliot, and Charles Reade used these romantic figures as mysterious characters or in minor romantic plots. In these cases, the ‘gypsy’ tends to be a benign character due to his or her avoidance of the complexities of English society. The romantic stereotype is repeated in chapbooks and penny dreadfuls, operas, children’s literature, visual art, and music. These descriptions often operated to promote the notion of the ‘gypsies’ as a distinct race with a singular set of characteristics; the romantic Romani is always dark, agile, and handsome, with a wild temperament ill-suited to the rules of English society. This romanticized picture of Romani life isn’t terribly truthful; in fact the group was persecuted, outcast or outlawed altogether in many European countries. Their life on the fringes of the bustling economies around them was probably much more difficult than romantic portrayal suggests.
The second stereotype of the ‘gypsy’, which was propagated in folklore, and which appears most often in the Gothic, was the wicked character with the ability to bestow curses, steal things (and children), and see the future. This stereotype was likely reinforced by the Romani practice of fortune-telling to earn money. In the Gothic, novelists sometimes use ‘gypsy’ characters as vehicles for foreshadowing by giving them the true gift of foresight. For example, in the first chapter of MG Lewis’ The Monk, innocent Antonia sees a ‘gypsy’ dancing on the street, and asks her aunt if she is mad. Leonella responds: “Mad? Not She, Child; She is only wicked. She is a Gypsy, a sort of Vagabond, whose sole occupation is to run about the country telling lyes, and pilfering from those who come by their money honestly. Out upon such Vermin! If I were King of Spain, every one of them should be burnt alive who was found in my dominions after the next three weeks.” Regardless of this injunction, Antonia allows her palm to be read, and the resulting prediction accurately forecasts her doom. The child-stealing version of the ‘gypsy’ stereotype is featured in Victor Hugo’s Hunchback of Notre Dame, in which Sister Gudule accuses Esmerelda of being child thief. Gudule also thinks her daughter Agnes was abducted and eaten by ‘gypsies’.
According to Katie Trumpener, both stereotypes have fed into a ‘process of literarization’ which has placed the Romani in a difficult position at the center of an increasingly powerful pattern of Western symbolism. The Romani, who were forbidden to attend school, remained almost entirely illiterate, and therefore lacked a voice with which to proclaim their own identities and histories. Since in literature they have been cast as a race to be romanticized and demonized, their actual history has been obscured. Trumpener highlights the dangers of this ‘literarization’ of the Romani with an example from World War II, during which the Nazi secret police justified their persecution of the Romani by citing Schiller’s depiction of them. Scholars of the Gothic would be well advised to investigate whether the ‘gypsy’ character in a novel or chapbook is treated as a Saidian ‘other’, even though they might be long-term residents of the setting, and may be described in romantic terms.
Courtesy of Wendy Fall, Marquette University
Bardi, Abby. "The Gypsy As Trope In Victorian And Modern British Literature." Romani Studies 16.1 (2006): 31-42. Humanities International Complete. Web. 5 June 2015.
‘Gipsy.’ Oxford English Dictionary. Online.
Hancock, Ian. “The Origin and Function of the Gypsy Image in Children’s Literature.” The Lion and the Unicorn: A Critical Journal of Children’s Literature. 11(1):47-59. 1987.
Mayall, David. Gypsy Identities 1500–2000: From Egipcyans and Moon-men to the ethnic Romany. London: Routledge, 2004.
Trumpener, Katie. The time of the Gypsies. Critical Inquiry 18: 843–84. 1992. Web.
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The Wilderness, And Spotsylvania | Walter Edgar's Journal
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Description/Standards Tabs
May-June 1864: In the Battle of the Wilderness, both sides fight in the dense forest West of Fredericksburg. The South’s army is battered under constant attacks from Grant’s forces. General Grant then decides to make a bold an unusual move: to move further South toward Richmond, in an attempt to get Gen. Lee to follow him. What follows is the Battle of Spotsylvania, where fighting lasts eleven continuous days. Both sides lose almost half their strength as a result of those two battles.
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Historic Role of the Bandar Seri Begawan Wharf
Brunei became a meeting place for international traders to exchange spices, silk, textiles, and other items. Thus Brunei’s capital at Brunei Bay became a major center that attracted Muslim traders, Chinese merchants, and even Portuguese trade.
Francisco de Sande, the Commander of the Spanish Fleet in the Castillean War of 1578 wrote that Brunei “… is an important port of call due to its location in the middle of the sailing route between Malacca and the islands of Maluku and Manila. It has a good port for trading ships sailing to Malacca, Petani, Siam and other countries ...”
The second reason is the riverine location of Brunei in the Brunei Bay. In Brunei, rivers formed the major means of transportation from the coastal areas to the inland forests. Brunei developed into a trading center due to its interaction with visiting foreign traders as well as with people from the interior. By serving as the key center for the exchange of foreign goods and local products from the inland forest, Brunei Town grew in size and importance. Two Portuguese traders, Vasco Lourenco in 1526 and Concalo Periera in 1530 described Brunei as having “… many rich traders who engaged in trading to many places …”
Ships plying trade to Brunei through the Brunei River in the 15th and 16th century have to go through a fortification at Kota Batu before being allowed into Brunei. The ships then dropped anchor at the Kampong Ayer area and small boats will be coming to the ships to take down whatever goods they are selling as well as take in goods being sold by the local Bruneians.
Some places in Kampong Ayer are historically believed to be where the ships used to be. Kampong Lorong Sikuna was one. It was said that Sikuna comes from the English word Schooner - British ships which used to berth around that area.
Ships that ply trade to Brunei also have to pay a duty to the Brunei Ruler. Those early forms of duties were more regulated when the British Resident introduced modern government machineries beginning 1906.
This first Customs Office was opened at Kampong Pekan Lama (Old Town Village) which used to be called Kampong Bakut China (Chinese Sandbank Village). This is where the commercial area used to be - built on a sandbank in the middle of the Kampong Ayer. It was known as Bakut China as many Chinese traders lived and run shops there.
By the turn of the 20th century, there was still no wharf. Early photographs showed ships dropping anchor at the Kampong Ayer area and that where the wharf is currently located was used as a gathering place for padians and pengalus. It was also known as Labuhan Kapal (Ships’ Berth/Port) even though there was no actual wharf there.
Aerial photographs taken during the World War II showed that the wharf was already in place. It must have been built around 1920s or 1930s. It was about 200 feet long and joined to the mainland by three gangways. In 1953, that 200 feet was extended to 400 feet and by 1968, that gap between the wharf and the mainland was paved over making the wharf area bigger.
The Customs House itself was completed in the late 1950s in the colonial flat roof style and boxy form of Rafflesia style popular in Southeast Asia then. It was a concrete building with Victorian style iron windows replacing temporary buildings on the site.
It was constructed at about the same time as the Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddien Mosque by the same contractor Sino-Malayan Engineer. In 1958, the whole area was fenced, turning it into a secured area. The wharf became known as the Royal Customs and Excise Wharf (Dermaga Kastam dan Eksais Diraja).
The agents and the names of their ships that ply through Brunei River were as familiar to the residents of Kampong Ayer as the names of Airlines that fly through Brunei International Airport today. In the 1950s, a few companies were household names such as Messrs Harrissons and Crosfield who are agents for Straits Steamship Company, Lam Hing Nong, Borneo Company and Brunei Lighterage Limited, an associate of Malayan Stevedoring and Transportation Limited.
These companies handled ships such as Perak, Lipis, Ubi, Merudu, Rajah Brooke, M.V. Maimunah, Jerantut, Perlis, Jitra, Timberli, Subok, Bubut and Anggang among others. Whenever the ships arrived, it would be a colourful festival, Bruneian traders in small boats would mill around the ships bringing their own wares to sell to the sailors. For other Bruneians, this too would also be an occasion for them to buy those wares too. During busy periods when a number of ships came, each had to wait in turn for it to berth thus turning the Brunei River into a busy international port.
However the shallowness of the Brunei River was a concern to many as ships become bigger and heavier. As early as the 1840s, in his book, ‘Life in the Forests of the Far East’ published in 1861, Sir Spenser St. John wrote “… no ship of any size can enter the river, as eight feet at low water, and fourteen at high, is what the bar affords, which is also rendered more difficult by a long artificial dam of stones thrown across the stream in former times to prevent the approach of hostile squadrons … it is one of the worst rivers for commercial purposes in Borneo …”. Though much improved by the 1950s, the shallowness of the river remained a major obstacle to big ships.
In the 1950s and 1960s, a number of bigger ships calling on Brunei had to drop anchor at Sapo Point which is off Pelumpong Spit at the Brunei Bay and have barges bringing in the goods from the ships.
In 1958, the government had two options – to develop a deep sea port at Muara or to dredge the Brunei River to allow bigger ships to come in.
By 1960s, the government had decided that a deep sea port should be developed at Muara and the bells started to ring for the end of the Brunei Wharf. In 1972, Muara Port was declared open officially by Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II during her official visit to Brunei bringing to a halt the usage of the wharf for goods importation.
However local goods especially from Temburong still go through the wharf as late as 1987. Ships from Labuan and Lawas also came in through the Immigration Checkpoint at the end of the wharf until January 1997 when the ferry terminal at the Marine Department opened.
Today the wharf is unused and is now a prime waterfront area. The Customs Building is a protected building under the Antiquities and Treasure Trove (Ancient Monuments and Historical Site) Order. What should be remembered about the wharf and the Customs building is not so much about its architecture but its historical role as the gateway to the lifeline of our country, Brunei Darussalam.
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InicioMapuche RegionMapuche People
Mapuche People
Machi Mapuche
The Mapuche people are the largest indigenous people in Chile.
With a population reaching nearly a half a million people, they still maintain their language, Mapudungun, and large part of their culture, characterized by familiar and religious bonds, which identify them as a real nation.
Before the Inca expansion, the Mapuche people occupied the entire central valley zone. Under the pressure of the Atacameño people from the north, they were partially retreated to the south.
The Mapuche people resisted the Spanish conquest and dominance longer than any other indigenous people in America . Their resistance was based on the defense of their land, or mapu. The people, che, was organized in a fragmentary system stood for the autonomy of their clans and of their social units organized upon their territory and culture.
The lack of a central political authority, due to the fact that power was placed in the hands of local chiefs and wide territorial locations, worked as an obstacle for the Spanish invasion and against the success of the conquest.
Palín Bollilco Mapu Mew
Palin is a communal game practiced by the Mapuches aimed to strengthen friendship between a Lonko and his lof or between two communities. Although the palin is a competition, the encounter and celebration are emphasized, a good reason for avoiding physical damage. Religious ceremonies, dancing and food accompany the game.
The game is played in a large narrow field called paliwe, measuring approximately 90 to 100 meters long by 6 to 10 meters wide. It is played with a wooden or leather ball, or pali, and a 1,2 to 1,3 meters long, curved stick, called wüño.
Each team has a representative who occupies the center of the field, and who also acts as a referee. At the center, a small hole is dug, where the pali is placed. Facing the hole, each team forms a line. The lonko palife, or leaders of the teams, must take the pali out. The players, or palife, dispute the pali, trying to throw it to the opposite border line of paliwe.
Warlike People
Before the war against the Spaniards, the Mapuches engaged in tribal warfare, using weapons such as bow and arrows, spears, slingshots, stone balls and mace made of wood or stone, known as macanas.
The War Covenant among the different local groups was ratified in a ceremony where a black llama was sacrificed, and its blood drained. The meat was pierced with spears and arrows and it was then eaten to celebrate the alliance. The winning party either kept their enemies as slaves, or killed them. Defeated chiefs were decapitated, hanging their heads on spears. Victory was celebrated in an open field around a Canelo tree. Around this sacred tree, men and women danced covered with animal skins. They danced, ate and drank large amounts of maqui or corn beer. During the war against the Spanish Conquest, arose the Aillarewe, a more complex social organization led by a Toki, or military leader. Father Luis de Valdivia uses the term rewe to designate a local group and aillirewe, nine rewes, to refer to the wider group.
traditional house, ruka
The traditional house, ruka, has a single door, open towards the east, an orientation which expresses the cosmological preference of the Mapuche for Puelmapu (Land of the East), where the deities reside. The ruka has no windows. Inside, the sleeping place is by the internal wall while in the center lies the kutral, or open hearth. Soot blackens the wall and smoke floods the Mapuche home coming out through the güllonruka, two openings on each side of the gables. In the interior there is space to store food and there are many domestic artifacts, which hang from the ceiling and wall. The most characteristic artifacts are:
- The wenku (bench), a small settle carved from a solid block of wood.
- The witral, or loom, is placed near the ruka entry. During the bad weather the witral is used indoors, and outdoors with good weather.
The smoke and the grease from cooking turn the ruka water proof, sealing the straw-made roof and, even, forming stalactites of soot. The fire is permanently lit in the center. The construction of the ruka was celebrated with the rukatun, a house building ritual with dancers wearing wooden masks known as kollón.
Mapuche Family
The family is the main focus of the Mapuche social organization.
Before of Spanish conquest, the people of the Central-South area lived in a sort of matriarchy. The sons carried the name and the totem of their mothers (the husband living with his wife family). However, by the Spanish conquest, men were already family heads, even though the children still carried their mothers' names. From then onwards change was accelerated and wives went to live with their husbands families. Since then the patriarchy and virilocal concept has predominated. The Mapuche totem was the representation of a common tribal ancestor, not a god nor a representation of a spiritual figure.
Mapuche people had no villages; they spread out, in families, the same as they do to this very day. The lof, the residential unit, recognized a common origin, together they formed a kawin, and these formed a levo. A lof was a group of families that carried the same totem. The levos celebrated democratic assemblies where the authorities were elected.
Mapuche Origins
Villarrica volcano
The Mapuche remote origins comes from the large Mongolian ethnic group which arrived in America 1000 BC. Later on they would have branched off from the Andean subgroup. Three hypothesis have been formulated about the Mapuche origin:
1. Menghin (1909) proposes an Amazonian origin. Similarities in culture and language with the Amazon peoples suggest a link with a tropical subgroup, which later settled in the Andes.
2. Latchman (1924) proposes that the Mapuche people crossed The Andean mountains from the other side.. As a foreign ethnic group they settled in the zone of the Bio-Bio and Toltén rivers between the Pikunche and Williche people. Due to archaeological findings, especially ceramics, this theory has been discarded: the Mapuche ceramic is a clearly influenced by the Atacameño and Diaguita people, what is confirmed by the Tirúa and Pitren ceramic findings.
3. Guevara (1925) bases on a migration from north to south. There is also archaeological and ethnographical evidence of similarity with the Tiwanaku culture.
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Open main menu
The Mask of Agamemnon is a gold funeral mask discovered at the ancient Greek site of Mycenae. The mask, displayed in the National Archaeological Museum of Athens, has been described by Cathy Gere as the "Mona Lisa of prehistory".[1]
Mask of Agamemnon
The mask in its current location
Created1550–1500 B.C.
Discovered1876 at Mycenae, Greece by Heinrich Schliemann
Present locationNational Archaeological Museum, Athens
German archaeologist Heinrich Schliemann, who discovered the artifact in 1876, believed that he had found the body of the Mycenaean king Agamemnon, leader of the Achaeans in Homer's epic of the Trojan War, the Iliad, but modern archaeological research suggests that the mask predates the period of the legendary Trojan War by about 300 years.[citation needed]
German archaeologist Heinrich Schliemann found the mask in 1876[2] in a burial shaft designated Grave V at the site "Grave Circle A, Mycenae".[3] The mask is one of five discovered in the royal shaft graves at Mycenae—three in Grave IV and two in Grave V. The faces and hands of two children in Grave III are covered with gold leaf, one covering having holes for the eyes. The mask was designed to be a funeral mask covered in gold.
The faces of the men are not all covered with masks. That they are men and warriors is suggested by the presence of weapons in their graves. The quantities of gold and carefully worked artifacts indicate honor, wealth and status. The custom of clothing leaders in gold leaf is known elsewhere. The Mask of Agamemnon was named by Schliemann after the legendary Greek king of Homer's Iliad. This mask adorned one of the bodies in the shaft graves at Mycenae. Schliemann took this as evidence the Trojan War was a real historical event.
The mask of Agamemnon was created from a single thick gold sheet, heated and hammered against a wooden background with the details chased on later with a sharp tool.[4] Following his discoveries at the site, Schliemann notified King George of Greece.[5] He is supposed to have told the king in a telegraph, "I have gazed upon the face of Agamemnon".[6] Schliemann later named his son, Agamemnon Schliemann, after the legendary king.
In the later half of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century, the authenticity of the mask has been formally questioned, primarily by William Calder III and David Traill.[7] Archaeology magazine has run a series of articles presenting both sides of the debate. By the time of the excavation of the Shaft Graves, the Greek Archaeological Society had taken a hand in supervising Schliemann's work (after the issues at Troy), sending Panagiotis Stamatakis as ephor, or director, of the excavation, who kept a close eye on Schliemann.
Proponents of the fraud argument center their case on Schliemann's reputation for salting digs with artifacts from elsewhere. The resourceful Schliemann, they assert, could have had the mask manufactured on the general model of the other Mycenaean masks and found an opportunity to place it in the excavation.
The defending advocate(s) point out that the excavation was closed on November 26–27 for Sunday holiday and rain. It was not allowed to reopen until Stamatakis had provided the work with credible witnesses. The three other masks were not discovered until the 28th. The Mask of Agamemnon was found on the 30th.
A second critique is based on style. The Mask of Agamemnon differs from three of the other masks in a number of points: it is three-dimensional rather than flat, one of the facial hairs is cut out, rather than engraved, the ears are cut out, the eyes are depicted as both open and shut, with open eyelids, but a line of closed eyelids across the center, the face alone of all the depictions of faces in Mycenaean art has a full pointed beard with handlebar mustache, the mouth is well-defined (compared to the flat masks), the brows are formed to two arches rather than one.
The defense presented prior arguments that the shape of the lip, the triangular beard and the detail of the beard are nearly the same as the mane and locks of the gold lion-head rhyton from Shaft Grave IV. Schliemann's duplicity, they claim, has been greatly exaggerated, and they also claim that the attackers were conducting a vendetta.
Modern archaeological research suggests that the mask is genuine but predates the period of the Trojan War by about 300 years.[8]
See alsoEdit
1. ^ Gere 2011, pp. 1–2.
2. ^ "Behind the Mask of Agamemnon" by Spencer P.M. Harrington in Archaeology, Vol. 52, No. 4, July/August 1999. Online archive, retrieved 29 May 2013. Archived here.
3. ^ Gere 2011.
4. ^ Questioning The Mycenaean Death Mask Of Agamemnon
5. ^ Harrington, Spencer P.M.; Calder, William M.; Traill, David A.; Demarkopoulou, Katie; Lapatin, Kenneth D.S. (1999). "Behind the Mask of Agamemnon". Archaeology. 52 (4): 51–59. doi:10.2307/41779424. JSTOR 41779424.
6. ^ Dickinson, O. T. P. K. (2005). "The "Face of Agamemnon"". Hesperia. 74. pp. 299–308.
7. ^ Gere 2011, p. 176.
8. ^ "Behind the Mask of Agamemnon" by Spencer P.M. Harrington in Archaeology, Vol. 52, No. 4, July/August 1999. Online archive, retrieved 25 July 2018. Archived here.
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About Multitasking -> Overview
What is multitasking? Research typically defines it as a time-pressured situation in which a person must carryout multiple tasks, each of which has a separate goal. For example, cooking dinner might require frying a hamburger, boiling potatoes, and chopping condiments, among other tasks. The end goal in frying a hamburger is different than the goal of boiling potatoes and there is a certain time pressure in cooking because food being prepared may be undercooked or burned.
Multitasking work environments (e.g., emergency medicine, piloting, and restaurant food preparation) typically require that tasks be interleaved because of interruptions and the inability to complete one task before starting another. It is a common misperception that multitasking, by definition, is the simultaneous completion of multiple tasks. In fact, our limited-capacity of attention prohibits simultaneous execution of different tasks that have different goals. Instead, we tend to change our attention from one task (e.g., cooking the hamburger) to attend to another (e.g., checking the potatoes) or another (e.g., chopping onions). We still "multitask" when we are cooking even though we are not simultaneously completing each task.
Hence, multitasking may be simply and usefully defined as the interleaving of the execution and completion of multiple tasks under a time-pressured situation.
Email: susan.beers@csuci.edu
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Illustration by Sam Woolley
As to why they’re so strong, that’s an easier question to answer. Their extra strength makes sense from an evolutionary perspective; chimps are adapted to forest life, climbing trees and living among the branches. Humans, on the other hand, abandoned the forest a long time ago—a change of setting that required a different set of physical and cognitive adaptations. Over time, we’ve become less reliant on muscular strength for our survival, while chimps have retained their tree-climbing, branch-swinging strength.
Image: Thomas Lersch
In addition to reviewing the research done in this area between 1944 and 2014, the researchers used computational modeling and a simulation to determine the effect of fiber distribution on the chimps’ various muscles. “The modeling-simulation piece allowed us to set up computational experiments that mimicked how a muscle in the leg or arm would behave during a maximum jump and or pull,” said O’Neill.
Analysis of the previous experimental studies showed that chimps, on average, outperform humans by a factor of approximately 1.5 in pulling and jumping tasks. The computer models, which combined the experimental data with the simulations, showed that the maximum force and power output of chimp muscles is 1.35 times higher in chimps than human muscles of similar size. This is primarily due to the chimp’s higher fast-twitch fiber content, which enables high force and power, but lower endurance. Chimpanzee muscle is composed of approximately 67 percent fast-twitch fibers, compared to about 40 percent in humans.
Importantly, these strength measures are based on what scientists call “mass specific muscle performance.”
“The ‘mass-specific’ is [an] important [point] to be clear on,” said O’Neill. “This is because most people will think of strength in absolute terms. If you go back and look at all the data in those earlier studies, in many cases humans pull a similar amount of mass or jump with similar power as chimpanzees in absolute terms. But humans also tend to be bigger than chimpanzees in these studies, so we account for this difference by dividing force or power by body mass. This gives us a relative or, more specifically, a ‘mass-specific’ measure of force or power output.”
In other words, chimps can pull more stuff and jump with more power than humans once our differences in size are accounted for (a typical adult chimp weighs about 100 pounds).
In terms of real world applications of strength—a issue that speaks to the evolutionary reasons for these differences—chimpanzees are unquestionably more proficient at climbing and navigating trees than we are, which O’Neill says demands “significant muscle force and power.” Humans, on the other hand, use much less energy during walking and can outrun many animals, including chimps (good to know). “But if we’re comparing apples-to-apples, humans really outperform chimpanzees in any activity involving walking or running on two legs.”
These physical differences emerged over the course of the past seven to eight million years, as humans migrated away from forests and towards bipedal life on the ground. The resultant losses in maximum force and power output were offset by gains in endurance and the ability to perform repetitious, low-energy movements (such as fashioning stones into tools). What’s more, as hominins transitioned into a hunter-gatherer mode of existence, selectional pressures for cognitive skills emerged, resulting in bigger brains and a decreased reliance on physical strength.
Still, given the state of the world right now, seems like we got the short end of the stick.
[Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences]
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How acoustics detected artillery in WWI
Credit: CC0 Public Domain
Bragg's story will be presented at the 177th Meeting of the Acoustical Society of America by ASA Fellow Dan Costley, a researcher in sound ranging with the U.S. Army Engineer Research and Development Center.
The ASA meeting runs May 13-17, at the Galt House in Louisville, Kentucky.
"It's impressive the way they innovated and solved problems," Costley said.
The new Tucker microphone, named after its inventor William Tucker, a member of Bragg's team and London University physicist, was a major advance for the system.
Another innovation was the "harp" galvanometer: Its strings were an array of copper wires between magnets, each connected to separate microphones hidden across a kilometer or more in either direction.
When an electrical signal came from the microphones, the current would cause the wire to move due to the interaction with the magnetic field. A continuous roll of film underneath the wires recorded the exact timing of the pulse from each much more accurately than earlier methods based on human observations—an approach the Germans used until the end of the war.
"People have digitized the films and can play them back—you can hear the cannons," said Costley.
Ultimately the success of the group was due to Bragg's scientific leadership, explained Costley. He was familiar with working collaboratively, having worked with his father, William Henry Bragg, on X-ray diffraction. The pair's insights into X-rays earned them the 1915 Nobel Prize in physics. William Lawrence Bragg was 25 years old at the time and remains the youngest person to win the physics Nobel.
"Bragg encouraged the innovation that solved a lot of the practical problems. He was really good about giving credit to people on his team," said Costley.
Explore further
Continuing Bragg legacy of structure determination
More information: Presentation #1aPA1, "Artillery location: Battlefield acoustics in the First World War," will be at 8:45 a.m., Monday, May 13. acousticalsociety.org/asa-meetings/
Citation: How acoustics detected artillery in WWI (2019, May 13) retrieved 21 May 2019 from https://phys.org/news/2019-05-acoustics-artillery-wwi.html
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<urn:uuid:c4713e7c-0590-428f-9e13-b5fcc376b4ad>
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{
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"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9653782248497009,
"url": "https://phys.org/news/2019-05-acoustics-artillery-wwi.html"
}
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Education & Family
Medieval warfare had well-organised 'ransom market'
Robert Hardy and Judy Dench in a 1960 production of Henry V
Image caption Robert Hardy and Judi Dench in a 1960 BBC television production of Henry V
His study of documents from the Hundred Years War, between 1337 and 1453, reveals an unexpected level of contractual and financial arrangements surrounding the swapping of all kinds of prisoners, not just knights and nobles.
Archer's target
Dr Ambuhl says that this system, operating between opposing forces, became an important financial incentive for soldiers.
Capturing a high-ranking prisoner could be like "winning the lottery", he said.
After the battle of Agincourt in 1415, an archer William Callowe gained almost £100 from the ransom of a valuable prisoner. This was at a time when an archer would earn about sixpence a day.
This was unusual, with most prisoners having a ransom cost linked to their earnings. A captured archer might be expected to pay 150 shillings, almost a year's salary, to be set free.
The ransom process had its own rules and prices, says Dr Ambuhl, who is publishing his research, Prisoners of War in the Hundred Years War.
Prisoners could be given safe conduct to go home to collect a ransom, while companies of soldiers could have a system for sharing income.
This operated between the opposing forces and meant that soldiers captured in battle were much less likely to be harmed.
"It goes far beyond the knightly circle," he says, with mechanisms in place for paying to recover prisoners.
The phrase "prisoner or war" first appeared in the 1420s, in a Latin and French form, recognising how the protected status of prisoners had developed and the responsibilities of their captors.
"It was much more contractual than expected. It was very much a contractual business."
"Patriotism was not the driving force to encourage enrolment and ordinary men would have been reluctant to join armies willingly if they faced death upon capture," says Dr Ambuhl.
Despite official disapproval, the financial incentive was so strong that it continued on a "large scale basis," says Dr Ambuhl: "It was a very effective system."
But it wasn't always as efficient, with one man kept waiting for 25 years.
Related Internet links
The BBC is not responsible for the content of external Internet sites
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<urn:uuid:b251aed1-f918-490c-a71f-1b5e876fb161>
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{
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"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.640625,
"fasttext_score": 0.02070605754852295,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9748327136039734,
"url": "https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/education-21168437"
}
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Battle of Moraviantown, 1813 (Battle of the Thames) - Ontario Heritage Trust
Battle of Moraviantown, 1813 (Battle of the Thames)
In September 1813, during the second year of the War of 1812, the United States won control of Lake Erie, cutting British supply lines with the east and forcing the British to withdraw from the Detroit River region. Then, on October 5, 1813, 3,000 Americans, including their Aboriginal allies, defeated 950 British, Canadians, and Natives at this site. Among those killed was the famous Shawnee leader, Tecumseh, who had worked to unite the First Nations in neighbouring American territory to resist settler expansion into their homelands and unwanted influence in their lives. The battle placed a small part of Upper Canada under enemy occupation until 1815, when the War of 1812 ended and it returned to British control. Tecumseh's dream, however, largely died with him, as the war only delayed American expansion into Indigenous territory in Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, and Illinois.
(Anishinaabemowin) Gii-miigaading Pundgonong 1813
Mdaam-giiziz 1813, megwaa niizh biboonan gii-mii-gaading pii 1812, Chi-mookmaanag gii-tebitowaad iw Lake Erie. Giw British Kye gii-miigwesiiwag mneswinan giw East ge gii-kwanoshkonaawaan giw British maa Detroit ziibiing. Miidash Oct. 5 1813, nswi mdaaswaak chi-mookmaanag ge giw Nishnaabeg gaa-naadmaa-gejig, gii-maazhaawaan zhaangsmidna naanmidna British Canadians, ge Nishnaabeg maa gaayaajig. Giw dash gaanzijgaazjig bezhig Kiiaawi gaa-maamoo Kenjgaazad Shawnee gaa-niigaanzid. Tecumseh gaakji nokiid jibskaabiindaadwaad Nishnaabeg maa beshgwong ge giw chi mookmaanag gaa-yaajig gii-ndawendaa naawaa wii-tebidoowaad Upper Canada miinwaa Nishnaabe Kiinsan kye gii-nda wenziinaawaa iw. Maa gaashi miigaadwaad gii-yaamgad mgiizhe iw Upper Canada giw e-mgoshkaa-jiiyajig giidnizwaad naangim 1815. Dash iw gii-miigaadwaad iw pii 1812 gii-shkwaa miigaadem mii dash neyaab giw British gaa-zhi-nda wendmowaad. Tecumseh’s iw gaa-bwaadang, manjiidigwaa niibna giw gaambwajig ge waawaaj gegwa wiin giimbwad. Dash iw gii-miigaadwaad gii-yaasnoomgad chi-mookmaan ji-maajiiging maa Nishnaabe gaadnizwaad Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, ge Illinois.
At the original Battle of the Thames Site (Tecumseh Monument location), 14376 Longwoods Road (County Road 21), Thamesville.
Region: Southwestern Ontario
County/District: Municipality of Chatham-Kent (District)
Municipality: Municipality of Chatham-Kent
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<urn:uuid:9bb852c2-7794-4d2d-aff1-41b88fe3b09a>
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{
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"fasttext_score": 0.10220986604690552,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.7829463481903076,
"url": "https://www.heritagetrust.on.ca/en/plaques/battle-of-moraviantown-1813-battle-of-thames"
}
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ROL with Sounds
ROL with sounds
The objective of ROL with sounds is for your child to be independently able to identify sounds by touching them or pointing to them.
What to do
1. Sit on the floor or table with your child.
3. After you have your child’s attention put a card with an item that makes a sound, for example a car, in front of your child Say “Which one says vroom vroom” or “Which one makes the sound “vroom vroom”.
4. Perfect outcome: child touches the card with the “car”.
a. Reengage your child by saying his/her name and or touching his/her arm and repeat the instruction “(Child’s name) which on says “vroom vroom”?”, then prompt your child to touch the card.
Items you need
Pictures/cards of letters, animals, anything that makes a distinguishable sound (like a bell, telephone, car,etc.).
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<urn:uuid:067ed59d-461d-4579-83bc-889bdfcd40cd>
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.78125,
"fasttext_score": 0.16274011135101318,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9441472887992859,
"url": "http://autismsupportnow.com/receptive-skills/rol-with-sounds"
}
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How can genetic information be used to plan green bridges over motorways more effectively or to prove the presence of a rare species of newt in a pond without any sightings of the animal? Researchers at WSL are using genetics as an effective conservation tool, making the new techniques practical for users.
Rolf Holderegger, member of the WSL directorate. (Photo: Kellenberger Kaminski Photographie)
Motorways dissect the habitats of wild animals. Green bridges are intended to ensure that the animals can move around widely along their traditional routes again. But do these expensive structures really enable this to happen? Direct observations on green bridges prove that deer cross from one side of the motorway to the other, and animals fitted with transmitters show which routes individuals take. But this data capture does not allow conclusions to be drawn as to whether any exchange takes place between populations over large distances.
"Genetics can be used to answer this question," explained Rolf Holderegger, member of the directorate of the Swiss Federal Institute for Forest, Snow and Landscape Research WSL. To do this, the experts analyse samples of deer which have been hunted or run over, as well as droppings. Applying routine genetic methodology, the sort used in medicine, it is possible to determine how the genetic material of individual animals and of entire populations differs. "The more genetically different the populations are, the less exchange there has been," explained Rolf Holderegger summing up. Therefore, genetic patterns can be used to estimate the wide-scale success of green bridges and to improve planning.
"While genetics will not displace other conservation methods, it can provide vital help in solving many problems," says Rolf Holderegger.
"While genetics will not displace other conservation methods, it can provide vital help in solving many problems," pointed out the Head of the WSL research unit on "Biodiversity and Conservation Biology". The new methodology in conservation is still being used chiefly by research institutions, although Rolf Holderegger is convinced that the time has come for the technology to be transferred over to the private sector. WSL is also an academic partner of the CTI "Toolbox for Conservation Genetics" project. Rapperswil University of Applied Science of Technology (HSR) is developing suitable working practices for the application of genetic methodology in conservation within the scope of that project.
On the trail of rare species
The purpose of these practices is to make it easier for the Swiss government and the cantonal authorities, as the principals, to make use of genetic methodology in conservation. WSL is being joined in the project by the University of Zurich, a firm of ecology consultants and a DNA analysis company. "The Swiss government and the cantonal authorities are taking a great interest," said Rolf Holderegger, who has also published a manual on conservation genetics for practical application. One of the modules of the CTI project is geared towards simplified techniques for recognising species in rivers and lakes.
If anyone wished to know which frogs or newts live in a pond, an amphibian specialist used to have to go on repeated observation tours. All it takes now is a small sample of water. It contains the genetic material of all the creatures that live or have died in the pond, including the phlegm and droppings of frogs and newts. The experts filter out fragments of DNA in the lab that are specific to amphibians but which vary from one amphibian species to the next, and they duplicate them. This gives them a list of different DNA fragments which they compare against reference data. They can tell from that which species of amphibians exist in the pond. Rolf Holdenegger explained that "it allows you to prove the presence of rare newts which are very difficult to observe." This barcoding also reveals whether the chytrid fungus, which poses a danger to amphibians, occurs in the pond which is being studied.
Individuals can also be identified from dropping or saliva samples. Genetic fingerprinting reveals which bear was seen in Switzerland, or whether a sheep was mauled by a wolf or a dog. It can also be used to record the population size of rare, timid species, such as the capercaillie. Observers used to have to count the numbers of birds in places where they congregated to mate. Droppings can now be collected within a particular area whether or not it is mating season. It allows you to find out how many individuals exist, at least. "The number determined genetically is usually much higher than the number observed," said Rolf Holderegger.
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<urn:uuid:d8703117-7085-4af6-b2e8-5500ff3746a3>
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{
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"edu_score": 3.53125,
"fasttext_score": 0.38151973485946655,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9454739093780518,
"url": "https://ethrat.ch/en/issues/ktt/conservation-genetics"
}
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主页 > 未分类 > 蚁群算法
归类于 未分类
Italy scholar Dorigo M. et al. proposed Ant colony algorithm at European Conference on Artificial Life, ECAL) in 1991.
1) Basic Ideas
Ant Colony Algorithm(ACA) simulates how ants find the food. Why ants can find the shortest way from their nest to the food? Pheromone is the key. Pheromone can be detected and its concentration can be measured by ants. A lot of ant behaviors are regulated by pheromone. Ants are prone to move toward places where pheromone concentration is high. If the way is shorter, the concentration of pheromone is higher, thus this way will attract more ants, and the concentration gets higher. So this kind of information positive feedback helps ants find the shortest way.
Suppose there are two ways from $B$ to $C$, say $BFC$ and $BEC$, and $BF=CF=1$, $BE=CE=0.5$. There are 30 ants come from $B$ to $C$ per second, and 30 ants come from $C$ to $B$ per second, and velocity of ants is 1 per second, every ant releases a unit concentration pheromone per second. The pheromone will volatilize after 1 second. At $t=0$, there is no pheromone on the ways, so there will be 15 ants go $BF$ $BE$, $CF$, and $CE$. While at $t=1$, there are 30 ants come to $B$, and they find that the concentration of pheromone on $BF$ is 15, while the concentration on $BE$ is 30(released by 15 ants come from $B$ to $E$ and 15 ants come from $E$ to $B$). So 20 ants will go $BE$, 10 ants will go $BF$. The same for $C$. So some seconds later, all the ants will go $BEC$, the shortest way in this example.
2) Applications
Traveling salesman problem(TSP) is a typical combinatory optimization problem, it’s a NP problem.
TSP: $C=\{c_1,\cdots,c_n\}$ is a set of $n$ cities. Distance between $c_i$ and $c_j$ is $d_{ij}$ for $i\ne{j}$. The target is to find a shortest way. One can traverse each city only once and return to the start city by going this way.
To solve TSP by ACA, we assume
i) ant releases pheromone on the way between $c_i$ and $c_j$;
ii) ant selects the next city with probability related to the distance from current city and the concentration of pheromone on the way between the two cities;
iii) ant can not go to the city which has been traveled to if the ant does not finish its journey and get back to the start city. This can be realized by tabu list;
Assume there are $m$ ants. Set $\tau_{ij}(t)$ the concentration of pheromone. At time $t=0$, $\tau_{ij}(0)=const$ where $const$ is a predefined constant.
Ant $k$($k=1,\cdots,m$) selects city $j$ at time $t$ from city $i$ with probability $p_{ij}^k(t)$. Ants will select the way which is short to go and has higher concentration of pheromone. Use
\[p_{ij}^k(t)=\begin{cases}\frac{[\tau_{ij}(t)]^\alpha\cdot[\eta_{ij}(t)]^\beta}{\sum\limits_{s\in{allowed_k}}{[\tau_{is}(t)]^\alpha\cdot[\eta_{is}(t)]^\beta }},j\in{allowed_k}\\0,else\end{cases}\]
where $allowed_k=\{C-tabu_k\}$, cities that ant $k$ has not traveled to at time $t$, $tabu_k$($ k=1,\cdots,m$) records the cities ant $k$ has traveled to. $\alpha$ is the factor of pheromone, determining the importance of pheromone. $\beta$ is the factor of expectation of prior knowledge. $\eta_{ij}$ is the prior knowledge about the way from city $i$ to $j$. In TSP, $\eta_{ij}=\frac{1}{d_{ij}}$.
The pheromone is volatile. We update all the $\tau_{ij}(t)$’s after all the ants finished traveling. Set
where $\rho$ is the volatilization factor of pheromone taking value from $[0,1)$, $\delta\tau_{ij}(t)$ is the increment of pheromone on the way from $i$ to $j$, and it has initial value 0. $\Delta\tau_{ij}^k(t)$ is the pheromone released on the way from $i$ to $j$ by ant $k$. Set
\[\Delta\tau_{ij}^k(t)=\begin{cases}\frac{Q}{L_k},\ if\ ant\ k\ has\ traveled\ from\ i\ to\ j,\\0,\ else\end{cases}\]
where $Q$ is a constant, standing for the total pheromone in a comlete travel. $L_k$ is the total length of the complete travel way. This update method is called Ant-Cycle Model.
There are other update strategies for $\tau_{ij}(t)$, such as Ant-Quantity Model, Ant-Density Model and so on.
3) Implementation procedure
Using Ant-Cycle Model, ACA can be implemented by steps:
1. Initiate parameters, set time $t=0$, loop count $N_c=0$, max loop count $N_{cmax}$, initial pheromone concentration $\tau_{ij}(t)=const$, $\delta\tau_{ij}(t)=0$.
2. Randomly select $m$ cities for all ants to start from.
3. Loop count $N_c=N_c+1$.
4. Tabu list index $k=0$.
5. $k=k+1$.
6. Calculate the probability of $p_{ij}^k(t)$, where $j\in{\{C-tabu_k\}}$. Select the next city with largest $p_{ij}^k(t)$, and add the city to the tabu list.
7. If $k < m$, i.e. ants have not finished traveling, then go to step 5, else go to step 8.
8. Update pheromone on the ways between each two cities.
9. If $N_c < N_{cmax}$, go to step 3, else, jump out of the loop and output the result.
The time complexity of TSP is $T(n)=O(N_C\cdot{n^2\cdot{m}})$.
归类于 未分类
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<urn:uuid:5d60db86-8cca-4752-b65b-43cbebd1512d>
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{
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"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 4.03125,
"fasttext_score": 0.8645814657211304,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.7874963283538818,
"url": "http://www.mathbeta.com/2013/01/05/ant-colony-algorithm/"
}
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Yungang Grottoes
Yungang Grottoes
Cultural China Asia And The Pacific Datong City, Shanxi Province
The Buddhist tradition of religious cave art achieved its first major impact at Yungang, where it developed its own distinct character and artistic power. The Yungang cave art represents the successful fusion of Buddhist religious symbolic art from south and central Asia with Chinese cultural traditions, starting in the 5th century AD under imperial auspices. At the same time it vividly illustrates the power and endurance of Buddhist belief in China.
Datong, known as Pingcheng in ancient times, became the capital of the Northern Wei dynasty between 398 and 494, and thus the political, economic and cultural centre of their kingdom. It kept its importance until 523, when it was deserted following a revolt. The statues of the Yungang Grottoes were completed in sixty years (460-525);this period marks the peak of development in Buddhist cave art of the Northern Wei dynasty. When the first emperor assumed the throne, Buddhism flourished and in 460 the monk Tan Yao started the carving of the Five Caves;since then, these grottoes have become the centre of Buddhist art in North China.
By 525 the initial project, sponsored by the court, was mostly completed, but low ranking officials and monks continued to dig more caves and carve statues. During the Liao dynasty, wooden shelter structures were built in front of the caves, turning the grottoes into temple buildings, such as the Ten Famous Temples. In 1122 these temples were destroyed in a war.
The Yungang Grottoes, known as Wuzhoushan Grottoes in ancient times, are located on the southern foot of the Wuzhou Mountains, in the Shi Li River valley, 16 km west of Datong City. They consist of 252 caves of various sizes housing more than 51,000 statues;the site extends much as 1 km east-west. Three main periods can be identified in the construction: the Early Period (460-65), the Middle Period (c . 471-94) and the Late Period (494-525). Apart from the grottoes, the nominated core area includes the remains of a castle, a defence wall, and a beacon tower of the Ming dynasty on the plain above the grottoes. The grottoes of the early period (460-65) are composed of five main caves;these magnificent and simple caves were dug under the direction of the monk Tan Yao and are named after him. For the layout of the grottoes, large caves were dug to house the giant statues, 13-15m tall. They have a U-shaped plan and arched roofs, imitating the thatched sheds in ancient India. Each cave has a door and a window. The central images have tall bodies and occupy the major part of the caves, while on the outer walls 1,000 Buddhist statues are carved, a feature rarely seen in the tradition of Chinese history of grotto carving.
They form the essence of the Yungang Grottoes, consisting of large caves, including four groups of twin caves and one group of triple caves. In this period there was a rapid development of the Han style and many new subject matters and combinations of statues were introduced, shifting the attention to the creation of law-enforcing images and various kinds of adornment. These caves are square in plan, usually with chambers both in front and in the rear;carvings on the walls are divided into upper and lower bands and right and left sections. Level caisson ceilings are carved on the roofs in most cases. On both sides of the outer walls there are high double-floored attics, and monuments stand high in the centre of the courtyard. The shelters in the style of wooden structures are supported by octagonal pillars, each carved with 1,000 Buddhas. The walls inside the caves are covered by long rolls of paintings divided into different layers and columns. All these reflect the layouts and traditional arrangements of halls in vogue in China during the Han dynasty.
The grottoes of the late period (494-525) are located in the west of the grotto area, in the Dragon King Temple Valley. In total, over 200 caves and niches were cut in this period. These caves are of medium and small size with varied and complicated irregular shapes. Decorations were also carved on the cliff around the door of the caves. There is a tendency towards simplification of the contents of the statuary and stylizing the forms, but with a new look of delicacy and gracefulness.
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<urn:uuid:f98d2e3e-7d07-491c-9ac7-50e7e6441637>
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{
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"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.640625,
"fasttext_score": 0.045625507831573486,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9597036242485046,
"url": "https://1citytravel.com/post/view/154/yungang-grottoes"
}
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Lacey Act of 1900
From Conservapedia
Jump to: navigation, search
The Lacey Act of 1900, or simply the Lacey Act (16 U.S.C. §§ 33713378) is a conservation law in the United States. The Lacey Act protects both plants and wildlife by creating civil and criminal penalties for a wide array of violations, and most notably prohibits trade in wildlife, fish, and plants that have been illegally taken, transported or sold. It was introduced into Congress by Representative John F. Lacey of Iowa. President William McKinley signed the bill into law on May 25, 1900.
The law is still in effect, although it has been amended several times.[1] The Lacey Act was most recently amended as of May 22, 2008, when the Food, Conservation, and Energy Act of 2008 expanded its protection to a broader range of plants and plant products (Section 8204. Prevention of Illegal Logging Practices).[2]
Gibson Guitar
In August 2012, Gibson Guitar Corp. agreed to pay $300,000 in fines to settle a federal criminal investigation into its importing wood from Madagascar and India. In 2011, agents from the US Fish and Wildlife Service raided Gibson's factories seizing raw materials and about 100 guitars. Gibson had been importing unfinished ebony fingerboards from a supplier in 2008 and 2009. That supplier may have violated Madagascar laws that protect ebony from overharvesting. The Lacey Act makes importing plant and animal products that violate foreign laws illegal. Gibson also agreed to pay $50,000 to the National Fish and Wildlife Foundation to be used to promote conservation in the musical instrument industry. Gibson also agreed to forfeit $261,844 in Madagascar ebony seized during the raids.[3]
1. "Nation marks Lacey Act centennial, 100 years of federal wildlife law enforcement. US Fish and Wildlife Service. Retrieved on August 7, 2012.
2. Khatchadourian, Rafi. (October 6, 2008.) "The Stolen Forests: Inside the covert war on illegal logging". The New Yorker. Retrieved on August 7, 2012.
3. Maher, Kris. "Gibson Guitar to Pay Fine Of $300,000 Over Imports", Wall Street Journal, August 7, 2012, p. B1.
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<urn:uuid:fff5d553-31e6-4151-810a-ffe73fc73b2e>
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.546875,
"fasttext_score": 0.05044889450073242,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9385141134262085,
"url": "https://www.conservapedia.com/index.php?title=Lacey_Act_of_1900&action=history"
}
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December 17, 2018
Vanessa bought some round holiday dessert plates to give as a gift to her friend. However, the store only had 5 of the 8 plates she wanted. (All of the plates are the same.) The stack of five plates measured 1.5 inches tall, and when two plates were removed from the stack the remaining stack of three plates had a height of 1 inch. When Vanessa finally has all 8 of the plates she wants, how tall will the stack of 8 plates be, in inches? Express your answer as a decimal to the nearest hundredth.
We need to remember that most plates are not flat, so when they are stacked, the bottom plate takes up more height-space than the plate that is stacked on top of it. That’s why we can’t add the height of a 5plate stack to a 3-plate stack to get an 8-plate stack of 2.5 inches. Notice that when the two plates were removed, the stack’s height decreased by 0.5 inches. This means that adding a plate to the stack will add 0.25 inches to the stack. If we then add three plates to the 5-plate stack of 1.5 inches, we will have an 8plate stack measuring 1.5 + 3(0.25) = 2.25 inches.
What is the height of just one of these plates, in inches? Express your answer as a decimal to the nearest tenth.
We can also see that if removing two plates reduced the stack by 0.5 inches, then removing 0.5 inches from the stack of three plates that measures 1 inch will result in one plate that has a height of 0.5 inches.
The circumference of each of these plates measures 25 inches. What is the number of inches in the diameter of each plate? Express your answer as a decimal to the nearest hundredth.
The circumference of a circle is the result of the diameter of the circle multiplied by π. Since the circumference is 25 inches, the diameter is 25 ÷ π = 7.96 inches. (This is the answer whether we use the π key on the calculator or the approximation of 3.14 for π.)
Once Vanessa has all eight plates, she wants to put them into a box that she will then wrap and give as a present. The store has boxes (rectangular prisms) of all sizes. What is the volume, in cubic inches, of the smallest box Vanessa can buy that has integer dimensions and will hold this stack of eight plates?
We know from the last problem that the plates are slightly less than 8 inches across, so a box that is 8 by 8 on the bottom will hold a plate. The stack of 8 plates is 2.25 inches, so we’re going to have to go with a box that is 3 inches tall in order to keep an integral height and fit the entire stack. Therefore, the smallest possible box Vanessa can buy has dimensions 8 inches by 8 inches by 3 inches and has volume 8 × 8 × 3 = 192 in3.
Page 1 of the linked PDF contains PROBLEMS & SOLUTIONS.
Page 2 contains ONLY PROBLEMS. ♦
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<urn:uuid:6b1e704d-1cd1-47d9-9394-a13bed598a42>
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.6875,
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'Invisible Man' Questions for Study and Discussion
Invisible Man by Ralph Ellison
Tony Fischer/Flickr/CC 2.0
Invisible Man is an important 20th-century novel by Ralph Ellison. What is the meaning of identity, and being invisible? What does the book have to say about society? About ideology? Here are a few questions for study and discussion, related to Invisible Man.
Study Questions
• What is important about the title?
• What are the conflicts in Invisible Man? What types of conflict (physical, moral, intellectual, or emotional) are in this novel?
• How does Ralph Ellison reveal character in Invisible Man?
• What are some symbols in Invisible Man? How do they relate to the plot and characters?
• Is the narrator consistent in his actions? Is he a fully developed character? Why do you think Ralph Ellison left the narrator unknown, absent and nameless (invisible)?
• Is the narrator a strong (or weak) character? How? Why?
• What (if any) is the role of education in the novel?
• Why is Invisible Man controversial? Why has it been banned?
• How does Invisible Man relate to current society? Is the novel still relevant?
• Would you recommend this novel to a friend?
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Ch. 1: Peppers, Nutmeg, and Cloves
Black Pepper (left) (
Peppers, nutmed, and cloves were an essential motive for exploration and expansion during the 15th century. These spices were highly valued and enjoyed by an elite class of royalty and aristocrats throughout Europe. (Le Couteur & Burreson 19-35)
Spices, such as pepper, were so highly valued because they disguised the taste of roting, or spoiled meat. The active ingredient as well as the reason for the hot taste of pepper is Piperine (C17H19O3N). The shape of the piperine molecule is able to fit into a protein on the pain nerve endings of our mouth mouths which explains the hot taste of pepper that so many have enjoyed. (Le Couteur & Burreson 19-35)
Likewise, the active ingreident in ginger is Zigerone (C11H14O). Zigerone is the third molecule with similar molecular shape to piperine (the 2nd being capsaicin) that produces the much sought after hot flavor. The reason we have the desire to eat spicy and hot foods is not only to desguise the taste of spoiled meat, but because it causes an icrease in saliva production, stimulates movement of food through bowels during digestion, and the painkilling natural chemicals, endorphins, are realeases in our brain and provide us with a happy feeling. (Le Couteur & Burreson 19-35)
Both Cloves and Nutmeg are very similar in shape, but are classified as different molecules. Nutmeg is classified as an isoeugenol compound. Isoeugenol compunds are compounds that plants use as a nautural insectiside against predators. Nutmeg in particular was believed to repel the the Black Plaugue because of it characteristiclly repeled disease carrying fleas. In contrast, Cloves are eugenols. (Le Couteur & Burreson 19-35)
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Science with Harry Potter: Potions (Chemistry)
Potions have always been essential in magic. Stories of witches tell of brewing magical drinks that turn men into mindless animals, restore youth, and make the drinker invisible. Other potions caused false emotion to be created such as when Ron Weasley declares his Love Potion-induced feelings for Romilda Vane.
First year students will learn many skills that will be important for potion making. Advanced students will apply these skills to the development of a Marauder’s map and wizard wands.
Science with Harry Potter: Potions @EvaVarga.netA wizard or witch who specializes in potion brewing is known as a potioneer or a potions master.
In this course, students are expected to keep a journal to record what has been done (including ingredients, procedures, spells, chants, etc) and reflect upon what was learned.
Print a periodic table of the elements and put it into your notebook. On the facing page sketch out elements 1-10, use color-coding for protons, neutrons, and electrons.
Knowledge of potions and charms is a powerful weapon against dark forces. Learn about ions, ionic and covalent bonds, and compounds. Write the definitions in your notebook.
Prepare each of the potions described below and record your observations. Illustrate as desired.
Potion 1: Goblin Slobber
Goblin slobber is a potion which is particularly effective against being followed through woods and caves. Just drip some goblin slobber on the path behind you and anything that is chasing you will be driven away.
• One flask of water
• ¼ measure instant goblin slobber(dehydrated)
• 1 full measure Manticore milk
• 1 full measure water
• 3 drops goblin blood
Cauldron (mixing bowl will do if you have not yet received your cauldron)
1. Rehydrate the goblin slobber:Pour the instant goblin slobber into the flask of water. Stir briskly with wand to dissolve while chanting “soluloso aqualitem.” Repeat until fully dissolved.
2. Into the manticore milk pour the measure of water and the goblin blood and stir, repeating incantation.
3. The final step is to pour the two solutions into the cauldron and stir well chanting “goblinatum sloberosum.” You may need to adjust the quantities, so add them slowly.
Muggles will know these ingredients as: Instant goblin slobber= Borax. Manticore milk= Elmer’s glue. Goblin blood= green food coloring. flask=quart, measure=cup
Potion 2: Muggle Paper
This bright yellow potion gives you the ability to detect whether someone is muggle or magic.
• 1 vial nettle nectar
• 1/4 vial (approx) ground dragon scale
• filter paper
• Veritaserum
1. Put your filter paper into the cauldron.
2. Dissolve the ground dragon scale into the nettle nectar, shaking well to dissolve.
3. Pour over top of paper, allowing it to soak in well.
4. Remove paper from cauldron and hang to dry. Dust off any left over dragon scale.
5. Once paper is dry, dip right hand into Veritaserum (pour it into a bowl) and place directly onto paper with a slap.
6. Your true bloodline will be revealed!
Muggles will know these ingredients as: Nettle nectar= rubbing alcohol, ground dragon scale= turmeric, and veritaserum= baking soda and water solution.
Potion 3: Instant Ocean
This potion is very useful for creating a peaceful seaside vacation atmosphere in a small space. If made properly you can see the tiny waves and sea-foam inside the flask. This potion should be done in a place where messes are not a problem in case of sloppy magic by first year students. A calming charm may be needed in case of storms at sea.
• Narrow-necked flask
• 2 vials Midsummer Dewdrops
• 1/2 dribble Kraken slime
• 3-4 drops of Squeaking-Squid ink
• 1 teaspoon Pulverized Narwhal Horn dissolved in ~2 tablespoons very warm water
• Funnel
• Large Cauldron
1. Stand flask in cauldron with funnel in top
2. Add 3-4 drops of squid ink to the Midsummer dew, shake well to mix
3. pour through the funnel into the flask
4. Add the Kraken slime to the mixture in the flask.
5. Pour the narwhal horn mixture into the bottle and remove the funnel.
Muggles will know these ingredients by their common names: hydrogen peroxide, dawn detergent (preferably green), blue food coloring, and yeast.
Marauder’s Map
In the film Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaban, what first appears to be a blank piece of parchment becomes a magical Marauder’s Map. In this lesson, students create their own invisible inks, they learn what acids, bases and indicators are and how they can be used.
Begin by drawing a pH scale in your notebook. Use your “muggle” paper (created with Potion 2) to test a variety of substances around the house (vinegar, wine, lemon juice, baking soda, cola, bleach, ammonia, milk, etc). Make a table in your notebook showing your results. If you have litmus papers you can use them as well.
With your knowledge of acids and bases, create a map of your own using an ink you have devised.
Wizard Wands
Wands have been mentioned throughout time. Popular fantasy stories from a variety of origins have featured characters using wands. It could thereby be reasoned that Ollivander’s (makers of fine wands since 382 B.C.) had provided them.
To begin, learn about molecules and sketch several in your notebook (water, carbon dioxide, methane, glucose, etc.) Consider making models with gum drops or balls of clay and toothpicks.
There will be no foolish wand-waving or silly incantations in this class. ” ~ Professor Snape on Potions class
Explosive Enterprises is a line of fireworks sold at Weasleys’ Wizard Wheezes. This group of fireworks included the original Weasleys’ Wildfire Whiz-Bangs as well as a variety of new and creative pyrotechnic products created by Fred Weasley and his twin brother George.
Herbology (Botany)
Care of Magical Creatures (Zoology)
Potions (Chemistry) – this post
Alchemy & Divination (Geology)
Magical Motion (Physics)
About Eva Varga
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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A selection of biwa in a Japanese museum
Related instruments
The biwa (琵琶) is a Japanese short-necked wooden lute traditionally used in narrative storytelling. The biwa is a plucked string instrument that first gained popularity in China before spreading throughout East Asia, eventually reaching Japan sometime during the Nara period (710-794). Typically 60 centimetres (24 in) to 106 centimetres (42 in) in length, the instrument is constructed of a water drop-shaped body with a short neck, typically with four (though sometimes five) strings. In Japan, the biwa is generally played with a bachi instead of the fingers, and is often used to play gagaku. One of the biwa's most famous uses is for reciting The Tale of the Heike, a war chronicle from the Kamakura period (1185-1333). In previous centuries, the predominant biwa musicians would have been blind monks (琵琶法師, biwa hōshi), who used the biwa as musical accompaniment when reading scriptural texts.
The biwa's Chinese predecessor was the pipa (琵琶), which arrived in Japan in two forms;[further explanation needed] following its introduction to Japan, varieties of the biwa quadrupled. Guilds supporting biwa players, particularly the biwa hōshi, helped proliferate biwa musical development for hundreds of years. Biwa hōshi performances overlapped with performances by other biwa players many years before heikyoku (平曲, The Tale of the Heike),[further explanation needed] and continues to this day. This overlap resulted in a rapid evolution of the biwa and its usage and made it one of the most popular instruments in Japan.
In spite of its popularity, the Ōnin War and subsequent Warring States Period disrupted biwa teaching and decreased the number of proficient users. With the abolition of Todo in the Meiji period, biwa players lost their patronage.
By the late 1940s, the biwa, a thoroughly Japanese tradition, was nearly completely abandoned for Western instruments; however, thanks to collaborative efforts by Japanese musicians, interest in the biwa is being revived. Japanese and foreign musicians alike have begun embracing traditional Japanese instruments, particularly the biwa, in their compositions. While blind biwa singers no longer dominate the biwa, many performers continue to use the instrument in traditional and modern ways.
The biwa arrived in Japan in the 7th century, having evolved from the Chinese pipa,[1] while the pipa itself was derived from similar instruments in West Asia. This type of biwa, known as the gaku-biwa, would later be used in gagaku ensembles and would become the most commonly known type. However, another variant of the biwa - known as the mōsō-biwa or the kōjin-biwa - also found its way to Japan, first appearing in the Kyushu region. Though its origins are unclear, this thinner variant of the biwa was used in ceremonies and religious rites.
The biwa became known as an instrument commonly played at the Japanese Imperial court, where biwa players, known as biwa hōshi, found employment and patronage. However, following the collapse of the Ritsuryō state, biwa hōshi employed at the court were faced with the court's reconstruction and sought asylum in Buddhist temples. There, they assumed the role of Buddhist monks and encountered the mōsō-biwa. Seeing its relative convenience and portability, the monks combined these features with their large and heavy gaku-biwa to create the heike-biwa, which, as indicated by its namesake, was used primarily for recitations of The Tale of the Heike.
Through the next several centuries, players of both traditions intersected frequently and developed new music styles and new instruments. By the Kamakura period (1185–1333), the heike-biwa had emerged as a more popular instrument, a cross between both the gaku-biwa and mōsō-biwa, retaining the rounded shape of the gaku-biwa and played with a large plectrum like the mōsō-biwa. The heike-biwa, smaller than the mōsō-biwa, was used for similar purposes.
While the modern satsuma-biwa and chikuzen-biwa both originated from the mōsō-biwa, the satsuma-biwa was used for moral and mental training by samurai of the Satsuma Domain during the Warring States period, and later for general performances. The chikuzen-biwa was used by Buddhist monks visiting private residences to perform memorial services, not only for Buddhist rites, but also to accompany the telling of stories and news.
Though formerly popular, little was written about the performance and practice of the biwa from roughly the 16th century to the mid-19th century. What is known is that three main streams of biwa practice emerged during this time: zato (the lowest level of the state-controlled guild of blind biwa players), shifu (samurai style), and chofu (urban style). These styles emphasized biwa-uta (琵琶歌) - vocalisation with biwa accompaniment - and formed the foundation for edo-uta (江戸歌) styles of playing, such as shinnai and kota.[2]
From these styles also emerged the two principal survivors of the biwa tradition: satsuma-biwa and chikuzen-biwa.[3] From roughly the Meiji period (1868–1912) until the Pacific War, the satsuma-biwa and chikuzen-biwa were popular across Japan, and, at the beginning of the Showa period (1925–1989), the nishiki-biwa was created and gained popularity. Of the remaining post-war biwa traditions, only higo-biwa remains a style almost solely performed by blind persons. The higo-biwa is closely related to the heike-biwa and, similarly, relies on an oral narrative tradition focusing on wars and legends.
By the middle of the Meiji period, improvements had been made to the instruments and easily understandable songs were composed in quantity. In the beginning of the Taishō period (1912–1926), the satsuma-biwa was modified into the nishiki-biwa, which became popular among female players at the time. With this, the biwa entered a period of popularity, with songs reflecting not just The Tale of the Heike, but also the Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War, with songs such as Takeo Hirose, Hitachimaru and 203 Hill gaining popularity.
However, the playing of the biwa nearly became extinct during the Meiji period following the introduction of Western music and instruments, until players such as Tsuruta Kinshi and others revitalized the genre with modern playing styles and collaborations with Western composers.[citation needed]
There are more than seven types of biwa, characterised by number of strings, sounds it could produce, the type of plectrum, and their use. As the biwa does not play in tempered tuning, pitches are approximated to the nearest note.
Classic biwa[edit]
The gagaku biwa (雅楽琵琶), a large and heavy biwa with four strings and four frets, is used exclusively for gagaku. It produces distinctive ichikotsuchō (壱越調) and hyōjō (平調). Its plectrum is small and thin, often rounded, and made from a hard material such as boxwood or ivory. It is not used to accompany singing. Like the heike-biwa, it is played held on its side, similar to a guitar, with the player sitting cross-legged. In gagaku, it is known as the gaku-biwa (楽琵琶).
The gogen-biwa (五絃琵琶), a T'ang variant of biwa, can be seen in paintings of court orchestras and was used in the context of gagaku; however, it was removed with the reforms and standardization made to the court orchestra during the late 10th century. It is assumed that the performance traditions died out by the 10th or 11th century (William P. Malm). This instrument also disappeared in the Chinese court orchestras. Recently, this instrument, much like the konghou harp, has been revived for historically informed performances and historical reconstructions. Not to be confused with the five-stringed variants of modern biwa, such as chikuzen-biwa.
The mōsō-biwa (盲僧琵琶), a biwa with four strings, is used to play Buddhist mantras and songs. It is similar in shape to the chikuzen-biwa, but with a much more narrow body. Its plectrum varies in both size and materials. The four fret type is tuned to E, B, E and A, and the five fret type is tuned to B, e, f and f. The six fret type is tuned to B, E, B and b.
Middle and Edo biwa[edit]
The heike-biwa (平家琵琶), a biwa with four strings and five frets, is used to play The Tale of the Heike. Its plectrum is slightly larger than that of the gagaku-biwa, but the instrument itself is much smaller, comparable to a chikuzen-biwa in size. It was originally used by traveling biwa minstrels, and its small size lent it to indoor play and improved portability. Its tuning is A, c, e, a or A, c-sharp, e, a.
The satsuma-biwa (薩摩琵琶), a biwa with four strings and four frets, was popularized during the Edo period in Satsuma Province (present-day Kagoshima) by Shimazu Tadayoshi. Modern biwa used for contemporary compositions often have five or more frets, and some have a doubled fourth string. The frets of the satsuma-biwa are raised 4 centimetres (1.6 in) from the neck allowing notes to be bent several steps higher, each one producing the instrument's characteristic sawari, or buzzing drone. Its boxwood plectrum is much wider than others, often reaching widths of 25 cm (9.8 in) or more. Its size and construction influences the sound of the instrument as the curved body is often struck percussively with the plectrum during play.
The satsuma-biwa is traditionally made from Japanese mulberry, although other hard woods such as Japanese zelkova are sometimes used in its construction. Due to the slow growth of the Japanese mulberry, the wood must be taken from a tree at least 120 years old and dried for 10 years before construction can begin.
The strings are made of wound silk. Its tuning is A, E, A, B, for traditional biwa, G, G, c, g, or G, G, d, g for contemporary compositions, among other tunings, but these are only examples as the instrument is tuned to match the key of the player's voice. The first and second strings are generally tuned to the same note, with the 4th (or doubled 4th) string is tuned one octave higher.
The most eminent 20th century satsuma-biwa performer was Tsuruta Kinshi, who developed her own version of the instrument, which she called the tsuruta-biwa. This biwa often has five strings (although it is essentially a 4-string instrument as the 5th string is a doubled 4th that are always played together) and five or more frets, and the construction of the tuning head and frets vary slightly. Ueda Junko and Tanaka Yukio, two of Tsuruta's students, continue the tradition of the modern satsuma-biwa. Carlo Forlivesi's compositions Boethius (ボエティウス) and Nuove Musiche per Biwa (琵琶のための新曲) were both written for performance on the satsuma-biwa designed by Tsuruta and Tanaka.
These works present a radical departure from the compositional languages usually employed for such an instrument. Also, thanks to the possibility of relying on a level of virtuosity never before attempted in this specific repertory, the composer has sought the renewal of the acoustic and aesthetic profile of the biwa, bringing out the huge potential in the sound material: attacks and resonance, tempo (conceived not only in the chronometrical but also deliberately empathetical sense), chords, balance and dialogue (with the occasional use of two biwas in Nuove Musiche per Biwa), dynamics and colour.[4]
Plectra for the chikuzen-biwa (left) and satsuma-biwa
Modern biwa[edit]
The chikuzen-biwa (筑前琵琶), a biwa with four strings and four frets or five strings and five frets, was popularised in the Meiji period by Tachibana Satosada. Most contemporary performers use the five string version. Its plectrum is much smaller than that of the satsuma-biwa, usually about 13 cm (5.1 in) in width, although its size, shape, and weight depends on the sex of the player. The plectrum is usually made from rosewood with boxwood or ivory tips for plucking the strings. The instrument itself also varies in size, depending on the player. Male players typically biwa that are slightly wider and/or longer than those used by women or children. The body of the instrument is never struck with the plectrum during play, and the five string instrument is played upright, while the four string is played held on its side. The instrument is tuned to match the key of the singer. An example tuning of the four string version is B, e, f and b, and the five string instrument can be tuned to C, G, C, d and g. For the five string version, the first and third strings are tuned the same note, the second string three steps down, the fifth string an octave higher than the second string, and the fourth string a step down from the fifth. So the previously mentioned tuning can be tuned down to B, F, B, c, d. Asahikai and Tachibanakai are the two major schools of chikuzen-biwa. Popularly used by female biwa players such as Uehara Mari.
The nishiki-biwa (錦琵琶), a modern biwa with five strings and five frets, was popularised by Suitō Kinjō. Its plectrum is the same as that used for the satsuma-biwa. Its tuning is C, G, c, g, g.
Styles of biwa music[edit]
The biwa, considered one of Japan's principal traditional instruments, has both influenced and been influenced by other traditional instruments and compositions throughout its long history; as such, a number of different musical styles played with the biwa exist.
• Hōgaku (邦楽, Japanese traditional music): In hōgaku, musical instruments usually serve as accompaniments to vocal performances, which dominate the musical style, with the overwhelming majority of hōgaku compositions being vocal.[5]
• Gagaku (雅楽, Japanese court music): Gagaku was usually patronized by the imperial court or the shrines and temples. Gagaku ensembles were composed of string, wind, and percussion instruments, where string and wind instruments were more respected and percussion instruments were considered lesser instruments. Among the string instruments, the biwa seems to have been the most important instrument in orchestral gagaku performances.[6]
• Shōmyō (声明, Buddhist chanting): While biwa was not used in shōmyō, the style of biwa singing is closely tied to shōmyō, especially mōsō- and heike-style biwa singing.[7] Both shōmyō and mōsō-biwa are rooted in Buddhist rituals and traditions. Before arriving in Japan, shōmyō was used in Indian Buddhism. The mōsō-biwa was also rooted in Indian Buddhism, and the heike-biwa, as a predecessor to the mōsō-biwa, was the principal instrument of the biwa hōshi, who were blind Buddhist priests.
Biwa construction and tuning[edit]
Generally speaking, biwa have four strings, though modern satsuma- and chikuzen-biwa may have five strings. The strings on a biwa range in thickness, with the first string being thickest and the fourth string being thinnest; on chikuzen-biwa, the second string is the thickest, with the fourth and fifth strings being the same thickness on chikuzen- and satsuma-biwa.[8] The varying string thickness creates different timbres when stroked from different directions.
In biwa, tuning is not fixed. General tones and pitches can fluctuate up or down entire steps or microtones.[9] When singing in a chorus, biwa singers often stagger their entry and often sing through non-synchronized, heterophony accompaniment.[10] In solo performances, a biwa performer sings monophonically, with melismatic emphasis throughout the performance. These monophonic do not follow a set harmony. Instead, biwa singers tend to sing with a flexible pitch without distinguishing soprano, alto, tenor, or bass roles. This singing style is complemented by the biwa, which biwa players use to produce short glissandi throughout the performance.[11] The style of singing accompanying biwa tends to be nasal, particularly when singing vowels, the consonant , and syllables beginning with "g", such as ga () and gi (). Biwa performers also vary the volume of their voice between barely audible to very loud. Since biwa pieces were generally performed for small groups, singers did not need to project their voices as opera singers did in Western music tradition.
Biwa music is based on a pentatonic scale (sometimes referred to as a five-tone or five-note scale), meaning that each octave contains five notes. This scale sometimes includes supplementary notes, but the core remains pentatonic. The rhythm in biwa performances allows for a broad flexibility of pulse. Songs are not always metered, although more modern collaborations are metered. Notes played on the biwa usually begin slow and thin and progress through gradual accelerations, increasing and decreasing tempo throughout the performance. The texture of biwa singing is often described as "sparse".
The plectrum also contributes to the texture of biwa music. Different sized plectrums produced different textures; for example, the plectrum used on a mōsō-biwa was much larger than that used on a gaku-biwa, producing a harsher, more vigorous sound.[12] The plectrum is also critical to creating the sawari sound, which is particularly utilized with satsuma-biwa.[13] What the plectrum is made of also changes the texture, with ivory and plastic plectrums creating a more resilient texture to the wooden plectrum's twangy hum.[14]
Use in modern music[edit]
Biwa usage in Japan has declined greatly since the Heian period. Outside influence, internal pressures, and socio-political turmoil redefined biwa patronage and the image of the biwa; for example, the Ōnin War of the Muromachi period (1338–1573) and the subsequent Warring States period (15th–17th centuries) disrupted the cycle of tutelage for heikyoku[citation needed][a] performers. As a result, younger musicians turned to other instruments and interest in biwa music decreased. Even the biwa hōshi transitioned to other instruments such as the shamisen (a three stringed lute).[15]
Interest in the biwa was revived during the Edo period (1600–1868), when Tokugawa Ieyasu unified Japan and established the Tokugawa shogunate. Ieyasu favored biwa music and became a major patron, helping to strengthen biwa guilds (called Todo) by financing them and allowing them special privileges. Shamisen players and other musicians found it financially beneficial to switch to the biwa, bringing new styles of biwa music with them. The Edo period proved to be one of the most prolific and artistically creative periods for the biwa in its long history in Japan.
In 1868, the Tokugawa shogunate collapsed, giving way to the Meiji period and the Meiji Restoration, during which the samurai class was abolished, and the Todo lost their patronage. Biwa players no longer enjoyed special privileges and were forced to support themselves. At the beginning of the Meiji period, it was estimated that there were at least one hundred traditional court musicians in Tokyo; however, by the 1930s, this number had reduced to just 46 in Tokyo, and a quarter of these musicians would later die in World War II. Life in post-war Japan was difficult, and many musicians abandoned their music in favor of more sustainable livelihoods.[16]
While many styles of biwa flourished in the early 1900s (such as kindai-biwa between 1900 and the 1930s), the cycle of tutelage was broken yet again by the war. In the present day, there are no direct means of studying the biwa in many biwa traditions.[17] Even higo-biwa players, who were quite popular in the early 20th century, may no longer have a direct means of studying oral composition, as the bearers of the tradition have either died or are no longer able to play. Kindai-biwa still retains a significant number of professional and amateur practitioners, but the zato, heike, and moso-biwa styles have all but died out.[18]
As biwa music declined in post-Pacific War Japan, many Japanese composers and musicians found ways to revitalize interest in it. They recognized that studies in music theory and music composition in Japan almost entirely consisted in Western theory and instruction. Beginning in the late 1960s, these musicians and composers began to incorporate Japanese music and Japanese instruments into their compositions; for example, one composer, Tōru Takemitsu, collaborated with Western composers and compositions to include the distinctly Asian biwa. His well-received compositions, such as November Steps, which incorporated biwa heikyoku with Western orchestral performance, revitalized interest in the biwa and sparked a series of collaborative efforts by other musician in genres ranging from J-Pop and enka to shin-hougaku and gendaigaku.[19]
Other musicians, such as Yamashika Yoshiyuki, considered by most ethnomusicologists to be the last of the biwa hōshi, preserved scores of songs that were almost lost forever. Yamashika, born in the late Meiji period, continued the biwa hōshi tradition until his death in 1996. Beginning in the late 1960s to the late 1980s, composers and historians from all over the world visited Yamashika and recorded many of his songs; before this time, the biwa hōshi tradition had been a completely oral tradition. When Yamashika died in 1996, the era of the biwa hōshi tutelage died with him, but the music and genius of that era continues thanks to his recordings.[20]
1. ^ Heikyoku is one of the oldest Japanese traditional music genres, originating in the 13th century. It is a semi-classical bardic tradition, not unlike the troubadour music of medieval Europe.
1. ^ "Biwa | musical instrument". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 21 April 2021.
2. ^ Allan Marett 103
3. ^ Waterhouse 15
4. ^ ALM Records ALCD-76
5. ^ Dean 156
6. ^ Garfias, Gradual Modifications of the Gagaku Tradition 16
7. ^ Matisoff 36
8. ^ Minoru Miki 75
9. ^ Dean 157
10. ^ Dean 149
11. ^ Morton Feldman 181
12. ^ Morley 51
13. ^ Rossing 181
14. ^ Malm 21
15. ^ Gish 143
16. ^ Garfias, Gradual Modifications of the Gagaku Tradition 18
17. ^ Ferranti, Relations between Music and Text in "Higo Biwa", The "Nagashi" Pattern as a Text-MusicSystem 150
18. ^ Tokita 83
19. ^ Tonai 25
20. ^ Sanger
See also[edit]
External links[edit]
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We’ve all heard the story of the famous Dutch painter Vincent Van Gogh and how he sliced off his left ear in a fit of rage. Well I’m sure he looked back on that incident with regret, wishing he could take that moment back and have his ear reattached soon after.
Well scientists are now working to make that a reality, using 3-D printing to recreate a customized ear cartilage using living cells. Associate professor of biomedical engineering at Cornell University Lawrence Bonasser and his colleagues have been working to develop a more efficient replacement ear.
Typically with a newborn born without an exterior part of the ear suffering from microtia, doctors extract rib cartilage in an attempt to make a replacement that resembles an actual ear. Unfortunately, these replacements don’t always look right and lack the firm structure of the original ear.
This is where bioprinting steps up to play. Lawrence Bonasser and his team at Cornell initially scan an actual human ear and use that to produce a computer model. Then they use a 3-D printer in order to build a plastic mold based on the scan. From there an injection “soup” of collagen, living cartilage cells, and culture medium are placed in the mold. The “soup” then solidifies into a jello-like substance. From there “You inject the mold, and in 15 minutes you have an ear ready to go,” says Bonasser. Not literally ready to go, as a surgeon would need to attach it, but concept of a bioprinted artificial ear that is ready for implementation is there.
Bonasser feels that starting with the ear is a good place to demonstrate the use of this bioprinting technology because “it has a very complicated shape, it has complicated mechanics as well. Your ear is remarkably durable and flexible but still stiff enough to hold its shape,” Bonasser goes on to agree with many other experts in the bioprinting field that the technology could move into mainstream conversation and become a reality, referring to bioprinting’s foundation in concepts people are already familiar with in the medical field.
Check out the video here:
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Transmission of Avian Influenza Virus by Humpback Whale and Its Stranding along the Atlantic Coast with CO2 Emissions
Humpback whales migrate, spending the summers in colder, high-latitude waters and breeding and calving in tropical and subtropical waters in 14 distinct population segments. It’s conceivable that the release of contaminated humpback whale faeces has infected the coastal areas with low pathogenic avian influenza (LPAI). As a result, humpback whales can serve as a reservoir for the avian influenza virus (AIV), allowing it to spread from the poles to the continents and infect coastal animals. Strong ultraviolet (UV) exposure amidst CO2 emission increase and minimal sunspot number might cause mutations of aquatic virus, and humpback whale in the Antarctic and the Arctic. LPAI or highly pathogenic avian influenza (HPAI) are expressed in the Continents under sufficient environmental conditions. Since penguins are birds and humpback whales are marine mammals, infected humpback whales may spread the mutant virus to a new host, causing evolutionary changes. Except for 1) different species of bird versus whale, 2) different landing area of land versus shore, and 3) similar infection means of bird faeces versus humpback whale faeces, the migration pattern of migratory birds and humpback whales is seasonally similar. The contribution of whales to AIV transmission was many times greater than that of migratory birds. As a result, in addition to migratory bird flyways, the paths of humpback whales should be considered to avoid AIV outbreaks. During 1992-2016, humpback whale stranding (y) along the Atlantic Coast of the United States was related to CO2 emissions (x) with y=0.3515x+18.595 (R2=0.4069), and y=0.0652x+4.5847 (R2=0.6128) during 2016-2018. As y=0.1387x+6.8184 (R2=0.3966), an AIV outbreak along the Atlantic Coast in 2010 (y) was also linked to humpback whale stranding (2016-2018) (x). The rare mortality events of humpback whale stranding is thought to be caused by an infected mutant virus in the Arctic because AIV epidemic was linearly (R2=0.9967) linked to the minimum sunspot level. As a result, humpback whales were stranded along large CO2 emitting Atlantic Coast States on their way to the West Indies’ winter habitat during CO2 emissions and low sunspot numbers with high UV radiation. The stranded dead whales should be burned as soon as possible to avoid more deadly viral interspecies transmission of AIV by the coastal animals. Since CO2 emissions rose in 2017 and the sunspot number was at an all-time low at the end of 2018, a large number of whales are predicted to strand in the Gulf of Maine, North Carolina, New York, and Virginia from November 2018 to April 2019. The replacement of fossil fuel combustion plants with nuclear power plants along the Atlantic Coast of the United States is proposed as a way to save humpback whales from an unusual mortality event along the Atlantic Coast.
Author (s) Details
Tai-Jin Kim
Department of Chemical Engineering, University of Suwon, Hwasung City, 18323, South Korea.
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Editor 251News
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Algebra 1: Common Core (15th Edition)
Published by Prentice Hall
ISBN 10: 0133281140
ISBN 13: 978-0-13328-114-9
Chapter 2 - Solving Equations - 2-6 Ratios, Rates, and Conversions - Practice and Problem-Solving Exercises - Page 120: 35
Recipe B
Work Step by Step
We divide the number of dinner rolls by the number of cups of flour to obtain how many cups of flower per dinner roll are present. Recipe A: 5 rolls/1 cup of flour= 5 rolls per cup of flour. Recipe B: 24 rolls/7.5 cups of flour=3.2 rolls per cup of flour. Recipe 3: 45 rolls/ 10 cups of flour=4.5 rolls per cup of flour. Recipe B makes the fewest rolls with one cup of flour, so there is the most flour per roll in Recipe B.
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Conflate is a more formal way to say "mix together," and it's typically used for texts or ideas. You probably wouldn't say you conflated the ingredients for a cake, but if you blended two different stories together to make a new one, conflate would work.
The verb conflate comes to us from the Latin word conflare, which literally means "to blow together." So think of using this word when you want to talk about two things getting thrown together and combined. Things that have been conflated often seem mixed up or confused. In fact, this word is also now sometimes used to mean "confuse or mix up."
Definitions of conflate
1. verb
mix together different elements
synonyms: blend, coalesce, combine, commingle, flux, fuse, immix, meld, merge, mix
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show 10 types...
hide 10 types...
mix in specific proportions
cause to become one with
meld, melt
lose its distinct outline or shape; blend gradually
blend in, mix in
cause (something) to be mixed with (something else)
grow together (of plants and organs)
mix or blend
make an alloy of
syncretise, syncretize
become fused
cut in
mix in with cutting motions
type of:
change integrity
change in physical make-up
2. verb
mistake one thing for another
synonyms: confound, confuse
blur, confuse, obnubilate, obscure
make unclear, indistinct, or blurred
confuse, jumble, mix up
assemble without order or sense
see moresee less
type of:
misidentify, mistake
identify incorrectly
Word Family
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About Seesaw Sign Up
Teachers, save “Social Studies: Where does it come from?” to assign it to your class.
Angelica Senneff
Student Instructions
Social Studies: Where does it come from?
Research, Draw, Write, AND Color Choose any other country in any continent and research what was found in the natural environment that has helped their economy like petroleum/oil in Saudi Arabia. Include in complete sentences: Name of the country Continent found on Name of the natural resource/product What is it used for? Where can the product be purchased? Is it a want or a need?
1st Grade, Social Studies
32 teachers like this
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Galle provides an outstanding example of an urban ensemble which illustrates the interaction of European architecture and South Asian traditions from the 16th to the 19th centuries. The most salient feature is the use of European models adapted by local manpower to the geological, climatic, historical, and cultural conditions of Sri Lanka. In the structure of the ramparts, coral is frequently used along with granite. In the ground layout all the measures of length, width and height conform with the regional metrology. The wide streets, planted with grass and shaded by suriyas, are lined with houses, each with its own garden and an open veranda supported by columns, another sign of the acculturation of an architecture which is European only in its basic design.
The bay of Galle lies off the south-west coast of Sri Lanka, sheltered by a rocky peninsula. Mentioned as early as 545 in the cosmography of Cosmas Indicopleustes, it is one of the most ancient 'ports of call of the Levant'. When Ibn Batuta landed there in 1344, it was the principal port of Ceylon. Portuguese navigators settled there in 1505, two years before settling in Colombo. It seems that they preferred Colombo at first. In 1588, they decided to withdraw to Galle and they hastily constructed a rampart and three bastions to defend the peninsula on the northern landside. The seaward side was considered invulnerable and was not fortified.
History of Galle Fort
Few vestiges subsist from a Franciscan chapel that was built in 1543. When the fortified town fell into the hands of the Dutch in 1640, they decided to replace the precarious Portuguese defences constituted partially of palisades and earth banks. They encircled the whole of the peninsula with a bastioned stone wall so as to render it impregnable against the English, French, Danish, Spanish and Portuguese fleets vying with Holland for the supremacy of the sea.
This fortified city, built by the Dutch, exists still, but with few changes. It has an area of 52 ha inside the walls defended by 14 bastions. The majority of the curtain walls were built in 1663. The northern fortified gate, protected by a drawbridge and a ditch, bears the date 1669. Much of the city, laid out on a regular grid pattern adapted to the configuration of the terrain (north-south peripheral streets are parallel to the ramparts and not to the central traffic axes), dates from this period.
During the 18th century, protected by a sea wall finished in 1729, the city reached full development. It housed 500 families, and a large number of public administrations, trade establishments and warehouses were located there. A Protestant, Baroque-style church, the oldest in Sri Lanka, was constructed in 1775 for the European colonists and a few Christian converts from plans drawn up by Abraham Anthonisz. However, Galle remained essentially a stronghold. In the layout of the city the Commandant's residence, the arsenal and the powder house were prominent features. The forge, carpentry and rope-making workshops, the naval guardhouse, and barracks rounded out a system that closely linked prosperous trade to military security.
The fort of Galle was handed over to the English only on 23 February 1796, one week after the surrender of Colombo. As a British protectorate, Galle remained the administrative centre of the south of Ceylon. A number of unfortunate modifications were then made: ditches filled in, new blockhouses added, a gate put in between the Moon bastion and the Sun bastion, a lighthouse installed on the Utrecht bastion, and a tower erected for the jubilee of Queen Victoria in 1883. Other work was undertaken during the Second World War in order to restore the defensive function of the fortifications.
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Middle School Activities
Activities provided on this page are designed for students at the middle school level. Associated educational standards are shown in parentheses.
Florida’s Wetlands – targeted for grades 4-7. Workbook/newsletter format that includes activities and information on wetlands.
Humans Threaten Wetlands’ Ability to Keep Pace with Sea-Level Rise. This text resource can be found on the CPALMS database and is intended to support reading in the content area. The text discusses the different benefits that wetlands bring to the environment, their potential resilience to sea level rise, and the different ways in which human-caused climate change is affecting their potential resiliency. (SC.7.E.6.6, LAFS.68.RST.1.1, LAFS.68.RST.1.2, LAFS.68.RST.2.4, LAFS.68.RST.4.10, LAFS.68.WHST.1.2, LAFS.68.WHST.3.9)
Disappearing Frogs: Percentage and Environment. This 6-hour lesson plan can be found on the CPALMS database. Students must explore and assess the implications various human and environmental factors are having on the yellow-legged frog population in California. Students will use knowledge of percentages to calculate population size and will complete research to explore the affects of human impact on the environment and the process of adaptation through natural and artificial selection. (SC.7.E.6.6, SC.7.L.17.3, NAFS.7.RP.1.3, LAFS.68.RST.1.3, LAFS.68.RST.3.7, LAFS.68.RST.4.10)
Pizza Box Ecosystems. This lesson plan can be found on the CPALMS database. It is long-term project in which students create a labeled ecosystem diorama out of a recycled pizza box as they complete an introductory ecology unit.
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"url": "https://www.coastalplains.org/environmental-education/for-teachers/middle-school-activities/"
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Institut Slavonice :: Historie města Slavonice
01.jpg, 317kB
History of Slavonice
The first settlers in this area were a Celtic tribe called the Boii. The existing Czech/Austrian border still closely follows the border that separated the Roman Empire from the Boii, and the Romans called the area across the border Boii Haemum - the homeland of the Boii - from which the word Bohemia has descended. Slavonice lies in a strategic location where Bohemia, Moravia to the east, and Austria to the south, all meet. Slavonice also lies on an ancient salt trade road, running from the Salzburg area of Austria to the northeast, dating back to at least 800BCE.
The middle ages
At the beginning of the Middle Ages Slavonice and its surroundings were covered with dense forests. Two important trading trails passed through the area - the Humpolec trail and the main road between Vienna and Prague - which was to remain a major European highway for many centuries. In the 12th century, after the Premyslides conquered Moravia, the so called Czech colonization took place, and Slavonice was established as a Slavonic settlement around the present Church of St. John the Baptist.
German settlers arrived in the 13th century and a market village came into being at the crossroad of the trading routes, and slowly grew into a town. An architectural monument from that time is the Chapel of the Holy Spirit (formerly the Corpus Christi Chapel), which was founded in the last quarter of the 13th century; several later renovations considerably changed its appearance. The first houses were made of wood, in contrast to the stone fortifications with three gates - the Upper Gate (Jemnicka), the Lower Gate (Dacicka) and the Austrian Gate, all of which were demolished more than 100 years ago.
By the late 14th century the population of the town had grown to about 500 inhabitants. In the 15th century the rulers granted Slavonice a number of privileges - annual markets, the mile privilege (which gave the town monopoly control over a wide range of production and service activities in the surrounding region) and the right to store goods.
Along with agriculture and craftsmanship, trade made up the economic basis of the town. The Church of the Assumption of Our Lady, still the largest building in Slavonice, was erected in this Gothic period. It took several decades to construct and the interior is decorated which remarkable wooden sculptures. Wooden residential buildings of this period have not been preserved, although their positions in the townscape was inherited in the layout of the Renaissance houses.
The renaissance
The Renaissance was the period of Slavonice's greatest economic strength. Several factors contributed to the boom: the establishment of a courier stop, main horse changing station, and post office on the route connecting Vienna with Prague and the fact that Slavonice came into the hands of the art-loving Zacharias of Hradec, whose government lead to the prosperity of nearby Telc as well. At the same time several new fish ponds were built and beer production developed. In terms of religion the population tended towards Protestantism.
A significant number of renaissance houses, the so-called mazhauses, have been preserved. Their facades are decorated with sgraffito (a black and white stucco technique) and they have big entry halls on the ground floor that were originally used for business and industry, with the upper floors used for dwelling. So many of these buildings have survived that the town center largely presents an entire renaissance townscape. Although there are other towns in Southern Bohemia, such as Telc, that have also preserved substantially intact renaissance townscapes, none of these are dominated by sgraffito facades. In this Slavonice is unique, and this is the basis for its current consideration for UNESCO World Heritage designation.
The Thirty Years War
In the late 17th century Slavonice went into a severe economic decline from which it has never recovered. The reasons for this were varied, but the most significant was the Thirty Years War (1618-1648). During the Bohemian Phase of the Thirty Years War (1618-1621), the protestant Bohemians rose in revolt. They deposed the Catholic Habsburgs and crowned Frederick V of the Palatinate as their King. Initially, the revolt seemed destined for success. However, Habspurg Emperor Ferdinand II struck back, subsidized by his Spanish relatives and in alliance with the Catholic League and with Lutheran Saxony. The Bohemians were utterly defeated near Prague at the Battle of White Mountain. Right before their defeat in this battle the rebels assassinated Vilem Slavata, the lord of the Manor of Slavonice, who had converted to Catholicism, by throwing him out of a window of Prague Castle.
During the Thirty Years War Slavonice suffered numerous invasions and ravages by mercenary armies and had to pay high contributions to the Swedish army who had entered Bohemia in support of the Protestant rebels. Following the eventual Catholic victory, the Emperor was given a nearly free hand to re-impose Catholicism in Bohemia, but many Protestant burghers, rather than renounce their religion, left the country and went into exile. As a result, Bohemian towns like Slavonice lost many of their business leaders.
The Austro-Hungarian empire
Subsequently, during the reign of Empress Maria Theresa, the main road and mail route from Vienna to Prague was changed to a new road through Znojmo and Jihlava, and Slavonice became isolated from its previous commercial connections. Long-term, this isolation has produced the remarkable preservation we see today. And, while many towns saw the development of industrial production during the 19th century, Slavonice did not, even though it became reconnected to the larger world as a result of rail service. the Czechoslovak Republic.
With the end of the World War 1 and the collapse of the Austrian-Hungarian Empire, the population of Slavonice was nearly exclusively German. In fact, when the Czechoslovak Republic was created in 1918, the local population did not apparently care whether they became part of Austria or Czechoslovakia.
Between 1918 and 1938 the proportion of Czechs in the population increased, but did not become dominant. During the 1930s, the Sudeten Germans were subjected to Nazi propaganda that they should be part of Germany's Third Reich rather than Czechoslovakia, and in 1938, after the Treaty of Munich, the Sudetenland was formally annexed into Germany. At this time many Czechs were forced to leave Slavonice, and, subsequently, during World War 2, its entire small Jewish community disappeared into the concentration camps.
The Communist period
However, after the end of the World War 2, these population flows were viciously reversed. Three million Sudeten Germans were ethnically cleansed from the Sudeten territories when these were restored to Czechoslovakia. Their homes were expropriated and it's believed that some 240,000 Sudeten Germans lost their lives. The majority of Czechs believe that these atrocities were a justified revenge for those committed by the Nazis against the Czechs, and in 1945 the Czech government passed amnesty laws decreeing that Czech nationals committing crimes against the Sudeten Germans would be exempt from punishment. These laws are still in effect today. The Jewish populations, many of whom had been living in Bohemia since the Middle Ages, had been extinguished by the Nazis and did not return.
Forced population movements continued under the Communists. Moscow did not want western sympathizers living close to the Iron Curtain, and moved many Czechs out of the area, replacing them with populations from the far reaches of the Soviet Union. Of the inhabitants of Slavonice in the 1930s only a few Czech families or families of mixed population remain, and constitute at most 10% of the present population. Communism left other marks, notably ugly housing projects, cultural and economic isolation, and neglected maintenance. On the other hand, some of the facades and interiors with magnificent sgraffiti were repaired and some covered up sgraffiti were uncovered, but in spite of these efforts the general state of repair of the buildings in Slavonice has remained poor.
The Velvet Revolution
During the second half of the 1980s, the general situation in Czechoslovakia became more easygoing, especially after the introduction of Perestroika reforms in the then-Soviet Union. But the Czechoslovak leadership, headed by Gustav Husak, who had assumed power after the Soviet invasion of 1968, was suspicious of attempts to "reform communism from within" and continued to toe a hard line, much to the chagrin of Mikhail Gorbachev. By 1988 there were organized demonstrations demanding change, and the six-week period between November 17 and December 29, 1989, known as the Velvet Revolution, brought about the bloodless overthrow of the Czechoslovak communist regime, and lead to former dissident Vaclav Havel's election as President of Czechoslovakia.
The new government and parliament were able to fill in many of the most gaping gaps in the Czechoslovak legal framework - concentrating in particular on the areas of human rights and freedoms, private ownership, and business law. They were also able to lay the framework for the first free elections to be held in Czechoslovakia in more than 40 years resulting in a sweeping defeat of the Communists. In the Parliamentary elections more than 96 percent of the population voted. Subsequently, the transition to separate the Czech and Slovak Republics was entirely peaceful and Czechoslovakia ceased to exist on December 31, 1992.
The Czech Republic
Prague has now re-established itself as a major European capital. Real property in Prague has been steadily appreciating for well over a decade at some 15% to 20% per annum, and construction has been booming. But most of the rural areas of the Czech Republic have seen little growth or development. The factories that the Soviet Union built in Slavonice closed down as soon as they faced real market competition, and the infrastructure does not exist to start up any new industrial enterprise. Unemployment is said to be up to three times the official figure of around 10%, and black market operations and bartering remain a major element of everyday life.
The Centre for the Future believes that Slavonice can have a successful future based on conferences, culture and education. We're investing in Slavonice; come and visit and see why this is such a special place.
Historie ve fotkách
The Middle Ages The Renaissance The Thirty Years War The Communist Period The Velvet Revolution The Czech Republic
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满 月
(Mǎn Yuè)
Full Moon v.s. Cold Moon
And How to call “Full Moon” in Chinese (Simplified)?
The full moon often refers to the moon phase that the Moon appears fully illuminated from Earth’s perspective when Earth is located between the Sun and the Moon.
In China, the full moon has an astronomical name called “满月 (mǎn yuè)” in Simplified Chinese, and the cold moon literally translated into the Chinese “冷月 (lěng yuè)“.
Get More Stories Related to Full Moon
As we know, the last full moon in 2020 falls on Tuesday, December 29, 2020. And it will appear in every month of a year. If we check out the Chinese lunar calendar, it becomes easier for us to find out an almost fixed date of the 15th or 16th day in a lunar month that the full moon often falls on that day.
There are more Chinese words for “Full Moon” and the word “满月 (mǎn yuè)” also contains more than just one meaning in China. Keep reading the following stories to learn more. Hope helpful! 😛
The Chinese word for “Full moon” is written as “满月 (mǎn yuè)“. The first Chinese character “满 (mǎn)” describes something that is enriched, fulfilled completely, equal to “full” here. And the second character is easy to understand as the Chinese name of the moon. For example, the moon is not only called as a word “月亮 (yuè liàng)” but can also be represented by a single character as “月 (yuè)“.
And then, the full moon is not just named “满月 (mǎn yuè)” but also called “圆月 (yuán yuè)“, in which the character “圆 (yuán)” contains meanings of a full and round shape. For this reason, the night of the full moon got popular in China from the ancient by its name of “月圆之夜 (yuè yuán zhī yè)“, indicating the night when the moon has already got round fully.
Since the full moon usually appears on the fifteenth day around in each lunar month, according to the astronomical observation records by ancient Chinese, each 15th day of a month in the Chinese lunar calendar was defined as “望月 (wàng yuè)“, indicating the day worth gazing at the full moon. Here the Chinese character “望 (wàng)” has the right meaning to look up or gaze at something in distance. For example, one of the most famous fifteenth day falling in the lunar eighth month is well known as China’s “Mid-Autumn’s Day” or the “Mid-Autumn Festival” written as “中秋节 (zhōng qiū jié)” in Simplified Chinese.
However, please be fully careful with the Chinese word “满月 (mǎn yuè)” since it may has a completely different meaning in the context, probably referring to a popular Chinese local custom and etiquette, instead of the relationship with the astronomical phenomenon. When a baby’s first 30th day after birth has already come, the parents will take it as the most important thing to the family. They usually hold a “One-Month-Old” celebration in China and invite families as well as friends together, in order to wish their new family member a healthy body, great fortune, and full of joy in life. Such a “one-month-old” celebration for new-born babies is called “满月 (mǎn yuè)” in Chinese because the word literally tells that it has been one month already.
满 月
（Mǎn Yuè）
"Full Moon"
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Simplified Chinese
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More diverse English-Chinese Bilingual Stories including Full Moon or Moon-related topics, help Chinese Beginners/Learners and Cultural Enthusiasts boost Chinese skills within five minutes daily. Becoming a Premium resident will enable you to get exclusive access to more Chinese self-study resources. Take an Overview to get more features before creating an account.
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.53125,
"fasttext_score": 0.035909831523895264,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9340003132820129,
"url": "https://www.chinaclife.com/chinese-word-for-full-moon-stories/"
}
|
The Dormouse Hollow
Dormouse Biology
General Biology: Gliridae
Dormice (Gliridae, Rodentia, Mammalia)
Genus CHAETOCAUDA Wang, 1985
Chinese Dormouse
The single species, C. sichuanensis, is known only by two female specimens taken in northern Sichuan Province of China (Wang Youzhi 1985). Corbet and Hill (1991, 1992) listed Chaetocauda as a valid genus, but Holden (in Wilson and Reeder 1993) considered C. sichuanensis a species of the genus Dryomys and suggested that it may not even be a distinct species. Nonetheless, it occurs nearly 2,000 km east of the nearest known population of Dryomys.
Head and body lengths are 90 and 91 mm, tail lengths are 92 and 102 mm, and weights are 24.5 and 36 grams. Chaetocauda resembles Myomimus but is distinguished by a dark chestnut color around the eyes, larger ears and bullae, and a tail that is terminally club-shaped and covered with dense hairs, rather than pointed and thinly haired as in Myomimus. Chaetocauda also has a more squarish palate than does Myomimus, a thinner mandible, a relatively greater interorbital width, a much less complex molar structure, and deeply grooved, rather than smooth, incisor teeth.
Chaetocauda has been taken at elevations of about 2,500 meters in subalpine, mixed forest. It is nocturnal and nests in small trees, 3.0-3.5 meters above the ground. The stomachs contained a mixture of green vegetation and starch. The IUCN classifies C. sichuanensis as endangered.
Information taken from: Nowak, R.M. (Ed.). Walker's Mammals of the World. 6th Edition. The John Hopkins University Press. Baltimore and London, 1999.
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<urn:uuid:591c7ca9-681c-41df-8508-f3361af0573b>
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.53125,
"fasttext_score": 0.16158229112625122,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9140499830245972,
"url": "http://www.glirarium.org/dormouse/biology-chaetocauda.html"
}
|
The Rincon Reservation was created in 1875 by President Ulysses Grant for the Rincon Band of Luiseño Indians which was recognized by the United States Government as a sovereign government. This comes in part from the fact that long before the Europeans arrived, the ancestors of the Rincon people governed themselves as a sovereign people, creating social, political, spiritual, economic, and agricultural systems.
Today, as it did then, sovereignty comes with obligations and responsibilities to govern and provide for the Rincon tribal members. When the people were placed on the reservation, they were deprived of the vast majority of their ancestral territory and natural resources, and the Rincon Band was forced to rely on the federal government for financial support to fulfill these obligations and responsibilities. Support from the federal government was meager at best, and progress on the reservation, when it existed at all, was slow.
That began to change in 2002 when the tribe entered into the casino gaming industry and built its casino and hotel. With revenues from the casino, the tribal government was able to begin providing for the people by offering basic services such as health care, law enforcement, fire protection, and infrastructure improvements.
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<urn:uuid:2801e984-dd41-49ae-ac56-4af0976828c5>
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.828125,
"fasttext_score": 0.3069009780883789,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9763902425765991,
"url": "https://rincon-nsn.gov/enterprises/"
}
|
Lost Hormone is Found in Starfish
The Fish Site
by The Fish Site
7 July 2016, at 1:00am
The onset of puberty and sexual development in humans is triggered by the release of a brain hormone known as gonadotropin-releasing hormone or GnRH. Scientists at QMUL's School of Biological and Chemical Sciences, working in collaboration with teams at the University of Warwick and KU Leuven in Belgium, have found that the history of this important sex hormone is a tale of loss.
It was already known that fruit flies (Drosophila) have two GnRH-like hormones - one that mobilises stored fats to power flight (adipokinetic hormone or AKH) and another that makes insect hearts beat faster (corazonin). What was missing was information from other invertebrate animals that are more closely related to humans than insects. Research on the starfish published today in the Nature journal Scientific Reports has provided the missing link.
The team have discovered that starfish have two GnRH-like hormones, just like in fruit flies. Professor Maurice Elphick from QMUL's School of Biological and Chemical Sciences, who led the research team, said: "About half a billion years ago there were animals swimming in the oceans that would have had just one gene that coded for a GnRH-type hormone.
"But then this gene duplicated and the two copies ultimately gave rise to the two GnRH-like hormones that we find in fruit flies and starfish. But somewhere along the evolutionary lineage that gave rise to humans, the corazonin-type hormone was lost."
What is not clear yet is how it is that the ancestors of humans were able to get by with just one GnRH-type hormone. To address this question more research needs to be done to find out more about the roles of GnRH-like hormones in starfish and other invertebrates.
First author and PhD student Shi Tian, also from QMUL's School of Biological and Chemical Sciences said: "We are investigating where the genes encoding the two GnRH-like hormones are expressed in the strange five-sided bodies of starfish. With this information it may then be possible to find out what these hormones do in starfish."
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<urn:uuid:bd1e3456-f349-4ab4-96e1-a592decd0cc1>
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.546875,
"fasttext_score": 0.13838797807693481,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9475806951522827,
"url": "https://thefishsite.com/articles/lost-hormone-is-found-in-starfish"
}
|
The Midline Theorem
Two midpoints of a triangle are connected with a segment. Investigate.
1.) What did you observe in your investigation?
2.) What do your observations about the measures of the angles mean? How do they relate to the properties of the segments?
3.) What did you observe about the lengths of segment DE and segment BC? Was this observation always true?
4.) Based on the discussion, make conjectures about the relationship between segment AB and segment BC.
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<urn:uuid:14f9480d-c090-4281-a1b1-f2a5e5c56a24>
|
{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.5625,
"fasttext_score": 0.9952398538589478,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9279186129570007,
"url": "http://geogebraph.org/2019/09/"
}
|
Skill 6F
Equations with Variables
Write an equation with a variable that shows this problem.
Then solve the equation.
Mr. Cole bought a pizza for the swim club.
The pizza has 12 slices.
The pizza will be divided equally among the swimmers.
Each swimmer will eat 3 slices.
How many swimmers will eat pizza?
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<urn:uuid:ac77dc5b-b9f4-407f-9286-cfc86dc7efe2>
|
{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.6875,
"fasttext_score": 0.9980466961860657,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9466437697410583,
"url": "http://freemathprogram.com/members1/G12345-18/Grade4/test4/06F.htm"
}
|
African Descendants Have Stake in Saving U.S. Southeast Salt Marshes
Chieftess of Gullah/Geechee Nation supports new initiative to protect a million acres
African Descendants Have Stake in Saving U.S. Southeast Salt Marshes
Queen Quet
Queen Quet gazes into the marsh surrounding her hometown of St. Helena Island in South Carolina.
Kumar L. Goodwine-Kennedy Geechee Sea Island Coalition
Salt marshes in the southeastern U.S. are home to descendants of enslaved Africans who have worked together for generations to protect their lands, waters, history, and culture.
Known as the Gullah/Geechee, these estimated 1 million people inhabit the Sea Islands and coastal areas stretching from Jacksonville, North Carolina, to Jacksonville, Florida, and 35 miles inland. Since the times of slavery, the Gullah/Geechee people, who hail from numerous African ethnic groups and built some of the richest plantations in the South, were informally considered “a nation within a nation” with their own language, crafts, and traditions.
In 2000, members of the Gullah/Geechee community formally established their nation and chose computer scientist and South Carolina native Marquetta L. Goodwine as chieftess and head of state. Known as Queen Quet, she has gained worldwide recognition for her community and worked to protect its lands and waters. Now she’s joining a major new project aimed at conserving salt marsh—the grasslands that flood and drain with the tides and provide vital habitat for wildlife ranging from fish to birds.
The project, known as the South Atlantic Salt Marsh Initiative, was created in May and brings together federal, state, and local governments, military officials, and community leaders such as Queen Quet, who recognize the habitat’s ability to help protect shorelines against flooding and storm surge. The initiative aims to conserve about a million acres of marsh stretching from North Carolina to north Florida, an area that is home to installations for every branch of the military.
In the coming months, initiative leaders will begin hashing out a plan designed to help communities and the military better prepare for the future through coordinated transportation and development plans, targeted restoration projects, and conservation of lands adjacent to marshes, allowing the tidal wetlands to move as sea levels rise.
This interview with Queen Quet has been edited for clarity and length.
Q: Why is salt marsh important to the Gullah/Geechee people?
A: The waterways are sacred to us and provide our food. Every native Gullah/Geechee grew up breathing in the smell of pluff mud as we proceeded out to get the family meals of fish, shrimp, oysters, clams, and blue crabs. In the soil we grow staples of the Gullah/Geechee diet, including rice and vegetables. The salt marsh is not something that we simply go through or to; it’s part of our family, too. Our lives depend on it.
Q: What are your biggest concerns for the habitat?
A: We’ve seen this area change over the decades as the ocean acidifies, bridges are built, newcomers arrive, and overbuilding infringes on our islands and salt marsh. The pilings used to invade the salt marsh with private docks feel like stakes being hammered into the heart of those of us from this coastline, because de land da we famlee and de wata da we bloodline (the land is our family and the water is our bloodline).
Q: What changes are you seeing in the salt marsh?
A: The continued negative impacts to our coastline due to climate change have caused visible harm to the salt marsh to the extent that we had to begin replanting the spartina grass (the main vegetation found in salt marsh) when we replant oyster shells to create new oyster beds. Combating sea level rise and protecting the maritime forest from eroding are some of the ecological and environmental sustainability actions that the Gullah/Geechee Sea Island Coalition and the Gullah/Geechee Fishing Association have been a part of for decades. Initially, the rapid erosion we saw appeared to be connected to flash floods and hurricanes, but over time, we had to learn terms that do not exist in the Gullah language—such as "sea level rise."
Q: What would happen to your nation if you lost significant portions of salt marsh habitat?
A: The loss of the salt marsh would be the death of the fisheries that I grew up traversing with my family via the bateau (flat-bottom wooden boats) that we make traditionally by hand. It would be the erasure of the memories of seeing these sacred and spiritually rejuvenating spaces. Without being able to nourish our souls and our bodies via the waterways and estuaries that are our salt marsh areas, Gullah/Geechee people wouldn't thrive and our culture wouldn't survive. So the life of the salt marsh is inextricably tied to our cultural continuation.
Q: How do the Gullah/Geechee people want to see salt marsh conserved?
A: The Gullah/Geechee Nation created a sustainability plan in 2010 that includes a special ocean action section. We’re expanding the plan to include a specific section on the salt marsh, as we enter into new initiatives to prevent litter and debris from entering the area and as we work to educate people more about the life that exists between what to many simply look like blades of grass covered by water a few times a day. We’re proud to work with global partners via the United Nations to protect our environment and continue our cultural heritage.
Q: Can you say more about this work with the United Nations?
A: We’re working on the United Nations sustainable development goals and due to that effort, we’ve been supporting the United States' and South Carolina's 30 by 30 plans to conserve 30% of the waterways and 30% of the land by the year 2030. We would want special emphasis to be placed on the salt marsh and the ocean in the implementation aspects of these plans. That would allow the salt marsh to not only be conserved but would allow it to naturally be replenished.
Q: What do you hope for the new South Atlantic Salt Marsh Initiative?
A: The initiative is a perfect fit for the Gullah/Geechee Nation! It suits us like a custom-made garment or a personally crafted vessel that will finally allow us to get other folks to navigate our coast with us in a way that is in harmony with our cultural traditions. I’m looking forward to bringing Gullah/Geechee traditional knowledge into the planning process, but even more than that, I’m looking forward to putting on my hip boots and stepping out into the marsh with my Gullah/Geechee famlee.
As one of our Gullah/Geechee proverbs goes, "De wata bring we and de wata gwine tek we bak" ("The water brings to us and the water will take us back"). I pray that this initiative allows us to take the salt marsh back to being healthy while also educating the next generation of Gullah/Geechee coastal stewards to continue the effort in the future. We intend to have many more generations of our people along this shore just beyond the marsh who will continue to walk to the shoreline to nourish their bodies, minds, and souls. Tenk GAWD fa de Gullah/Geechee coast!
Agenda for America
Resources for federal, state, and local decision-makers
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<urn:uuid:64f9ccf3-ba0b-4848-8473-f293d2714756>
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{
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"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.5625,
"fasttext_score": 0.05250656604766846,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9422757029533386,
"url": "https://www.pewtrusts.org/de/research-and-analysis/articles/2021/07/12/african-descendants-have-stake-in-saving-us-southeast-salt-marshes"
}
|
Quick Answer: What Is Your Definition Of Initiative?
How do you define initiative?
one’s personal, responsible decision: to act on one’s own initiative..
How do you show your initiative at work?
How to show initiative at workDo more than what is expected of you.Make your career plan.Work on your confidence.Develop a team mentality.Actively request feedback and follow it.Always keep a positive attitude.Be prepared for any opportunity.More items…•
How do you teach students initiative?
So with that, let’s get to it!Tie Your Lessons to the End Goal. In school and the workplace, goals encourage people to take initiative. … Incorporate Group Work in Your Lessons. … Let Your Students Work Independently. … Help Students Stay Productive & Be Proactive. … Encourage Students to Discover Outside Connections.
What is another word for taking initiative?
v. force, compel, take back, obligate.
How do you use the word initiative?
Initiative sentence examplesLike it or not, we need to take the initiative and set the record straight. … Compressed dry guncotton is easily detonated by an initiative detonator such as mercuric fulminate. … His power of initiative in poetry was very small, and the range of poetic ground which he could cover strictly limited.More items…
How do you describe someone who takes initiative?
A particularly enterprising person is sometimes called a go-getter. Volunteer – A person who offers to do something out of their own will.
What is the root word of initiative?
Etymology. From French initiative, from Medieval Latin *initiativus (“serving to initiate”), from Late Latin initiare (“to begin, Latin initiate”), from Latin initium (“beginning”), from ineo (“enter, begin”).
How do you show initiative?
What does initiative mean in government?
In political science, an initiative (also known as a popular or citizens’ initiative) is a means by which a petition signed by a certain minimum number of registered voters can force a government to choose to either enact a law or hold a public vote in parliament in what is called indirect initiative, or under direct …
Is it take initiative or take the initiative?
Begin a task or plan of action, as in The boss was on vacation when they ran out of materials, so Julie took the initiative and ordered more . This term uses initiative in the sense of “the power to originate something,” a usage dating from the late 1700s.
What do you say about initiative?
How do you say good initiative?
great initiative / synonymsexcellent initiative. phr.welcome initiative. phr.very good move. phr.valuable initiative. phr.fine initiative. phr.successful initiative. phr.good initiative. phr.splendid initiative. phr.More items…
What are examples of initiative?
If you’re still struggling to think of an example of when you’ve shown initiative…Innovative thinking.Problem-solving.Entrepreneurism.Creativity.Leadership.Confidence and the self-belief to try something new.Being quick to learn.How proactive you can be.
Why is being initiative important?
Initiative is the ability to be resourceful and work without always being told what to do. It requires resilience and determination. People who show initiative demonstrate they can think for themselves and take action when necessary. It means using your head, and having the drive to achieve.
What is an initiative goal?
Initiatives are high-level efforts that you will complete in order to achieve a goal. … When you establish initiatives, you are simply specifying the work that needs to be accomplished in order to achieve the goals and deliver against the larger strategy that has been set.
How do you show initiative in the workplace?
Here are nine ways to take initiative at work:Be proactive.Find opportunities for improvement.Voice your ideas.Be decisive.Improve systems, procedures and policies.Address and prevent problems.Be prepared for meetings.Anticipate questions and prepare answers.More items…•
What is a great initiative?
Initiative can also mean a personal quality that shows a willingness to get things done and take responsibility. An initiative is the start of something, with the hope that it will continue. Government and business start initiatives all the time. You can also talk about initiative as a personal quality.
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<urn:uuid:12c8660e-42e3-46c5-b5c9-062d233665bc>
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.515625,
"fasttext_score": 0.1670541763305664,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9052526950836182,
"url": "https://externalfixation2007.com/qa/quick-answer-what-is-your-definition-of-initiative.html"
}
|
CPM Homework Banner
Home > MC1 > Chapter 1 > Lesson 1.1.3 > Problem 1-25
Julio is an architect who designs skyscrapers. If each story (floor or "layer") of a new building is feet high, help Julio answer the following questions.
1. How high would a two-story building be? What about a -story building? What about a -story building?
Each new story adds an additional feet to the total height of the building.
It may also be helpful to think of the stories as ''layers'' which are feet thick each.
The other buildings can be solved in similar ways.
2. If Julio had to design the building to be feet tall, how many stories should the building have?
This is the opposite of the previous one. This time we already know the height of the building but not the number of stories. Try rearranging one of your solutions to the last problem so that the answer is the number of stories. Then apply that to this problem.
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 4.3125,
"fasttext_score": 0.9158999919891357,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9641025066375732,
"url": "https://homework.cpm.org/category/CON_FOUND/textbook/mc1/chapter/1/lesson/1.1.3/problem/1-25"
}
|
ISSN 2330-717X
New Technique Has Potential To Protect Oranges From Citrus Greening
Citrus greening, also called Huanglongbing (HLB), is devastating the citrus industry. Florida alone has experienced a 50 to 75 percent reduction in citrus production. There are no resistant varieties of citrus available and limited disease control measures.
Some scientists think it is possible that orange juice could one day become as expensive and rare as caviar. In an effort to prevent this, three plant pathologists at the University of California-Berkeley and United States Department of Agriculture conducted research into ways to boost citrus immunity and protect the valuable fruit against citrus greening.
Because the bacteria that causes citrus greening cannot be grown in a lab, scientists have to find novel ways to conduct experiments. The University of California-Berkeley/USDA team looked at many different strains of the bacteria that cause citrus greening to see if they could identify peptides (a compound of two or more amino acids) that would trigger immune responses.
“This was a long list, so we narrowed it down by selecting small peptides that were a bit different in their peptide sequence, which might imply that the bacterium had made those sequence changes so that they wouldn’t be recognized by the plant immune system,” explained Jennifer D. Lewis, group leader of the research team. “Then we further narrowed that list to peptides from strains that caused disease in citrus.”
Through this research, they showed that two peptides could trigger immune responses in multiple plant species, including citrus. These peptides may play a role in preventing or reducing yield loss from citrus greening.
According to Lewis, “We thought it was particularly interesting that some of the peptides predicted to elicit a response, could actually trigger immune responses in multiple plant species. This suggests that the immune response to these peptides is conserved across species.”
Leave a Reply
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<urn:uuid:2693b456-fe7e-4e06-8ca3-add56a5e2704>
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.578125,
"fasttext_score": 0.03958934545516968,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9559707045555115,
"url": "https://www.eurasiareview.com/19032020-new-technique-has-potential-to-protect-oranges-from-citrus-greening/"
}
|
The Battle of the Bulls
One of the strangest battles of the Mexican-American War was fought on the banks of the San Pedro. Under the leadership of Brigham Young, members of the Church of Latter-day Saints had settled in Mexico seeking a refuge from religious persecution when the Mexican-American War broke out. Young believed that if he offered the United States a company of men to help fight Mexico, he could win tolerance, transportation, and desperately needed cash. So after threatening to enlist women, children, and old people if fighting-age men didn't volunteer, Brigham Young mustered 500 volunteers, who lined up raggedly under the command of Phillip St. George Cooke and set out to develop a road between the Rio Grande and California. Like Coronado before them, they passed through the San Pedro River valley.
On the banks of the San Pedro they fought their only battle when a herd of enraged, wild bulls attacked the wagon train. The astonished soldiers found themselves beset by scores of furious bulls, which seemed to be more enraged than hurt by bullets. The bulls, descended from cattle abandoned by the Mexicans and the Spanish, badly gored two men and killed several mules. The well-armed Mormons ultimately killed about 0 bulls and probably wounded about twice that many.
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<urn:uuid:881a574b-e33e-4edb-a192-7bfeb2a55f8e>
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.625,
"fasttext_score": 0.055361390113830566,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9637529253959656,
"url": "https://geography.name/the-battle-of-the-bulls/"
}
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算法代写 | Sequence Assignment 3
1. Boolean operators NAND and NOR are de ned as follows
NAND true false
true false true
false true true
NOR true false
true false false
false false true
You are given a boolean expression consisting of a string of the symbols true,
false, separated by operators AND, OR, NAND and NOR but without any
parentheses. Count the number of ways one can put parentheses in the ex-
pression such that it will evaluate to true. (20 pts)
2. You are given a 2D map consisting of an RC grid of squares; in each square
there is a number representing the elevation of the terrain at that square.
Find a path going from square (1;R) which is the top left corner of the map
to square (C; 1) in the lower right corner which from every square goes only
to the square immediately below or to the square immediately to the right
so that the number of moves from lower elevation to higher elevation along
such a path is as small as possible. (20 pts)
3. In a pond there is a sequence on n lily pads arranged in a straight line:
1; 2; 3 : : : n . On lily pad i there are fi 0 ies. On lily pad 1 there is a
frog sitting. The frog can only jump forward from a lily pad i to either lily
pad i+3 or lily pad i+4. Find the largest number of ies that the frog can
catch. (20 pts)
Hint: be careful: not all lily pads are accessible to the frog; the frog can only
jump from the starting lily pad 1 to lily pads 4 and 5 but cannot access lily
pads 2 and 3. Also, for some i there might be no ies on that lily pad (i.e.,
fi = 0). So you want to distinguish between lily pads without ies but which
are accessible and lily pads which are not accessible.
4. You are on vacation for N days at a resort that has three possible activities
1,2 and 3. For each day i, for each activity 1,2 or 3, you’ve determined how
much enjoyment e(i; j) (1 i n; 1 j 3) you will get out of that
activity if you do it on that particular day (the same activity might give you
a di erent amounts of enjoyment at di erent days). However, you are not
allowed to do the same activity two days in a row. Design an algorithm for
determining the maximum total enjoyment possible over the entire stay of
N days and the sequence of activities you should do at each day. (20 pts)
5. Given a weighted directed graph G(V;E), nd a path in G (possibly self-
intersecting) of length exactly K that has the maximum total weight. The
path can visit a vertex multiple times and can traverse an edge also multiple
times. It can also start and end at arbitrary vertices or even start and end
at the same vertex. (20 pts)
E-mail: itcsdx@outlook.com 微信:itcsdx
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<urn:uuid:04e34a7d-e824-4e85-a8b4-4307b08e3572>
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.59375,
"fasttext_score": 0.9915089011192322,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.8700740933418274,
"url": "https://www.itcsdaixie.com/%E7%AE%97%E6%B3%95%E4%BB%A3%E5%86%99-sequence-assignment-3/"
}
|
The “Tigers of War” of the Qing Dynasty
In China's martial culture, tigers have been, since ancient times, a symbol of audacity, courage and dedication in combat. From the late 18th to early 20th centuries, among European missionaries and diplomats who visited China, we found descriptions and references to warriors wearing tiger skins or uniforms that mimic the fur and shape of this animal.
These early references recreate a romantic image of China, and would significantly influence the exotic image that Europeans would develop from the country and, more specifically, from the savage and bloodthirsty indigenous warrior. However, this image would change radically after the Opium Wars, passing from admiration to mockery.
Although some raise doubts about the veracity of these descriptions, wondering if these warriors actually existed, or whether they were simply isolated individuals and not a properly formed military corps, it seems that the "Tigers of War" did actually exist as an infantry contingent during the Qīng 清 dynasty. It was a téngpáiyíng 藤牌營 battalion, this is, soldiers trained in the use of the rattan shield (téng pái 藤牌) and sabre (dāo 刀). The name "Tigers of War" was given by European missionaries, and it does not relate to a Chinese name, as far as we know. The few Chinese references we have found refer to them simply as hǔyī téngpáibīng 虎衣藤牌兵, or téng pái soldiers in tiger uniform.
Ilustración con Soldado Tigre - The "Tigers of War" of the Qing Dynasty
We do not know the origin of this illustration, which shows a téngpáibīng dressed in tiger skins, on the right.
This "Tiger Battalion" should not be confused with the unit called Hǔshényíng 虎神營 ("Tiger Spirit Battalion"), with which it has no relationship. This Hǔshényíng division existed during the mandate of Empress dowager Cíxǐ 慈禧; it was created in 1899 and composed of Manchu soldiers.
Although this "Tiger Unit" of téngpáibīng operated during the Qīng dynasty, there are some precedents in Chinese history of the war use of tiger skins. And, contrary to what some, such as Chamberlin (see below), point to, in a mocking way, tiger uniforms were not intended to frighten human enemies, but horses or other war animals.
The first historical reference we find to this type of strategy belongs to the Spring and Autumn period (chūn qiū shí dài 春秋時代, 771-476 BC). At the Battle of Chéngpú 城濮, it is said that the state of Jìnplaced tiger skins on their horses, which managed to scare away the cavalry of the rival state of Chǔ 楚, which fled in disbandment.
Similarly, during the reign of Emperor Yǒnglè 永樂 of the Míng 明 dynasty, the Duke of Yīng 英國公, Zhāng Fǔ 張輔, used some kind of lion painting on the horses, in conjunction with firearms, to scare off the elephants of the enemy's army.
The first evidence suggesting that tiger uniforms were worn by the soldiers themselves is found in two ceramic figures dating back to the Suí 隋 dynasty (581-618).
Guerreros Tigre Dinastía Sui - The "Tigers of War" of the Qing Dynasty
These figures depict two horsemen dressed in tiger head hoods, with the animal's skin falling on their shoulders. We know nothing about these mysterious riders, although it is likely that their uniform was used with the same intention of scaring the enemy's horses.
Also during the Míng dynasty, the nationalist hero Zhèng Chénggōng 鄭成功 used a téngpáiyíng squadron in uniforms depicting tigers.
Zhèng is known in the West as Koxinga, romanization of his honorific name, Guóxìngyé國姓爺. Koxinga was a military leader who fought the europeans in Taiwan, forcing the withdrawal of the Dutch, who until then controlled the island.
- The "Tigers of War" of the Qing Dynasty
Zhèng Chénggōng 鄭成功, known as Koxinga.
Koxinga is known to have used his téngpáiyíng against cavalry, attacking the animals' legs with sabres. Historian Tonio Andrade, in Lost Colony: The Untold Story of China's First Great Victory over the West, refers to them as "Tiger Guard", and says they wore iron armor covering the entire body, with tiger heads painted on helmets and shields.
The "Tigers of War" of the Qīng Dynasty
In the years 1685-1686, during the reign of Emperor Kāngxī 康熙, the Qīng empire came into conflict with Tsarist Russia over the territory of Jaxa (known to the Manchus as yaksa; 雅克薩 yǎkèsà in Chinese).
Inspired by Koxinga, he recruited a unit of téngpáibīng, from which it is said that wore tiger skins and heads. These soldiers came from the province of Fújiàn 福建, and were trained and led by a certain Lín Xīngzhū 林兴珠, who had been under Koxinga's command and seen the effectiveness of téngpáiyíng battalions.
A noteworthy story, of which despite having no reliable references from it, circulates in Chinese accounts, tells us that Emperor Kāngxī, who did not develop modern weaponry, reinforced rattan shields to make them more resistant to Russian ammunition, placing "a layer of cotton between two layers of rattan, or a layer of rattan between two layers of cotton" ("藤牌稍薄，双层者加旧棉一层，单层者加旧棉两层，坚固可用"). It seems that this reinforcement could not stop the musket bullets, but it did cause the bullets passing through the shield not to be lethal.
The téngpáiyíng led by Xīngzhū was sent to fight in Jaxa, where it appears that they made some skirmishes successfully against the luó chà 罗刹 ("demons", the name by which the Russians were called in China, and which belongs to Buddhist terminology).
Among these raids is the episode of the battle on the river during the siege of Albazin, in which the téngpáibīng of Lín Xīngzhū attacked the Russian fleet from the water. Chinese warriors immersed in the river naked, covering their heads with rattan shields and armed with their sabres, and stormed Russian boats, killing thirty of their soldiers and holding fifteen prisoners, as well as capturing one of their rafts, without suffering a single casualty. However, tiger skins are not mentioned in this episode.
William Alexander
William Alexander (1767–1816) was a British artist, and primarily responsible for how Westerners perceived tiger soldiers at the time. Painter and illustrator, he accompanied Earl Macartney's embassy to China in 1792, where he made numerous drawings of everyday scenes.
Alexander's drawings had a major impact on the way Europe imagined China in the 19th century, at least until the Opium Wars.
In one of his illustrations, from 1796, entitled "A Chinese Military Post", a group of regular soldiers are seen on the front line, and on one side of the image, in the background, two tiger soldiers can be seen training with sabres and shields.
William Alexander A Chinese Military Post - The "Tigers of War" of the Qing Dynasty
“A Chinese Military Post”, by William Alexander.
To the left of the image, there are two "tiger soldiers" practicing with sabers and shields.
In Costumes of China (1805), a volume of illustrations with brief textual descriptions, an infantryman is seen dressed in a uniform that mimics the skin and head of the tiger, carrying a rattan shield and a sabre, which he calls "Tiger of War", clarifying that this is the name given by European missionaries to these warriors. In his description, Alexander makes a brief mention of the uniform, but does not clarify who these "Tigers of War" were.
William Alexander A Chinese Infantry Soldier - The "Tigers of War" of the Qing Dynasty
"A Chinese Soldier Of Infantry, Or Tiger of War",
from William Alexander's illustrations book "Costumes of China".
The accounts of "Tiger Soldiers" reappear again during the First Opium War (1839–1842). The Qīng armies were defeated over and over again by British forces. Emperor Dàoguāng 道光 used a contingent of tiger-clad téngpáibīng to face the enemy.
In 1842, the Manchu prince Yìjīng 奕經 used a contingent of seven hundred "Tiger Soldiers" from Sìchuān 四川 in the battle of Níngbō 寧波, with fateful results.
Similarly, in Dìnghǎi 定海, the British killed several hundred "tiger soldiers" with their firearms, while they suffered only one casualty. Tiger uniforms don't seem to play any decisive role in this encounter. These could work against horses, but not against an army that did not rely on animals.
Tiger soldiers were also used in the defence of Xiàmén 廈門 in August 1841, in the face of the British attack.
British Officer John Eliot Bingham's account mentions these soldiers as dressed in striped uniforms and caps with small ears. It is also said that the resistance in the taking of Xiàmén was rather scarce. We even have a graphic depiction of this battle, in an illustration by Michael Angelo Hayes and James Henry Lynch, with the "Tigers of War" included in it.
Toma de Xiamen - The "Tigers of War" of the Qing Dynasty
“The 18th (Royal Irish) Regiment of Foot, At the Storming of the Fortress of Amoy, August 26th 1841”,
by Michael Angelo Hayes y James Henry Lynch.
Amoy is the name by which the British knew Xiàmén 廈門.
After these incidents, we do not hear again about the combat action of this contingent, which became the laughing stock of the dynasty, and the object of mocking by some European observers.
¿Phantom soldiers?
Alicia Little (1845–1926), better known as Ms. Archibald Little, was a British writer and women's rights activist. Married to a merchant, she lived and wrote in China for some time.
In Intimate China: The Chinese as I have seen them (1899), Little doubts the existence of the "Tigers of War", and claims to have heard that it was not a real unit, but a "phantom" group, by which some corrupt officers pocketed money. It is true that at that time it was not uncommon for certain officers to enlist fictional or "phantom" soldiers, whose pay was issued by the government and which ended up in the pocket of those who supposedly led them.
Intimate China Archibald Little - The "Tigers of War" of the Qing Dynasty
The latest clues about the "Tigers of War" are provided by Wilbur J. Chamberlin, a reporter for the American newspaper New York Sun during the Boxer Rebellion. In Ordered to China: Letters of Wilbur J. Chamberlin, a collection of letters written in 1900 and published in 1904, Chamberlin claims to have crossed paths with a tiger soldier who caught his eye. He says he belonged to the "Tiger Brigade" of the Imperial Army.
According to him, the soldiers of this brigade, of which he mocks, are placed on the front line, onto hands and knees, roaring to frighten the enemy. Their uniforms are an imitation of the tiger's skin, not real skins.
We must understand Chamberlin's mockery in the context of Western victories over China, linked to the crumbling of the country's romantic image that had been part of the European imaginary during the previous century.
Los Tigres de la Guerra en la Dinastía Qing - The "Tigers of War" of the Qing Dynasty
Illustration from a military manual (兵技指掌圖說 bīng jì zhǐ zhǎng tú shuō),
showing a group of téngpáibīng dressed as tigers.
On the right it reads:
"The training of the téngpái requires a flexible waist, fast footwork,
holding the téngpái in the left hand, holding the sabre in the right hand,
using the téngpái to scare the horses, hiding the sabre to attack the enemy,
rolling the téngpái, using hands and eyes together to defend the body and defeat the enemy;
skillful training requires using powerful attacks against the cavalry.
This is the way to practice with the téngpái."
Despite the lack of reliable references identifying the téngpáibīng of Lín Xīngzhū as "Tiger Soldiers", these definitely made their appearance during the Opium War. However, it is precisely in this historical context that tiger skins or uniforms were less useful as a military strategy, so we must understand these as a symbol of identity, and not much as a practical element.
These téngpáibīng, no matter how well-trained they were in the use of shield and sabre, were already almost an anachronism in the war context of their time. Hence their little effectiveness in combat.
As we already mentioned in the article The Rattan Shield, téng pái used to be decorated with drawings of tiger heads, due to the association between the word tiger, 虎, and the word protect, 護. It is possible that this association was expanded to end up applying itself also to the uniform and not just to the shield.
In any case, the "Tigers of War" are a mysterious contingent of which we lack reliable references today. Let's hope we have more data in the future, and let everyone draw their own conclusions
Thank you for sharing!
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Search Results for leading - All Grades
780 questions match "leading". Refine Your Search
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Grade 7 Journalism
1. Astonisher lead
2. Question lead
3. Cartridge lead
4. Summary lead
Grade 12 Journalism
Grade 1 Prefixes and Suffixes
What is the meaning of the word below?
1. to lead
2. want to lead
3. a person who leads
Grade 10 Molecules and Compounds
What is the correct name for the formula [math]PbS[/math]?
1. Lead (I) sulfide
2. Lead (II) sulfide
3. Lead sulfate
4. Lead sulfide
Grade 11 The Color of Water CCSS: CCRA.R.3, RL.11-12.3
Why does Ruth push her children to complete their education?
1. It leads to a good job.
2. It leads to being respected.
3. It leads to independence.
4. It leads to a happy life.
Continuing Education Medical Practices
aVR, aVL, aVF, Lead 1, Lead 2 and Lead 3 are collectively known as?
1. Limb leads
2. Unipolar leads
3. Cardiac cycle
4. Septum
College Culinary Skills
Choose the correct answer for metal/s most commonly found in wine.
1. iron and copper
2. steel
3. iron, copper, lead
4. lead
Continuing Education Scales
A leading tone is:
1. The first note of a scale
2. The seventh note of a scale
3. The fifth note of a scale
4. Is not a member of a scale
Grade 8 Periodic Table and Elements
College Journalism
What is a lead?
1. The senior reporter at a newspaper
2. The opening paragraph of a news story
3. The newspaper with the largest audience
4. The main character in a news story
Grade 9 Cell Structure and Function
Why does osmosis cause an animal cell to burst when it is placed in a freshwater environment?
1. Osmosis leads to water moving into the cell.
2. Osmosis leads to water moving out of the cell.
3. Osmosis leads to solutes moving into the cell.
4. Osmosis leads to solutes moving out of the cell.
Grade 5 Fill in the Blank Vocabulary
Lead is made out of .
1. activity
2. graphite
3. memory
4. contact
Grade 8 Story Elements
Events leading to the conclusion.
1. Inciting Incident
2. Exposition
3. Rising Action
4. Climax
5. Falling Action
6. Conclusion
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Terrific Tetanurae 14: Podokesaurus holyokensis
The rising sun adds a warm ambience to the crisp morning. The forest wakes from its slumber as its inhabitants begin a chorus which will last until the evening. Yet this tune lacks the happy calls of birds, which do not yet exist. Their ancestors do, however, live in these woods, and just like the sun at dawn, they themselves are rising in stature among the trees.
Among the bird relatives present in these ancient Early Jurassic woodlands are podokesaurs. These nimble predators, which can reach 10 feet in length, are a common site. Males of this species produce a distinct grumbling sound using a bright-blue colored throat sac. Females, which usually are larger then males, bear brown, black, and gold scales.
Podokesaurs are social animals, and form large flocks during the wet season when food is plentiful. In this way, they are able to coexist and find mates will little difficulty. Males rarely engage in physical confrontation to win over females. Instead, each male tries to produce a grumble louder than their competitor. The victor wins over the female, and the loser must look somewhere else for a mate. During the dry season, podokesaurs roam in small family groups composed of a mating pair and their offspring. Podokesaur chicks instinctively ride on their parents backs during long journeys, and only start to walk for long periods of time themselves when they are around a year old. The goal of these “dry-season treks” is to find an area where water is still present, which is extremely hard to do given that the podokesaurs live in the rift valleys of the Early Jurassic Northeastern United States. Here, sun beams stab at the gaunt cliffs and flat woodlands that the podokesaurs live in, cracking the ground and burning the trees.
The wet season brings monsoons, and a single one of these can cause widespread flooding and rockslides, which can wipe a valley bare of trees and animals. For those which survive this natural lottery, the monsoons bring much-needed water to parched rivers and lakes. In a single day, a dusty grove of conifers can turn into a bog, and a clearing into a delta. The podokesaurs exploit this, using their long necks to sneak up on and grab invertebrates and fish, such as the coelacanth Diplurus. They are joined by prosauropods like Anchisaurus and larger carnivorous dinosaurs like Eubrontes. In some cases, podokesaurs mob an unlucky prosauropod, causing death by bloodloss and exhaustion. However, the podokesaurs must be wary, as their prosauropod contemporaries are armed with hand spikes which can sever arteries and pierce eyes.
The vast flocks of podokesaurs which form during the wet season are also an omen of death for some. Often, a podokesaur is trampled by others of its kind, and left to die on the side of a riverbed. Now, the skeletons of these fallen predators are being discovered, and provide a glimpse into their incredibly interesting lives.
Podokesaurus holyokensis is an enigmatic species of small carnivorous dinosaur from the Early Jurassic of the Eastern United States. Originally described by Mignon Talbot in 1911 (Talbot, 1911), and has been classified as a coelophysoid dinosaur (Tykoski & Rowe, 2004). In fact, Mignon would be the first woman to describe a non-avian dinosaur (Turner, Burek, & Moody, 2010). Podokesaurus means “swift-footed lizard”, a name fitting for a small, gracile theropod dinosaur. Like other coelophysoids, Podokesaurus was a predator of small animals, preying on anything it could fit into its mouth. Podokesaurus was most likely also a scavenger, feeding on the kills of larger Connecticut Valley predators such as the large theropod dinosaur Eubrontes giganteus (=Dilophosaurus?).
Cast of the holotype of Podokesaurus on display at the Peabody Museum. Photo by the author, 2015.
Cast of the holotype of Podokesaurus holyokensis on display at the Peabody Museum. Photo by the author, 2015.
Although the holotype of Podokesaurus suggests that it was an extremely small theropod at only 3 feet in length and 1 foot in height, a second referred specimen (MOS 2001.248) has bones which are around three times longer then the holotype, suggesting an animal around 9 feet long and 3 feet tall. The animal would have lived during the Pliensbachian and Toarcian stages of the Early Jurassic epoch, as the boulder containing the holotype specimen likely originated from a Portland Formation outcrop in Massachusetts. The second referred specimen hails from Connecticut (which may or may not have influenced me to write about this animal) and was described in 1958 (Colbert & Baird, 1958). Footprints of the ichnogenus Grallator are common throughout the Connecticut Valley, and some of them might belong to Podokesaurus or something very much like it, providing a glimpse into the locomotion and behavior of this theropod dinosaur taxon.
Footprints from the Connecticut Dinosaur trackways. In Green: Podokesaurus In Purple: Anomoepus In tan: Batrachopus
Footprints from the Connecticut Dinosaur trackways. In Green: Grallator
In Purple: Anomoepus In tan: Batrachopus. Photo by the author, 2015.
In the Portland Formation environment, Podokesaurus would have coexisted with a menagerie of other dinosaurs and reptiles, including the prosauropods Anchisaurus and Ammosaurus (Weishampel et al., 2004), as well as the large theropod dinosaur Eubrontes (Dalman, 2012). This formation provides one of the best glimpses we have of the rift valley ecosystems of the Early Jurassic Northeastern US.
Eubrontes giganteus footprint cast. Photo by the author, 2015.
Eubrontes giganteus footprint cast. Photo by the author, 2015.
Not only has Podokesaurus extensively furthered our knowledge the dinosaurs of the Eastern US, but the citation of the paper describing it also showcases the name of the first woman to ever describe a non-avian dinosaur (keep in mind that Podokesaurus was described in 1911, almost a decade before the events of 1919-20 which finally allowed women to vote in the United States). In this way, Podokesaurus not only becomes an important animal in understanding the paleoecology of Early Jurassic ecosystems, but also an animal which represents a key time in American history.
Podokesaurus holyokensis by the author. Pencils on paper, 2015.
Podokesaurus holyokensis by the author. Pencils on paper, 2015.
For those who want to see some of the footprints found in the Connecticut Valley, the footprint slab showcased above is now on display at the Stamford Museum. For directions and more information, go to http://www.stamfordmuseum.org
1. Talbot, M. 1911. “Podokesaurus holyokensis, a new dinosaur of the Connecticut Valley. American Journal of Science 31: 469-479.
2. Tykoski, R.S. & Rowe, T. 2004. “Ceratosauria.” In Weishampel, D.B., Dodson, P., & Osmolska, H. (eds.) The Dinosauria (2nd Edition). Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 47–70.
3. Turner, S.; Burek, C.; Moody, R.T. 2010. “Forgotten women in an extinct Saurian ‘mans’ World.” In Moody, R.T.; Buffetaut, E.; Martill, D.; Naish, D. (eds.) Dinosaurs and Other Extinct Saurians: A Historical Perspective. The Geological Society of London Special Publication 343: 111-153.
4. Colbert, E.H. & Baird, D. 1958. “Coelurosaur bone casts from the Connecticut Valley Triassic.” American Museum Novitates 1901: 1-11.
5. Weishampel, D. B. et al. 2004. “Dinosaur distribution (Early Jurassic, North America).” In Weishampel, D. B.; Dodson, P.; and Osmólska, H. (eds.): The Dinosauria (2nd Edition) Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 530–532.
6. Dalman, S. G. 2012. “New Data on Small Theropod Footprints from the Early Jurassic (Hettangian) Hartford Basin of Massachusetts, United States.” Bulletin of the Peabody Museum of Natural History 53(2): 333-353.
1. Usually Podokesaurus is lumped in with Coelophysis, so it makes sense that you haven’t heard much about P. holyokensis. Moreover, Podokesaurus is likely the owner of millions of Grallator footprints from the Connecticut valley dating to the same time. Footprints can tell us so much about behavior and locomotion, so it’s a shame that Podokesaurus is such an obscure dinosaur.
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Insect Hunts
Worming Around
Learn about caddies worms in this "worming around" activity. Caddis worms are the larvae of caddisflies. The worms carry around the silken cases the flies live in. The word "caddis" comes from an old European word meaning "cotton wool."
Moth-like caddisflies lay their eggs in ponds, marshes, or streams. The nymphs that hatch are aquatic. To protect themselves, they build cases from the materials around them. The nymphs, camouflaged in their cases, can extend their bodies to feed. One kind of caddisfly builds a case resembling a miniature pine cone, bristling with bits of dead leaves. Another builds a long, narrow, cone-shaped case.
Caddisfly Houses
What You'll Need:
Caddisfly nymphs (collect from a pond)
Plastic cups
Natural material for case-building, such as sand and bits of dead leaves
Step 1: Watch caddisfly nymphs build their cases from material around them. Find caddisfly nymphs in clear, shallow water at ponds and streams. You may be able to catch them with your hands. You can also catch them with a dip net.
Step 2: When you've collected several nymphs, fill some plastic cups with pond water, one for each nymph. Gently remove a nymph from its case and put it in a plastic cup.
Step 3: In one cup, break apart the nymph's old case and see if the nymph will use it. In another, try broken-up dead leaves. In another, try sand, dry grass, or anything else "natural."
Step 4: Time the nymphs to see how long it takes them to build cases.
Does it take longer to build a case from one material than another?
Before letting the nymphs go, offer them the same material their original cases were built from and let them make new protective cases.
On the next page, learn how to look for insects in leaves.
For more fun activities and animal crafts, check out:
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By the 1860s, women began requesting anesthesia during childbirth, but physicians at the time did not have much evidence on the benefits. As a result, physicians began to research possible anesthetic drugs that could be used during childbirth. In 1902 Richard von Steinbüchel, an Austrian physician, recommended the use of scopolamine, a drug that caused patients to enter a semi-conscious state and experience amnesia, or the inability to recall events. Steinbüchel conducted research on the combination of morphine, a narcotic pain reliever, and scopolamine to determine the efficacy of the drug mixture as a general birth anesthetic. According to Gilbert Geis, author of In Scopolamine Veritas, Steinbüchel sought to reduce the pain of childbirth without rendering the pregnant woman completely unconscious. Historians came to refer the mental state produced by the combination of morphine and scopolamine during childbirth as twilight sleep.
In the early twentieth century, Bernhardt Kronig and Karl Gauss continued Steinbüchel’s research and further examined the combination of morphine and scopolamine as an anesthetic during childbirth. While researching scopolamine, Kronig and Gauss recorded the prefered dosage to create a sedated state as well as the problematic side effects that were associated with the drug. Kronig and Gauss noted that many women in twilight sleep exhibited slowed pulse, decreased respiration, and delirium. After their research, Kronig and Gauss presented their findings.
In 1906, Kronig and Gauss presented their research on the effects of scopolamine at the National Obstetrics Conference in Berlin, Germany. Their findings showed that using scopolamine resulted in fewer complications during childbirth and a faster recovery. At the conference, Kronig and Gauss received skepticism from other physicians. Despite opposition from other physicians, Kronig and Gauss continued their research and began publishing their results. After the conference, many wealthy German women started to travel to Freiburg, Germany, where Kronig and Gauss worked, to undergo twilight sleep during childbirth. According to physician and historian Mark Sloan, twilight sleep was a popular choice among pregnant women because it provided painless childbirth. Eventually, a team of physicians from Berlin investigated twilight sleep during delivery. According to Sloan, the research trials were poorly designed. From those research trials, twilight sleep was deemed unsafe because it showed no positive effects. Despite the results of the research trial, Kronig and Gauss continued their work on twilight sleep.
By 1907, Gauss used twilight sleep with all his pregnant patients. At the Women’s Clinic of the State University of Baden in Baden, Germany, Gauss began the process of twilight sleep once a woman first experienced labor pain. First, he injected the laboring woman with a mixture of morphine and scopolamine. The ratio of scopolamine to morphine in the mixture depended on the person. After he gave the first injection, Gauss gave subsequent injections of scopolamine only, to inhibit memory formation during labor and delivery. While scopolamine prevented memory formation, it did not prevent pain, therefore to reduce the screaming and thrashing of women during labor, Gauss placed the pregnant women in a dark room and covered their eyes with gauze. In addition, Gauss restrained the pregnant woman on a padded bed using leather straps and inserted oil-soaked cotton into her ears to eliminate the woman’s hearing. Following the delivery, the woman would have no memory of the labor or delivery.
As twilight sleep’s popularity grew, the Women’s Clinic of the State University of Baden had the lowest maternal and neonatal death in Baden. Eventually, pregnant women from the United States began traveling to Germany to receive twilight sleep during childbirth. In 1912, a woman from the United States documented her experience delivering under twilight sleep. The woman, Cecil Stewart, visited Freiburg to give birth to her second child. According to historian Judith Walzer Leavitt, Stewart described twilight sleep as a fairy tale and ended up staying at the clinic for a month because of how much she enjoyed the clinic. As twilight sleep grew more popular, Marguerite Tracy and Constance Leupp, two editors of the McClure’s Magazine in the United States, traveled to the Women’s Clinic of the State University of Baden from New York City, New York.
Once Tracy and Leupp arrived at the women’s clinic in 1913, they spent a few days observing the clinic from the outside. Then, Tracy and Leupp approached the clinic to interview staff and doctors. According to Sloan, the editors were turned away and given no reason why they were not allowed to interview the staff or the doctors. After they were refused interviews, Tracy and Leupp began asking local women about the birth experiences at the clinic. Local women gave positive feedback, commenting on the quiet birthing suites, considerate staff, and waking from a refreshing sleep after childbirth. After receiving comments from the local women, Leupp visited secondhand bookstores and located copies of Kronig and Gauss’ research papers. To translate the papers into English, Leupp hired an English translator from the local school to assist her. According to Sloan, it took Leupp several weeks to translate the research papers and, later, she understood the process of twilight sleep better than the majority of physicians. To glean more information about what happened in the hospital, Tracy and Leupp sent a pregnant woman named Mary Sumner Boyd to give birth at the clinic in 1913. In the clinic, Gauss treated Boyd with twilight sleep, though he was unaware that Boyd was sent by Tracy and was working undercover. Boyd was attended by Gauss, who was unaware that Boyd was undercover. Boyd later reported her experience to Tracy and Leupp.
In May 2014, Tracy and Leupp published an article, in which they presented twilight sleep as a medical advancement and disregarded the controversy over the use of scopolamine in obstetrics. The article also criticized the medical field for withholding information about twilight sleep from the patient. By June 1914, newspaper and magazines in America were pressing American obstetricians to follow their German colleagues and to adopt the method of twilight sleep to provide painless childbirth to women in America.
Later in 1914, the National Twilight Sleep Association or NTSA formed when twilight sleep became a form of delivery method in the United States. Boyd, who started the NTSA, reached out to influential friends to help spread how positive her twilight sleep experience was. One of the members of the NTSA was Bertha Van Hoosen, a Chicago obstetrician, who was a prominent medical advocate for twilight sleep in the United States. Hoosen used twilight sleep at Mary Thompson Hospital in Chicago, Illinois. However, later in the summer of 1915, the demand for twilight sleep started to decrease.
Twilight sleep began to decline in 1915 due to several problems. One of those problems was the complexity of performing twilight sleep accurately. The measurements of morphine and scopolamine had to be precise and the risk of overdose was high. Furthermore, the number of women seeking twilight sleep had outnumbered the number of physicians willing to provide the method of delivery. As a result, physicians began tasking untrained nurses to administer the morphine and scopolamine, which led to a high number of errors.
In addition to the other problems that contributed to the decline in twilight sleep, the death of Francis Carmody in August 1915 furthered the decrease in demand for twilight sleep. Carmody was one of the leading advocates in the United States for twilight sleep, but died giving birth to her third child with twilight sleep. According to Sloan, Carmody’s husband, a lawyer in Brooklyn, New York, and doctor claimed that the death was caused by a hemorrhage and was unrelated to twilight sleep. Although twilight sleep was not the cause of death, twilight sleep decreased within fifteen months of Carmody’s death.
After the demand for twilight sleep declined by 1916, physicians and researchers sought other methods of anesthesia to relieve pain for women during labor.
1. Altman, Lawrence. Who Goes First?: The Story of Self-Experimentation in Medicine. New York City: University of California Press, 1987.
2. Breitstein, Louis. “Morphine-Scopolamine Anesthesia in Obstetrics.” California State Journal of Medicine 8 (1915): 215–220. (Accessed October 16, 2017).
3. Geis, Gilbert. “In Scopolamine Veritas.” Journal Of Criminal Law and Criminology. 50 (1959): 347-357.
4. Lehr, Stella. "A Possible Explanation of the Conflicting Reports on Twilight Sleep.” California State Journal of Medicine 8 (1915): 220–223. articles/PMC1641626/pdf/calstatejmed00104-0011.pdf (Accessed October 16, 2017).
5. Sloan, Mark. Birth Day: A Pediatrician Explores the Science, the History, and the Wonder of Childbirth. Pennsauken: Bookbaby, 2009.
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How to Measure a Current
A clod card made of alabaster, adhered to an acrylic plate and strapped to a brick.
One of the simplest and cheapest ways to measure how much water moves by an area is to take advantage of materials that dissolve in water. The faster water moves past the object, the more of the material will dissolve away, proportional to the exposed surface area of the object. Materials that have been used for this purpose include plaster of paris, alabaster, and even Lifesavers. These are typically called “clod cards” because the first ones consisted of clods of plaster attached to paper cards.
Our lab measures current flow with a combination of clod cards made of alabaster (inexpensive to produce, easy to deploy at many sites at once) with an Acoustic Doppler Velocimeter (very expensive, can only be deployed at one site at a time).
Derek Smith building clod cards.
Derek Smith and Cori Kane hauling a ton of bricks.
One of the disadvantages of clod cards is that they can only tell you about relative current flow. That is, we can tell if Site A has faster flow than Site B, but not the actual average current speed at either site. ADVs are able to measure three-dimensional water movement (“velocimeter”) by sending sound waves (“acoustic”) to bounce off of particles in the water. When the echos from the sound waves return to the sensor, the ADV measures the doppler shift in the waves (“doppler”). We pair clod cards with the ADV so we can approximately calibrate dissolution of the clod cards to an average current speed.
ryan installing adv
Ryan Knowles installing the ADV (Photo by Megan Cook).
The white instrument at the top right is the actual measurement probe. Sound waves emanate from the three prongs, bounce off of particles in the water, and are received at the midpoint of the instrument head. The probe is elevated above the bottom so that we measure free-stream flow instead of the reduced current in the boundary layer. The large yellow canister strapped to the cement base is the battery pack so it can record for weeks at a time. One of the calibrating clod cards is off to the left.
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Food and Friendship in Early Virginia
From initial contact between the English and the Algonquians in the 1580s, the English had advocated a policy of friendship and kindness in relation to the indigenous community. As Thomas Harriot had explained to his readers in as early as 1588, by “meanes of good government,” and through “friendships & love,” the native Virginians would in “short time be brought to civilitie, and the imbracing of true religion.”[3] Food was undoubtedly at the heart of this strategy. After all, the sharing of a meal and the gifting of food was, as Felicity Heal has argued, traditionally a way of constructing bonds of friendship between giver and receiver, of maintaining already affective relationships, and a means by which to express feelings of affection and esteem towards another person.[4] In the earliest English account of Virginia, composed by Arthur Barlowe, who had conducted a reconnaissance of the region in 1584, the provision of food helped shape his initial positive responses to the indigenous community. Barlowe and his fellow Englishmen were treated well by chief Wingina’s brother, Granganimo, being sent sustenance in the form of “bucks, conies, hares, fish the best of the world.” Granganimo’s wife had also shown herself to be a hospitable hostess, entertaining the English and providing them with “supper halfe dressed, pottes and all” to be taken back to the ships. His treatment by the local population led Barlowe to conclude that these people were “most gentle, loving, and faithfull, voide of all guile and treason.”[5]
de bry the seethynge of their meate
Theodore de Bry, copper engraving, “Their Seetheynge of their Meate in Earthen Pottes” (c. 1590).
As permanent English settlement in the region became a reality in the early 1600s, the relationship between the settlers and the local population was undoubtedly strained, first during the winter of 1609 to 1610 when poor weather and food shortages led to the decimation of the English population due to starvation, and then in the 1610s during the First Anglo-Powhatan War.[6] Whilst the Powhatan War was bloody and damaging, it was not detrimental to Anglo-Indigenous relations. The marriage between the English colonist John Rolfe and the daughter of Powhatan, Pocahontas, brought an end to the conflict and led to the establishment of peace between the two groups.[7] Indeed, the famed explorer and coloniser John Smith would later criticise the English leadership in Virginia for entering naively into a peace agreement with the indigenous population. Smith claimed in his 1624 Generall Historie of Virginia (with a breath-taking degree of hindsight) that whilst the colony’s leaders used to express a degree of suspicion towards the native chiefs, by the time of the 1622 attack they were writing so confidently of their “assured peace with the salvages” that “there is now no more feare nor danger either of their power or treachery.”[8]
By 1622, then, relations had improved. Once again, indigenous leaders were willing to share their produce with the settlers and in return, in the words of the English colonist Edward Waterhouse, the Powhatans were “alwaies friendly entertained at the tables of the English.”[9] The sharing of food between the English and the indigenous population of Virginia, and between other European colonising nations and peoples of the Americas, has been interpreted by scholars as largely instrumental, strategic, and highly politicised. Michael Lacombe has argued that the exchange of food was used by English settlers to shore up their status, convey political prowess, and maintain a modicum of peace. Lacombe also suggests that indigenous leaders used the symbolism of food in a similar manner: to reinforce English dependency and to illustrate their own mastery over the environment.[10] Likewise, Enrique Rodriguez-Alegria has argued that Spanish colonisers in Mexico often ate with indigenous peoples and incorporated the materiality of indigenous dining practices into their own, as a means of negotiating and strengthening social and political relations with local elites.[11] What both Lacombe and Rodriguez-Alegria seem to underplay, however, is the extent to which, for the English at least, the sharing of food was interpreted as a genuine sign of friendship and goodwill. Perhaps for the English it was inconceivable that the indigenous population were civilised enough to politically outmanoeuvre them.
Tellingly, the attack of 1622 began at the breakfast tables of the English settlers.[12] Dining tables throughout the early modern period were sites of physical intimacy, conviviality, and locations where social ties could be formed and reinforced.[13] The choice to launch an attack at this symbolic site of friendship and sociability no doubt compounded the sense of betrayal articulated by English settlers in the wake of the attack. In Waterhouse’s account of the attack, Friday 22nd March 1622 began normally. The indigenous people, “as in other dayes before,” came into the homes of the English settlers with “deere, Turkies, Fish, Furres, and other provisions” to exchange for glass, beads, and other such trifles. As had been the case many times before, the English, laying down their own tools and weapons, invited the native Virginians to join them at the breakfast table. It was during this act of commensality, an act that was so central to social ties and the maintenance of friendship in the English imagination, that the Amerindians took up the tools and weapons of the English and began a massacre that would leave, according to Waterhouse, “three hundred forty seven men, women, and children” dead.[14] Waterhouse’s sense of betrayal is palpable, especially in the section of the text where he recounts the fate of a settler named George Thorpe. According to Waterhouse, Thorpe was highly benevolent towards the native population. He “thought nothing too deare for them, and as being desirous to binde them unto him by his many courtesies, hee neuer denyed them any thing that they asked him.” In return, the indigenous population “not only wilfully murdered him, but cruelly and felly, out of devillish malice, did so many barbarous despights and foule scornes after to his dead corpes.”[15] Summing up the emotional toll that the attack had on the English settlers, William Capps, an Englishman who had been living in Virginia since 1609, wrote “God forgive me I think the last massacre killed all our country, besides them they killed, they burst the heart of all the rest.”[16]
merian massacre of 1622
Matthaeus Merian, woodcut, “Massacre of 1622” (1628).
This perceived treachery fundamentally altered Anglo-Indian relations and reshaped English attitudes towards the Virginian lands and the provision of food. Prior to the attack, and during the period of peace initiated by the marriage of John Rolfe and Pocahontas, the English had, from their own perspective at least, respected the lands and provisions belonging to the native population.[17] The English had, where possible, avoided stealing food from the indigenous community, instead preferring to rely on the exchange of food for other commodities. Not only would theft undermine peace and goodwill between the two groups, it would also reflect badly on the English ability to support their own population.[18] All niceties, however, disappeared after March 22nd. In the minds of the English, the native population had betrayed their trust and irrevocably damaged any friendship there had once been. The indigenous population, and their resources, were now fair game. In a letter to Captain William Tucker, the governor Francis Wyatt, instructed how the indigenous population should be dealt with from now on. The English now had permission to take by force “corne, peas, beans or whatsoever else commoditie he shal finde and seisse upon” from “thoes who had there hands in the cruel and treacherous murdering of our people.”[19]
The breakdown of positive emotional relationships between the English and the indigenous population, which had been constructed around food exchange and commensality, radically altered English attitudes towards American lands and American peoples. As Alden T. Vaughan has argued, the attack of 1622 initiated a new policy towards the indigenous population that had not been advocated in the aftermath of earlier periods of conflict. This new policy was one of “unrestrained enmity” that “reflected a persistent but often repressed contempt for the American natives.”[20] The emotional responses of English colonists to what they perceived as the indigenous population’s betrayal at the breakfast table, unleashed a new and much more aggressive approach to Anglo-Indigenous relations. Feelings of friendship were set aside, as were the physical embodiment of these friendships, namely the sharing of food. These were replaced by feelings of betrayal on the part of the English that now, in their minds, justified the theft of food and the intentional starvation of the indigenous population. Waterhouse summed up this new attitude, claiming “the Indians, who before were used as friends, may now most justly be compelled to servitude and drudgery.”[21]
[1] Whilst scholars have identified how vocabularies of emotion coloured social interactions in colonial America, less has been said about how environmental and dietary concerns reshaped the emotional landscape of early modern North America. This blog post gives just one indication of how the history of emotions can be connected to food history in early colonial America. For more on emotion in the early Americas see Nicole Eustace, Passion is the Gale: Emotion, Power, and the Coming of the American Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008) and Javier Villa-Flores and Sonya Lipsett-Rivera, eds., Emotions and Daily Life in Colonial Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2014).
[2] A similar analysis of food and emotional relationships could be made for the period of 1609-1614 but I have chosen to focus here on the aftermath of 1622 given the strong emphasis on food and commensality in the sources and the fact that historians have argued that this attack really represented a turning point in the relationship between the English settlers and the indigenous population: see Alden T. Vaughan, “‘Expulsion of the Salvages’: English Policy and the Virginia Massacre of 1622”, William and Mary Quarterly 35, no. 1 (Jan., 1978): 57-84.
[3] Thomas Harriot, A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia (London, 1588), 25.
[4] Felicity Heal, “Food Gifts, the Household and the Politics of Exchange in Early Modern England”, Past & Present 199, no. 1 (May, 2008): 41-70. For scholarship on early modern friendship more broadly see Cedric C. Brown, Friendship and its Discourses in the Seventeenth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016); Maritere López and Daniel T. Lochman, eds., Discourses and Representations of Friendship in Early Modern Europe, 1500-1700 (London: Routledge, 2016); Gregory D. Smithers, “‘Our Hands and Hearts are Joined Together’: Friendship, Colonialism, and the Cherokee People in Early America”, Journal of Social History 50, no. 4 (2017): 609-629.
[5] Wingina is also referred to by the name of Pemisapan in some early English sources. See Arthur Barlowe, “The First Voyage Made to the Coasts of America, with Two Barks, Where in were Captaines M. Philip Amadas, and M. Arthur Barlowe,” in The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation, ed. Richard Hakluyt (London, 1589), 3:246-247.
[6] It is perhaps the memory of this time of starvation and war that made food so emotionally charged in Virginia. Indeed, the 1610s arguably served as a reminder for what could happen if Anglo-Indigenous relations broke down.
[7] Frederick Fausz, “An “Abundance of Blood Shed”: England’s First Indian War, 1609-1614”, The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 98, no. 1 (Jan., 1990): 3-56.
[8] John Smith, The Generall Historie of Virginia (London, 1624), 138.
[9] Edward Waterhouse, A Declaration of the State of the Colony and Affaires in Virginia (London, 1622), 12.
[10] Michael A. LaCombe, Political Gastronomy: Food and Authority in the English Atlantic World (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012).
[11] Enrique Rodríguez-Alegría, “Eating Like an Indian: Negotiating Social Relations in the Spanish Colonies”, Current Anthropology 46, no. 4 (2005): 551-573.
[12] The breakfast table is mentioned by both Edward Waterhouse and John Smith: Waterhouse, Declaration, 14; John Smith, The Generall Historie of Virginia (London, 1624), 144.
[13] Alison A. Smith, “Family and Domesticity,” in A Cultural History of Food in the Renaissance, ed. Ken Albala (London: Bloomsbury, 2014), 136-150.
[14] Waterhouse, Declaration, 13-14.
[15] Ibid., 15-17.
[16] William Capps, “Letter to Doctor Thomas Wynston”, in The Records of the Virginia Company of London (London: Forgotten Books, 2018), 38.
[17] This is, of course, not to suggest that in reality the English had not resorted to the theft of food in the past. As Frederick Fausz has argued, tensions had mounted between the indigenous population and the English settlers in the very early years of the Jamestown colony due to the English reliance on the Algonquians to provide food. Likewise, during the war of 1609-1614 the theft of food and the destruction of indigenous food supplies was undoubtedly practiced: see Fausz, “An ‘Abundance of Blood Shed.’”
[18] LaCombe, Political Gastronomy, 103.
[19] Francis Wyatt, “Instructions to Captain William Tucker”, in Records of Virginia, 7.
[20] Vaughan, “‘Expulsion of the Salvages’”, 58.
[21] Waterhouse, Declaration, 25.
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1. Pingback: Roundtable Conclusion: Food and Hunger in Vast Early America « The Junto
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Dunnock, Heggenmus, Heckenbraunell, Ferreirinha Comum, Acentor Común
Spotted at Monte Horizonte in the Alentejo region of Portugal. Dunnock sound
The Dunnock (Prunella modularis) is a small passerine bird, or perching bird, found throughout temperate Europe and into Asia. It is by far the most widespread member of the accentor family, which otherwise consists of mountain species. Other common names of the Dunnock include, the Hedge Accentor, Hedge Sparrow, or Hedge Warbler.
Dunnock Birding Portugal
More photos at the bottom of this page:
Dunnocks reside in the more mild western and southern parts of the globe, inhabiting much of Europe including Lebanon, Northern Iran, and the Caucasus. Favorite habitats of the Dunnock include the woodlands, shrubs, gardens, and hedgerows. It builds a neat nest low in a bush or conifer, where adults typically lay three to five unspotted blue eggs. Dunnocks are territorial and may engage in conflict with other birds that encroach upon their nests. Males who share a territory exhibit a strict dominance hierarchy that favors the alpha male in terms of reproduction. Furthermore, members of a group are rarely related, and so competition can result.
A robin-sized bird, the Dunnock typically spans 13.5–14 cm in length. It possesses a streaked back, somewhat resembling a small house sparrow. Like the house sparrow, the Dunnock favors a drab appearance in order to avoid predation. It is brownish underneath, and has a fine pointed bill. Adults have a grey head, and both sexes similarly coloured.
The main call of the Dunnock is a shrill, persistent “tseep” along with a high trilling note, which betray the bird’s otherwise inconspicuous presence. The song is rapid, thin and tinkling, a sweet warble which can be confused with that of the wren, but is shorter and weaker.
The Dunnock possesses fluid mating systems. Females are often polyandrous, breeding with two or more males at once, which is quite rare among birds. This multiple mating system leads to the development of sperm competition amongst the male suitors. DNA fingerprinting has shown that chicks within a brood often have different fathers, depending on the success of the males at monopolizing the female. Males try to ensure their paternity by pecking at the cloaca of the female to stimulate ejection of rival males’ sperm. Dunnocks take just one-tenth of a second to copulate and can have sex more than 100 times a day. Males provide parental care in proportion to their mating success, so two males and a female can commonly be seen provisioning nestlings at one nest.
Dunnock Birding Portugal
Dunnock Birding Portugal
Dunnock Birding Portugal
Dunnock Birding Portugal
Dunnock Birding Portugal
Dunnock Birding Portugal
Other synonyms:
Asturian: Cardexina, Cenizu
Breton: Ar wrac’hig an drez, Ar wrac’hig an drez
Catalan: Pardal de bardissa, Xalambrí
Catalan (Balears): Xalambrí
Czech: Pevuška modrá, P?vuška modrá, pìvuška modrá
Welsh: Brach y cae, Brith y cae, Gwrachell y cae, Gwrychell, Jac llwyd y baw, Llwyd bach, Llwyd y berth, Llwyd y clawdd, Llwyd y dom, Llwyd y gwrych, Siani llwyd
Danish: Jernspurv
German: Braunelle, Heckenbraunelle
English: Dunnock, Dunnock Accentor, European Dunnock, Hedge Accentor, Hedgesparrow, Hedge-Sparrow
Esperanto: pronelo
Spanish: Acentor Comun, Acentor Común
Estonian: Vosaraat, Võsaraat
Basque: Pardal de bardissa, Tuntun arrunta
Finnish: Rautiainen
Faroese: Jarntítlingur
French: Accenteur mouchet
Irish: Donnóg
Gaelic: Gealbhonn nam Preas
Galician: Azulenta, Pardal de bardissa
Manx: Bog Keeir, Drean Mollagh
Croatian: Sivi Popic
Hungarian: Erdei szürkebegy
Icelandic: Runnatítla, Runntítla
Italian: Passera scopaiola, Passera scopaiola europea, Passera scropaiola
Japanese: yoaroppakayakuguri, yo-roppakayakuguri
Cornish: Golvan ke
Latin: Prunella modularis
Dutch: Heggemus, Heggenmus
Norwegian: Jernspurv
Polish: plochacz pokrzywnica, pokrzywnica, pokrzywnica
Portuguese: ferreirinha comum, Ferreirinha-comum
Romansh: Brunella da chaglia
Russian: Lesnaya Zavirushka
Northern Sami: Ruovdecihci
Slovak: Vrchárka modrá
Slovenian: siva pevka
Albanian: Dredhuesi gushëpërhimë
Swedish: Järnsparv
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Question #2871a
1 Answer
Jul 18, 2015
X = -1nC
Y = 1.5nC
Z = 1.5nC
This questions is all about conservation of charge. When two spheres touch the total charge is distributed evenly across both spheres. (This is because they are identical, if they weren't we'd have to look at their relative sizes)
So when sphere X and Y touch the total charge between them is:
3nC + -5nC = -2nC. The charge is evenly distributed so both spheres have -1nC of charge on them.
We can repeat this with Y and Z
Total Charge = -1nC + 4nC = 3nC. Evenly distributed over the two spheres gives us 1.5nC of charge on Y and Z.
*Be careful with the units of charge in this sort of question, as long as the charges are measured in Coulombs, this method works. If instead you are measuring in elementary charges, the can not be any fractional charges in your answer.
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John Singer Sargent (1856-1925), Perseus at Night (Statue of Perseus in Florence), 1907
If I should die, think only this of me:
That there’s some corner of a foreign field
That is for ever England. There shall be
In that rich earth a richer dust concealed;
A dust whom England bore, shaped, made aware,
A body of England’s, breathing English air,
Washed by the rivers, blest by suns of home.
Lines 1-8 from The Soldier (1914) by Rupert Brooke
Benito Mussolini WWII speech
Through the late 19th century, Sargent’s fame continued to grow as the recognition for his portraits continued to garner popularity. By 1900, Sargent was at the height of his fame, but it was also at this time when he began to travel more and devote less time to portrait painting. It was known to many that in Italy, Sargent was at home.
Rupert Brooke’s “The Soldier,” as well as the video of Benito Mussolini giving a speech are included to offer different medias in which the nationalistic sentiment began and continued to developed through the beginning of the 20th century. Nationalism has been cited as one of the major causes of the First World War because of its ability in leading European powers to develop a strong belief in its cultural, economic, and military dominance. Various types of cultural expression including music, literature, and theater all contributed to the promotion of nationalism.
Il Piave Mormorava – Italian WW1 Song
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Pseudocylindrical Projection
Pseudocylindrical projections have the mathematical characteristics of
\[ \begin{align}\begin{aligned}x &= f(\lambda,\phi)\\y &= g(\phi)\end{aligned}\end{align} \]
where the parallels of latitude are straight lines, like cylindrical projections, but the meridians are curved toward the center as they depart from the equator. This is an effort to minimize the distortion of the polar regions inherent in the cylindrical projections.
Pseudocylindrical projections are almost exclusively used for small scale global displays and, except for the Sinusoidal projection, only derived for a spherical Earth. Because of the basic definition none of the pseudocylindrical projections are conformal but many are equal area.
To further reduce distortion, pseudocylindrical are often presented in interrupted form that are made by joining several regions with appropriate central meridians and false easting and clipping boundaries. Interrupted Homolosine constructions are suited for showing respective global land and oceanic regions, for example. To reduce the lateral size of the map, some uses remove an irregular, North-South strip of the mid-Atlantic region so that the western tip of Africa is plotted north of the eastern tip of South America.
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The James Calhoun Garden is where there is a statue of John Caldwell Calhoun. He was the inventor of the rhetoric of states rights. He was also elected vice-president of the United States twice. In Kincaid’s article Sowers and Reapers she say’s, “I remarked on how hard it must be for the black citizens of Charleston to pass each day by the statue of a man who hated them, cast in heroic pose.” John didn’t do anything for black people and he had the nerve to be standing in a heroic position. He was only some type of hero to white people. The other garden Kincaid talk about is the Middleton place a famous plantation and is a popular destination for americans interested in beautiful gardens. There is a grassy terrace at the garden, “At the foot of the terrace are two small lakes the have been fashioned to look like a butterfly. It is all very beautiful, even slightly awesome; and then there is awfulness, for those gardens and that terrace and those lakes were made by slaves.” Kincaid was trying to get people to understand that even though the terrace and lakes were beautiful, we should feel awful. A bunch of people probably know about the lakes at Middleton but they might have not know who spent the blood sweat and tears on building it. In a way we are taking it for granted, because it was built by great people but we don’t acknowledge it. The purpose of Middleton garden is to represent slaves and how great they were. They were forced to make something beautiful but couldn’t enjoy it. The purpose of John Calhoun garden is to show that he represented slavery but black people got through it and blacks are more than just slaves.
CC BY-SA 4.0 The Gardens ” Sowers and Reapers by Briauna is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.
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Missions on Youth Voices
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An Example of a Heptagonal Tiling
On the previous page, an attempt at a recurrence relation for three types of rhombs was shown, but it was noted that attempting to make a set of similar rhombs, with the orientation of their sides reversed, ended in failure.
If no attempt is made to take the smaller round shape, the one with sevenfold symmetry, and slice it into parts with odd numbers of fourteenths, can recurrences then be made for the alternate colors of rhombs?
An attempt to do so produces rhombs which are like the desired purple and blue-green rhombs on one side, but which have the colors of their component rhombs inverted on the other side. This means that some changes are required to the way the previously-proposed parts of this recurrence would work.
The small circle shape has to be changed to retain its symmetry. Fortunately, it is not necessary to make an alternate color thin rhomb, because it appears to be impossible to do so:
but we do need a fully color-reversed form of one of the original rhombs for the small circle. Since color reversal seems to be easy enough to achieve, simply with the need to move the thin rhombs around, there are grounds for optimism. Also, while the small circle simply needs to be rotated by one-fourteenth of 360 degrees to become its color-reversed form, the diagrams above show that the large circle becomes changed to a different pattern, shown on the bottom left of the illustration above; this one requires a color-reversed form of the thin rhomb as well.
A fourth vertex type is shown, which will be required by the three color-reversed rhombs for which the color-reversed sides of the two alternate color rhombs create the need. Of the four vertex types, one has tetradecagonal symmetry, and the other three have heptagonal symmetry; those three may occur in the alternate orientation obtained, for example, by turning them upside down equally well, and the overall tiling will be found to have fourteenfold or tetradecagonal symmetry.
The original recurrence relations can be changed easily enough to incorporate the color reversals needed for the yellow and blue rhombs:
Much more easily, in fact; here, only the color-reversed form of the green rhomb is required, and that only for the seven-pointed stars in the small circle; in the alternate color rhombs, all three color-reversed rhombs were required. An additional modification was performed so that the recurrence would create groups of rhombs with local sevenfold symmetry a few additional times. Will it be possible to perform all the required color reversals?
It seems like it may be impossible, because a color reversed rhomb involves interchanging normal and alternate-color versions of each component rhomb. And there is no alternate-color form of the thin, blue-green, rhomb. In most cases, this could be solved by moving the thin rhombs to the opposite sice of two adjoining rhombs, but the rhombs in the horizontal line bisecting each rhomb seem to be a more difficult case.
But just as the alternate-color rhombs were made possible by recognizing that the small fourteen-sided figure, of which an odd part would be included in the figure, had to be treated separately, this would apply to the completely different pattern which replaces the large fourteen-sided figure.
That pattern, though, has only seven-way symmetry instead of fourteen-way symmetry. However, the placement of the color-reversed rhombs is such that if they also undergo a transformation from one side to the other similar to that of the alternate-color rhombs, as is illustrated in the diagrams above, they will still match up, but a color-reversed thin rhomb is absolutely needed.
And, indeed, here are the three color-reversed rhombs:
and so, a complete recurrence is obtained which resembles the quasicrystalline rhomb tiling in form.
Note that when the two adjacent dark purple sides of a dark purple/grayish purple thick rhomb are in contact, in the middle of a side, not at a vertex, a seven-pointed star made out of seven green rhombs occurs, a locally sevenfold-symmetric figure not occuring at a vertex. The figures at every vertex are locally sevenfold symmetric at least, and occasionally a locally sevenfold symmetric figure also occurs along an edge between vertices: the design has been chosen to force the occurrence of such figures as often as possible.
The three figures with sevenfold symmetry that may occur on the edge between two vertices are:
The first one is the most common, and it also occurs at vertices as well. The second one is somewhat rarer; it is a part of a figure that occurs at a vertex, but when it occurs between vertices, it cannot be completely surrounded by thin rhombs. The third one is the rarest, never occuring at a vertex, and only occurring when two grayish purple halves of a reversed-color thick rhomb come into contact; this happens in the recurrence of the dark green/grayish green reversed-color intermediate rhomb only, the only place where a reversed color thick rhomb is necessary, the other two reversed-color rhombs becoming necessary when producing the recurrences for the alternate color rhombs.
But since writing this, I noticed that the design for the recurrence of the dark green/grayish green rhomb could be improved, eliminating the need for the dark purple/grayish purple rhomb, making for a set of only seven rhombs. But does this mean that the green star is lost?
No; the improvement in the top half of the design which eliminates the need for the eighth type of tile creates a symmetrical seven-pointed star in the middle of the tile, and the same change can be carried out in the bottom of the tile, making the green star both considerably more frequent in the design, and, since it is now surrounded by seven yellow/light yellow alternate color rhombs, increasing the size of that particular type of sevenfold-symmetric area in the design, and, by increasing the number of sevenfold-symmetric stars present, adding further to the amount of explicit sevenfold symmetry occurring.
The tiles observe the following matching rules:
As with the matching rules of the binary tilings, these matching rules are not sufficient in themselves to enforce nonperiodicity, for which the recurrence relations are required.
And here is a small likeness of an example of what this tiling looks like beyond the confines of the recurrence for a single rhomb:
Note that the recurrence for the dark green/grayish green rhomb is never reached in this image, so it is unaffected by the change noted above.
A further change is possible, in that one of the vertex types can be replaced by alternate forms, and these forms place the green star at the vertex.
This greatly reduces the need for the reversed-color version of the thin rhomb, but does not eliminate it completely, and, unfortunately, it does not appear that a modification of the recurrence relation for the dark green/grayish green rhomb can be achieved that gets rid of the remaining requirement for that shape.
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Beemster Polder
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From the World Heritage inscription for the Beemster Polder:
The polder was laid out in a rational geometric pattern, developed in accordance with the principles of classical and Renaissance planning. This mathematical land division was based on a system of squares forming a rectangle with the ideal dimensional ratio of 2:3. A series of oblong lots, measuring 180 meters by 900 meters, form the basic dimensions of the allotments. Five of these lots make up a unit, a module of 900 meters by 900 meters, and four units create a larger square. The pattern of roads and watercourses runs north to south and east to west, with buildings along the roads. The short sides of the lots are connected by drainage canals and access roads. The polder itself followed the outline of the lake, and the direction of the squares corresponds as much as possible with the former shoreline, so as to avoid creating unusable lots.
Besides the grid pattern of roads, watercourses, and plots of land, the polder is made up of a ring dike, a ring canal (the Beemsterringvaart), and relatively high roads with avenues of trees. Several villages were planned for the polder and today these are Middenbeemster, Noordbeemster, Westbeemster, and Zuidoostbeemster. Protected monuments include religious, residential and farm buildings from the 17th to 19th centuries, industrial buildings (a mill, a smithy, water authority buildings and bridges) as well as the five forts constructed between 1880 and 1920, which formed part of the Defence Line of Amsterdam (also a World Heritage property).
Visit the Beemster Polder was like visiting Wisconsin….except flatter. The area is mostly dairy farms and it is typical of the polders (reclaimed land) which makes up much of the Netherlands. It totally explains Wisconsin is a dairy state.
Beemster Polder
Beemster Polder is a UNESCO World Heritage Site in the Netherlands that was inscribed in 1999. The site is considered culturally important because it reflects the life-long struggle that the Netherlands have had to face throughout its history. One-third of the country is below sea level; this means that many regions in the country have to deal with flooding or has to find ways to control the spread of water in some way.
Beemster Polder is one example of this struggle. This region was nothing but a huge lake or body of water. But now, this area once filled with water is now a fine and green farmland. Beemster Polder is also a good example of how the Dutch citizens and government turn the reclaimed land into good use. There were a number of experiments innovated during the 16th century to reclaim large expanses of water to form a large piece of land. The poldering project required a combination of architectonic and technological development.
What’s In Beemster Polder?
Beemster Polder’s history started in the early 17th century. As mentioned above, it is the best example of how a reclaimed land in the Netherlands was utilized and flourished. The entire site is made with a well-organized landscape layout consisting of fields, canals, roads, settlements, and dikes. This layout used in the municipality was based on Renaissance and classical planning principles. This planning method was advanced for its time, which makes it even more impressive.
Beemster Polder
This planning pattern involved breaking down farmlands from plots to subplots. All of the roads also follow a basic grid pattern. Meanwhile, the canals follow a similar path as the roads in order to provide easy access.
There are 15 windmill networks in Beemster Polder. These windmills are used to harness the power from the wind to operate waterwheels that pump out excess water from the lake into the canal before it is drained. The use of these windmills started in the 15th century on smaller lakes. By the 17th century, this was when larger windmill networks were developed to provide a more effective drainage system.
The process of draining water from the lake took such a long time. The entire process of draining water was completed in 1612 and this was when Beemster Polder was officially declared.
How to Get Here
Beemster Polder
The center of Beemster Polder is located at the town of Middenbeemster. The best way to get here is to drive your own car. If you are traveling from Amsterdam, you can take the train. The total travel time is one and a half hour. Once you get off the train, you must take a bus to Beemster Polder. It takes about 20 minutes to reach the municipality of Beemster.
6 thoughts on “Beemster Polder”
• That is what I thought and it is the reason so many Dutch settled in that part of Wisconsin. The major difference is that Beemster is below sea level.
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The Woodburytype (9 of 12)
Woodburytypes are distinguished from other photomechanical processes by the fact that they are continuous-tone images. The process involves exposing unpigmented bichromated gelatin in contact with a negative. The gelatin hardens in proportion to the amount of light received. When the gelatin is washed, the unexposed portion dissolves, leaving behind a relief of the image. Under extremely high pressure, this relief is pressed into a sheet of soft lead, producing a mold of the image. This mold is then filled with pigmented gelatin and transferred to paper during printing. The process was invented in 1864 by Walter Woodbury and achieved acclaim for its exquisite rendering of pictorial detail and its permanency.
Video from the George Eastman Museum
Cite this page as: George Eastman Museum, "The Woodburytype (9 of 12)," in Smarthistory, May 8, 2017, accessed May 24, 2019,
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Can you please explain the difference between an inspector and a mutator?
Submitted by: Administrator
An object's state is returned without modifying the object's abstract state by using a function called inspector. Invoking an inspector does not cause any noticeable change in the object's behavior of any of the functions of that object.
A mutator, on the other hand, changes the state of an object which is noticeable by outsiders. It means, it changes the abstract state of the object.
The following code snippet depicts the usage of these two functions:
class ShoppingCart {
int addItem(); //Mutator
int numItems() const; //Inspector
The function addItems() is a mutator. The reason is that it changes the ‘ShoppingCart' by adding an item.
The function numItems() is an inspector. The reason is that it just updates the count of number of items in the ‘ShoppingCart'. The const declaration followed by int numItems() specifies that numItems() never change the ‘ShoppingCart' object..
Submitted by: Administrator
Read Online C++ Pointers & Functions Job Interview Questions And Answers
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Statistics How To
TI 83 for Statistics: Easy Steps for Common Problems
Probability and Statistics> TI 83 for Statistics
TI 83 for Statistics: Overview.
ti 83 for statisticsThe TI 83 is a popular hand held calculator that’s most often recommended for stats students. The calculator has an array of functions that can help you with your elementary stats or AP stats course. For example, the calculator has a built in function for linear regression. Try to figure that out by hand will take you upwards of thirty minutes (even for a small data set). But you can solve it on the TI 83 in a few seconds, once you have entered your data into a list.
Don’t have a TI83 calculator? Here’s how to get a free TI83 calculator online (one that you can use on your desktop).
TI 83 for Statistics articles: Graphs and Charts.
1. TI 83 List: Entering Data
2. Make a Histogram on the TI-83.
3. How to Make a TI 83 Scatter Plot.
4. How to Graph a TI 83 Cumulative Frequency Table.
5. How to Make a TI 83 box plot.
TI 83 for Statistics articles: Probability.
1. How to Calculate TI 83 Permutations and TI 83 Combinations.
2. Difference Between BinomPDF and BinomCDF.
3. How to use TI 83 NormalPDF (Normal Probability Density Function).
4. How to Figure out Normally Distributed Probability Using the TI-83 NormalCDF function.
TI 83 for Statistics articles: Descriptive statistics.
1. TI83 Mean and Median.
2. How to Find the TI 83 Interquartile Range.
3. How to Find a Standard Deviation on a TI 83 Calculator.
4. How to Find a Variance on a TI 83 Calculator.
5. How to Get The Standard Deviation For a Binomial on a TI 83 Calculator.
TI 83 for Statistics articles: Normal distribution, Regression, z-values.
1. How to Perform a TI 83 Linear Regression.
2. How to Find a Critical Z Value on a TI-83.
3. TI 83 Central Limit Theorem Word Problems.
4. TI 83 Confidence Intervals
5. How to Find a T distribution on a TI 83.
6. How to Use the TI 83 for a Hypothesis Test of a Mean.
7. How to calculate the Sattherwaite formula for degrees of freedom.
8. How to Find T Critical Value on TI 83
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Ca Tru: A Popular and Traditional Musical Art Form
Ca Tru – an impromptu performance art which has a somewhat academic character – has been around for a thousand years. If one appreciates Ca Tru one almost certainly appreciates poetry and music. Ca Tru is also known as Hat Nha Tro (singing or dancing with humor), Hat Thuong (singing for king or mandarins), Hat Cua Quyen (singing in royal palaces), Hat Cua Dinh (singing for religious rituals) and Hat A Dao (the name of a famous songstress during the Ly dynasty). During the time of French administration, Ca Tru went into decline. Nowadays, it is being revived and promoted as a popular art form.
Ca Tru
When did Ca Tru first appear?
One can find dan day (a musical instrument that accompanies Ca Tru singing) carved in stone in 16th century temples and pagodas in northern Vietnam: the Lo Hanh Temple in Hiep Hoa, Bac Giang, the Hoang Xa Temple in Ung Hoa, Ha Tay and the Tam Lang Temple in Can Loc, Ha Tinh. The earliest known written mention of Ca Tru is in Dr. Le Duc Mao’s (1462-1529) book ‘Le toc gia pha’ (written prior to 1505) in the chapter ‘Dai nghi bat giap thuong dao giai van’. Ca Tru is song that combines literature and music and it was popular for centuries in Vietnam’s ancient capital city of Thang Long. From there, Ca Tru spread to other parts of the country. Ca Tru was a Vietnamese cultural practice and spiritual food for people in both royal palaces and the countryside. Ca Tru is a distinctive form of performance art that has both academic and popular character.
Musical instruments in Ca Tru: The co phach, dan day and trong chau.
Co phach: The instrument can be divided into three segments. The ban phach part is made of bamboo or wood. A singer uses two wooden sticks called phach cai or phach con to strike the bamboo or wooden piece to create a sound called phach. The phach sound keeps time for the singer and is in fact ‘another voice’.
Dan day: This musical instrument is used only for Ca Tru singing. It has a rectangle or trapezoid-shaped body. The face is of a better kind of wood and the long neck has 10-11 frets. It has three strings that are made of silk and a dan day player is called a kep. The sound of the dan day, deep and profound, combines with the clear and sharp phach sound to create a musical contrast that is unique. The dan day is plucked with a piece of plastic or bamboo.
Trong chau: The trong chau that’s used with Ca Tru is different in size and shape from the drum used in Tuong singing (a kind of Vietnamese classical drama), and it’s beaten differently. It is the same drum that’s used with Cheo singing but with Ca Tru it’s beaten in an entirely different manner. The drumstick is made of wood and is longer than most others and the drummer expresses himself when beating the drum, encouraging the singer.
These three instruments, the dan day, the co phach and the trong chau, are inseparable. A subordinate instrument, the drum serves as a bridge between the performer and audience. The harmony that comes from the combination of the dan day, the co phach and the human voice makes the performance unique.Vietnam and is a valuable part of Vietnam’s musical legacy and culture.
SOURCEVietnam Economic news
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Word of the Week: Peterwagen
In Germany, you might recognize a cop car by the large green or blue stripe that stretches around the vehicle. It might seem like a police car is called a Streifenwagen (“stripe-car”) because of this, but it’s a misleading term. Cars were called Streifenwagen even back when they had only a single color and no stripe. The German word Streife, in this context, means “patrol”. But in Hamburg, police cars go by a different name: Peterwagen, which means “Peter-car”.
But who is Peter?
After World War II, the city of Hamburg was under control of the British Forces Germany. In 1946, the British administration decided that Hamburg would be equipped with new radio patrol cars. These cars contained radios that allowed police officers to communicate with one another – a new type of technology for the police force. These cars were therefore called Radiowagen (“radio cars”).
As the story goes, the German word Peterwagen arose from an encounter between a German government worker and a British officer in 1946. The officer did not understand the word Radiowagen, so the German explained, “Radiowagen – it’s like a patrol car!” Due to the government worker’s German accent, the British officer did not understand him correctly, and asked him to spell out “patrol car.” The German man explained that it starts with “P – like Peter”, and the British officer wrote Peterwagen in his documents. Ever since, Hamburg residents have used the word Peterwagen to describe a Radiowagen.
Although many Germans might know what a Peterwagen is, this term is used primarily in Hamburg. In other places, a police car is usually referred to as a Funkstreifenwagen or Streifenwagen.
By Nicole Glass, German Embassy
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Posted by: SJS | August 6, 2018
Rough and ready
Classic PT pose
In this undated photo from the vast archives of PT Boats, Inc., four unidentified PT sailors stand on the deck of a boat somewhere in the South Pacific. In my ongoing research, photos like this are the rule rather than the exception. The expressions on their young faces exemplify the brash, confident spirit that is so characteristic of the sailors who manned those small, speedy boats and earned such a distinguished place in the history of the US Navy in WWII.
It was enlisted men such as these who, like Red Stahley, always stood ready for whatever assignment came their way. And it was enlisted men like these who served under skippers like John F. Kennedy and demonstrated the courage, resilience, and strength to endure and survive the destruction and shipwreck of PT 109 which occurred around this time in 1943–75 years ago.
With their youthful enthusiasm and informal approach to Navy traditions, the members of the Navy’s Mosquito Fleet expanded the imagination of the US Armed Forces and served as models for many of the innovative military units that would follow in their wake like the Navy SEALS and other specialized divisions.
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uCatholic on AllSocial
The Holy Family’s Flight into Egypt was prompted by an Angel visiting Joseph in a dream and warning him that King Herod would seek out to harm the newborn Baby Jesus in order to protect his throne. They quickly fled into Egypt, but early on in their travels they found refuge from Herod’s soldiers in a miraculous grotto during the Massacre of the Innocents, today known as the Milk Grotto.
Tradition says that in this grotto while the Holy Family was resting before continuing on their journey into Egypt, the Virgin Mary nursed a hungry Christ Child. A single drop of Mary’s milk fell upon the ground inside the grotto, and the limestone miraculously turned from it’s original yellowish-brown to a pure white.
The Milk Grotto quickly became a site of pilgrimage for early Christians, who believed that mixing the soft white chalk of the cave in their food or drink will improve fertility and milk production. Couples having trouble conceiving would travel all across Christendom to the Milk Grotto in hopes the white powder would help bring them a child. By the late 4th century, a small chapel was built around the cave to show reverence for it’s miraculous nature.
In 1872, the current Chapel of the Milk Grotto was built over the site of the original 4th century chapel, with just fragments of the floor remaining. The chapel is located in Bethlehem on the West Bank, just a short distance south of the Church of the Nativity.
Today, pilgrims visiting the Milk Grotto are able to receive a small bag of the “milk powder” from the custodial friars of the grotto. Couples looking to benefit follow a forty day devotion, which includes drinking a small amount of the powder daily and saying a daily prayer for fertility. Every year, the friars receive pictures of newborn children and letters from thousands of couples attesting to the miraculous nature of the powder and how it helped them conceive.
1. I had no idea that what was once known as the Massacre of the Innocents is today called the Milk Grotto. What a fascinating dangling modifier!
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Locomotion on the Ground
Palaeontologists generally concur that pterosaurs were capable of active flight even though the leverage of their pectoral muscles,in the absence of a keel,was less than it is in birds. But there is somewhat less agreement as to how they managed to walk on land. Indeed, the problem of how they moved on the ground, and took off into the air, dates almost from the discovery of the first fossil remains of the animals. The argument has often been polarised with two contrary views: bipedal versus quadrupedal.
Bipedal Locomotion
Padian (1984), Bennett (1990), and Padian and Rayner (1993) argued that the pterosaurs could have walked well on fully erect hind legs. According to these authors, the pelvic girdle was fixed firmly beneath the body, and the limb movements must have been like those of small bipedal dinosaurs. When running, the wings were held horizontally beside the body (Fig. 54). This view had been proposed as long ago as 1922 by Carl Stieler, with respect to the long-tailed pterosaur Dorygnathus from the Liassic of Germany. Stieler concluded that Dorygnathus was capable of reaching the speed necessary for take off by running on its toes with short steps and its legs held wide apart. The central issue in the discussion of position has been the anatomy of the pelvis - whether the right and left halves were fused, as they were in dinosaurs or whether they became disjointed vertically. If they were fused, the hip sockets faced outward and lightly downward, then the posture could have been erect (Padian 1984). In Pteranodon (Fig. 53), the two halves were indisputably joined, and possibly in Anhanguera (Fig. 54) also.
McGowan (1991) considered that too much has been made of pelvic fusion. 'The equation that has been used is: no fusion = hip socket faces outward and upward = laterally splayed hind legs = no bipedal locomotion'. Yet birds lack a fused pelvis and may have hip sockets that face outward and upward 'though
■ Fig. 54. Left Rhamphorhynchus (Rhamphorhynchoidea; Upper Jurassic; wingspan ca. 1 m). Right Anhanguera (Pterodactyloidea; Lower Cretaceous; wingspan ca. 4 m). In both cases the reconstructions show possible quadrupedal locomotion above and bipedal locomotion below
admittedly, the head of the femur is somewhat different from that of pterosaurs'. He added that the functional reason why birds lack a vertically fused pelvis has to do with the evolution of balance, and there do not appear to be very good grounds for ruling out the possibility that pterosaurs may have been bipedal. Nevertheless, all the most recent evidence points to quadrupedal locomotion (Sect. 6.4.2).
Quadrupedal Locomotion
Among many others, Wellnhofer (1991) argued that the hind limbs of the pterosaurs pointed sideways in an awkward, sprawling posture. These creatures would, therefore, have scrambled about on all fours (Figs. 54,55), using their feet and the claws of their hands with the wing tips sticking upwards on either side of the head. This gait has been confirmed independently from several examples of fossilised pterosaur tracks. Some of these are open to question, but most are unequivocal. In one case, an apparent pterosaur track was later proved to have been made by a crocodilian, in another by a horseshoe crab (Xiphosura). Not only do some fossils from Brazil prove that a semi-sprawling posture was adopted, but this has been confirmed by biochemical modelling. Like Pterodactylus (Fig. 55) and Pteranodon (Fig. 53; Sect. 6.6), the
■ Fig. 55. Pterodactylus (Pterodactyloidea; Upper Jurassic; wingspan ca. 75 cm). Reconstructions showing: left quadrupedal locomotion. Centre Roosting beneath a branch. Right Climbing upside down among the branches of a tree. (After Wellnhofer 1991 from Abel 1925)
majority of species probably roosted hanging from the edges of cliffs, or clinging beneath the branches of trees.
Pterosaurs must have spent most of their lives airborne and were presumably rather helpless on the ground. They could probably have taken off from the ground, however, by standing on their hind legs, facing the wind, and stretching out their wings. Some earlier genera such as Dimorphodon (Fig. 57) as well as Pterodactylus (Fig. 55), which had relatively long hind legs and were small and light in weight, may well have raised themselves into the air by a jump and a simultaneous stroke of the wings (Wellnhofer 1991). The great pterodactyls of the Cretaceous, however, would not have been able to do this. They probably took off from a hanging position on the edges of cliffs and crags, as Bramwell and Whitfield (1974) postulated in the case of Pteranodon (Sect. 6.3). Whether they could also have hung downwards from branches and rocky protrusions, as bats do, seems improbable. Certainly the Rhamphorhyn-choidea, with their long stiff tails, would have found it very difficult to do so! Many questions about the behaviour of pterosaurs remain to be answered, but it does seem that parallel evolution has occurred between pterosaurs, birds, and bats. The problem is to determine in what ways the pterosaurs most resembled birds, and in what ways bats.
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Discover Loch Morar Loch Morar
Loch Morar Activities
Loch Morar Activities
Geology of Loch Morar
Geology of Loch Morar
The Morar group of sediments (part of the Moine Group on North West Scotland) were deposited as a thick series of shallow water sediments, sands and silts some 800 million years ago in the latter part of the Cambrian Era.
Subsequently they have been subjected to many phases of deformation where pressure and temperature have altered their structure to form the banded psammites and pelites that we see today. The complexity and intensity of the folding has only recently been partially understood and the relationship with the surrounding geology often remains mired in controversy and uncertainty.
Large areas of the Moine, particularly those in Morar and Knoydart remain largely unmapped and mysterious allowing plenty of room for surprises and revelations in the Geological world.
There are three recognized phases of deformation. The first is represented by isoclinal folds with a Lewisian core. This phase was followed by recumbent folding period referred to as the Knoydart fold underlain by the Knoydart slide and the most recent phase of deformation is referred to as the Morar Antiform.
The oldest period of deformation is represented by the core of ancient gneisses of the Lewisian formation which outcrop at surface in the cores of the major antiforms.
Brinacory Island and the adjacent coastline is composed of a hornblendic gneiss of Lewisian age and it’s banded sugary texture can be seen in the rocky outcrops along the shore at this point.
The second phase of deformation resulted in numerous faults that dissect the area and the regionally important low angle fault known as the Knoydart fold whose core is well exposed immediately to the west of Glen Tarbert.
Localised faults are surprisingly extensive and one such is responsible for the narrow gully that connects Loch Morar and Loch Nevis. Indeed the continuation of the fault can be seen across Loch Nevis where it defines the peculiarly straight coastline that leads into Inverie Bay.
Whilst Loch Morar lies entirely within the Moinian metasediments, (altered sands and silts) there are one or two geological anomalies which lie hidden in the craggy mountains that surround the loch.
High above the shoreline, hidden in the crags above Ardnamurach is an unusual and notable outcrop known as the Sgurr Breac Pegmatite. This is a intrusive igneous rock, in this case estimated to be 827 to 784 Ma and is comprised of quartz, microcline, plagioclase, muscovite mica, biotite mica and garnets. If you can locate this hidden and remote piece of rock you might be lucky enough to find enough garnets for a decent piece of jewelry. There is one other known outcrop which lies in the abandoned village on Ardnish, but others may lie undiscovered in these remote hills.
Pegmatitic veins containing abundant white plagioclase feldspar and sheets of muscovite mica can be found at many locations, notably north of Morar bay at Bourblach and high above the Eastern end of Loch Beoraid.
Numerous “dykes” of Tertiary age (60Ma) can be identified by their differential erosion throughout the region. Typically composed of very dark green to black Dolerite or Basalt, they can easily be identified by their general NNW to SSE trend and the gullies and crags which they often define.
At the very head of Loch Morar is a large intrusive body of Trondhjemite which forms the imposing rocky sentinel guarding the entrance to Glen Pean. A light coloured igneous rock rich in Oligoclase which is associated with the Caledonian Orogeny of the Scottish Highlands.
Immediately to the East of Loch Morar lies the significant low angle fault know as the Sgurr Beag slide which can clearly be seen when driving the A830 towards the East end of Loch Eilt.
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Constitutionaw waw
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The principwes from de French Decwaration of de Rights of Man and of de Citizen stiww have constitutionaw importance
Constitutionaw waw is a body of waw which defines de rowe, powers, and structure of different entities widin a state, namewy, de executive, de parwiament or wegiswature, and de judiciary; as weww as de basic rights of citizens and, in federaw countries such as de United States and Canada, de rewationship between de centraw government and state, provinciaw, or territoriaw governments.
Not aww nation states have codified constitutions, dough aww such states have a jus commune, or waw of de wand, dat may consist of a variety of imperative and consensuaw ruwes. These may incwude customary waw, conventions, statutory waw, judge-made waw, or internationaw ruwes and norms. Constitutionaw waw deaws wif de fundamentaw principwes by which de government exercises its audority. In some instances, dese principwes grant specific powers to de government, such as de power to tax and spend for de wewfare of de popuwation, uh-hah-hah-hah. Oder times, constitutionaw principwes act to pwace wimits on what de government can do, such as prohibiting de arrest of an individuaw widout sufficient cause.
In most nations, such as de United States, India, and Singapore, constitutionaw waw is based on de text of a document ratified at de time de nation came into being. Oder constitutions, notabwy dat of de United Kingdom,[1][2] rewy heaviwy on unwritten ruwes known as constitutionaw conventions; deir status widin constitutionaw waw varies, and de terms of conventions are in some cases strongwy contested.[3]
State and wegaw structure[edit]
Constitutionaw waws may often be considered second order ruwe making or ruwes about making ruwes to exercise power. It governs de rewationships between de judiciary, de wegiswature and de executive wif de bodies under its audority. One of de key tasks of constitutions widin dis context is to indicate hierarchies and rewationships of power. For exampwe, in a unitary state, de constitution wiww vest uwtimate audority in one centraw administration and wegiswature, and judiciary, dough dere is often a dewegation of power or audority to wocaw or municipaw audorities. When a constitution estabwishes a federaw state, it wiww identify de severaw wevews of government coexisting wif excwusive or shared areas of jurisdiction over wawmaking, appwication and enforcement. Some federaw states, most notabwy de United States, have separate and parawwew federaw and state judiciaries, wif each having its own hierarchy of courts wif a supreme court for each state. India, on de oder hand, has one judiciary divided into district courts, high courts, and de Supreme Court of India.
Human rights[edit]
Human rights or civiw wiberties form a cruciaw part of a country's constitution and uphowd de rights of de individuaw against de state. Most jurisdictions, wike de United States and France, have a codified constitution, wif a biww of rights. A recent exampwe is de Charter of Fundamentaw Rights of de European Union which was intended to be incwuded in de Treaty estabwishing a Constitution for Europe, dat faiwed to be ratified. Perhaps de most important exampwe is de Universaw Decwaration of Human Rights under de UN Charter. These are intended to ensure basic powiticaw, sociaw and economic standards dat a nation state, or intergovernmentaw body is obwiged to provide to its citizens but many do incwude its governments.
Some countries wike de United Kingdom have no entrenched document setting out fundamentaw rights; in dose jurisdictions de constitution is composed of statute, case waw and convention. A case named Entick v. Carrington[4] is a constitutionaw principwe deriving from de common waw. John Entick's house was searched and ransacked by Sherriff Carrington, uh-hah-hah-hah. Carrington argued dat a warrant from a Government minister, de Earw of Hawifax was vawid audority, even dough dere was no statutory provision or court order for it. The court, wed by Lord Camden stated dat,
"The great end, for which men entered into society, was to secure deir property. That right is preserved sacred and incommunicabwe in aww instances, where it has not been taken away or abridged by some pubwic waw for de good of de whowe. By de waws of Engwand, every invasion of private property, be it ever so minute, is a trespass... If no excuse can be found or produced, de siwence of de books is an audority against de defendant, and de pwaintiff must have judgment."[5]
The common waw and de civiw waw jurisdictions do not share de same constitutionaw waw underpinnings. Common waw nations, such as dose in de Commonweawf as weww as de United States, derive deir wegaw systems from dat of de United Kingdom, and as such pwace emphasis on judiciaw precedent,[6][7][8][9] whereby conseqwentiaw court ruwings (especiawwy dose by higher courts) are a source of waw. Civiw waw jurisdictions, on de oder hand, pwace wess emphasis on judiciaw review and onwy de parwiament or wegiswature has de power to effect waw. As a resuwt, de structure of de judiciary differs significantwy between de two, wif common waw judiciaries being adversariaw and civiw waw judiciaries being inqwisitoriaw. Common waw judicatures conseqwentwy separate de judiciary from de prosecution,[10][11][12] dereby estabwishing de courts as compwetewy independent from bof de wegiswature and waw enforcement. Human rights waw in dese countries is as a resuwt, wargewy buiwt on wegaw precedent in de courts' interpretation of constitutionaw waw, whereas dat of civiw waw countries is awmost excwusivewy composed of codified waw, constitutionaw or oderwise.
Legiswative procedure[edit]
Anoder main function of constitutions may be to describe de procedure by which parwiaments may wegiswate. For instance, speciaw majorities may be reqwired to awter de constitution, uh-hah-hah-hah. In bicameraw wegiswatures, dere may be a process waid out for second or dird readings of biwws before a new waw can enter into force. Awternativewy, dere may furder be reqwirements for maximum terms dat a government can keep power before howding an ewection.
Study of constitutionaw waw[edit]
Constitutionaw waw is a major focus of wegaw studies and research. For exampwe, most waw students in de United States are reqwired to take a cwass in Constitutionaw Law during deir first year, and severaw waw journaws are devoted to de discussion of constitutionaw issues.
The ruwe of waw[edit]
The doctrine of de ruwe of waw dictates dat government must be conducted according to waw. This was first estabwished by British wegaw deorist A. V. Dicey.
Dicey identified dree essentiaw ewements of de British Constitution which were indicative of de ruwe of waw:
1. Absowute supremacy of reguwar waw as opposed to de infwuence of arbitrary power;[13]
2. Eqwawity before de waw;
3. The Constitution is a resuwt of de ordinary waw of de wand.
Dicey’s ruwe of waw formuwa consists of dree cwassic tenets. The first is dat de reguwar waw is supreme over arbitrary and discretionary powers. "[N]o man is punishabwe ... except for a distinct breach of de waw estabwished in de ordinary wegaw manner before de ordinary courts of de wand."[14]
The separation of powers[edit]
The Separation of Powers is often regarded as a second wimb functioning awongside de Ruwe of Law to curb de powers of de Government. In many modern nation states, power is divided and vested into dree branches of government: The Legiswature, de Executive and de Judiciary. The first and de second are harmonised in traditionaw Westminster forms of government.[15]
See awso[edit]
1. ^ Bwick, Andrew; Bwackburn, Robert (2012), Mapping de Paf to Codifying - or not Codifying - de UK's Constitution, Series paper 2. Centre for Powiticaw and Constitutionaw Studies, King’s Cowwege London, Parwiament UK, retrieved 19 November 2016
2. ^ H Barnett, Constitutionaw and Administrative Law (5f edn Cavendish 2005) 9, "A written constitution is one contained widin a singwe document or a [finite] series of documents, wif or widout amendments"
3. ^ Markweww, Donawd (2016). Constitutionaw Conventions and de Headship of State: Austrawian Experience. Connor Court. ISBN 9781925501155.
4. ^ Entick v. Carrington (1765) 19 Howeww's State Triaws 1030
5. ^ "Entick v. Carrington". 19 Howeww’s State Triaws 1029 (1765). United States: Constitution Society. Retrieved 2008-11-13.
6. ^ Garner, Bryan A. (2001). A Dictionary of Modern Legaw Usage (2nd, revised ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. p. 177. In modern usage, common waw is contrasted wif a number of oder terms. First, in denoting de body of judge-made waw based on dat devewoped in Engwand… [P]erhaps most commonwy widin Angwo-American jurisdictions, common waw is contrasted wif statutory waw ...
7. ^ Bwack's Law Dictionary - Common waw (10f ed.). 2014. p. 334. 1. The body of waw derived from judiciaw decisions, rader dan from statutes or constitutions; CASE LAW [contrast to] STATUTORY LAW.
8. ^ Lwoyd Duhaime. "Common Law Legaw Definition". Judge-decwared waw. ...
9. ^ Washington Probate, "Estate Pwanning & Probate Gwossary", Washington (State) Probate, s.v. "common" Archived 2017-05-25 at Archive-It, 8 Dec. 2008:, retrieved 7 November 2009."1. A waw based on a prior court decision"
10. ^ Hawe, Sandra Beatriz (Juwy 2004). The Discourse of Court Interpreting: Discourse Practices of de Law, de Witness and de Interpreter. John Benjamins. p. 31. ISBN 978-1-58811-517-1.
11. ^ Richards, Edward P.; Kadarine C. Radbun (1999-08-15). Medicaw Care Law. Jones & Bartwett. p. 6. ISBN 978-0-8342-1603-7.
12. ^ Care, Jennifer Corrin (2004-01-12). Civiw Procedure and Courts in de Souf Pacific. Routwedge Cavendish. p. 3. ISBN 978-1-85941-719-5.
13. ^ A. V. Dicey, Introduction to de Study of de Law of de Constitution (Macmiwwan, 10f ed, 1959) p.202
14. ^ A. V. Dicey, Introduction to de Study of de Law of de Constitution (10f ed, 1959) p.188
15. ^ W B Gwyn, The Meaning of de Separation of Powers: An Anawysis of de doctrine from Its Origin to de Adoption of de United States Constitution, Tuwane University (1965).
Externaw winks[edit]
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